Tamás Dezső, The Assyrian Army II Recruitement and Logistics

Asszir_borito_II_Q10_ 2016.05.31.
11:34 Page 1
Tamás Dezső
Tamás Dezső
THE ASSYRIAN ARMY
Antiqua & orientalia
II. RECRUITMENT AND LOGISTICS
THE ASSYRIAN ARMY II.
EÖTVÖS UNIVERSITY PRESS

EÖTVÖS LORÁND UNIVERSITY
AssyrianArmy_II_208oldalig_Q10__press 2016.05.11. 21:03 Page 1
To the memory of
Sargon II
King of Assyria
Who was killed on campaign
2721 years ago
„a man who claims to be a good general

should not observe the enemy by means of messengers”
Euripides, Children of Heracles, 390–392
(transl. David Kovacs, Loeb 484)
Antiqua et Orientalia 6
Monographs of the Institute of Ancient Studies, Faculty of Humanities,

Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest
Assyriologia 9
Monographs of the Department of Assyriology and Hebrew, Institute of Ancient Studies,
Faculty of Humanities, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest
Tamás Dezső
THE ASSYRIAN ARMY

II.
RECRUITMENT AND LOGISTICS
Budapest, 2016
© Tamás Dezsô, 2016
This book was accomplished within the

framework of the OTKA 100277 research project
(The Neo-Assyrian Army:
II. The Assyrian Army on Campaign as Reconstructed from
the Assyrian Palace Reliefs and the Cuneiform Sources)
ISBN 978 963 284 746 7

ISSN 0209 8067
ISSN 2063 1634
www.eotvoskiado.hu
Executive publisher: the Dean of the Faculty of Humanities

Editorial manager: Júlia Sándor
Editor-in-Chief: Dániel-Levente Pál
Publishing Editor: Ádám Gaborják
Layout: Tibor Anders
Printed by: Multiszolg Bt.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................................9
I. RECRUITMENT ..............................................................................................................................15
I.1. Royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) ................................................................................................................16
I.1.1 Bodyguard units......................................................................................................................17
I.1.1.1 Qurubtu cavalry (pēt‹al qurubte) ................................................................................17
I.1.2.2 Ša—šēpē bodyguards (‘personal guard’) ..................................................................18
I.1.2.3 Qurbūtu / ša—qurbūte bodyguards ............................................................................20
I.1.2 ’City units’................................................................................................................................24
I.1.3 Chariotry units of the royal corps ........................................................................................28
I.1.3.1 Palace chariotry (mugerri ekalli (GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL)) ............................................28
I.1.3.2 Chariot owners (bēl mugerri (LÚ.EN GIŠ.GIGIR)) ..................................................30
I.1.3.3 Chariot men (susānu (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR)) ....................................................................31
I.1.3.4 Chariot crew members................................................................................................32
I.1.4 Province based units of the royal corps ..............................................................................32
I.1.5 Officers of the recruitment and supply system ..................................................................35
I.1.5.1 Majordomo (rab bēti) ..................................................................................................35
I.1.5.2 Recruitment officer (mušarkisu) ................................................................................36
I.1.5.3 Prefect of stables (šaknu ša ma’assi)............................................................................37
I.2. Provincial troops ..............................................................................................................................39
I.2.1 Drafting troops into the Assyrian army from the conquered armies of enemies..........39
I.2.2 Drafting troops into the Assyrian army from within the Empire....................................41
I.2.3 Drafting or levying troops into the provincial contingents of the Assyrian army........45
I.2.4 Auxiliary troops ......................................................................................................................50
I.2.5 Deserting the service ..............................................................................................................51
I.3. Legal background of the recruitment system ..............................................................................53
I.3.1 Levy (BEqu, bitqu, batqu) ......................................................................................................54
I.3.2 Ilku (‘corvée,’ ‘labour service’) ..............................................................................................55
II. SUPPLY AND LOGISTICS (ECONOMIC BACKGROUND OF THE ARMY
AND THE SERVICE) ......................................................................................................................59
II.1 Rations ..............................................................................................................................................60
II.1.1 Central allotment of rations during a ‘home service’ ....................................................60
II.1.1.1 Central management – administrative texts ......................................................60
II.1.1.1.1 Central allotment of ex officio daily rations during a court
service ......................................................................................................61
II.1.1.1.2 Central allotment of rations during a ‘home service’ ......................66
II.1.1.2 Local, provincial management – royal correspondence ..................................70
II.1.1.2.1 The seasonal character of the service ..................................................70
II.1.1.2.2 Supplying garrisons and forts ..............................................................71
II.1.1.2.3 Raising barley rations for troops during campaign preparations ..73
ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 5

TABLE OF CONTENTS
II.1.1.2.4 Quarrels of the governors over the resources ....................................77

II.1.1.2.5 Feeding the deportees............................................................................78
II.1.1.2.6 Feeding the horses and packanimals ................................................79
II.1.1.2.7 Transporting barley rations ..................................................................80
II.1.2 Central allotment of rations during a campaign ............................................................83
II.1.2.1 Domestic staff – supply system ..........................................................................84
II.1.2.2 Feeding the troops during campaigns ................................................................85
II.1.2.2.1 Royal inscriptions ..................................................................................85
II.1.2.2.2 Royal correspondence............................................................................88
II.1.2.3 Sources of meat ......................................................................................................91
II.1.3 The overall magnitude of rations ......................................................................................92
II.1.3.1 Administrative texts ..............................................................................................93
II.1.3.2 Royal correspondence ............................................................................................99
II.1.3.3 1,000 hectares of land ..........................................................................................102
II.2 Servicefields..................................................................................................................................105
II.2.1 Servicefields of soldiers ..................................................................................................105
II.2.1.1 Servicefields of infantry units ..........................................................................105
II.2.1.2 Servicefields of equestrian units ......................................................................108
II.2.1.3 Servicefields of auxiliaries ................................................................................110
II.2.2 Servicefields/estates of officers ......................................................................................112
II.2.2.1 Land grant from the stateowned estates ........................................................113
II.2.2.2 Land grant from the captured territories as part of the booty ....................113
II.2.2.3 Redistribution of confiscated estates ................................................................114
II.2.2.4 Inheritance of the estate and the military service(?) ......................................115
II.2.2.5 Purchasing estate. ..............................................................................................116
II.2.3 Exemption ..........................................................................................................................121
II.2.3.1 Exemption of fields..............................................................................................121
II.2.3.2 Exemption of soldiers..........................................................................................123
II.3 Booty and tribute ..........................................................................................................................125
II.3.1 The royal inscriptions........................................................................................................125
II.3.1.1 Precious metals (gold and silver) ......................................................................127
II.3.1.1.1 Distributed among the soldiers..........................................................127
II.3.1.1.2 Distributed among high officials ......................................................128
II.3.1.1.3 Distributed among the temples and the royal treasury..................128
II.3.1.2 Bronze and iron ....................................................................................................131
II.3.1.2.1 Bronze ....................................................................................................131
II.3.1.2.2 Iron ........................................................................................................134
II.3.1.3 Military equipment..............................................................................................136
II.3.1.3.1 Bows, arrows, and quivers..................................................................138
II.3.1.3.2 Swords and daggers ............................................................................140
II.3.1.3.3 Spears ....................................................................................................141
II.3.1.3.4 Shields ....................................................................................................141
II.3.1.3.5 Helmets..................................................................................................143
II.3.1.3.6 Armours ................................................................................................144
II.3.1.3.7 Chariots and horse trappings ............................................................145
II.3.1.4 Foodstuff ..............................................................................................................148
II.3.1.5 Livestock................................................................................................................150
6 ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics

Table of contents
II.3.2 The administration of the booty and tribute ................................................................158

II.3.2.1 Foreign rulers bringing their tribute ..................................................................160
II.3.2.2 Magnates collecting tribute ................................................................................162
II.3.2.3 Governors administering tribute........................................................................163
II.3.2.4 The escort of the booty or tribute ......................................................................165
III. SUPPLY OF HORSES ....................................................................................................................167
III.1 Horses from tribute, booty, and audience gift ..........................................................................167
III.1.1 Royal inscriptions ..............................................................................................................167
III.1.2 Royal correspondence and administrative texts ..........................................................174
III.1.3 Driving/Escorting horses ..................................................................................................177
III.2 Horses from ‘tax’ ..........................................................................................................................178
III.2.1 Iškāru tax..............................................................................................................................178
III.2.2 Nāmurtu gift ........................................................................................................................181
III.2.3 Horses of/from nakkamtu ..................................................................................................182
III.2.4 Horses of unknown origin or type of tax ......................................................................183
III.2.5 Horses from merchants ....................................................................................................187
III.3 Horse breeding..............................................................................................................................189
CHARTS ..............................................................................................................................................209
Chart 1 Bodyguard cavalry (pēt‹al qurubte) team commanders (rab urâte)
and magnates (rabûti) / recruitment officers (mušarkisāni) ........................................209
Chart 2 Ša—šēpē bodyguards ......................................................................................................211
Chart 3 Ša—qurbūte bodyguards ..............................................................................................214
Chart 4 ‘City units’ – Cohort commanders (rab ki%ir) ............................................................219
Chart 5 Cohort commanders (rab ki%ir) ....................................................................................222
Chart 6 Chariot owners (EN.GIŠ.GIGIR (bēl mugerri)) ............................................................229
Chart 7 Chariot men (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR (susānu)) ........................................................................230
Chart 8 Chariot men (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR (susānu)) – provincial units ........................................233
Chart 9 Chariot drivers (mukil appāte) ......................................................................................234
Chart 10 Chariot warriors (māru damqu) ....................................................................................241
Chart 11 ‘Third men’ (tašlīšu) ......................................................................................................243
Chart 12A Palace chariotry (GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL) recruitment officers (mušarkisāni) ................248
Chart 12B Team commanders (rab urâte) ......................................................................................252
Chart 13 Provincial units – team commanders (rab urâte) ........................................................253
Chart 14 Recruitment officers (mušarkisu) ..................................................................................256
Chart 15 Team commanders (rab urâte) of the stabble officers ................................................261
Chart 16A Team commanders (rab urâte) of other, unidentified units. Nimrud Horse Lists ....263
Chart 16B Other sources ..................................................................................................................265
Chart 17 Booty and tribute captured – Assyrian royal inscriptions ......................................266
BIBLIOGRAPHY ..............................................................................................................................293
INDEX ..................................................................................................................................................315

INTRODUCTION
Following the first two volumes of this project,1 the aim of this study is to discern the logic behind
the social and economic background of the military service.
This volume is going to raise a greater number of important questions – concerning the
economic and social history,2 and the history of the imperial administration3 of the Assyrian
Empire, a comprehensive study of which has never been written – than it can hope to answer. Such
aspects, as the economic and social stucture of the Empire and their changes over the centuries
of the NeoAssyrian period need much more research than the military historical aspect discussed
in this volume allows for.
Further important questions, as the musters and weapon supply, the marching and battle
order, the military intelligence and the actual military history of the Assyrian Empire (including
the reconstruction of certain battles and the campaigns themselves) will be discussed in a separate
volume of this project.
The areas to be explored in this volume are (1) the recruitment system of the imperial army,
including the social background of the individual soldiers and the service itself; (2) the supply
and logistics of the army at home bases and during the campaigns, including the economic
background of the individual soldiers and the service itself.
Fig. 1 shows the main areas of investigation and the main questions to be answered. This
framework is based on the structure of the army reconstructed in the first two volumes, and refers
to the different military statuses, and the social, economic, and ethnic background of the service
types, troops, and individual soldiers.
The typology outlined in Fig 1. only shows the main characteristics of the different service
types. However, the boundaries between these categories were not necessarily welldefined, as we
have not delineated distinct dividing lines between various ethnic and social groups of the
Assyrian Empire, either, which means that these borders were most probably (easily?) permeable.
This remains one of the most important question of the social and economic history of the
Assyrian Empire, awaiting extensive study, in order to recunstruct the social and economic
structure of the Empire. Without these widerange reconstructions the present study can focus only
on some of the (minor) details of the structure of the military establishment, and the hope/goal of
the present writer is to shed light on certain important details of the topic which in turn could
contribute to the understanding of the (social and economic) logic behind the military service.
1) Military status. If we would like to describe or outline the different aspects of the military
service, we come upon a few areas which may be of help in the differentiation or classification
of the different types of services and troops. These areas are as follows: (1) military status, (2)
duration of service, (3) quality of troops, and (4) unit types.
1 DEZSŐ 2012A; DEZSŐ 2012B.

2 From the military point of view only a single preliminary study has been published by A. Fuchs (FUCHS 2005, 35-60), which discussed
the economic profile of the Assyrian Empire.
3 For preliminary studies see POSTGATE 2007, 331-360; PONCHIA 2007, 123-143; PONCHIA 2012, 213-224.

Introduction
If we examine the military status of the soldiers of the different types of services/troops, we
can reconstruct at least three different statuses.
(1) Professional soldiers. The core of the Assyrian army (the home based ‘city units’4 and
bodyguard units)5 most probably consisted of professional soldiers. Even the provincial units
of the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) might have been composed of professional soldiers enlisted from
the defeated troops of the foreign rulers.6 Those units which the (defeated) vassals had to offer
to the Assyrian army were most probably made up of professional soldiers who earlier provided
the core of their own national armies. Furthermore, the equestrian soldiers likely belonged to the
professional or semiprofessional category, since their special relationship with their horses
(who needed an all year round care) could not rive the animals from the men.
(2) Semiprofessional soldiers. The composition of the mainly province based ‘king’s men’
category7 was, however, not so homogenous. It consisted of semi or nonprofessional soldiers
(who might have been used as workers, as well). The units of the governors’ provincial troops
were partly semiprofessional or professional (e.g. the military entourage of the governor). At this
point it has to be mentioned that for example the shepherds, especially the Aramean tribesmen
(e.g. the Itu’eans),8 who were drafted or even hired(!) as auxiliary troops, were the masters of
archery, which means that their private status was initially semiprofessional (they were well
versed in the technique of archery, but unaware of the tactics of the Assyrian army). The same can
be applied to the auxiliary spearmen (Gurreans), professionals even to a greater extent, since their
civilian occupation is entirely unknown. They most probably owned service fields.9
(3) Nonprofessional soldiers. The bulk of the local troops, however, was drafted from
captives/deportees and from the ranks of the local population. These groups were mostly
nonprofessional soldiers, although it is possible that after repeated campaigns they may have
advanced to semiprofessional status.
According to this approach the status of the individuals and the duration of service ranged
between fulltime and parttime soldiers, who could be drafted from among all segments of
society, excluding the exempted groups/individuals.
One of the most important concerns of the royal court was to minimize the cost of the
maintenance of the army. For that reason only the most important troops of the royal corps (ki%ir
šarrūti) were kept in arms all year round, and some of the troops of the provincial administration
(entourage of the governors, soldiers performing guard duties along the borders or in the
garrisons) in relays. But the conscripted bulk of the Assyrian army served on a seasonal base
– sustained by the local administration only for their period of service – and was sent to home
as soon as possible.
(1) Fulltime soldiers. The fulltime soldiers were those recruited professionals who served
all year round in exchange for service fields and allotments.
(2) Parttime soldiers. The part time soldiers were those (a) semiprofessional soldiers
drafted from the king’s men, deportees, captives, etc. whose allotments and even their fields
could be fixed to a certain period (campaign season) of service; or were (b) nonprofessional
4 DEZSŐ 2012B, 78-81.

5 DEZSŐ 2012A, 115-142.
6 DEZSŐ 2012B, 81-87, esp. 82-84.
7 DEZSŐ 2012A, 75-78.
8 DEZSŐ 2012A, 25-38. See for example the bow field (A.ŠÀ GIŠ.BAN) of the Itu’eans. LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 16 (ABL 201),
DEZSŐ 2012A, 33.
9 DEZSŐ 2012A, 38-51. For the estates of the Gurreans see FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 228 (ADD 918), DEZSŐ 2012A, 50.

Introduction
soldiers enlisted from the ranks of the local population and supplied with grain rations only for
the period of their service.
The Assyrians secured the economic basis of the military service via the use of (a) military
land holdings fixed to the service (larger estates for the officers, and service fields for the
soldiers), (b) a daily ration system for both the fulltime, professional soldiers and for the semi
or nonprofessional parttime soldiers for the duration of their service period (e.g. for the
campaigns).
The quality of the troops obviously depended on their military status. The expertise of the
troops with fulltime professional soldiers represented the highest level not only in the Assyrian
army, but in the contemporary Near East as well. As has been mentioned, some of the auxiliary
troops, for example the auxiliary archer Itu’eans and the auxiliary spearmen Gurreans could also
be counted among the premium quality forces of the army. Well trained medium quality troops
were the parttime semiprofessional units, who provided a decisive part of the imperial army.
If the army or the military situation demanded, large numbers of nonprofessional, lower quality
troops could be enlisted from the ranks of the local population.
The arms of the Assyrian army (equestrian and infantry) are known from several segments
of the army. Equestrian units were formed in the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti), the troops of high
officials and governors and in the enlisted troops of the vassals. As has been mentioned, the
equestrian troops were professionals or semi professionals, since they needed special, professional
skills to care for their animals (at home bases or on campaigns) and to fight on them. The semi
or nonprofessional bulk of the infantrymen drafted from the local population probably
represented the lowest level within the Assyrian army.
2) Social status. This aspect of the topic refers to the social status and background of the military
service. The first two volumes of this project examined this question in connection with each
military arm and troop type separately. The soldier versus civilian (peasants, shepherds etc.) study
is a wellexplored analytic perspective. However, the other two possible juxtapositions, the
independent (if such a category existed at all in the Assyrian Empire) versus dependent, or the
recruited versus drafted/conscripted categories are in need of further study. The main question
in the latter case is to what extent the Assyrian army was composed of voluntary recruits, and
what percentage and which types of the soldiers were drafted on a compulsory basis. According
to the present writer’s view there might have been services and units with recruited members who
had joined the service voluntarily. These might have been troops of the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti),
especially the ‘city units,’ and the members of the ša—qurbūte and ša—šēpē bodyguard units, but
some other services in the provinces might also have belonged to this category. The economic
background of this service was an estate (at least in the case of the officers) and a service field
system. From the economic point of view they depended on their estates and fields, but from the
social point of view we are aware only of a military dependance.
As Fig. 1 shows, there were, however, large numbers of soldiers who were drafted according
to a compulsory quota. Several units were composed of ‘king’s men’, captives or deportees, who
were consequently in a dependent position. However, it is unfortunately unknown whether this
applied to all of the drafted auxiliary units.
A further aspect of differentiation is the soldier versus civilian juxtaposition. Those soldiers
who were drafted from among the local population for special purposes (for a campaign, for
guard duties or a building project) might easily have been civilians. They served for a certain
period and were let home as soon as possible, to spare the local Assyrian administration the
burden of having to supply their daily rations.

Introduction
3) Economic status. The economic basis of the military service was an estate system for officers,
a servicefield system for the semiprofessional soldiers and a daily ration system for all members
of the army. The daily ration system for the professional soldiers was in effect during the home
service and the campaign season as well. The professional soldiers were probably not directly
involved in the daily work related to their fields or other businesses, but the semiprofessional
soldiers – who served on a seasonal basis – might have partaken in daily agricultural activities.
In addition to their sustenance, the main concern of the equestrian soldiers was to care for their
animals. Those nonprofessional soldiers who were enlisted for various campaigns or errands
depended on their regular agricultural jobs and businesses for their subsistence. They were
supplied with daily rations only during their (seasonal) service.
The booty (see chapter II.3 Booty and tribute) may have played an important role in the
economic background of the professional and semiprofessional soldiers, and could provide daily
rations and supplies in the operational zones, the enemy territory beyond the borders of the
Empire.
4) Ethnic background. As has been discussed in detail in the previous two volumes of this
project, the ethnic background of the Assyrian army was diverse.10 According to the cuneiform
texts and the pictorial evidence the ethnic background of the 9th century B.C. Assyrian military
forces was mainly Assyrian, with relatively few foreign ethnic groups, for example Arameans.
During the imperial period (745—612 B.C.), however, the ‘new model Assyrian army’ transformed
into a multiethnic military force. The new conquests and the control of vast areas and long borders
needed large numbers of soldiers (campaign and garrison troops), much more than the ethnic
Assyrian population could provide. To solve the problem, the Assyrians enlisted relatively large
numbers of reliable/trusted local troops into the army and ‘made them interested’ in serving their
new overlords.11
Since the aim of this volume is to reconstruct the social and economic background of the
service, the ethnic background of those professional and semiprofessional troops of the standing
army who owned estates and fields, will have to be discussed in detail. According to our
reconstruction these were mainly Assyrians and Arameans.
The above outlined aspects of the military service are going to be explored and analyzed in
different chapters of the present volume, and we hope that – as far as the nature of the sources
permits – most of the questions posed in the introduction are going to be answered.
10 See the following chapters: Auxiliary archers (DEZSŐ 2012A, 25-38), Auxiliary spearmen (DEZSŐ 2012A, 38-51), Auxiliary slingers
(DEZSŐ 2012A, 51), Auxiliary troops of vassals (DEZSŐ 2012A, 51-52), Regular archers, (2) Ethnic and social background
(DEZSŐ 2012A, 85-88), Regular spearmen, (3) Ethnic and social background (DEZSŐ 2012A, 97-99), for the foreign units
(including Judaean/Israelite) of the bodyguard see (DEZSŐ 2012A, 117-119), Provincial and foreign units (king’s men) of the kiṣir
šarrūti stationed in the provinces, (c) Vassal units of the provinces (DEZSŐ 2012A, 191-194), Foreign units of the Assyrian cavalry
(DEZSŐ 2012B, 32-35), Chariotry units reconstructed from cuneiform sources, Deportee unit (DEZSŐ 2012B, 72), The ‘provincial
units’, (2) Unit 2 (West Semitic), (3) Unit 3 (Kaldāia), (4) Unit 4 (Sāmerināia) (DEZSŐ 2012B, 82-84), Foreign chariotry (DEZSŐ
2012B, 92-93), Recruitment officer of the deportees (mušarkisu ša šaglūte) (DEZSŐ 2012B, 128).
11 For the ideological background of the Assyrian expansion see LIVERANI 1979, 297–317.

ROYAL PROVINCIAL
HOME BASED PROVINCE BASED PROVINCE BASED
VASSAL TROOPS
‘City units’, bodyguard ‘King’s men’ Entourage of the Captives/ Local population
units governor Deportees
semi-professional? / nonprofessional / nonprofessional / professional / semi-

Military status professional semi-professional
nonprofessional semi-professional semi-professional professional
full-time (all year full-time (all year full-time (all year
Duration of full-time (all year part-time part-time
MILITARY round) part-time round) part-time round) / part-time
service round) (seasonal) (seasonal)
(seasonal) (seasonal) (seasonal)
Quality of troops high / élite medium medium low low medium
cavalry / chariotry / cavalry / chariotry / cavalry / chariotry / regular/line regular/line cavalry / chariotry /
Unit types
infantry / bodyguards infantry infantry infantry infantry infantry
independent / independent /
independent dependent dependent dependent
dependent dependent
SOCIAL Social status peasant, shepherd,
soldier soldier / civilian soldier soldier / civilian soldier
craftsman, etc.
recruited levied / drafted recruited levied / drafted levied / drafted recruited
estate, service field, service field, daily

daily ration daily ration daily ration daily ration
Economic daily ration ration
ECONOMIC
background independent of labor semi-dependent of independent of labor dependent of labor dependent of labor independent of labor
duties labor duties duties duties duties duties
Ethnic mainly Assyrian mainly Assyrian /

ETHNIC diverse diverse diverse diverse
background (and Aramean) diverse
Fig. 1. The social and economic structure of the soldiers of different types of army units.

Introduction
I. RECRUITMENT
Only a few studies have been written on the recruitment system and logistics of the Assyrian
army,12 which may be accounted for the absence of a coherent picture concerning the topic: The
portfolio of Assyrian sources completely lacks the descriptive genres present in the classical
literature, for example, which describe the structure, supply and logistics of Greek and Roman
armies in detail, sometimes with a kind of overnicety almost in their every aspects. While the huge
corpus of Assyrian royal inscriptions with its often detailed campaign descriptions provides
superficial answers to a few questions, the numerous administrative texts only shed light on
minute details, from which the reconstruction of the complete picture is hardly possible. Despite
these difficulties, with the survey and the systematization of the different types of sources, we are
going to attempt as coherent a reconstruction of the everyday practices of recruitment and
logistics of the Assyrian army as possible.
Since during the NeoAssyrian expansion several people of the Near East became subjects of
the Assyrian Empire, they would have had to contribute to the army in the form of providing units
and supplies. Furthermore, since the Assyrian army was organized on a territorial basis, different
units had different social backgrounds (units were drafted/conscripted/enlisted13 or recruited14
from the Assyrian homeland, from the ranks of the urban populations of the Empire, from the
villagedwellers of the rural regions, from the seminomadic tribesmen of the Zagros, or
Babylonia, from Arab nomadic tribesmen, from the ranks of the different (defeated) armies of
vassals, or from captives/deportees, who most probably lost their original social background and
acquired a new status as deportees). Different regions provided different unit types, not only with
their distinct social and ethnic background mentioned above, but with different technical
conditions (different types of weapons which provided a diverse tactical portfolio), a circumstance
which has to be taken into account.
Consequently there was not a single unified and coherent system of recruiting or
enlisting/drafting soldiers but an array of different local practices. On a general level, the
Assyrians imposed quotas of soldiers and supplies onto the various territories of the Empire,
which might have taken local traditions into account (in a social and a tactical sense as well).
Therefore a general approach to the ‘recruitment/enlisting system of the Assyrian army’ seems
impossible, but has to be studied according to the different unit types, soldiers of which were
recruited or enlisted on different grounds.
To understand the logic behind the recruitment system, we have to reconstruct the ethnic and
social background, as well as the provenance of the soldiers involved.
12 FALES 1990; FALES 2000; RICHARDSON 2011.

13 Conscripting or drafting is a process which involves the compulsory or obligatory drafting of a certain number of soldiers from a
given population (village, town, city, tribe or people) for a certain period of military service. For further details see below.
14 Recruiting, however, involves a more voluntary process, where potential soldiers willingly enlist for a service for a certain reward,
such as the offer of subsistence or a career opportunity. For further details see below.

RECRUITMENT
I.1. Royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti)
The royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) were composed of units under the command of the king, who
controlled and commanded them through a complex system of officers.15 Beginning during the
reign of the Sargonids at the latest, the ki%ir šarrūti or at least one of its divisions was commanded
by the Chief Eunuch (rab ša—rēšē).16 This corps – forming a central standing army – was composed
of an intricate arrangement of units.17
Since the following chapters are based partly on the study of prosopographical evidence, a few
preliminary remarks have to be interposed.
1) It is known that the administrative texts used for the analysis came from the central
regions, mainly from the home provinces of the Assyrian Empire, where the Assyrian element was
obviously strong and thus might have been overrepresented.
2) The other question is whether the A ‘ ssyrian names’ mean an Assyrian ethnic affiliation, as
well.18 There are several examples19 which show that foreign residents of the home provinces gave
Assyrian names to their children.
There are other types of sources which prove that for example an Aramean name hides
another ethnic identity. A letter of Nabûrā’imnīšēšu and Salamānu for example reported the
names of the deserters to Esarhaddon whom the governor of Dēr had caught and sent to them.
The list of deserters included the names of two ‘third men’ of the crown prince: BūrSilâ and
Kudurru, noting that – in spite of the fact that they bore good Aramean names – both of them were
Elamites.20 Elamites or Elamite names can otherwise hardly be reconstructed in the ranks of the
Assyrian army, and in this case it is obvious that these Elamites most probably served the crown
prince of Babylon as allies or mercenaries, since the Elamite chariotry – as far as can be
reconstructed from the pictorial evidence – did not use the Assyrian form of chariot warfare and
there were no shieldbearing ‘third men’ serving in their ranks. They might have deserted from
Babylon – where they might have obtained their Aramean names – and had been caught in Dēr
on their way back to Elam.
15 DEZSŐ 2012A: officers of the infantry: 143-228; DEZSŐ 2012B: officers of the cavalry: 39-44; officers of the chariotry: 120-136.
16 DEZSŐ 2012A, 222-228.
17 DEZSŐ 2012A, Fig. 1; DEZSŐ 2012B, Fig. 10, Chart 1.
18 The reconstruction of the ethnic diversity behind the picture provided by the cuneiform evidence and other sources is a problem
which has long attracted the interest the Assyriologists. Since an in-depth analysis of the problem unfortunately by far exceeds the
possibilities of this study, for a brief introduction into the topic see the following studies POSTGATE 1989, 1-10; FALES 1991B, 99-
117; TADMOR 1982, 449-470; LIPIŃSKI 2000; PARPOLA 2004, 5-22; RADNER 2005; FALES 2007, 95-122; MILLARD 2009, 203-214;
FALES 2010C, 189-204; ZADOK 2010, 411-439. On the complexity of material culture and the prosophographic evidence see the
case studies of Parpola (PARPOLA 2008, 1-137), Matney (MATNEY 2010, 129-147), and MacGinnis (MACGINNIS 2012, 131-153) on
Ziyaret Tepe (Tušḫan). The difference between an ethnic and a supposed imperial identity, and a possible shift towards the latter
is another question which also has to be answered.
19 A group of legal documents from Aššur for example shows that during and following the reign of Assurbanipal a small Egyptian
community lived in the city and provided chariot drivers from among themselves: Uznānu mu-[kil—PA.MEŠ] (DONBAZ – PARPOLA
2001, 237 (A 2506), Rev. 8’, 633 B.C.), LÚ.mu-kil—KUŠ.PA.MEŠ (MATTILA 2002, 17 (ADD 214), Rev. 10’, 633 B.C.).
Pizešḫurdaia mu-kil a-(pa.MEŠ) (DONBAZ – PARPOLA 2001, 207 (A 1841), Rev. 26, 618 B.C.), DEZSŐ 2012B, 99, note 775. It seems
that in this community the Assyrian and Egyptian names were almost interchangeable. Another important study which deals with
the ‘Neo-Assyrian ruling class’ sheds some light on the Assyrian—Aramaic and Aramaic—Assyrian bilingual patronymicon, the
variation or rotation of Assyrian and Aramaic names within the same families (PARPOLA 2007, esp. 268-274).
20 Būr-Silâ (LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 136 (ABL 140), 12-13: IBur-si-la-a LÚ.3-šú ša DUMU—MAN), and Kudurru (LUUKKO
– VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 136 (ABL 140), 12-13: IKu-dúr-ru LÚ.3-šú ša DUMU—MAN), reign of Esarhaddon.

Royal corps
It is apparent from this story, as well, that to choose or give a name was not a negligible detail
and could carry a message in an multiethnic Empire, where ethnic identity was gradually,
spontaneously or aggressively giving way to a ‘cosmic’ imperial identity.
There are several units, however, the ranks of which were filled in with native soldiers of the
country where the unit was recruited from. The soldiers of such equestrian units as the ‘West
Semitic,’ Chaldean, Samarian or ›amatean units (Fig. 10) for example bore good West Semitic or
Aramean names, without anyone questioning their underlying ethnic background.
Nevertheless, these motifs do not challenge the unquestionnable fact that the ethnic
composition of the Assyrian army, or at least the officers’ corps was dominated by ethnic
Assyrians,21 who had a long history and tradition of warfare. This fact most probably refers mainly
or only(?) to the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti), since the ethnic composition of the provincial and vassal
troops – as pointed out above – was somewhat different: it was dominated by the local people.
3) Using the prosopograpical evidence an important note has to be made. Charts 2—16
hopefully list all the known names of the soldiers and officers of the Assyrian army during the
NeoAssyrian period. An important and obvious question emerges: can this database be
considered as a representative pool of information/data for a serious statistical examination, or
not? Could any serious/reliable conclusions be drawn from it, or not?
Since there is no other pool of data available for us we can use only this database to draw some
conclusions.
I.1.1 Bodyguard units
I.1.1.1 Qurubtu cavalry (pēt‹al qurubte)22
The qurubtu cavalry was most probably the standard 1,000 horse cavalry bodyguard unit which
is known at the latest from the reign of Sargon II. As known from the royal inscriptions of Sargon
II (8th campaign, 714 B.C.), he was always escorted by the cavalry regiment (kitullu perru) of Sîn
a‹uu%ur, the king’s brother.23 This unit accompanied the king under all circumstances, and never
left his side, either in enemy or in friendly territory.24 This unit was garrisoned and accommodated
including men, horses and supplies somewhere in or near the Assyrian capital (Kal‹u or
Nineveh), with its provisions (food rations for men and horses), and ordnance supplies (weapons
21 All of the multiethnic and colonial armies of the world were very keen on keeping/securing the key positions – at least in the officers’
corps – for the members of the ruling nation.
22 DEZSŐ 2012B, 29-32.
23 NIEDERREITER 2005, 57-76.
24 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, lines 132-133: “With my single chariot and my cavalry, which never left my side, either in enemy or in
friendly country, the regiment of Sîn-aḫu-uṣur” (it-ti GIŠ.GIGR GÌR.II-ia e-de-ni-ti u ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ a-li-kut i-di-ia ša ašar
nak-ri u sa-al-mi la ip-pa-rak-ku-u ki-tul-lum per-ra mSîn-aḫu-uṣur). See also line 332: LÚ.qu-ra-di-ia a-di ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ
a-li-kut i-di-ia il-ten-nu-u u-qa-tin-ma (My warriors and horses marching by my side marched in single file through the pass). Similar
phrasing (it-ti GIŠ.GIGIR GÌR.II-ia u ANŠE.pet-ḫal-li-ia ša a-šar sa-al-me A.II-a-a la ip-par-ku-u, “With my chariot and
cavalry, who never left my side, (either in enemy or) in friendly country”) appears in his display inscription from Khorsabad (FUCHS
1994, Prunk, lines 85-86), describing the events of the 11th regnal year (711 B.C.) when the Assyrian king attacked Muttallu of
Gurgum, and in the same inscription describing the attack led against Muttallu of Kummuḫ during the same campaign (FUCHS 1994,
Prunk, lines 113-114), and in the annals (FUCHS 1994, lines 248-249), when Sargon II in the same year led a campaign against
Ashdod.

RECRUITMENT
and equipment) provided by the Palace (the state). The recruitment region of cavalrymen is,
however, unknown: were they enlisted from the ethnic Assyrians of the home provinces (similarly
to the hetairoi, the cavalry escort of Alexander the Great, composed of Macedonian noblemen),
or were they also conscripted from the (foreign) people of the Empire?
1) Ethnic background: Unfortunately not a single cavalryman of these units is known by name.
However, several of the officers appear in certain administrative texts (Chart 1), and the
prosopographical evidence shows a fairly coherent picture (Fig. 2): regarding the units’ officers,
56.25 % of the team commanders (rab urâte) bore Assyrian, 25 % Aramaic, 12.5 % West Semitic
names, and only a single person was foreigner (Urar#ian, 6.25 %), while 62.5 % of their magnates
(rabûti, LÚ.GAL.GAL.MEŠ) were Assyrians, 25 % of them were Arameans, and 12.5 % of them
bore West Semitic names. Consequently the servicemen of these units were most probably
mostly also Assyrians. This Assyrian dominance is not surprising, if we consider these units as
the most confidential units of the Assyrian army.
BRANCHES ASSYRIANS ARAMEANS WEST SEMITES FOREIGNERS

rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte 9 56.25 % 4 25.0 % 2 12.5 % 1 6.25 %
rabûti / mušarkisƗni ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte 15 62.5 % 6 25.0 % 3 12.5 % — —
Fig. 2. The ethnic composition of the officers of the qurubtu cavalry bodyguards.
2) The social and geographical background of these units is unknown. Their officers – especially the
magnates, who superwised them – belonged to the Assyrian military élite, and enjoyed a relatively
high social status with all of its benefits. For the detailed discussion of the social and economic
background of the officers of the Assyrian army and especially of the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) see
below.
I.1.2.2 Ša—šēpē bodyguards (‘personal guard’)25
1) Ethnic background: The prosopographical evidence derived from the administrative texts,
private archives, and royal correspondence of the Sargonides shows a clear and convincing picture
concerning the ethnic background of the ša—šēpē bodyguards: as Chart 2 shows, out of the 56 ša—
šēpē bodyguards known by name 36 bore Assyrian names (64.28 %), 15 of them bore other
Semitic (Aramaic and West Semitic) names (26.78 %) and 6 of them were most probably foreigners
(10.71 %). The extension of the investigation to other branches of the ša—šēpē bodyguards does
not show a significant change in the overall situation (Fig. 3): 60—75 % of the ša—šēpē bodyguards
were most probably ethnic Assyrians, a further 33—40 % might have come from other
Mesopotamian, especially Aramean groups, while only a few West Semites or foreigners appear
in the ranks of this branch of service..

ša—šƝpƝ 36 64.28 % 8 14.28 % 7 12.5 % 6 10.71 %
ša—šƝpƝ mƗr šarri 3 75.0 % — — — — 1 25.0 %
rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ 9 60.0 % 6 40.0 % — — — —
LÚ.GIGIR ša—šƝpƝ 6 60.0 % 4 40.0 % — — — —
qurbǌtu ša—šƝpƝ 1 33.3 % 1 33.3 % 1 33.3 % — —
Fig. 3. The ethnic composition of the ša—šēpē bodyguards.
25 Ša—šēpē (‘personal guard’): DEZSŐ 2012A, 120-123; pētḫalli šēpē (cavalry of the ‘personal guard’): DEZSŐ 2012B, 28-29.

Royal corps
2) Social background: It seems that the ša—šēpē bodyguards were most probably recruited and
not conscripted servicemen, to whom the bodyguard status and service not only offered subsistence
in the form of daily rations during their service, but a career opportunity, as well, the possibility
to make a living, and secure a stable economic background in the form of a possible field
donation(?). An estate assignment shows that the ša—šēpē bodyguards could obtain estates for their
services. The ša—šēpē guardsman Kal‹āiu, for example, received 40 hectares of land in the town
of &ela, together with other soldiers.26 It seems that these 40 hectares of land might have been
a standard estate size assigned to soldiers for their services(?).27 &almua‹‹ē, another ša—šēpē guard,
bought an estate, probably also in the countryside.28 One of the texts of the Kakkullānu archive
lists two ša—šēpē witnesses who were affiliated with the town of ›ubaba (URU.›ubabaa).29
3) Geographical background: These texts raise the question whether these ša—šēpē bodyguards
lived in the countryside or simply owned estates there. From the previous text it seems that they
resided in the countryside, or in different towns and provinces, and not in the capital, in the
vicinity of the king. Is it possible that different ša—šēpē units stationed in different parts of the
Assyrian home provinces(?) probably served as guards in the capital or around the king in
a rotational system, and relieved each other monthly or yearly (see for example the story of
Sardanapallos)?30 A possibly very important, but unfortunately very fragmentary letter of Sargon
II also mentions a ša—šēpē guardsman in a remote territory context as a trusted person of the
king(?).31
In his letter written to Esarhaddon, reporting the plot of Sasî, Nabûrē‹tuu%ur asked the king
to send an order to the ša—šēpē bodyguards who had brought the slavegirl (probably
a prophetess who allegedly prophesied against the family and seed of Sennacherib), to take her
to him for questioning.32 It is quite obvious from this letter, that a unit of ša—šēpē guards were
stationed in ›arrān, where these events took place.33
There is a very interesting text, a short note of probably some items dedicated to ša—šēpē
guards. This text lists 3 ša—šēpē guards under the command of a certain ›arrānāiu. The names
of the 3 ša—šēpē guards are Zaliāiu, Quili, and Sarsâ,34 obviously nonAssyrian names. The text
identifies them most probably as ›allataeans (›altaaa), and the name of a further ša—šēpē guard,
a certain Ninuāiu is also listed. All of them were assigned to a palace scribe, Nabûbēlšunu, and
consequently served the Palace. These 3 foreigners were most probably members of a ša—šēpē
guard unit recruited from the ›allataeans. Two further officers of the ›allataeans are known from
7th century B.C. administrative texts: ›aršešu and Tar‹undapî, the prefects of the ›allataeans
(šaknu ›altāia).35 The name Tar‹undapî identifies them in all likelihood as Anatolians. If these
26 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 228 (ADD 918), 4’-6’: LÚ.ša—GÌR.2(šēpē). The same text mentions that a similar plot of 40 hectares
was assigned to Barbiri, the Gurrean in the town of Apiani.
27 See for further examples FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 219 (ADB 5), II:22’; 222 (ADD 806), 7’, Rev. 5.
28 MATTILA 2002, 114 (ADD 373), 634 B.C. See furthermore 115 (ADD 217).
29 MATTILA 2002, 36 (ADD 446) Rev. 15: Ḫaldi-ṭaiâ ša—šēpē (LÚ.ša—GÌR.2), Rev. 24: Issar-nādin-aḫḫē ša—šēpē (ša—GÌR.2).
30 OLDFATHER 1933, Diodorus Siculus, Book II. 24:6.: “When the year’s time of their service in the king’s army had passed and, another
force having arrived to replace them, the relieved men had been dismissed as usual to their homes …”
31 PARPOLA 1987, 8 (CT 53, 229), 12: LÚ.GÌR.2.
32 LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 59 (ABL 1217+), Rev. 6’-8’.
33 RADNER 2003, 165-184.
34 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 140 (ADD 872), 1) IZa-li-a-a, 2) IQu-i-li, 3) ISa-ar-sa-a.
35 IḪar-še-šu LÚ.GAR-nu Ḫal-ta-a-a (FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 9 (ADD 860), Rev. II:1); ITar-ḫu-un-da-pi-i LÚ.GAR-nu Ḫal-ta-a-
a (FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 5 (ADD 857), II:38; 11 (ADD 841), Rev. 2); see furthermore FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 9 (ADD 860),
I:19’; KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 117 (ADD 144), 2 (700 B.C.); 169 (ADD 443), 12 (686 B.C.).

RECRUITMENT
assumptions are true, we can suppose, that ša—šēpē bodyguard units could be recruited from the
ranks of the foreign population – subjugated by the Assyrians.
I.1.2.3 Qurbūtu / ša—qurbūte bodyguards36
As has already been discussed in detail in the first two volumes of this project, this bodyguard
category was identified positively by earlier research as bodyguards serving as confidential agents
of the king.37
1) Ethnic background. As the statistics (Fig. 4) of the names of the different qurbūtu bodyguard
types (Chart 3) indicates, the ethnic composition of these units shows a fairly coherent picture:
60—80 % of this bodyguard category bore Assyrian names, the remaining were in all certainty
mostly Arameans, with only a few coming from a foreign background.38 Only the ethnic
composition of the DūrKatlimmu qurbūtu bodyguards shows a different trend: the predominance
of the West Semitic and Aramean element.
Some entries make it clear that – at least in the earliest period – qurbūtu bodyguards were
recruited from among the Assyrian population. A possibly very early text, an edict appointing
Nergalapilkūmū’a,39 states that from among the Assyrian craftsmen who were listed in the
preceding section of the text, Nergalapilkūmū’a should provide some for chariot fighters, some
for qurbūtu bodyguards.40 The same text in a fragmentary passage mentions the patrimony of the
qurbūtu bodyguards (É—AD ša LÚ.qurbuti) which together with clothing should also be
apportioned by Nergalapilkūmū’a.41 This entry suggests that – at least at this early period – the
qurbūtu bodyguards were recruited from the Assyrian citizens. This initial situation changed
during the imperial period (post 745 B.C.), when large numbers of West Semitic people joined the
imperial service (Chart 3). It seems that – similarly to other branches of the bodyguard units – the
overwhelming majority of the servicemen and their officers bore Assyrian names and were in all
likelihood ethnic Assyrians, to keep the confidential nature of the bodyguard service intact.
Unfortunately only a few names of the officers of the qurbūtu bodyguards are known. All of
the cohort commanders (rab ki%ir) bore Assyrian names and were Assyrians, which – in case of
the most confidential service of the royal court and army – is not surprising at all: the Assyrians
wanted to keep the key positions of at least the bodyguard units for themselves.
36 Ša—qurbūte (qurbūtu bodyguard): DEZSŐ 2012A, 123-143; pētḫalli ša—qurbūte (cavalry of the ša—qurbūte bodyguard): DEZSŐ
2012B, 29.
37 The most detailed and comprehensive study of the topic was written by F. Malbran-Labat (MALBRAN-LABAT 1982), who identified
them as ‘garde-royal’. Volumes of the State Archives of Assyria project use the term ‘bodyguard’ or ‘royal bodyguard’. K. Radner
(RADNER 2002, 13-14) emphasized the confidential agent of the king aspect and used the ‘Vertrauter des Königs’ form. DEZSŐ 2012A,
123-126.
38 Imarî: POSTGATE 1973, 9, 15: ša qur-bu-ti; Madāiu: FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 182 (ABL 638), 6’, 15’: IMad-a-a LÚ.qur-bu-te;
Tabalāiu: FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 9 (ADD 860), II:7’: ITa-bal-a-a LÚ.qur-ZAG (see furthermore: 6 (ADD 840+858), II:9’) and
he himself or anothter Tabalāiu appears as LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR qur-bu-te URU.Ši-šil-a-a (‘chariot man of the qurbūtu bodyguard from
the town Šišil’) in: MATTILA 2002, 397 (Iraq 32, 7), 9’.
39 Some reconstructions identify him with the limmu of 873 B.C. (DELLER – MIILLARD 1993, 217-242, esp. 218-219. For other
fragments see GRAYSON – POSTGATE 1983, 12-14), but this date would precede the earliest dated appearance of the title of qurbūtu
bodyguard by almost eighty years. However, there is no reason to exclude the possibility of such an early appearance of the title,
since the sculptures of Assurnasirpal II depict several soldiers, who can be identified as personal bodyguards (DEZSŐ 2012A, Plate
37, 120—122; Plate 38, 125, 126). DEZSŐ 2012A, 125, note 794.
40 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 83 (BaM 24, 239), Rev. 24: LÚ.qur-bu-ti. DEZSŐ 2012A, 125, note 795.
41 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 84 (CTN 4, 256), 15’: LÚ.qur-bu-ti; 83 (BaM 24, 239), 14’: [LÚ.qur-bu-ti]. DEZSŐ 2012A, 125, note 796.

Royal corps

ša—qurbǌte 83 65.87 % 33 26.19 % 7 5.55 % 3 2.38 %
ša—qurbǌte (Dǌr-Katlimmu) 6 40.0 % 4 26.66 % 4 26.66 % 1 6.66 %
ša—qurbǌte mƗr šarri 4 50.0 % 3 37.5 % 1 12.5 % — —
ša—qurbǌte ummi šarri 3 75.0 % — — — — 1 25.0 %
rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte 5 100.0 % — — — — — —
rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte ša mƗr šarri 1 50.0 % 1 50.0 % — — — —
Fig. 4. The ethnic composition of the ša—qurbūte bodyguards.
2) Social status and economic background. Relatively few entries shed any light on the social and
economic background of the qurbūtu bodyguards. The edict appointing Nergalapilkūmū’a
discussed above suggests that the qurbūtu bodyguards were recruited from among the Assyrian
citizens who presumably had some independent livelihood/income, and did not represent the
lowest stratum of Assyrian society. A much later text, a Sargonide letter gives further information
on the status of qurbūtu bodyguards: Bēliqīša complains to Esarhaddon that AtamarMarduk,
whom the king promoted to the rank of qurbūtu bodyguard42 is a drunkard. The interesting thing
is not the fact that he was a drunkard, but the way he became qurbūtu bodyguard: he was
promoted by the king.
The economic background of the qurbūtu bodyguard status is relatively unknown. There are
only a few sources which make an attempt to reconstruct this financial basis possible. One of them
is an administrative tablet (a schedule of land assigned to officials) from the reign of Sînšariškun
(626—612 B.C.), which lists estates transferred to new owners. The original land holders included
high officials (sartennu, sukkallu, Chief Eunuch) and military personnel (4 cohort commanders and
2 qurbūtu bodyguards). The estates in the first section of the text were transferred to relatives.43
It is possible that these estates came with the service, and the relatives inherited them. The other
group of land holdings was not transferred to relatives, but to other owners. The estates of three
cohort commanders (rab ki%ir) and a qurbūtu bodyguard were given to the princess of the New
Palace. It seems that these estates may have been confiscated and assigned to a new owner.44 It
is important to note that the list does not follow a geographical logic (the location of the estates
inherited and/or confiscated ranges from Carchemish to Bar‹alzi), but an administrative logic,
which points to a possible connection with a previous case at court. Most of the officers concerned
bore Aramean names.
A letter from the reign of Esarhaddon45 mentions the recruitment officer (mušarkisu) Aramiš
šarilāni, who died in enemy territory (on campaign). He had commanded 50 men, who – after
the death of their commander, probably at the end of the campaign – came back with 12 horses
and were still in the vicinity of Nineveh. Šummailu, the son of the recruitment officer, asked them
why they had left the royal guard (EN.NUN ša LUGAL) after the death of their commander. It is
not known whether the son of the recruitment officer inherited the service (and the fields?) of his
father, or whether it was his private ambition to care about the service and the subordinates of
his late father.
42 LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 115 (ABL 85), Rev. 2: LÚ.qur-ZAG.MEŠ.

43 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 221 (ADD 675), Rev. 4’-5’: Bār-Ṣarūri (Būr-Ṣarūru) LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir assigned to Ki[qil]ānu, his son; 9’-
10’: Barbarāni LÚ.qur-ZAG; assigned to Mannu-kī-nīše, his brother; 11’-12’: Zabdānu, chariot driver; assigned to Sa’ilâ, his son.
44 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 221 (ADD 675), Rev. 14’-18’: Nabû-tāriṣ, LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir, Aḫi-rāmu, ditto, Balasî (Balāssu), ditto; Ariḫu
LÚ.qur-ZAG. Nabû-tāriṣ and Balasî are known from the Kakkullānu archive as well.
45 LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 105 (ABL 186).

RECRUITMENT
LINE OWNER OF ESTATE SIZE OF THE ESTATE LOCATION NEW OWNER

O. 1 Adad-dƗn, sartennu 8 people, 20 hectares of land, 150 town of the
sheep daughter of the king
5 NǌrƗnu, vizier a house, people, field, and sheep Region of Barপalzi
8 Issaran-mušallim, Chief Eunuch a house Šumma-šƝzib, doorman
10 40 hectares of land Marduk-Ɲ৬ir (rab ki‫܈‬ir)46
11 Nabû-bƝlu-uৢur, deputy treasurer an estate Sîn-[…]
13 Nabû-šallim […] […] […]
1’ […] […] Šabi[rƝšu] […]
4’ Nabû-aপu-[…] […] […] Aššur-rƝ[ৢǌwa]
R.1 Aপu-dǌr[i] […] 8 people Town of Ba[…] […]
4 Aplu-[…] house […] […]
4’ BƗr-ৡarǌri, cohort commander estate Ki[qil]Ɨnu, his son
6’ Kubabu-šallimanni, scribe people, land, sheep, orchards Carchemish
9’ BarbarƗni, qurbǌtu bodyguard estate Mannu-kƯ-nƯšê, his brother
11’ ZabdƗnu, chariot driver estate Sa'ilâ, his son
13’ Total 13 estates
14’ Nabû-tƗriৢ, cohort commander estate princess of the New Palace
15’ Aপi-rƗmu, cohort commander estate princess of the New Palace
16’ BalƗssu, cohort commander estate princess of the New Palace
17’ Ariপu, qurbǌtu bodyguard estate princess of the New Palace
Fig. 5. Schedule of estates assigned to officials (FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 221 (ADD 675)).
A letter from Sargon II to an unknown official, probably a governor, gives the following orders:
“[...] your [...], [enqui]re and investigate, [and write down] and dispatch to me [the names] of the
[sol]diers killed and their [sons and d]aughters. Perhaps there is a man who has subjugated
a widow as his slave girl, or has subjugated a son or a daughter to servitude. Enquire and
investigate, and bring (him/them) forth. Perhaps there is a son who has gone into conscription
in lieu of his father; this alone do not write down. But be sure to enquire and find out all the
widows, write them down, define (their status) and send them to me.” 47 This letter does not make
it clear whether the military service could be passed on (“a son has gone into conscription in lieu
of his father”) from father to son, the son also inheriting the title, but it seems that the king had
concerns not only for the wellbeing of the orphans and widows of the fallen soldiers, but for the
loss replacement of the troops. The inheritance of the service makes sense if some of the service
fields were attached to the service.
Šarruēmuranni, the deputy (governor) of Isana, wrote a letter to Sargon II, which mentions
that the corn tax (ŠE.nusa‹i) of Barruqu and Nergalašarēd had been extracted, but Bēlapla
iddina had driven away the legate. Šarruēmuranni supposed that the king might say: “’Is
a bodyguard not exempt?’ He who (owns a field) by the king’s sealed order must prove the
exemption of the field. Those who were bought are (subject to) our corn taxes, but he refuses to
pay them.”48 Šarruēmuranni needed the barley from these fields to feed the pack animals
constantly coming to him. It can be concluded that the fields of the qurbūtu bodyguards were not
automatically exempt from taxation, but only if specifically listed in a royal decree. Those fields
which were donated by the king to qurbūtu bodyguards were exempt, but the extra fields
purchased by them were not.
46 He is known as a cohort commander from 625 B.C.: MATTILA 2002, 40 (ADD 325), R. 22: IdŠÚ.KAR-ir.
47 PARPOLA 1987, 21 (CT 53, 128).
48 SAGGS 2001, 132-134, ND 2648 (NL 74); LUUKKO 2012, 39 (NL 74 (ND 2648)), 9-13.

Royal corps
Concluding these texts the following conclusions can be drawn: 1) The king could give
service fields with the promotion for the service, which could be inherited and confiscated as well.
2) These fields were most probably feudatory, but royal decrees could exempt them from taxes.
3) These fields could not only be inherited (with the service as well?), but were marketable, could
be sold, and other ‘service fields’ could be bought. 4) Those fields which were bought by the
qurbūtu bodyguards were not exempted and were subject to at least the corn taxes. For a detailed
discussion see II.2.2 Servicefields/estates of officers.
The deputy of the qurbūtu bodyguard is mentioned in a single text from DūrKatlimmu (Tall
Šēh ›amad)49 dated to 661 B.C. Unfortunately no further information is available concerning his
duties. He most probably helped the qurbūtu bodyguard with his work and might “eventually”
have been promoted to the rank of qurbūtu bodyguard, but probably never acted as his substitute.
3) Geographical background. It is known that the qurbūtu bodyguards served the king and the
Empire almost in every remote part of the Empire. They not only stationed there, but lived, and
owned fields there, as well. There are a few entries which affiliate some of them with different
towns or regions of the Empire. The earliest known example is dated to 740 B.C., when a Nimrud
administrative text from the Governor’s Palace archive mentions Nergalnā’id, who was a qurbūtu
bodyguard from the town of Par‹a.50 Aššuršarruu%ur served the town of Balla#u,51 while Nabû
qātī%abat served the city of ›arrān.52 There is a Chaldean qurbūtu bodyguard (Abiulidi) known
from a Sargonide letter.53
Much more informative is the letter of MārIssar from Uruk, which reports to Esarhaddon that
the prelate and the officials of Dēr have been pushing the building work of the temple onto each
other, and nobody has set about it. MārIssar asks the king to send a qurbūtu bodyguard and an
Assyrian master builder to live there.54 This information is very useful for understanding the
system of the qurbūtu bodyguards: the king appointed qurbūtu bodyguards to different cities,
towns or regions of the Empire, where – within the (geographical, administrative and ideological)
sphere of their authority – they represented certain aspects of royal authority and carried out the
commands of the ruler. Ideally, the king delegated qurbūtu bodyguards to all important territories,
cities, and towns of the Empire to live and serve there, and invested them with part of his royal
power.
The most important source group – a sample of a local community – comes from Dūr
Katlimmu, a provincial center in an Aramean region along the ›ābur, where several qurbūtu
bodyguards, members of the local élite are known by their name (Chart 3). One of them, ›amil,
furthermore, was a qurbūtu bodyguard from Nineveh!55 The title/rank here probably survived even
the fall of the Assyrian Empire.56 The ethnic composition of the local qurbūtu bodyguards differs
only in an insignificant proportion from the ethnic composition of the qurbūtu bodyguards of the
whole sample: 60 % of the qurbūtu bodyguards of DūrKatlimmu bore Assyrian and 33.3 %
Aramean names.
49 RADNER 2002, 109 (SH 98/6949 I 247 / 943), Rev. 2: Sîn-šarru-uṣur LÚ.2-u ša LÚ.qur-bu-u-te.
50 POSTGATE 1973, 95, 5: IdMAŠ.MAŠ.I LÚ.qur-bu-te URU.Par-ḫa-a-a.
51 MATTILA 2002, 23 (ADD 152), Rev. 1: IAš-šur-MAN.PAP LÚ.qur-<< ša>>-ZAG URU.Bal-laṭ-a-a (658 B.C.).
52 MATTILA 2002, 169 (ADD 50), 11: IdPA.ŠU.2.DIB LÚ.qur-ZAG KASKAL-a-a (619 B.C.).
53 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 59 (ABL 742), 5: IAD-ul-i-di LÚ.qur-bu-te KUR.Kal-dà-a-a.
54 PARPOLA 1993, 349 (ABL 476), Rev. 23: LÚ.qur-bu-tu.
55 RADNER 2002, TSH 47, Rd. 8-9: IḪa-am—DINGIR LÚ.[qur-ZA]G ša NINA.KI (649 B.C.).
56 RADNER 2002, TSH 199, Rd. 1: Šarru-nūri (IMAN—ZÁLAG LÚ.qur-bu-u-te).

RECRUITMENT
Reviewing the evidence it can be assumed that the Assyrian administration was keen on
retaining the key positions of the army, the majority of the royal qurbūtu bodyguards in Assyrian
hands.
I.1.2 ’City units’
Five ‘city units’ of the Sargonide army (Aššurāia, Arrap‹āia, Armāia, Arzu‹ināia, and Arbailāia) were
the most important divisions of the Assyrian army.57 These units are only known from the
Nimrud Horse Lists, yet it seems that this arrangement of units was not an ad hoc phenomenon,
but reflected a conscious organizing principle, which fits into the general theory of the recruitment
system of the Assyrian army: organization on a territorial base.
6.
AššurƗia 3 60.0 % 2 40.0 % — — — —
Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia 17 51.5 % 13 39.4 % 3 9.0 % — —
ArmƗia 8 57.1 % 4 28.6 % 2 14.3 % — —
Arzu‫ې‬inƗia 6 50.0 % 2 16.7 % 3 25.0 % 1 8.3 %
ArbailƗia 10 71.4 % 3 21.4 % 1 7.2 % — —
Fig. 6. The ethnic composition of the cohort commanders (rab ki%ir) of the ‘city units’ and the cohort
commanders of other units as a whole.
1) Ethnic background. In spite of the fact that the majority of the cohort commanders of these units
bore Assyrian names (Chart 4), it is not surprising that two units, the Aššurāia and the Arbailāia –
the two traditional and most important cult centres of the Assyrian Empire from a military point
of view – show a significantly higher proportion of Assyrian names (60 % and 71 % respectively).
The three units – the Arrap‹āia, the Armāia, and the Arzu‹ināia – with their recruitment and
military bases located somewhat to the south, adjacent to the Aramean territories, show a much
more varied picture (Fig. 6), which might easily reflect the ethnic composition of these territories
and cities, as well.
If we examine the corps of cohors commanders as a whole, the following inferences can be
drawn. As Fig. 6 shows, out of the 153 known names (Chart 5) 100 were Assyrian names (65.3 %)
and 41 of them bore Aramean names (26.8 %). The remaining were West Semites and a foreigner.
If we suppose, that the majority of the cohort commanders with Assyrian names were indeed
ethnic Assyrians, it becomes quite clear that the Assyrians invested considerable energy into
maintaining their ethnic dominance in the officers’ corps to ensure the reliability of the troops.
Only a single source, the wittness section of a kudurru (land grant) of Aššurnādinšumi (699—
694 B.C.) from Babylon discloses an interesting and important detail: all three cohort commanders
(and other military personnel) listed in the wittness section bear Aramean names.58 The
57 DEZSŐ 2006B, 117-121, Fig. 5; DEZSŐ 2012B, 78-81.

58 BRINKMAN – DALLEY 1988, 76-98, (Ashmolean 1933.1101), III: 6’: […]-nāṣir LÚ.GAL—KA.KEŠ, 10’: Bissunu LÚ.taš-li-šu, 10’:
Kandar LÚ.GAL—KA.KEŠ, 11’: Abi-ram LÚ.GAL—KA.KEŠ, 13’: […] LÚ.mu-kil ap-pa-a-ti.

Royal corps
explanation for this is obvious and relatively simple: the AssyroBabylonian troops of Aššur
nādinšumi, or at least their officers might well have been (local, Babylonian?) Arameans.
Otherwise, as Fig. 7 shows, other, intact and closed groups of sources – as for example the
wittness sections of the legal texts of private archives (which would be more appropriate bases
for a statistical analysis) – show the same picture as the overall sample: the overwhelming
majority (65 % – 85 %) of the officers had Assyrian names. It has to be noted that in these 7th
century B.C. archives the ratio of the Assyrian names (especially in the PostCanonical times(!))
is somewhat higher than the average, known for example from the texts of Sargon II, under whose
reign the ratio of West Semites and Arameans seems to be significantly higher than in the last
decades of the Empire.
ARCHIVE ASSYRIANS ARAMEANS WEST SEMITES FOREIGNERS

Kakkull¬nu, rab ki‫܈‬ir (630—617 B.C.)59 41 74.5 % 9 16.4 % 4 7.3 % 1 1.8 %
Kiৢir-Aššur, rab ki‫܈‬ir (637—618 B.C.)60 16 84.2 % 3 15.8 % — — — —
Mannu-kÎ-Arba’il rab ki‫܈‬ir (680—673 B.C.)61 12 66.6 % 4 22.2 % 2 11.1 % — —
R¾manni-Adad, mukil app¬te dannu (671—660 B.C.)62 51 76.1 % 8 11.9 % 5 7.5 % 3 4.5 %
Šumma-il¬ni, mukil app¬te (709—680 B.C.)63 21 62.1 % 5 17.2 % 4 13.8 % 2 6.9 %
Fig. 7. The ethnic composition of the cohort commanders and other officers of the wittnesses listed in legal
texts of private archives.
2) Social and economic background. Since the officers of these units are known exclusively from
administrative texts (which are simple lists and do not provide any additional information
concerning the officers’ status), it is impossible to reconstruct their social background. Other
sources, however, may grant some insight into the social status and economic background of
officers at this level.
At that point it seems appropriate to widen the scope of our study, and examine the social
and economic background of other officers (including cohort commanders) of the royal corps (ki%ir
šarrūti). Mapping the financial background of the service would constitute a fascinating chapter
in the exploration of Assyrian military history. As has already partly been discussed,64 one of the
most important issues regarding not only cohort commanders but the entire army, and especially
the officers’ corps is the question of their economic background. The relatively high social status
of cohort commanders indicates a fairly secure economic background. The main concern here is
the identification of estates and privileges connected to the service, and their separation from
private land holdings.
NeoAssyrian sources do not explicitly identify estates given in exchange for service. It is
known, however, that Aššuretelliilāni (630—627 B.C.) donated estates65 to the cohort
commanders66 of the Chief Eunuch, Sînšumulēšir who helped him seize the throne. These texts
59 DEZSŐ 2012A, Charts 4A-B.

60 MATTILA 2002, 28-33.
61 DEZSŐ 2012A, Chart 5.
62 DEZSŐ 2012B, Charts 2A-I.
63 DEZSŐ 2012B, Chart 3.
64 DEZSŐ 2012A, 163-164.
65 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 35 (ADD 650), Rev. 14-18: “All these fields, orchards, buildings and people Aššur-etelli-ilāni king of
Assyria exempted (from taxes) and sealed with his royal seal, which is not to be altered, and gave it to Ṭāb-šar-Papāḫi, cohort
commander of the Chief Eunuch, the son of Lā-qēpu.”
66 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 35 (ADD 650), Rev. 16: Ṭāb-šar-Papāḫi LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir LÚ.GAL—SAG; 36 (ADD 692 + 807), Rev.
24’: [… L]Ú.GAL—ki-ṣir [LÚ.GAL—SAG …]; 39 (ADD 1250), Rev. 2’: [… LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir LÚ.GAL—S]AG.

RECRUITMENT
make it clear that the Chief Eunuch supported the succession of Aššuretelliilāni with troops from
his own house/estate (bīt ramānišu).67 This entry unfortunately does not make it clear whether the
Chief Eunuch armed the men from the income of his own (ad hominem) estates or the estates
connected to his office (ex officio, provided this type of estate of the Chief Eunuch existed at all).
An administrative text dating from the reign of Sînšariškun (schedule of estates assigned to
officials) lists estates which include the land holdings of some military personnel (including cohort
commanders,68 qurbūtu bodyguards and the estates of high officials as well!). These were assigned
to other personnel: to sons, brothers or the state in the form of a palace. It is not known whether
the property was confiscated from the officers, or whether they died and the estates were
inherited by their relatives or passed on to the state. Nor is it known whether these properties were
estates connected to their office, and the relatives (sons and brothers) inherited a kind of service
as well, or were private estates. Some texts in the private archives, however, hint at the practice
of donating service fields which could later have been sold.
Such examples are known from private archives of officers, including cohort commanders.
Some of the texts of the Kakkullānu archive69 provide valuable information about the economic
background of the Assyrian officers. Kakkullānu, the cohort commander bought several houses
and estates, which shows a strong financial background. The most important feature of these texts
is, however, that they enable the reconstruction of the geographical distribution of the estates held
by military personnel. The texts show that members of the army lived in certain (dedicated?)
districts of the cities or regions in the countryside. Kakkullānu bought his neighbour’s house in
Nineveh.70 His neighbour was Šarrulūdārî whose father, A‹ū’aerība was the chariot man of the
Chief Eunuch of the crown prince (LÚ.GIGIR ša LÚ.GAL—SAG ša A—MAN), while his
neighbours were Sînšarruu%ur – probably a qurbūtu bodyguard – and Kanūnāiu, a cohort
commander (LÚ.GAL—ki%ir). When Kakkullānu leased 20 hectares of land in Qurubi,71 among
a certain Nabûbalāssuiqbî and a certain Urdu appear among his neighbours, and two cohort
commanders by these names are known from other texts of the archive (Chart 5). A similar picture
can be drawn from another text: Kakkullānu bought 20 hectares of land in several pieces in Abi
ilā’ī72 and his new fields became adjacent to his own estates and several estates of two other cohort
commanders, Ki%irAššur and UbruNabû, also familiar from several texts of the archive (Chart
5), a commanderof50 named Bal#āia, and with the field of Aššurmātutaqqin, the limmu of 623
B.C. The same neighbours appear when Kakkullānu leases more land in Abiilā’ī.73 These texts
reinforce our view concerning the territorial organization of the Assyrian army and probably hint
at the conscious practice of donating ‘service fields’ to Assyrian officers, estates which could be
increased by them, and could consequently be put on the market.
The career of MannukīArbail as a cohort commander started in 680 B.C., when he purchased
two vineyards during the year in Kipšuna,74 which might be connected to his family estate. During
the next year, however, he bought a garden in Nineveh,75 which may indicate his links to the
67 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 35 (ADD 650), 23-24; 36 (ADD 692 + 807), 15-16.
68 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 221 (ADD 675), Rev. 4’: Bār-Ṣarūri (Būr-Ṣarūru) LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir, 14’: Nabû-tāriṣ LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir, 15’:
Aḫi-rāmu LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir, 16’: Balasî LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir. Two of them, Nabû-tāriṣ and Balasî, are known from the Kakkullānu
archive.
69 MATTILA 2002, 33-57; KWASMAN 1988, 118-135.
70 MATTILA 2002, 40 (ADD 325).
71 MATTILA 2002, 41 (ADD 623).
72 MATTILA 2002, 42 (ADD 414).
73 MATTILA 2002, 45 (ADD 621).
74 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 201 (ADD 360), 202 (ADD 359).
75 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 204 (ADD 364).

Royal corps
capital and to the royal court. However, no text proves that he owned a house there, instead, he
bought a residence in the town of Zidada.76 MannukīArbail acquired several estates during the
years 678—676 B.C.,77 including two larger ones (32 and 20 hectares respectively).78
A further text reveals a different aspect of donating fields to the military: RēmanniAdad, the
chief chariot driver of Assurbanipal bought an entire village in 663 B.C., which was owned
collectively by several members of the local military establishment, who are as follows: the
deputy of the town Dannāia, the scribe of the queen mother, a chariot driver (mukil appāte), a third
man (tašlīšu), three chariot warriors (māru damqu),79 and three cohort commanders.80 It is,
however, not known whether they obtained the village as a kind of payment, or land grant (in
a conquered region?) for their military service or whether they owned estates because they were
welltodo noblemen of the Assyrian élite. It seems unlikely that any spontaneous market
mechanism could have resulted in such a concentration of military personnel in the body of
owners of a village; more probably, they had received the village as a donation from the king, or
as a share of booty. Regardless of it origin, this estate, similarly to the above mentioned cases, was
also put on the market. A further question needs to be answered: is there a discernible connection
between this kind of land ownership and the territorial recruiting system of the army (which
seems to have been organized on a territorial basis) or not?
Further mediate inferences can be drawn from the examination of the wittness lists found in
the legal documents of private archives. Almost half of the Assyrian cohort commanders are
known from the witness lists of 7th century B.C. legal documents, which come mainly from private
archives; only a few of them were issued by the king.81 The most informative archives obviously
belonged to Assyrian military personnel, where large numbers of officers and soldiers – the
colleagues or subordinates of the archive’s owner – served as witnesses.
An important aspect in the analysis of these legal documents is the geographical distribution
of the transactions. The question which has to be answered is whether the witnesses – including
military personnel – served at the location where the subject of the legal transaction (regarding
fields or houses) was situated, or whether they were stationed in the capital or larger cities of the
Empire, where the legal transaction took place. The witness section of a legal document of the
governess of the Kilizi harem, for example, contains the names of at least 5 cohort commanders.82
It is not known, however, whether the governess of the Kilizi harem lived or stayed in Nineveh,
or whether the cohort commanders served in Kilizi. A group of legal documents found at
76 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 210 (ADD 330), (676 B.C.).

77 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 207 (ADD 1240), (678 B.C.), 211 (ADD 460), (679 B.C.)?
78 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 217 (ADD 378), 218 (ADD 375).
79 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 325 (ADD 470), The owners of the village are as follows: Inurta-ilā’ī, deputy of the town of Dannāia;
Asqudu, scribe of the queen mother; Ḫiri-aḫḫē, chariot driver; Adad-uballiṭ, ‘third man; and three chariot warriors Mannu-kī-Arbail,
Zēru-ukīn, and Dādî-ibnî.
80 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 325 (ADD 470), 5: Nabû-rēmanni LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣ[ir], 6: Issar-ilā’ī LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir, Milki-idri
[LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir].
81 See for example the kudurru inscription (land grant) of Aššur-nādin-šumi (699—694 B.C.) from Babylon discussed above. The
witness section lists several military personnel, including 3 cohort commanders: BRINKMAN – DALLEY 1988, 76-98, (Ashmolean
1933. 1101), III: 6’: […]-nāṣir LÚ.GAL—KA.KEŠ, 10’: Bissunu LÚ.taš-li-šu, 10’: Kandar LÚ.GAL—KA.KEŠ, 11’: Abi-ram
LÚ.GAL—KA.KEŠ, 13’: […] LÚ.mu-kil ap-pa-a-ti.
82 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 247 (ADD 1188), 7: Mannu-kī-Arbail, Rev. 2: Mamī, 3: Qurdi-Issar LÚ.GAL—KA.KEŠ, 5: Arzēzu,
6: Nabû’a LÚ.GAL—KA.KEŠ (679 B.C.). The same cohort commanders appear in the witness section of another document:
KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 249 (ADD 602), Rev. 1’: Mannu-kī-Arbail […], 5’: Nabû’a […], 6’: Qurdi-Issar […], 7 Mamī
LÚ.GAL—KA.K[EŠ].

RECRUITMENT
Balawat lists four cohort commanders as witnesses.83 Balawat (ImgurEnlil) was probably the first
road station to the north, but it is unknown whether these cohort commanders were stationed
there or owned estates in the neighbourhood. The high concentration of military personnel in
witness lists shows that an important agent in the contract (the buyer or the seller) was an
important official of the court (e.g. the governess of the Kilizi harem, or a eunuch), or himself an
officer. One such example comes from a fragmentary witness list containing the names of 4 cohort
commanders and 3 ša—šēpē guardsmen.84 A similar, very fragmentary witness list probably
includes at least 6 cohort commanders.85
3) Geographical background. According to their names, these units were recruited from the home
provinces of the Assyrian Empire, from those important cities (Aššur, Arrap‹a, Arzu‹ina, and
Arbela) and territories (Arameans), which were situated along the most important Eastern,
Southteastern and Southern strategic directions. It seems plausible to say that these units were
based in the provinces which might have provided the recruitment and logistical background,
and garrisons for them. However, except their names, no other data supports this theory, if not
the names of the officers of the Arbailāia unit, where out of the 14 known names of its officers
3 carried the Ištar theophor element, the name of the city’s patron deity.86 This prosopographical
attribution may corroborate our theory that these units, including that of Arbela, were most
probably based in these cities and provinces, and used the (human and material) resources of these
territories indeed.
I.1.3 Chariotry units of the royal corps
I.1.3.1 Palace chariotry (mugerri ekalli (GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL)) 87
Large contingents of various types of chariotry units served in the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) of the
Assyrian army.88 Out of these (regular) units, the palace chariotry and the different types of
bodyguard chariotry units89 were the most important. The palace chariotry is one of the well
documented units of the Assyrian army, familiar from some administrative texts, including the
83 PARKER 1963, BT.101, Rev. 13: Bēl-dān LÚ.GAL—KA.KEŠDA; BT 118, 12: Nabû-nādin-aḫi LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir, 13: Urad-Issar
LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir; BT 124, 14: Issar-šumu-lēšir LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir.
84 MATTILA 2002, 319 (ADD 608), 1’: [… LÚ.GAL]—ki-ṣir, Rev. 1: Aššur-šarru-uṣur LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir (he can be connected to the
Kakkullānu archive), 3: [… LÚ].GAL—ki-ṣir, 7: [… LÚ].GAL—ki-ṣir.
85 MATTILA 2002, 351 (ADD 1184+), R. 3’: […]-bēlu-uṣur GA[L]—[ki-ṣir], 4’: Ikkaru GA[L …], 5’: Šagim GAL—[…], 6’:
Marduk-tēr GAL—[ki-ṣir], 7’: Inurtî GA[L—…] (he is also known from the Kakkullānu archive), 8’: Barru[qu GAL—…].
86 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, no. 108, ii, 20: Qurdi-Issar-lāmur; 22: Pān-Issar-lēšir; 23: Issar-tuklatūa, DEZSŐ 2006B, 120-121, note
189.
87 DEZSŐ 2012B, 74-76.
88 DEZSŐ 2012B, 69-78: Headquarters staff: chariotry element: (1) Ša—šēpē chariotry; (2) Taḫlīpu chariotry; (3) Pattūte chariotry;
Deportee unit; Chariot owners; Palace chariotry; Chariotry bodyguard; Chariotry of the ša—šēpē guard; Chariotry of the bodyguard
of the ša—šēpē guard; Open chariotry of the bodyguard of the ša—šēpē guard.
89 Chariotry bodyguard (GIŠ.GIGIR(mugerri) qurubte); chariotry of the ša—šēpē guard (GIŠ.GIGIR ša—šēpē); chariotry of the
bodyguard of the ša—šēpē guard (qurbūtu šēpē GIŠ.GIGIR); open chariotry of the bodyguard of the ša—šēpē guard (qurbūtu šēpē
DU8.MEŠ): DEZSŐ 2012B, 74-78.

ARCHIVE ASSYRIANS ARAMEANS WEST SEMITES FRoyal corps

OREIGNERS
Nimrud Horse Lists,90 ND 2386+2730,91 and ADD 855.92 Names of two types of palace chariotry
officers are known from the sources (Chart 12AB).

recruitment officers (mušarkis¬ni) 40 64.5 % 21 33.9 % 1 1.6 % — —
team commanders (rab urâte) 15 53.6 % 6 21.4 % 7 25 % — —
Fig. 8. Officers of palace chariotry.
As Fig. 8 shows, a similarly high ratio of Assyrian names in the prosopographic evidence of the
high ranking officers (recruitment officers, mušarkisāni or rabûti, LÚ.GAL.GAL.MEŠ) of the
palace chariotry can be observed. According to these texts, 40 officers (64.5 %) bore Assyrian
names, 21 officers (33.9 %) bore Aramean names and a single officer bore West Semitic name. The
subordinate officers were team commanders (rab urâte). If their ethnic composition can be
reconstructed from the prosopographic evidence, the Assyrian component was still dominant,
although only 15 officers bore Assyrian names (53.6 %) and 6 of them (21.4 %) bore Aramean names,
and a surprisingly high ratio, 25 % (7 officers) bore West Semitic names! It is unknown, whether
this shift in the ratio of the Assyrian and Aramean names between the two levels of the officers of
palace chariotry means that on the lower levels more Arameans served in the army, or not.
The names of the regular equestrian soldiers in this unit are virtually unknown. Those few
chariot crew members who are known by their names or are mentioned without their names are
as follows: a single palace chariot fighter (māru damqu) is mentioned in one of the letters of Zēru
ibnî, written to Sargon II,93 two chariot drivers (mukil appāte) are known from two legal
documents,94 and three ‘third men’ (tašlīšu) appear in administrative and legal documents.95 Most
of these soldiers had Assyrian names, but the scarcity of their textual occurrence makes
a prosopographic examination impossible.
The number of their high ranking officers (recruitment officers, mušarkisāni) shows a high
number and a relatively constant picture: their number was between 22 and 28 officers,96 and CTN
103 shows, 22 recruitment officers of the palace chariotry provided/brought altogether 373
horses.97 The recruitment officers served the Assyrian army on a territorial base – they were
responsible for the recruitment of horses and equestrian personnel from different provinces (see
below).
90 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 99 (ND 10002), Rev. iii:7-iv:8; no. 103 (ND 10001), Rev. i:1-ii:6; no. 108 (ND 9910+9911+),
v:12-37.
91 PARKER 1961, ND 2386+2730.
92 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, 43-45, Obv. 11’-Rev. 31’; FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 126.
93 PARPOLA 1987, 205 (ABL 154), 12: LÚ.A—SIG ša É.GAL.
94 Šamaš-ilā’ī: KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 37 (ADD 427), Rev. 12: IdUTU.DINGIR-a-a LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ ša É.GAL (694 B.C.),
Šamaš-šallim: KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 309 (ADD 200) Rev. 7: IdŠá-maš-šal-lim LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ šá É.GAL (667 B.C.), 331
(ADD 362), Rev. 4: IUTU-šal-lim L[Ú.DIB PA.MEŠ šá É.GAL] (660 B.C.).
95 Bēl-šarru-ibnî: KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 46 (ADD 127), Rev. 1: IEN.MAN.DÙ LÚ.3-šú É.GAL (681 B.C.); Rapi’: KWASMAN
– PARPOLA 1991, 287 (ADD 625), Rev. 9: IRa-pi-i’ LÚ.3-šú šá É.GAL (670 B.C.); FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 36 (ADD 1036), III:11-
13: LÚ.3.U5 É.GAL.
97 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 103 (ND 10001), Rev. i:1-ii:6.

RECRUITMENT
I.1.3.2 Chariot owners (bēl mugerri (LÚ.EN—GIŠ.GIGIR))98
This soldier type is very interesting because it seems that the chariot owners were a distinct social
‘class’, members of which were required to provide some military service for the royal corps of
the Assyrian army. The chariot owners (LÚ.EN—GIŠ.GIGIR (bēl mugerri)) are a category with
uncertain attributes and an indeterminate social background. The meaning of the word, ‘lord of
the chariot’ or ‘chariot owner’ does not allow us to draw any further conclusions, and translations
of the word have ranged from the simple ‘chariot fighter,’ through ‘noble’ to ‘chariot owner.’
They appear in the cuneiform records as early as 791 B.C. These are the Nimrud Wine Lists,
which enumerate court personnel, including military officials, who receive rations during their
(military) service at the royal court. However, the Nimrud Wine Lists mention no less than four
types of chariot owners: (1) chariot owner (LÚ.EN—GIŠ.GIGIR),99 (2) bearded chariot owner
(EN—GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ ša SU6(ziqni)),100 (3) chariot owner, servant of the Land/Palace (EN—
GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ ÌR.KUR / EN—GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ ÌR.É.GAL),101 (4) chariot owner of the bodyguard
(EN—GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ qurbuti).102 During the later part of the 8th century B.C., however, this
diversity disappeared and only a single type of chariot owner remained. As CTN III, 108103 and
111 show,104 the chariot owners were assigned to the Chief Eunuch’s (rab ša—rēšē) contingent,
which was one of the divisions of the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti). The fact that they were listed
together with such important members of the court as cohort commanders, prefects, bodyguards,
etc. emphasizes their significance. This importance may have originated from the original concept
that they were recruited from distinguished members of the Assyrian élite.
An important letter reporting certain political crimes against Esarhaddon in Guzana suggests
that they were prominent members of their local communities, since this report mentions
Addasakâ, a chariot owner as one of the elders of the city, who (as a leader of the elders?)
negotiated with the governor.105 The ‘noble’ and ‘chariot owner’ could mean that they were
‘nobles’ who fought in their own chariots (chariot owners). In this case they were welltodo
members of the local societies, who equipped themselves with the chariot, the horses and most
probably the chariot crew as well. It is unknown, however, that this status was a continuous
tradition going back to the 15—14th centuries B.C. Mitannian mariannu tradition106 or not. It seems
that such strategic weapons and equipment as the chariot could be put in circulation on the
market, and a text from DūrKatlimmu proves that even armoured chariots could be sold in
private transactions.107
According to Fig. 9 and Chart 6, the ethnic background of the chariot owners shows a mixed
picture: 13 chariot owners bore Assyrian names (56.5 %) and a relatively high number, 7 chariot
owners (30.4 %) bore Aramean and 3 (13.1 %) bore West Semitic names. The reason behind this
might be the Assyrian practice of drafting complete chariot crews and units from the ranks of
98 For the detailed discussion of chariot owners see DEZSŐ 2012B, 72-74.
99 KINNIERWILSON 1972, 10, 14; 8 Rev. 1-(2?), 791 B.C.; 9, Rev. 3-(4?), 786 B.C; 20, Rev. 4; 31, 3; 35, 7.
100 Bearded, i.e. non eunuch. KINNIERWILSON 1972, 3, I:27 (784 B.C.); 10, Rev. 10; 13, 18; 14, 26 (789 B.C.?).
101 KINNIERWILSON 1972, 3, I:25 (784 B.C.); 6, 13; 10, Rev. 3; 13, Rev. 6; 19, 14; 31, 4; 33, I:6.
102 KINNIERWILSON 1972, 6, 12 (qur-bu-ti); 34, 8 (qur-ru-ub-tu); 19, 15 (qur-bu-ti).
103 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 108, Obv. ii:25.; DEZSŐ 2012B, Chart 9.
104 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 111, Obv. 5’; DEZSŐ 2012B, Chart 9.
105 LUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 63 (CT 53, 46), 34.
106 ALBRIGHT 1930—1931, 217-221; REVIV 1972, 218-228.
107 Chariots could be sold in private transactions.

Royal corps
conquered or allied nations, a procedure followed not only in the case of regular chariot units,108
but also in the case of chariot owners, as well. Such an example is known from a letter of Na’di
ilu, the Chief Cupbearer (rab šāqê) replying to Sargon II, who ordered him to „Enquire and
investigate, and if they (the chariot owners from Que) [have no] food and seed, write me.”109
Chariot owners are known from the
BRANCHES DūrKatlimmu
ASSYRIANS archives (forWexample
ARAMEANS EST SEMITESfrom the Ra‹imiil
FOREIGNERS
110
archive), as members of the local community as well. This may be explained by the fact that
the conquered nations could much easier provide ‘semiprofessional’ chariot owners from their
élite than professional and regular chariot troops which they did not necessarily possess.
BRANCHES ASSYRIANS ARAMEANS WEST FOREIGNERS

SEMITES
chariot owners (bƝl mugerri (LÚ.EN GIŠ.GIGIR)) 13 56.5 % 7 30.4 % 3 13.1 % — —
chariot men (susƗnu (susƗnu (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR)) 52 61.9 % 25 29.8 % 5 5.9 % 2 2.4 %
chariot men (susƗnu (susƗnu LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR)) – provincial unit 6 18.7 % 15 46.9 % 9 28.1 % 2 6.3 %
chariot drivers (mukil appƗte) 60 63.8 % 23 24.5 % 9 9.6 % 2 2.1 %
chariot warriors (mƗru damqu) 11 57.9 % 3 15.8 % 3 15.8 % 2 10.5 %
‘third men’ (tašlƯšu) 64 59.2 % 27 25.0 % 11 10.2 % 6 5.5 %
Fig. 9. The ethnic composition of the different types of chariotry personnel of the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti).
I.1.3.3 Chariot men (susānu (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR))111
There are two distinct groups amongst the known names of the chariot men: both groups
represent Aramean and foreign chariot men, who – as the toponyms connected with them show
(Charts 7—8) – served the provincial troops of the Assyrian army. If our prosopographical
identification is correct (Fig. 9), the majority of them bore Assyrian names. However, in the ranks
of their provincial units the ratio of Aramean and West Semitic names was overwhelmingly higher
than the Assyrian names: only 6 names were Assyrian, which represent only 18.7 % of the whole
sample, while 15 names (46.9 %) were most probably Aramean, 9 names (28.1 %) were
reconstructed as West Semitic and 2 were foreigners (one Tabalean and one Urar#ean). The first
text group112 came from Aššur, the other is a conveyance text113 with four wittnesses who were
chariot men from a town named Šišil. The Tabalean and the Urar#ian names place the town Šišil,
where they served, somewhere to Eastern Anatolia.
108 For foreign chariotry units of the Assyrian army see DALLEY 1985; DEZSŐ 2012B, 92-93. Foreign chariotry units enlisted into the
Assyrian army: Tiglath-Pileser III (745—727 B.C.): from Rezin, king of Damascus (732 B.C., TADMOR 1994, Ann. 23, 5’-8’);
Sargon II: 50 chariots from Samaria (722 B.C., FUCHS 1994, Annales, 10-11 – probably the same as known from Nimrud Horse
Lists: DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 99, ii, 16-23), 200 chariots and 600 horsemen from Qarqar (721 B.C., FUCHS 1994, Display
Inscription, 35-6.), 30 chariots from Šinuḫtu (718 B.C., FUCHS 1994, Diplay Inscription, 24.), 50 chariots and 200 horsemen from
Carchemish (717 B.C., FUCHS 1994, Annales, 75), and 100 chariots from Bīt-Puritiš (713 B.C., FUCHS 1994, Annales, 201-202).
109 LÚ.EN—GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ KUR.Qu-u-a-a (LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 68 (CT 53, 40), 4-5): ‘chariot owners from Que.’
110 RADNER 2002, 107-110: Raḫimi-il, 110, Rd. 1; Nabû-nā’id, 122, 7; […], 125 Rev. 10; Adi’, 127, Rev. 2.
111 DEZSŐ 2012B, 109-117.
112 SCHROEDER 1920, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 131, 132.
113 MATTILA 2002, 397 (Iraq 32, 7).

RECRUITMENT
I.1.3.4 Chariot crew members
The crew members of the different types of chariotry units were most probably also recruited and
not simply drafted from the population of the Empire. The reason for this is that the chariot crew
members were welltrained soldiers and not ordinary infantrymen. Not only the chariot driver
(mukil appāte), but the ‘archer’ (chariot warrior, māru damqu), and the ‘shield bearer’ (third man,
tašlīšu) also needed special skills to serve in chariotry units. There were known and unknown local
and regional training centres (the arsenal palaces and other centres),114 where basic skills were
acquired. It seems plausible to suppose, that the crew members of the Assyrian chariotry units
were semiprofessional or professional soldiers and not ordinary soldiers drafted randomly
from the population of the Empire. The Assyrians, however, drafted equestrian soldiers from the
defeated armies and the ranks of the vassal armies (see below), where they recruited them from
the skilled professionals.
According to Charts 9—11 and Fig. 9 the majority of the crew members of the chariotry of the
royal corps bore Assyrian names. In the case of chariot drivers (Chart 9) 60 (63.8 %) had Assyrian
names and more than 34 % came from other ethnic groups. The same picture emerges in case of
the chariot warriors (Chart 10), 11 of whom (57.9 %) bore Assyrian, while the remaining 8 persons
were West Semites, Arameans and foreigners (Arab and Eastern Anatolian?). Almost the same ratio
can be observed in the group of ‘third men’ (Chart 11): 64 known ‘third men’ (59.2 %) had probably
Assyrian names, 27 of the ‘third men’ were Arameans (25 %), and 11 of them were West Semites
(10.2 %). There are 6 foreign names (5.5 %), which were probably Anatolians and Elamites.115
I.1.4 Province based units of the royal corps
The royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) consisted not only of units recruited from and garrisoned in the home
provinces of the Assyrian Empire. As has been discussed in detail,116 even the ranks of royal corps
were filled in with units of foreign origin. It is well known, that the Assyrian kings drafted
equestrian units from the defeated armies of their enemies to the royal corps.117 From these
contingents, however, only a few can be identified in the Assyrian administrative records of the
later periods. The following units (Chart 13, Fig. 10) were identified as provincial units of partly
foreign origin,118 since the names of some of their officers show a characteristic profile. These
114 A detailed discussion is going to be provided by the next volume of this project.
115 Tabalāiu (ITab-URU-a-a LÚ.3-šú šá A—MAN): KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 283 (ADD 425), R. 18’ (672 B.C.); Uarbisi (IÚ-bar-
bi-si LÚ.3-šú): KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 306 (ADD 187), R. 6’ (669 B.C.), see furthermore KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 310,
325, 326, 335, 339, 342, 350; Uarmeri (IÚ-a-ár-me-ri LÚ.3-si-šú): KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 323 (ADD 115), R. 3 (664 B.C.).
One ‘third man’ arrived probably from the Zagros: Atueḫu (KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 127 (ADD 179), 5-6: IA-tu-e-ḫu
LÚ.3.U5), 697 B.C.; while two other were Elamites: Būr-Silâ (LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 136 (ABL 140), 12-13: IBur-si-
la-a LÚ.3-šú ša DUMU—MAN), and Kudurru (LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 136 (ABL 140), 12-13: IKu-dúr-ru LÚ.3-šú ša
DUMU—MAN), reign of Esarhaddon.
116 DEZSŐ 2012B, 81-87.
117 Tiglath-Pileser III (745—727 B.C.): from Rezin, king of Damascus (732 B.C., TADMOR 1994, Ann. 23, 5’-8’); Sargon II: 50 chariots
from Samaria (722 B.C., FUCHS 1994, Annales, 10-11 – probably the same as known from Nimrud Horse Lists: DALLEY – POSTGATE
1984A, no. 99, ii, 16-23), 200 chariots and 600 horsemen from Qarqar (721 B.C., FUCHS 1994, Display Inscription, 35-6.), 30
chariots from Šinuḫtu (718 B.C., FUCHS 1994, Diplay Inscription, 24.), 50 chariots and 200 horsemen from Carchemish (717 B.C.,
FUCHS 1994, Annales, 75), and 100 chariots from Bīt-Puritiš (713 B.C., FUCHS 1994, Annales, 201-202).
118 DALLEY 1985, 31-48; DEZSŐ 2006B, 93-140, esp. 99-106, Fig.1; DEZSŐ 2012B, 81-87, Chart 10.

Royal corps
regular equestrian units in the above mentioned texts were embedded between two other units:
the recruitment officers of the bodyguard cavalry (mušarkisāni ša pēt‹al qurubte) and the
recruitment officers of the palace chariotry (mušarkisāni ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL)119 as a distinct group
of 7 units mustering exactly 50 officers (team commanders). It is obvious from the number of
officers listed in CTN III, 99, that the king ordered 7 of his generals to select a division of 50 officers,
which formed the core of a 120 officer strong equestrian division.120
BRANCHES COMMANDER ASSYRIANS ARAMEANS WEST SEMITES

Provincial unit 1 Šarru-Ɲmuranni 6 60.0 % 2 20.0 % 2 20.0 %
Provincial unit 2 – West Semitic Marduk-šarru-u‫܈‬ur 1? 10.0 % 1 10.0 % 8 80.0 %
Provincial unit 3 – Chaldeans 1? 14.3 % 6 85.7 % — —
Provincial unit 4 – Samarians Nabû-bƝlu-ka’’in — — 2 15.4 % 11 84.6 %
Provincial unit 5 TaklƗk-ana-BƝli 3 60.0 % 2 40.0 % — —
Provincial unit 6 Adallal 4 100.0 % — — — —
Provincial unit 7 Nergal-šarrƗni 2 100.0 % — — — —
঩amatƗia – ঩amateans 1 16.7 % — — 5 83.3 %
Fig. 10. The ethnic composition of the team commanders (rab urâte) of the provincial units of the royal corps.
These units were commanded by wellknown members of the Assyrian élite (Fig. 10). Some of them
were governors (Šarruēmuranni in Māzamua and limmu of 712 B.C.; Nabûbēluka’’in in Kār
Šarrukēn (›ar‹ar); TaklākanaBēli. in Na%ibina and limmu of 715 B.C.),121 yet here they appear in
another capacity. The governor was the administrative and military leader in his own province.
When, following the local muster, he left the province with his troops to join the troops of other
governors (regional muster) or the royal troops (royal muster), his status and identity underwent
a profound change. Leaving his province with his troops, the administrative character of his office
diminished or ceased entirely, and the military aspect of his portfolio came to the foreground. His
office transformed and he became one of the generals of the Assyrian army, commanding the
troops of his province.122
The prosopographical evidence and the ethnic composition of the different units show an
interesting picture. The examination of the names of the officers (team commanders, rab urâte) of
Unit 1 and Unit 5 shows the wellknown pattern: 60 % had Assyrian, and 40 % had Aramean and
West Semitic names. Furthermore, those few names (Chart 13) which are known from Units 6 and
7 were exclusively Assyrians!
The ranks of the remaining units, however, were filled mostly with foreign soldiers. In Unit
2 (‘West Semitic’) 80 % of the officers bore West Semitic names, while the remaining 20 % was
divided between Assyrians (1) and Arameans (1). It is quite possible that Unit 2 is based on those
200 chariots and 600 cavalrymen who were drafted from the defeated army of Ilubi’di, king of
Qarqar (1st regnal year of Sargon II, 721 B.C.)123 or on those 50 chariots and 200 cavalrymen of the
king of Carchemish, who were enlisted into the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) in the 5th regnal year of
Sargon II (717 B.C.).124
119 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 99, Obv. i:19-iii:6; no. 108, ii:48-iv:20; DEZSŐ 2012B, Chart 9.
120 For the reconstruction of the strength of the divisions of the Assyrian army of the Sargonides, and the importance of the number
of officers in the Nimrud Horse Lists, see DEZSŐ 2006B, 93-140.
121 For the detailed discussion of the carreer of these unit commanders see DEZSŐ 2012B, 81-87.
122 A detailed discussion of this change of identity is going to be provided in the next volume of this project.
123 FUCHS 1994, Display 35-6.
124 FUCHS 1994, Annales 75.


RECRUITMENT
In Unit 3, 85.7 % of the names were Aramean, and the text itself denotes this unit as
‘Chaldeans.’125 Unit 4 still bore the name Sāmerināia, which means that this was definitely the
same unit which was drafted from the
BRANCHES defeated army
ASSYRIANS of Samaria. Sargon
ARAMEANS II in his firstFOREIGNERS
WEST SEMITES regnal year
(721 B.C.) enlisted 50 chariots into the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti).126 Some 12 years later (in 709
B.C.), 84.6 % of the officers of the Sāmerināia still bore West Semitic, mainly Jewish names, and
there were only 2 team commanders in the unit who bore Aramean names.
The ›amatāia – which was not part of the 50 officerstrong division discussed above, but can
be identified as one of the provincebased units of the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) – was almost
homogenous from the ethnic point of view: out of the 6 known names 5 were West Semitic (83.3 %)
and only a single name was Assyrian (16.7 %), which means that this unit – drafted from the army
of Hamath into the royal corps most probably during one of the Western campaigns of Sargon
II – still kept its almost clear ethnic character, and continuously enlisted equestrian soldiers from
Hamath.
Summing up this section of the army, it can be said that the commanders of these units were
probably excellent military leaders, and trusted generals of Sargon II. This is why they were
appointed to the governorship of the strategically crucial eastern and northeastern provinces of
the Empire. They had already proven their military talents in their provinces, and this might have
been the reason why they could hold two offices simultaneously: they were both governors and
commanders of the provincial units of an expeditionary force of the ki%ir šarrūti. Their units were
not necessarily recruited in their own eastern provinces (see for example the ‘West Semitic’ Unit
2 of Mardukšarruu%ur, or the Samarian Unit 4 of Nabûbēluka’’in). It is unfortunately unknown
whether these provincial units were permanently garrisoned in the eastern provinces of these
governors/generals, or were placed under their command for certain military expeditions, like
these Babylonian campaigns.
BRANCHES ASSYRIANS ARAMEANS WEST SEMITES

of the stabble officers (šaknǌte ša ma’assi) 30 71.4 % 10 23.8 % 2 4.8 %
of other units 46 59.7 % 22 28.6 % 9 11.7 %
Fig. 11. The ethnic composition of the team commanders (rab urâte) of other units of the royal corps (ki%ir
šarrūti).
Out of the four units of the stable officers (see below and Chart 15), there are, however, several
unidentified units mustered during the Babylonian campaign of 710 B.C. and listed in the
Nimrud Horse Lists. They formed similar units as the provincial units or the palace chariotry and
most probably also mustered team commanders (rab urâte)127 (see Chart 16A). The ethnic
distribution of the 115 team commanders – who were mustered during the same campaign ergo
provide a fairly coherent base for a statistical record of the team commanders of the royal corps –
shows the wellknown pattern: 30 team commanders of the stable officers (71.4 %) bore
Assyrian/Akkadian names, while 10 of them (23.3 %) bore Aramean names, and 2 of them were West
Semites. Out of the 77 team commanders known by their names from the other units (Chart 16A)
46 officers (59.7 %) had Assyrian, 22 officers (28.6 %) had Aramean names, and 9 officers (11.7 %)
bore West Semitic names (Fig. 11). Unfortunately only a few records of later texts mention team
commanders by their names (Chart 16B). These few names, however, do not change the overall
picture of the ethnic character of the royal corps officers.
125 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 99, Obv. ii:15: KUR.Kal-da-a-a.

126 FUCHS 1994, Annales 15.
127 For a detailed study of the team commanders (rab urâte) see DEZSŐ 2012B, 130-132.

Royal corps
I.1.5 Officers of the recruitment and supply system
We can almost certainly reconstruct who were those officers who ran the recruitment and supply
systems in the center of the Empire and in the provinces. On the basic level – similarly to the
presentday practice – all of the commanding officers of the different units were responsible for
the loss replacement, recruitment and supply of their units, for the condition of the soldiers, horses
and their equipment. However, there were special officers who were in charge of the recruitment
and supply of larger units, whole provinces or whole armies.
In the central administration the major domo (rab bēti) of different officials or territories,128
the palace manager (rab ekalli), the recruitment officer (mušarkisu), and the stable officer (šaknu ša
ma’assi) were in charge of the recruitment of soldiers and animals.
In the provinces the governor, his deputy and his majordomo (rab bēti) were the offcials who
organized the provincewide system of recruitment, supply and logistics.
I.1.5.1 Majordomo (rab bēti)129
It is known from the Babylonian Chronicle that the majordomo of Esarhaddon (680—669 B.C.)
conscripted troops in Akkad in 679,130 677131 and 676 B.C.132 The majordomo of Assurbanipal
(668—631 B.C.) did the same in 652 B.C.133 These entries indicate that this official played a key
role in the conscription and mobilisation of the provincial troops. Not only the majordomo of the
king – if the above mentioned passages refer to such an official and not a majordomo of
a governor – but also the majordomos of different governors played a similar role: they mobilised
and summoned the troops of the different provinces and led them to the collection points and
musters. Such cases are known from the Sargonide royal correspondence, when governors and
other officials, such as Adadissīa,134 Aššurbēluu%ur,135 DūrAššur,136 Aššurbēluuda’’an,137
Aššurlē’i,138 and other unknown officials139 reported the troopsummoning activity of their major
domos.
One of the Nimrud Horse Lists also proves that the majordomo would have been part of the
military command structure of the Assyrian army. He appears at the end of the ‘city units’
section together with the rab šaglūte (commander of deportees) under the command of the Chief
Eunuch. This section summarizes a command structure in which the majordomo (of the Chief
Eunuch) commanded 10 officers.140 Two other texts present evidence that the majordomo
128 DEZSŐ 2012A, 187.

129 DEZSŐ 2012A, 187-189.
130 GRAYSON 1975, Chronicle 14 (Esarhaddon Chronicle), 6-9.
131 GRAYSON 1975, Chronicle 14 (Esarhaddon Chronicle), 12.
132 GRAYSON 1975, Chronicle 1 (745—668), iv:3-4.
133 GRAYSON 1975, Chronicle 16 (Akītu Chronicle), 9-10: in the 16th year, from the month Iyyar until the month Tebet, the major-
domo made a conscription (bi-ḫir-ti ib-te-ḫir) in Akkad.
134 SAGGS 1966, NL 89 (ND 2631); LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 215; SAGGS 2001, ND 2631.
135 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 60 (ABL 242).
136 SAGGS 2001, 148-149, NL 28 (ND 2799). Dūr-Aššur, as a governor of Tušḫan was the limmu of 728 B.C.
137 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 126 (ABL 243).
138 SAGGS 2001, 115-116, NL 75 (ND 2448).
139 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 67 (CT 53, 85), 9ff.; SAGGS 2001, 281, NL 92 (ND 2642), LUUKKO 2012, 210 (ND 2642).
140 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, 102 (ND 10019) iii:22’.

RECRUITMENT
commanded military units, with both mentioning the recruit of the majordomo.141 Summarizing
the evidence we can say that a welldefined military aspect of the majordomo of provincial
governors and the Chief Eunuch can be identified from written sources. They led and commanded
units both in the provincial section and the royal section (ki%ir šarrūti) of the Assyrian army.
Concluding the evidence, it seems obvious, that the officers’ sections of the Nimrud Horse
Lists enumerate officers who were in charge of the recruitment and supply of the units they
summoned for this review.
I.1.5.2 Recruitment officer (mušarkisu)142
The mušarkisu was a highranking officer, who was probably in charge of the supply and
provision of horses143 and soldiers. The first known mušarkisu officers appear in early 8th century
B.C. administrative texts.144 This points at an existing concept of the recruitment system as early
as the 8th century B.C. The latest known recruitment officer was Abulāmur – mentioned in an
Aššur text dated as late as 612 B.C.! – who borrowed silver.145 Their task was to collect horses and
men for campaigns and other works, such as building projects.
When Sargon II ordered Šamaštaklāk to give an assessment of the horses and men of his
territory, the resulting fragmentary report mentioned the recruitment officers of his country, the
prefects of the recruitment officers in charge of horses – which means that the network of
recruitment officers was supervised by their prefects ([L]Ú.šaknišunu ša LÚ.mušarkis.MEŠ) and
the scribes.146 In this letter Šamaštaklāk asked the king to send an order to the recruitment officers
to bring the men and horses directly to him. This means that the recruitment officers were under
the command of the king in the cenral management system for the supply of men and horses.
The recruitment officers served different units (bodyguard cavalry, bodyguard chariotry,
palace chariotry etc., see for example Figs. 2, 8, 10)147 in different territories of the Empire. Their
system, similarly to the recruitment and supply organization of the Empire was built on
a territorial basis, as Fig. 13 (ND 2386+2730) shows in the case of their recruitment network: they
were attached to provinces.148 The governors of the different provinces had to provide the
necessery means for them, including even houses to live in.149 The witness lists of legal texts list
recruitment officers probably as members of the local establishment or colleagues of the owner
of the archive.150
141 FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 35 (ADD 923), 1: Mannu-kī-ṣābē, recruit of the major-domo of the Chief Eunuch (LÚ.rak-su ša GAL—
É ša GAL—SAG); HARPER 1892, 1009, Rev. 17 mentions 209 men, whom the recruit of the major-domo has brought.
142 DEZSŐ 2012B, 43-44, 122-128.
143 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, 27-47; PARPOLA 1987, 162 (ABL 1036); LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 83 (ABL 1012), 119 (ABL 122).
144 Ṣābu-damqu LÚ.mu-šar-ki-su, POSTGATE 1973, 51 (ND 263), 10 (797 B.C.); Aḫu-šamšī LÚ.mu-šar-ki-[su], POSTGATE 1973, 68
(ND 262), Rev. 6’ (779 B.C.).
145 Abu-lāmur mu-šar-kis (FAIST 2007, 115 (VAT 20711), 1.
146 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 294 (ABL 153+).
147 For a detailed discussion of the 8 types of recruitment officers see DEZSŐ 2012B, 127-128, and Fig. 4.
148 PARKER 1961, ND 2386+2730.
149 PARPOLA 1987, 124 (ABL 190): Kiṣir-Aššur from Dūr-Šarrukēn assured Sargon II, that he had already built the houses of the
recruitment officers.
150 A mušarkisu is mentioned in the witness list of a document from the archive of Nabû-tuklātūa (reign of Adad-nērārī III), where
he appears together with the members of the military establishment of the town Šabirēšu (2 rab kallāpi, 1 qurbūtu, 3 rab 50, 1
rab ṣābē). DELLER – FADHILL 1993, no. 20, R. 4, 6. See furthermore Tall Šēh Hamad: RADNER 2002, 126 (SH 98/6949 I 941), Rev.
5, 665 or 662 B.C.; 127 (SH 98/6949 I 903), Rev. 6, 691 or 686 B.C.; Nineveh: KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 86 (ADD 261), 694—
692 B.C.

Royal corps
There is only a single known example of a recruitment officer serving a governor, which might
easily refer to a change in the concept.151 The king sent orders to governors to let the recruitment
officers enter the villages to conscript the men.152 Furthermore, this letter informed the king that
all the trainees who arrived with MannukīNinua were appointed to the service of the recruitment
officers. As the report of Ki%irAššur from DūrŠarrukēn shows, the governors even had to build
houses for them.153
BRANCH ASSYRIANS ARAMEANS WEST SEMITES FOREIGNERS

recruitment officers (mušarkisu) 78 63.9 % 37 30.4 % 6 4.9 % 1 0.8 %
Fig. 12. The ethnic composition of recruitment officers.
If we examine the prosopographic evidence (Chart 14), a similar picture emerges as in other
branches of the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) of the Assyrian army (Fig. 12): out of the 122 known names
of recruitment officers 78 had Assyrian (63.8 %), while 37 Aramean (24.8 %) and 6 (4.9 %) West
Semitic names, and a single officer was of foreign origin (0.8 %). This trend fits into the general
model of the royal corps: three quarters of the personnel were most probably Assyrians or at least
bore Assyrian (Akkadian) names. Whether it was intentional (to keep the Assyrian (ethnic)
dominance and the key positions in the army) or a mere coincidence – cannot be confidently
decided. However, according to the present writer’s view this phenomenon reflects to a conscious
organizing principle to keep the Assyrian dominance in the officers’ corps of the Assyrian army.
I.1.5.3 Prefect of stables (šaknu ša ma’assi)154
As discussed in the earlier volume of this project, according to the Nimrud Horse Lists the ‘stable
officers’ (šaknūte ša ma’assi), together with their subordinate officers formed a separate equestrian
unit (probably chariotry). Much to our regret their exact task is unknown. Their title, ‘stable
officers’ and their appearance in the horse lists means that they may have been responsible for
the supply and provision of the horses. It seems that there were usually four of them, and they
were never attached to particular units. It appears that they served the royal army as a whole. An
administrative text (ND 2386+2730)155 discussed above and (Fig. 13) is the only source which
makes it clear that the stable officers were delegated or attached to different regions/provinces
of the Assyrian Empire: Bar‹alzi, Ra%appa, Zamua, and ›abrūri. Together with the recruitment
officers (mušarkisāni) they played a key role in the ‘central horse management’ of the Assyrian
Empire. It is quite plausible to suppose, that the recruitment officers (mušarkisāni) were in charge
much more of the equestrian personnel, while the stable officers (šaknūte ša ma’assi) were
responsible for the horse management of the Assyrian army (for further details on the horse
management see Chapter III. Horse breeding and supply).
151 mPi-ša-ar-mu LÚ.mu-šar-kis ša LÚ.GAR.<KUR>, KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 36 (ADD 34), Rev. 2-3.
152 SAGGS 2001, 197-199 (NL 56, ND 2462) 22-23.
153 PARPOLA 1987, 124 (ABL 190).
154 DEZSŐ 2012B, 87-88, 122.
155 PARKER 1961, ND 2386+2730, Obv. II:17’-20’-Rev. I:1-7. Rev. I:6-7: napḫar 4 LÚ.šak-nu-te ša ma-’a-as-si.

RECRUITMENT
LINES NAME TERRITORY NUMBER TYPE OF (RECRUITMENT) OFFICER

O. I:1’-2’ [...]
3’ lim-mu dMAŠ-[DU.ŠI]
(Ninurta-[Ɨlik-pƗni]) 711 B.C.
Id
4’ [...]-Ɲreš ina É(bƯt) LÚ.tur-tan [...]
5’-6’ Zazaku, Kabbi-[…] ina KUR.Si’immê 2
7’-8’ Adad-iqbî, Šumu-lƝšir ina KUR.Til-Barsip 2
9’-11’ KinƗte, Kalbu LÚ.URU.Nin-nu-a ina KUR.঩alziatbar 2
12’-13’ […]-Adad, Urkat-ili ina URU.Kurbail 2
14’-15’ […], […] [ina KUR.঩abrǌ]ri 2
16’-17’ [Adad]-iqbî, Nabû-dǌru-uৢur [ina KUR(mƗt)] rab šƗqê 2
18’-19’ […], Adad-abua [...]-na 2
20’-21’ [AপƯa], Urdî [URU.Isa]-na 2
22’-23’ […]-a [...] [2]
24’-25’ [...] [2]
26’-27’ [...] [2]
O. II:1’’-2’’ […], […] [...] [2]
3’’-4’’ […], […] [...] [2]
5’’-6’’ […], […] [...] [2]
[nap‫ې‬ar] [28?] [LÚ.mu-šar-kis ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL?]
1’-2’ ঩al-[…], […] ina KUR.[...] 2
3’-4’ Marduk-[…], […] ina URU.[...] 2
5’-6’ Ki-[…] LibbƗli-[…]? ina KUR.঩alziatbar 2
7’-8’ Ubru-LibbƗli, Nanusu ina URU.Arzuপina 2
9’-10’ Nergal-iqbî, NiপdƗ’Ư ina URU.Laপiri 2
11’-12’ BƝl-aপu-uৢur, ঩aldû ina URU.Arrapপa 2
13’-14’ BƝl-঩arrƗn-šadûa, Adad-[…] ina URU.Kulnia 2 Adad-[…]
15’-16’ nap‫ې‬ar 14 LÚ.mu-šar-kis ša pét-‫ې‬al-li-e
17’-18’ Nergal-šarru-uৢur ina KUR.Barপalzi 1
19’-20’ IlƗni-bƝlu-uৢur ina KUR.Raৢapa 1
Id
R. I:1-3 […]-iddina […] ina KUR.Zamua 1
4-5 BƝl-dǌri ina KUR.঩abrǌri 1
6-7 nap‫ې‬ar 4 LÚ.šak-nu-te ša LÚ.ma-’a-si
8 […]-ba […] (or ina UR[U …]
9 […]-iddina […] (or ina […])
10 […]
11 […]-Aššur […]
12 […]
13 […]
14-15 nap‫ې‬ar 4 LÚ.mu-šar-kis.MEŠ ša LÚ.šag-lu-te
16-17 Adad-iqbî, Šumu-lƝšir ša URU.Kurbail 2
18-19 ku-um Šamaš-[…] ina URU.Til-Barsipi
(from Kurbail, in place of Šamaš-[...] to Til-Barsip)
20-21 AপƯa, Urk[at-ili] ištu libbi (from) 2
URU.Isa[na]
22-23 ku-um Adad-iqbî ina URU.Kurbail
(from Isana, in place of Adad-iqbî to Kurbail)
24-25 loss/compensation […] of […]
R. II:1-4 […] ša URU.[…]
Fig. 13. Recruitment officers (mušarkisāni) and stable officers (šaknūte ša ma’assi) of various provinces
according to ND 2386+2730.

Provincial troops
I.2. Provincial troops
The study of the recruitment system including the ethnic and social background of the soldiers
of the provincial troops needs a quite different approach than the study of the units of the royal
corps (ki%ir šarrūti). Not a single substantial list of soldiers, officers or other military personnel
exists in the case of the provincial troops, consequently no source provides details which could
yield similar results as in the case of the royal corps. Different types of materials need a somewhat
different approach which in turn leads to somewhat different results.
According to our reconstruction, the provincial troops, the troops of the governors,156
magnates,157 and high officials158 were composed of a smaller, semiprofessional or professional
element recruited (voluntarily) similarly to the soldiers of the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti), and a larger
semiprofessional or nonprofessional part, soldiers of which were conscripted and drafted (by
force), most probably within the framework of a taxation system (ilku or similar).
1) The smaller professional or semiprofessional part of the provincial troops formed the
military entourage of the governors and high officials and was composed of equestrian and
infantry units.
2) These units were complemented by the professional or semiprofessional units of the local
vassal rulers.
3) The larger part of the provincial troops was composed of the conscripted local soldiers. These
drafted infantrymen provided the bulk of the Assyrian army, the line infantry of the battles.
4) A further element of the (provincial) armies was provided by the vassals and conquered
people, from the ranks of whom large numbers of soldiers were drafted into the Assyrian army
(e.g. Fig. 13). These troops were dispersed in different parts of the Empire – often far away from
their home – to serve the imperial interests in a foreign milieu, where they were required to
be loyal to the king and true allies of the Assyrian army.
I.2.1 Drafting troops into the Assyrian army

from the conquered armies of enemies
The Assyrian kings as early as the 9th century B.C. drafted and took with them auxiliary troops
from the armies of their vassals, allies and/or the defeated people.159 The royal inscription of
Assurnasirpal II lists the troops, chariots, cavalry and infantry (GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ pit‹allu LÚ.zu
ku) of BītBa‹iāni, Adad‘ime of Azallu, A‹ūni of BītAdini, Carchemish, and Lubarna of Patinu,
which were taken by the Assyrian king on his campaign to Lebanon.160 This picture remains
a characteristic for the first phase in the history of the NeoAssyrian Empire (911—745 B.C.).
156 For a detailed study of the troops of governors see DEZSŐ 2012A, 189-202, esp. 190.
157 For a detailed study of the troops of magnates see DEZSŐ 2012A, 202-210.
158 For a detailed study of the troops of high officials see DEZSŐ 2012A, 210-222.
159 For the representations of the foreign soldiers in the ranks of the Assyrian army see NADALI 2005A, 222-244; DEZSŐ 2012A, passim.
160 GRAYSON 1991, Assurnasirpal II, A.0.101.1, iii:58, 60, 63, 68-69, 77.

RECRUITMENT
However, while in the first phase of the development of the Empire the army was composed
mainly of ethnic Assyrians, it changed significantly in the second half of the 8th century B.C.,
following the extensive conquests of TiglathPileser III (745—727 B.C.). Several new ethnic
groups became Assyrian subjects, and the army in its earlier form was no longer sufficient for the
defence of the new territories, let alone for further conquests. From that period onwards large
numbers of soldiers were conscripted from the conquered territories, and were drafted into the
‘newmodel’ Assyrian army. When TiglathPileser III in his 13th—14th palû (732 B.C.) defeated
Peqah, the king of Israel, he took a number of Israeli soldiers with him to Assyria.161 Sargon II
(721—705 B.C.) enlisted foreign contingents into the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) of his army as
follows: in the year of his coronation (721 B.C.) 50 Samarian chariots,162 on his 1st campaign, at
the North Syrian town Qarqar 200 chariots and 600 cavalry,163 on his 5th campaign at Carchemish
50 chariots, 200 cavalry and 3,000 infantry,164 on his 9th campaign at Tabal 100 chariots,165 and on
his 13th campaign 20,000 archers and 10,000 shieldbearing spearmen166 from BītIakīn.
Part of these troops were enlisted in the royal corps (see the chapter: I.1.4 Province based units
of the royal corps, above), but the bulk of these soldiers remained in the provinces under the
command of the provincial governors and high officials. The annals of Sargon II mention, for
example, that during his 13th campaign, after defeating Muttallu, king of Kummu‹, in addition
to 150 chariots and 1,500 horsemen he also drafted 20,000 archers (ERIM.MEŠ(%ābē)
GIŠ.BAN(qašti)) and 10,000 shieldbearer spearmen (naaš GIŠ.kababi u GIŠ.azmaree)167 into the
Assyrian army from the defeated forces, and gave these troops to the newly established office of
the turtānu of the left (turtānu ša bīt šumēli). These 20,000 archers and 10,000 shieldbearer
spearmen were probably local Anatolians or NorthSyrian Arameans.
Sennacherib (704—681 B.C.) also added 10,000 bowmen (GIŠ.BAN) and 10,000 shield bearers
(GIŠ.aritu) to the royal corps during his Western campaign in 701 B.C.,168 30,000 bowmen
(GIŠ.B[AN]) and [10,000] shield bearers ([GIŠ].aritu) during his Western campaign in 695 B.C.,169
and 30,500 bowmen (GIŠ.BAN) and 30,500 shield bearers (GIŠ.aritu) during his Elamite campaign.170
A fragmentary letter from Babylonia written by an unknown official refers to a royal order
asking him to send 1,000 archers (to the royal camp?). This royal order refers furthermore to Aššur
bēlutaqqin who got [x] horses and 20,000 archers in a cloister.171
These troops, which were drafted during the reign of Sennacherib, were probably added to
the Assyrian army as auxiliary forces to serve on a seasonal base during a single campaign, and
– contrary to the above mentioned examples – these units were not enlisted into the Assyrian army
(royal corps or provincial troops) as regular units. These units served the Assyrian expeditionary
army as frontline units and/or provided military force for the occupation of the conquered
territory and guard duties, which – in case of large territorial conquests – required substantial
manpower. These troops were obviously not supplied and fed in the home provinces of the
Empire, but in the conquered territories.
161 TADMOR 1994, Summ. 4: 16`.

162 FUCHS 1994, Annales, line 15.
163 FUCHS 1994, Display Inscription, lines 35-6.
166 FUCHS 1994, Annales, lines 409-10.
167 FUCHS 1994, Annales, lines 409-410, (13th palû, 709 B.C.), cf. Prunk 116-117.
168 LUCKENBILL 1924, 60:59 (3rd campaign).
169 LUCKENBILL 1924, 63 v 15-18 (695 B.C., in the limmu of Aššur-bēlu-uṣur, against Til-Garimmu, Tabal).
170 LUCKENBILL 1924, 76:103 (6th campaign, Nagītu, Elam).
171 DIETRICH 2003, 70 (CT 54, 64), 4’-11’. See furthermore 109 (ABL 1319), Rev. 7’-11’.

Provincial troops
I.2.2 Drafting troops into the Assyrian army from within the Empire
As has been discussed above, the Assyrian kings conscripted relatively large numbers of troops
from the conquered and/or allied nations of the Empire. Such a case is known from the Babylonian
Chronicle, when the majordomo of Esarhaddon (680—669 B.C.) conscripted troops in Akkad in
679,172 677173 and 676 B.C.174
A Nimrud administrative text (ND 2619)175 provides the total number of equestrian troops
conscripted from different parts of the Empire (Fig. 14).176 This text altogether lists 1,669
cavalrymen, 577+ chariot drivers, and 1,164 ‘third men’ – a remarkable force under the command
of the sukkallu and other officers. Sargon II sent an order to Šarruēmuranni to Babylonia to
mobilize and bring the conscripts (raksu)177 of DūrLadini, DūrBali‹āia and Larak.178 Such a case
is known from a letter, in which an unknown Assyrian official reports to the king at the
beginning of the muster season (5th of Nisan (I)) that the Larakeans have not provided their king’s
men yet. They only gave 200 men, the rest are missing. The fragmentary letter in all probability
also refers to the Babylonians in a similar context. It seems that the Assyrians imposed a quota
of providing king’s men (%āb šarri) and their reserves179 onto the conquered tribes.180 £āb%il
Ēšarra (governor of Aššur) got an order from Sargon II to mobilize the reserves of the king’s men
of the Ruqa‹u and ›allatu tribes.181 A letter from Na’diilu, the Chief Cupbearer (rab šāqê) written
to Sargon II records a similar case: he asked the king to send the following order to Nā%ibil:
“Assemble the whole BītAmukāni, stay with the Chief Cupbearer, and do whatever he
commands you!”182 Other sources also corroborate that large units of Aramean and Chaldean
troops were enlisted (by force) into the Assyrian army: one of the letters written to
Assurbanipal(?) mentions the archers of the Puqūdu (GIŠ.PAN.MEŠ ša LÚ.Puqūdu).183 A
fragmentary Assyrian letter from the reign of Sargon II or Sennacherib mentions a relatively large
number (20,000) of Chaldean archers (from BītDakkuri?).184 Not only men of Chaldean or
Aramean tribes, but the people of conquered cities or towns also provided drafted troops.185 An
unfortunately fragmentary letter refers to 3,000 or 4,000 men of probably Ellipi in a campaign
context, where the Assyrians probably wanted to draft reinforcements and asked Daltâ, king of
Ellipi to provide it.186 The royal correspondence of the Sargonides frequently mentions the troops
172 GRAYSON 1975, Chronicle 14 (Esarhaddon Chronicle), 6-9.

173 GRAYSON 1975, Chronicle 14 (Esarhaddon Chronicle), 12.
174 GRAYSON 1975, Chronicle 1 (745—668 B.C.), iv:3-4.
175 PARKER 1961, 38, ND 2619.
176 For a detailed discussion see KAPLAN 2008, 135-152. He dated the text to the Mukin-zēri rebellion (731 B.C.). For the whole topic
see KAPLAN 2006.
177 For a detailed study see DEZSŐ 2012B, 118-120.
178 PARPOLA 1987, 18 (ABL 1292).
179 For the commander of reserves (LÚ.GAL—rak-si) see PARPOLA 1987, 177 (ABL 414), 6.
180 LUUKKO 2012, 151 (ND 2493).
181 PARPOLA 1987, 91 (ABL 94). For Ruqaḫu see furthemore 92 (ABL 1086).
182 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 63 (ABL 194), Rev. 1-6.
183 HARPER 1892, 1028, Rev. 4.
184 DIETRICH 2003, 70 (CT 54, 64), 4-11. See furthermore 109 (ABL 1319), Rev. 7’-11’.
185 An unknown official refers for example to the troops of the conquered Muṣaṣir (LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 139 (ABL 448).
186 SAGGS 2001, 134-136, NL 42 (ND 2655); FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 84 (NL 42, ND 2655). A fragmentary letter of Issar-dūri refers
to a cavalry unit of Nibê (of Ellipi), which must have joined to the Assyrian expeditionary army in Media (FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001,
3 (ABL 159)).

RECRUITMENT
of conquered nations who became vassals of the Assyrian king, including for example units from
Philistia,187 Kummu‹u,188 Šadikanni,189 Kumme,190 and Mu%a%ir.191
LINES NUMBER OF UNIT TYPE PLACE OF ORIGIN SUMMARY

SOLDIERS
unit type number of soldiers
O.1 [x] cavalry
2 [x] [...] BƯt-Adini
3 134 ditto BƯt-Ukani
4 27 ditto Dǌr-Ellatia
5 12 ... estate of Bazi
6 53 ditto ša Zakir
7 56 ditto ša Dannu?-Nergal
8 38 ša Nabû-Ɲmuranni, mƗr Nadini
9 271 cavalry Larak
10 11 chariot drivers BƯt-Adini [cavalry] [658]
11 505 e-lat? (in addition to?) BƯt-Ukani cavalry 591
12 37 ditto chariot drivers 553
13 in all: 1,802 LÚ.SUKKAL in all: 1,802
14 143 cavalry BƯt-Adini
15 59? Sab‫ې‬Ɨnu
16 [x] chariot drivers ša Nabû-[...]
17 7 ‘third men’ BƯt-Adini cavalry 202
18 584? Sab‫ې‬Ɨnu chariot drivers [x]
19 566 BƯt-Adini ‘third men’ 1,157
20 in all: 1[x]20 Šumu-[...] in all: 1,359+[x]
21 117? people ‫ۏ‬a-[...]-ni
22 in Na‫܈‬ibina people 117?
23 6 ‘third men’ Larak
24 172 cavalry Larak ‘third men’ 6
25 46 cavalry BƯt-Dakkuri cavalry 218
26 in all: 224 from Til-Barsip in all: 224
27 24 chariot drivers Ru’a
28 [x] from the people ša Sab‫ې‬Ɨnu
of
29 [x] ištu (from the country of) Zaban
30 and from Zamua
31 13 young men/sons (of) Šamšani
32 (from/at) Guzana chariot drivers 24
1,669 cavalry
577+[x] chariot drivers
1,164? ‘third men’
Fig. 14. The structure of text ND 2619 (PARKER 1961, 38).
187 PARPOLA 1987, 155 (ABL 218).

188 PARPOLA 1987, 172 (NL 88), Rev. 22-29.
189 PARPOLA 1987, 223 (CT 53, 87), 4-Rev. 13.
190 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 97 (ABL 147), 4-15.

Provincial troops
The Assyrians drafted auxiliary forces from the conquered people of Babylonia as early as the
Mukinzēri rebellion in 731 B.C. One of the letters written to TiglathPileser III reports the
negotiations between Assyrian officials and the leaders of the Litāmu tribe: “The people of the
Litāmu tribe have sent a message, saying: ‘We are servants of the king. On the thirtieth day we
shall come (and) have discussions with you, and a strong force of soldiers (L[Ú]?.x.DAN.MEŠ) will
come with us to the king.’”192 Later it became a standard position for the vassals or subjugated
communities that they promised to move out from their quarters with their troops, (only) when
the king came or Assyrian troops showed up.193 Such a case is known from the letter of Nabû
balāssuiqbî: “In the matter of the soldiers of the tribe of DūršaBali‹āia about which the king
my lord sent a message, [the officials] of the king my lord indeed reveal that they know their guilt.
They are hearing the evidence about it. They will come (when) you come.”194
There is an obscure text, an administrative report, which has to be revisited, and which lists
(military) personnel (LÚ.ERIM.MEŠ) and their equids (ANŠE.NITÁ.MEŠ) in two columns made
up of various (ethnic) groups (Lidiaens, Itu’eans, ›amaraneans) assigned to different persons (Fig.
15). The official who gathered these personnel and equids sent altogether 198 soldiers, 195
equids, and 2 camels to the king. The Itu’eans provided 18 soldiers and 18 donkeys.195
Unfortunately no further details are known. The text does not mention cavalrymen, so this
contingent might well have been a (military) caravan with escort and pack animals
lines
3’ … I reviewed them
4’ did [n]ot g[o] (away) and
5’ a[ssigned] th[e men] and donkeys
6’ brought them out on the 12th
7’ and they left for me.
8’ 19 soldiers 19 donkeys (ANŠE.NITÁ.MEŠ)
(LÚ.ERIM.MEŠ)
9’ 13 his soldiers 10 donkeys + 1 camel (ANŠE.A.AB.BA)
10’ 3 soldiers 3 donkeys KUR.Li-di-a-a
11’ 81 soldiers 81 donkeys BƝl-lƝšir
12’ 18 soldiers 18 donkeys KUR.Ú-tu-u-a-a
13’ 15 soldiers 15 donkeys KUR.‫ۏ‬a-mar-[an-a-a]
14’-15’ 59 soldiers 59 donkeys + 1 camel under the command of Šamaš-bunƗ [ia]
16’ 198 soldiers
17’ 195 donkeys
18’ 2 camels
19’-21’ I am (now) send[ing them to the king, my lord], in the custody of Apladad-[...], my messenger.
Fig. 15. The structure of text ND 2366 (SAGGS 1959, NL 60, SAGGS 2001, 241242).
A quite different, but traditional way of drafting local auxiliary forces was used in Babylonia: the
Assyrians integrated the Babylonian military and civilian administration into the Assyrian
system. The key persons were the commandants (šandabakkus) of the Babylonian cities. The
192 SAGGS 2001, 19-21, NL 1 (ND 2632), Rev. 39-42.

193 Another letter from the time of the Mukin-zēri rebellion (731 B.C.) gives further details of probably similar negotiations between
an Assyrian official and the leaders of an Aranmean/Chaldean tribe. SAGGS 2001, 22-25, NL 2 (ND 2717) ; LUUKKO 2012, 125
(ND 2717).
194 SAGGS 2001, 51-52 (ND 2689), 6-13.
195 SAGGS 1959, NL 60 (ND 2366), 12’, SAGGS 2001, 241-242; LUUKKO 2012, 177 (ND 2366).

RECRUITMENT
Assyrians ordered the šandabakkus to mobilize the forces of their cities, and join the Assyrian army
or perform local duties, like the borderguard duty along the border of their cities which were in
several cases the imperial borders (for example along the Euphrates on the Arab front). The
Assyrian philosophy of this tradition, since it was a tradition, is very well reflected in a letter of
most probably Esarhaddon to the šandabakku of presumably Nippur: “The former šandabakkus
(governors of Nippur) who were there before you, whether they were at ease with their lords or
not, were, like you, courtiers of their lords, and their lords’ favour obliged them, as it obliges you.
Each šandabakku duly mobilised his forces and went with &allāia to where(ver) my grandfather
sent him in the whole land of Akkad up to the Sealand. Now you, too, mobilise your forces and
go and j[o]in Nabûē#ir, the governor of the northern Sealand! Do your work, ..., (and) make your
names good in my eyes!”196 Similar letters of the royal correspondence of Esarhaddon and
Assurbanipal frequently mention the commandants (šandabakkus) of Nippur,197 Babylon,198
Uruk,199 Kish,200 Cutha,201 Dilbat,202 and Marad.203 The troops they provided for the Assyrians
were mainly archers. A letter from the time of the Mukinzēri rebellion (731 B.C.) reports for
example that the šandabakku (LÚ.GÚ.EN.NA) presumably of Nippur, joined the Assyrian forces
with 3 chariots, […] cavalrymen, and 500 archers.204 Illilbāni, governor of Nippur, and Aššurbēlu
taqqin, prefect and the ‘people of Nippur ’ wrote several letters to Esarhaddon asking for troops,
since they had to keep watch along a long stretch of border along the Euphrates without cavalry,
supported only by archers.205 Two letters from the reign of Assurbanipal mention the archers of
Uruk206 while another letter written to Esarhaddon deals with two officials (Bēlīpuš and Bēl
uballi#) who had to mobilise archers (ERIM.MEŠ ša GIŠ.BAN) in Dilbat.207 One of the letters to
Esarhaddon concerns a certain ›innumu, the ‘commander of Uruk,’ who was accused by some
fellow Urukians of having sided with the Elamite king. A fragmentary part of this letter mentions
him in the context of [X] hundred spearmen and 300 archers.208 The latter were probably
Babylonian city archers, possibly Urukians (this theory is supported by the appearance of
spearmen, which suggests that these were regular units).
196 REYNOLDS 2003, 3 (ABL 540), 4-Rev. 10.

197 REYNOLDS 2003, 70 (ABL 327), 1-2;
198 REYNOLDS 2003, 70 (ABL 327), Rev. 10-11.
199 REYNOLDS 2003, 125 (ABL 965), 3-8. This text in an unfortunately broken context mentions [… hundred] spearmen and 300 archers
(Rev. 25).
200 REYNOLDS 2003, 54 (ABL 1255), 10-12.
201 REYNOLDS 2003, 131 (CT 54, 37), 4-9; 156 (ABL 1394), Rev. 2-4.
202 REYNOLDS 2003, 183 (ABL 326), 8-9: Šulâ, the commandant of Dilbat appointed by Šamaš-šumu-ukīn.
203 REYNOLDS 2003, 192 (ABL 238), 9-10: Šuma-iddin, commandant of Marad.
204 SAGGS 2001, 22-25, NL 2 (ND 2717), 54’-57’; LUUKKO 2012, 125 (ND 2717), Rev. 23-25.
205 REYNOLDS 2003, 196 (CT 54 141), 5’-12’: “From there is a half a shekel of territory (ca. 1 km) until the magnates. The second
watch is from Dume-il to Šadirtu, a league (and) half a shekel of territory (ca. 11 km), pasture-land of the Euphrates. I keep telling
Bēlšunu, ‘Give me troops and assign them to my watch’”; 197 (ABL 617+), 6-Rev. 4: “The territory before us is extensive, five
stages of territory square. It is a watch for cavalry and archers. We have several times written to the house of our lords about the
horses. Now we are keeping watch with archers (ERIM.MEŠ GIŠ.BAN) (only) and praying to the gods of the king, our lord.”;
198 (CT 54 454), 6’-12’: “Now then I have stationed […]s upon […]. We are praying to the gods of the king our lord. [However],
this territory where we are keeping watch, its […] is very extensive indeed. [The king], my lord, knows it.”; 200 (ABL 797), 14-
20: Illil-bāni, the king’s servant, and all the archers of Nippur with him are on watch where the king assigned him. And to his
rear I keep guard for the king, my lord, in the city and open country.”
206 HARPER 1892, 754, 10: UNUG.KI-a-a ÌR.MEŠ ša LUGAL be-li-ia LÚ.GIŠ.PAN 5 ME 6 ME ina ŠU.II-ia LÚ ki-i aṣ-ba-tu („when
I seized the people of Uruk, servants of the king, five or six hundred archers”); HARPER 1892, 267, 14: […] GIŠ.PAN.MEŠ ša
UNUG.KI, Rev. 13: Bēl-ibnî … LÚ.GIŠ.PAN.M[EŠ … it]-ti-šu ul-tu KUR.ELAM.MA.KI [il-li-ik]-u-ni.
207 REYNOLDS 2003, 54 (ABL 1255), 22-Rev. 10.
208 REYNOLDS 2003, 125 (ABL 965), Rev. 25.

Provincial troops
I.2.3 Drafting or levying troops into the provincial contingents

of the Assyrian army
The royal correspondence of the Sargonides sheds some light on the everyday practice of
enlisting local people into the units of the governors and high officials. They had to raise troops
for local purposes, regional and royal campaigns. These fall into the category of the local
provincial troops and into the ‘king’s men’ category,209 which consisted of local troops drafted from
various groups of the population: local people, captives,210 deportees211 who were going to be
settled in the province, and even the ‘sons of bought slaves’.212 Some sources make it clear that
the king himself could form cohorts from these men.213 As has already been discussed, the
king’s men fall into a category of able bodied men who – from the IIIrd millennium B.C. onwards –
could be called up not only for performing military duties, but as a form of corvée labor for public
works as well.214
The troops of governors and high officials included equestrian units as well, which were
composed of semiprofessional cavalrymen215 and chariotry. An early text from Guzana (Tell
Halaf) mentions 6 cavalrymen of the household of the turtānu (CommanderinChief).216 These
troops – arising from their specialized duty – were most probably semiprofessional or
professional soldiers, and their maintenance was very expensive – that is presumably the reason
why Zēruibnî, an Assyrian official had to dissolve his cavalry during the reign of Sargon II.217
Aššurālikpāni reported to Sargon II, that „I shall assign my king’s men ([LÚ].ERIM.MEŠ—
209 DEZSŐ 2012A, 75-78. For the king’s men contingents of the governors see for example a letter mentioning that Nasḫur-Bēl, governor
of Amidi received an order from Sargon II to bring 100 king’s men from Bīt-Zamāni (LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 14 (ABL 1193)),
and Aššur-ālik-pāni also had a contingent of king’s men with him with whom he had to appear at a muster in Arbela (LANFRANCHI
– PARPOLA 1990, 152 (ABL 784)).
210 A fragmentary Sargonide letter refers to a unit drafted from captives: “[These] c[ap]tives in Arrapḫa [...] are 4,100 in number. I
asked [NN] and L[ansî] (who said): ‘[There are] 1,000 k[ing’s] men among them.’ Their watch is v[ery] strict. And right now the
chief eu[nuch] will go [wi]th them to Urz[uḫina]. He is reviewing [them].” (FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 18 (CT 53, 217), 1’-Rev. 5).
It is unknown whether the Chief Eunuch, the commander of at least one of the divisions of the royal corps (kiṣir šarrūti) recruited
them for the royal corps or not.
211 Nabû-pāšir for example received a royal order to review the people whom the Commander-in-Chief brought forth and select men
from their midst (PARPOLA 1987, 195 (ABL 701), 6-9).
212 Ṭāb-ṣil-Ēšarra reported to Sargon II, that “I have just made a list of the ‘sons of bought (slaves)’ and the ‘sons of palace maids’
on a writing-board and am sending it herewith to the king, my lord. They are 370 men: 90 are king’s men, 90 are reserves, 190
should do the king’s work.” PARPOLA 1987, 99 (ABL 99), Rev 12-16.
213 Such a case is known from a letter to Sargon II by the Palace Herald (nāgir ekalli), Gabbu-ana-Aššur, who got a cohort of men
formed by the king (LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 121 (ABL 121+).
214 For the earlier periods see: RICHARDSON 2011, 19.
215 PARPOLA 1987, 90 (ABL 98), 107 (ABL 97). See furthermore LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 182 (CT 53, 891), Rev. 5; The
Philistines whom the king my lord formed into a cohort (PARPOLA 1987, 155 (ABL 218), 4-10); REYNOLDS 2003, 108 (CT 54, 277),
Rev. 2.
216 DORNAUER 2014, 25 (TH 9), 1-8: Ša-Aia servant of Idrī-Adda, Natēnu of Inurta-iqbî, Sūrānu, Kēnu-rība servant(s) of Raṣī’, Aḫu-
lē’î, Šamaš-idri; total 6 cavalrymen for the muster of the household of the Commander-in-Chief. Guzana, as a provincial capital
provided further evidence for the recruitment and supply of local provincial troops of the governor and the Commander-in-Chief:
38 (TH 52) for example lists 18 teams of the governor: Rev. 4) PAB 18 ú-ra-a-ti 5) pet-ḫal-lu ša LÚ.EN—NAM), but the
composition of this group of soldiers(?) is not clear; 48 (TH 30+81) lists the equipment of a unit of 10 men (1 chariot, 4 horses,
2 donkeys, 10 bows, 10 swords, 10 spears, 10 helmets, 10 quivers, 10 shields, 10 coats, 10 belts, 10 tunics, 1 ox, 10 sheep); 49
(TH 13) is a short receipt of further pieces of military equipment (2 helmets of iron, 1 helmet of copper, 10 swords, 700 arrow-
heads, 5 good bows, 1 quiver; Ḫabīnu). 50 (TH 42) is a similar list: [x] helmets, [x] quivers, [x]+2 quivers, 28 bows, 500 iron
arrow-heads, 5 iron swords; 51 (TH 11) is another receipt of shields of the local troops (the shields of Ṣilli-Issar from the rab
kallāpāni: 3 Šalmu, 2 Ḫaiānu, 1 Ḫiri-aḫḫē.
217 PARPOLA 1987, 205 (ABL 154), Rev. 11.

RECRUITMENT
LUGALia), chariotry (GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ) and cavalry (BAD.›ALlum) as the king wrote me, and
I shall be in the [ki]ng my lord’s presence in Arbela with my king’s men and army by the
[dea]dline set by the king, my lord.”218 This letter contains important information not only
regarding the composition of the troops of which the provincial official was in charge, but
makes a difference between the king’s men and the (provincial) army. Another fragmentary letter
also lists a few members of a governor’s troops: “[who ...] without the king, my lord’s permission,
[about whom the king, my lord], said: ‘Who are the[y?’ — they are ...s] of the governor, ‘third men,’
[...s], recruits, a chariot fighter, [...], the horse trainer of the governor.”219 A description of the troops
under the command of the governor of Aššur is known from a letter describing the dramatic
situation following the death of the Assyrian king (Sennacherib): “(As) we left for the (king’s)
corpse to weep (over it), we saw the governor with his troops dressed in armour and wearing iron
swords. We got scared (and) said to the vizier and to ›ambî: ‘Why are we weeping?’ The
governor and his men are wearing iron swords and taking care of us.”220
The most comprehensive overview of the provincial troops is known from a report from
Adadissīa to Sargon II,221 which offers an insight into the structure and composition of
a presumably atypical Assyrian provincial army contingent. Aside from minor differences in
interpretation (Fig. 16) this text gives an account of the king’s men element within the provincial
troops available to a governor. The report lists the king’s men who were stationed in the province
of Māzamua – including (1) ‘the previous ones, which have been here,’ (2) ‘plus the ones whom
the royal bodyguard (qurbūtu) brought,’ and those whom the (3) ‘majordomo is delayed but will
later bring the rest of the troops.’222 These three sources for units – those who were there, those
whom the qurbūtu bodyguard brought, and those who were going to be brought by the major
domo – show the recruitment system of the provincial troops – king’s men and local forces. Those
who were there originally, and those whom the qurbūtu bodyguard brought were king’s men, but
those who were being brought by the majordomo (of the governor) might well have been local
provincial troops. This report shows the role the qurbūtu bodyguard and the majordomo (see
above) played in the recruitment and mobilization system of the (provincial) army.
As Fig. 16 shows, the chariotry contingent consisted of 10 chariots, 20 largewheeled chariots
(10 horsedrawn, 10 muledrawn), and 30 teams of horses; 11 chariot drivers, 12 ‘third men,’ 30
chariot fighters, 53 grooms, altogether 106 men and 30 chariots. The cavalry of Adadissīa
consisted of 97 cavalry horses, 161 cavalrymen, 130 grooms, 52 zunzurā‹i, altogether 343 grooms.
The regular infantry consisted almost exclusively of supply staff: 8 lackeys, 12 tailors, 20
cupbearers, 12 confectioners, 7 bakers, 10 cooks: altogether 69 domestics. Furthermore: 8 scholars,
23 donkey drivers, 1 information officer. A relatively large number of 80 kallāpu soldiers forms
the only possible fighting unit of the regular infantry. The summary section distinguishes these
units (chariotry, cavalry, and infantry) identified as 630 Assyrians from the auxiliary units formed
of 360 Gurreans and 440 Itu’eans. This army consisted of a platoon of chariotry, a squadron of
cavalry, 100 domestics, 1 information officer, 80 kallāpu soldiers and 800 auxiliary infantrymen.
It is unfortunately unknown what role the supply staff played – their number (100), however,
218 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 152 (ABL 784), 21-Rev. 1.

219 LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 68 (CT 53, 80), 15-19.
220 LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 95 (ABL 473), Rev. 6-15.
221 LANFRANCHI - PARPOLA 1990, 215 (NL 89); SAGGS 1966, no. 89 (ND 2631) ; FALES 1990, 31-34; FALES 2000, 40-43; POSTGATE
2000, 89-108; SAGGS 2001, 128-130; FALES – RIGO 2010, 14; DEZSŐ 2012A, 36, 50, 72, 77, 140, 187, 188, 192; DEZSŐ 2012B,
35, 36, 78, 88, 96, 107, 108, 135, 143.
222 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 215 (NL 89), 23-Rev. 6.

AssyrianArmy_II_208oldalig_:2.korr. 2016.05.13. 12:22 Page 47
Provincial troops
seems to be too large for the size of the fighting contingent (449 equestrians, 1 information officer,
80 kallāpu soldiers (a cohort?) and 800 auxiliary infantrymen). These round numbers (449
equestrians + 1 information officer (= 450); 100 domestcs; 80 kallāpu soldiers; and 800 auxiliaries)
refer to much more a conscious organizing principle than simply to an ad hoc result of a call of
the troops available.
Consequently, this report listed only the semi-professional and professional elements of the
provincial army, while the missing bulk of the local troops, the regular infantry composed of semi-
or nonprofessional infantrymen drafted from the local population were those troops, who
– according to this letter – were going to be brought by the major-domo to join the assembling army.
The grand total of the text, 1,430 king’s men, makes it clear that these contingents belonged to the
provincial contingents of the royal army (ki%ir šarrūti). A similar large-scale muster – including
chariot troops, Gurreans, Itu’eans, the (exempt?) infantry (LÚ.zu-ku), kallāpu troops – is known
from a fragmentary letter. It is, however, not known whether these troops were royal troops
garrisoned in a province or the troops of the local governors.223 A similar provincial muster shows
that an unfortunately unknown provincial governor had 198 soldiers, 195 donkeys, and 2 camels
at his disposal.224 In one of his letters Sargon II asked one of his governors, Mannu-kī-Adad why
he turned the exempts of the Palace (1,119 able-bodied men) into recruits, others into chariot-men
(LÚ.A.SIG.MEŠ), and others again into cavalrymen (ANŠE.ša—BAD.›AL-la-ti), into his own
troops (ki-i%-ri ša ra-mi-ni-ka)?225
The governors, magnates, and high officials were required to provide replacements for the
dead and invalid soldiers to fill the ranks to their full strength. An unknown official reported a case
to Sargon II as follows: “As to the replacement for the dead concerning which the king told the
magnates: ‘Provide the replacement!’ – nobody has given us anything. The deficit of our dead
[and] invalid soldiers who did not go to the campaign with us is [1],200; the magnates won’t give
it to us, [nor] have they given their straw, [nor] have they worked with us.”226 To provide the
necessary number of conscripted troops for the campaigns was obviously a burden on the
provincial administration. The local officials often remonstrated with each other upon the control
of the quality troops. Šarru-ēmuranni, governor of Māzamua, for example complained to Sargon
II as follows: “last year the son of Bēl-iddina did not go with me on the expedition but kept the
best men at home and sent with me young boys only.”227 Aššur-šarru-ibnî reported to Sargon II
the following things: „The governor of Arbela has [120] king’s men who did not go to the
campaign with the king but he will not agree to give them to me. I fear the king, my lord, and
shall not take hold of his men (without his permission). 30 (men from) Tillê, 60 (from) the land
of ›amudu of the governor of Calah, 30 from the city of […]-ba. They have neither rations nor
work.”228
The philosophy and essence of this phenomenon was conceived clearly by Samnu‹a-bēlu-
u%ur, who wrote to Sargon II as follows: “May [the king my lord] not give [such] a command!
Otherwise, let the king my lord command that each should go to his government department –
the army must not be weakened, not a single man [should be missing] from the campaign, they
should all together come t[o the king, my lord]!”229
223 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 277 (CT 53, 305).

224 SAGGS 2001, 241-242, ND 2366 (NL 60) ; LUUKKO 2012, 177 (ND 2366). See Fig. 15.
225 PARPOLA 1987, 11 (ABL 304).
226 PARPOLA 1987, 143 (ABL 1180), Rev. 1-15.
228 PARPOLA 1987, 149 (CT 53, 108), 4-Rev. 6.
229 PARPOLA 1987, 223 (CT 53, 87), Rev. 7-14.

RECRUITMENT
LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990 POSTGATE 2000 SAGGS 2001

1.
10 chariots 10 chariots 20 chariots
20 large-wheeled chariots 2 wagons 2 wagons
10 horse-drawn 10 (teams) of horses 10 (teams of) horses
10 mule-drawn 10 (teams) of mules 10 (teams of) mules
30 teams of horses 20 teams total 20 teams
97 riding horses 97 cavalry horses 97 cavalry horses
11 chariot drivers 11 chariot drivers 11 chariot drivers
12 ‘third men’ 12 ‘third-riders’ 12 (chariot) ‘third riders’
30 chariot fighters 10 nobles 10 messengers
53 grooms of the teams 53 grooms 53 grooms
[20] team commanders
20 team-commanders
in all 106 men and 30 chariots total: 106 chariot troops total: 106 chariot personnel
2.
161 cavalrymen 161 cavalrymen 161 cavalrymen
130 grooms 130 grooms 130 grooms
52 LÚ.zu-un-zu-ra-‫ې‬i 52 zunzurƗ‫ې‬u 52 zunzurƗ‫ې‬i
in all 343 grooms total: 343 grooms total: 343 chariot personnel
3.
8 lackeys 8 lackeys 8 palace servants
12 tailors 12 tailors 12 tailors
20 cupbearers 20 butlers 20 stewards
12 confectioners 12 victuallers 12 pastry-cooks
7 bakers 7 bakers 7 bakers
10 cooks 10 cooks 10 cooks
in all 69 domestics total: 69 domestic servants total: 69 household staff
4.
8 scholars 8 scribes 8 craftsmen
23 donkey drivers 23 donkey-drivers 23 ass-drivers
1information officer (LÚ.mu-tir ‫ܒ‬è-me) 1 reporter 1 information officer
80 dispatch riders 80 kallƗpu 80 axe-men
in all 630 Assyrians total: 630 Assyrians total: 630 Assyrians
5.
360 Gurreans 360 Gurreans 360 Gurreans
440 Itu’eans 440 Itu’eans 440 Itu’eans
in all 1.430 king’s men grand total: 1.430 ‘king’s troops’ total: 1430 royal personnel
Fig. 16. The structure of text ND 2631 (SAGGS 1966, NL 89; LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1991, 215; POSTGATE 2000,
89108; SAGGS 2001, 128130).
Only a few texts refer to the forced character of drafting soldiers from the conquered nations.
A fragmentary text most probably deals with such a case. Nabûrā‘imnīšēšu and Salamānu sent
a report to Esarhaddon (680—669 B.C.) quoting the messenger of Nippur, who brought the
following report: “The messenger of Pa’e, the legate of the land Araši, has come to Nippur
(saying): ‘The kings have made peace with one another, so why have you taken plunder/captives?’
The recruitment officers told him: ‘[...].”230 The end of the story is unfortunately missing, but the
context seems clear: the Assyrians, notedly their recruitment officers – following the ‘peace
230 LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 137 (ABL 1115), 9-15.

Provincial troops
between the kings’ – took captives, in other words, drafted soldiers by force from the conquered
population of Araši.
The troops drafted from the armies of the vassals were also difficult to handle. Assyrian
officials wrote several letters to Sargon II and to the crown prince Sennacherib, reporting the
problems which the undisciplined vassal troops from Sidon,231 Philistea232 and other places233
caused. In one of his letters, Samnu‹abēluu%ur reminded the king that “the king, my lord, knows
that the Šadikanneans are hirelings; they work for hire all over the king’s lands. They are no
runaways; they perform the ilku duty and supply king’s men from their midst.”234 The Assyrians
obviously knew which people were unreliable; in a letter of an unknown Assyrian official two
Assyrians debated whether the Urar#ian captives in TilBarsip were reliable or unreliable soldiers:
would they stay or set off and run away?235
An administrative text236 probably dating from the reign of Esarhaddon sheds some light on
another aspect of the recruitment system of the Assyrian army. This text lists military personnel
at the disposal of various officials, including 17 bow(men), at the disposal of Nabûerība, prefect
of the crown prince; 17 cavalry, 1 bow(man) from the village of ›anê, at the disposal of Silim
Aššur, Vizier (sukkallu); 6 bowmen from the town of TilRa‹awa, at the disposal of Aiaiababa,
the prefect of the staffbearers. It is not known whether these archers were auxiliary archers or
the archers of the regular infantry. Nor, unfortunately, is it known whether the villages mentioned
above – as has been shown in the case of the Itu’eans – were special archers’ villages, or simply
denoted that the Assyrian army was organized in a territorial system and recruited archers from
several (or all?) villages. This text shows that in the NeoAssyrian period not only the cities, but
also the estates, villages, and towns had to provide archers for the army of various Assyrian
(military) officials. This aspect of the recruitment/enlisting system of the NeoAssyrian army needs
further research and more sources.
Two further administrative texts list archers and spearmen. One of them is a note which states
that a total of 350 shield(bearers) and 240 archers had not arrived for some event, probably
a muster or a campaign.237 The other text is a much more detailed list, which records groups of
archers (in a strength of hundreds) under the command of six Assyrian officials.238 The appearance
of military officials (for example a bodyguard) at the beginning of the text may refer to the
establishment of an infantry detachment consisting of 208 shieldbearers (spearmen) and [x
hundred] archers. These two texts in all likelihood recorded regular units, which were – similarly
to the text discussed above – enlisted from various Assyrian villages and towns to perform
military service.
231 PARPOLA 1987, 153 (ABL 175), Nabû-rība-aḫḫē reported to the crown prince (Sennacherib) the following things: „The Sidonites
and the(ir) heads did not go to Calah with the crown prince, my lord, nor are they serving in the garrison of Nineveh. They loiter
in the centre of the town, each in his lodging place.”
232 Nergal-balliṭ reported to Sargon II as follows: „The Philistines whom the king my lord formed into a cohort and gave me refuse
to stay with me; [they … in the village of Luqaše [near] Arbela […].” (PARPOLA 1987, 155 (ABL 218), 4-10).
233 PARPOLA 1987, 154 (CT 53, 829), 2-Rev. 4: „The [troops] who a[rrived …] and have been resid[ent] in […] are loitering in the
centre of Calah with their riding horses like […] common criminals and drunkards. What does my lord say? [Let my lord quickly
send an answ]er to my letter!”
234 PARPOLA 1987, 223 (CT 53, 87), 4-13.
235 SAGGS 2001, 180, NL 22 (ND 2680); LUUKKO 2012, 40 (ND 2680).
236 FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 30 (ADD 815+).
237 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 127 (ADD 856).
238 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 128 (ADD 947), Rev. 6’-12’: Tardītu-Aššur, Ṭāb-aḫḫē, Na’di-ilu, Dādî-ibnî, Zēru-ukīn, Ḫudada.

RECRUITMENT
I.2.4 Auxiliary troops
The Itu’eans (serving as auxiliary archers)239 and the Gurreans (serving as auxiliary spearmen)240
– two important ethnic groups, regarded as reliable allies of the Assyrians – enjoyed a relative
independence within the system, which meant that they were under the direct control of the king.
Consequently they sometimes refused to follow the orders of the local authorities.241 Since they
were allies and loyal companionsatarms of the Assyrians, they were recruited and called up for
campaigns, and were not pressed. It seems that they were (semi)professional soldiers, probably
serving all year round. Another important characteristic of their employment was that they were
direct subordinates of the king, who could delegate their command to various military officials,
including governors, magnates, and high officials. Their independent status apparent not only
from their privileged status in the Assyrian army command structure, but from the economic
background of their service, as well (see below)
The importance of their role is indicated by the letters in which Assyrian governors almost
begged the king to send them Itu’ean troops. These letters make it clear that the Itu’ean troops
came under the direct control (and possibly the direct command) of the Assyrian king, and it was
he who dispatched them to the various provinces of the Empire. Ašipâ, governor of Tīdu, wrote
to Sargon II as follows: “Of the Itu’eans in my country, there is a surplus of 500 men who should
have kept watch with me. Why [did they g]o [to] Guzana? Let the men be released to me.”242
The Itu’eans and Gurreans were so reliable that they could be employed and were definitely
used for various purposes, including reconaissance, and combing operations on campaigns, as
siegeforces during sieges, skirmishers in battles, furthermore garrisoning, escorting, borderguard
and police force duties in peacetime in the provinces.243
The Assyrian palace reliefs represented foreign soldiers (distinguished by their characteristic
equipment and garment) serving in the Assyrian army. These troops included the two largest
auxiliary arms of the Assyrian army: the Gurreans (auxiliary spearmen)244 and Itu’eans (auxiliary
archers).245 Archers of several other Aramean/Chaldean tribes (Ruqa‹u, ›allatu, Iādaqu, Ri‹iqu,
Rubu’u, and Litāmu)246 might have been depicted in the ranks of the Assyrian army, but some
reliefs show archers from the Zagros region, most probably from Ellipi,247 and from Elam248 as
well, who also served the Assyrians. However, not only auxiliary archers of several
Aramean/Chaldean tribes served the Assyrian army and might be represented on the Assyrian
palace reliefs, but for example Judaean/Israeli spearmen also appear in the ranks of the Assyrian
regular infantry and on the palace reliefs.249
239 DEZSŐ 2012A, 25-37. For further tribes playing a similar role and enjoying a similar status see DEZSŐ 2012A, 37-38.
240 DEZSŐ 2012A, 38-50.
241 SAGGS 2001, 130-132, NL 43 (ND 2635), 4-14; LUUKKO 2012, 195 (ND 2635), 7-14 refers to 40 Gurreans, who were disobedient,
and when the governor sent an order to them they did not go out from their own territory. Another letter (of Bēl-lēšir) mentions
the villages of the Itu’eans in his province (Kurbail?) who are negligent (SAGGS 2001, 227-229, NL 87 (ND 2625)); LUUKKO 2012,
176 (ND 2625), 4-12).
243 For the detailed study of these profiles of their use see DEZSŐ 2012A, 32-37.
244 DEZSŐ 2012A, 38-50, Plate 10, 32 – Plate 17, 60.
245 DEZSŐ 2012A, 25-38, Plate 1, 1 – Plate 9, 31.
246 DEZSŐ 2012A, 37-38.
247 DEZSŐ 2012A, 26-27, Plate 4, 14, 15.
248 DEZSŐ 2012A, 30-31, 52, 84, Plate 7, 25.
249 DEZSŐ 2012A, 51-52, 62, 91, 99, 117-119, Plate 39, 129; Plate 40, 130, 132.

Provincial troops
I.2.5 Deserting the service
Characteristically, the Assyrian sources do not provide many details of the recruiting and levying
system itself, but – resulting from the character of the royal correspondence and administrative
texts – lay an emphasis on the deficiencies of the system: Assyrian officials reported (almost)
everything which decreased the efficiency of the system, which operated the Assyrian army.
The military service was burdensome and dangerous for those who were drafted by force,
so king’s men sometimes deserted from labour duty and military service. To fetch the men who
tried to evade the king’s service was a constant problem. An unfortunately unknown official
complained to Sargon II, that “[...] my [troops] are scarce. [My prefects] went to (fetch) the men
at their command; I have been waiting for them ever since I came back from the king my lord’s
presence, but they have not come. I wrote to the king, my lord, but only got [2]60 horses and [13]
small boys. [2]67 horses and 28 men – I have 527 horses and 28 men, all told. I have been writing
to wherever there are king’s men, but they have not come.”250 MannukīNinua also asked
Sargon II that “a qurbūtu bodyguard should be appointed in the service of the scribe and the
recruitment officers, to fetch and give them their men.”251
It seems that the provincial officials had to write an annual report on the losses and deserters.
Šamaštaklāk sent a report to Sargon II as follows: “Concerning what the king, my lord, wrote
to me: ‘Write down the number of your horses by […] and by deserters, and [sen]d it to me’ –
[I have (already) given] over to the king, my lord, the horse(s) of the deserters [of las]t year. [This]
year seven horses [have deserted to m]e.”252 A more detailed report shows that some officials sent
a complete nominal list of the deserters to the king recording not only their names but other
elements of their affiliation, as well. Nabûrā’imnīšēšu and Salamānu sent the following report
to Esarhaddon (680—669 B.C.): “As to the deserters whom the governor of Dēr sent to me (and)
about whom the king, my lord, wrote to me: ‘Interrogate them!’ – we have interrogated them. Būr
Silâ, ‘third man’ of the crown prince; Kudurru, servant of Mannaipite, likewise a ‘third man’ of
the crown prince. Total two Elamites. Ramail, a man from Arrap‹a, chariot fighter of the
governor, Addiqritušu, (and) servants of Iairu, the Gambulean: Fifteen deserters whom the
governor of Dēr sent to me.”253 Another letter, sent by an unknown official to Assurbanipal also
reports a similar case: a Babylonian citizen “has quit serving the [king’s] magnates [in the
c]a[m]p, and has come to Akkad. I am herewith sending him [to the king]. The king, my lord,
should question him.”254 The importance of the question is corroborated by a short letter of Qurdi
Aššur(lāmur), governor of &imirra to TiglathPileser III, a report directly to the king giving the
names of those four persons who deserted the service of the king somewhere in Phoenicia.255
Sometimes even the Assyrian officials contested with each other over renegade soldiers and
other personnel: “As for the renegade scholars, eunuchs, and soldiers of Šamašibnî, who are with
Nabûušallim, about whom the king, my lord, wrote to me — when I spoke to him, he refused
250 PARPOLA 1987, 241 (ABL 563), 2-Rev. 10.

251 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 105 (ABL 127), 4-8.
252 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 294 (ABL 153+), 4-11.
253 LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 136 (ABL 140), 6-Rev. 6.
254 REYNOLDS 2003, 8 (ABL 1123), 4-7.
255 LUUKKO 2012, 31 (ND 2477), 5-11: “Ṣallāia, Burua-[...], Babê-šumki, Waru; in all four deserters (whom) [I am herewith
sen]ding [t]o the king, [my lord. Let the king, my lord, question th]e[m].”

RECRUITMENT
to give them up to me, saying: ‘I will not give them up to you without a sealed document from
the king and without a bodyguard.’”256
One of the most popular countries which provided asylum to refugees was Šubria, a Northern
neighbour of Assyria, which enjoyed a relative independence between Urar#u and Assyria as
a buffer state during the 8th – early 7th centuries B.C. It is possible that Šubria – presumably
according to a rule originating from some cultic tradition257 – was a refuge state, which had to
provide sanctuary to those refugees who asked for asylum in the country.
ŠaAššurdubbu, governor of Tuš‹an reported to Sargon II, that “ When I was visiting the king
my lord [in] Kanun (X), 10 soldiers, (all) cavalrymen, deserted there; [recently], 40 soldiers from
[...]ri took their people with them, pulled out their grinding slabs, and went there. I heard that
he (the king of Šubria) had been very ill, so I asked him about those soldiers. He sent me a letter,
saying: ‘Tebal ada — I shall send you yo[ur] men.’”258 The Šubrian king, however, supposedly
(concluding from other pieces of evidence) did not send the Assyrian soldiers (probably local
cavalrymen since they took with them their households as well) to Assyria.
A characteristic case comes to light from another report of ŠaAššurdubbu. He sent two
eunuchs, two cohort commanders and six soldiers to Šubria, to bring back the Assyrian deserters
who had fled to the fortress Penzâ. They had the men brought down, dined together with the
brother of the Šubrian king, but when they set out and were on their way home, the Šubrians
attacked them from an ambush, captured two eunuchs and the six soldiers, and only the two
cohort commanders escaped. The governor set out on their trail in person, but the Šubrians had
already taken them up to the fort.259 It is fortunate that a further letter of the governor quotes the
king’s order “to capture his (the Šubrian king’s) men in equal number to your men, until he
releases them.”260
A very similar story is known from the report of Aššurdūrpānīa (governor of the Assyrian
province of Šabirēšu, next to the Šubrian border). A commanderof50 (rab ‹anšê) of the Gurrean
troops of Meturna killed the mayor of Meturna, took 15 Gurrean soldiers with him and fled to
Šubria, to the fort of Mar‹u‹a. Aššurdūrpānīa sent Ildalâ in pursuit of them. Ildalâ met the
commanderof50 and they reached a sworn agreement, but the commanderof50, with the help
of 100 Mar‹u‹ean hoplites, went after the Assyrians and attacked them. The Assyrians, however,
were on their guard, so none of them were killed and they wounded the commanderof50.261 The
Assyrians, however, turned back emptyhanded, because the Šubrians – as in several other cases
– provided asylum for the commanderof50.
There were, however, negotiations between the two parties. Aššurdūrpānīa reported to
Sargon II that: “The Šubrian emissaries came to Šabirēšu on the 23rd of Adar (XII). Perhaps the
king, my lord, will say: ‘Who are they?’ (They are) Iata’, his man in charge of the towns near the
Urar#ian border, and with him Abiiaqâ, a local inhabitant. … They have written down on clay
tablets the king’s men and the people of the country who last year, the year before and three years
ago ran away from labour duty and military service, ending up there, and have set them as their
bargain; they are going to bring (the tablets) and read them to the king, my lord. Yet the prime
men who now escape the king’s work and go there — he (›uTešub, the Šubrian king) gives them
256 REYNOLDS 2003, 56 (ABL 336), 8-13.

257 DEZSŐ 2006C, 33-38; RADNER 2012, 243-264.
258 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 35 (CT 53, 160), 35-Rev. 11.

Legal background of the recruitment system
fields, gardens and houses, settles them in his country, and there they stay.”262 Other fragmentary
letters also refer to similar cases, when Assyrian subjects – to avoid military and civilian service
– escaped to Šubria.263 It still has not been convincingly proven why the Šubrians followed this
practice, and granted asylum to the refugees, gave them fields, gardens and houses, and settled
them in Šubria even though the Assyrians (and most probably the Urar#ians as well) threatened
them. In spite of their military predominance, however, the Assyrians do not seem to have
launched serious military campaigns against them.
Moreover, ŠaAššurdubbu had a quarrel with the king of Šubria, when he realized, that the
Šubrian king stopped those Urar#ian deserters who wanted to desert from Urar#u to Assyria:
“I a[sk]ed the [Šubria]n: ‘Why do you seize deserters [f]rom the Urar#ian (king) fleeing to
Assyria, and [settle them in] the city? Why do you [protect dese]rters and not give them to us?’
His reply: ‘I fear the gods.’ A s[cout] commander of the Urar#ian [enter]ed [the town ...] with 50
mules. They took the mules from him, put iron shackles to his arms and feet and returned him
to the [Urar#i]an. I wrote [him]: ‘Why are you not afraid of the gods, (you) abati, calf of the
Urar#[ian]!’ Emissaries of the [Ur]ar#ian keep coming and going to him.”264
This relative freedom and asylum status of Šubria ended abruptly and dramatically, when in
673 B.C. Esarhaddon – in search of his brothers who murdered their father, Sennacherib –
destroyed the country and its capital Uppumu. The king of Šubria delivered a dramatic speech
on the walls of his (burning) city, the words of which reveal the Šubrian attitude: “For each
runaway Assyrian fugitive, let me replace him one hundredfold. Let me live so that I may
proclaim the fame of the god Aššur (and) praise your heroism. May the one who is neglectful of
the god Aššur, king of the gods, the one who does not listen to the word of Esarhaddon, king of
the world, his lord, (and) the one who does not return runaway Assyrian fugitives to his owner,
learn from my example. (I said) thus: ‘The nobles, my advisors, spoke unwholesome lies to me.
(Consequently) I committed a great sin against the god Aššur and (thus) I did not listen to the
word of the king, my lord, did not return to you the citizens of Assyria, your servants, nor did I
do myself (any) good. (Now) the oath of the great gods, which I transgressed, (and) the word of
your kingship, which I despised, have caught up with me. May the anger of your heart be
appeased. Have mercy on me and remove my punishment!’”265
I.3. Legal background of the recruitment system

With his study ‘Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire,’ Postgate marked a new era
in the understanding of the Assyrian taxation and conscription system, including the recruitment
of soldiers (and other personnel) into the army and to perform other duties for the state. He
reconstructed the system by mapping the inventory/set of the words, which were used to
describe the different aspects of the phenomenon. The identification of these termini technici helps
us understand the texts and sheds some light on the logic of system as a whole.

264 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 35 (CT 53, 160), 17-34.
265 LEICHTY 2011, 33, i:16-24.

RECRUITMENT
I.3.1. Levy (BE-qu, bitqu, batqu)
As delineated by Postgate, this category is applied to men, horses and other materials as well.266
This study deals mainly with the first two categories, the levy of men and equids.
As has already been discussed in this chapter and the previous volumes of this project, the
military service of the Assyrian Empire was based on a levy system, when ‘king’s men’ were levied
from those communities of the Empire, which were not exempted from this obligation. The levied
soldiers served for a certain period, most probably for a year, or for a campaign season only, since
the supply of large numbers of conscripted soldiers was a burden on the central and local
authorities. To avoid having to maintain them when inactive their service only lasted for a period,
during which they could perform real duties, and they were discharged and let to go home, when
there was no need to keep them in arms.
A few early examples show that this type of conscription already existed in the 9th century
B.C., during the reign of Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.), when a few Tell Billa texts refer to the
existence of such a system.267 From the Sargonide letters already discussed in separate chapters
of this book there are a few which fall into this category.
The first of them is a letter of an unfortunately unknown writer, who refers to a royal order
in which the king (Sargon II) commanded this official to summon and send the horses to an
unknown place (according to a strict schedule)268 by the 20th of Adar (XII). This letter mentions
those “teamcommanders (LÚ.GAL úrate), be it the prefects (LÚ.GARn[u.MEŠ]) or the
recruitment officers (LÚ.mušarkisani) who are leaving for their levy (batqišúnu).”269 It seems
that in this case the word batqu refers to levied men.
The term was used to denote ‘replacement.’ Such a case is known from a letter of an unknown
official, who reported to the king that the magnates – in spite of a royal order – had not provided
replacements (batqi) for those 1,200 dead or invalid soldiers who had not gone on the campaign
with the writer. The magnates had neither given them straw nor worked with them.270
A similar meaning is known from a letter of Šarruēmuranni, who obtained royal permission
to take the troops of the son of Bēliddina with him and start his expedition. He asked the king
as follows: “Since the king, my lord, said: ‘The son of Bēliddina should go with you,’ let him go
with the troops, and let Nabû‹amātū’a stay here to do the work of the king, my lord, and repair
the forts of the king, my lord.”271 In this case a translation for the sentence of batqu ša
URU.›AL.&U.MEŠ ša LUGAL ENía lik%uru as “to collect the replacements for the forts of the
king, my lord” seems more appropriate.
The fourth is the letter of £āb%ilĒšarra to Sargon II, in which he reports that, in earlier times
“I did not have to supply the deficits (batqu) o[f the palace] of Ekallāte, but now that the king, my
lord, has exempted the Inner City and the ilku duty of the Inner City has been imposed on me,
I have to supply (even) the deficits (batqu) of the palace of Ekallāte!”272 Consequently he levied
king’s men even among the “sons of bought slaves.” According to this letter they provided 370
266 POSTGATE 1974, 59-62.

267 POSTGATE 1974, 41-42, 1.1.
268 PARPOLA 1987, 48 (ABL 630), 9’-12’: „The king my lord knows that the day I arrive in the king my lord’s presence, I (must) come
back here post-haste!”
269 PARPOLA 1987, 48 (ABL 630). 13’-Rev. 6.
270 PARPOLA 1987, 143 (ABL 1180), Rev. 1-9.
271 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 199 (ABL 311), Rev. 8’-15’.
272 PARPOLA 1987, 99 (ABL 99), Rev. 4-9.

men, 90 of whom were king’s men, 90 were (their) reserves (ša kutal), and 190 did the king’s
work.273 In this case the term refers to the supply of the deficit of king’s men.
A similar meaning can be reconstructed in a wellknown and often quoted letter of Aššurbēlu
u%ur. When he received a royal order from Sargon II to set out with his troops (and tribute), and
join the army, Aššurbēluu%ur responded that he would do his best with his troops (recruit,
chariot fighters, king’s men, and 30 tribute horses), but he would be late, because – as the king
knew – there was very much snow around Bīt›amban. This letter refers to an unknown official
and his people, who were to supply their deficit (batqušú) by buying mules. 274
Almost the same meaning is known from a letter of Nabûrēmanni, which refers to the
Zalipaeans, who “have come forth with 100 ho[rs]es in their hands. Four men from among them
ran away to the desert and came to Nikkur, (where) they said: ‘We have brought horses from our
country, but the Mannean has detained (them) inside his country.’ I am now writing to the king,
my lord: Let the king, my lord, send a bodyguard to listen to what the Zal[ipaeans] have to say.
Perhaps they will bring [the horses] out. I shall supply the [de]ficit of the king, [my] l[ord] (bat
qu ša LUGAL be[líia] aka%ar).”275
I.3.2. Ilku (‘corvée,’ ‘labour service’)276
Postgate suggested that ilku was “a system of personal service in return for land held directly from
the king.”277 The system had military applications, as Postgate put it: “ilku was either the
performance of military or civilian service for the state, or the payment of contributions as
a commuted version of that service.”278 Following his logic it is obvious that the original rural
concept changed immensely when the Assyrian Empire grew beyond the limits of the original
system, its administrative structure became very complex, some officials could not be spared to
perforn the ilku service, and in the case of large towns and the “capital cities of Assyria, any call
up based on landholders alone would be very incomplete. Therefore we must assume that people
who did not own or till land were assessed for ilku in other ways. … the system of payment in
kind in place of ilku service must have grown up.”279 A further reason behind this change might
be that since “ilku seems to have been the only major obligation to which the subjects of the crown
were liable, and it is therefore possible that ilku despite its rather special antecedents, came to be
the polltax par excellence of the nA empire.”280
The problem was realized by Richardson as well, but he refrained from such an explcicit
assertion when he stated that “The meaning of the term ilku was also as protean as it was
durable: in different contexts ilku could refer to the serviceland itself, the work done on that land,
the delivery of the yield of that land, the service obligations attached to it, the tenureholder
273 PARPOLA 1987, 99 (ABL 99).

274 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 60 (ABL 242), Rev. 5’-6’; 710/709 B.C., Babylonian campaign.
276 POSTGATE 1974, 63-93.
277 POSTGATE 1974, 83, 86.
278 POSTGATE 1974, 83, 91.
279 POSTGATE 1974, 91.
280 POSTGATE 1974, 91-92.

RECRUITMENT
himself, or goods, animals, and services used to support ilkuservice. In all periods it is difficult
to assess the degree to which ilkutenancy in practice obligated actual military service instead of
payments by the tenant to support the hire of troops by central authorities or provide substitutes
(prohibited by the Code of Hammurabi, but well honoured by the breach).”281 He referred to
Postgate’s study, saying: “Postgate concluded that ilku intersected with a system of lots and shares
in common land funds of the community: ‘it would not have entailed largescale of land
ownership, merely the acknowledgement … of a status quo’282 If that was the case, then the
Assyrian military was deeply integrated, if not identical to, the village community, and quite
different from a two sector economy of village and palace lands prevailing in Babylonia.”283
When we are looking for the legal background of the military service, and a connection
between service and ilku duty (which connection is hardly indicated in a direct form in the
cuneiform corpus (for the few examples see below)), we should acknowledge that every duty in
the service of the state can be perceived as a kind of ilku. This view supposes – as has been referred
to by both Postgate and Richardson, as quoted above – that ilku was a general type of duty applied
to several aspects of the state service.
According to the present writer’s view, as a general phenomenon behind the military service,
there is a much more direct connection between the military service obligation and the ilku of the
nonprofessional or semiprofessional soldiers owning their own fields or servicefields, than in
the case of the professional soldiers, where the donation of estates would fall in a somewhat
different category than a simple ilku obligation.
An example of the military connotations of the ilku duty is known from one of the letters of
Aššurdūrpānīa discussed above, who reported to Sargon II that the Šubrian emissaries “have
written down on clay tablets the king’s men and the people of the country who last year, the year
before and three years ago ran away from labour duty and military service (ilki TA IGI ERIM.MEŠ
MANte), ending up there, and have set them as their bargain; they are going to bring (the tablets)
and read them to the king, my lord. Yet the prime men who now escape the king’s work and go there
— he (›uTešub, the Šubrian king) gives them fields, gardens and houses, settles them in his country,
and there they stay.”284 These sentences make it clear that the labour duty/military service was
a substantial burden and dangerous enough to make some people flee from the country.285
A further example is discussed in detail above: the letter of £āb%ilĒšarra to Sargon II on the
exemption of the Inner City, and the imposition of the ilku duty of the Inner City on him and the
palace of Ekallāte refers to “370 men, 90 of whom were king’s men, 90 were (their) reserves (ša ku
tal), and 190 did the king’s work.”286 In this case £āb%ilĒšarra supplied the deficit of king’s men
who would serve in the army, or do the king’s work on the base of their ilku duty.
The letter of Aššurbēluda’’in written to Sargon II shows that not only the Assyrians, but the
conquered people, as for example the Uš‹u and Qudu also had to provide king’s men for labour
duty (ilku) and military service („Those obliged to provide labour have provided it, and those
obliged to provide king’s men (LÚ.ERIM.MEŠ—MAN) have provided them”).287 Similarly
281 RICHARDSON 2011, 22.

282 POSTGATE 1982, 304-313.
285 Similar reports are known from other regions of the Empire: Carchemish (PARPOLA 1987, 183 (ABL 1287), 12) and even the
blacksmiths have complained to the king that the ilku duty (they produced a great number of weapons for the Palace) became such
a burden on them that they had gone away and entered the palaces (LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 40 (CT 53, 13), Rev. 12-17).
286 PARPOLA 1987, 99 (ABL 99).
287 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 78 (ABL 246), 16.

Samnu‹abēluu%ur also reminded the ruler that “the king, my lord, knows that the Šadikanneans
are hirelings; they work for hire all over the king’s lands. They are no runaways; they perform
the ilku duty and supply king’s men from their midst.”288
Some of the sources make it clear that this type of personal labour service would be replaced
by payment in kind. There are a few examples which show a military context. Such an example
is a list of provisions (ND 3467)289 (discussed in detail in chapter II.1.1.1.2 Central allotment of
rations during a ‘home service’), which were – in the form of or deriving from of ilku duty – alloted
to some chariot troops (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ) or more probably to their superior by the majordomo
of the Palace (LÚ.GAL—É.GAL(rab ekalli)).
Another administrative text (ND 453)290 lists various ilku items divided into three categories
(and discussed in chapter II.1.1.2.3 Raising barley rations for troops during campaign preparations):
(1) Daily campaign supplies (lines 15): “[x] bowl(s) of wine, 2 homers 1 sūtu of bread,
2 homers of beer, 5 sūtu of fodder – per day.”
(2) Nonrecurrent campaign expenditure (lines 68): “2 minas of copper for oil for the lamp(s).
All this for his expedition.”
(3) Yearly payments (lines 912): “90 minas of copper for 30 reserves of the king’s men,
[x ho]mers of corn, 5 homers of …corn, he shall receive in the year […].”
From these examples it seems obvious that certain units were equipped and supplied by the
ilku payments of various offices, communities or personnel.
It seems that some people could pay ilku in animals as well. A long list detailing the debts of
the Qappatean people ends witht these lines: “1,600 [...] is our ilkuservice, which we give year
after year. [We] have already giv[en] 150 sheep, 20 oxen and 2 horses, as audience gift of the town
D[ūrŠarrukēn].”291 In a fragmentary letter Nergalē#ir also refers to the ilku dues the king
imposed upon him: these dues included 30 oxen and [x] sheep from Parsua.292 These payments
would easily contributed to the supply of the units of the Assyrian army.
From our military point of view it seems quite reasonable to say that the ilkubased
conscription was the general system on which the recruitment of the regular units of the Assyrian
army was founded. Only the auxiliaries and the élite units of the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) might
have served on a different basis. Auxiliaries might have worked for service fields, ‘bowfields,’
rights to pasture etc. (see below), while some units of the royal corps (bodyguard units of the
cavalry and chariotry) possessed such special skills which went far beyond the possibilities of
a recruitment based on an ad hoc yearly rota of peasants or other men, and suppose a professional
status.
288 PARPOLA 1987, 223 (CT 53, 87), 4-13.

289 WISEMAN 1953, 146, ND 3467; POSTGATE 1974, 399-401.
290 POSTGATE 1973, 141 (ND 453).
291 FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 45 (ADD 1139+), 14-Rev. 6.

II. SUPPLY AND LOGISTICS

(Economic background of the army and the service)
According to the cuneiform evidence (to be discussed below in detail) the ethnic, social and
economic background of the different troop types of the army was diverse,293 but by the 7th
century this multifaceted and varied system acquired a much more unified shape.294 During the
second half of the 8th century B.C. this system, which we call the Assyrian army, conquered vast
territories of the Near East, and during the 7th century B.C. consolidated the conquests, integrated
the new territories into the Assyrian imperial administration and started to standardize the sub
systems of the Empire, including the economy, resulting in the ‘first worldmarket’ of history.295
The expanding army, the size of which – including the garrison and campaign troops as well
– for the early 7th century B.C. could easily reach 100,000 soldiers, needed the resources (fields,
grain crop, domestic animals, horses, other types of revenues, and manpower) of this new
imperial economy. On the other side, however, as phrased by Richardson: “Recourse to all these
incentives – land, rations, pay, promotion, and loot – reflected the fact that Mesopotamian
militaries drew on manpower reserves from different sectors of society, and the military economy
and the social order of the army was diversified accordingly. Can we then speak of a first
millennium ‘military economy’ when endemic warfare and military landholding had long been
central features of the political landscape. The answer, I think, is yes insofar as military elites had
increased influence on state policy and ideology, state economies were reorganized around
tributary modes of production and economic rationalization, and where the performance of war
became an indispensible function of kingship. ‘Militarism’ denotes the point at which war was
no longer the instrument of policy, but the policy goal itself, and a ‘military economy’ where the
mode of production pertained not just for soldiers, in one economic sector, but at the level of the
state as a whole. By these standards, the NeoAssyrian Empire following 745 (under Tiglath
Pileser III) qualifies, for instance, since it was no longer possible for the state to do without the
293 DEZSŐ 2012B, 147-164. From the cuneiform evidence point of view “The Assyrian army was in reality many armies, each with
its own command structure; its composite character can be seen as the intentional product of a royal strategy which aimed to
neutralize the military’s otherwise unbridled power vis-à-vis the king in order to protect his sovereignty – a useful and successful
approach that significantly contributed to Assyria’s internal stability and the longevity of its royal dynasty. The different
contingents which constituted the Assyrian army were allowed and encouraged to preserve and develop their own customs and
idiosyncrasies: rather than being forged into a unified army, its individual components found themselves in intense competition
with each other for royal recognition and favour.” (RADNER 2010).
294 DEZSŐ 2012B, 147-164. According to the representational evidence, which admittedly reflects only on the élite troops represented
on the palace reliefs, the Assyrian army became a unified army with a logical system of arms. This phenomenon is also reflected
in the work of A.E. Barron, who described the Assyrian army as a “more mundane, utilitarian, and conservative military force
which shows both a basic homogeneousness throughout the empire, and the myriad tiny variables of an army on the move drawing
weapons and troops from many regions.” (BARRON 2010, iii).
295 GITIN 1997, 77-104.

SUPPLY AND LOGISTICS
financial and ideological income produced by the execution of warfare – an ‘addictions model’
of imperialism.”296 The topic of ‘Assyria as a military state,’297 however, needs further research
and is going to be discussed later.
The economic/financial background of the military service and the army as a whole is one of
the most important questions in understanding the general logic behind the Assyrian military,
a topic that has been central to the attention of Assyriologists for a long time.298 Examining the
sources it became clear that the most important means for the maintenance and operation of the
system were the ration system (daily, monthly etc.), the servicefield (servicefields for soldiers
and estates for officers) system, an exemption system, the booty and other types of ad hoc
allotments and different types of taxes.
Following this largely theoretical contemplation, this chapter is going present a detailed
analysis of the different sources of income mentioned above.
II.1 RATIONS
All of the soldiers of the Assyrian army – irrespectively of being a recruited professionals or
drafted nonprofessional (see Fig. 1) – were supplied with daily rations while in active service. These
daily rations299 were provided by the Assyrian state through a complex system of logistical
organization – including personnel in charge, infrastructure (e.g. granaries, and the necessary
delivering/transporting capacity), and a solid legal background for the taxation system – within
the borders of the Empire. The picture changed when the army operated on enemy territory, when
the supplies contributed by the allies or the confiscated goods and booty provided the necessary
supplies for the army (see chapter II.3 Booty and tribute). The Assyrian Empire had at its disposal
vast capacities and resources to run the system and maintain the largest army so far.
II.1.1 Central allotment of rations during a ‘home service’
II.1.1.1 Central management – administrative texts
According to the nature of our textual evidence, two aspects of the daily/monthly rations can be
reconstructed and examined: (1) central allotment of ex officio daily rations during a court service
or at home for different members of the Assyrian military élite; (2) daily rations piled up or
collected for the garrison service and for troops mobilized for a campaign.
296 RICHARDSON 2011, 32-33. Referring to FUCHS 2005.

297 See FUCHS 2005, 35-60.
298 FALES 1990, 23-34; FALES 2000, 35-62; FALES 2010B, passim; FUCHS 2005, 35-60; MALBRAN-LABAT 1982, passim; MAYER 1979A,
571-595; MAYER 1995, passim; POSTGATE 1974, passim; POSTGATE 2000, 89-108; RADNER 2011, 37-58; RICHARDSON 2011, 11-51.
299 Assyrian ration lists refer almost exclusively to grain and wine to be distributed, with meat hardly appearing in ‘classical’ ration
lists. The sources of meat and the distribution of livestock are going to be reconstructed in a separate chapter (II.1.2.3 Sources of
meat) and from the booty and tribute lists (II.3.1.5 Livestock, Fig. 41). However, in the Mesopotamian tradition not only barley/

Rations
II.1.1.1.1 Central allotment of ex officio daily rations during a court service

Administrative texts from Nimrud300 dated to the 8th century B.C. (some of them as early as the
reign of Adadnērārī III (810—783 B.C.) grant insight into the central supply management of the
royal court. These long and detailed lists record the amount of food and wine rations allotted to
court personnel (including military) and fodder for animals (characteristically for horses). For our
convenience we used the conventional relation of 1 qa (= 1/10 of a sūtu = 1/100 emāru) to 1 litre.301
As has been discussed in detail in a previous volume of this project302 these ration lists contain
valuable information not only about the amounts of bread and wine distributed among court
personnel and officers (a detailed reconstruction following later) but also on the group of officials
who received (daily) rations at court. ND 2803, for example, is an administrative tablet, a long
ration list detailing different amounts of bread and fodder issued to different personnel (Fig. 17).
It seems from this text that the given amounts of grain (bread and fodder) had to be provided by
different towns (provinces) of the Empire (see below). In the section starting with Col. II:17’ the
text lists (travel) provisions for several qurbūtu bodyguards sent on various official missions.303
As is generally known, the qurbūtu bodyguards were sent by the king to perform their duties
throughout the Empire. This text probably lists the travel provisions assigned to them from the
royal granaries. A separate passage of the same text enumerates the provisions of the qurbūtu
bodyguards who had brought horses from different parts of the Empire.304 In this case the
rations are probably fodder for the animals, and not bread rations for qurbūtu bodyguards. Two
further bread lists are known from the Nimrud archives. ND 2489 lists court personnel (including
the qurbūtu bodyguard) and staff who received daily rations from the court.305 The list includes
the king himself, with the queen and the Chief Eunuch as well. Another bread list (ND 2371) lists
high officials and military personnel (including ‘third men,’ and ‘chariot owners of the
bodyguard’). This list allocates a similar amount of (daily) bread to the qurbūtu bodyguard as the
previous text did.306 This amount is much larger than a person’s daily needs and can probably
be attributed to the importance of his office. The ration list tablets enumerate individuals (or
wheat played the role of staple food. It is known that throughout the Mesopotamian history dates played a key role in the supply
of the people. In the Neo-Assyrian royal correspondence, however, this item does not appear as part of the daily ration of the troops,
but dates should have played a similarly important role in the Neo-Assyrian period as well.
300 PARKER 1961; KINNIER WILSON 1972. For a study of a possible reconstruction of the size of the royal household see KINNIER WILSON
1972, 115-120, esp. 118-119. and GROSS 2014.
301 For the other ’substandard’ sūtus (of 9 or 8 qas, or smaller amounts) see FALES 1990, 27, notes 14 and 15 with further references.
For the sūtu of 9 qa see DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, no. 12 (ND 7010), 1; for the sūtu of 8 qa see DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, no.
13 (ND 7054), 3; and for the sūtu of 10 qa see DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, no. 11 (ND 7058), 3 (by the Assyrian qa!).
302 DEZSŐ 2012A, 127-128.
303 PARKER 1961, ND 2803, Col. II:17’-18’: [x] homers and 7 sūtu (70 litres) bread were issued to Sapunu, the qurbūtu bodyguard,
for cow’s milk in the town of Qumbuna ...; 26’-27’: [x homers and x sūtu bread was issued to] Ibnia, the qurbūtu bodyguard of
the crown prince, who went to Samaria (and)? the town of Si[don?]; 28’: 1 homer (100 litres) to Issar-Bābilā’ī, qurbūtu
bodyguard […]; Rev. Col. 1-3: 20 homers, 4 sūtu (240 litres) to the qurbūtu bodyguard of the crown prince for a man […] who
from the town of […] travelled to the country of Ḫarḫar; 4-5: 4 homers (400 litres) to Issar-dūri the qurbūtu bodyguard going to
the country of Marbanai, who was given it in Nineveh; 8-9: […] the qurbūtu bodyguard of the crown prince who came from across
the river (i.e. Euphrates); 11-12: 6 homers, 1 sūtu (610 litres) [to …] qurbūtu bodyguard for cows’ milk for the house in the lower
country; 33: […]-ili-[…] the qurbūtu bodyguard […]; 35-36: […] Šulmu-ēreš the qurbūtu bodyguard […] from Laḫiru.
304 PARKER 1961, ND 2803, Rev. Col. II:14-15: [x] homers, 1 sūtu (10 litres) to Gaiâ, the qurbūtu bodyguard of the crown prince for
horses from Bīt-Daltâ; 17-19: 1 homer, 4 sūtu (140 litres) to Kanūnāiu, qurbūtu bodyguard for horses which he brought from
Arzuḫina.
305 KINNIER WILSON 1972, 35 (ND 2489), 8’; PARKER 1961, ND 2489, Col. I:7’: the qurbūtu bodyguard (qur-ub-tu) got 1 sūtu 3 qa
(13 litres) grain.
306 KINNIER WILSON 1972, 34 (ND 2371), 7’; PARKER 1961, ND 2371, 7’: the qurbūtu bodyguard (ša qur-ru-ub-tu) got 1 sūtu 5 qa
(15 litres) grain.

categories, as the qurbūtu bodyguard) and groups (for example ‘third men,’ and ‘chariot owners
of the bodyguard’) as well, hence the impossibility of comparing the amounts with each other,
and it is difficult to determine the prestige of the offices on the basis of the amounts they
obtained.
The other type of ration list is the wine list. 33 such lists are known enumerating the court
officials who obtained daily wine rations from the court.307 It seems that some of them received
rations ex officio, some of them ad hominem (their office is unknown). The wine lists raise the same
question as the bread lists: it is unclear whether qurbūtu bodyguard denotes a single soldier on
duty at the court who received rations, or a complete unit or collective body. The amount of wine
is exceeds one person’s needs by far, and probably relates to the office of the qurbūtu.308
A further standard item on these lists is the ‘cohort of Šamaš,’ member(s) of which got
a standard ration of wine between 2.5 and 3 qa (2.5—3 litres) daily.309 This amount was enough
for one or two people, so the possibility of rationing a whole unit can be excluded. This unit might
have been a contingent of soldiers or workers attached to the god or an army contingent bearing
the name of the god, a practice known from the cuneiform evidence (for a detailed study see the
next volume of this project).
Summing up the information collected from ration lists, it is important to note that high
officials and large numbers of military personnel received daily rations from the court. These
ration lists probably allocated supplies only to people who actually stayed at court. A further
question remains whether these lists designated the amounts of daily rations in terms of general
categories (daily rations for each of several qurbūtu officers), or whether it is possible that there
was always one single qurbūtu officer on duty at the court who received this amount. Since at least
three of the lists are dated to the same day (11th of Nisan)310 it is possible that they fixed the amount
of rations for a certain period of time (a month or year).
The other question is: is it possible to reconstruct the daily rations (bread for soldiers and
fodder for horses) from these administrative texts? Figs. 17—18. list all the amounts of bread and
fodder which are relevant from our point of view and can be reconstructed from these tablets.
ND 2803.311 The most important difficulty with the interpretation of ND 2803 is that the
periods for which the given amounts of grain rations were issued, can hardly be established. Our
tentative reconstruction is based on periods of 1, 3, 6, and 9 months of service, for which these
personnel and their equids might have obtained rations from the central logistical organization
of the Palace. For this reason, with the help of Fig. 17, we tried to reconstruct the most likely time
spans (1, 3, 6, and 9 months), for which the given amounts of grain (bread and fodder) could serve
as the minimum or even the main sources of subsistence for personnel and equids as well.
Several important inferences can, however, be drawn from the examination of ND 2803. At
least two categories (determined by the amount of grain rations) of military personnel can be
reconstructed from the list. It has to be emphasized that the slaves (77 palace slaves) – who are
not at the centre of the present study – seem to be plied with a very low daily ration: if our
307 For a discussion on the purpose of these wine lists – whether these were ration lists (Parpola) or served a single festive occasion
(Fales) – see PARPOLA 1976, 165-174; FALES 1994, 361-380, esp. 370.
308 KINNIER WILSON 1972, 3 (ND 6218), I:14: 4 sūtu (40 litres); 8 (ND 10047), 8: 3 sūtu 4 qa (34 litres); 13 (ND 10027+), 2: 3 sūtu
5 qa (35 litres); 22 (ND 10061), 11: 3 sūtu (30 litres); 33 (ND 6213+), I:4: 1 sūtu (10 litres).
309 KINNIER WILSON 1972, 3 (ND 6218), I:26: ša ki-iṣ-ri ša dUTU (2.5 qa), 784 B.C.; 6 (ND 6219), 14: ki-ṣir ša dUTU (3? qa); 8
(ND 10047), 19: ki-ṣir dUTU, (791 B.C.); 10 (ND 10057), Rev. 8: ki-ṣir ša dUTU (2.5/3 qa); 13 (ND.10027+), 13: ki-ṣir ša dUTU
(3 qa); 19 (ND 10051), 16: ki-ṣir ša dUTU; 35 (ND 2489), 8: ki-ṣir [ša dUTU] (6 qa of wine).
310 KINNIER WILSON 1972, 2 (ND 6230), 5 (ND 6214), 6 (ND 6219)?; DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 119 (ND 10036).
311 PARKER 1961, 55-61, ND 2803.

Rations
reconstruction is correct they received 0.62 litre of grain per diem. A similarly meagre ration (0.66
litre) went to the ‘man who fed the birds’; the women listed in ND 2803 – probably due to their
social status – got rations between 0.5 litre and 1.21 litres. The governess (šakintu) received
a very large ration, 4 litres of grain daily.
According to the list, (1) the first category of military personnel comprised 201 chariot men
(LÚ.GIGIR), who got 18,720 litres of grain. If they obtained this amount for three months, their
daily ration was still a very low, and amounts to 1 litre each.312 (2) The second category included
different types of qurbūtu bodyguards (Rev. I:112). They received different sized rations, but if
we reconstruct the different periods of service, for which they might have obtained them, we get
a very coherent result: each of the qurbūtu bodyguards got about 2.2—2.3 litres as a daily ration,
which befitted their social status. It has to be admitted that it is not known, whether these
amounts were the only sources of their daily subsistence or supplemented an income from
other sources.
A similarly coherent picture emerges from the rations of the equids. If we reconstruct the
different time periods in ND 2803, for which the equids might have gotten fodder rations, it seems
that the horses to be sent or to be brought received a daily ration between 7.5 and 9.5 litres each
(7.5, 8.5, 8.5, 9.0, 9.5). This amount seems much more than the modern standard (of the 3 kg fodder
and 6 kg hay daily) and was abundantly sufficient for the daily sustenance of a (war)horse.
312 Fales argued correctly that 1 qa = 1 litre = 0.8 kg of grain was a „minimum survival” daily grain ration, which could have yielded
600—650 grams of bread (FALES 1990, 29).

TEXT HORSES / MEN FODDER / BREAD RATION / MONTH RATION / DAY
ND 2803 1 month 3 months 6 months 9 months
O. i:10-11 114 women 38,580 litres (for 9.3 months) 4,140 litres 1.21 litres / woman
1,422.5
23-24 77 palace slaves 10,760 litres (for 7.5 months) litres 0.62 litre / slave
26 1 man who feeds the birds 20 litres 20 litres 0.66 litre / man
29-30 7 women 15 litres daily (for 6.5 months) 0.5 litre / woman
32 1 šakintu woman 1,450 litres (for 12 months) 120 litres 4 litres / šakintu
184,000 litres / 6 months (from Elul 30,666.6
O. ii:4’ 120 pít-[‫ې‬al] (VI) to the end of the year?) litres 8.5 litres / horse
5’ or 250 LÚ.pít-[‫ې‬al] 184,000 litres / year / 250 cavalry? 736 litres 2.04 litres / cavalry
6’-7’ 2 pít-‫ې‬al ša LÚ.SAG.MEŠ 5,120 litres (for 9 months) 570 litres 5,120 litres 9.5 litres / horse
64,800
8’-9’ 20 ur-ri-e 64,800 litres 7,200 6 litres / horse
litres
24,100
10’-11’ 94 SAL ANŠE.KUR.MEŠ 24,100 litres 8.5 litres / horse
litres
13’-14’ 201 LÚ.GIGIR 18,720 litres 6,240 litres 1 litre / man
17’ Sapunu LÚ.qur-bu-[tu] X+70? litres
26’ Ibnia LÚ.qur-[bu-tú] ša DUMU.MAN
28’ Issar-BƗbilƗia LÚ.qur-bu-te 100? litres
R. i:1 LÚ.qur-bu-tú ša DUMU.MAN 204 litres 68 litres 2.26 litres / man

4 Issar-Dǌri LÚ.qur-bu-tú 400 litres 66.6 litres 2.22 litres / man
8 […] LÚ.qur-bu-te ša DUMU.MAN
11 […]-a-a LÚ.qur-bu-te 601 litres 66.7 litres 2.22 litres / man
33 […]-ir-d[…] LÚ.qur-bu-te DUMU].MAN
35 DI-mu-APIN-eš LÚ.qur-bu-te
R. ii:10-11 ANŠE.KUR.MEŠ KUR.Man-na-a-a 200 litres

13 ANŠE.KUR.MEŠ KUR.Elam-[ma?]-a
ANŠE.KUR.MEŠ ša É Daltâ (Gaiâ LÚ.qur-
14-15
bu-ti ša DUMU.MAN)
ANŠE.KUR.MEŠ a-na Urzuপina ú-bi-lu-u-
17-18 104 litres
ni (KanǌnƗiu LÚ.qur-bu-te)
22 220 ANŠE.KUR.MEŠ? qa-ni 15 litres for 2 days each? 7.5 litres / horse
ND 10013
101 litres /
9’ 22 MÍ.ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ 2,240? litres 3.3 litres / mare
mare
100 litres /
10’ 175 ANŠE.NÍTA.MEŠ ša ma-’a-si 17,500 litres 3.3 litres / donkey
donkey
Fig. 17. Grain rations reconstructed from Nimrud bread and wine lists (ND 2803 and ND 10013).
Rations
ND 10013.313 This text provides further details on the fodder rations of mares and donkeys,
and it seems from this administrative list (Fig. 17) that the mares and donkeys of the (royal) stables
got 6.3 litres and 3.3 litres fodder per diem respectively. These amounts are fractions (approximately
1/3) of the 8.5—9 litres of grain per horse daily known from ND 2803 discussed above.
TEXT MILITARY TITLE TOTAL RATION DAILY RATION

ND 6218
Col. i:7 ‘foreman/commander of the teams’ (šá pa-an ú-ra-a-te) 2 litres of wine
Col. iii:1 recruits of the Chief Eunuch (L[Ú.ra]k-su-t[e GA]L 20 litres of wine
LÚ.SAG)
2 ‘of the mušƝzibƗte’ (ša GIŠ.m[u-š]e-zib-a-te) 5 litres of wine
3 ‘of the teams’ (ša ú-ra-a-te) 3 litres of wine
4 ‘of the dunƗni’ (ša GIŠ.du-na-ni) 1.5 litres of wine
5 ta‫ې‬lƯpu chariot man (LÚ.GIGIR ša GIŠ.ta‫ې‬-líp) 0.5 litre of wine
6 tracker (LÚ.UŠ kib-si) 2 litres of wine
7 commander-of-50 (LÚ.GAL 50.MEŠ-ni) 2 litres of wine
ND 2371
6 ‘third men’ (LÚ.3.U5.MEŠ) 119 litres
7 bodyguards (ša qur-ru-ub-tú) 15 litres
8 chariot owners of bodyguard (EN GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ qur-ru- 8 litres
ub-tú)
9 kallƗpu soldiers (LÚ.kal-la-[pa.ni]) 60 litres
ND 2489
Col. i:6 chariot driver (LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA) [x] qa (litres)
7 chariot owners (LÚ.EN GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ) 20 litres
8 bodyguard (qur-ub-tú) 13 litres
14 ‘of the dunƗni’(ša GIŠ.du-na-ni) 4 litres
15 ta‫ې‬lƯpu charioteer(s) (ša GIŠ.ta‫ې‬-líp) [x] qa (litres)
Col. ii:2 cohort of Šamaš (ki-úir [ša DINGIR.UTU]) 6 litres
8 recruits of kallƗpu soldiers (LÚ.rak-su-uti.MEŠ ša kal-lap) 1[x] litres
Col. iii:4-5 chariot men of the eunuchs (LÚ.GIGIR.MEŠ ša SAG.MEŠ) 50 litres
ND 2442
Col. i:1’-2’ 2 ú-rat.MEŠ 20 litres / 2/4 horses 10/5 litres / horse
3’-4’ 2 ú-rat pít-‫ې‬al-lim? 16 litres / 2/4 horses 8/4 litres / horse
5’-6’ 2 ú-rat.MEŠ pít-‫ې‬al-lum 6 gam-mal 50 litres / 2/4 horses + 6 5 litres / animal?
camels
Fig 18. Grain rations reconstructed from Nimrud wine (ND 6218) bread and wine lists (ND 2371, ND 2489,
and ND 2442).
ND 6218.314 ND 6218 (Fig. 18), the only wine list included into this study, is a list which most
probably contains daily rations of different personnel performed a service in the royal court, the
daily ration of different members of military ranged from 0.5 litre to 2—3 litres of wine per diem.
The lowest ration went to the chariot men/grooms of the ta‹līpu chariotry (LÚ.GIGIR ša GIŠ.ta‹
líp).315 We do not know whether the personnel of the three enigmatic categories (ša GIŠ.mušēzibāte,
313 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 150-152, no. 89 (ND 10013).

314 KINNIER WILSON 1972, 3 (ND 6218), pls. 9-10: cols. i-ii; DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 145 (ND 6218), pl. 44: cols. iii-iv.784 B.C.
315 For the taḫlīpu chariotry see DEZSŐ 2012B, 70-71; for the chariot men/grooms of the taḫlīpu chariotry (LÚ.GIGIR ša GIŠ.taḫ-
líp) see DEZSŐ 2012B, 115.

and ša GIŠ.dunāni) with their 5 and 1.5 litres of wine were a collective body or whether they
provisioned a single person. 20 litres of wine for the ‘recruits’ of the Chief Eunuch (LÚ.raksute
GAL LÚ.SAG)316 provided rations probably for 20 ‘recruits’ per diem. The category ‘of the teams’
(ša urâte, obviously referring to personnel and not to horses) with their 3 litres of wine (for 2 or
3 personnel) differs from their official, the ‘foremen/commander of the teams’ (ša pān urâte), who
got 2 litres of wine daily. It seems that an average of 2 litres of wine were provided for the military
daily: this amount was allotted to the scout (rādi kibsi) and to the commanderof50 (rab ‹anšê). It
is important to note that further entries of the texts listing the daily rations of civilian personnel
show a fairly consistent picture: most of the individuals were supplied with 1 or 2 litres of wine
per day.317
ND 2371.318 ND 2371 is another bread list, which provides information for the reconstruction
of the overall amounts of the grain rations, but unfortunately the number of personnel behind the
general categories is unknown. ‘Third men’ obtained 119 litres of grain, which was sufficient for
approximately 60 ‘third men’ (with an avarage of 2 litres per diem reconstructed from the previous
lists and implied by the importance of the ‘third men’).319 Following this logic and the avarage
rations calculated from ND 2803, 15 litres of grain was the daily ration of 6 qurbūtu bodyguards,
8 litres of grain was the daily allocation for about 4 chariot owners of the bodyguard, 60 litres of
grain was the daily allotment of 30 kallāpu soldiers.
ND 2489.320 ND 2489 is a similar bread list with only the overall amounts of the rations. These
data are of no help in the reconstruction of the daily rations for the different types of military
personnel, consequently we have to use the data deduced from the previous lists. This list most
probably issued daily provisions for 10 chariot owners (2 litres each), 5—6 qurubtu/qurbūtu
bodyguards (2.2 litres each), and 100 chariot men (0.5 litres each).
ND 2442.321 After analysing ND 2442, the most important question remains whether the term
urû means teams of horses, i.e. 2 horses, or whether it is used as a synonym to ‘horse.’ This results
in obvious differences between the different ration calculations, with the daily rations varying
between 4—5 and 8—10 litres daily, the latter correlating to a greater extent to the overall
conclusion drawn from ND 2803 discussed above.
II.1.1.1.2 Central allotment of rations during a ‘home service’

These bread, fodder, and wine rations, however, were probably not the only types of provision
allotted to military personnel or troops and probably not the only sources of income. Furthermore,
some of the troops and military personnel were provisioned during not only of their court
service, or during the campaign they went to, but the military supply organization of the Empire
provisioned them all the year round. Some of the supplies of military personnel were fixed to
certain duties. A letter written to Sargon II by an unknown official, mentions in reference to
a recruitment officer (mušarkisu) that: “the guard duty, (which) is mutually fixed for our bread
and water.”322 An interesting administrative text/letter, gives a much more coherent and detailed
picture of the military provision system.
316 DEZSŐ 2012B, 119.

317 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 145 (ND 6218), col. iii:12-28.
318 KINNIER WILSON 1972, 34 (ND 2371).
319 DEZSŐ 2012B, 102-109.
320 KINNIER WILSON 1972, 35 (ND 2489).
321 PARKER 1961, 26-27, ND 2442.
322 DIETRICH 2003, 69 (CT 54, 19), 16-18.

Rations
ND 3467323 is a list of provisions, which were – in the form or from the source of ilku duty –
allotted to some chariot troops (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ) or more probably to their superior by the
majordomo of the Palace (LÚ.GAL—É.GAL(rab ekalli)).
ND 3467324
1 il-ku ša LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ The ilku of the chariot men
2 ša ina lìb-bi LÚ.GAL—É.GAL mPa-ni-i which is for/from the rab ekalli, Panî:
1.
3 3 ANŠE(imƝr) ŠE.ki-su-u-tú 30 litres of fodder
4 ša ITI-šú per month
5 7 ŠE.ma-qa-ra-te ………….. 7 bales of …
6 9½ ŠE.IN.NU 9½ bales of straw
2.
7 9 BÁN(sǌtu) ZÍD.DA.MEŠ 1 SÌLA(qâ) 90 litres of flour, 1 litre of wine
GEŠTIN.MEŠ
8 ½ SÌLA(qâ) Ì.MEŠ (šamnƝ) 1 BÁN(sǌtu) ku-dim-me 0.5 litre oil, 1 litre of kuddimmu (salt from the kuddimmu plant)
9 ½ SÌLA(qâ) MUN.MEŠ(‫ܒ‬Ɨbtu) 0.5 litre of salt
10 1 ANŠE(imƝr) 2 BÁN(sǌtu) ŠE.ki-ši-in-ni 120 litres of kišinnu plant (a leguminous plant)
3.
11 ú-ma-a ina lìb-bi U4.MEŠ(ǌmƝ)-ia Now, during my days
12 10 ŠE.ma-qa-ra-te ŠE.IN.NU 10 bales of straw
13 1 SÌLA(qâ) Ì.MEŠ(šamnƝ) ša ITU(ara‫)ې‬-šú 1 litre of oil, monthly
14 i-ma-‫ې‬ar-ra-an-ni he receives from me.
4.
Rev. 15 24 GÍN.MEŠ(šiqlƯ) KÙ.BABBAR(kaspi) 24 sheqels of silver
16 ša Ú.MEŠ-šu for his plants
17 i-ma-‫ې‬a-ra-ni he receives from me.
5.
18 1 ANŠE(imƝr) 8 BÁN(sǌtu) ZÍD.DA.MEŠ 180 litres of flour
19 2 TÚG.sa-ga-a-te 2 sagƗtu clothes
20 2 KUŠ.ma-za-’a 2 leather maza’u-s
21 3 ma-na SÍG.ÙZ(šƗrtu) 3 minas (1.5 kg) of goat-hair
22 3 SÌLA(qâ) Ì.MEŠ(šamnƝ) 3 litres of oil
23 PAP(nap‫ې‬ar) an-nu-u all of this
24 ša ina KASKAL(‫ې‬arrƗn)-šú for his campaign.
6.
25 KÙ.BABBAR(kaspu) ša Ú.MEŠ From the silver for the plants
26 be-lí li-ri-ma-a-ni may my lord excuse me.
27 ina lìb-bi GU4.NÍTA For an ox
28 la a-di-in-ni may I use
29 ina GIŠ.APIN(epinni) for the plough.
Fig. 19. ND 3467 – a letter of an unknown official listing provisions.
As Fig. 19 shows, this administrative report can be divided into at least 6 separate sections:
(1) The first section (lines 3—6) lists fodder and straw allotted to this official (the officer of the
chariot men?). It is quite clear that the given amounts are hardly sufficient to provision a single
horse (not to say the horses of a whole unit!), since our reconstruction based on ND 2803 and
related texts shows that during court service a horse was supplied with 7.5—9.5 litres of fodder
per diem. The report, however, does not state that these (monthly) rations were the only source
of income for the supply of the officer’s household.
323 WISEMAN 1953, 146, ND 3467; POSTGATE 1974, 399-401.

324 This chart follows the interpretation of POSTGATE 1974, 399-401.

(2) The second section (lines 7—10) lists foodstuff for a household. The 90 litres of flour might
serve as a monthly ration (3 litres daily) and might be sufficient for a whole family. 0.5 litres
of oil seems too little for a monthly ration (but as has been stated above, the report makes no
mention of this being the exclusive source for the household’s sustenance). The amounts of
salt, the 1 litre of kudimmu salt, and 0.5 litre of salt seems sufficient for a month. The last item
– 120 litres of kišinnu plant (a leguminous plant?) – due to its large quantity (4 litres daily) may
have served as a kind of staple food.
(3) In the third section (lines 11—14) the author of the text emphasizes that unlike his predecessor
or departing from the instructions, he provided a somewhat higher quota during his office,
10 bales of straw (instead of 9 ½) and 1 litre of oil (instead of 0.5 litre).
(4) The fourth section (lines Rev. 15—17) contains surprising data: according to the orders the
author of the letter should provide 24 sheqels of silver for plants. The sum seems very high
and the plant to be purchased for such a high amount of silver is unknown. Is it possible that
the author refers to (a huge amount of ) seedcorn to be bought?
(5) The fifth section (lines 18—24) is somewhat different, since – contrary to the previous sections
describing the ‘home allowance’ of the household of the ‘commander ’ – gives the details of
the campaign allotment of a man (most probably the officer of the unit). The 180 litres of flour
is enough for 60 or even 90 days, and so are the 3 litres of oil. The other clothes might serve
as different types garments, while the goathair might serve as lining (under the armour or
within the helmet). The campaign flour is a wellknown phenomenon (see below). The most
important question is, however, whether this ‘commander’ obtained the 180 litres of flour for
himself (to cover his subsistence for 2 or 3 months) or whether these rations belonged to his
unit (for 1 or 2 months). If he himself got the 180 litres of flour, it is simply unrealistic to
assume that he carried such a huge amount of flour with himself from home on the campaign
(it would have needed 2 or 3 asses, which have also needed sustenance). It would have been
a very expensive endeavour. A much more plausible assumption would to suppose that this
amount was a theoretical campaign ration, from which he could draw a few days’ amount
(to be carried) at different royal granaries and military depositories of the Assyrian military
logistical network within the Empire along the way to the operational zone of the campaign
(for a detailed discussion of this topic see below in chapter II.1.2 Central allotment of rations
during a campaign).
(6) In the last, sixth section (lines 25—29) the author of the report excuses himself for not having
bought plants for the 24 sheqels of silver, but an ox for the plough instead. It means that the
central allowance of the ‘commander ’ might even include an ox (instead of the plants or seed
corn). This makes sense if we suppose that the ‘commander ’ owned private fields or got
service fields befitting his position (see the chapter II.2.2 Servicefields/estates of officers).
Judging from the evidence it can be concluded that this text does not list the rations of a unit of
chariot men (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ), but most probably of their superior. This enigmatic letter,
however, is still in the process of decryption as Postgate wrote: “The author of the text is not
identified, while his superior (belí, l. 26) is probably the rab ekalli himself. The text starts as a list
and ends up with an appeal as though it were a letter. There remains the identity of the person
referred to in the 3rd person in ll. 14, 1617, 24; this is either the officer commanding the contingent,
or, if ‘my lord’ and the palace overseer Panî are not the same man, this ‘he’ would be Panî.”325
325 POSTGATE 1974, 401.

Rations
It further appears that this text falls into the ilku category, which Postgate phrased as follows:
“these payments are to be made by persons liable to ilku, who are however allowed to fulfill their
obligations by fitting out others instead of serving in person.”326
The division of the rations between a campaign allotment and the allocations for the family
staying home is known from other contemporary texts as well. Sargon II sent an order to Šarru
dūri, governor of Kal‹u, for example, to provide all the king’s men serving under him with 1
homer (emāru, 100 litres) of corn each. He had to divide this amount between the king’s man and
his family as follows: 3 seahs (sūtu, 30 litres) were given to the soldier as his ‘campaignflour’
(ZÍD.KASKAL.MEŠ), 7 seahs (70 litres) were left with his family.327 Aššurilā’ī reported to Tiglath
Pileser III that he had given 1 seah (sūtu, 10 litres) stored grain per man of the exempts at his
disposal. He referred to the wives and even to the deputies as follows: “(Should) one have wife
[...], she comes out (with) three seahs (3 litres). To deputies [they give] four seahs (4 litres) each.”328
The period for which these amounts of grain were issued is unfortunately unknown.
In an unfortunately fragmentary letter probably a governor reported to the Assyrian king that
he had given “to 150 persons 5 seahs (50 litres) each of his seed, their stored grain and seed in
full.”329 The letter does not specify the timespan for which this amount was issued, and it seems
that the above mentioned quantity served as, and was divided into daily food rations (ŠE.tabku)
and seedcorn (ŠE.NUMUN.MEŠ).
Further cuneiform evidence corroborates the view that certain units/military personnel
obtained rations from central sources all the year round. A Sargonide letter for example mentions
the barley rations of the team commander’s household, which was – the accusation ran –
squandered by the governor Aššurbēluu%ur,330 and even an official of the the team commander’s
household is known,331 but the fragmentary condition of this text makes the reconstruction of his
office impossible. There is a further text dated to the Post Canonical period mentioning a barley
transaction of the Chief Eunuch’s team commander (LÚ.GAL—urat ša GAL—.SAG). According
to this loan document,332 Nabûdanninanni, the team commander obtained 2 homers(emāru) of
barley according to the seah (sūtu) measure of 9 qa (180 litres) from Issemeili, the palace manager
of the Review Palace of Calah. This amount would be deducted from the feedstuff of Rēmūtu,
who was most probably another officer of the Chief Eunuch.333 The witness list includes two
chariot men (Sukkāia and ErībaAdad), who were probably subordinates of the team commander.
It is, however, not clear, whether this loan334 was a private affair, which covered the sustenance
of the team commander’s household or an official loan needed for the provisioning of his troops.
326 POSTGATE 1974, 222.

327 POSTGATE 1973, 185 (ND 437), 1-13.
328 LUUKKO 2012, 48 (ND 2669), 26-Rev. 4.
329 SAGGS 2001, 280-281 (ND 2639), 12-14; LUUKKO 2012, 225 (ND 2639), 12-14.
330 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 62 (CT 53, 55), 12-14: ”Concerning the sto[red] barley of the house of the master of teams (É LÚ.GAL
ú-ra-te) [about which the king, my lord, wrote to me, saying: ‘You have squandered it’ – [as soon as the …] has come up, [...] in
the king’s presence.” (707—706 B.C.)
331 Nabû-bēlu-uṣur, […] É(bīt) LÚ.GAL—u-rat (FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 31 (ADD 816), I:4’-5’).
332 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, no. 12:5 (PC, limmu of Aššur-mātu-takkin).
333 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 64.
334 For an introductory study of the corn loans see PONCHIA 1990, 39-60, esp. 57: „provisions for administrative sectors and the army
considerably depended upon the private management of land tenure and of trade, whose incomes augmented the fixed fiscal
revenues.”

Sargon II wrote an order to one of his officials concerning a certain QurdiIssar, a mā‹i%u
(LÚ.ma‹i%i): “Encou[rage him, and give him a house], a plough, and a field […].”335 It is
interesting to note that a governor for a royal order gave a house, a plough and a field to a mā‹i%u.
Although the extant sources are not sufficient to reconstruct a coherent picture of the central
Assyrian allotment system of the different military personnel (and their families) during their
‘home service,’ some consclusions can nevertheless be drawn. One of these could be that the
Assyrian Empire operated a very sophisticated rationing system to supply certain troops and
officers during their ‘home stay’ or garrison service. This system was based not only on the central
authorities, but on the local administration as well, officials of which – following central orders
– solved the problems on a local level and raised the rations and other goods to supply the troops
and their officers with their necessary supplies ‘fixed on their tablets.’
II.1.1.2 Local, provincial management – royal correspondence
Apart from the recruitment of soldiers the provisioning of local troops (the troops of the governor
and the king’s men) was obviously the largest burden on the provincial administration. They had
to raise and supervise the home provisions and the ‘campaignflour’ of the troops, and prepare
them for campaigns. The importance of the problem is emphasized by the fact that the king
himself often investigated the wellbeing of the troops garrisoned in the provinces, and had their
provisions checked.336 Na’diilu (the rab šāqê) for example had to report to Sargon II on the
conditions of the chariot troops from Que, stationing in his mātu.337
Studying the local, provincial ‘ration management’ several key issues and characteristics of
the system can be identified: (1) the seasonal character of the service, (2) supplying garrisons and
forts, (3) raising barley rations for troops preparing for a campaign, (4) arguments of the
governors over the resources, (5) feeding the deportees, (6) feeding the horses and packanimals,
and (7) transporting barley rations. The next chapters of our study will concentrate on these topics.
II.1.1.2.1 The seasonal character of the service

The provincial troops (the troops of the governors and the king’s men as well) were employed
on a seasonal basis, and were released (or were relieved by other troops) after a certain period
of service, or at the end of the campaign season. In case there was not enough food in the
storehouses, the commanders had to discharge the troops to go home and feed themselves, to
avoid the danger of deserting the service in fear of starving in the garrisons.
Such a case is known from a letter of Aššurbēluuda’’an (governor of ›alziatbar) to Sargon
II, in which the governor reports that when, on the 22nd day he departed to see the king, he met
Kakkullānu, the royal bodyguard, (who) turned him back from the town Alite, saying: „G[o] and
release your troops: I[f] they do not go, [the] men will die of hunger!” Aššurbēluuda’’an,
however, reported, that he gave them “5 months worth of stored grain; I also gave them 1 litre of
oil, 1 litre of [bread, and 1 li]tre of cress […],”338 which means that he provided sufficient rations
for them. The situation was serious, since the troops – if our reconstruction is correct – were staying
in the vicinity of the city and were about to enter it, as they could not depart because of the snow.

336 Šarru-ilā’ī obtained a similar royal order from Sargon II to check the stored grain and crops in the territories under his command.
LUUKKO 2012, 204 (ND 2688).

Rations
In another case an Assyrian official received a royal order to keep watch in Meturna with his
troops. However, when he was in DūrAnunīti, between Meturna and DūrBēlilā’ī, in the
foothills, he wrote a letter to Sargon II complaining that he could not release his king’s men to
collect their provisions.339 The provisions of the troops were normally issued from local and royal
granaries of their supply region if the troops stayed at their garrisons. However, when they were
ordered to move to another post, they would be released to collect their own provisions from the
nearby royal(?) and local storehouses or – as this letter makes it clear – they would even have been
allowed to confiscate foodstuff from the nearby villages.
An unknown writer reported to Sargon II (from somewhere along the border of Tabal) that
“the soldiers previously on duty [had] plundered the [country of …]riuni.”340 It is impossible to
reconstruct the reaction of the Assyrian official from the fragmentary text, but this reference makes
it clear that (1) soldiers served in rota or were released at the end of their service, (2) after leaving
the service, but before reaching their homes they remained without allowances and consequently
plundered the countryside.
A somewhat different scenario appears in the letter sent to Sennacherib(?) by Abiiaqīa, Abi
iadi’, Zērūtu, Šulluma and A‹ibigaiānu, five tribal leaders from Eastern Babylonia – in the vicinity
of the Elamite front – who were begging for the intervention of the Assyrian army on their behalf,
because “As of now, Fort Šama’unu is abandoned. There is nobody there except 200 scratch
soldiers, and there is no food there except for the travel provisions which they carry with them.
Moreover, they have cut off the water between us and the land of Rašu. Nobo[dy] from Rašu has
(been able to) c[ome] to you.”341 There are no rations in the abandoned Fort Šama’unu, only the
“travel provisions of 200 scratch soldiers,”342 whose origin is unknown. In these circumstances
– lacking provisions and military forces – this very sensitive front (between Elam and other
Chaldean tribes, including the Puqūdu mentioned in this letter) and the loyalty of the
neighbouring tribes could only be secured with the help of an Assyrian intervention.
When the Chief Eunuch sent Šamaša‹uiddina to Riblah and impressed upon him the watch
over the town, he faced the problem of supplying troops without enough stores. The letter
contains further valuable information on the supply system run by the provincial administration.
Šamaša‹uiddina let the king know that there was water and oil for only half the men. He asks
the king: “If the king, my lord, c[ommands]: ‘Let them buy and eat thei[r] own food,’ then let
them buy and eat, (but) the king, my lord, should know (how things are).”343 This sentence raises
an important question. Was the system flexible: if there were no sufficient rations for the men,
could they be sent out to buy food for themselves?
II.1.1.2.2 Supplying garrisons and forts

The governors provided provisions not only for the royal campaigns, or their own military
excursions, but for the garrisons they stationed in newly built forts. Several letters reported to the
Assyrian king that the official who wrote the report had transported rations to the garrisons
serving in different forts.344
339 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 30 (ABL 455), Rev. 14.

340 PARPOLA 1987, 250 (ABL 1203), Rev. 6-7.
341 DIETRICH 2003, 152 (ABL 774), 5-12.
342 DIETRICH 2003, 152 (ABL 774), 7-9: 2 ME ERIM.MEŠ su-ub-bu-su-tu ù PAD.ḪI.A ina ŠÀ-bi ia-a-nu al-la ṣi-di-is-su-nu šá it-
ti-šú-nu i-na-áš-šú-ú-ma.
343 SAGGS 1963, NL 70 (ND 2766), Rev. 5-9; LUUKKO 2012, 37 (ND 2766).
344 An unknown official reported to the king that they (the magnates?) built a fort, placed guardsmen into it and let the pack animals
to go up there. LUUKKO 2012, 198 (ND 2351), 7-9; SAGGS 2001, 237-238 (ND 2351), 7-9.

When the magnates built a fort in Minu’ and raised 1,000 homers of barley, the governor Il
Iada’ supplied “10 homers of salt, 16 […] of kudimmu salt, 30 jugs of oil, 18 jugs of naphtha, 30
bows, 20,000 […] arrows, 10,000 arrowshafts, 100 […], 2 talents of […], 3 talents of …” After they
had placed 100 Itu’eans and the Gurreans of the Palace as a garrison inside the fort, they marched
to the mouth of the PattiIllil canal and erected another fort there, and garrisoned it with 10
Gurreans and 20 Itu’eans of IlIada’.345 A fragmentary letter of Šarruēmuranni, the governor of
Babylon at that time, also refers to equipping a fort with [x] thousand [x] hundred arrows.346
A report from Šarruēmuranni ,mentions a royal order to set aside 200 homers (20,000 litres) of
wine for the garrison, which was carried out by the governor.347
A letter from an unknown writer sheds some light on the system of troop supply, based on
two wellfounded grounds: providing 1) central allotment and 2) service fields (see below). The
official, however, reveals a discrepancy of the system: “For (any cohort commander) who has
a bre[ad ration] entered on his tablet and who has men, I [take] from the corn tax and provide it
to him in his garrison. Even where there is no entry, they come and tell me, and I give it, so they
can cultivate their fields. If I did not allot it, they would take [the corn] they have harvested
[prev]iously and eat it, and would not cultivate the fields but turn to me [with]out a superior,
saying: ‘Bread [is being with]held from us!’”348
A fragmentary letter (mentioning Aššurrē%ūwa, a qēpu of Sargon II) from the Northern,
Urar#ian front mentions the fields and threshing floors of unknown people (supposedly the
soldiers of the garrison) and states that the official, who sent the report had transported 20 homers
(emāru) (2,000 litres) of seed corn ‘to the fort in the tower’ for the troops.349
A letter from a certain Nabûtaklāk makes it clear that there were certain differences between
the garrison and other troops. In the letter to his lord, the governor (of Marad?) states that he
would never send garrison troops (L[Ú.š]ulutu) to BītDakkuri, but/and he had distributed the
food rations to the soldiers of Nabûēreš who were guarding the fort (instead of his garrison
troops?).350
Šamašbēluu%ur, governor of Dēr most probably authored the letter to Sargon II in which he
replies to the royal order, and reports that he brought barley rations and all the straw into the fort
(of Dēr), and not a single litre was left outside. The situation was presumably serious, since the
end of the fragmentary letter states that “Nobody has gone out of Dēr and nobody has cultivated
even one litre of seed.”351
The forts were used not only to host garrisons who kept watch along the borders, but served
as operational bases for local or even regional wars. A fragmentary letter most probably addressed
to Sargon II from the Eastern border region (Māzamua?) reports to the king that: “I wen[t d]own,
razed the towns and burnt them, lifted the ba[rl]ey and [p]iled it up in the fort.”352 In this case
the Assyrians took the barley from the destroyed neighbourhood and transported it into the fort
to supply the garrison, to provision the approaching Assyrian troops, and at the same time
deprived the enemy of strategic resources in the region.

350 DIETRICH 2003, 62 (ABL 898), Rev. 2’-S. 1.
351 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 119 (CT 53, 77 + ABL 1314), e. 1.

Rations
The most important text which discusses the building and supplying of a garrison is obviously
NL 67.353 The letter was written by DūrAššur to TiglathPileser III, who sent a detailed report
on the construction of a garrison(fort), located in all likelihood in Tuš‹an, on the banks of the
Tigris. The most important passages relating to our study deal with the building of a storehouse,
and informing the king that the governor would bring the cattle into the garrison. This is one of
the few explicit references concerning the supply of the (garrison)troops with meat from
livestock.354 Since the walls and the buildings of the garrison had been completed, DūrAššur asks
the king to let the garrison troops (LÚ.ERIM.MEŠ ša URU.birte) enter into the fort, and finally
requests an order from the ruler: “Who will raise [the barl]ey?”355 to supply the troops.
An unknown governor reported to the king that he had put several watchtowers/forts in
Babylonia on alert, supplied them with troops and equipment, and had barley rations transported
and amassed there.356 The watchtowers/forts were in the towns of Rapiša, [...]li and Menaga –
these were under the authority of Aššurbē[lutaqq]in– and further forts under the command of
Bēlapluiddina.
Transporting rations to the forts was a very important and dangerous duty. Garrisons could
easily be cut off from their hinterland if the enemy blocked the roads leading to the forts – the
weakest links in the system – or attacked the troops carrying the supplies. Such a case is known
from the Urar#ian border, when most probably GabbuanaAššur, the Palace Herald (nāgir ekalli)
reported to Sargon II that the Urar#ians had “captured six [of our] soldier[s] who were moving
provisions up to the forts.”357 The Assyrians, however, did not react aggressively: “I wrote to the
majordomo: ‘Don’t try to take them by force. (Instead) write to Abilê: ’Why have you seized our
men?’ and quickly write me what he replies.”358
It is overtly clear from these sources that raising the necessary supplies – especially the grain
and fodder rations –was not the only difficulty the provincial supply system had to master; they
were also taxed with the logistics, and the responsibility of arranging the transport, feeding the
pack animals, and delivering the provisions to the forts and garrisons presented another burden
on their administration (for the detailed study of transportation see below).
II.1.1.2.3 Raising barley rations for troops during campaign preparations

This aspect of the supply system had obviously the greatest importance from a military point of
view, as it was impossible to plan and execute a campaign without the necessary provisions for
the troops. It was for this reason that the foremost concern of governors, magnates and other
officials was the collection of the necessary supplies, and the process was closely monitored by
the king himself.359
The most detailed report on the provisions for the assembling army – preparing for a regional
campaign – comes from a letter (CT 53, 47 + ABL 1290) written to Sargon II by an unfortunately
unidentified author, which lists stored grain for soldiers and fodder for horses – complying to the
353 SAGGS 1963, NL 67 (ND 2666); SAGGS 2001, 114-115 (ND 2666); LUUKKO 2012, 60 (ND 2666). For a detailed discussion see
PARKER 1997, 77-87.
354 LUUKKO 2012, 60 (ND 2666), Rev. 9-11.
355 LUUKKO 2012, 60 (ND 2666), Rev. 14.
356 SAGGS 2001, 268-269 (ND 2467); LUUKKO 2012, 200 (ND 2467).
357 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 115 (ABL 579) 3-8.
358 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 115 (ABL 579) 9-Rev. 4.
359 In one of his letters, Na’di-ilu, the Chief Cupbearer (rab šāqê) himself referred to an order of Sargon II: “As to the chariot troops
from Que about whom the king, my lord, wrote to me: ‘Enquire and investigate, and if they [have no] food and seed, write me.’”
(LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 68 (CT 53, 40), 4-8).

king’s inquiry – detailed by calendar months.360 The military base where the troops were
summoned was KārAššur (Baqrawa?), most probably one of the important military centres and
collection points of the Eastern border region.
During the muster held here the Assyrians reviewed the following troops already having
arrived to the town: the troops of the CommanderinChief (turtānu) and the Chief Cupbearer (rab
šāqê); the troops of TaklākanaBēli and IšmanniAššur; the troops of the governors of Si’immê,
Tillê, Guzana, and Isana. The text unfortunately makes no mention of the arrival of the king, but
reports that the royal entourage and the magnates’ troops have not arrived yet completely to Kār
Aššur. They are readying the first contingent of Nergalē#ir. The letter writer asks the king
whether they should draw the battle array (more probably the marching order!) as the king had
ordered or not.
The report makes a distinction between the provincial units of the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti),
and the provincial troops of the high officials and governors (the magnates). The grain was
collected and stored partly around KārAššur and arrived partly from La‹iru province and other
territories of the magnates(?). It is clear from this report that the local military authorities (high
officials and governors) were supposed to store large amounts of provisions in preparation for
military campaigns.
The most important part of the text, however, is the report of the supplies and reserves,
including the amount of stored grain available. Fales in his seminal study361 reconstructed not only
the logic of the text, but the logic of the supply system the Assyrian (military) authorities used
in the provinces. The total amount of provisions amounted to 38,490 homers (3,849,000 litres) of
fodder and stored grain per month for the king’s men plus the amount the magnates [brought?].
The account summarizes the following amounts: „[In all 57]8 homers of [fodder daily], making
[17,3]40 homers of grain rations per month; [in all 705 homers] of stored grain for soldiers (daily,
(making) [21,150 ho]mers of grain rations per month; [all told 38,4]90 homers of fodder and stored
grain [per month for the k]ing’s [men], plus what the magnates […].”362
Planning a campaign the king and the Assyrian military had to know, (1) what amount of
grain (daily rations) and fodder had been amassed for the troops mobilized locally, and (2) what
amount of grain (daily rations) and fodder had been brought by the expeditionary troops
provided by the magnates and gathering at that military base.
360 CT 53, 47+ ABL 1290; PARPOLA 1979, 47; LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 250 (CT 53, 47+); FALES 1990, 23-34; FALES 2000, 48-49.
361 FALES 1990, 23-34. See also FALES 2000, 48-49 and FALES – RIGO 2010, 13.
362 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 250 (CT 53, 47+), Rev. 15-20.

Rations
DAILY RATIONS
Section Amount (emƗru) Amount Amount (kg) 364
(litre)363
1a 470.0 47,000 37,600 fodder for pack animals (kissutu ša a‫܈‬appi) daily
1b 549.4 54,940 43,952 stored grain for the men (še’u tabku ša ‫܈‬ƗbƝ) daily
1 (1a + 1b) 1,019.4 101,940 81,552 royal granaries in KƗr-Aššur daily
2a 108.0 10,800 8,640 fodder daily

2b 155.6 15,560 12,448 stored grain for the men daily
2 (2a + 2b) 263.6 26,360 21,088 magnates brought and Laপiru province daily
TOTALS
a (1a + 2a) 470 + 108 = 578 57,800 46,240 of fodder, daily
A (a x 30) 578 x 30 = 17,340 1,734,000 1,387,200 of barley per month
b (1b + 2b) 549.6 + 155.4 = 705 70,500 56,400 of stored grain for the men, daily
B (b x 30) 705 x 30 = 21,150 2,115,000 1,692,000 of barley per month
C (A + B) 17,340 + 21,150 = 38,490 3,849,000 3,079,200 fodder and stored grain for king’s men, per month
Fig. 20. The structure of CT 53, 47 + ABL 1290 based on FALES 1990, 26.
It is obvious that from the military planning point of view the king’s main concern was to know
what quantity of stored grain the city/province could provide for an impending campaign. In trying
to answer the question of the king, we can follow the reply of the Assyrian official (Fig. 20): the text
states that there are 578 homers (57,800 litres) of fodder daily, which amounts to 17,340 homers
(1,734,000 litres) per month. For the soldiers there are 705 homers (70,500 litres) of stored grain
daily, amounting to 21,150 homers (2,115,000 litres) per month. The number of soldiers and
animals can (easily) be calculated: supposing that a soldier obtained about 2 litres of grain daily
(see above and Figs. 17—18), the above mentioned amount should be enough for 35,000 soldiers
and about 1,000 animals.365 The text mentions only packanimals (for packanimals as a means
of transport see below), which means that the assembling army consisted of infantry units(?) only.
The size of the royal troops (king’s men) stationing in KārAššur was – as is apparent from
the wellknown and oftquoted letter of Adadissīa366 – however, considerably smaller. The
1,430 king’s men (although this number seems to be (intentionally) rounded), consumed a much
smaller overall quantity of rations: 85,800 litres367 (858 emāru) per month (against the monthly
16,482 emāru, 1,648,200 litres of grain368 stored in the granaries of the city according to CT 53, 47
+ ABL 1290, see above, Fig. 20). So the grain storage capacity could have supported a much larger
local force (up to 27,470 men) than the letter of Adadissīa indicates (1,430 men).
At this point a further question demands an answer. The question of the king referred not
(only) to the military, but probably the whole city to be fed. This passage is, however, fragmentary
(“[‘Send me (data on) the sto]red grain (consumed) by your [ci]ty in a calendar month!’”)369
363 Based on: 1 emāru = 100 litres.

364 Based on: 1 litre grain = 0.8 kg.
365 As has been reconstructed above and especially in Fig. 17, the daily average fodder ration of pack-animals and cavalry horses
ranged between 3.3 and 9 litres. Since the text mentions pack-animals (aṣappu) we used an average of 5—6 litres of fodder daily.
35, 36, 78, 88, 96, 107, 108, 135, 143; LUUKKO 2012, 189 (ND 2631).
367 1,430 x 2 x 30 = 85,500.
368 549.4 x 30 = 16,482.
369 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 250 (CT 53, 47+), Rev. 3’-5’.

The ‘whole city’ was probably not sustained from the local royal/city granaries, but the king’s men
(performing military and other services) were eligible for such provisions, which means that the
calculated ‘feeding capacity’ of the city had to be divided between the military and the civilian
sector.
Concluding the evidence, one question still remains open: for how many days or months
could the granaries of KārAššur, La‹iru and the magnates feed the troops and packanimals?
Another letter (NL 88, ND 2495)370 to Sargon II provides further details for the grain
production and storage capacity of the provinces. The letter of Bēldūri (governor of Damascus?)
refers to a royal order as follows: ]: “[All] gover[nors] may raise food and fodder from [Šamaš]
a[‹uidd]ina with you, and Adadissīa and Bēllēšir are to support Abilēšir!”371 The governors
argued with each other over the resources, but at this point the most interesting part of the letter
is a list of the monthly grain rations available to these governors:
DAILY RATIONS
Line Amount (emƗru) Amount (litres) 372 Amount (kg) 373
Rev. 4 105 10,500 8,400 fodder
5 123 12,300 9,840 bread Šamaš-aপu-iddina
5 228 22,800 18,240 in all
6 75 7,500 6,000 fodder
7 15 1,500 1,200 bread Abi-lƝšir
7 90 9,000 7,200 in all
8-9 600 60,000 48,000 bread 2,000 zakku soldiers from Kummuপi
10 918 91,800 73,440 grand total per month
Fig. 21. The structure of NL 88 (ND 2495).
As Fig. 21 shows, the ‘feeding capacity’ or the actual amount of grain rations in stock in the
province or territory under the control of Šamaša‹uiddina was sufficient to feed 6,150 men and
1,750—2,100 equids, while the province or territory of Abilēšir could support 750 men and 1,250—
1,500 equids per calendar month. This capacity was complemented or expanded by the amount
of bread stored for the 2,000 zakku soldiers from Kummu‹i, which means that they obtained a very
low amount, 1 litre (0.8 kg) bread per diem for their service!
The importance of Māzamua is emphasized by other letters, as well. An unknown official,
most probably a governor, received an order to set out for the review. Išmêilu, a cohort
commander carrying the king’s golden seal, however, intercepted and ordered him to bring barley
rations to Māzamua.374 This fragmentary letter refers to an earlier order to march to a review and
another, later order to bring barley rations to Māzamua – the rendezvous point of the
expeditionary armies – which needed supplies.
Another administrative text (ND 453)375 lists various ilku items – intended to supply some men
during their campaign service – which can be divided into three categories:
370 PARPOLA 1990, 172 (ND 2495); SAGGS 2001, 173-175 (ND 2495); LUUKKO 2012, 170 (ND 2495).
371 LUUKKO 2012, 170 (ND 2495), 3-8.
372 Based on: 1 emāru = 100 litres.
373 Based on: 1 litre grain = 0.8 kg.
375 POSTGATE 1973, 141 (ND 453).

Rations
(1) Daily campaign supplies (lines 15): “[x] bowl(s) of wine, 2 homers 1 sūtu of bread, 2 homers
of beer, 5 sūtu of fodder – per day”
(2) Nonrecurrent campaign expenditures (lines 68): “2 minas of copper for oil for the lamp(s).
All this for his expedition.”
(3) Yearly payments (lines 912): “90 minas of copper for 30 reserves of the king’s men, [x ho]mers
of corn, 5 homers of …corn, he shall receive in the year […].”
Based on this text, it is reasonable to assume that the complete supply of a unit or personnel
during the campaign was much more complex affair, and included several items in addition to
the corn rations. These items were the wine and beer, the fodder, the oil for the lamps, and a yearly
salary of 90 minas of copper for 30 reserves (staying at home?) and [x] homers of corn. From these
examples it seems obvious that certain units were equipped and supplied by the ilku payments
of various offices, communities or personnel.376
II.1.1.2.4 Quarrels of the governors over the resources

The constraint of provisioning the troops stationed in their provinces kept the governors and other
military officials under constant pressure. These officials had to do their best to measure up to
the king’s expectations. They frequently exceeded their powers, and went far beyond their sphere
of authority.
To feed the chariot troops and horses was a large burden on the local government. An
unknown Assyrian official wrote a letter to Sargon II complaining that he and another party had
reaped their sown fields together and stored the yield in villages. However, when the time arrived
to feed the chariot troops the other party did not want to feed the chariot troops and horses, only
he was willing to feed the king’s horses.377 Another (unknown) governor reported to Sargon II
that some other (also unknown) officials took fodder and grain from the stores: “He took once
when I was in the king my lord’s presence in Arbela, and now he has done it again and taken it
for the second time!”378
One of the letters of Aššurrē%ūwa (a qēpu, who served as chief of intelligence of Sargon II in
Kumme, on the Northern, Urar#ian border of the Empire)379 for example accused someone,
probably Arie, the vassal king of Kumme of giving foodstuff to someone, and asked the king to
ask him as follows: „To whomever did you give 6 homers of barley, 4 homers of wine and 20
sheep?”380
Aššuršarruibnî reported to the king that 120 king’s men of the governor of Arbela (30 [men
from] Tillê, 60 [from] the land of ›amudu of the governor of Calah, 30 from the city of [...]ba) had
not gone on the campaign with the king. The governor of Arbela would not agree to give them
to Aššuršarruibnî, so he asks permission of the king, because these men have neither rations nor
work.381
An unfortunately unknown governor in his letter to the king complained of the treacherous
acts of a royal cook, who conspired against the Kingdom. This cook “They [have broken] into the
p[lough] store, and he has robbed 200 Dilbateans of my (barley) rations for a (whole) ye[ar, fro]m
376 One of the letters of Išmanni-Aššur to Sargon II might refer to a similar case: “Let him give to [the] king’s men (LÚ.ERIM—
MAN.[MEŠ]) [...] 30 persons [...] one mina and ten [shekels of ...] …” (PARPOLA 1987, 218 (CT 53, 848), Rev. 2’-6’).
377 PARPOLA 1987, 182 (CT 53, 888).
378 SAGGS 1959, NL 56 (ND 2462), Rev. 1-7; SAGGS 2001, 197-199 (ND 2462), Rev. 1-7; LUUKKO 2012, 166 (ND 2462), Rev. 1-7.
379 DEZSŐ 2014, 221-235, passim.
380 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 98 (CT 53, 42), Rev. 2-6.
381 PARPOLA 1987, 149 (CT 53, 108), 4-Rev. 6.

their harvest, plus one mina of [silver]. Right now I cann[ot continue] cultivation and go out to the
open country. He has taken the bread [of] this [ye]ar and does not let me go to [...], so I [cannot]
cultivate [the cornfields].”382 This letter, relating to a treason, provides information about the ration
storage system and the storehouses of the provincial government. There were storehouses all
around the provinces in which the local authorities could store large amounts of rations and seed
corn enough even for a year.
II.1.1.2.5 Feeding the deportees

The governors, however, not only had to take care of their king’s men and horses, but the
deportees as well. An important letter written by three Assyrian officials (Aplā’ī, Šarrulūdārî,
and IšmanniAššur) to Sargon II reveals that the harvest of the deportees – who had arrived to
unfortunately unknown towns of the three officials on the 10th of Tammuz (IV) – “had come out
well; they brought along all the food they had. The deportees and the pack animals are eating
stored grain [...] like the king’s servants.”383 It seems reasonable to suppose that the deportees
harvested their fields at their place of origin, and took the food (as much as they could) with
themselves to live on. When they ran out of supplies, they obtained stored grain from the
Assyrian granaries – until the harvest of their new fields in Assyria could support them.
On the other hand, another letter refers to a “cornfield that is under cultivation is for the
deportees who are coming,”384 which means that there were fields dedicated to different purposes,
for example to supply deportees. In this case the Assyrian provincial government set aside 100
(homers of) wheat and 20 (homers of) barley for the deportees arriving from Damascus.
QurdiAššurlāmur,385 governor of &imirra in one of his letters sent to TiglathPileser III also
refers to the fields which should supply the captives: “Let the captives who are coming to
Immi‹a set out and come. Their seed is cultivated; they should come to their sickles.”386
A further letter lets us know that 160 healthy persons, deportees, had arrived to an unknown
official from the city of Si’imme. The king (Sargon II) sent him an order: “You are to settle them
in Marqasa, they will eat bread there” – the king my lord knows that in Guzana they ate stored
grain, 3 seahs per person ... – now, just as the king my lord orders, is one really to give them oil
as well? Just as the king my lord orders.”387 This text discloses the important information that the
deportees ate 3 seahs (sūtu, 30 litres) per person in Guzana, which means that the deportees
obtained 1 litre of grain per person per diem.
To supply the deportees – who sometimes arrived in large numbers to the provinces – was
often beyond the power of the governors who had to accommodate them. In these cases they
argued with each other over the resources, including grain rations.388
The following passages from the letter of Aššuršallimanni (governor of Arrap‹a and eponym
of 735 B.C.) will shed light on the weight of the problem. He appealed to the king as follows: “As
to what the king, my l[o]rd, wrote to me: ‘Feed the 6,000 captives in your presence.’ For how long?
(They are) 6,000! Can I cut out onethird with all the magnates? Did I not write to the king, my
lord, last year: ‘There is no barley.’389 The king answered as follows “The king, my [l]or[d], told
382 LUUKKO 2012, 147 (ND 2368+), Rev. 12-18.

383 PARPOLA 1987, 219 (ABL 325).
384 SAGGS 1955, NL 23 (ND 2644), E.1-3; SAGGS 2001, 175-177 (ND 2644); LUUKKO 2012, 3 (ND 2644).
385 YAMADA 2008, 296-311.
386 LUUKKO 2012, 23 (ND 2686), Rev. 6-11.
387 PARPOLA 1987, 257 (ABL 966 + CT 53, 211).
388 PARPOLA 1987, 260 (CT 53, 96+).
389 SAGGS 1974, NL 96 (ND 2634), 16-Rev. 1; SAGGS 2001, 49-51 (ND 2634), 16-Rev. 1; LUUKKO 2012, 81 (ND 2634), 16-Rev. 1.

Rations
me: ‘If you had appealed to me, I would have given you 40,000 (homers) of barley.’”390 Aššur
šallimanni asked the king to split the people and the rations between him (3.000) and Šamaš
bunāia (3.000), but the king answered “I am giving them (= the other magnates) the later
captives.” However, Aššuršallimanni insisted, saying “Let them share these (6,000 captives) with
me, and I will (then) share the later (captives) with them.”391 With a last effort Aššuršallimanni
let the king know that “There are 150 walled towns of Šamašbunāia in Arrap‹a. Let them be
brought in there.”392 To fed additional 6.000 people (captives brought to a province as a surplus)
was a real burden. If each of them got a ration of only a single litre of barley per day, the
governor would have had to raise a daily amount of 9.8 tons.
Governors not only had to provide rations for the captives, but actually full sustenance, which
– according to a royal order sent to Aššurrēmanni and the scribe Nabûbēla‹‹ēšu – meant to
provide them with oxen and sheep,393 and even medical care.394 The phrasing of this royal order
(“(As for) the captives (to be) provisioned, don’t be negligent over and over again (or) you will
die because of it.”395) makes the importance of the captives clear.
II.1.1.2.6 Feeding the horses and pack-animals

Since in most of the territories of the Empire the period during which the horses and pack animals
could graze in the pastures was relatively short, the animals had to be supplied with huge
quantities of fodder. Consequently a further concern of governors was to supply the horses and
packanimals stationed in their provinces.396 Governors and other officials often reported to the
king that other governors and officials did “not give any straw and fodder to the horses.”397
The seriousness of the problem is well reflected in one of the letters of Bēlliqbî to Sargon II,
where he lodges a complaint concerning other officers, who broke open the royal granaries under
his supervision: “The king my lord ordered [me to] give bread to the chariot troops. Now,
(when) [PN] came, I told him [...] but he said: ‘The king has given orders to me and I will take
two [month’s worth] of each (provision).’ I did not agree to give it to him, so he went and opened
a silo in one of my villages, brought in his measurers and poured out [x] sound men’s worth of
(grain). I went and remonstrated him, saying: ‘Why did you selfwilledly, [with]out the permission
of the deputy (governor) open the king’s granaries?’ He would not look me in the eye [but said]:
‘My (supply of) grass diminished in Nisan, and horses keep coming to me; I c[an]not [cope].’ […]
poured out the [...] of the entire month of Nisan; [Ašš]urdalāl poured out 70 [days’] worth, [...]
20 days’ worth and (now) he poured out that of Sivan. For his newly arrived horses, he deducted
one half of the fodder, but he did not deduct the other half. The king, my lord, did give the horses;
[......] op[ened] silos [......] I speak wit[h them …]”398 This letter adequately reflects the extent of
393 SAGGS 2001, 304-306 (ND 2735), 4-10; LUUKKO 2012, 6 (ND 2735), 4-10: “All the captives that I gave to you and whom you
provisioned are people at your responsibility. Your [ox]en and sheep are at your disposal; [you] have received your provisions,
having [requ]ested it from the Palace.”
394 LUUKKO 2012, 6 (ND 2735), Rev. 9-13; SAGGS 2001, 304-306 (ND 2735), Rev. 9-13: “If there is a sick person among the captives
whom I send you from the empty-handed up to the needy, he is to be lifted up and placed in your care as long as he lives.”
395 SAGGS 2001, 304-306 (ND 2735), Rev. 6-8; LUUKKO 2012, 6 (ND 2735), Rev. 6-8.
396 Adad-ēṭir for example let his lord, the governor, know that: “We are located in the territory of Da’unāni and we will consume much
straw and fodder. The pack-animals of my lord are well.” WISEMAN – KINNIER WILSON 1951, 110 (ND 462), 4-11; POSTGATE 1973,
193-194, no. 195.
397 PARPOLA 1987, 108 (ABL 995).
398 PARPOLA 1987, 181 (ABL 1070).

the burden the supply of complete units and horses stationing in a province meant, what arduous
duty it was to arrange the necessary amount of corn and fodder for soldiers and horses, and what
troubles were taken when the different officers – in charge of the provisioning of their units – ran
out of their supplies and going far beyond their sphere of authority, took corn and fodder from
the granaries of other officers/officials.
II.1.1.2.7 Transporting barley rations

The transport of large amounts of barley was one of the most crucial points of the Empire’s
logistical system. Shorter distances (from the fields and threshing floors to the granaries) could
be covered with pack animals (donkeys, mules and even camels) or carts pulled by oxen. The
troops most probably marched from granary/depot to granary/depot.399 Soldiers could carry travel
provisions sufficient for a few days with them, but on a campaign the train had to transport larger
amounts of food and fodder, a manoeuvre which required a great number of pack animals. The
main source of these animals was most probably the booty and tribute. As is shown in Fig. 41
(Booty lists – livestock) the Assyrians captured a multitude of pack animals (including donkeys,
mules and camels as well).
A letter written by a certain Mušēzibilu to the king most probably involves grain rations,
which were to be stored until the arrival of the royal caravan, and to be sent to the king,
supposedly from Babylonia.400 It is unknown, however, whether these rations served the
provisioning of the royal court or the king’s troops. A fragmentary sentence in the text may refer
to the Itu’eans, who guarded the barley.
a) Pack animals – overland transport

Overland transport required an operational network manned by the local, provincial authorities
and large numbers of pack animals. These animals were part of the imperial supply system, which
– far from the waterways – provided the only means of conveying goods, including barley (see
below).
In addition to the cavalry and chariotry horses the pack animals – equally important for the
supply system and the military campaigns as the cavalry and chariotry horses – had to be
rationed, as well. GabbuanaAššur, the palace herald (nāgir ekalli) for example complained about
the lack of straw to Sargon II, reporting that: “All the straw in my country is reserved for Dūr
Šarrukēn, and my recruitment officers (LÚ.mušarkis.MEŠni) are now running after me (because)
there is no straw for the pack animals.”401 A similar case is known from a letter of Aššuršittuu%ur
sent to TiglathPileser III, in which he replies to the king’s order: “Surely [the k]ing, my lord, (is
planning) to send me pack animals but I am not able to take care of the pack animals. [Al]l the
available food and corn is (for) the [pe]ople the king gave me; [h]e who lies to the king will die.”402
When the Chief Eunuch sent Šamaša‹uiddina to Riblah (and impressed on him the watch
over the town), Šamaša‹uiddina reported to the king that: “Half of the pack animals should enter
Riblah whereas the other half should enter Qadeš”403 – most probably to divide the burden of
feeding them between the two towns.
399 An Assyrian official assured the king, that – according to the royal order – plenty of barley had been brought into the grain store
and cached therein. SAGGS 2001, 233, NL 93 (ND 2742); LUUKKO 2012, 211 (ND 2742).
400 SAGGS 2001, 68-69, NL 73 (ND 2357); LUUKKO 2012, 120 (ND 2357).
402 SAGGS 1965, NL 71 (ND 2711); LUUKKO 2012, 51 (ND 2771).
403 SAGGS 1963, NL 70 (ND 2766), 3-11; LUUKKO 2012, 37 (ND 2766).

Rations
A further fragmentary letter reflects the same problem. The desperate offical (whose name
is missing) reported to the king that: “[The king, my lord], gave pa[ck animals] into my care but
I am not able to take care of them; they will die o[f hu]nger. I have used up the gr[ain ratio]ns that
the king, my lord, gave me, having giv[en] them [to] the local people, the specialists in the service
of the treasurer and the quartermaster corps of the P[alace]. I can give out one homer of barley,
but the king, my lord, knows what the governor of Arbela can [affo]rd.”404
Only a few texts provide details about the contingents of pack animals. Nabûišmanni
reports to the king that he has reviewed the pack animals of the Su‹eans: “6 chariots, one
wooden implement, 11 teams of horses, 3 teams of mules, 120 donkeys and 60 camels.”405 While
the specific purpose for collecting this transporting capacity is unclear, it may have involved
conveying grain from one location to another. In any way soever, this transport capacity was
capable of carrying up to 10—12 tons of grain over shorter distances (a few days’ march) – since
the transport of larger amounts of grain was economical only via waterways (see below). This
reconstructed amount of 10—12 tons of grain was enough to feed 1,000 soldiers for almost
a week. The letter continues as follows: “I have not counted the men but there are some 400 men
opposite me. I have completely crossed over (the river).”406 For 400 men the rations this train
carried would last for at least two weeks.
Another administrative report407 gives a detailed list of a concentration of pack animals and
their drivers(?). As Fig. 22 shows this concentration of pack animals and drivers similar in size
to the concentration discussed above, and it seems probable that this presented the standard size
of a train the governors summoned for local/regional purposes (regional campaigns) or
contributed to larger royal campaigns. In this case the governor sent this force by the hands of
his messenger, Apladad[…] to the king.
LINE SOLDIERS/DRIVERS DONKEYS CAMELS IN CHARGE

8’ 19 (LÚ.ERIM.MEŠ) 19 [...eans]
9’ 13 (ERIM.MEŠ-šú) 10 1 [...eans]
10’ 3 3 Lidiaeans (KUR.Li-di-a-a)
11’ 81 81 BƝl-lƝšir
12’ 18 18 Itu’eans (KUR.Ú-tu-u-a-a)
13’ 15 15 ঩amaraneans (KUR.‫ۏ‬a-mar-[an-a-a])
Rev. 1-2 59 59 1 Šamaš-bunƗ[ia]
3-5 198 195 2 in all
Fig. 22. The structure of ND 2366.
A Nimrud administrative text also recorded large numbers of pack animals,408 mules and asses in
corrals (476 asses in 2 corrals, 412 asses),409 and arriving from different sources (madattu (tribute)
and %ibtu (a kind of ‘increase’)410 see below) from various parts of the Empire in a calendar month
406 SAGGS 1955, NL 17 (ND 2647), Rev. 6-11; SAGGS 2001, 283-284 (ND 2647), Rev. 6-11; LUUKKO 2012, 175 (ND 2647), Rev. 6-
11.
407 SAGGS 1959, NL 60 (ND 2366); SAGGS 2001, 241-242 (ND 2366); LUUKKO 2012, 177 (ND 2366).
408 PARKER 1961, 28-31 (ND 2451); POSTGATE 1974, 376-379.
409 PARKER 1961, 28-31 (ND 2451), 6, 12.
410 For the detailed discussion of ṣibtu see POSTGATE 1974, 167-173.

(unkown year, intercalary Ulūlu (VI+I)). The text registers the dead animals (72 and 202)411 and
animals of the ‘reserves’ (151 of nakkamtu, 412 asses together with ‘reserves’ (nakamti))412 as well,
and altogether shows the order of magnitude the (local) management of pack animals
administered by an unfortunately unknown office.
Summing up the evidence it can be established that such trains of pack animals could play
a significant role in the (limited range) overland transport of rations and equipment to supply local
or regional troop concentrations, forts and garrisons.
b) River barge/boat transport – waterway transport

But when huge amounts of rations had to be piled up in military or muster camps, military bases,
and assembly points next to the operational zones of a forthcoming campaign, much larger scale
of supply operations were needed. Such muster camps are going to be reconstructed in the next
volume of this project. Important military bases in the form of military camps are known both
from the palace reliefs (for example at Lachish) and from the cuneiform evidence (for example
DūrLadini in Babylonia).
It is widely known that the riverine transport of large amounts of grain by ships and boats
was much cheaper then the overland transport of the same amounts using pack animals.413 The
overland transport of goods, especially of grain was more expensive than the riverine transport,
because it required large numbers of pack animals (with a relatively small transport capacity each)
in need of provisions themselves.
Several letters of the NeoAssyrian royal correspondence reflect the importance of the riverine
transport. Šamašbēluu%ur (governor of Arzu‹ina) reminded the king that: “we transport fodder
from here to Ampi‹abi. There is an old boat we use for shipping straw, fodder and all sorts of
things.”414
Ašipâ, for example, in one of his letters written to TiglathPileser III during the Mukinzēri
rebellion lists the amounts of barley piled up by different local officials: 6,000 (homers (600,000
litres) of) barley of the village manager &ilBēl, 2,000 (homers of) Nergalē#ir, and 3,000 (homers
of) barley in Sippar. He emphasizes, however, that these barley depots are far from the river.415
Another of his letters, however, let the king know, that he didn’t have the barley of &ilBēl, but
had towed the boats and gone a day’s march below Cutha. On the 23rd he planned to set out and
put the barley of Cutha in place.416 Cutha had always been a very important city and military base
in the Babylon politics of the Assyrians.
Subsequent letters of Ašipâ disclose further details of the endeavour. He reports to the king
that they ”set into motion [the boat]s and waterskin rafts [which] were launched [into wate]r [in]
DūrLadini, and proceeded to Bābbitqi. If [the kin]g commands: ‘Let the firstcome (boats)
proceed to take (the barley)’, (then) either Balāssu or Nādinu should man the bo[at]s and water
skin rafts and set out until I have fetched the later ones from DūrBali‹āia.”417
His next letter reports that the Borsippean troops had come out from their city and had
attacked the men of Balāssu who manned the boats having arrived from as far as Sūru upstream.
411 PARKER 1961, 28-31 (ND 2451), 14, 23.

412 PARKER 1961, 28-31 (ND 2451), 7, 12.
413 According to our reconstruction the pack animals consumed 3—6 litres of fodder daily.
417 LUUKKO 2012, 110 (ND 2363), 4-Rev. 5.

Rations
Ašipâ reports that “seven men were wo[un]ded and five were killed. Also one chariot fighter of
[mi]ne was killed with them. But the boats and waterskin rafts are well.”418
The magnitude of the project is well reflected in a further letter of Ašipâ, which mentions 400
boats and waterskin rafts. He asks the king: “After the boats have been unloaded, should I let
them go, or shall we detain them?”419
Not only Ašipâ, but Aššuršallimanni, governor of Arrap‹a was also active during the
Mukinzēri rebellion in Babylonia between 731—729 B.C. In one of his letters written to Tiglath
Pileser III he refers to similar cases: “[Concern]ing the barley of Bēlapluiddina [about which the
k]ing, my lord, [wro]te to me, MušallimMarduk, [who] went [wi]th the boats, [has retu]rned. On
the 9th, the boats arrived [in the town of ...]editi. (16) I asked [Mušal]limMarduk: ‘[How m]any
boats are there?’ [...] He said: ‘The barley [...]’”420
An early letter of Merodachbaladan (Mardukaplaiddina), sent to TiglathPileser III also
refers to barley transported on boats: “If it is [agreeable] to the king, [my lord], please return (to
me) al[l] the boats [...] and (their) crews, and I shall bring it (= the barley) to the king.”421
It is quite clear from the royal correspondence, that – especially in Babylonia – a network of
river harbours was needed to supply the troops (and people) with provisions. These river
harbours were of foremost military importance during the Babylonian campaigns. A few
important Babylonian harbour settlements (DūrLadini, Bābbitqi, and DūrBali‹āia) – their
military importance known form other sources as well – are mentioned in this letter. It seems that
the organisation manned this network was a local one: a letter, probably also of Ašipâ mentions
that Nabûšarruu%ur, the eunuch of the governor, was the official in charge of the boats.422 With
the help of this waterroute and riverharbour network the Assyrians could easily amass huge
amounts of barley to supply the troops with provisions relatively smoothly. The security of the
network, the harbours and the military bases was the key question of the military success.
II.1.2 Central allotment of rations during a campaign
To collect supplies and especially the travel provisions during the time of war was a continuous
strain the governors had to cope with.423 Without these supplies the campaign could fail, and the
Assyrians would not achieve their strategic goals. As has been reconstructed above, if a soldier
got an avarage ration of 2 litres of barley or its equivalent per diem, an army of 10,000 strong needed
a daily 20,000 litres (16,000 kg, 16 tons) of barley. To raise such an amount and transport it to the
troops moving between operational zones was a real challenge and required a very well organized
staff department with a large staff and numerous officers. It also needed a welldefined line of
communications, and a system of logistics (with operational bases, barley and supply depots, and
again a large staff and officers in charge of supplies) doing its best to provision the troops from
day by day.
418 LUUKKO 2012, 111 (ND 2365), Rev. 2-13.

419 LUUKKO 2012, 112 (ND 2418), 4-Rev. 8.
420 SAGGS 2001, 47 (ND 2350), 11-18; LUUKKO 2012, 83 (ND 2350), 11-18.
421 LUUKKO 2012, 122 (ND 2389), Rev. 5-7.
422 LUUKKO 2012, 116 (ND 2369), 1-7.
423 See for example the fragmentary letter referring to some troops who had not yet collected their travel provisions: FUCHS – PARPOLA
2001, 31 (CT 53, 596), 2-3.

Unfortunately there is no text describing the complete set of provisions the troops had to be
supplied with during the campaign.424 Although a very fragmentary text refers to different
items of provision (sheep for consumption, horses, chariot(s)), it shows only, that this type of
‘inventory text’ might have existed.
II.1.2.1 Domestic staff – supply system
It has to be emphasized, that – as usual – all the governors, prefects, and company/regimental
officers bore the responsibility of supplying their units. Specialized staff and officers in charge
of supplies can, however, partly be reconstructed from the sources. A comprehensive study of this
aspect of military sofar was published by D. Nadali and L. Verderame, who reconstructed
important members of the supply system of the army, ‘the masters behind the ranks.’425 In the
previous volumes of this project certain officers of such a (military) supply system have already
been identified. They were the majordomo (rab bēti, who served both on the imperial and the
provincial level),426 the recruitment officer (mušarkisu, who most probably not only worked for
the equestrian units),427 and the stable officer (šaknu ša ma’assi, in which case the name indicates
that he was in charge of the supply of horses).428 Minor assignments connected to the provisioning
of troops could also be reconstructed. It is possible, that the LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR (susānu/šušānu,
‘chariot man,’ ‘chariot troop,’ ‘chariot horse trainer,’), and the murabbānu (‘horse raiser’)429 for
example played specialized roles in the supply system of the equestrian units.
A much more detailed picture of the ‘domestic staff’ serving on the lower levels in the army
can be constructed from the wellknown letter of Adadissīa already discussed in detail.430 As
shown in Fig. 16 the 8 lackeys, 12 tailors, 20 cupbearers/butlers, 12 confectioners/victuallers/pastry
cooks, 7 bakers, 10 cooks, 8 scholars, and 23 donkey drivers provided 100 domestics, who served
the 1,330 fighting personnel. This insight shows that 7.5 % (or around one tenth) of the army
consisted of nonfighting personnel charged with provisioning the combatants.
In absence of further detailed descriptions of the noncombatant personnel we can turn to their
representations on Assyrian palace reliefs, where dozens of images show domestic scenes in
Assyrian military camps. F.M. Fales and M. Rigo in their important study431 have already
collected the material and discussed all the aspects of the topic,432 which are as follows:
1) study of the camps themselves,
2) study of the tents and other structures in the camp,
3) study of noncombatant personnel, the domestic staff,
4) study of the different types of activities they perform (including food processing, butchering,
cooking, drinking, and feeding packanimals).

425 NADALI – VERDERAME 2014, 553-566.
426 DEZSŐ 2012A, 187-189.
427 DEZSŐ 2012B, 122-128.
428 DEZSŐ 2012B, 122.
429 DEZSŐ 2012B, 117-118.
35, 36, 78, 88, 96, 107, 108, 135, 143; LUUKKO 2012, 189 (ND 2631).
431 FALES – RIGO 2010, 1-30. See furthermore BLEIBTREU 1993, 27-33 and MICALE – NADALI 2004, 163-174.
432 For the study of the military camp see the next volume of this project.

Rations
A much larger scale insight is provided by one of the royal inscriptions of Esarhaddon listing the
troops who were enlisted into the Assyrian army from the conquered people of Šubria. As has
already been discussed in detail,433 the inscription lists bodyguard chariotry, bodyguard cavalry,
stable officers, eunuch officials, service engineers, craftsmen, kallāpu troops, shieldbearers, scouts,
farmers, shepherds, and gardeners who were added to the huge Assyrian army (emuqi dAššur
gapšaate).434 This list is obviously not limited to units of the royal army (ki%ir šarrūti), nor does
it offer a complete list of all the units in the army. It seems that it lists (1) a bodyguard section
(chariotry and cavalry), (2) a section of officials (stable officers and eunuch officials), (3) technical
staff (service engineers and craftsmen), (3) an infantry section (kallāpu troops and shieldbearers),
(4) an intelligence section (scouts), (5) and the provision or supply section (farmers, shepherds,
and gardeners). There are two possibilities which have to be considered. (1) This entry probably
recorded the units which the king added to the army (not to the royal contingent, ki%ir šarrūti) for
a campaign. This would explain the appearance of ‘semifighting’ units such as military engineers
and craftsmen, who could repair the equipment. (2) The second possibility is that the king
provided the basic provisions for the units staying at home or going on campaign. This in turn
would serve as an explanation for the appearance of nonfighting units, such as farmers,
shepherds, and gardeners who might have been added to the army to provision the units at home
and during campaigns as well.
II.1.2.2 Feeding the troops during campaigns
Troops could carry with them ‘travel provisions’ sufficient only for a few days, so the system
needed baggage trains and caravans to carry the foodstuff and equipment. This gives rise certain
questions, whether the Assyrians
1) built supply bases within a few days’ march of the operational zone of the campaign (in case
of a siege it was an obvious possibility), or
2) organized and sent caravans and baggage trains after the troops, or
3) looted the neighbourhood and seized as much food as they could.
From the military planning point of view the obvious goals of a campaign (siege of cities, defeat
of enemy armies) had to be harmonized with the realities of provisioning the troops in enemy
land. For that reason the (Assyrian) armies probably often resorted to reaping the harvest and
looting the countryside before they turn on the enemy. The ‘scorched earth’ tactic was a well
known phenomenon and military tactic, which could profoundly affect the strategy and the
tactics. In this case, when the army had to march through ‘scorched earth’ territories, the
importance of the supply columns and the travel provisions carried by the soldiers became vital.
II.1.2.2.1 Royal inscriptions

The NeoAssyrian royal inscriptions hardly mention the food supply of troops during campaigns.
It seems that these standard and clichéd inscriptions refrained from emphasizing this question,
a trend duplicated in other texts, as well: the annals which mention some kind of food supply in
their booty lists or other sections, also discuss them only tangentially.
433 DEZSŐ 2012A, 70-71.

434 LEICHTY 2011, 33, iii:16-18: L[Ú……. L]Ú.GIŠ.GIGIR qur-ub-te LÚ.pet-ḫal qur-ub-te LÚ.GAR-nu-te ša ma-’a-si LÚ.SAG.MEŠ
LÚ.kit-kit-tu-u LÚ.um-ma-ni LÚ.kal-la-pu LÚ.a-ri-ti LÚ.da-a-a-lu LÚ.APIN LÚ.SIPA LÚ.NU.GIŠ.SAR.

Here we have to emphasize that there is a crucial difference between the corn (rations)
confiscated during a campaign on enemy territory and the huge quantities of livestock captured
(Chart 17, Fig. 41). The livestock – mainly sheep, oxen, and cattle according to the royal inscriptions
– would have played an important part of the daily food supply of the troops, but a considerable
part of the animals would have been driven home to various Assyrian centres. Therefore, the
question of the livestock is also going to be discussed in chapters II.3 (Booty and tribute), and
II.3.1.5 (Livestock).
Those few royal inscriptions which mention various items of food supply – mainly corn and
wine – can be divided into two groups.
1) One of these groups is the formulaic list of food rations captured or confiscated during the
campaign. The royal inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.) for example mainly mention
the wine tribute the army got during the campaigns of the king (Chart 17, Fig. 40) and the booty
of barley and straw appears only in one case, in 881 B.C., when all the kings of Zamua ‘provided’
barley and straw for the army.435 Two times, however, the king mentions that the army had reaped
the harvest of the enemy or conquered lands, a possibility which was a very important
consideration when planning the campaigns. The first case is known from 879 B.C., when
Assurnasirpal II conquered large parts of the land Nairi, reaped the harvest and stored the barley
and straw in the newly conquered and rebuilt city of Tuš‹a.436 A similar case is known from 875
B.C.(?), when the king conquered Aribua, the fortified city of Lubarna the Patinu, reaped the
harvest of the Lu‹utu and stored it inside.437 These grain stores played a similar role in the newly
conquered territories as the grain store network of Assyria: they provided food rations for the
army and the local administration as well. The royal inscriptions of Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.)
only refer to the wine, and only once to the normal tribute of livestock (sheep and oxen), which
was complemented with ducks (i%%ūrū rabûtu),438 most probably not a staple food of the Assyrian
army on campaign. The next king whose annals refer to food rations is Sargon II (721—707 B.C.),
whose texts remark that in 710 B.C. 6 sheikhs of the Gambulu ‘provided’ 2,000 homers (200,000
litres) of barley,439 which was a few days’ rations for a larger army (with a 2 litres per diem ration
for soldiers). The last entry in royal annals referring in any way to a booty or tribute of grain
rations is an inscriptions of Esarhaddon (680—669 B.C.) which mentions that in 671 B.C.,
following his defeat, Tir‹aqa presented sattukku and ginû offerings to Aššur and the great gods
from the tribute of Memphis, including 19,323 homers, (measured by) 1 seah, of malt.440
2) Only two royal inscriptions shed some light on the real nature of capturing or receiving food
supplies in enemy territory. The royal inscription of TukultīNinurta II (890—884 B.C.),
a description of his long march along the Wadi Tharthar, the Euphrates and the ›ābur rivers,441
contains valuable information concerning the daily routine of providing food supplies for the
Assyrian army. During this long trek the army marched from town to town, from food store to
food store442 – whether the food rations came as voluntary tribute offerings or were confiscated
435 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:47.

436 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:118.
437 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, iii:82-83.
438 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.102, 1, 92’-95’ (in 857 B.C. from the rulers of Unqi, Gurgum, Sam’al, and Bīt-Agūsi).
439 FUCHS 1994, Annalen 272-275.
440 LEICHTY 2011, 9, ii’:12’-21’.
441 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.100.5. For the logic of this campaign see LIVERANI 1988, 81-97.
442 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.100.5, 69-125.

Rations
by force is unknown. The other text is Sargon II’s ‘Letter to God,’ which describes the details of
Sargon II’s campaign (8th campaign, 714 B.C.) against Urar#u.443 He started from Calah, reviewed
his army most probably in Māzamua province and embarked on the campaign.444 The army
marched through further Northeastern territories of the Empire and received rations from the local
grain depots. The supply lines of the army would help for a while after entering ‘enemy territory’
and the ‘travel provisions’ of the army would last for another few days. However, the army needed
large amounts of supplies. Similarly to other royal inscriptions this text also lists the livestock the
army received during its march, but the first mention of receiving grain provisions comes only
after their return to the territory of the friendly ruler of Mannai, Ullusunu, who – like the
Assyrian eunuchs and governors – amassed flour and wine in the fortress of Sirdakka to supply
the Assyrian army.445 It seems that the Mannaean ruler provisioned the army until the battle of
Wauš, following which the Assyrian army started its march through newly conquered enemy
territories, where they would provision themselves by capturing and looting the food stores and
depots of the nearby towns along their march.446 It is quite possible that they led the campaign
along a route of towns, food stores and depots known from intelligence reports. The pace of the
campaign must have been fast, or at least detachments were sent out to capture and guard the
food stores and grain depots to prevent their looting or destruction by Assyria’s local or Urar#ian
enemies, to stop or at least slow down the advance of the Assyrians by emptying the depots and
using the ‘scorched earth’ tactic against them. The Assyrian army at first recaptured the towns
of Mount Wišdiš, which Rusa occupied and took from Mannai, where he opened the granaries
and let the troops consume the grain.447 Here – because it was the recaptured territory of Mannai
– the army did not destroy the rest of the harvest, but their next stop witnessed a complete
devastation of the local resources. Aniastania, a city of the land Sangibūti, together with 17 towns
in its neighbourhood was completely destroyed by the Assyrians: they opened the granaries and
let the troops consume the grain. In addition to wreaking havoc in the settlements, they also
scorched the harvest and let the flocks of the army’s camp pasture in the cultivated fields.448 This
passage emphasizes not only the fact that the Assyrian army had large numbers of livestock with
them in their camp (also depicted in several representations of the Assyrian military camps)449 to
feed the troops, but also underscores the practice of destroying all surviving resources to render any
resistance or countermove impossible behind their lines. The next victim of this procedure was the
land Dalaia, where the cities Tarui and Tarmakisa – situated on a plain providing the grain for the
country – were destroyed, their granaries opened for the Assyrian troops, and the rest of the harvest
scorched.450 The people of Ul‹u and the neighbouring fort of Sarduri‹urda – a territory which their
443 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912; LEHMAN-HAUPT 1917, 119-151; WEIDNER 1926, 1-6; RIGG 1942, 130-138; WRIGHT 1943, 173-186; LEVINE
1977; 135-151; MAYER 1979, 571-595; MAYER 1980, 13-33; ZACCAGNINI 1981, 259-294; MAYER 1983, 65-132; MUSCARELLA 1986,
465-475; LANFRANCHI 1990, 79-118; ZIMANSKY 1990, 1-21; FALES 1991A, 129-147; VERA CHAMAZA 1992, 109-128; VERA
CHAMAZA 1994, 91-118; MAYER 1995; SALVINI 1995, 133-158; VERA CHAMAZA 1995—1996, 235-267; LIEBIG 1996, 207-210;
MEDVEDSKAYA 1997, 197-206; SALVINI 1997, 109-114; SALVINI 2001, 343-356; KRAWITZ 2003, 81-95; DUBOVSKÝ 2006A, 141-
146; DUBOVSKÝ 2006B; HUROWITZ 2008, 104-120; ROAF 2012A, 187-216; ROAF 2012B, 771-780; MAYER 2013; DEZSŐ 2014,
221-235; MARRIOTT – RADNER 2015, 127-143. For the destruction of Hasanlu see: READE 1979, 175-181; MEDVEDSKAYA 1988,
1-15; DYSON – MUSCARELLA 1989, 1-27; MEDVEDSKAYA 1991, 149-161; MUSCARELLA 2012, 265-279.
444 For the detailed reconstruction of the route and the campaign itself see the following volume of this project. For a recent
comprehensive study of the topic see MARRIOTT – RADNER 2015, 127-143.
445 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 52-55.
446 See MARRIOTT – RADNER 2015, 127-143.
447 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 163-166.
448 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 184-187.
449 See chapter II.1.2.3 Sources of meat and FALES – RIGO 2010, 1-30, esp. 28.
450 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 189-198.

ruler had transformed into an extremely rich and fertile ‘earthly Paradise’ – escaped during the
night into the ravines of the nearby mountains and let the Assyrian king enter the city and the
local palace of Rusa, king of Urar#u. Here, the Assyrians opened the granaries again for their
troops, which also broached the admiral and drank the wine they found.451 They additionally
destroyed the irrigation canals, cut and set fire to all trees they found, and with marching the
infantry, cavalry and chariotry through the fields they completely destroyed the (arable) land.452
The next stops were Arzabia and Irtia, where the Assyrians built a military camp, and following
the complete destruction of these cities and 146 other settlements in their neighbourhood opened
the granaries and let the troops, horses, mules, dromedaries carry the corn into their camp, where
they consumed all the loot. The Assyrians destroyed the gardens and again cut down the trees.453
The region of Mount Armarili followed. The fortress of Bubuzi, and the fortified cities of ›undur,
Aialê, &inišpalâ, &iniunak, Arna, and Sarnî, altogether 7 cities with 30 towns at the foot of Mount
Ubianda were conquered and destroyed. The Assyrian soldiers again opened the granaries,
scorched the rest of the harvest and felled the trees.454 The next targets were 30 strong cities with
87 towns in their neighbourhood, which were situated next to Mount Aiadi. These cities and towns
were also destroyed, the Assyrian soldiers opened their granaries, consumed the amassed grain,
and destroyed the gardens.455 Later parts of the text mainly concentrate on the conquest and sack
of Mu%a%ir and the Temple of ›aldi.456
Both royal inscriptions shed light on the key question of campaign preparations: the soldiers
would be fed with corn and/or meat rations, for which the expeditionary army needed careful
planning and readiness, to prevent the enemy from scorching the earth in front of them. It is quite
clear that all the Assyrian campaigns – even if the relevant inscriptions lack detail – followed the
same practice: in enemy territory, far from their supply lines, the Assyrians would capture all the
sources of food (food stores, grain depots, sheep and cattle) and if needed reap the harvest. The
project needed a careful planning of military operations based on informations provided by
a reliable intelligence system,457 quick reaction time, and special detachments.
II.1.2.2.2 Royal correspondence

Only few NeoAssyrian cuneiform letters refer to the supply of Assyrian troops campaigning in
foreign territory. The most comprehensive text is a short letter to TiglathPileser III from Aššur
mātkatēra, commenting on the equipment and provisioning of Aramean troops: “As to the
Aramean troops about whom the king, my lord, wrote to me: ‘Equip them! They are going on
a campaign.’ I will give them their (travel) provisions, sackcloth, leather bags, sandals and oil.
I have no donkey stallions available, but if I did have donkey stallions available, I would offer my
carts too for the campaign.”458
Sargon II wrote a letter to an unknown Assyrian official (to Šamašbēluu%ur?), which refers
to magnates campaigning in Ellipi, probably in the vicinity of BītBarrūa. This text mentions 600
homers of barley, likely stockpiled by this official as rations for this campaign.459
451 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 200-220.

452 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 221-230.
453 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 254-268.
454 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 269-279.
455 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 280-296.
456 For a recent archaeological project of the site see MARF 2014, 13-30.
457 DUBOVSKÝ 2006B; DEZSŐ 2014, 221-235.
458 LUUKKO 2012, 17 (ND 2643).

Rations
Šarruēmuranni (governor of Māzamua) reported to Sargon II, that – contrary to the royal
order – he had not waited for the governor of Arrap‹a, because “the road in question is very slow.
He sets out from Zaban, and it takes him three days to get there, while I can make a roundtrip
to Parsua going this way.”460 From our point of view, however, the second part of the letter is more
interesting: Šarruēmuranni asks the king, whether he should take the horses and free men from
the forts with him, go down to Māzamua and reap the harvest (before they launch the
campaign).461 This text not only emphasizes the importance of the province of Māzamua as
a military base and collection point, but also sheds some light on the logic of planning supplies:
before the governors of Māzamua and Arrap‹a start the regional campaign they should bring in
the harvest to feed the troops.
A similar case is known from the letter of Aššurrē%ūwa,462 the Assyrian resident (qēpu) in
Kumme on the Urar#ian border, who reported to the Treasurer that, according to the order he had
already moved some of the troops up, but the others had not yet got underway. He additionally
reviewed the equipment of Arie and Arisâ (the local rulers), but they had not departed, either.
He further ensured the Treasurer of the harvest, which he had already reaped, and asked his lord
to send an order to the Itu’ean troops stationing in DūrŠamaš and Barzaništa to move up there
and relieve the units serving there. It seems that during the planning of the campaigns the date
of the (first) harvest was a crucial point, influencing the starting date of the muster and the
campaign.
While the magnates campaigned in Media, Mardukšarruu%ur, appointed to Singibutu by
Sargon II, reported to the king463 that he was keeping watch along the border, where the former
rulers of the territory, Kibabiše and Dasukku were constantly running about opposite him with
a hundred cavalrymen. The governor, however, assured the king of the barley rations: he had put
aside 1,000 homers of barley and deposited it in the town of Saba[…], meanwhile he had taken
out more of the harvest.
Adadissīa, the wellknown Assyrian official who reported from KārAššur the size of the
Assyrian contingent stationing in Māzamua province (see above) let the king know,464 that he had
sent two cavalry cohort commanders (LÚ.GAL—ki%ir.MEŠ ša BAD.›ALli)465 to muster the
equipment and barley rations of San‹a and Ulušia and to warn their guard to be very strong. This
letter (as is indicated) was probably sent from the Mannaean border and reflects the arrangements
Adadissīa made during a local or regional campaign, including the review of the equipment and
barley rations of the garrisons and people of San‹a and Ulušia in the border region of the
Empire.
Another similar case has been mentioned above: an Assyrian official received a royal order
to keep watch with his troops in Meturna. However, when he was in DūrAnunīti between
Meturna and DūrBēlilā’ī, in the foothills, he wrote a letter to Sargon II complaining as follows:
“[Concerning what] the king, my lord, w[rote to me]: “Be in Meturna and keep watch!” – right
now I am in DūrAnunīti between Meturna and DūrBēlilā’i, in the piedmont. My troops are with
me, but the son of Iakīn is in Babylon. It is an impasse: I cannot go and start my journey, nor can
459 PARPOLA 1987, 14 (CT 53, 823).


I release my king’s men to collect their provisions. Let the king, my lord, write me what (his) orders
are.” Its is quite clear that the governor could not release his king’s men to collect their provisions
before the start of their ‘journey.’466
In an interesting but fragmentary letter the unknown sender advises the Assyrian king: if the
king enters Babylon quickly, he will set foot in the centre of the land and will achieve his
objectives. The author also lets the king know that “All the people of BītDakkuri have left the cities
and gone into the marshes. Countless barley and dates have been left back. Horses should go and
stay (there) because of this.”467 The practical advice that horses could be stationed in BītDakkuri
to consume the countless barley and dates the people had left behind, makes use of a standard
motif – reappearing in the Assyrian royal inscriptions as well – that the Assyrian army could live
on the foodstuff the escaped people of the conquered territories left behind.
The letter of Aššuršallimanni to TiglathPileser III was written during a regional campaign
in Babylonia. This report mentions all the key elements the Assyrians would have considered
during a campaign. The royal orders determined not only the tactical goals of the campaign (the
direction of the march, whom they should meet, which troops/people should be assembled), but
gave exact orders concerning the supply of the troops as well: “Exact the dried corn [from the
houses of Bī]tAmukāni!”468
Two letters from the Governor’s Palace Archive refer to provisioning the troops, most
probably during (a regional) campaign. The first letter, written by Aššurtaklāk, mentions the
order of the governor of Arzu‹ina, who commanded Nani to “[l]evy the corntaxes of the
governor of Kal‹u.”469 The troops were going around the villages on a daily basis, but the farmers
asked for the reason behind levying the corntaxes this year. The other letter of an unknown
official quotes the definite order of the governor: “… [let them take charge of(?)] their equipment,
and see that their ‘campaignfloor’ is good. Appoint your eunuch over them.”470 The order makes
it clear that following the review of these troops the units should join to the troops of Šarrudūri.
In these cases the sources point to the practice of the military to collect rations by levying corn
taxes before the campaign, to complement their provisions.
Unfortunately there is no extant Assyrian description of the train (marching column including
the noncombatant host). Aside from Herodot’s description of the Persian army, the best
description of a marching army column including the baggage train is known from Xenophon’s
Cyropaedia. Xenophon himself, as a cavalry commander, counted as an expert on the topic and
– apart from Cyropaedia and Anabasis – he wrote two treatises on military matters.471
Xenophon disclosed some details of the marching order, including the place of the baggage
train.472 When the Persian coalition army went to help Gadatas (an ‘Assyrian’ official, most
probably the Chief Eunuch),473 who had revolted against the new ‘Assyrian’ king, Cyrus divided
his marching column into two: 1) the baggage train with the beasts of draught and the wagons
as a slow column marched under the command of Gobryas, while 2) the combatant units with
travel provision for 3 days marched in a quasi battle order at a much faster pace, to reach the
battlefield in time.
466 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 30 (ABL 455), Rev. 4-18.

467 DIETRICH 2003, 84 (ABL 588), Rev. 3-9.
468 SAGGS 1955, NL 10 (ND 2602), 8; SAGGS 2001, 43-45 (ND 2602), 8; LUUKKO 2012, 86 (ND 2602), 8.
469 POSTGATE 1973, 194-196, no. 196 (ND 413), 4-11.
470 POSTGATE 1973, 201-202, no. 203 (ND 439), 1-5.
471 On the Art of Horsemanship, The Cavalry Commander.
472 Cyropaedia, Book V, Chapter 3.
473 On the Assyrian references of Cyropaedia see PARPOLA 2003, 339-350.

Rations
In another passage,474 when the army of Cyrus marched against Croesus, the Persian king in
a long monologue dwelt upon the details of the provisions they needed for the 15day march: since
the territories they would march through would be cleared of food – by the army of Croesus and
the Persians themselves – the Persians had to collect travel provisions for at least 20 days. Upon
finding ‘untouched’ territories, they had to reap the harvest and grind the grain. The long
description emphasizes the importance of adequate supplies: without enough food the army could
not stay alive and could not fight. Later on, when they started the march, Xenophon gives
another detailed description of the baggage train.475
II.1.2.3 Sources of meat
An important note has to be made at this point: no ration list contains such an item as meat, which
– as known from the booty lists of the campaign descriptions (see below chapter II.3.1.5 Livestock)
was part of the allotment of the troops. Only a few texts show such a context, which implies some
connection with the food supply of troops. A fragmentary letter from MannukīAdad to Sargon
II476 refers to ungelded bulls, which had to be bought from the Itu’eans (who were cowherds?)
for silver. The purpose of this transaction (whether these bulls served as food or some other (cultic)
purposes) is, however, unknown.
Further texts mention large numbers of oxen and sheep to be delivered (unfortunately with
their purpose and destination unknown). An anonymous official reported to Sargon II that
a governor asked him for 100 oxen, and the governor of Si’immê asked for 200 oxen and 2,000
sheep.477 Another unknown official assured Sargon II he was sending the 1,000 rams which the
king had ordered.478
During the rebellion of Mukinzēri (730 B.C.) the troops of TiglathPileser III marched to
Babylonia and tried to mobilize their local vassals. During such a maneouvre they wanted to
persuade a local tribe or town to join their forces against the troops of Mukinzēri, who encamped
between the Assyrians and the territory of this vassal tribe or town. The vassals sent a message
to the Assyrians saying they would emerge from their territory to join the forces when they saw
the Assyrian troops. During these negotiations the troops of Mukinzēri plundered the sheep of
Larak: “All the Arameans who were in Sapia c[am]e with Mukinzēri, and when Mukinzēri
[cam]e out of Sapi[a], he plundered the shee[p] of Lara[k] alo[ng] his route. (But when) the sheep
of Mukinzēri were grazing in Bu‹arru the Larakeans went and plundered about 10,000 sheep
of Mukinzēri.”479 This also sheds some light on a very important question: were meat rations part
of the daily allotment of the troops or not? Did the Assyrians plan to shepherd flocks of sheep
along the route of their campaigns (at least on friendly territories) or instead try to plunder flocks
in enemy territory to feed the troops? As has been mentioned, independent of the fact that the
above discussed ration lists do not refer to meatrations at all, the meat must have been an
important part of the daily nutrition of the troops. This fact is corroborated not only by the booty
lists of the Assyrian royal inscriptions, which enumerate huge numbers of plundered animals (see
474 Cyropaedia, Book VI, Chapter 2.

475 Cyropaedia, Book VI, Chapter 3.

the chapter II.3.1.5 Livestock, and Chart 17, Fig. 41), but the food processing representations of the
Assyrian military camps (see above), as well.480
Other texts corroborate the view that similarly to the grain and fodder rations, the Assyrian
court ran a central livestock management.481 One of the letters of Inurtabēluu%ur refers to the
problem caused by the supply of oxen in the provinces. This letter quotes the royal order: “Take
care of the oxen of the Palace in your charge!”482 The governor, however, complains that he has
so many oxen to care for, and no fodder stores, since Bēl›arrānšarruu%ur took from him two
towns, Gilgimê and Kunanê, where Inurtabēluu%ur’s fodder stores were located. Inurtabēlu
u%ur asks the king to write to Bēl›arrānšarruu%ur and Ataridri and order them to take care
of the king’s oxen.
Since not a single document referring to a specific central livestock management of the troops
is known,483 it can be assumed that this profile was part of the portfolio of the local authorities,
for example the well documented provincial livestock management of the governors.
II.1.3 The overall magnitude of rations
Following the examination of the rations per capita issued by the central and local authorities to
the soldiers serving in the court, at home, or on campaigns, the next step is to reconstruct the
overall amount of corn(rations) the Assyrian supply system could raise. Another aspect of the
same problem – the working hours the production of the rations needed – was discussed by
Richardson.484 We are going to reconstruct the volume of grain(rations) the Assyrian agriculture
could produce and the size of the arable land it needed. In this study we are going to follow
a simple logic:
On the one hand, we have to reconstruct the number of soldiers and animals to be fed. Just
to judge/calculate the overall volume of rations the Assyrian army needed on different fronts
(during the campaigns) and military bases (outside the campaign season and for those, who did
not go to campaign but had to be supplied and were not let home to supply themselves) recall
those unfortunately very few cases where the cuneiform sources give the strength of the different
units. When TiglathPileser III in his 13th—14th palû (732 B.C.) defeated Peqah, the king of Israel,
he took a number of Israeli soldiers with him to Assyria.485 Sargon II (721—705 B.C.) enlisted the
following foreign contingents into the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) of his army: in the year of his
coronation (721 B.C.) 50 Samarian chariots,486 on his 1st campaign, at the North Syrian Qarqar 200
480 FALES – RIGO 2010, 13-26, esp. 18.

481 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 257 (ABL 867): the sheep of the scholars from Dūr-Iakīn.
482 LUUKKO 2012, 34 (ND 2769), 4-6.
483 Only such short and fragmentary texts, which refer to assignment of pickled meat in storehouses (COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 22
(CT 53, 281)).
484 RICHARDSON 2011, 38: “I estimate that the cost of basic subsistence provisioning for the army – i.e., its grain rations alone – would
have required an input of 20.5 million labor-days per annum – more than five times the annual labor invested in building
Assurnasirpal’s Kalḫu palace (maximum 4.7 million labor-days per annum). The investment in standing forces across a wide
geographical area would de facto have redistributed imperial resources of all kinds away from imperial centers and out towards
peripheries.”
485 TADMOR 1994, Summ. 4: 16`; TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 42:17’.

Rations
chariots and 600 cavalry,487 on his 5th campaign at Carchemish 50 chariots, 200 cavalry and 3,000
infantry,488 on his 9th campaign at Tabal 100 chariots,489 and on his 13th campaign, after defeating
Muttallu, king of Kummu‹, in addition to 150 chariots and 1,500 horsemen he drafted into the
Assyrian army 20,000 archers (ERIM.MEŠ(%ābē) GIŠ.BAN(qašti)) and 10,000 shieldbearer
spearmen (naaš GIŠ.kababi u GIŠ.azmaree) from the defeated forces, and gave these troops to
the newly established office of the turtānu of the left (turtānu ša bīt šumēli).490 Sennacherib also
added large numbers of foreign soldiers to his forces. 10,000 bowmen (GIŠ.BAN) and 10,000 shield
bearers (GIŠ.aritu) were for example enlisted into the royal corps during his Western campaign
in 701 B.C.,491 20,000 archers and 15,000 shieldbearers from BītIakīn,492 30,000 bowmen
(GIŠ.B[AN]) and [10,000] shield bearers ([GIŠ].aritu) during his Western campaign in 695
B.C.,493 and 30,500 bowmen (GIŠ.BAN) and 30,500 shield bearers (GIŠ.aritu) during his Elamite
campaign.494 Some of the muster texts of the Nimrud Horse Lists show large numbers of horses
(3,477495 and 1,523496 horses and mules) reviewed during these musters, and these animals had
to be fed during the campaigns or at the home bases. These data show the immense amount of
daily grain rations the royal contingent, the provincial troops needed during the campaigns or
during the home service for men and horses.
On the other hand further, and quite different data retrieved from several letters of the royal
correspondence (and not from the administrative texts of the central court administration) shed
some light on the volume of grain the provinces could provide for the supply of the military.
To supply the necessary amount of grain was a burden on governors and other members of
the Assyrian administration, who laid an emphasis on meeting the quota. The stress of this type
of ‘grain management’ resulted in explicit orders: “Right [now] (men) of the deputy governor
Nergaluballi# are here. Let th[em] be told that their oxen should come and that they should
thre[sh] their harvest, fetch it and bring it into the ci[ty]. Their guards are standing before the
ha[rvest]. They have no oxen.”497 In this case the deputy governor should have provided the
guard, some oxen to thresh the harvest, and some transporting capacity to transport the grain to
the city.
II.1.3.1 Administrative texts
As Fig. 23 shows, these administrative texts most likely summarized the quotas of the nakkamtu
tax levied on different towns within the administrative districts of different cities or provinces.
The amounts listed range between 1 and 2 million litres of grain. Unfortunately the ratio of the
tax is unknown, but it is clear that the subsistence capacity of the home provinces was quite large.
487 FUCHS 1994, Display Inscription, lines 35-6.

490 FUCHS 1994, Annales, lines 409-410.
491 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 4:59 (3rd campaign).
492 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 15:11-14.
493 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 17 v 16-18 (695 B.C., in the limmu of Aššur-bēlu-uṣur, against Til-Garimmu, Tabal).
494 LUCKENBILL 1924, 76:103 (6th campaign, Nagītu, Elam).
495 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, no. 103, iii:7-9.
496 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, no. 108A, ii:1’-3’.

TEXT AMOUNT CITY/TOWN/VILLAGE TYPE OF TAX

(LITRES)
ND 2465498
1 1,740,000 URU.Arba-DINGIR (464 hectares)
2 150,000 URU.‫ۏ‬a-1a‫ې‬-KUR?-bi (40 hectares)
3 150,000 URU.ŠE ša UGU ÍD (40 hectares)
4 70,000 BÀD.GAŠAN-ia (18.6 hectares)
5 50,000 URU.Bar-ka-ŠID-a-a (13.3 hectares)
6 20,000 URU.‫ۏ‬i-in-‫ې‬i-ni-a (5.3 hectares)
7 10,000 URU.ERIN (2.6 hectares)
8 50,000 URU.Til-GÚ (5.3 hectares)
9 131,400 URU.ŠE KAŠ.LUL (35 hectares)
10 2,253,140 total
11-12 ŠE.PAD.MEŠ na-kam-ti ša LÚ.GAL da-ni-na-te
499
ND 2791
1’ 100,000 URU.Tar-ni-nu (26 hectares)
2’ 200,000 URU.‫ۏ‬i-ri-ti? (53 hectares)
3’ 100,000 URU.Du-gar- ? (26 hectares)
4’ 110,000 URU.Gu?-pa-a-ra (29 hectares)
5’ 36,800 URU.Da?-ri-a (9.8 hectares)
6’ 30,000 URU.DIŠ.UD LÚ.NAGAR.MEŠ (8 hectares)
7’ 7,000 Arba-il (1.8 hectares)
8’ 23,000 URU… (6.1 hectares)
9’ 6?,600 … URU… (1.7 hectares)
10’ 120,000 URU.Kin-da-a (32 hectares)
11’ 12,000 URU… (3.2 hectares)
12’ 12,400 URU.Kin-tú (3.3 hectares)
13’ 6,000 [URU…]-nu (1.6 hectares)
14’ 6,000 URU.Nak?-ba? (1.6 hectares)
15’ 1,260,000 total
16’-18’ ŠE.PAD.MEŠ na-kam-tú LÚ.GAL kar-me KUR.‫ۏ‬al-‫܈‬ú
500
ND 3469
1 30,000 URU.Gul-gul/kir (8 hectares)
2 40,000 URU.Kur-ba-DINGIR (10.6 hectares)
3 30,000 URU.Ši-ba-ni-ba (8 hectares)
4 40,000 URU. Mu-še-zib-Tam-meš-Apsî? (10.6 hectares)
5 40,000 URU.Il-qi-a-mat (10.6 hectares)
6 5,000 URU.Ri-mu-su (1.3 hectares)
7 50,000 URU.GIBIL(Ɩlu-eššu) (13.3 hectares)
8 10,000 URU.UGU(Mu‫ېې‬i)-na-a‫ې‬-li (2.6 hectares)
9 40,000 URU.Ka-par-di-qa-rat (10.6 hectares)
10 10,000 URU.BÀD(Dǌr)-‫ۏ‬at/‫ܒ‬-ri-ki (2.6 hectares)
11 10,000 URU.ŠE-IÚ-ta-ni (2.6 hectares)
12 305,000 total URU.NINA
13 200,000 LÚ.GAL ŠE ki-si-te
I
14-15 400,000 É-sag-gíl-šarru-uৢur LÚ.GAL kar-ma-ni
I
16 700,000 EN(BƝl)-TI-i(balla৬Ɨni?)
17 100,000 LÚ.GAL ša Ì.SUMUN(lušê) ni-be
Fig. 23. Administrative texts listing nakkamtu tax quotas (ND 2465, ND 2791, ND 3469) of different regions
of the Assyrian heartland.
498 PARKER 1961, 30 (ND 2465).

499 PARKER 1961, 54 (ND 2791), pl. XXVIII: 15’) total 12,600 (homers), 16’) grain (in) the storehouse 17’) (of) the foreman of
warehouses 18’) in the district of Ḫalṣu.
500 WISEMAN 1953, 146 (ND 3469).

Rations
ND 2465 lists nakkamtu payments from the region of Arbela. The largest amount (1,740,000
litres of grain) obviously came from the city itself, while the 8 smaller settlements in its
neighbourhood payed only fractions of this quantity. The region altogether provided 2,253,140
litres of grain to the office of the Chief of Granaries (rab danināte, LÚ.GAL daninate). According
to our calculations this amount was enough for provisioning 3—4,000 men for a year – officials,
workers or soldiers.501 The office of the rab danināte – who collected or got these grain rations –
is otherwise unknown, but should be connected to grain storage and administration.
ND 2791 is a similar administrative tablet enumerating nakkamtu payments from the region
of ›al%u (KUR.›al%ú). The 14 settlements listed on the tablet paid 1,260,000 litres of grain to the
office of the Chief of Warehouses (rab karme, LÚ.GAL karme). The difference between the offices
of the Chief of Granaries(?) and the Chief of Warehouses is unfortunately unknown, but both of
them were eligible to collect nakkamtu taxes at least from the home provinces.502 This amount was
enough to provide rations for 1,700—1,800 men for a year.
The third administrative text (ND 3469) lists 11 settlements in the administrative district of
Nineveh. These settlements provided 305,000 litres of grain, which was most probably also
nakkamtu tax. The text, however, lists further officials, who collected/paid various amounts of grain
as follows: 200,000 litres from the rab kisite/kissati (LÚ.GAL ŠE kisite, Chief of Fodder), 400,000
litres from Ēsaggilšarruu%ur Chief of Warehouses (rab karme/karmāni, LÚ.GAL karmani),
700,000 litres from Bēlballa#āni, and 100,000 litres from the Chief of …. The total amount of grain
collected is 1,705,000 litres, which was enough to provide rations for 2,300—2,400 men for a year.
A tablet of similar size, but unfortunately very fragmentary, follows a similar logic and lists
similar amounts (homers) of grain extracted from different towns in the environs or administrative
district of DūrŠarrukēn and the province of Kurbail.503
These administrative texts represent the first, local level of collecting barley (rations) within
the framework of the Assyrian taxation system (in this case nakkamtu tax): different officials (Chief
of Granaries (rab danināte), Chief of Warehouses (rab karme/karmāni)),504 and the Chief of Fodder
(rab kisite/kissati)505) collected barley tax levied on different towns within the administrative
districts of Assyrian cities like Arbela, Nineveh, and DūrŠarrukēn.
However, a higher, second, regional level of collecting the barley is represented by a further
text (Fig. 24),506 which deals with the provinces of the same territory: an unfortunately unknown
official delivered the barley collected and stockpiled in the same provinces and territories under
the control of governors and different officials: Arbela, Arzu‹ina, and Kilizi, the territories of the
Palace Herald, and of the Chief of Warehouses (rab karmāni). This unknown official collected and
delivered most probably similar barley stocks to different towns of the region, which stocks have
been collected as shown in the administrative texts of the first level discussed above (ND 2465,
ND 2791, ND 3469)). Those towns which have listed in this text as destinations of the barley rations
were in all likelihood imperial collection points with different purposes (for example to feed the
troops or other groops of people).
501 2 litres of grain per diem per man for 365 days.
502 It is unknown whether their authority covered the other provinces or not.
503 PARKER 1961, 31 (ND 2476): 6 settlements in the qani of Dūr-Šarrukēn provided 1,308,000 litre of grain; while 4 settlements
(including the city of Kurbail) of the province of Kurbail payed an unknown amount. The fragmentary tablet lists further 23
settlements with various amounts of grain.
504 For a detailed discussion of the karmu system see FAIST – LLOP 2012, 19-35, esp. 27-35 (B. Faist). For the royal household, the
food management and the whole organization see GROSS 2014. For rab karme/karmāni see GROSS 2014, 375-376.
505 For a study of these officials in charge of supply of various foodstuffs see KINNIER WILSON 1972, 72-74. For the rab kisite/kissati
(Chief of Fodder) having rations at the court see KINNIER WILSON 1972, 13 (ND 10027 + 10028), 21; and 19 (ND 10051), Rev. 7.
506 PARPOLA 1987, 170 (CT 53, 333).

LINE DATE GOVERNOR CITY/TOWN

1’-2’ 12th—13th […] Issete
3’-5’ 14th—16th of Arbela […]-Adad
6’-8’ 17th—18th Palace Herald […]-appi on this side of the city of Baqar
9’-11’ 19th—20th of Arzuপina Šamaš-bƝlu-(uৢur)
Rev. 2-3 [21th—22th] Chief of Granaries (LÚ.GAL—kar-ma-ni) […]-ab
4-5 [23rd] of Kilizi […]
6-7 Arbela […]
8-9 Palace Herald […]-ispi
Fig. 24. The structure of CT 53, 333.
There are two letters written to Sargon II, in which TaribaIssar, a local Assyrian official reports
his barley collecting activity in the same region, the city of Kilizi. The first letter mentions that
he has already collected 500 homers of barley in Kilizi and he is ready to deliver it (to the
collection point mentioned in CT 53, 333 (Fig. 24)). He furthermore asks the king as follows: “If
the king my lord commands: ‘Collect barley for three palaces,’ I will collect it in Adian and Arbela
as well.”507 In another fragmentary letter TaribaIssar asks the king about his orders concerning
the piling up of the barley.508
These texts make a very rough, I must emphasize very rough, calculation possible. If we
suppose that the average yield of crops per hectare was around 3 tons of grain, the following short
table can summarize the size of arable land which could provide the above discussed amounts.
HECTARES HECTARES
TEXT LITRES KILOGRAM509 TONS (100 %) (10 %) REGION RATIONS510
ND 2465 2,253,140 1,802,512 1,802.5 600.8 6,008 Arbela 3,086
ND 2791 1,260,000 1,008,000 1,008.0 336.0 3,360 ঩alৢu 1,726
ND 3469 1,705,000 1,364,000 1,364.0 454.6 4,546 Nineveh 2,335
ND 2476 1,308,000 1,046,400 1,046.0 348.6 3,486 Dǌr-ŠarrukƝn 1,791
ND 2734 71,250,000 57,000,000 57,000.0 19,000.0 Arzuপina 97,602
Calculations based on a 3 tons of grain per hectar
HECTARES HECTARES
TEXT LITRES KILOGRAM TONS (100 %) (10 %) REGION RATIONS
ND 2465 2,253,140 1,802,512 1,802.5 901.1 9,011 Arbela 3,086
ND 2791 1,260,000 1,008,000 1,008.0 504.0 5,040 ঩alৢu 1,726
ND 3469 1,705,000 1,364,000 1,364.0 682.0 6,820 Nineveh 2,335
ND 2476 1,308,000 1,046,400 1,046.0 523.0 5,230 Dǌr-ŠarrukƝn 1,791
ND 2734 47,500,000 38,000,000 38,000.0 19,000.0 Arzuপina 65,068
Calculations based on a 2 tons of grain per hectar
Fig. 25. Reconstruction of the size of land provided the nakkamtu tax quotas of different regions of the
Assyrian homeland.
507 PARPOLA 1987, 160 (ABL 843), Rev. 8-14.

508 PARPOLA 1987, 161 (CT 53, 461), Rev. 1’-4’.
509 1 litre grain = 0.8 kg.
510 These amounts of grain provided rations (with 2 litres of grain per diem) for these numbers of men per year.

Rations
From the calculations of Fig. 25 it is clear, that 600.8; 336; 454.6; and 348.6 hectares (or 901.1;
504.0; 682.0; 523.0 hectares) of land were needed to provide the above mentioned amounts of grain.
It is unfortunately not known whether this nakkamtu tax covered the whole yield of the nakkamtu
(‘reserve’) fields or whether only a portion (for example 10 %) of the total amount yielded by
a hectare of arable land had to be paid to the central authorities. If for example the nakkamtu tax
covered only 10 % of the total yield, the size of the total arable land under cultivation was 10 times
larger and could reach 6,008; 3,360; 4,546; and 3,486 hectares in these regions respectively (for
example 10 x 6 km, 10 x 3.3 km, and 10 x 4.5 km stretches of land). However, some issues
concerning these calculations have to be raised:
1) It is unknown, whether these calculated sizes of fields cover all of the nakkamtu (‘reserve’)
fields of the provinces (or tax collecting regions) in question, or just a part of it. According to ND
2734 (Fig. 25) the size of the nakkamtu fields of Arzu‹ina was 19,000 hectares (for a detailed
discussion see below). Consequently it seems probable that the size of the nakkamtu fields of
Arbela, ›al%u, Nineveh, and DūrŠarrukēn might well have been much larger than calculated
from the yields listed in Figs. 23 and 25.
2) It is furthermore also unknown, what types of fields were obliged to pay this tax, what
portion of the fields of these regions was exempted, etc. Were these fields special stateowned
fields dedicated exclusively to provide the nakkamtu tax, cultivated by peasants/deportees/etc. in
an ilku system,511 or was it a type of tax due on several types of private or service fields? In the
NeoAssyrian corpus there is only a single texts (a letter of the royal correspondence) which sheds
light onto the nature of these nakkamtu fields and gives an answer to the question raised above.
This very important letter (written by Nergaluballi#) refers to the nakkamtu fields of the home
province of Arzu‹ina as follows: “Isn’t it so that – 19,000 (hectares of) arable land [in the provin]ce
of Urzu‹ina – [abo]ut which the king, my lord, [sa]id: ‘It is a reserve. [K]eep it (as it is) until I take
it into use.’”512 The letter makes it clear that these ‘reserve fields’ were cultivated only in case
a royal order instructed the governor to cultivate the whole or a part of it. The ‘reserve fields’ of
Arzu‹ina, as much as 19,000 hectares(!) could have yielded 57,000 tons of grain, which was enough
to supply 97,602 men for a whole year! It is unfortunately not known whether this passage, the
19,000 hectares of arable land refers to all of the state owned fields of the province or specifically
to those fields which could be used for this express (‘reserve’) purpose. If these fields were really
‘reserves,’ their yields would have complemented the yields of the ‘regular fields’ of the province!
Anyhow, the nakkamtu fields provided enough barley rations for the following number of men
per harvest for a year: Arbela for 3,086 men, ›al%u for 1,726 men, Nineveh for 2,335 men, Dūr
Šarrukēn for 1,791 men, and Arzu‹ina, for as many as 97,602 (or 65,068) men. If we give a map
a closer look, it can easily be understood that the size of the nakkamtu fields was only a small
portion of the fields under cultivation in these provinces. It should be noted that T.J. Wilkinson
and D.J. Tucker – using archaeological and scientific methods – have already tried to reconstruct
the carrying capacities of arable land in the North Jazira region in Iraq.513
These texts make a further very rough calculation possible. If we suppose that the Assyrian
Empire in the late 8th and the 7th centuries onwards consisted of about 85 provinces,514, and we
further assume, that the above mentioned administrative lists represent the ‘reserve fields’ of
511 For the institution of the nakkamtu with its different profiles see REINER et al., 1980, 182-184, esp. 2c Describing fields.
512 SAGGS 2001, 208 (ND 2734+); LUUKKO 2012, 89 (ND 2734+), Rev. 28-31.
513 WILKINSON – TUCKER 1995, 82-85, Table 13, Figs. 55-56.
514 RADNER 2006—2008, 42-68.

a whole province only in the case of Arzu‹ina, and in case of the other provinces only a part of them
(for example certain tax collecting districts within the provinces), it can be presumed that the
nakkamtu tax system in itself could provide enough rations for as much as around 5—6 million
men for a year per harvest(!).515
The next question is how these amounts of grain rations were allocated to the people who
were eligible to take part in the system and receive rations from the central reserves. The ration
lists discussed in detail in the previous chapters (II.1.1.1 Central management – administrative
texts) shed some light on the central allocation system, where different, eligible members of the
administration got daily rations from the central authorities (who are actually unknown). Another
type of source might help us in the reconstruction of this aspect. There are some short assignment
notes or releases, which could assign as large amounts of grain as for example 315 homers (31,500
litres of grain (ŠE.PAD.MEŠ) and white corn (kibatu)), which was issued to Issaršumuibnî,516 and
which seems to be too large a quantity for private purposes. A similar short note is known from
the Governor’s Palace Archive: “The king’s command to Qātiligabbu of Kal‹u: They will
measure out 3,000 (homers) of corn inside the Palace (KUR), under your authority(?) … [Let them]
write it on your master’s account.”517 This note refers to the central allotment organisation
(‘they’), which measured out 3,000 homers (300,000 litres) of grain to Qātiligabbu. This amount
was going to be written on the account of his master. Unfortunately the central body which
measured out, the office and the master of Qātiligabbu are unknown. In this case the size of the
allotment (300,000 litres) is also too high to be used for private purposes. It might out and away
be used for rationing groups of people, for example a military unit (more than 400 men for a year).
The size of the armies which had to be supplied ranged from a few hundred soldiers to tens
of thousands. Just to show a few examples, a fragmentary letter from Babylonia written by an
unknown official refers to a royal order asking him to send 1,000 archers (to the royal camp?). This
royal order refers furthermore to Aššurbēlutaqqin who got [x] horses and 20,000 archers in
a cloister.518 These numbers show substantial military forces under the command of Assyrian
governors. To feed the troops the governor had to pile up a considerable amount of grain: 20,000
archers needed 1—2 litres of barley per man daily, which means that their daily consumption
ranged between 16,000 kg (16 tons with 1 liter ration per diem) and 32,000 kg (32 tons with 2 litres
ration per diem) daily. To pile up and provide this amount was an ample burden on the local
authorities, but it seemingly was not an expectation impossible to fulfill.
These texts – both the longer lists most likely summarizing the quotas of the nakkamtu tax
levied on different towns within the administrative districts of different cities or provinces (e.g.
Nineveh, DūrŠarrukēn, or Kurbail), and the shorter notes as well – attest to the existence of a well
organized central ration allotment system and an organization which run it.
To stockpile such huge amounts of grain needed extensive storage capacities. Granaries are
frequently mentioned in the Assyrian administrative texts and royal correspondence. The officials
in charge of collecting the grain are also known (see above). However, actual granaries are hardly
known from the territory of the Empire. Such an example is the granary of Megiddo (11 m in
diameter and 7 m deep stone paved conical structure sunk into the ground), which could
accommodate about 60 m3 of grain. These 60 m3 of grain weighed 46,380 kg (57,975 litres) for
515 With an average of people deducted from Fig. 25.

516 WISEMAN – KINNIER WILSON 1951, 117 (ND 800).
517 POSTGATE 1973, 182 (ND 435).
518 DIETRICH 2003, 70 (CT 54, 64), 4’-11’.

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wheat or 37,200 kg (46,500 litres) for barley.519 In comparison with the amounts known from
Assyrian sources (Fig. 25) this granary provided a mediumsized capacity and could feed only
79/158 people for a year.520 In comparison, the wellknown and above discussed letter of an
unknown official in charge of Māzamua province521 summarized 38,490 homers (3,849,000 litres,
3,079,200 kg) of stored grain per calendar month (Fig. 20). If really a whole month worth of grain
was stockpiled in the granaries of KārAššur it needed 3,983 m3 storing capacity in case of wheat,
and 4,966 m3 of storing capacity in case of barley – 66/83 times more than the ‘huge’ granary of
Megiddo. The nature of the Assyrian storing facilities (granaries sunk into the ground or built
above the ground) is unfortunately unknown.
II.1.3.2 Royal correspondence
The royal correspondence of TiglathPileser III and the Sargonides refers to a very strict central land
management in the Assyrian Empire. It is clear that not only the local authorities (governors, etc.)
were interested in the good or even maximal exploitation of the arable lands in their territories (to
support the institutions, the population, the deportees, the king’s men, other army units, etc.), but
often the king himself sent direct orders as ‘guidelines’ for maximizing the harvest the fields
yielded, or solve ‘subsistence problems’ emerging in different parts of the Empire. The following
letters shed some light on the different aspects of this type of central land management.
Governors sent letters to the king informing him about the state of affairs, about the state of
the agricultural works. Nabûē#iranni for example let the king know, that he had sown 300
hectares of land in ›ubana, and the remainder would also be planted. This information he sent
“in connection of the corn(land) of ›ubana, about which the king my lord spoke to me.”522
Another governor also assured the king that in Turmuna, where the king had appointed him to,
the land had been subjugated and the grain had been planted.523
Aššuršimanni was an Assyrian official who also inspected the fields and yields of farmers
(LÚ.ENGAR.MEŠ). He reported to the king that “As to the farmers of the town of Aššurnirka
u%ur who appealed to the king, saying: ‘Our sown field has been flooded’ – now their harvest has
come out exceedingly well.”524 His letter lists smaller estates and yields, but unfortunately no
avarage yield per hectare can be reconstructed. Aššuršimanni reminded the king that he should
watch the farmers more strictly. This letter, however, contains further pieces of important
information. Aššuršimanni let the king know: “I will now place harvesters in the sustenance field.
If (the harvest) falls short, I shall indemnify it fully.”525 The ‘sustenance field’ (A.ŠÀ ma‘uutte) was
consequently a field, which had to provide a quota. If the harvest fell short of this quota, it should
be fully indemnified. This type of field was most probably a royal ‘sustenance field’ and Aššur
šimanni himself brought harvesters to reap the crop, because there were no tenants who rented
or owned these fields – only seasonal labourers, who ploughed the earth within the framework
of a kind of corvée. A similar letter of Aššurmātkatēra to TiglathPileser III also refers to the royal
‘sustenance fields’ (ma‘utaati ša LUGAL), which had been harvested.526 If we are looking for
519 The weight of 1 m3 of wheat is about 773 kg, while the weight of 1 m3 of barley is 620 kg.
520 57,975 litres of wheat / 2 litres / 365 days = 79 or 57,975 litres of wheat / 1 litre / 365 days = 158.
521 CT 53, 47+ ABL 1290; PARPOLA 1979, 47; LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 250 (CT 53, 47+); FALES 1990, 23-34; FALES 2000, 48-49.
522 SAGGS 2001, 244-245 (ND 2373); LUUKKO 2012, 67 (ND 2373), Rev. 3’-7’.
523 SAGGS 2001, 257-258 (ND 2423); LUUKKO 2012, 21 (ND 2423), 3-5.
524 LUUKKO 2012, 15 (ND 2449), 3-10.
525 LUUKKO 2012, 15 (ND 2449), Rev. 9-13.
526 LUUKKO 2012, 19 (ND 2355).

fields which, within a royal management framework served the central supply of rations, the
ma’uttu/mu’untu fields are a good candidate – but a detailed study of this question exceeds the
possibilities of this book.
Another letter, which reports the advance of agricultural works was sent by an unknown
governor to TiglathPileser III. The letter refers to the royal order: “Break the [f]allow [g]round
and [c]ut the hay.” The governor reported that the “[f]allow ground has been broke[n] and two
cubits high hay has been cut. All the corn and rice has been harv[ested.]”527
A fragmentary Sargonide letter shows that the local governors were very keen on providing
seed corn to the farmers. An unknown governor reported to the king that he had issued [x]20
homers of seed corm to 32 farmers. He altogether distributed 1,100 homers of seed corn to
farmers. The free status of farmers is questionnable, since they got seed corn from the local
authority. It can be assumed, however, that in this case they did not work on their own fields, but
as a kind of labour service (ilku or nakkamtu?) ploughed the fields of the king (sustenance fields?,
ma’uttu/mu’untu, see above). The fragmentary letter refers to a royal question which would be
asked frequently: “Perhaps the king, my lord, will say: ‘Why (then) have you cultivated so few
[arable field]s?’”528 These references also emphasize the overall importance of Assyrian central
field management.
The letter of Bēldūri refers to a case when he distributed 10,000 homers of barley to two
Assyrian officials: he gave 6,666 homers 46 litres of barley to Inurtašarruu%ur, and 3,333
homers and 3 seahs of barley to Aššurrēmanni.529 It is unknown, however, whether these
amounts served as barley rations for people, including soldiers, or were distributed to these two
officials as seed corn. The distribution of seed corn for royal sustenance fields was similarly one
of the tasks of the imperial central land management.
One of the most important letters of this topic is the report of Nergaluballi# sent to TiglathPileser
III mentioned above.530 This letter raises some questions which have to be discussed in detail.
1) (Obv. 415) Nergaluballi# was accused by the king that: “All the fields of the province of
Urzu‹ina are abandoned. You are taking the fields of Bēlapluiddina away (from him).”
Nergaluballi# responded that the king had appointed him to the governorship of Arzu‹ina
and during these ten years Bēlapluiddina had not put his feet in that field one single time.
2) (1620) Nergaluballi# reminded the king that the “lands of the Vizier ’s (É LÚ.SUKKAL) and
the Chief Judge’s households (É LÚ.sartini) do not cross the Radānu river. The royal road
which goes to Azari is their border.” When the king transferred him (Nergaluballi#) they
removed the local people. That is why their fields were abandoned.
3) (2129) Further important information is that “The servants of Bēlapluiddina, their
guarantor, are not obliged to perform state or military service. They [disobeyed] our orders,
crossed the border and seized a village there.”
4) (Rev. 117) When the king sent him (Nergaluballi#) to investigate the matter, the elders of the
village (local people, servants of the king) said to him as follows: “They removed our
brothers (and) their field was abandoned. Down came the (men) of Bēlapluiddina and seized
the village there by force.”
527 LUUKKO 2012, 20 (ND 2675), 3-9.

529 LUUKKO 2012, 172 (ND 2749).
530 SAGGS 1958, NL 41 (ND 2734+); LUUKKO 2012, 89 (ND 2734+).

AssyrianArmy_II_208oldalig_:2.korr. 2016.05.13. 12:23 Page 101
Rations
5) (18-24) When the men of Bēl-aplu-iddina made unsubstantiated allegations in the king’s
presence against Nergal-uballi#, he responded with the following extremely important
sentences: “If a field in the province of Urzu‹ina is abandoned is it without an owner? Can
anyone who desires a field parcel it out?”
6) (25-27) According to the reconstruction Nergal-uballi# supposed that Bēl-aplu-iddina would
ask the king: “[Should I se]ll my fields for money?”
7) (28-31) And the last, equally significant motif is stated by Nergal-uballi#: “Isn’t it so that
– 19,000 (hectares of) arable land [in the provin]ce of Urzu‹ina – [abo]ut which the king, my lord,
[sa]id: ‘It is a reserve. [K]eep it (as it is) until I take it into use.’”
From our point of view the most important pieces of information in this letter are as follows:
1) Large stretches of (arable) land were abandoned in the province of Arzu‹ina. The king
accused Nergal-uballi# that he had appropriated the fields of the men of Bēl-aplu-iddina, but
Nergal-uballi# proved the opposite. Furthermore, he reminded the king that when he had
served as the governor of the province, the king had ordered him to leave 19,000 hectares of
land fallow, and ‘reserve’ it as long as the king would take it into use. Fallow land would have
been ‘reserved’ to be available for a time when an emergency demanded substantial extra
resources (see below, how often the king ordered his officials to cultivate an extra 1,000
hectares of land). Fallow land could have easily been used to settle new people (deportees)
in the region. 19,000 hectares, however, seems quite a large ‘reserve,’ since such a piece of
arable land would easily support 97,602 men for a whole year!531
2) It is important to note that the southern border of Arzu‹ina was the Radānu river, where the
border of the province was adjacent to the lands of the Vizier’s and the Chief Judge’s
households. The royal road going to Azari was their border.
3) A very important detail is that the servants of Bēl-aplu-iddina were not obliged to perform
state or military service. As will be discussed in chapter II.2.3 Exemption, only the fields
granted by the king were exempted from state service (e.g. following a military campaign).
The fields bought by the same owner were not exempted.532 Bēl-aplu-iddina’s question to the
king: “[Should I se]ll my fields for money?” is very interesting, as it seems this act would
transfer the exempted fields to the non-exempted category.
Whatever the status of the fields of Bēl-aplu-iddina was, another letter probably also refers to him,
and his fields in a similar context. The unfortunately unknown author ensured the king that due
to heavy rainfall the harvest would be excellent. This official refers to a royal order: “(Concerning)
Aššur-nā%ir, Ammi-[‹ā]tî (and) Bēl-apkal-ilāni, total three recruitment officers (LÚ.mu-šar-ki-sa-
ni), about whom the king, my lord, wrote to me that they [sho]uld enter the towns of Bēl-aplu-
iddina. They have (now) entered them.”533 If this Bēl-aplu-iddina is the same one mentioned
above, this letter refers to his fields as subjects of some type of taxes – since the recruitment officers
were in charge of recruiting and supplying equestrian soldiers and horses.534 The three
recruitment officers went to these towns to extract certain kinds of taxes due most probably on
531 If the yield of one hectare of arable land reached 3 tons of grain, and the ration of one person was 2 litres (1.6 kg) of grain per
diem.
532 SAGGS 2001, 132-134, NL 74 (ND 2648+); LUUKKO 2012, 39 (ND 2648+).
533 SAGGS 2001, 197-199, NL 56 (ND 2462), Rev. 8-12; LUUKKO 2012, 166 (ND 2462), Rev. 8-12.
534 DEZSŐ 2012B, 122-128.

grain and fodder. This letter, however, does not exclude the possibility that Bēlapluiddina owned
exempted and nonexempted fields as well, and it is possible that the fields subject to taxes were
his ex officio fields, while – as has been discussed above – his ad hominem fields, originating from
royal donation(s) and not purchases, were exempted.
When Sargon II sent an order to one of his governors (his name is broken out) to provide
barley to Ki%irAššur, the official responded that he only had 7,000 homers measured by a seah
of 6 litres.535 This amount was enough to feed 57 persons for a year.
The last letter to be discussed in this chapter was sent by Inurtabēluu%ur to TiglathPileser
III. This letter refers explicitely to the system of imposing quotas of barley rations on governors
and other officials of the Assyrian Empire. In his letter Inurtabēluu%ur quotes the royal order
sent to him: “20,000 [homers of barley] have been imposed on you – [wh]en will you raise
them?”536 Inurtabēluu%ur reported that he had already raised 966 homers of barley. These
20,000 homers of barley (in this case the text might refer to homers and not hectares, since the
scribe wrote most probably [ANŠE.ŠE.PAD.]MEŠ and not ŠE.NUMUN.MEŠ, which the present
writer understands as referring to hectares and not homers, see below) were the yields of more
than 500 hectares of corn land.537
II.1.3.3 1,000 hectares of land
An interesting feature of the royal correspondence and the central field management appears in
several letters. The king or a magnate often sent orders to the governors or other officials to
cultivate more lands than before. An extra 1,000 hectares of land to be sown, cultivated or
harvested appears in several letters.
The interpretation of the same or similar passages, however, differs in an important aspect:
1,000 homers of seedcorn or 1,000 hectares of sown fields have to be cultivated. The translations
of the same term: ‘1 lim ŠE.NUMUNMEŠ’ are divided between the two interpretations: ‘1,000
homers of seedcorn’538 or ‘1,000 hectares of sown fields’539 are mentioned.
If the average yield of a hectare of sown land was about 3 tons of wheat/corn, which means
that – according to the ‘1,000 homers of seed corn’ view – the size of the arable land mentioned
(1,000 homers = 80 tons) in these texts is about 26 hectares (about 500 x 500 meters stretch of land),
it was surely large enough to attract the attention of the king, however, it is not so likely.
Consequently – according to the present writers view – it is much more likely that these texts refer
to ‘1,000 hectares of land’ and not ‘1,000 homers of seed corn.’
Furthermore, if we take into consideration the size of arable land obliged to pay nakkamtu tax
(or which were subject to this type of tax) reconstructed above (Fig. 25) and the amount of corn
collected as nakkamtu tax discussed above (Fig. 25), the extra 1,000 hectares of land to cultivate

536 LUUKKO 2012, 36 (ND 2604), 4-7.
537 20,000 emāru (homer) = 2,000,000 qâ (litre) = 1,600,000 kg = 1,600 t = 533 ha (with an average of 3 t / hectare yield).
538 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 225 (CT 53, 79), 5: 1 lim ŠE.NUMUN (“1,000 (homers) of seed”); LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002,
35 (ABL 948), 5: 1 lim ŠE.PAD.MEŠ ša LUGAL (“1,000 (homers) of barley from the king”); LUUKKO 2012, 47 (ND 2775), Rev.
14: 1 lim ŠE.NUMUN (“1,000 (homers of) cornfiel[d th]ere”); LUUKKO 2012, 57 (NL 79 (ND 2671)), 5, 7:1 lim ŠE.NUMUN.MEŠ
(“Cultivate 1,000 (homers of) seed!”).
539 PARPOLA 1987, 176 = LUUKKO 2012, 173 (NL 20 (ND 2437)), Rev. 26: 1 lim ŠE.NUMUN.[MEŠ] (“1,000 (hectares of) the sown
fields of the city of Laba’u”); LUUKKO 2012, 39 (NL 74 (ND 2648)), Rev. 11: 1 lim ŠE.NUMUN.MEŠ-i-ni (“1,000 (hectares) of
our cornfields that are cultivated (in the) province of Isana”).

Rations
– as a real burden on the local authorities – makes much more sense. As shown in ND 2791 (Fig.
23) 1,000 homers was the nakkamtu quota – and not the whole yield of crops – of only a small town
and not of an entire province.
Consequently it seems much more appropriate to reconstruct these passages as orders to
cultivate an extra 1,000 hectares of arable land and provide a further 3,000 tons (37,500 homers,
3,750,000 litres, a whole year’s ration for 5,100 men)540 of corn for the state. Following this logic
these fields were the fields of the state (the king) and not private estates which were subject to
different types of taxes. It seems, that this 1,000 hectares of land was a kind of a quota or unit, in
which the central government measured the capacities of the provinces.
There is a set of letters referred to above, which show that to cultivate an extra 1,000 hectares
of land was a real burden on governors and other local officials.
Adadissīa, governor of Māzamua for example wrote to Sargon II that – according the royal
order – “’Nabû[…] must cultivate 1,000 (homers of) seed, MannukīAdad must cultivate [1],000,
and you too must cultivate [1],000 (homers of) seed corn’ – [wh]ere? I cannot do it! [I] cultivate
in the face of harsh […]. They, by contrast, having planted their seed, [e]at from it, feed [their]
horses [fr]om it, and (even) cultiva[te s]eed fro[m it].”541 It seems that Nabû[…] and Mannukī
Adad could easily execute the order, but Adadissīa, who cultivated his fields under harsh
conditions, could not fulfill the (extra) quota. His answer makes much more sense if the
interpretation of ‘1 lim ŠE.NUMUN’ is 1,000 hectares of land and not 1,000 homers of corn
(which means 26 hectares, a stretch of about 500 x 500 meters of land).
Adda‹āti, governor of Hamath, organizing the life, the building projects and the defense of
Argite and &upat, wrote to the king that he should send Assyrians and Itu’eans to these towns
on the desert border, because there were no Assyrian cityoverseers and gateguards in &upat. Most
probably to accomodate the new people he harvested “the sown fields of the city ›i[...], and (in
addition) to them I harvest an extra 1,000 (hectares of) the sown fields of the city of Laba’u.”542
The letter of Šarruēmuranni the deputy governor of Isana (šanû ša Isana) contains important
information on the exemption system of corn taxes (see chapter II.2.3 Exemption), but also refers
to the quota of cultivating 1,000 hectares of arable land: “Out of the 1,000 (hectares) of our
cornfields that are cultivated (in the) province of Isana, (only) 200 enjoy irrigation water. (Should)
pack animals come to me, what shall I give them? Let a messenger of the king come and take any
corn taxes that we have!”543 This passage clarifies that the provinces which could run irrigation
systems could cultivate more fields more easily than others, which did not have access to
watering networks.
The next letter was sent by the CommanderinChief (turtānu), most probably to Inurtailā’ī.544
The CommanderinChief ordered the governor to cultivate (an extra?) 1,000 homers or hectares
of sown fields (1 lim ŠE.NUMUNMEŠ). Inurtailā’ī responded that he was going to cultivate the
extra land when the ploughs and oxen – which he had ordered – arrive from Bar‹alza. The
interpretation of the passage (1,000 homers or hectares) depends on the logic which we followed:
was the cultivation of 1,000 homers of grain (to cultivate 26 hectares) such a burden on the local
540 With 2 litres grain per diem per man.

542 PARPOLA 1987, 176 (NL 20 (ND 2437)), Rev. 24-27; SAGGS 2001, 169-171 (NL 20 (ND 2437)), Rev. 24-27; LUUKKO 2012, 173
(NL 20 (ND 2437), Rev. 24-27.
543 SAGGS 2001, 132-134, NL 74, (ND 2648), Rev. 11-18; LUUKKO 2012, 39 (ND 2648), Rev. 11-18.

authorities that they had to order ploughs and oxen from another province? It seems much more
plausible to suppose that to cultivate 26 hectares of arable land was not such a huge burden to
necessitate the importing of additional equipment. But the cultivation of 1,000 hectares of arable
land was large enough a task on the local authorities to ask for help from another province.
Sulāia wrote a letter to TiglathPileser III, in which he commented on a debate between him
and another Assyrian official, Šamašnā%ir, the deputy of Aššurrēmanni. Šamašnā%ir brought
him the king’s order: “The king has given me the towns of Taku, Lulubani and Mila. Bring out
your people so that I can bring my people in.”545 Sulāia, however, refused to give up the towns,
and wrote to the king as follows: “If he takes the t[own]s and I have cultivated 1,000 (homers of)
cornfiel[d th]ere (), should he harvest it? Moreover, should he enjoy my y[ok]e horse(s)? Where
should I bring the unit of (ki%ir) horses in my command?546 In this case the reason is clear: Sulāia
had to feed the horses of an equestrian unit. If we consider that the average ration of a horse might
be 7.5 litre per diem (Fig. 17), a possible 1,000 homers of grain was sufficient to feed 36 horses –
serving a smaller unit – for a year. Furthermore, 26 hectares for three towns seems also not so
much.
The only text, which definitely refers to 1,000 homers of barley and not 1,000 hectares of land
is a letter of Šumāia, which he sent to the crown prince. “1,000 (homers) of barley from the king
were at my father’s disposal (1 lim ŠE.PADMEŠ ša LUGAL). Now I have given 400 (homers) of
barley from it, 600 (homers) of barley remain at my disposal.”547 In this case, however, the text
uses a somewhat different term (ŠE.PAD548 instead of ŠE.NUMUN) which might be responsible
for the difference.
Concluding the evidence it seems plausible to suppose that the term 1 lim ŠE.NUMUN
meant 1,000 hectares of arable land.
545 LUUKKO 2012,, 47 (ND 2775), 6-11; SAGGS 2001, 312-315 (ND 2775), 6-11.
546 LUUKKO 2012,, 47 (ND 2775), 13-19.
547 LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 35 (ABL 948), 5-8.
548 PAD = kurummatu (ration), kusāpu (bread).

Service-fields
II.2 Servicefields
The (military) servicefield system was a wellknown phenomenon within the 2nd millennium B.C.
Mesopotamian empires, and underwent changes during the period. As Richardson put it: “But
in the generations after Hammurabi, servicelands often treated as heritable and salable in
practice, and the obligations as transferable by hire. The alienation of servicelands to non
military holders, through inheritance, marriage, adoption, sale, and leasing created secondary
markets for service substitutes, and further diversified the military’s economic benefits well
beyond the ranks of soldiery.549 The death of a tenureholder in wartime, however, could spell
economic disaster for his family.”550
Although the phenomenon is wellknown, no similarly clear picture of a NeoAssyrian
servicefield system has emerged so far. For this reason now we are going to collect those Neo
Assyrian texts which explicitly or implicitly refer to the existence of a servicefield system for
soldiers (both infantry and cavalry). With the help of these sources we will try to reconstruct the
economic background of the military service, which was complemented by the ration system
outlined above, the other important element of the frame. The reconstruction will show us
similarities in development to the OldBabylonian period.
II.2.1 Service-fields of soldiers
II.2.1.1 Servicefields of infantry units
As has been discussed above (II.1 Rations), the regular provisioning of soldiers or troops during
the court service or campaigns in the form of rations provided sustenance mainly for the period
of service. It is unknown, however, whether these provisions offered real career objectives, and
the soldier reached with them his highwater mark, or not. Most probably not. Whatever the case,
there were a few assignments (for officers) with all year round rations,551 and some known cases
show that the family also received rations for the period the soldier went on campaign.552 A further
549 RICHARDSON 2011, 22. He quotes CHARPIN 2004, 371, however, implies that the increasing tendency to pay ilku in silver as the
time progressed also deteriorated political-economic relations between the Crown and its clientele.
551 A Sargonide letter for example mentions the barley rations of the team commander’s household, which was – according to an
accusation – squandered by the governor Aššur-bēlu-uṣur (FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 62 (CT 53, 55), 12-14: ”Concerning the sto[red]
barley of the house of the master of teams (É LÚ.GAL ú-ra-te) [about which the king, my lord, wrote to me, saying: ‘You have
squandered it’ – [as soon as the …] has come up, [...] in the king’s presence.” (707—706 B.C.)). For a detailed discussion see
chapter II.1.1.1.2 Central allotment of rations during a ‘home’ service.
552 Sargon II for example sent an order to Šarru-dūri, governor of Kalḫu, to give each of the king’s men serving under him 1 homer
(emāru, 100 litres) of corn. He had to divide this amount between the king’s man and his family as follows: 3 seahs (sūtu, 30 litres)
were given to the soldier as his ‘campaign-flour’ (ZÍD.KASKAL.MEŠ), 7 seahs (70 litres) were left with his family (POSTGATE
1973, 185 (ND 437), 1-13.). Aššur-ilā’ī reported to Tiglath-Pileser III that he gave 1 seah (sūtu, 10 litres) stored grain per man of
the exempts at his disposal. To the wives and even to the deputies he referred to as follows: “(Should) one have wife [...], she comes
out (with) three seahs (3 litres). To deputies [they give] four seahs (4 litres) each.” (LUUKKO 2012, 48 (ND 2669), 26-Rev. 4.).
For detailed discussion see chapter II.1.1.1.2 Central allotment of rations during a ‘home service.’

question peresents itself: was the rationing system an income stable enough to build an existence
on it or not? It seems that the daily/monthly and even the yearly rations provided by the central
authorities did not offer a solid base to live on. This is the reason why it is important to examine
the possibility of an existing servicefield system in the Assyrian Empire.
Several documents mention the daily rations and the possible servicefields together (see
above, II.1 Rations). A fragmentary letter553 for example refers to the fields of a fort, which
means that the garrison troops might have owned fields in the neighbourhood of the stronghold
or that these lands – cultivated by the local population – were intended to maintain the garrison
troops.
Another fragmentary letter (mentioning Aššurrē%ūwa, a qēpu of Sargon II) from the Northern,
Urar#ian front mentions the fields and threshing floors of unknown people (supposingly the
soldiers of the garrison) and states, and that the official who sent the report, had transported 20
homers (emāru) (2,000 litres) of seed corn ‘to the fort in the tower’ for the troops.554
The practice that the garrison troops got fields for their service is known in the conquered
territories with foreign people as well. Nabû‹amātū’a (deputy governor of Māzamua) reported to
Sargon II that he had brought out the subjects of Bēliddina, the ruler of Allabria from six Allabrian
forts and told them: “Go! Each one of you should build (a house) in the field and stay there!”555
Another letter makes it clear, that – as the writer phrases – “the guard duty, … is mutually
fixed for our bread and water.”556 It seems that certain groups of soldiers along the border of Bīt
Dakkuri got bread and water (fields or rations and access to the watersources), as a kind
a sustenance for their military service, in this case for borderguard duties.
An important text, a further report to Sargon II describes the system more explicitely: “For
(any cohort commander) who has a bre[ad ration] entered on his tablet and who has men, I [take]
from the corn tax and provide it to him in his garrison. Even where there is no entry, they come
and tell me, and I give it, so they can cultivate their fields. If I did not allot it, they would take
[the corn] they have harvested [prev]iously and eat it, and would not cultivate the fields but turn
to me [with]out a superior, saying: ‘Bread [is being with]held from us!’”557
Sargon II sent an order to one of his officials concerning a certain QurdiIssar, a mā‹i%u (LÚ.ma
‹i%i): “Encou[rage him, and give him a house], a plough, and a field […].”558 It is interesting to
see, that a governor for a royal order gave a house, a plough and a field to a mā‹i%u.
An important administrative text from Nimrud (ND 2440)559 lists 56 military personnel,
‘guardians of the wall’ (EN.NUN BÀD), and their families. They were garrison troops defending
a town or a (border)fort.560 According to the summary section of the text (Fig. 26) each of the 56
guards got 1 donkey, 1 ox, and 10 sheep. These animals served as a kind of ‘service allotment’ to
support the soldier’s family. This kind of ‘service allotment’ makes only sense, if it belongs to
a servicefield and a house.

556 DIETRICH 2003, 69 (CT 54, 19), 16-18.
559 PARKER 1961, 25-26 (ND 2440).
560 Such a case is known from a letter of Adda-ḫāti, governor of Ḫamath, who – as mentioned above – organized the life, the building
projects and defense of Argite and Ṣupat; he wrote to the king that he should send Assyrians and Itu’eans to these towns on the
desert border, because there were no Assyrian city-overseers and gateguards in Ṣupat. The governor most likely asked for Assyrian
and Itu’ean settlers to serve these towns and the desert border as guards. (PARPOLA 1987, 176 (NL 20 (ND 2437)), Rev. 24-27;
SAGGS 2001, 169-171 (NL 20 (ND 2437)), Rev. 24-27; LUUKKO 2012, 173 (NL 20 (ND 2437)), Rev. 24-27.)

Service-fields
ND 2440 GUARDS OF THE WALL FAMILY DONKEY OX SHEEP

Obv. i:1-3 Tar-‫ې‬u-là-ri EN.NUN BÀD 1 woman, 2 daughters 1 1 10
4 Li-su-[…] [ditto] […] […] […]
5-6 Ku-ub-be-e-[…] 2 women, 2 20
7 Ku-ri ditto ditto ditto ditto
8-10 Ki-da-a-ku-ri 2 […], 1 woman 1 1 10
11 Ku-ki-lu-u ditto ditto ditto ditto
12-14 Il-lu-u 1 woman, 1 ‘working man’ 1 1 10
15 Su-sa-pi ditto ditto ditto ditto
16-18 ‫ۏ‬ar-‫ې‬ar-ri-i-ma-ri 1 baby, 1 woman 1 1 10
19 A‫ې‬-[…]-du ditto ditto ditto ditto
20 Pu-li-PAP
Ku-tal?
21 Ia-gu-u-tu […] […] […] 10
[…]
ii:1-2 Aššur-ib-[…] […] 1 1 […]
3 NƗdin-ili(?)
4 […]-ili
5-6 […]-ti 1 1 10
7 Ki-na-ma
8-10 […]-da-[…] 2 women, 1 ‘working man’ 1 1 […]
11-14 Ki-ru-[…]
Pi-sa-[…] 3 women, […] 1 1 […]
15-17 Iš-[…] 1 woman, […] 1 […] […]
[…]
Rev. i:1’ Tar-‫ې‬u-en-[…]
2’-3’ Ilu-nƗdin-[…] 1 1 […]
4’ Ki-in-na-[…]
5’-6’ ‫ۏ‬u-za-lu-[…] 1 woman, […] 1 […] […]
7’-ii:3’ Total 56 EN.NUN BÀD […] 56 56 55?0
Lacking 5 50
Fig. 26. The structure of ND 2440.
If there was a standard size for the servicefield, an estate of 40 hectares of land or a part of it (e.g.
20 hectares) would be a good candidate. There are a few cuneiform documents which mention
this estate size allocated to soldiers of different services. An administrative cuneiform text for
example lists the name of Barbiri, a Gurrean soldier, who received 40 hectares of land in the town
of Apiani.561 The same estate assignment mentions, that the ša—šēpē guardsman Kal‹āiu also
received 40 hectares of land in the town &ela.562 According to a census tablet the rab mūgi – together
with such high ranking officials as the treasurer of the Aššur Temple or the governor of Tamnuna
– obtained a substantial estate of 40 hectares.563 Another administrative text dealing with a survey
of a large estate being sold mentions a kallāpu soldier, Bēla‹‹ēšu, who bought 40 hectares of land,
which seems to be a standard size of a military estate or servicefield.564
Another possible source referring to the existence of a military serviceland system may be
the group of texts mentioning a relatively large number of soldiers arriving from a certain place,
for example the same village. It is possible, that the soldiers of the regular infantry (and cavalry)

562 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 228 (ADD 918), 4’-6’. For further examples of a land of 40 and 20 hectares see the census tablet. FALES
– POSTGATE 1995, 219 (ADB 5).
563 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 219 (ADB 5), II:22’.
564 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 222 (ADD 806), 7’.

were recruited from the villages and towns where these soldiers owned their servicefields. An
administrative text565 dating probably to the reign of Esarhaddon lists military personnel at the
disposal of various officials. The text lists 17 bow(men), at the disposal of Nabûerība, prefect of
the crown prince; 17 cavalry, 1 bow(man) from the village of ›anê, at the disposal of SilimAššur,
Vizier (sukkallu); 6 bowmen from the town of TilRa‹awa, at the disposal of Aiaiababa, the prefect
of the staffbearers. It is not clear whether these archers were auxiliary archers or the archers of
the regular infantry. Nor, unfortunately, is it known whether the villages mentioned above – as
going to be shown further on, in the case of the Itu’eans – were special archers’ villages, or simply
denoted that the Assyrian army was organized on a territorial basis and recruited archers from
several (or all?) villages.566 This text shows that in the NeoAssyrian period not only the cities,
but also the estates, villages, and towns had to provide archers for the army of various Assyrian
(military) officials. Two further administrative texts list archers and spearmen. One of them is
a note which summarizes that 350 shield(bearers) and 240 archers had not arrived for some event,
probably a muster or a campaign.567 The other text is a much more detailed list, which records
groups of archers (in a strength of hundreds) under the command of six Assyrian officials.568 The
appearance of military officials (for example a bodyguard) at the beginning of the text may refer
to the establishment of an infantry detachment consisting of 208 shieldbearers (spearmen) and
[x hundred] archers. They arrived from various locations in smaller or larger groups (49, 6, 61,
10 spearmen, and an unknown (fragmentary) number of archers from 6 locations) most probably
under the command of their (local) leaders/officers (their title is unknown). These two texts likely
recorded regular units, which were – similarly to the text discussed above – recruited from various
Assyrian villages and towns to perform military service.569
Judging from these pieces of evidence, it seems to the present author that this servicefield
system provided the human resource supply of large numbers of regular archers and spearmen,
who formed the bulk of the Assyrian army.
II.2.1.2 Servicefields of equestrian units
Another, implicit type of argument provides further proof for the existence of servicefields. As
discussed in chapter III. Supply of horses, some texts refer to the soldiers of equestrian units who
took home their horses to care for them during the winter period when their units were disbanded.
Such a case is known from the texts of the so called ‘Aššur Protocol,’570 which lists chariot men
(LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR),571 their towns and villages,572 and the number and state of horses they were in

566 See furthermore the letters from the Babylonian cities loyal to the Assyrians, who also provided large numbers of archers for the
Assyrian army: DEZSŐ 2012A, 86, 187, 200.
569 DEZSŐ 2012A, 87.
570 SCHROEDER 1920, 31, 32, 34-37, 131, 132; DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 41-43.
571 DEZSŐ 2012B, 109-117.
572 These towns and villages are as follows: There were 10 chariot men with 13 horses under the command of Ame-atar commander-
of-50 (LÚ.GAL 50) from the following settlements: (SCHROEDER 1920, 31), 3: URU.Qa-ma-ni, 6: URU.Ab-ba-ni; 9: URU.Ra-
da-ni; 12: URU.Sa-re-e; 15: URU.ŠE I-li-ti; 18: URU.Til-Ú-li-na; 21: URU.ŠE IdMAŠ.MAŠ(Nergal); 24, 27: URU.ŠE I-li-ti; 30:
URU.Ma-li-ku; under the command of […]-SILIM(šulmi?)-GIN(ukīn) cohort commander (LÚ.GAL k[i-ṣir]): (SCHROEDER 1920,
32), 3:URU.Ar-ra-[ap-ḫa]; Rev. 4’: URU.Su-ti-[…]; 7’: URU.Su-ti-a-[…]; under the command of an unknown cohort commander
([LÚ].GAL ki-ṣir): (SCHROEDER 1920, 34), 2’: URU.Qa-ma-ni, 5’: URU.Ra-at-me; under an unknown commander: (SCHROEDER
1920, 35), 5: URU.Qa-ma-ni; 8: URU.ŠE dMAŠ.MAŠ(Nergal)-[…]; under the command of IKak-ku-[us]-su cohort commander
(LÚ.GAL ki-ṣir): (SCHROEDER 1920, 36), 4, 7: URU.Kil-pa-ḫa; under an unknown commander: (SCHROEDER 1920, 37), 5’:

Service-fields
charge. The lists classify the horses as ‘good’ and ‘not good.’ It seems that the chariot men took
care of their own horses during the winter period, when their unit was disbanded. It also
transpires that soldiers of special services, as for example the chariot men, were recruited from
certain regions (since they needed special skills to look after the horses), where they lived in
villages and towns. These soldiers (who are known from other texts as well) most probably owned
some servicefields, on the basis of which or for exchange of which they took care of their horses
all year round (during the campaign season in the camp, during the winter season at home).
A further document lists 34 horses along with other equids (3 mules and 8 asses) and 2 oxen
subdivided according to their owners,573 which seems as if they belonged to similar households,
where the horse breeder/trainer got other animals which he used for domestic actvities.
However, some documents refer much more explicitely to the servicefields of equestrian
troops. One of the letters of Nabûšumuiddina574 for example mentions a shipment of horses, for
50 cavalrymen (a platoon), who (and their households as well) were equipped by Nabûšumu
iddina with millstones, household utensils, and pigs. It can consequently be supposed that these
cavalrymen obtained servicefields provided by the state, together with household utensils and
domestic animals.
Sennacherib, as crown prince, wrote a letter to his farther, Sargon II, reminding him that: “The
chariot grooms of the ša—šēpē guard […] under my command are asking for plants [… and one]
full talent of bronze […] per one team of hor[ses …] in accordance with what the k[ing …]. What
exactly does the king my lord, order?”575 These chariot grooms asked for some ad hoc allotment
in bronze and another allotment in kind: some plants, the appearance of which in this text
makes more sense if these plants are associated with agricultural activity on their fields.
There is an important iškāru text,576 which lists quantities of silver and their horse equivalents
(Fig. 45). A passage of this letter reveals that the unfortunately unknown writer: “ ha[s] imposed
iškāru dues on them and given them 10 (minas) each from the chariothorse trainers and the
stable[men that] they keep. Those w[ho] go up to the trade colony I have provided with [...] fields,
orchards and peo[ple].”577 It seems as if some chariothorse trainers (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ) and the
stablemen (LÚ.maaasu) were sent up to a trade colony (obviously a center of the Zagros horse
trade), were settled there and were provided with fields, orchards and people.
It seems from these texts that the local Assyrian officials were in charge of distributing
servicefields (from the (conquered) fields owned by the state), household utensils, and domestic
animals to soldiers living in or settled in their sphere of jurisdiction.
Some sources, however, make explicit statements in reference to the existence of servicefields.
The administrative text dated to the reign of Esarhaddon,578 discussed above, lists military
personnel at the disposal of various officials, including 17 cavalry, and 1 bow(man) from the
village of ›anê, at the disposal of SilimAššur, Vizier (sukkallu). In this case, the 17 cavalrymen
from the same village – according to the present writer’s view – refers explicitely to a local
equestrian military community based on a servicefield system, the income of which is needed
URU.Ra-[da-ni?]; under an unknown commander: (SCHROEDER 1920, 131), 2: [URU.]Tu-ḫu-na; 5: URU.[…]-du-[…]-di; 8:

URU.Ḫi-la-wi; 11: URU.Ḫul-la-ri; Rev. 5: URU.Pi-iq-da-ni; 8: URU.Ḫu-du-pa; 11: [URU.R]a-pí-ḫi; under the command of
IA-me-a-tar cohort commander (LÚ.GAL ki-ṣir): (SCHROEDER 1920, 132), 4: URU.[...]-li-ki.
573 WISEMAN – KINNIER WILSON 1951, 112 (ND 452): Iakud(?)di, Mār-Issar, Sina’an and Balṭi-nūri.
574 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 82 (ABL 546).
575 PARPOLA 1987, 37 (CT 53, 307), Rev. 7-13.
577 LUUKKO 2012, 168 (ND 2627), Rev. 5-9.

to care for the horses. Such (equestrian) military communities are known from other sources as
well. The ‘town of chariot horse trainers’ (URU.LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ, Susānu town) is for example
mentioned in a cuneiform document.579 The same kind of settlement appears in another form
(URU.Susanu), as well.580 This means that the chariot men or horse trainers could live in
separate towns or villages as military or quasimilitary communities. Another example, a legal
text, shows that a chariot owner (LÚ.EN—GIŠ.GIGIR) and a chariot warrior owned neighbouring
vegetable gardens in Nineveh,581 which hints in the direction of their living in a community, where
their fields/estates were next to each other.
An obvious question has to be answered at this point: is there any connection between the
associations (‹a#ru) of military personnel (for example of ‘third men’ (LÚ.‹a#ri ša LÚ.tašlīšāni), of horse
trainers (LÚ.‹a#ri ša LÚ.šušāni), and of mā‹i%u (‹a#ri ša LÚ.mā‹i%i) of the Achaemenid Babylonia and
the villages or neighbourhoods of the Assyrian soldiers, which are being reconstructed here? The
nature of these associations is unknown, there is no information on their possible territorial
character,582 and the link between the Assyrian and Achaemenid systems is missing.583
II.2.1.3 Servicefields of auxiliaries
As far as the economic background of the auxiliary archers is concerned, they were mainly
Aramean/Chaldean shepherds living in a tribal society. Huge numbers of independent or semi
independent shepherds pastured flocks all over the Near East, and they needed pasturefields.
The cuneiform evidence discussed in detail in the previous volume of this project584 makes it clear
that the king exercised direct authority over their seminomadic or semisedentary groups, and
that they lived in villages and occupied towns. The Itu’eans had military commanders (prefect,
šaknu),585 village inspectors and tribal leaders, or sheikhs.586 A single letter mentions a rab Ituā’ia
(GAL Ituu’aa) in a context which corroborates the police role of the Itu’eans.587 The prefect
(šaknu) might have been an Assyrian military official.
It seems that they were semiprofessional soldiers, probably serving all year round (see
Introduction and Fig. 1). They are likely to have received cultivable land and pasturefields from
the ruler in return for their services: a fragmentary letter of Bēllēšir reports to the king that: “After
my departure, the Itu’eans who hold (land) in the province committed a theft in the district. Instead
of the fine (imposed on them), they plundered the sheep which were being grazed in the district
and are holding [them].”588 Furthermore: “[The king], my lord, kn[ows that] the Itu’eans hold
579 MATTILA 2002, 258 (ADD 396).

581 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 204 (ADD 364), Mannu-kī-Arbail cohort commander (rab kiṣir) bought the garden of Bibî chariot
owner (EN—GIŠ.GIGIR) adjoining the garden of Nabû-kēnu-dugul chariot fighter (LÚ.A—SIG), 679. VII. 13.
582 Only a few cases are known when these associations were attached to ‘houses,’ for example to the ‘house of the team commander’
(ša LÚ.GAL—ur-ra-a-tu), CLAY 1912A, 198:4, or the ‘association of the horse trainers of the house of the team commander’ (ḫaṭri
ša LÚ.šušāni.MEŠ ša bīt rab urâtu), KRÜCKMANN 1933, 183:6, 190:12, 191:13, 124:4; CLAY 1912A, 114:18.
583 DEZSŐ 2012B, 111.
584 DEZSŐ 2012A, 25-38.
585 FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 5 (ADD 857), I:30: […] LÚ.GAR-nu I-tu’u; II:11: [m]Gu-lu-su LÚ.GAR-nu I-tu-‘u.
586 See furthermore an administrative text from Nimrud, which lists them together with prefects of other territories. DALLEY – POSTGATE
1984A, 143 (ND 10030), ii:9’-10’: LÚ.na-si-ka-a-ni ša KUR.i-tu-‘a (the sheikhs of Itu’a).
587 PARKER 1961, 42, ND 2657: (1) ERIM.MEŠ.MAN ša GIŠ.GIGIR-ka (2) a-di ša ku-tal-šu-nu (3) ki-i LÚ—GAL I-tu-u’-a-a (4)
atta-ni LÚ.II-u-ka (5) iṣ-ṣab-bi-it-šu-nu-ti (6) ar-ḫiš (7) lu-bi-la-šu-nu (8) mKi-rib-tu-Mar-duk. (1) The royal soldiers of your chariot,
(2) together with their substitutes, (3) when the rab Itu’aia (4) … your deputy (5) arrests them (6) quickly (7) bring them (to me)
(8) (addressed to) Kiribtu-Marduk.
588 SAGGS 2001, 225-227, NL 87 (ND 2625), 5-12; LUUKKO 2012, 176 (ND 2625), 5-12.

Service-fields
[a who]le [di]istrict in the province of Kurb[ai]l. The sheikhs are now coming to the Palace. Let
the king, my lord, question them. I wrote immediately [a]fter I had subjugated the people and
stamped out the [mora]le of the land. All the [t]owns of the Itu’eans have violated the sheep of
the queen, the governor and the magnates, which are being grazed in the province, and their [...]
is being shed.”589 Bēllēšir seems to have had some difficulty keeping them under control, since
he complained that the Itu’ean villages were negligent, and suggested the king question their tribal
leaders (sheikhs) when they arrive at the Palace.
At the Western end of the Empire Adda‹āti, a governor, asked Sargon II for Assyrian or
Itu’ean settlers or soldiers that he could settle in his province on the steppe590 – probably to guard
the desert frontier around the town of &upat, since “there is no Assyrian cityoverseer nor any
Assyrian gateguards in &upat.”591 This letter makes it clear that the Assyrian policy was to settle
reliable soldiers – both Assyrians and Itu’eans – in different parts of the Empire. For this reason
the local Assyrian authority would have had to provide servicefields and other goods for them
to live on (see above, ND 2440, Fig. 26).
ŠaAššurdubbu, the governor of Tuš‹an petitioned Sargon II (721—705 B.C.) as follows: “The
king, my lord, should send word that the prefects of the royal Taziru and Itu’u (troops) holding
(fields) here should come and stand guard with me, …”592 The Taziru and Itu’eans could hold
fields in Tuš‹an province, on the Northwestern border of the Empire, far from the original home
territories of these seminomadic tribes, if the king gave them territories in exchange for their
services.
It seems, that according to the sources the ‘bow field’ appeared as a phenomenon in the
context of the auxiliary archers, especially in the context of the Itu’eans. Another governor,
Nas‹urBēl, the governor of Amidi (another Assyrian border province in Eastern Anatolia),
wrote to Sargon II that, as the king had ordered, the ‘bow field’ (A.ŠÀ GIŠ.BAN) of the Itu’ean
prefect was exempt from straw and barley tax.593 Otherwise the bowfief was a wellknown and
welldocumented phenomenon during the NeoBabylonian period.594
Another letter of Nas‹urBēl mentions that he sent a contingent of Itu’eans with the village
inspector for logs to the mountains, to Eziat. The village inspector had to fight for the logs: his
deputy and nine of his soldiers were struck down by arrows; two of them died. They wounded
three enemy soldiers. Furthermore: “The Itu’eans of the Palace at my disposal have returned from
the Euphrates; they did not go with the Vizier. I have sent for them, but (men) of one or two houses
only have come out of the town. Let the king, my lord, write to the sheikhs; they should bring
the king’s men out jointly, to keep watch with me in Laruba, until we have collected the harvest.”595
589 SAGGS 2001, 225-227, NL 87 (ND 2625), Rev. 4-19; LUUKKO 2012, 176 (ND 2625), Rev. 4-19.
590 PARPOLA 1987, 176, NL 20 (ND 2437); SAGGS 2001, 169-171, NL 20 (ND 2437).
591 PARPOLA 1987, 176, NL 20 (ND 2437), 31-33; SAGGS 2001, 169-171, NL 20 (ND 2437), 31-33.
592 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 32 (ABL 138+), 11-16.
593 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 16 (ABL 201), 4-7; POSTGATE 1974, 263.
594 DEZSŐ 2012A, 87-88 (Ethnic and social background of regular archers). For similar Neo/Late-Babylonian characteristics see the
commentary of Dalley and Postgate on ND 9906 mentioning the ‘chair land’ (DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 126-127, 66 (ND 9906),
3: 2 GIŠ.GU.ZA.MEŠ-te): “The plot of land known as GIŠ.GU.ZA “chair land” may be part of a continuous tradition from Old
Babylonian into the late Babylonian period, possibly as a military holding, for É—GIŠ.GU.ZA ‘chair land’ occurs with É—
ANŠE.KUR.RA ‘horse land’ and É—GIŠ.GIGIR ‘chariot land’ as plots of land for fiefs in the late Bab. Text PBS 2/1, 65. … F.
Joannés, Textes économiques de la Babylonie récente, Paris 1982, 28.”

A fragmentary letter proves that they were stockbreeders: MannukīAdad, a governor of

Sargon II mentioned that in accordance with the king’s orders, he had bought ungelded oxen from
the Itu’eans with silver.596
These letters refer to four key questions of our topic: (1) the Itu’eans lived in (separate) villages
and towns; (2) they lived there under the direct command and authority of the king and their own
leaders: village inspectors, deputy village inspectors, sheikhs and prefects; (3) they owned fields,
bowfields which were donated to them in exchange for their military services; (4) their fields were
exempted from certain taxes (straw and barley tax), which means that their economy was not only
pasturebased, but relied on other forms of agriculture as well.
We have much less information about the social an economic background of the Gurreans,
the auxiliary spearmen of the Assyrian army.597 According to their weaponry (shield, helmet, spear
and sword) they were sedentary rather than nomadic (whose weaponry consisted of the bow).
It seems that the Gurreans were similarly settled in different provinces of the Empire. Between
two campaign seasons they were probably quartered in their own garrisons and/or in
villages/towns. One of the letters written by a provincial governor to Sargon II mentions that
a local lord, Attua, had duly set out to join the campaign led by the Assyrian king, but had turned
back. 40 Gurreans, who a year before served the king and went to ›ardu, disobeyed orders and
did not come out from their own territory. Attua said to them: “You are not going. You are my
servants.”598
II.2.2 Service-fields/estates of officers
A very important type of landholding was the military estate, a variety of servicefield which was
given to the officers of different ranks of the army in recognition for their faithful services. These
(larger) estates provided the economic and social background of the most important body and
backbone of the army, the officers’ corps. These lands, and the income from them formed the base,
which was supplemented by the daily and monthly rations in kind and in other goods provided
by the state in the campaign season and during home service as well (see above, II.1.1.1.2 Central
allotment of rations during a ‘home service’).
The origin of the donated field with villages or even towns, vineyards and people goes back
to different sources: (1) to donations from the lands of the state, (2) to the conquests of new
territories (donation as part of the booty), (3) or even to confiscation and redistribution of existing
estates, (4) and the inheritance of the estates and service(?). A further (5) possibility was that the
officers themselves bought further lands, which were, however, in contrast with the donated
fields, subject to taxation (see below, II.2.3 Exemption).
596 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 238 (ABL 903), Rev. 1-2. For the sheep and oxen of the Taziru tribe see LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA
1990, 37 (CT 53, 101), 16-17.
597 DEZSŐ 2012A, 38-51.

Service-fields
II.2.2.1 Land grant from the stateowned estates
A possibly very early text, an edict appointing Nergalapilkūmū’a,599 discussed above, refers to
his duty to provide chariot fighters – some for qurbūtu bodyguards600 – from among the Assyrian
craftsmen who were listed in a preceding section of the text. It is unknown, however, whether it
was an ex officio duty connected to his new appointment, or a kind of land grant also associated
with his new office.
Only a few documents (royal decrees) of donating estates to various personnel most probably
from the estates owned by the state/court601 are known from the NeoAssyrian period.
Assurbanipal donated estates to military related personnel, as for example to Bal#āia, chief of the
fodder supplies (LÚ.GAL—ŠE.kisi[ti]),602 to Nabûšarruu%ur, chief eunuch (LÚ.GAL—SAG).603
Aššuretelliilāni (631—627 B.C.) also donated estates to officers, as £ābšarBētpapā‹i, cohort
commander of the Chief Eunuch Sînšumulēšir (LÚ.GAL—ki%ir LÚ.GAL—SAG), and exempted
it from taxes,604 and two further cohort commanders of the Chief Eunuch.605 Unfortunately
these royal decree (land grant) tablets of Assurbanipal and Aššuretelliilāni are very incomplete.
Only the fragments of two tablets of Aššuretelliilāni contain broken passages of the list of the
actual lands, vineyards and people granted to the new owner. It can be supposed that the king
donated substantial estates to these officers, since the very fragmentary land grant section of one
of the tablets lists not less than 710+ hectares of land, 4 vineyards of unknown size in different
towns and villages, and 18+ inspectors with their people.606 It seems probable that the 18+ names
to whom an unspecified number of people belonged were not simply paterfamilias (in this case
only 18+ families would have belonged to 15 estates and 4 vineyards), but rather inspectors, with
several families under their authority. The families, who lived on these fields in the 15 villages
and towns listed in the grant, and who were donated to the new owner together with the fields,
most probably were not the owners of the lands but belonged to them as ‘serfs.’ It can be
conlcuded that – whether these Aššuretelliilāni land grants were exceptional cases or not – the
officers of the military corps would have owned substantial estates as befitting their position.
II.2.2.2 Land grant from the captured territories as part of the booty
There is no explicit evidence recording such a case. Only some implicit cases are known which
hint in the direction of a possible ‘booty land distribution’ source, and only a few instances where
we can assume that the origin of the estate goes back to a booty distribution grant.
A legal document of the RēmanniAdad archive shows a different aspect of donating fields
to the military. RēmanniAdad, the chief chariot driver of Assurbanipal bought an entire village
in 663 B.C. The owners of the village were as follows: the deputy of the town Dannāia, the scribe
599 Some reconstructions identify him with the limmu of 873 B.C. (DELLER – MILLARD 1993, 217-242, esp. 218-219).
600 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 83 (BaM 24, 239), Rev. 24: LÚ.qur-bu-ti. DEZSŐ 2012A, 125, note 795.
601 For further discussion of the logic behind the grants and the exemption accompanied with it see POSTGATE 1974, 238-239. As he
puts it, “it is possible that in many cases there was no real grant of land, merely the exemption from taxes.”
602 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 25 (NARGD 9).
603 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 26 (NARGD 10).
604 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 35 (NARGD 13+).
605 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 36 (NARGD 14), Rev. 24’: cohort commander [of the Chief Eunuch] (LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir [LÚ.GAL—
SAG …]); 37 (Or 42, 442); 38 (NARGD 16); 39 (NARGD 20), Rev. 2’: […] cohort commander of the Chief Eunuch, the son of
Bābilāiu ([LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir ša LÚ.GAL]—SAG DUMU mKÁ.DINGIR.RA.KI-a-a).
606 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 37 (Or 42, 442).

of the queen mother, one chariot driver (mukil appāte), one ‘third man’ (tašlīšu), three chariot
warriors (māru damqu), and three cohort commanders (rab ki%ir).607 It seems unbelievable that any
spontaneous market mechanism should have resulted in such a concentration of military
personnel in the body of owners of a village; more probably they had received the village as
a donation from the king, or as a share of booty. This estate, whatsoever its origin may have been,
similarly to the above mentioned cases, was also put on the market.
A similar combination of owners appears in another legal document. Nergalilā’ī the governor
of La‹iru, Sînšarruu%ur, his deputy, Murasû, his ‘third man,’ and Zabinu, his chariot driver were
the owners of a village which the eunuch of the crown prince of Babylon, Atarili had bought from
them on 1st of Iyyar (II), 670 B.C. The characteristic of this village was that it’s fields were
exempted from the corn and straw tax.608 As in the case above, it seems just as unbelievable that
any spontaneous market mechanism should have led to such a concentration of military personnel
in the body of owners of a village; in this case it is also more probable that the village had been
a donation from the king, or a share of booty. The fact that according to the document the fields
of the village were exempted from taxes, also implies a royal land grant as the origin of the estate.
It is quite possible that the governor, his deputy and the crew of his chariot (his
followers/confidents) got the estate for their military merits as part of the distribution of booty.
Similarly to the above mentioned cases, and regardless of its origin this estate was also put on the
market.
When the team commander (LÚ.GAL—urat) Atarili sold a complete village named Ba‹āia,
7 of his witnesses were soldiers: 2 cohort commanders (rab ki%ir), 3 ‘third men’ (tašlīšu), and 2
qurbūtu bodyguards.609 These soldiers were probably comrades of the seller or members of the
local military. The origin of the village is unknown, but it seems possible that it had been a royal
donation for the service or military virtue of Atarili.
According to a census tablet the rab mūgi – together with such high ranking officials as the
treasurer of the Aššur Temple or the governor of Tamnuna – obtained a substantial estate of 40
hectares,610 which – judging from other sources – might easily have been a standard estate size
for military personnel and officials (see above). It is interesting that the section listing these estates
ends with a line summarizing 24 Gambuleans, which means either that the estates were situated
in the territory of Gambulu, or that deported Gambuleans cultivated these fields somewhere else.
If the estates were situated in the territory of Gambulu, they would originally have been part of
a newly captured territory, which was partially distributed between officers and court personnel
(including the Chief Cupbearer, the Chief Judge, the Palace Herald and several governors) as
a land grant of the booty lands.
II.2.2.3 Redistribution of confiscated estates
The redistribution of confiscated estates might be an important source of service estates – even
if we do not know the explicit cases. There were some turbulent periods in NeoAssyrian history,
when such an act of proscription and confiscation might have affected the Assyrian élite (around
607 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 325 (ADD 470). The owners of the village are as follows: Inurta-ilā’ī, deputy of the town of Dannāia;
Asqudu, scribe of the queen mother; Ḫiri-aḫḫē, chariot driver; Adad-uballiṭ, ‘third man;’ three cohort commanders: Nabû-rēmanni,
Issar-ilā’ī, Milki-idri; and three chariot warriors Mannu-kī-Arbail, Zēru-ukīn, and Dādî-ibnî.
608 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 287 (ADD 625), Rev. 5.
609 MATTILA 2002, 2 (ADD 627).
610 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 219 (ADB 5), II:22’.

Service-fields
745, 721—720, 680—679, 671—670,611 648, 631—626 B.C.). However, there is only one single
administrative document which may fall into this source category. It is not known, whether the
legal document from the reign of Sînšariškun (627—612 B.C.) which lists Assyrian high officials
(including the Chief Judge, the Vizier, and the Chief Eunuch), officers, and other military
personnel, part of whose estates were handed over to other persons, was a real proscription text
or not. It is furthermore unclear, whether these estates had been confiscated or not, as in some
cases the sons and brothers ‘inherited’ the lands,612 in other cases, however, it seems that the estate
was a stray, and was given to the princess of the New Palace.613 It makes only sense if these estates
were strays, originally having been donated as ‘serviceestates.’
II.2.2.4 Inheritance of the estate and the military service(?)
A quite different matter might be the inheritance possibility of some fields(?) which had probably
been donated for a kind of military service, and the service itself. It is not clear whether this case
can be applied to forcibly conscripted soldiers or only to the freely recruited ones, who picked
up a living with these fields. As detailed above, a letter from Sargon II to an unknown official,
probably a governor, gives the following orders: “[...] your [...], [enqui]re and investigate, [and
write down] and dispatch to me [the names] of the [sol]diers killed and their [sons and d]aughters.
Perhaps there is a man who has subjugated a widow as his slave girl, or has subjugated a son or
a daughter to servitude. Enquire and investigate, and bring (him/them) forth. Perhaps there is
a son who has gone into conscription in lieu of his father; this alone do not write down. But be
sure to enquire and find out all the widows, write them down, define (their status) and send them
to me.”614 This letter leaves it unclear whether the military service could be passed on from father
to son (“a son has gone into conscription in lieu of his father”), so the son could fall into title, but
it seems that the king had concerns not only for the wellbeing of the orphans and widows of the
fallen soldiers, but also for failing to replace the troops. The inheritance of the service makes sense,
if some service fields belonged to the service.
There is a further interesting case from the reign of Esarhaddon. A letter written by Šumma
ilu, the son of Aramiššarilāni, a mušarkisu (recruitment officer), let the king know that the
recruitment officer had died in enemy territory (on campaign). He had commanded 50 men, who
– after the death of their commander, probably at the end of the campaign – had come back with
only 12 horses and encamped in the surroundings of Nineveh.615 Šummailu, the son of the
recruitment officer asked them why they had left their royal guard (EN.NUN ša LUGAL) after
the death of their commander. Several issues are raised by this text, but the most intriguing is the
question whether the son inherited the title/post/service of his father or not.
An interesting legal text from the reign of Sînšariškun (627—612 B.C.), which lists Assyrian high
officials, officers, and other military personnel, whose estates were handed over to other persons, has
611 RADNER 2003, 165-184.

612 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 221 (ADD 675), Rev. 4’-5’: Bār-Ṣarūri (Būr-Ṣarūru) LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir, Kiqilānu, his son; 9’-10’
Barbarāni LÚ.qur-ZAG, Mannu-kī-nīšê, his brother; 11’-12’ Zabdānu, chariot driver(LÚ.mukil—PA.MEŠ); Sa’ilâ, his son.
613 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 221 (ADD 675), Rev. 14’: Nabû-tāriṣ LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir, 15’: Aḫi-rāmu LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir, 16’: Balasi
LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir, Ariḫu LÚ.qur-ZAG.
614 PARPOLA 1987, 21 (CT 53, 128).

already been mentioned above. It seems from this text, that in some cases the sons and brothers
could ‘inherite’ the lands from their relatives.616
It would be very important to study the inheritance practices and family histories of the
Assyrian Empire to know whether there were important families (including the linear descendants
of former Assyrian kings!) ruling the offices and passing them on to their descendants within the
framework of a linear or clan inheritance, or whether this was not the case. A few ‘faint hints’ imply
that there may have been such a logic behind the decisions – even if this paternalistic logic caused
problems in the court and the country during the first half of the 8th century B.C., when the
influence of some high officials grew too large. It seems, that later Assyrian kings (from the reign
of TiglathPileser III), as a countermeasure to the strengthening of this paternalistic system laid
much more emphasis on the appointment of eunuchs into key positions. The paternalistic
phenomenon and the influence of certain families and clans, however, did not disappear.617 It
would furthermore be very important to study the advent of the large estate concentrations of
the late 9th—early 8th century B.C. high officials, and to distinguish between the ad hominem and
ex officio estates regarding the genesis of the mātu system, but such a study exceeds the limits of
this project.
II.2.2.5 Purchasing estates
The largest thesaurus of information, the highest number of documents belongs to this aspect of
the economic/financial background of the officers of the military service. Several 7th century B.C.
private archives of Assyrian officers shed some light on their financial conditions. These archives
are as follows: the archive of Šummailāni, chariot driver (mukil appāte) (709—680 B.C.)618 (Fig. 29);
RēmanniAdad chief chariot driver of Assurbanipal, king of Assyria (mukil appāte dannu ša Aššur
bānapli šar māt Aššur) archive (671—660 B.C.)619 (Fig. 27); MannukīArbail cohort commander
(rab ki%ir) archive (680—673 B.C.)620 (Fig. 28); Luqu cohort commander of the crown prince (rab
ki%ir ša mār šarri) archive (659—648 B.C.)621 (Fig. 30); Ki%irAššur cohort commander (of the
qurbūtu bodyguard) (rab ki%ir (ša—qurbūte)) archive (637—618 B.C.)622 (Fig. 31); Asallu‹išumu
iddina cohort commander of the ša—šēpē bodyguards (rab ki%ir ša—šēpē) archive (638—630
B.C.)623 (Fig. 32); Aššuršumuka’’in cohort commander of the king (rab ki%ir ša šarri)624 (Fig. 33);
Kakkullānu cohort commander (of the crown prince) (rab ki%ir (ša mār šarri)) archive (630—617
B.C.)625 (Fig. 34); and Šulmušarri qurbūtu bodyguard (ša—qurbūte bodyguard) archive Dūr
Katlimmu (Tall Šēh Hamad) (661—611 B.C.).626
615 LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 105 (ABL 186).

616 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 221 (ADD 675), Rev. 4’-5’: Bār-Ṣarūri (Būr-Ṣarūru) LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir, Kiqilānu, his son; 9’-10’
Barbarāni LÚ.qur-ZAG, Mannu-kī-nīšê, his brother; 11’-12’ Zabdānu, chariot driver (LÚ.mukil—PA.MEŠ); Sa’ilâ, his son.
617 It is known for example that Asalluḫi-šumu-iddina, a cohort commander of the ša—šēpē guard of the palace (rab kiṣir ša—šēpē
ša ekalli), (whose archive dated between 638—630 B.C. was discussed in the pervious volume of this project (DEZSŐ 2012A, 168)),
was the son of Asalluḫi-aḫḫē-iddina, the Chief Judge (sartennu).
618 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 34-56; DEZSŐ 2012B, Chart 3.
619 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 296-350; DEZSŐ 2012A, 169-170; DEZSŐ 2012B, 98-99, 104, Chart 2.
620 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 201-220; DEZSŐ 2012A, 132, 164, 168-169, Chart 5.
621 MATTILA 2002, 24-26; DEZSŐ 2012A, 168.
622 MATTILA 2002, 28-33; DEZSŐ 2012A, 167-168,
623 MATTILA 2002, 424-425; DEZSŐ 2012A, 168.
624 MATTILA 2002, 56 (ADD 252); DEZSŐ 2012A, 168.
625 MATTILA 2002, 34-55; DEZSŐ 2012A, 163-168, Chart 4.
626 RADNER 2002, nos. 41-106; DEZSŐ 2012A, 130.

Service-fields
Several aspects of this topic have already been discussed in detail in the previous volumes
of this project,627 and we drew the conclusion that the economic/financial background of these
officers was quite strong.628 They bought estates, vineyards, houses, slaves, and loaned silver, yet
interestingly the purchase of animals is almost completely missing from the corpus. The texts of
these corpuses do not answer key questions, however; as they are not census tablets, we do not
know how many houses, slaves, and what size estates they possessed, and what the ratio of the
servicefields and the purchased lands was within their portfolio. It is possible that they were well
todo members of the Assyrian élite anyway,629 without needing further sources of income in
addition to their private/family businesses, but they were members of the military élite as well,
which means that they certainly benefited from the system (rations, land grants, booty shares etc.).
A possible sign of a servicefield background, however, is shown by the fact that some of their
(already owned and newly purchased) estates were situated in certain neighbourhoods, where
almost all of the neighbours of the buyer were soldiers or officers. It can be stated with certainty
that the genesis of these neighbourhoods lay not in spontaneous market mechanisms, but in
a conscious principle of donating servicefields to soldiers and officers in certain regions of the
Empire, most probably in the vicinity of their military bases.
Kakkullānu, the cohort commander for example bought several houses and estates. As his
texts show, military personnel lived in certain (dedicated?) city districts or regions of the
countryside. Kakkullānu bought his neighbour’s house in Nineveh(!).630 His neighbour was
Šarrulūdārî whose father, A‹ū’aerība was the chariot man of the Chief Eunuch of the crown
prince (LÚ.GIGIR ša LÚ.GAL—SAG ša A—MAN), while his other neighbours were Sînšarru
u%ur, probably a qurbūtu bodyguard and Kanūnāiu, a cohort commander (LÚ.GAL—ki%ir).631
When Kakkullānu leased 20 hectares of land in Qurubi,632 among his neighbours appear a certain
Nabûbalāssuiqbî and a certain Urdu. Two cohort commanders by these names are known from
other texts of the archive. A similar picture can be drawn from another text of the archive:
Kakkullānu bought 20 hectares of land in several pieces in Abiilā’ī633 and his new fields became
adjacent to his own property and several estates of two other cohort commanders: Ki%irAššur
and UbruNabû, known from several texts of the archive,634 a commanderof50 named Bal#āia,
and with the field of Aššurmātutaqqin, the limmu of 623 B.C. The same neighbours appear when
Kakkullānu leased more land in Abiilā’ī.635 These texts reinforce our view concerning the
territorial organization of the Assyrian army and probably hint at a conscious practice of donating
servicefields to Assyrian officers, estates which could be increased by them, and could
consequently be put on the market.
627 DEZSŐ 2012A, 163-170.

628 See for example Šulmu-šarri, who owned several estates and houses, including his huge house (the ‘Red House’) in Dūr-Katlimmu
(Tall Šēh Hamad) (RADNER 2002, 13-14, 70-146, RADNER 2015, 55-57).
629 As has been mentioned, Asalluḫi-šumu-iddina, a cohort commander of the ša—šēpē guard of the palace (rab kiṣir ša—šēpē ša
ekalli), was for example the son of Asalluḫi-aḫḫē-iddina, the Chief Judge (sartennu). Atta-qāmū’a, cohort commander and his
brothers including a ‘third man,’ owners of the people being sold, are identified as gentlemen (LÚ.MEŠ) in a legal document known
from the Šumma-ilāni archive (KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 52 (ADD 246). These examples show that the cohort commanders of
the royal court might have been recruited from the ranks of the Assyrian élite.
630 MATTILA 2002, 40 (ADD 325).
631 It seems that a military neighbourhood existed in the capital as well.
632 MATTILA 2002, 41 (ADD 623).
633 MATTILA 2002, 42 (ADD 414).
634 DEZSŐ 2012A, Chart 4.
635 MATTILA 2002, 45 (ADD 621).

RƜMANNI-ADAD (chief chariot driver)

SAA 6 LAND PEOPLE LOAN PRICE DATE
500 rams,
296 26 oxen, 671-I-1
50 donkey
stallions
297 5 persons […] 671-XII-1
299 [x] minas 671—669
300 1 driver [x] minas 670-I-28
301 1 weaver 1½ minas 670-VI-20
302 1 house […] 670?
304 [x] gardens […] 669-I
305 1 baker 1 mina 669
307 3 minas 668-II-10
309 1 eunuch [x] minas 667-I
310 [1 person] 667-XII-16
311 1 house 4 minas 666-XI-1
313 5 persons 3 minas 666-IV-20
314 2 houses, 2 vineyards (3,000 vines) 7 persons [x] minas 666-XI-10
315 60 hectares, a barnyard, 2 decares 5 persons 666-XII-1
317 1½ minas 666
318 10 minas 665-X-22
319 2 persons 1 mina 665-XI-10
320 15 hectares, 5 hectares, 1 house [x] persons [x] minas 664-X-17
322 [fields] [x] minas
10 minas,
323 75 rams, 664-X-25
1 heifer
325 entire village [x] minas 663-X-25
326 entire town, 1 vineyard (1,500 vines) 6 persons 17½ minas
328 1 house 5 minas 663
1 vineyard (1,000 vines), 2 hectares, 6 hectares including
329 a meadow, an oak grove, garden, pool, seed-corn house, a 1 gardener 4 minas 660-IV-26
house
331 1 vineyard (2,600 vines) […] […] 660-V-3
332 10 hectares, 4+ vineyards […] […]
333 [x] hectares, a vineyard, a house, a grove, threshing-floor 8 persons […]
334 several fileds, including 6 and 22 hectares 8 persons […]
335 50 hectares, a house, threshing-floor, 2 gardens 10 minas
336 580 hectares, 10 vineyards, 6 irrigated gardens, houses […]
337 [x] hectares, a house, 3 hectares […]
338 10 hectares […]
341 30 persons 30 minas
342 10 persons [x] minas
345 3 persons [x] sheqels
346 1 person 1 mina
347 1 person 1 mina
Fig. 27. Financial activities of RēmanniAdad (chief chariot driver).

Service-fields
MANNU-KƮ-ARBAIL (cohort commander)

201 1 vineyard 31 sheqels 680-II-28
202 1 vineyard 4 minas 680-IV-18
204 1 vegetable garden in Nineveh [x] minas 679-VII-13
206 1 good mule 679-XI-15
208 12½ minas, 5 sheqels 678-VI-6
209 1 house, field, a threshing-floor
210 1 house, field, half of a threshing-floor [x] minas 676-I-24
211 40 hectares (including a garden) […] 676?
213 1 garden [x] minas 676?
214 2 talents of copper 676-III-11
pledging Gabbu-Adad to Mannu-kƯ-
215 Arbail 676-XI-10
216 20 sheqels 673-II-1
217 30 hectares, 2 hectares 11 sheqels
218 20 hectares in Nineveh […]
219 1 person 1½ minas
Fig. 28. Financial activities of MannukīArbail (cohort commander).
ŠUMMA-ILƖNI (chariot driver)

SAA 6 LAND PEOPLE LOAN OTHER PRICE DATE
34 3 persons 3 minas 709-V-20
13 minas of silver
35 from thieves 700
36 loans 30 sheqels 695-I-12
37 buys 2 vineyards, 3 hectares 7 persons 25 minas 694-VII-1
38 [x] persons ½ mina 694?
39 [x] persons 18 minas 694-I
40 15 persons [x] minas 693-I
41 7 persons [x] minas 693-I
42 a complete house 3 minas 692-II-10
43 loans 3 minas 10 sheqels 684-I-10
45 1 person 1 mina 682
46 loans 6 homers of oil 681-V-21
47 […] 681-VII-4
48 1 person [x] minas 680
50 50 hectares, 10,000 vines, a 9 persons 6 minas
house
52 13 persons 6½ minas
53 2 persons 1 mina
54 5 persons [x] minas
55 1 person 1½ minas
56 1 person 30 minas
of copper
58 [x] persons 13 minas
1 talent of
59 [x] persons copper
Fig. 29. Financial activities of Šummailāni (chariot driver).
& ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 119

LUQU (cohort commander of the crown prince)

24 2 persons 1 mina 8 sheqels 659-II
25 [x] minas 648
Fig. 30. Financial activities of Luqu (cohort commander of the crown prince).
&
KI&IR-AŠŠUR (cohort commander)
&
&
28 [x] minas 637
29 1 person 1½ minas 636-XI-3
30 16 sheqels 635-I-11
31 8 sheqels 623-VII-21
32 10 sheqels for 100 bales of straw 618-I-15
33 1 mina 30 sheqels
Fig. 31. Financial activities of Ki%irAššur (cohort commander).

›
›
ASALLU›I-ŠUMU-IDDINA (cohort commander of the ša—šƝpƝ bodyguards)
SAA 14 › LAND PEOPLE LOAN PRICE DATE
424 12 persons 10 minas 638-X-12
425 20 hectares, 10 [hectares], 1 decare, threshing-floor, 1½ minas 630-VIII-28
1 decare, 1 house
Fig. 32. Financial activities of Asallu‹išumuiddina (cohort commander of the ša—šēpē bodyguards).
AŠŠUR-ŠUMU-KA’’IN (cohort commander of the king)

56 3 persons 1 good horse
Fig. 33. Financial activity of Aššuršumuka’’in (cohort commander of the king).
KAKKULLƖNU (cohort commander)

34 1 person ½ mina 630-II-20
35 outbuilding in Nineveh (the neighbouring lot) 3 minas 30 sheqels 630-V-22
36 1 vineyard 2 persons 3 minas 630-XI-17
37 1 person ½ mina 630
38 1 person ½ mina 629-I-19
39 1 person exchange 625-II-20
40 1 house in Nineveh 2 minas 625-III-17
41 lease of 20 hectares of fields in Qurubi 625-X-3
42 20 hectares 3 minas 625-XI-13
43 […] ½ mina 624-II-15
44 2 hectares 5 decares 16 sheqels 623-V-18
45 lease of 3 hectares 12 sheqels 623-X-7
46 1 vineyard 1½ minas 5 623-XI-6
sheqels
47 1 house in the best part of Nineveh ½ mina 617-II-10
48 1 person ½ mina
49 3 persons 1 mina
50 1 person ½ mina 4 sheqels
53 1 house […]
54 1 house […]
Fig. 34. Financial activity of Kakkullānu (cohort commander).

Service-fields
II.2.3 Exemption
The exemption from taxes, dues and state services was one of the means by which the royal court
assured the supply of troops for the army. The phenomenon had existed in Mesopotamia since
much earlier. As Richardson points out: “The NeoAssyrian state later used similar practices,
granting tax exemptions not only to the lands of military officers (many as absentee landlords),
but often to dozens of client families holding smaller estates.”636 If we would like to reconstruct
the meaning and background of this phenomenon,637 first we should make a distinction between
at least two types of exemptions known in military context: 1) the exemption of the service
field/estate itself, or 2) the exemption of the soldiers themselves.
II.2.3.1 Exemption of fields
Relatively many documents deal with the question of the actual exemption of different fields.
The most important texts from our point of view are those land grant documents in which Aššur
etelliilāni (631—627 B.C.) donated exempted fields to officers like £ābšarBētpapā‹i638 and
other cohort commanders of the Chief Eunuch Sînšumulēšir (LÚ.GAL—ki%ir LÚ.GAL—SAG)
and exempted it from taxes.639 These royal decrees – together with the land grant decrees of
Assurbanipal – list the most important types of exemptions attached to the granted land, detailed
as follows:
“[The corn taxes of those fields and orc]hards shall not be collected, [the straw taxes] shall not
be gathered, [the tax on their herds] and flocks shall not be collected. [The personnel of those
field]s and orchard[s shall not be called up for labour and corvée service] or for the levy [of the
land; they are free from qu]ay and c[rossing dues; ...... they shall not pay ... or leather taxes ...; his
clients are exempt like he] himself; [...... permanent su]ste[nance ......] be[fore him ......] you will
divide, they will go out.”640
“The corn taxes of these fields and orchards shall not be collected, the straw taxes shall not
be gathered. These people shall not be called up for labour and corvée service or for the levy of
the land (); [they are free] from quay, crossing and gate dues on land or [water]; in all the temples
... sa[crifices .......]; [they are free from ‘boat] and crossbar’; [the tax on] his [oxe]n, sheep and [goats
shall not be collected]; [at the conclusion a business vent]ure he shall [not] have to turn over an[ything]
of his earnings.641
The main problem with these passages is that most of the taxes referred to are unknown, and
our understanding of the NeoAssyrian taxation system is still far from complete. It is clear that
a kind of tax was levied on the agricultural products, the most important of which was the corn.
636 RICHARDSON 2011, 24-25, and note 64: “passim in SAA XII, but SAA V, 109: fields for garrison troops, SAA XI, 36: exemption
of taxes of a cohort commander and his clientele.”
637 For a comprehensive survey of the different types of exemptions see POSTGATE 1974, 238-244.
638 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 35 (NARGD 13+).
639 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 36 (NARGD 14), Rev. 24’: cohort commander [of the Chief Eunuch] (LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir [LÚ.GAL—
SAG …]); 37 (Or 42, 442); 38 (NARGD 16); 39 (NARGD 20), Rev. 2’: […] cohort commander of the Chief Eunuch, the son of
Bābilāiu ([LÚ.GAL—ki-ṣir ša LÚ.GAL]—SAG DUMU mKÁ.DINGIR.RA.KI-a-a).
640 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 25 (NARGD 9), 30-Rev. 8; see furthermore KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 26 (NARGD 10), 30-Rev. 8 – both
from the reign of Assurbanipal.
641 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 35 (NARGD 13+), Rev. 19-28; see furthermore KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 36 (NARGD 14), Rev 25-30
– both from the reign of Aššur-etelli-ilāni.

A legal (land sale) document of the 7th century B.C. let us know, that the rate of the corn tax of
this field was 1/10 [and the rate of the straw tax was 1/4].642 From this text it seems probable that
this type of corntax was the basic tax of the Assyrian taxation system. The land sale documents
of the private archives usually indicate if the land was exempted from corn and straw taxes.643
Consequently this type of corntax was a direct source for feeding the troops and providing
them with seed corn. The letter of an unknown official, discussed above, mentions, that “For (any
cohort commander) who has a bre[ad ration] entered on his tablet and who has men, I [take] from
the corn tax and provide it to him in his garrison. Even where there is no entry, they come and
tell me, and I give it, so they can cultivate their fields.’”644 Ari‹u, a local official in the ›abur region
asked his lord, Nabûdūruu%ur whether the corn tax of the (resettled?) Samarians (ŠE.nusa‹i
ša KUR.Samirnaaa) existed or not.645
A fragmentary pledge document implies that the corn tax was a source which could provide
the information missing from other sources: “In lieu of the silver due to him, they have suspended
the corn and straw taxes. … In lieu of the straw tax which [...] suspended, a field of the owner’s
household (shall be taxed).”646
The qurbūtu bodyguards appear in the corntax context on both sides: as extracting the tax647
or as subjects paying the tax. This context, however, sheds some light on the general logic of the
exemption of fields. The letter from Šarruēmuranni, the deputy (governor) of Isana, to Sargon
II mentions that Barruqu, Bēlaplaiddin, and Nergalašarēd, who formerly used to pay the
barley tax, had driven away the administrator. For a possible question of the king: “Is a bodyguard
not exempt?”648 Šarruēmuranni answered as follows: “He who (owns a field) by the king’s sealed
order must prove the exemption of the field. Those who were bought are (subject to) our corn
taxes, but he refuses to pay them.”649 This letter provides further details of the corn tax in the
province of Isana, but from our (military) point of view the most important conclusion to be drawn
is that the fields of the qurbūtu bodyguards were not automatically exempt from taxation, but only
if specifically listed in a royal decree.
In the sphere of Assyrian military not only the fields of officers (e.g. cohort commanders (rab
ki%ir)) and qurbūtu bodyguards were exempted from barley and straw tax, but – as is apparent
from a letter of Nas‹urBēl, governor of Amidi written to Sargon II – the fields of the prefect of
the Itu’eans as well. As has been discussed above, these exempted fields were servicefields, since
the letter denotes them as ‘bow field’ (A.ŠÀ GIŠ.BANšu).650
642 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 176 (ADD 376), E. 1.

643 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 191 (ADD 370), Rev. 4-6; 226 (ADD 629), 10; 252 (ADD 70), Rev. 4; 287 (ADD 625), Rev. 5-7;
326 (ADD 471), 3’-4’; MATTILA 2002, 2 (ADD 627), E. 1; 425 (TIM 11, 1), Rev. 13; 434 (TIM 11, 8), Rev. 5.
645 PARPOLA 1987, 220 (ABL 1201), 4-6.
646 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 95 (ADD 62), 5-Rev. 2.
647 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 82 (ABL 1012), 9-10: Mannu-kī-aḫḫē [LÚ.qu]r-bu-te. See furthermore DEZSŐ 2012A, 136-137.
649 LUUKKO 2012, 39 (ND 2648), 10-13.
650 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 16 (ABL 201), 6.

Service-fields
II.2.3.2 Exemption of soldiers
The other type of exemption was the exemption of the soldiers themselves, and we know about
two cases, or types of soldiers, who were not subject of different taxes or dues.
The first category is the raksu (‘recruit’).651 In one of his letters to Sargon II Issardūri quotes
a royal order concerning the recruits (LÚ.raksute) of the Chief Eunuch: “They are to be exempt;
[no]body may litigate [against them] (and) [no]body may exact [corn taxes from them]!”652
When Issardūri was accused by some exempts of taking out their brothers to DūrŠarrukēn as
brickmasons, he replied: “which [recru]it’s brother, or (even) cousin, [has been tak]en out?”653 One
letter written by TaklākanaBēli to the Vizier testifies that the exempts were not the poorest
segment of society but could provide oxen, “for Bēllūbalā# has received oxen from them, one
from each,” after which “the whole local population has become a onelegged man.”654 These three
texts may indicate that the exempt status of some people and communities formed the basis of
royal recruitment (probably of the king’s men), and these people were not liable to provide
manpower for the troops of the local governors; they served the royal contingents, since the
exempted status could be given only by the king himself.655
The second category is the zakkû (‘exempt’).656 This type of soldier appears in several parts
of the Empire. We have already contemplated the question to what extent the financial
background of the military settlers included exemption from certain taxes, or the partaking of
a servicefield distribution system. Mentions of exempt soldiers appear in Samaria,657 and in
another Western province, where, between Hamath and Damascus, Assyrian officials issued some
600 homers of bread for 2,000 exempts of the (king) of Commagene (Kummu‹).658 The data
implies again that they might have been settlers serving as a borderguarding military colony
along the desert border in an Assyrian province. Unfortunately not a single zakkû is known by
name, so we cannot reconstruct their ethnic background.
A royal letter of Sargon II sent to MannukīAdad accuses the governor as follows: “1,119 able
bodied men – all together they were 5,000 persons, those of them who have died have died, and
those who are alive are alive – were given to the exempts of the Palace (LÚ.zuku ša É.GAL) and
entrusted as charges to your care. So why are you appropriating them, turning some to recruits
(LÚ.raksuti), others to chariotmen, and others again to cavalrymen, into your own regular
troops?”659 This letter refers to 1,119 able bodied men who were given to the ‘exempts of the
Palace’ as a supply to them(?) or to refill their lines(?), but the governor appropriated them and
turned them into recruits and other arms of the provincial troops. This letter, however, does not
clarify the exact meaning of the ‘exempt’ status in this context.
Another (fragmentary) letter also mentions exempt troops in a provincial context, listing those
units which should be mobilised and mustered: „[be ready] wi[th your army and wi]th your
ch[ariot] troops, assemble the Gurreans, the It[u’eans, the …], the exempt infantry ([LÚ].zuku),
651 DEZSŐ 2012B, 118-120.

654 PARPOLA 1987, 244 (ABL 1263).
655 DEZSŐ 2012A, 68.
656 DEZSŐ 2012A, 67-69.
657 PARPOLA 1987, 255 (CT 53, 458).
658 PARPOLA 1990, 172, NL 88 (ND 2495); SAGGS 2001, 173-175, NL 88 (ND 2495); LUUKKO 2012, 170 (ND 2495); PARPOLA 1987,
172; see furthermore POSTGATE 1974, 242-243; FALES 2010A, 84-85.
659 PARPOLA 1987, 11 (ABL 304), 2-12.

the kal[lāpu troops and …].”660 When Nabûšumuiddina wrote a letter to Sargon II from La‹iru(?)
he let his lord know that “The fort, the exempts, and the servants of the king my lord are
well.”661
It seems from these texts that a category of soldiers, exempted by the king from different taxes,
dues and state services, played an important role in the local contingents stationed in the
provinces. Their importance is further emphasized by a query to the Sungod (inquiring about the
possibility of a rebellion against Assurbanipal), which lists the zakkû in a clear military context
as follows: “[or the recruitment officers, or] the prefects of the exempt military, or the prefects of
the cavalry, or the royal bodyguard, or his personal guard.”662 The context emphasizes the
importance of the prefect of the exempt military but does not allow for a better understanding
of the background of the phenomenon.
Their relatively high status is corroborated by a letter of Aššurilā’ī (discussed above in detail)
in which he reports to TiglathPileser III that he has given 1 seah (sūtu, 10 litres) stored grain per
man of the exempts at his disposal. For the wives and even for the deputies he referred to as
follows: “(Should) one have wife [...], she comes out (with) three seahs (3 litres). To deputies [they
give] four seahs (4 litres) each.”663
It seems to the present writer that both soldier categories were exempted from taxes and state
services in exchange for providing military service to the king, requiring the zakku to be at least
a semiprofessional soldier. These entries corroborate Fales’ view that zakku as a term oscillates
between a socioeconomic and military perspective, but “basically point[s] to the employment in
the military sphere, to fulltime and/or professional commitment in this context, and to activities
pertaining to the infantry unit.”664
660 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 277 (CT 53, 305). 8-Rev. 2; see furthermore LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 279 (CT 53, 403).
662 STARR 1990, 142 (PRT 44), 6: [lu-ú LÚ.mu-šar-kiṣ-MEŠ lu-ú] LÚ.GAR-MEŠ zak-ke-e lu-ú LÚ.GAR-MEŠ BAD-ḪAL lu-ú
LÚ.qur-bu-ti lu-ú LÚ.šá—GÌR.2.
663 LUUKKO 2012, 48 (ND 2669), 26-Rev. 4.
664 FALES 2010A, 87.

Booty and tribute
II.3 Booty and tribute665
II.3.1 The royal inscriptions
Emphasizing its importance (both on a technical and ideological level) the Assyrian palace
reliefs frequently feature tribute bearers666 and soldiers dragging booty or tribute,667 or escorting
the prisoner and booty column (including animals).668 From an economic standpoint the
representations show that the booty and tribute were a vital source of state (including the
military) income (at home and on campaign as well), while on the ideological level the
representations visualize that the Assyrian king rules all the nations of the known cosmos (who
should serve the gods of the universe).
As has already been mentioned in chapter II.1.2.2 Feeding the troops during campaigns (and
especially chapter II.1.2.2.1 Royal inscriptions), the booty and tribute ‘collected’ during the
campaigns consisted of two main components: 1) the items used (horses, mules, donkeys, camels)
or consumed (grain, wine, sheep, cattle/oxen) during the campaign; and 2) the items taken home
(partly the horses), and consumed (livestock), or used as raw material (metals), as well as other
valuables hoarded up as treasures (in palaces and temples).
Chart 17 shows the main categories of booty and tribute which were collected during the
campaigns of the Assyrian rulers from TiglathPileser I (1114—1076 B.C.) to Assurbanipal (668—
631 B.C.). The contents and volume of booty and tribute shows that this type of income was not
only vital for sustaining the troops during campaigns, but it seems to have constituted an
665 For a detailed study of the topic see BÄR 1996. For the different types of tribute and other types of ‘Abgabe’ see RADNER 2007A,
213-230.
666 Assurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.): LAYARD 1853A, pls. 23-24, 40-41, BARNETT – FALKNER 1962, pls. CXIX, CXXI, CXXIV-CXXV;
Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.): LAYARD 1853A, pls. 53-55, SCHACHNER 2007, Taf. 3 (upper register), 5 (lower and upper
registers), 6 (lower and upper registers), 7 (lower register), 9 lower register, 11 (upper register), 14 (lower register); Tiglath-Pileser
III (745—727 B.C.): BARNETT – FALKNER 1962, pl. XLVII (Western territories); Sargon II (721—705 B.C.): BOTTA – FLANDIN
1849, pls. 38-40, 67-69, 103-104, 106, 116, 123-136.
667 Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.): SCHACHNER 2007, Taf. 2 (upper register), 14 (upper register); Sargon II (721—705 B.C.): BOTTA
– FLANDIN 1849, pls. 88(?), 140-141 (Muṣaṣir); Sennacherib (704—681 B.C.): BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, nos. 45,
431-432, 453, 523-525; Assurbanipal (668—631 B.C.): BARNETT 1976, pl. LXVI; BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, nos.
346-347. Only a few texts mention soldiers dragging the booty or tribute. Such a letter, written by Aššur-bēlu-uṣur to Sargon II,
discusses the problems of delivering tribute via Bīt-Ḫamban to Babylon. The letter quotes the royal order “’Set out with your troops
and tribute, and come’ – I shall do my best to set out with the troops and tribute, but because of the snow I had to leave one chariot
that came with me in Bīt-Ḫamban. The king knows that there is very much snow. Moreover, the recruits, chariot fighters, and all
their king’s men who were dragging the tribute, [are ...].” (FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 60 (ABL 242), 4-15). The letter is unfortunately
very fragmentary, but it is clear that transporting the tribute from the border provinces to different centers of Assyria was a burden
for the governors and needed careful planning and a good logistics. See below.
668 Assurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.): LAYARD 1853A, pls. 20, 30, BARNETT – FALKNER 1962, pls. CXXII-CXXIII; Shalmaneser III
(858—824 B.C.): SCHACHNER 2007, Taf. 1 (upper and lower registers), 2 (lower register), 3 (lower register), 4 (lower register),
8 (lower register), 12 (lower register), 13 (lower register); Tiglath-Pileser III (745—727 B.C.): BARNETT – FALKNER 1962, pls.
V-VI (Babylonia), XXIII-XXX (Arab campaign), LXVIII-LXX (Western campaign); Sargon II (721—705 B.C.): BOTTA –
FLANDIN 1849, pls. 50, 81-83, 92, 94, 100, 116, 119, 146; Sennacherib (704—681 B.C.): BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998,
nos. 56, 70-72, 83-84, 102-104, 129, 193, 214, 227, 229, 243-244, 260, 263, 365-366, 368-372, 431-434, 448, 450, 473-475, 483,
487-488, 493, 496-498, 509-511, 553-554, 606-608, 613, 645, 691; Assurbanipal (668—631 B.C.): BARNETT 1976, pls. XVII-
XXII, XXVIII-XXX, XXXV-XXXVI, LX-LXI, LXVI-LXIX; BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, nos. 277, 283-284, 341-
347, 383.

important part of the Assyrian economy, as well.669 It contained several items, the trade and
especially the export of which was forbidden.670
Several articles or categories – which bear no direct military relevance – such as clothing,
furniture, semiprecious stones etc., are excluded from Chart 17. Further – ideologically significant
– items of booty were the statues of gods671 which 1) would simply be trophies of the Assyrian
victory, 2) would be taken to the Aššur Temple to submit/yield to his heavenly kingdom, or 3) were
used as leverage against the conquered people: the Assyrians would return the statues of the
deities to their original temples if their people submitted to Assyria and proved to be good vassals.
The Assyrians consequently took the statues of deities readily.672 This category is also excluded.
The role and number of deportees – who were also excluded from this chart – have already
been discussed in several studies.673 The captured soldiers – who were enlisted into the royal corps
(ki%ir šarrūti) of the Assyrian army – falling in this category have also already been examined in
the first two volumes of this project.674
The most important booty types which would help maintain the Assyrian military both on
an organizational (the army itself) and individual level (the soldier himself) – both in the
domestic and campaign contexts – are as follows.
669 For a discussion of the topic see FUCHS 2005, 35-60; RICHARDSON 2011, 32-33.
670 DEZSŐ – VÉR 2013, 325-359.
671 Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.): SCHACHNER 2007, Taf. 2 (upper register); Tiglath-Pileser III (745—727 B.C.): BARNETT –
FALKNER 1962, pl. VII (Babylonia), LXXXVIII, XCII-XCIII (Western campaign); Sennacherib (704—681 B.C.): BARNETT –
BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, nos. 214, 487-488, 606-608. See furthermore UEHLINGER 1998, 739-776.
672 Tiglath-Pileser I (1114—1076 B.C.) from Kili-Tešub in Katmuḫu (GRAYSON 1991, A.0.87.1, ii:16-35: “their gods”), from Ḫabḫu
and Papḫû (GRAYSON 1991, A.0.87.1, iv:23: “25 of their gods”), from Lullumu (GRAYSON 1991, A.0.87.2, 23-24: “25 of their gods”);
Aššur-dān II (934—912 B.C.) from Mount Kirriuru, Suḫu, [...], Simerra, land Lu[...] (GRAYSON 1991, A.0.98.1, 58: “I gave [their
gods] as gifts to Aššur, my lord.”); Adad-nērārī II (911—891 B.C.) from Qumānu (GRAYSON 1991, A.0.99.1, 15-17: “I gave their
gods as gifts to Aššur, my lord.”), Tigris, 40 cities (GRAYSON 1991, A.0.99.1, Rev. 3’-5’: “I brought forth their gods”), from
Ḫanigalbat, Temannu, Naṣibina (GRAYSON 1991, A.0.99.2, 68-73: his gods); Tukultī-Ninurta II (890—884 B.C.) from Nairi?, Balasî
(GRAYSON 1991, A.0.100.5, 5-8: “his gods”); Ashurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.) from Sūru, which belongs to Bīt-Ḫalupê, Aḫi-iababa
(883 B.C., GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, i:83-88: “his gods together with their property”), from Azi-ili, the Laqû, at the city Kipinu
(877 B.C., GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, iii:40: “brought away his gods”); Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.) from Aḫūni of Bīt-Adini
(855 B.C., GRAYSON 1991, A.0.102, 2, ii:73-74: “gods”), from Marduk-mudammiq, king of the land Namri, Šumurza, Bīt-Nergal,
Niqqu of the land Tugliaš (843 B.C., GRAYSON 1991, A.0.102, 6, iv:19-20: “his gods”), from Ianzû, the man of Bīt-Ḫa(m)ban (835
B.C., GRAYSON 1991, A.0.102, 14, 125-126: “his gods”); Šamši-Adad V (823—811 B.C.) from Sarsina, son of Meqdiara, and
Ušpina (822 B.C., GRAYSON 1991, A.0.103, 1, ii:24-30: “their gods”), from Mê-turnat (820 B.C., GRAYSON 1991, A.0.103, 1, iv:6-
7: “gods”), from Datēbir (and) Izduia (820 B.C., GRAYSON 1991, A.0.103, 1, iv:15-17: “gods”), from Qērebti-ālāni (820 B.C.,
GRAYSON 1991, A.0.103, 1, iv:19-22: “gods”), from Dūr-Papsukkal (820 B.C., GRAYSON 1991, A.0.103, 1, iv:31-34: “gods”), from
Dēr (819 B.C., GRAYSON 1991, A.0.103, 2, iii 37’b-48’, 4, 10’-12’: “[I carried off] the deities Anu-rabû, Nannai, Šarrat-Dēr, Mār-
bīti-ša-pān-bīti, Mār-bīti-ša-birît-nāri, Burruqu, Gu1a, Urkītu, Šukāniia, Nêr-e-tagmil, Sakkud of the city Bubê — the gods who
dwell in Dēr — together with their property.”); Tiglath-Pileser III (745—727 B.C.) from Ḫanunu of Gaza (734 B.C., TADMOR –
YAMADA 2011, 48, 14’-16’: “gods”), from Samsi, queen of the Arabs (733 B.C., TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 42, 19’-22’, 48, 24’-
25’: “thrones of her gods, staffs of her goddesses”), from Samsi, queen of the Arabs (732 B.C.?. TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 49,
Rev. 21-22: “gods”), Sargon II (721—705 B.C.) from Muṣaṣir, Urzana (714 B.C., FUCHS 1994, Annalen, 158-159: “the statues
of Ḫaldia and Bagbartu were taken to the Temple of Aššur,” THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, MAYER 1983, 437); Sennacherib (704—681
B.C.), from Sidqa, king of Ashkelon (701 B.C., GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 4, 39: “the gods of his father’s house”); Esarhaddon
(680—669 B.C.), from Memphis, Tirḫaqa/Taharqa (671 B.C., LEICHTY 2011, 98, 43-45: “his gods”, 103, 11-29: “the gods (and)
goddesses of Taharqa, king of Kush, together with their possessions”); Assurbanipal (668—631 B.C.) from Susa, Elam (10th
campaign, BORGER 1996, Prisma A §57, v:126-vi:76, Prisma F §32, iv:66-v:54: Šušinak, Šumudu, Lagamaru, Partikira,
Ammankasibar, Uduran, and Sapak; Ragiba, SunGAMsarā, Karsa, Kirsamas, Šudānu, Aiapaksina, Bilala, Panintimri, Silagarā,
Napsā, Nabirtu, Kindakarpu – “these gods and goddesses with their jewelry and possessions … I took to Assyria.”
673 ODED 1979; NA’AMAN 1988, 36-46; NA’AMAN 1993, 104-124.
674 DEZSŐ 2012A-B.

Booty and tribute
II.3.1.1 Precious metals (gold and silver)
A thorough examination of the centralized precious metal (especially the gold) management of
the Empire goes well beyond the possibilities and aims of this study. It is quite obvious that these
problems are going to be key issues in the understanding of the imperial economic system and
its dynamics. No explicit data refers to the most relevant question: what was the role (if any) of
this huge amount of precious metal – deposited in the temples and royal treasuries – in the
financing of the military?675 How this wealth, these immense resources were ploughed back into
the Assyrian economy or into the military, is also hardly known.676 If this type of ‘state’ income
appeared in some way directly in the military sphere at all, the mechanism of this has not been
confidently identified.
While silver was a kind of general measure of value, gold seemingly did not play such a direct
role in the market economy of the Assyrian Empire. Gold objects were much more the items for
thesauration.
As Chart 17 shows, precious metals frequently appear in the booty and tribute lists in
different quantities. Most of the entries do not indicate the amount of precious metal taken, but
in a few cases the royal inscription refers to huge amounts of gold and silver the Assyrians looted.
The following table (Fig. 35) shows these examples. The amounts of gold listed range from a few
kilograms to 4.5 tons (154 talents 26 minas 10 sheqels of red gold, 710 B.C., Babylon, Borsippa,
offers for the Akītu festival), while the amount of silver vary between a few kilograms and 48 tons
(1,604 talents 20 minas of shining silver, 710 B.C., Babylon, Borsippa, offers for the Akītu festival).
According to the sources and our reconstruction these looted treasures were distributed
among at least three groups of people:
II.3.1.1.1 Distributed among the soldiers

The Assyrian soldiers could receive items of precious metal during the campaign, sometimes on
the battlefield as decorations for bravery.677 As an ad hoc, but desired allotment it would easily form
an important part of the economic background of the service. There is a single Assyrian palace
relief, showing an otherwise probably common scene: an Assyrian officer pulls a (precious
metal) bracelet onto the wrist of an auxiliary spearman as acknowledgment of his bravery.678
A share of the booty, however, was not only the privilege of the soldiers and officials who
partook in the campaign, but probably the whole royal administration. An astrological report by
Nabûiqbî for example refers to the Egyptian campaign of Assurbanipal and states that: “When
Aššur, Šamaš, Nabû, and Marduk gave Kush and Egypt into the hands of the king [my lord], they
plundered them [...] with the troops of the king my lord. [Gold and silver from] their treasury, as
much as there was, they brought [into] your royal abode [Ni]neveh [and distributed] booty from
them to his servants.”679
675 The set of administrative texts edited in FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 57-92 would refer to precious items including precious metals
which would quite easily originated from booty or tribute.
676 A few texts refer to the silver, as being distributed to soldiers to buy the necessary equipment (FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 27
(ZA 73, 2), 1-8.), or plants (WISEMAN 1953, 146, ND 3467, Rev. 15-17; POSTGATE 1974, 399-401).
677 The act accompanied was the counting of the heads of the decapitated enemy soldiers. See for example: Assurnasirpal II (883—
859 B.C.): LAYARD 1853A, pls. 22; Tiglath-Pileser III (745—727 B.C.): BARNETT – FALKNER 1962, pls. XLVIII-XLIX, LIX,
LXXVIII; Sennacherib (704—681 B.C.): BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, nos. 54, 102, 193, 244, 368-370, 450, 487, 496,
628, 645; Assurbanipal (668—631 B.C.): BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, nos. 277, 284-285, 287, 292-294, 346.
678 Assurbanipal (668—631 B.C.): BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, no. 346.
679 HUNGER 1992, 418 (RMA 22), 4-9.

II.3.1.1.2 Distributed among high officials

It is usually hardly possible to differentiate between the ex officio and ad hominen allotments of high
officials. Huge amounts of silver objects were for example listed as stored in ‘wooden chests’
belonging to the Chief Cupbearer,680 but it is unknown whether this wealth belonged to him
personally or to his office and formed part of the ‘state treasure.’
II.3.1.1.3 Distributed among the temples and the royal treasury

The Assyrian kings amassed immense treasures, mainly from the booty and tribute brought by
the army to the temples of the Empire. These treasures, chiefly gold and silver were used to
ornament the temples, the divine statues and the statues of the king. One letter, probably
addressed to Esarhaddon, reports the weight of gold and silver used for different purposes: 23
minas of gold in the agatestandard including the votive gifts were melted down to use for gilding.
A further 1 talent and 19 minas of gold, 18 1/6 minas of gold and 21 minas of silver were
deposited in the Sîn temple. The letter lists the items made of (this?) precious metals: “Two big
royal images, 50 images of cherubs and winds, of silver, 3 silver doorjambs, 1 silver kettle. All this
work is done. Their weight is each 5 talents of silver less 12 minas.”681 A letter of Rašil, probably
sent to Assurbanipal presents a similar picture: “’The 12 minas of gold which came in to me as
gifts for Bēl I have made into rosettes and ...ornaments for Zarpanitu.’ I will now fashion the seals
which the king, my lord, gave me. The gems going on the crown of Anu, and those gems of yours
going on the sun disks are stored in the treasury of the temple of Aššur.”682 The letter of Nabû
bānîa‹‹ē refers to a gold statue, which has been finished. “The gold for the copper statue has
arrived. Let whomever the king, my lord, commands, come and weigh it out, so we can apply it.
The ... with which they weigh(ed) the gold are in the treasury, a sealed building. When whomever
the ki[ng, my lord], is going to send [comes], let him bring a seal(ed order) with him, and we[igh
out] the gold [for the statue] with it.”683
There are a few, unfortunately fragmentary letters, which refer to the collection of silver – as
a kind of tribute or a regular silver due(?) – from various subjects of the Empire. A fragmentary
letter reports to Sargon II that the emissaries of Ekron have brought 7 talents and 34 minas of silver
to an Assyrian official (Šarru[...]) who was on his way with other emissaries (from Gaza) to the
Palace.684
When Adda‹āti reported to Sargon II that the silver dues which had been imposed upon the
local population by prefects and village managers (altogether 18 minas of silver) had been
handed over to him,685 he referred most probably to a kind of tribute paid by the local population
(of the Damascus region) as a redemption of the ilku.686
680 FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 78 (ADD 932), 1)) [x] hundred 10 talents in one wooden ch[est], 2) 525 talents in one wooden chest,
3) 7,000 silver bowls in one wooden chest, 4) 108 silver bricks, 5) 720 silver bowls, 6) 69 bolts of silve[r], 7) 8 shields of silver,
8) 4 yoke finials of silver, 9) the scraps of silver are together (with it): 10) all, in one wooden chest. 11) 450 vessels of si[lver],
12) be[longing to] the [chie]f cupbearer, Rev. 1) in one wooden ches[t], 2) [... of go]ld therein; 3) [... ca]pital therein.
681 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 28 (ABL 1194), 13-16.
683 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 127 (ABL 531), 5-Rev. 2.
684 SAGGS 2001, 150 (ND 2064); LUUKKO 2012, 178 (ND 2064).
685 PARPOLA 1987, 176 (NL 20, ND 2437); LUUKKO 2012, 173 (ND 2437).
686 See RICHARDSON 2011, 22.

Booty and tribute
Sennacherib, the crown prince let his father, Sargon II know that he had already collected the
silver and – according to the royal order: “Withhold the silver!” – had withheld it and was going
to send it to the king.687 MannukīNergal informed the king, that “On the 22nd of Marchesvan
(VIII) I brought the money into the New Palace and put it into a cedar (box). The (royal) signet
ring and the land are well.”688 This official collected the silver dues or tribute, brought it into the
treasury of the New Palace and sealed it with the royal signet ring. Another official also reported
to the king that he had collected the silver (and the barley?), and after &ilBēl had sealed them,
he was sending it to the king.689
The keys of the treasuries were in the hands of the priests. The same letter refers to the priest
of the temple as follows: “No one can open (it) without the authority of the priest and Nabûē#ir
napšāti. I have now written to the king, my lord, that the king send me anyone whom the king,
my lord, pleases to open (the treasury), so that I can finish (the work) and give it to the king, my
lord.”690 Another letter to Assurbanipal refers to Pūlu, the lamentation priest of the temple of
Nabû. “[...(and)] all the [tr]easuries are under his supervision: he is the one to open and seal them.
He enters the ritual bath house of Bēl and Nabû. (There) twice a year the loins of Marduk are
ungirded. All the precious stones and jewelry are under his custody; he does not show them to
anybody with him.”691
The treasures of the temples sometimes attracted the interest of desperate Assyrian officials,
who badly needed resources to maintain their offices. One of the letters of MārIssar, a royal
delegate of Esarhaddon to Babylonia describes a case when “the governor of DūrŠarruku has
already previously opened my seals, taken 10 minas of si[lv]er, 1,400 sheep and 15 oxen [belonging
to the gods Š]imalu’a and [›um‹u]m and [distributed them] to [...] his retinue. … The governor[s]
who were before h[im] did not take anything from the tem[ples] – now he has recklessly opened
a treasury of the god and the king, my lord, and taken silver from it. If the Prefect of the land and
the governors of Nineveh and Arbela took silver from temples, then he too might take it. It is
treasure of the god and the king, my lord; why is it being squandered? Let the king, my lord, send
a trusty bodyguard to investigate (the matter); the man who put the governor up to this should
be punished. [Let] (the others) [kn]ow and be frightened off, [or el]se [the govern]ors will
dissip[ate] a[ll the treasures o]f the temples. The king, my lord, should know this.”692 This letter
quite adequately shows the tension between the frozen riches in the temple treasuries and the
military (and the civilian) administration who wanted to use these resources to maintain their
troops (and offices).
687 SAGGS 2001, 200 (ND 2719); LUUKKO 2012, 158 (ND 2719), 8-15.
688 SAGGS 2001, 227 (ND 2637); LUUKKO 2012, 163 (ND 2637), 3-Rev. 2.
691 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 134 (ABL 951), 30-Rev. 3.
692 PARPOLA 1993, 369 (ABL 339), 7-Rev. 18.

TukultƯ-Ninurta II (890—884 B.C.) – GRAYSON 1991, A.0.100.5

69-73 884 Suপu, Ili-ibnî governor of the land Suপu 3 talents of silver, 20 minas of gold
76-79 884 ঩indƗnu, Amme-alaba 10 minas of liqtu-gold, 10 minas of silver
90-92 884 Mudadda of the city Sirqu 3 minas of gold, 7 minas of refined silver
93-94 884 Sirqu, ঩arƗnu, the Laqû 3 minas of gold, 10 minas of silver
98-101 884 Sǌru of BƯt-঩alupê, ঩amatƗiia, (the) 20 minas of gold, 20 minas of silver
Laqû
104-108 Dǌr-Katlimmu, … of the land Laqû refined silver, 10 talents of silver, 14 minas of [...]
113-114 884 Šadikannu 3 minas [of ...], one tub of silver
Ashurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.) – GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1
ii:119-125 879 BƯt-ZamƗni 2 talents of silver, 2 talents of gold
iii:64 875 ঩atti, ঩abinu of TƯl-abni 4 minas of silver, annual tribute 10 minas of silver
Carchemish, Sangara, king of the land
iii:65-69 875 ঩atti 20 talents of silver, a gold ring, bracelet, gold daggers
iii:72-77 875 Kunulua, royal city of Lubarna, the 20 talents of silver, 1 talent of gold,
Patinu
Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.) – GRAYSON 1991, A.0.102
2, ii:21-24 857 Patinu 3 talents of gold, 100 talents of silver, ann. tribute: 1 talent of
silver
2, ii 24b-27a 857 BƯt-Gabbari [N] talents of silver, tribute: 10 minas of silver
2, ii:27b-28 857 BƯt-Agǌsi 10 minas of gold, 6 talents of silver
2 talents of gold, 70 talents of silver, tribute: 1 mina of gold,
2, ii:28-29 857 Carchemish 1 talent of silver.
2, ii:30 857 Kummuপi annually 20 minas of silver
14, 155 831 city Kinalua, land Patinu silver, gold, without measure
Adad-nƝrƗrƯ III (810--783 B.C.) – GRAYSON 1991, A.0.104
6, 19-20 806 Damascus 100 talents of gold, 1,000 talents of silver
8, 17-20 806 Damascus 2,300 talents of silver, 20 talents of gold
7, 5-8 ? Amurrû, ঩atti, Damascus, Samaria, 2,000 talents of silver
Tyre, Sidon
Tiglath-Pileser III (745—727 B.C.) – TADMOR – YAMADA 2011
49, 24’-25’ 741 BƯt-Agǌsi, Arpad 30 talents of gold, 2,000 talents of silver,
11, 4’-7’ 738 Damascus 3 talents of gold, 300 talents of silver,
12, 6’-11’ 738 Unqi 300 talents of silver
48, 14’-16’ 734 Gaza […] talents of gold, 800 talents of silver
48, 19’ 734 Gaza 100 talents of silver
49, R. 6-8 734 Tyre 20 talents of gold, […]
42, 17’-19’ 733 Israel 10 talents of gold, […] talents of silver
47, R. 16’ 49,
R. 26 730 Tyre 150 / 50 talents of gold, 2,000 talents of silver
47, R. 14’-
15’; 49, R. 730 Tabal 10 talents of gold, 1,000 talents of silver
27-29
Sargon II (721—705 B.C.) – FUCHS 1994, Annalen
72a 717 Carchemish 11 talents of sagru-gold, 2,100 talents of silver
155-156 714 Muৢaৢir, Urzana 34 talents 18 minas gold, 160 talents 2 ½ minas silver
158-159 714 Muৢaৢir, Urzana [+]3 talents 3 minas gold, 162 talents [20] minas silver
঩aza’il, ঩amdƗnu, Zabida, Amma-[…],
272-275 710 AপপƯ-iddina, Aiasammu, 6 sheikhs of 1 talent 30 minas silver
Gambulu
Babylon, Borsippa, offers for the AkƯtu 154 talents 26 minas 10 sheqels of red gold; 1,604 talents 20
321-325 710 festival minas of shining silver
THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, MAYER 1983
2,058 minas (1,029 kg) gold, 10,022.5 minas (5,011 kg)
347-367 714 palace of Urzana, Muৢaৢir silver
368 714 tempel of ঩aldi, Muৢaৢir [x]+183 minas ([x]+91,5 kg) gold, 9,740 minas and 6
sheqels (4,870 kg) silver

Booty and tribute
Sennacherib (704—681 B.C.) – GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012

4, 55-80 701 Hezekiah of Judah 30 talents of gold, 800 talents of silver
Esarhaddon (680—669 B.C.) – LEICHTY 2011
1, iv:17-24 680 Adumutu, Arabs 10 minas gold
9, ii’:12’-21’ 671 Memphis, Tirপaqa/Taharqa? 6 talents, 19 minas of gold, 300 [...]
1019, 18-42 671 Memphis, Tirপaqa/Taharqa? 8,000 talents of silver ore … [... ta]lents of red gold
Assurbanipal (668—631 B.C.) – BORGER 1996
silver, gold, treasures which the kings of Elam from the
Prisma A §57, 10th distant past have collected; gold and silver, wealth and
v:126-vi:76; cam- Elam, treasury of the palace properties, which the former kings of Elam on seven
Prisma F §32, paign, and the temple occasions captured in Šumer, Akkad, and Karduniaš; red
iv:66-v:54 64.. gold, shining silver, … which the former kings of Akkad and
Šamaš-šum-ukƯn sent to Elam as tokens of their alliance
Fig. 35. Amounts of precious metal captured.
II.3.1.2 Bronze and iron
Both metals are of primary military significance, for although iron gradually replaced bronze in
several areas, for example the weaponry,693 bronze kept its importance througout the Neo
Assyrian period.
II.3.1.2.1 Bronze
As Chart 17 shows, the early sources (11th—9th century B.C.) register large numbers of bronze items
in the booty lists, such as bronze utensils, kettles, casseroles etc. This reflects the fact that the early
rulers laid an emphasis (both in royal inscriptions both on the palace reliefs of Assurnasirpal II)
on seizing large numbers of bronze utensils, which – if these pieces were not melted down to reuse
the metal as raw material for the weapon industry – obviously does not have a direct military
relevance.
Fig. 36 shows, however, only the entries which refer to large amounts of bronze, which could
come from bronze vessels as well, but in some cases the sources may refer to the bronze simply
as raw material, vital for the arms industry. These entries may refer to a direct military importance,
since the army needed huge amounts of bronze to manufacture pieces of defensive armament:
thousands of helmets, shields, and tens of thousands of armour scales for the scale armours yearly.
It is interesting to note that the royal inscriptions frequently mention tin (the primary alloy
component of bronze) alongside with the bronze – often in large quantities. It seems that due to
their shortage the alloy components were as important as the copper itself.
These entries in Fig. 36 show quantities of bronze (and tin) which reached the critical level,
and thus may be relevant in the context of the weapon industry. The amounts range from
hundreds of talents to thousands of talents in weight. Shalmaneser III during his Western
campaign of 857 B.C. received 300 talents of bronze, 1,000 bronze casseroles from Patinu, 90 talents
of bronze from BītGabbari, and 30 talents of bronze from Carchemish. Adadnērārī III, during
his campaign of 806 B.C., took a heavy tribute from Mari, king of Damascus, including 2,300
talents of silver, 20 talents of gold, 3,000 talents (approx. 90 tons) of bronze and 5,000 talents
(approx. 150 tons) of iron. On another western campaign he also obtained 1,000 talents of copper
693 The weaponry of the Assyrian army and the accompanying metal management of the Empire is going to be discussed in a separate
volume of this project. For the helmet industry see DEZSŐ 2001, for the armour see DEZSŐ 2002, DEZSŐ 2004A; for an overview
see BARRON 2010. For further references see DEZSŐ 2012A, 15-16, notes 24-38.

from Amurrû, ›atti, Damascus, Samaria, Tyre, and Sidon. The largest amount recorded is
known from the ‘Letter to God’ of Sargon II, describing the events of the 8th campaign (714 B.C.)
of the king, during which the Assyrian army looted huge quantities of copper and tin from the
Palace of Urzana, king of Mu%a%ir, and 3,600 talents (108 tons) of bronze from the temple of ›aldi,
also in Mu%a%ir. With all these data an important question is emerging regards the use of the metal:
were these quantities of bronze transported to Assyria, or were utensils and weapons
manufactured on the spot to supply the troops with the necessary reinforcements? The written
sources and pictorial evidence seem to imply that the finished products/goods were taken home
to be redistributed between various actors of the Assyrian administration, the palaces and
temples, while some part of the bronze would be melted down to produce equipment on the spot.
The palace reliefs of Sargon II record all the phases of the sack of the city: one of the slabs shows
Assyrian soldiers sacking the temple of ›aldi,694 while the other slab695 shows three characteristic
scenes of the looting: 1) Assyrian soldiers are carrying the spoil on their shoulders (shields,
a cauldron);696 2) Assyrian officials are scaling the booty; 3) Assyrian soldiers are ‘recycling’
(cutting into pieces) the bronze statues of Urar#ian kings – which obviously only have value as
raw material to be carried to Assyria or to be reused on the spot.
It is important to note that the bronze transported home played an important role in the
financing of the military, including the individual soldiers, as well. In one of his letters written
to his father, Sargon II, Sennacherib let the king know that: “The chariot grooms of the ša—šēpē
guard [...] under my command are asking for plants [... and one] full talent of bronze [...] per one
team of hor[ses ...] in accordance with what the ki[ng ...]. What exactly does the king, my lord,
order?”697 It is unfortunately not known whether the one talent of bronze per team of horses was
an ad hoc allotment or part of a regular allowance for the service (in this case to supply the horses
with fodder?). In this case the bronze served as a general measure of value,698 and not raw material
to manufacture equipment or chariot fittings for the troops.
The bronze carried home ended up in two ways: 1) the utensils and weapons (see below II.3.1.3
Military equipment) were distributed and used, while 2) the bronze brought home as raw material
was deposited in different storehouses and treasuries.699 In one of his letters sent to Sargon II, Šarru
ēmuranni reported to the king that “On the 27th day, at dawn, we opened the treasury of metal
scraps at the entrance to the house in the palace upon the terrace. [We] weighed 420 talents of
bronze scraps and plac[ed] it in the storehouse [of] the cupbearer. We also weighed [x talen]ts of
bronze objects [...]”700 The letter let the king know that “alternatively, we can do the (inventory) of
the Review Palace on the 29th and go in the remaining days to DūrŠarrukēn, to seal those
tunics.”701 The schedule of Šarruēmuranni was as follows: on the 27th he surveyed the storehouse,
on the 29th he made the inventory of the Review Palace and on the remaining days he went to Dūr
694 BOTTA – FLANDIN 1849, pl. 141.

695 BOTTA – FLANDIN 1849, pl. 140.
696 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, MAYER 1983, 405-409.
697 PARPOLA 1987, 37 (CT 53, 307), Rev. 7-13.
698 When Bēl-dūri, the major-domo for example acquired an orchard in the Land of the Palace Herald, he bought it [for x t]alents of
bronze (MATTILA 2002, 465 (ADD 467). The same was true for the copper. Hundreds of purchase and loan documents give the
price, the interest, or the fine in copper. One of the letters of Aššur-mātka-tēra for example let the king know that “The exchange
rate is extremely favourable in the land: one homer of barley goes for one mina of copper in Nineveh, one homer and 5 seahs (go
for one mina of copper) in Ḫalaḫḫu, two homers (go for one mina of copper) in the steppe. 40 minas of wool (go for) one mina
of co[pper ...].” (LUUKKO 2012, 19 (ND2355), 5-15). For a comprehensive study see RADNER 1999, 127-157.
699 A fragmentary letter would refer to copper objects to be deposited in a storehouse (FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 362 (CT 53, 534).
700 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 206 (ABL 319+), 4-12.
701 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 206 (ABL 319+), Rev. 3’-8’.

Booty and tribute
Šarrukēn to make an inventory there as well. Between the 27th and 29th he most probably stayed
and worked in Calah, in the “treasury of metal scraps at the entrance to the house in the palace
upon the terrace,” in the “storehouse [of] the cupbearer,” and in the Review Palace (Fort
Shalmaneser), where workshops and military installations were built and which later was used
as a storehouse (for example for furniture/ivories). Later he went to DūrŠarrukēn, where another
Review Palace (Palace F) was built most probably to store military equipment and raw materials
needed to equip the troops and to accommodate workshops and offices as well. These storehouses
and review palaces702 shed some light on the infrastructure of the central metal (and other
resources) management of the Empire, vital for the functioning of the military establishment.703
Tiglath-Pileser I (1114—1076 B.C.) – GRAYSON 1991, A.0.87.1

ii:16-35 Katmuপu, Kili-Tešub 180 copper kettles, 5 bronze bath-tubs
ii:36-57 Urratinaš, Šadi-Tešub 60 copper kettles, bronze vats, and large bronze bath-
tubs
iii:103-iv:1 Murattaš, Saradauš, Lower Zab 120 copper kettles, 30 talents of copper bars
2 talents of tin, 60 bronze ..., 10 minas of antimony
76-79 884 ঩indƗnu, Amme-alaba preparation, 8 minas of antimony mineral
90-92 884 Mudadda of the city Sirqu [N] talents of tin, 40 bronze casseroles
93-94 884 Sirqu, ঩arƗnu, the Laqû 30 bronze casseroles, 6 talents of tin
32 talents of tin, 130 talents of bronze, 100 bronze
98-101 884 Sǌru of BƯt-঩alupê, ঩amatƗiia, (the) Laqû utensils, 1 tub, 1(?) talent of …, 4 minas of antimony
preparation
104-108 Dǌr-Katlimmu, … of the land Laqû [N] talents of antimony [preparation]
109-111 884 Qatnu 11 talents of tin, 50 bronze utensils
100 talents of tin, 100 talents of bronze, 100 bronze
ii:119-125 879 BƯt-ZamƗni casseroles, 3,000 bronze receptacles, bowls, bronze
containers
iii:65-69 875 Carchemish, Sangara, king of the land ঩atti 100 talents of bronze, bronze (tubs), bronze pails, bronze
bath-tubs, a bronze oven
Kunulua, the royal city of Lubarna, the
iii:72-77 875 Patinu 100 talents of tin
2, ii:21-24 857 Patinu 300 talents of bronze, 1,000 bronze casseroles
2, ii 24b-27a 857 BƯt-Gabbari 90 talents of bronze
2, ii:28-29 857 Carchemish 30 talents of bronze
8, 17-20 806 Damascus 3,000 talents of bronze
7, 5-8 ? Amurrû, ঩atti, Damascus, Samaria, Tyre, 1,000 talents of copper
Sidon
Sargon II (721—705 B.C.) – THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, MAYER 1983
347-367 714 palace of Urzana, Muৢaৢir huge quantities of copper, tin
368 714 temple of ঩aldi, Muৢaৢir 3,600 talents of bronze
Fig. 36. Amounts of bronze captured.
702 For a detailed description of the review palaces and other review centers see the next volume of this project (in the chapter
describing the musters).
703 Such an example is known for example from the Royal Palace of Dūr-Šarrukēn, where 160 tons of scrap iron was found during
the French excavations (PLACE 1867, vol. I, 84-88). It is clear that some of the rooms of the Palace were used as storerooms during
the last decades of the Empire.

Anyhow, it is quite clear from these booty lists and the other sources discussed above that the
amount of bronze listed was not enough for the needs of the state, let alone for the weapon
industry, so the Assyrians had to find and exploit copper and tin mines (and iron ore mines). One
of the most important goals of the Assyrian Empire was to control the trade of metals, to conquer
the territories rich in ore, and the metalworking centres of the Near East to exploit their
resources.704
II.3.1.2.2 Iron
From the 2nd
half of the 8th
century and from the 7th century B.C. onwards, iron gradually started
to replace bronze in the case of defensive armament705 as well – a shift that had already happened
in the field of offensive weaponry much earlier.
Iron was considered as strategic material to a greater extent, with trade limitations imposed
even within the borders of the Assyrian Empire, and the transborder iron trade was explicitly
forbidden. For the same reason, the Assyrians tried to gain control over the ironworking centres
of the Near East.706 Similarly to the bronze, the iron looted during the campaigns (Chart 17, Fig.
37) by far did not cover the needs of the Empire, so substantial energy was devoted to acquring
control over the ironworking regions of the Near East, and deprive their rivals of these resources.
Not only from a commercial, but from military point of view it was quite clear that the Assyrian
interest was to confine the trade of iron and iron artifacts and control the iron industry, if not to
keep a kind of monopoly over the large scale iron industries of the Empire.707 A letter from the state
archive of Sargon II illuminates certain aspects of this policy: “As to what the king, my lord, wrote
to me: ‘You have made ›uzaza into a merchant town! The people have been selling iron for money
to the Arabs!’ – who are the merchants that have been selling there? Three men, elders of the
‘Ateans, [are ...] there; they stock grapes, 20 or [30 homers] (ca. 2,000–3,000 kgs), as much as we bring
in, and sell them to the Arabs. I sell iron to the deportees [only], copper to the Arabs. By the gods
of the king my lord (I swear) I am staying in &upat! In ›uzaza I have only sold 30 homers of grapes
for silver. The king my lord should (only) hold me accountable for this!”708 This letter is the answer
of Bēlliqbî, governor of the province of &upat, to a royal letter written by Sargon II, in which the
king had accused him of turning ›uzaza into a merchant town, where traders sold iron to the
Arabs. The governor did not confute the first accusation, but he categorically rejected the claim that
he sold the strategically so important iron to the Arabs, who were a hardly controllable people, and
generally did not serve as allies of the Assyrians. The monopoly of the iron weapons industry (or
at least preventing imperial enemies, but even allies from large scale or massproduction of iron
weapons) was a strategic military and not so much a commercial interest of the Empire. For this
reason, the Assyrians exerted strict control over the iron trade.709
704 See for example MAXWELL-HYSLOP 1974, 139-154.

705 A piece of epic poetry describing the Urarṭian campaign of Shalmaneser III even mentions the iron armour of horses (LIVINGSTONE
1989, 17 (STT 43), 22. There is a glazed brick fragment from Aššur with a representation of a helmeted Assyrian soldier on it
(ANDRAE 1925, pl. 9, no. 9e (Ass. 10756)). The bronze helmet (painted yellow), the iron scale armour (painted blue) attached to
the rim of the helmet and the characteristic spiked shield dates the scene to the reign of Assurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.) or
Shalmaneser III (858–824 B.C.).
706 MAXWELL-HYSLOP 1974, 139-154.
707 DEZSŐ – VÉR 2013, 325-359, esp. chapter 4. The Assyrian foreign trade and the kāru, 2) Iron.
708 PARPOLA 1987, 179 (CT 53, 10), 20-Rev. 3.
709 In a letter from Nippur, when one of the officials of the governor of Nippur managed to buy 20 biltu-s (ca. 600 kgs) of iron in Calah,
the governor instructed his official not to give anyone from the shipment, because he needed the whole amount (COLE 1996, 41).

Booty and tribute
There is, however, a letter, in which Assyrian blacksmiths were accused of selling (royal) iron
to merchants from Calah – without permission.710 Even the ‘legal’ transactions of iron merchants
were registered.711 It is known from this document that the price of 1 talent of iron was 4.16 minas
(somewhat more than 2 kg of silver for approximately 30 kg of iron).

16-18, 20-22 885 Nairi, Subnat, M. Kašiiari, P[a]tiškun, BƯt-ZamƗni iron
98-101 884 Sǌru of BƯt-঩alupê, ঩amatƗiia, (the) Laqû 2 talents of iron
104-108 884 Dǌr-Katlimmu, … of the land Laqû N] talents of iron
i:83-88 883 Sǌru, which belongs to BƯt-঩alupê, Aপi-iababa iron
ii:119-125 879 BƯt-ZamƗni 300 talents of iron
iii:65-69 875 Carchemish, Sangara, king of the land ঩atti 250 talents of iron
iii:72-77 875 Kunulua, the royal city of Lubarna, the Patinu 100 talents of iron
iii:78 875 Gûsu of the land IaপƗnu [iron]
1, 92’-95’ 857 Unqi, Gurgum, Sam’al, BƯt-Agǌsi iron
2, ii:21-24 857 Patinu 300 talents of iron
2, ii 24b-27a 857 BƯt-Gabbari 90 talents of iron
2, ii:28-29 857 Carchemish 100 talents of iron
kings of the seashore and kings on the banks of the
2, ii:39-40 856 Euphrates iron casseroles
5, vi:6-7 850 ঩urƗdu, a royal city of BƯt-Dakkuri iron
5, vi:7 850 BƯt-Iakin, BƯt-AmukkƗni iron
14, 135 833 Que, Tullu iron
14, 155 831 city Kinalua, land Patinu iron
Šamši-Adad V (823—811 B.C.) – GRAYSON 1991, A.0.103
2, iv:15’-29’ Nibu, Baba-aপa-iddina iron, [...] of iron
8, 17-20 806 Damascus 5,000 talents of iron
7, 5-8 ? Amurrû, ঩atti, Damascus, Samaria, Tyre, Sidon 2,000 talents of iron
8, 8-12 744 Insubmissive city rulers of the campaign 500 talents of […]
11, 7’-12, 3’ 738 Kummuপi, Tyre, Que, Carchemish, Gurgum iron
14, 10 – 15, 5 738 From Damascus to Meliddu iron
72a 717 Carchemish iron
158-159 714 Muৢaৢir, Urzana iron utensils in large numbers
406 714 Muৢaৢir iron
4, 55-80 701 Hezekiah of Judah iron
Fig. 37. Amounts of iron captured.
710 REYNOLDS 2003, 115 (ABL 1317), 2’-8’.

711 1) [x] talents (of iron) [purchased] from Am[ur-... ...], 2) for 5 minas of silver, inside the city [of ....]. 3) 4 talents purchased from
an ironsmith of the city of Assur 4) — he says: ‘I don’t know his name’ — for 1 mina of silver, 5) inside the city of Ḫarrān. 6)
Total: 75 talents of iron [purc]hased for 18 minas [of silver]. FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 26 (ADD 812).

The work of the ironsmiths – who used a strategic raw material – was controlled very strictly.
According to a report sent by 17 blacksmiths, they “have made and delivered 200 swords of iron,
100 pur#ûweapons of iron, 25 nails of iron for ...s, (and) 200 pakkus of iron, but we cannot make
another 200 pakkus of iron.”712 They complained because the (ilku) works of the palaces had
become a burden, and they did not have fields and seed corn to live on.
Similarly to the silver and bronze, the iron could also serve as a general measure of value. Lū
balā#, [deputy] of SilimInurta, governor of [...] had contracted [and bought] land and people for
1 talent of iron.713
As Chart 17 and Fig. 37 show, iron as an item of booty appears quite late in the Assyrian royal
inscriptions. The first such an entry is known from the royal inscriptions of TukultīNinurta II
(890—884 B.C.), who mentions that in 885 B.C., during his campaign to Nairi, Subnat, Mount
Kašiiari, P[a]tiškun, and BītZamāni he received iron as tribute.714 Larger amounts of iron appear
in the royal inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.) and Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.)
where we can find tributes with quantities ranging between 90 and 300 talents (approx. 9 tons).
The largest amount looted is mentioned in the royal inscriptions of Adadnērārī III (810—783 B.C.),
who, during his Western campaign of 806 B.C., looted 5,000 talents (approx. 150 tons) of iron from
Damascus, and another 2,000 talents (approx. 60 tons) from Amurrû, ›atti, Damascus, Samaria,
Tyre, and Sidon. For the 7th century B.C. the iron might have become so common in the Empire
that the metal is completely missing from the booty and tribute lists of Sennacherib,715
Esarhaddon, and Assurbanipal.
These relatively large quantities of iron are reflected in the archaeological records, as well.
Similarly to bronze and other metals, the (scrap) iron was also deposited and piled up in
storehouses. Place, for example mentioned in his work716 the discovery of a hoard of very well
preserved ironwork: grappling irons and chains, ploughshares, hammers, pickaxes and several
hundred iron ingots, the total weight of which was estimated by Place in the region of 160,000
kg (160 tons). It seems that certain rooms of the palace at Khorsabad – during the last decades of
the Assyrian Empire – also served as storerooms for metals.
II.3.1.3 Military equipment
Although one of the most obvious goals of the military campaigns was to destroy the enemy forces
which did not submit or capitulate, and to capture their armaments, the royal inscriptions do not
provide detailed information about the weapons looted. As Chart 17 shows, most of the entries
refer to chariots, cavalry and chariot horses, and the troops captured and enlisted into the royal
corps (ki%ir šarrūti) of the Assyrian army with their equipment.717 Fig. 38 shows captured
equipment, excluding equestrian equipment, while Fig. 39 shows equestrian equipment, without
the troops enlisted into the royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) of the Assyrian army, a topic which has been
discussed in detail in the previous volumes of this project.

713 MATTILA 2002, 198 (ADD 426), 7-9.
714 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.100.5, 16-18, 20-22,
715 Only the account of the 3rd campaign (701 B.C.) of Sennacherib mentions that the king received iron as a tribute from Hezekiah,
king of Judah. GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 4, 55-80.
716 PLACE 1867, vol. I, 84-88.
717 For the detailed list and discussion of these troops and the captured chariots see DEZSŐ 2012A, passim and Fig. 4, DEZSŐ 2012B,
32-34, 92-93, and passim, Fig. 6, Chart 4.

Booty and tribute
Adad-nƝrƗrƯ II (911—891 B.C.) – GRAYSON 1991, A.0.99.2

68-73 896 ঩anigalbat, Temannu, Naৢibina a staff, his battle-gear, weapons, ... arrows
104-108 884 Dǌr-Katlimmu, … of the land Laqû 100 iron daggers
i:83-88 883 Sǌru, which belongs to BƯt-঩alupê, equipment of the troops
Aপi-iababa
ii:92 879 Zazabuপa, ঩abপu bronze armour
ii:96-97 879 Mount Kašiiari bronze armour
ii:101-102 879 land Nirdun bronze armour
ii:119-125 879 BƯt-ZamƗni equipment for troops (and) horses
iii:21-22 878 Sǌru, land Suপu equipment for troops, equipment for horses
2, ii:52-53 856 Urar৬u his camp, military equipment
5, iii:2
2, ii:102; 6, ii:32-
33; 8, 18’-19’; 10, 853 12 kings of the seashore military equipment
ii:24-25; 14, 65-
66; 16, 36-38
6, iii:8-11 848 Damascus, ঩amath, 12 kings of the sea military equipment
10, 10”-14” 841 Damascus military camp
A.0.102.88 841 house of Omri (঩umrî) (Israel), Jehu spears
A.0.102.90 841 Suপu, Marduk-apla-uৢur spears
16, 236’-238’ 832 Urar৬u fighting equipment
2, iv:15’-29’ Nibu, Baba-aপa-iddina divine standard which goes before him
811-
4, 7’-10’ 806? Arpad, battle of Paqaraপubuni his camp
Kummuপi, Tyre, Que, Carchemish,
11, 7’-12, 3’ 738 Gurgum military equipment
12, 6’-11’ 738 Unqi battle equipment
42, 19’-22’, 48, 733 Samsi, queen of the Arabs military equipment
24’-25’
72a 717 Carchemish military equipment
363-372 709 Marduk-apla-iddina, Dǌr-IakƯn implements and equipments
33 silver chariots, bows, quivers, maces, shields, helmets,
368-385 temple of ঩aldi, Muৢaৢir spears and military standards; 25,212 bronze shields;
helmets and armours; 1,514 different types of bronze
spears; 305,412 bronze swords, bows, quivers and arrows
shields, lances, armor, iron belt-daggers, bows, u‫܈܈‬u-
4, 55-80 701 Hezekiah of Judah arrows, equipment, implements of war
Pr. B iii:78; Pr. C
iv:87: Mannai: Birrǌa, Šarru-iqbî, GusunƝ military equipment, weapons
Pr. B §35, v:77-
vi:16; Pr. C §45, 653 Elam, Til-Tuba military equipment
vi:79-vii:9
Pr. A §57, v:126- 10th Elam, treasury of the palace and the arrows of the battles and other military equipment,
vi:76; Pr. F §32,
iv:66-v:54 (64..) temple chariots, parade chariots, carts decorated with gold
Fig. 38. Military equipment captured.

Fig. 38 shows that the actual equipment captured consisted mainly of weapons and pieces of
the defensive armament. The offensive weapons (arrows, bows, spears and swords) could be
distributed among the soldiers of the Assyrian troops, and could easily be used by them.
However, pieces of the defensive armament would have been distributed among the proper units:
scale armours most probably went to the heavy infantry. Different types of units used different
kinds of shields: the auxiliary spearmen (Gurreans) used the rounded wicker shield, the heavy
infantry favoured the rounded bronze shield, the large battle shield appeared during the reign
of Assurbanipal, but the regular, ‘line’ infantry (hardly represented during the last century of the
Assyrian Empire) could probably use any type of shield. Scale armour was worn by the heavy
troops, but it is conceivable that regular infantrymen could also equip themselves with different
pieces of defensive armament. According to our reconstruction the sternest rules concerned the
use of helmets. Crested helmets, for example, were never used in the ranks of the cavalry or
chariotry – only in the ranks of the auxiliary spearmen (Gurreans).718
Most of the booty lists use general categories as ‘military equipment,’ ‘implements of war,’
or ‘battle/fighting equipment.’ The entries referencing actual items are going to be discussed
below. Surprisingly, representations of the booty scenes almost never show Assyrian soldiers
carrying weapons. The most famous of those that do are, on the one hand the sack of the temple
of ›aldi in Mu%a%ir (714 B.C.), which shows Assyrian auxiliary spearmen looting the temple, while
regular infantrymen carry the booty (including decorated shields) on their shoulders;719 and on
the other hand the booty column of Lachish (701 B.C.), where Assyrian armoured soldiers are
depicted as carrying shields, bunches of spears and swords on their shoulders.720
To understand the nature and importance of the booty arms and armour, and to understand
the role they could have played in the Assyrian army, we should review the few sources which
could shed some light on the weapon management of the Assyrian army.
II.3.1.3.1 Bows721, arrows722, and quivers723

The administrative corpus of the Assyrian state archives unfortunately does not help us too much
to clear the picture. Two early texts of the archive of MannukīAššur, governor of Guzana, dated
to the first decades of the 8th century B.C. illuminates certain aspects of the provincial arms and
armour management of the local regular troops of the Assyrian army. Both texts list military
equipment, including bows and arrows issued to two military personnel. According to the first
text ›abinu obtained “2 iron helmets (gurpisu), 1 bronze helmet (gurpisu), 10 daggers, 700
arrows, 3 bows, and 1 quiver.”724 The three helmets and the three bows point at the possibility
that this list refers to the equipment of more than one person, but the real nature of the list is still
718 For a detailed description see below.

719 BOTTA – FLANDIN 1849, pls. 140-141.
720 LAYARD 1853B, pl. 22.
721 Bows – except for a few items found in Egyptian tombs – can only be reconstructed from the pictorial evidence. MCLEOD 1970;
HAAS 1989, 27-41; WILKINSON 1991, 83-99; ZUTTERMAN 2003, 119-165; COLLON 2008, 93-112; FINDLING – MUHLE 2012, 397-410.
722 For a comprehensive study of the Assyrian arrowheads see CURTIS 2013, 39-43. A large number of articles have discussed the
arrowheads found in different regions of the Near East (PALADŽJAN 1955, 65-66; MILIK 1956, 3-6; TUBB 1977, 191-196; TUBB
1980, 1-6; MILLER 1983, 187-190; CURTIS 1987, 119-120; SASS 1989, 349-356; GICHON – VITALE 1991, 242-257; CROSS 1992,
57-62; DEUTSCH – HELTZER 1997, 111-112; KROLL 2000, 379-384; WRIGHT 2002, 373-378; FINDLING – MUHLE 2012, 397-410).
723 For a comprehensive study of the Assyrian quivers see CURTIS 2013, 43. Fragments of bronze sheets, decorating quivers are known
mainly from Urarṭu and Transcaucasia: VANDEN BERGHE 1982, 245-257; POGREBOVA – RAEVSKY 1997; CASTELLUCIA – DAN 2011,
13-55.
724 DORNAUER 2014, 49 (Tell Halaf 13).

Booty and tribute
unknown. The other, similar but unfortunately fragmentary list refers to “[x] helmets, [x] quivers,
[x]+2 quivers, 28 bows, 500 iron arrowheads, and 5 iron daggers.”725 The recipient and purpose
of this shipment of military gear are also unknown. The list most probably contains arms and
armour supplies allocated to a unit of archers.
Another fragmentary letter – a list of valuables from Kumme on the Urar#ian border –
mentions hundreds of quivers (cover of which was) made of bronze,726 which could easily refer
to some booty from Urar#u, where metalworking – as seen in the list of booty taken from the
temple of ›aldi, Mu%a%ir in 714 B.C. – had reached a high level. This booty list also contains
quivers.727
A scarce amount of later, sporadic data refers to the vast industry of imperial bow and arrow
production. The size of this industry can be assessed from a letter if Iliada’ written to Sargon II,
in which he refers to the building activities of the magnates, who had built the fort of Minu’, and
equipped it with provisions, “30 bows, 20,000 [...] arrows, 10,000 arrowshafts.”728 The fort was
garrisoned with 100 Itu’eans (auxiliary archers) and the Gurreans of the Palace. It seems that the
local Assyrian authorities could (easily) provide tens of thousands of arrows and arrowshafts for
100 archers. Another letter to Sargon II by two officials with the same name (Šarruēmuranni)
refers to another fort which was similarly equipped with [x] thousand and [x] hundred arrows.729
Hereupon it is no surprise when we are faced with the immense numbers mentioned in the
booty list of Sargon II’s 8th campaign (714 B.C.). The Assyrian soldiers took 305,412 bronze
swords, bows, quivers and arrows from the temple of ›aldi in Mu%a%ir.730
The bowmakers were important artisans of the armaments industry. The Assyrian army
(before the appearance of the Cimmerians and Scythians) used two basic bow type: the Assyrian
and the Elamite. These two types are referred to in an early (784 B.C.) Nimrud Wine List text,
which allocates provisions to the bowmaker of Assyrian bows (LÚ.ZADIM GIŠ.BAN.MEŠ
KUR.Aššurāia),731 and to the bowmaker of Elamite bows ([LÚ.ZADIM] GIŠ.BAN.MEŠ KUR.Elam
maaa).732 Bowmakers are known by name from several administrative and legal documents,733
two of them from the same town (DonkeyDriver Town).734 The largest number of bowmakers
appears in a land grant document of TiglathPileser III, which mentions 9 of them.735 Similarly
to other artisans they were organized into smaller units (whether it was a unit of 10 or more is
unclear) with a leader (GAL—ZADIM).736 The number of bows they manufactured is unknown.
Only a single administrative text refers to bows they produced, but these pieces were for the king’s
personal use.737 “For 22 bows for the king’s own use, the sinews for the bowstrings — Sasî. For
725 DORNAUER 2014, 50 (Tell Halaf 42).

726 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 101 (K 17736), Rev. 4.
727 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, MAYER 1983, 382.
730 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 394.
731 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 145 (ND 6218), iii:12.
732 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 145 (ND 6218), iv:13.
733 Tuqun-Issar, b[ow] maker of Aššur (Z[A]DIM-ni Aš-šur), MATTILA 2002, 97 (ADD 68), 4-5; Makamê, bow maker (LÚ.ZADIM
BAN.ME), KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 97 (ADD 66), Rev. 13.
734 Ululāiu, bow-maker from Donkey Driver Town (LÚ.ZADIM URU.UŠ—ANŠE-a-a), MATTILA 2002, 140 (ADD 379), 2; Aššur-
šarru-uṣur, bow-maker from Donkey Driver Town (LÚ.sa-si-nu TA URU.UŠ—ANŠE), MATTILA 2002, 271 (ADD 513), Rev. 11.
735 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 15 (ADD 885+), 5. See furthermore KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 83 (BAM 24, 239+), Rev. 7: LÚ.ZADIM—
GIŠ.BAN.TAG.GA.MEŠ.
736 Issar-šarru-ibnî GAL—ZADIM (MATTILA 2002, 459 (TIM 11, 32), 1).
737 See the representations of Assurbanipal testing Elamite bows. BARNETT 1976, pl. LI.

12 bows for the king’s own use — Bazazānu. 15 minas (silver from) the house of the crown
prince, for quivers (and) trappings.”738 Another administrative text makes it clear that most of the
arrows were made within the framework of the imperial taxation system: “100 good u%%u
arrows, 400 of iškārus, total 500 u%%uarrows; 200 bowstrings; … Sînbēluu%ur authorized in the
town Karunuri.”739
Some administrative texts refer to large numbers of bows: one of them mentions 700 bows,740
while another short note refers to 784 bows of the city Arpad from 683 B.C.741 These bows were
probably part of the tribute paid this NorthSyrian city from a period (the last years of
Sennacherib) which is hardly known from other sources. The largest known number of bows is
also mentioned in a short note: 36,242 bows, inspected.742 This unbelievably high number could
only come from a booty, from a campaign which might have been led against Elamites or
Arameans, whose armies depended upon their large number of archers, and the captured bows
would naturally have been inspected. Such a booty of bows is represented on the palace reliefs
of Sennacherib, displaying the booty column of a Babylonian campaign.743
The picture of other hand arms emerging from the written sources is much more vague, but
fortunately their history can be reconstructed from the pictorial evidence.744 Concerning the arms
and armour the most important and useful sources would be those texts which – similarly to the
Nuzi texts – allot different types of arms and armour to different personnel. From these lists,
however, only a few have survived.
II.3.1.3.2 Swords745 and daggers746

The swords and daggers of the NeoAsyrian period were almost exclusively made of iron. This made
ironworking a strategic field of the (military) economy and – as has been discussed above – the raw
materials, the products and the technologies were strictly controlled by the state. That is why the
sources dealing with or mentioning iron swords and daggers – apart from those references which
refer to iron swords in literary context – are very few. The first is an administrative text listing
a “total of 280 daggers includes 97 of iron (GÌR.AN.BAR) of which 37 are described as having knobs
738 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 27 (ZA 73, 2), 1-8.

739 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 74 (ND 11305).
740 PARKER 1961, 37, ND 2612.
743 BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, nos. 346-347.
744 See the plates of volumes DEZSŐ 2012A , DEZSŐ 2012B, and BARRON 2010.
745 Only a few fragments of Assyrian swords are known from excavations. See for example two Assyrian iron sword fragments from
Nimrud in the British Museum (CURTIS 2013, 37, Plate VIII, 95-96). For comprehensive studies of the Assyrian swords see BARRON
2010, 46-78 and CURTIS 2013, 37. However, large numbers of articles have been written on ancient Near Eastern swords. The main
topics are the Bronze age Canaanite swords (MAXWELL-HYSLOP 1946, 1-65; SHALEV 1986; PHILIP 1989), the Hittite swords
(GRÄSLUND 1967, 77-90; GEIGER 1993, 213-217; ÜNAL 1992A; ÜNAL 1992, 256-257; SALVINI – VAGNETTI 1994, 215-236; ÜNAL
1999, 207-226), the sickle swords and two inscribed Mesopotamian pieces (GÜTERBOCK 1965, 197-198; MÜLLER 1987; MAUL 1995,
63-64; MAXWELL-HYSLOP 2002, 210-217), the Luristan (iron) swords (SPEELERS 1933, 111; MARYON 1961, 173-184; MAXWELL-
HYSLOP 1962, 126-131; BIRMINGHAM – KENNON – MALIN 1964, 44-49; LEFFERTS 1964, 59-62; TERNBACH 1964, 46-51; BIRD 1966,
175-176; MAXWELL-HYSLOP – HODGES 1966, 164-176; BIRD 1968, 215-223; PLEINER 1969, 41-47; HUMMEL 1971, 125-127;
MUSCARELLA 1989, 349-366; REHDER 1991, 13-19; RIEDERER 1992, 5-12), and the Urarṭian swords (POGREBOVA 1967, 137-145;
POGREBOVA – YESAIAN 1982, 85-96; METDEPENNINGHEN 1997, 109-136).
746 Similarly to the swords, for comprehensive studies of the Assyrian daggers see BARRON 2010, 46-78 and CURTIS 2013, 36-37. Other
corpuses consist of the studies of daggers of earlier periods. See GADD 1938, 36-38; MAXWELL-HYSLOP 1946, 1-65; NAGEL 1959-
1960, 95-104; MAXWELL-HYSLOP – HODGES 1964, 50-53; POGREBOVA 1966, 49-57; REINISCH 1967, 3-7; DIETZ 1971, 1-22; SEYRIG
1974, 229-230; MAXWELL-HYSLOP 1978, 112-115; LOMBARD 1981, 87-94; BOEHMER 1983, 101-108; PHILIP 1989; SIEVERSTEIN
1992, 1-76; MÜLLER-KARPE 1993, 227-234.

Booty and tribute
(surmounting the hilt) of ušuwood (karri GIŠ.KAL) worked with silver and one as with a knob of
terebinth/pistachiowood (karri GIŠ.bu#ni) worked with gold).”747 The other text – the letter of 17
blacksmiths – has already been quoted above, and reveals that 17 blacksmiths made 200 iron
swords (from the raw material issued by the state within the framework of the Assyrian taxation
system (ilku)).748 During the early 9th century B.C. iron daggers were important enough to be
mentioned separately in a booty list. TukultīNinurta II (890—884 B.C.) during his long march in
884 B.C. received 100 iron daggers from DūrKatlimmu.749
These numbers are high enough in themselves, but if we take into consideration again the
number of iron swords and daggers the (well over 100,000) soldiers of the Assyrian army needed,
and the immense number of swords and daggers of the later (late 8th century B.C.) booty lists,750
we can hardly imagine the real capacity of the weapon industry of the Assyrian Empire.
II.3.1.3.3 Spears751
Spears, as well as bronze and iron spearheads were among the military gear of the ancient Near
Eastern armies which were manufactured in the largest numbers – during the NeoAssyrian
period probably tens of thousands on a yearly basis. In contrast to their significance only a few
NeoAssyrian texts mention the spears of the army, one of them being an administrative text which
refers to an iron case for spears – probably a case attached to the side of the chariot.752 One of the
reasons for this could be that the spear and the spearhead were pieces of equipment which the
soldiers – alongside the state – could also provide for themselves.
That the state played a decisive role in this process (in the equipment of the troops from central
arsenals) is corroborated by those few records of booty and/or tribute, which – among other items
of weaponry – list spears as well. According to the epigraphs of the Black Obelisk Shalmaneser
III (858—824 B.C.) received a tribute of spears in 841 B.C. from Jehu (Iaua), king of Israel (House
of Omri)753 and from Mardukaplau%ur, the ruler of the Su‹u.754 The largest number of spears
captured is known from the sack of the temple of ›aldi in Mu%a%ir (714 B.C.), when the troops
of Sargon II looted 1,514 bronze spears of different types.755 Without a number, but presumably
a lot of spears arrived to Assyria from the tribute of Hezekiah of Judah in 701 B.C.756
II.3.1.3.4 Shields757
The only comprehensive corpus which clarifies certain aspects of the local arms and armour
management of the Assyrian military is the archive of MannukīAššur, governor of Guzana,
dated to the first decades of the 8th century B.C. Some texts in the archive mention shields and
747 WISEMAN 1953, 147, ND 3480.

749 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.100.5, 104-108.
750 See again THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 394 for Sargon II (714 B.C.) and GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 4, 57 for Sennacherb (701 B.C.).
751 For comprehensive studies of the Assyrian spearheads and spearbutts see BARRON 2010, 79-112 and CURTIS 2013, 38-39. A few
articles have been published on spearheads of other periods: WATKINS 1974, 188-192; DE MAIGRET 1976A, 31-41; DE MAIGRET
1976B; DE MAIGRET 1976C, 226-232; BILGI – DINÇOL 1989, 29-31.
752 FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 89 (ADD 1051+), 11.
753 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.102, 88.
754 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.102, 90.
756 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 4, 55-80.
757 For comprehensive studies of the Assyrian shields see BARRON 2010, 113-146 and CURTIS 2013, 45-46. This piece of the defensive
armament has a relatively rich archaeological documentation with the evidence consisting of a large 9th century B.C. bronze shield
and several shield fragments (similar to the much later Greek hoplon shields (BOL 1989)) from Nimrud, now in the British Museum

other arms and armour as part of the soldiers’ equipment. One of these texts lists the complete
equipment of a unit of 10 (eširtu),758 another mentions the shields of &illiIssar which were
brought to him from the rab kallapāni.759 The largest number of heavy shields are mentioned in
another text from the archive, which lists 9 A.ŠUtype and 10 wooden shields (made of
woodsticks).760 While the first text deals with shields belonging to their owners (the 10 soldiers
of the regular infantry),761 the shields of the other two texts more probably were the property of
officers (rab kallapāni)762 who had more than one shield (obviously not for their personal use). The
different types of shields need further study.763
In addition to the local, provincial management of arms and armour discussed above, some
data refer to the central management of weapons, as well. While the 8 silver shields764 mentioned
in an inventory text among a huge number of silver objects ‘belonging to’ the Chief Cupbearer
would rather have been part of a treasure than the military equipment of the troops, two other
inventory texts really comment on the central arms management. One of these – a long, eight
column tablet grouping objects according to their material – lists “4 shields of the replacement
of the ‘storehouse of the fort.’”765 The other text (discussed in the previous chapter) also mentions
shields: “A leather shield with rivets(?) … 5 shields (made) of heavy sticks.”766 These texts were
(WA 22484 (diam.: 89 cm), WA 22486, WA 22490.). These Assyrian shields are the earliest known examples of this type. Similar
bronze shields are known from 8th and 7th centuries B.C. Urarṭu (Eastern Turkey, Armenia, Northwest Iran): PIOTROVSKY 1950,
62; PIOTROVSKY 1952, 51-53; PIOTROVSKY 1955, 26-30; on further Urarṭian and Northwest Iranian shields: BARNETT – GÖKÇE 1953,
121-129; BOYSAL 1967; BORN 1988, 159-172; DINÇOL – DINÇOL 1995, 23-55; KREBERNIK – SEIDL 1997, 101-111. For the Cretan
and Cypriote/Phoenician shields see KUNZE 1931; BARNETT 1977, 157-169; SHAW 1989, 165-183.
758 DORNAUER 2014, 48 (Tell Halaf 30 + 81): 1 chariot, 4 horses, 2 donkeys, 10 bows, 10 daggers, 10 spears, 10 helmets, 10 quivers,
10 shields, 10 tunics, 10 belts (?), 10 kilts, 1 ox, 10 sheep.
759 DORNAUER 2014, 51 (Tell Halaf 11): “Shields of Ṣillī-Issār which were brought to him from the rab kallapāni: 3 Šalmu, 2 Ḫaiānu,
1 Ḫīri-aḫḫē.”
760 DORNAUER 2014, 53+58 (Tell Halaf 74+82): “[A.ŠU-type shields, wicker] shields (of woodsticks), 1 [...]-al-[…], 1+2 Adda-ḫāti,
2+1 Atinnu, 1+2 Ḫanūnu, 1+1 Hīri-aḫḫē, 2+1 Aḫu-ilā’ī, 2+1 ›imārî, 0+1 Sē’-barakka; total 9 A.ŠU-type shields, 10 wicker shields
(from woodsticks); total 19 heavy shields. […]meṣu, Atinnu, Sē’-barakka […] Adda-ḫāti, […] Iadīdu.
761 This type of weaponry fits to the equipment of the regular infantry known from the representations of the 9th—8th centuries B.C.
DEZSŐ 2012A nos. 79, 94, 123-124.
762 For a discussion see DORNAUER 2014, 26-29, 77-78; for (rab) kallapāni see DEZSŐ 2012A, 60, 69-75.
763 A preliminary investigation of the wooden shields of the Assyrian army reveals certain basic categories. There are several types
of wooden shields known from the representations of the Assyrian soldiers. 1) The lightest known type is the rounded wicker shield
made of osiers woven and fastened together with metal bands and sometimes strengthened by a metal rim and a boss (this type
would fit mainly to the auxiliary infantry (Gurreans) of the later periods, DEZSŐ 2012A, nos. 36-38, 40-44, 46-50, 51-53, 55-56,
for regular infantrymen: nos. 77, 94). Unfortunately the artistic conventions of representing shields makes a distinction between
the wickerwork and the wooden structure difficult. 2) A somewhat heavier rectangular shield was probably the wooden shield made
of wooden sticks fastened together with metal bands. This rectangular type of shield fits more to the regular infantrymen of the
9th—8th centuries B.C. (DEZSŐ 2012A, nos. 62, 65-66, 70, 78-79, 83, 88, 100, 101, 121). However, in this case it is also very hard
to make a proper distinction between the wickerwork and the wooden structure. 3) The heaviest shields were the standing siege-
shields which have got at least two types, the a) wickerwork and b) the wooden. These shields are known mainly from siege contexts
(for both types see DEZSŐ 2012A, nos. 71-72, 76, 93, 94-97, 102-103). If the Guzana shields were really heavy wicker/wooden
shields (as indicated by Dornauer (DORNAUER 2014, 79, Abb. 2)), perhaps heavy siege shields – these were not part of the equipment
of the everyday service of the regular infantry, but was made and issued for a campaign and/or a siege. Consequently it is much
more probable that these shields fall into the 2nd category and were the shields of the regular infantry of the Assyrian provinces,
which units formed the bulk of the Assyrian infantry. It has to be emphasized again that the artistic convention of the Assyrian
palace reliefs makes it not so easy the make a distinction between the wicker shields and the shields made of heavy wooden sticks,
since almost all of the representations indicate a woven pattern on the shields. The detailed discussion of the arms and armour of
the Assyrian army is going to be part of a further volume of this project.
764 FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 78 (ADD 932), 7.
765 POSTGATE 1973, 155 (ND 459+450), II:11-12: 4 GIŠ.a-ri-a-te ša ku-tal É KI.KAL.
766 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 74 (ND 11305), 1: KUŠ.a-ri-tú ša kam-me-te; 7-9: 5 GIŠ.a-ri-a-te ša GIŠ.PA.MEŠ kab-bu-ta-a-te.

Booty and tribute
found in Calah and belonged to the archives (Governor’s Palace Archive, and the Archive of Fort
Shalmaneser) of the central management of various goods and resources.
These sources, however, do not reflect the incredible wealth of the Assyrian Empire, which
can be glimpsed in the booty lists. Sargon II looted large numbers of shields767 and other
equipment from the temple of ›aldi in Mu%a%ir in 714 B.C., and Sennacherib received a vast
amount of military implement including shields from Hezekiah of Judah in 701 B.C..768
II.3.1.3.5 Helmets769
In contrast to most of the other pieces of arms and armour, the use of helmets presumably
followed strict rules: different arms of the Assyrian army used different types of helmets, which
characterized the arm itself. According to the representational evidence of the palace reliefs
different types of crested helmets were used exclusively by the auxiliary spearmen (Gurreans).770
Conical/ pointed helmets (made of bronze and/or iron) were used during the 9th – early 8th
centuries B.C. in every arm of the Assyrian army by the ethnic Assyrians, and later on by the
regular infantry, the bodyguard units, the heavy infantry, the cavalry, and the chariotry. The
archaeological record of Assyrian helmets consists of 30 helmets and fragments (8 pointed
bronze helmets and fragments, 2 pointed iron helmets, 4 crested bronze helmets, and 16 fragments
of crested iron helmets).771 In opposition to this relatively rich archaeological evidence and the
abundant representations,772 we can hardly find a NeoAssyrian text mentioning helmets or any
other aspect of the very developed helmet industry.
Furthermore, the use of helmets followed strict rules not only according to their shapes, but
according to their decorations as well. Figures or symbols of different deities appear frequently
in the iconographical répertoire of helmet decorations, which further restricted the use of helmets.
Various people – for example the Urar#ians, who adopted the Assyrian pointed/conical type of
bronze helmet during the 9th and 8th centuries B.C. 773 – started to develop the basic type into
different directions.774 The most popular adoption technique was to change the Assyrian decorative
system and adapt it to the local needs: symbols and insignia of the local deities appeared, and this
probably made wearing a looted helmet with the symbol of a foreign deity (the enemy of Assyria)
impossible for an Assyrian soldier.775 This might have been the case during the Urar#ian campaign
of Sargon II (8th campaign, 714 B.C.), where – according to his ‘Letter to God’ – Sargon II captured
25,212 bronze shields; helmets and armours from the temple of ›aldi, Mu%a%ir,776 most of which
767 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 370: 6 golden shields hanging on the left and right walls of the inner chamber of the sanctuary; 379: 12
large silver shields edge of which are decorated with the heads of deluge monsters, lions and bulls; 382: silver shield; 392: 25,212
small and large copper shields, helmets and hemispherical helmets.
768 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 4, 57: “shields, lances, armor, iron belt-daggers, bows, uṣṣu-arrows, equipment, implements of war.”
769 For comprehensive studies of helmets see DEZSŐ 2001, BARRON 2010, 179-201 and CURTIS 2013, 43-45.
770 DEZSŐ 2012A, 38-51, nos. 32-60. For a detailed discussion see DEZSŐ 2001.
771 DEZSŐ – CURTIS 1991, 105-126; DEZSŐ 2001, 18-55. At least 142 further pieces of Near Eastern (North Syrian, Urarṭian,
Northwest Iranian, Iranian, Caucasian, Hasanlu and Persian) helmets are known. For a detailed study of the helmets of the other
regions see DEZSŐ 2001. For additional pieces of the armament see: BORN – SEIDL 1995.
772 DEZSŐ 2001, Charts 2-4; DEZSŐ 2012A, Plates 10-49; DEZSŐ 2012B, Plates 1-18.
773 For the interaction between the Assyrian and Urarṭian metalwork and the Assyrian influence exerted on the Urarṭian art see CURTIS
2012, 427-443.
774 DEZSŐ 1998; DEZSŐ 2001.
775 The North Syrian winged sun-disk was probably an acceptable or adoptable symbol on the front conical bronze helmets (DEZSŐ
1998; DEZSŐ 2001, 56-69), but the Urarṭian helmets, probably decorated with symbols of the god Ḫaldi and the elements of the
Urarṭian royal ideology (DEZSŐ 2001, 79-96) might easily have fallen outside the limits of the acceptable category.
776 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, MAYER 1983, 368-385.

were votive pieces with dedicatory inscriptions to the god ›aldi.777 Most of the Urar#ian
metalwork, especially rounded bronze shields and helmets were decorated with the symbols of
the Urar#ian deities (›aldi) and with the symbols of the Urar#ian royal ideology. According to
imperial doctrine it was simply unimaginable for an Assyrian soldier to march into the field
wearing a helmet declaring the glory of foreign deity, a foreign ruler or a foreign ideology. The
fate of the vast numbers of captured votive shields and helmets – whether the foreign symbols
were erased or not – is unfortunately unclear. Consequently it can confidently be stated that only
the originally undecorated helmets could have been put to immediate use by the Assyrians.
II.3.1.3.6 Armours778
NeoAssyrian cuneiform evidence hardly sheds any light on the Assyrian armour industry. The
information available for the reconstruction of the Assyrian scale armour comes mainly from the
archaeological evidence.779 Considerable numbers of bronze and iron armour scales are known
from the 1st millennium B.C. Near East, and from the Assyrian capitals. The representational
evidence shows that scale armour was only used by the heavy troops (heavy infantry, bodyguard
units, cavalry, and chariotry),780 and never worn by the light and regular troops of the Assyrian
army.
In contrast to the shields and helmets, scale armour was an easily convertible piece of the
defensive armament, and heavy troops – or anyone who could afford it? – could use both the
bronze and iron scale armours. As far as we know, iron scale armour was already used during
the 9th century B.C.781 and started to replace the bronze, which nevertheless remained in use
throughout the history of the Assyrian Empire. According to the royal inscriptions of
Assurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.), his troops received bronze armours from several regions
Northwest of Assyria during his campaign of 879 B.C.782 The largest number of bronze scale
armours was looted from the temple of ›aldi, Mu%a%ir in 714 B.C. during the 8th campaign of
Sargon II, when, according to his royal inscription he captured 25,212 bronze shields, helmets and
armours.783 A similarly vast amount of equipment, including armours, were sent to Sennacherib
as tribute by Hezekiah of Judah in 701 B.C.,784 when the Assyrian army attacked his country. We
only know of one single administrative text, from the 7th century B.C., which mentions a light
copper armour in a storeroom, in need of polishing.785
Similarly to the 2nd millennium B.C. (when the cuneiform evidence of the Nuzi archive
allowed us to reconstruct different types of bronze scale armours),786 there is some evidence which
777 For Urarṭian helmets and their decorative systems see DEZSŐ 2001, 79-96, Cat. nos. 57-114, Pls. 80-111.
778 For comprehensive studies of the Assyrian armours see BARRON 2010, 147-178 and CURTIS 2013, 46-49. Much more data is
available from the written sources of the 2nd millennium B.C. See DEZSŐ 2002, 195-216; DEZSŐ 2004, 319-323. For the
peripheries of the Assyrian Empire see WESTHOLM 1938, 163-173; DE BACKER 2008—2012, 1-38.
779 DEZSŐ 2004, 319-323.
780 See the plates in DEZSŐ 2012A and DEZSŐ2012B.
781 See the above mentioned example of a glazed brick from Aššur with a representation of a helmeted Assyrian soldier on it (ANDRAE
1925, pl. 9, no. 9e (Ass. 10756)). The bronze helmet (painted yellow), the iron scale armour (painted blue) attached to the rim of
the helmet and the characteristic spiked shield dates the scene to the reigns of Assurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.) or Shalmaneser
III (858–824 B.C.). See furthermore the ‘Epic of Shalmaneser III,’ which mentions the iron armour of the horses (LIVINGSTONE
1989, 17 (STT 43), 22).
782 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:92: Zazabuḫa, Ḫabḫu; ii:96-97: Mount Kašiiari; ii:101-102: land Nirdun.
784 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 4, 55-80.
785 FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 89 (ADD 1051+), Rev. 8.
786 For the Ḫanigalbat and Arrapḫa types of bronze scale armours see DEZSŐ 2002, 195-216.

Booty and tribute
allows us to favour the assumption that there were different types of scale armours during the
1st millennium B.C. as well, with an administrative text from Nimrud mentioning an iron scale
armour of/from Damascus.787
In conclusion we can say that the cuneiform evidence does not provide extensive and solid
information about the importance of the booty in supplying the army with arms and armour, nor
help us to conceptualize the industrial background of the Assyrian weapon industry. The
cuneiform sources hardly refer to the scope of the weapon industry of the Assyrian Empire. If we
take into consideration that the Assyrian imperial industry was several times larger than the
Urar#ian – a small portion of the products of which was represented in the palace of Urzana and
in the temple of ›aldi in Mu%a%ir – then we can assume that the Assyrian weapon industry was
the largest in the ancient Near East, and could equip an army of 100,000 soldiers or more at a time.
We can also confidently state that archaeological evidence sheds more light on the imperial
weapon industry’s level of development than the cuneiform evidence. This industry reached the
highest standards – both in the technique, and in the volumen during the 7th century B.C..
II.3.1.3.7 Chariots and horse trappings

The archaeological evidence consists of representations and archaeological finds, as a relatively
large number of chariot fittings and horse trappings have been discovered in different parts of
the ancient Near East.788 Both the archaeological evidence and the cuneiform sources reveal the
chariotry arm as the most sophisticated, complex, prestigious, and the most expensive arm of the
Assyrian armies of the 9th—8th centuries B.C.789 It was an intricate system including two or three
harnessed – sometimes armoured – horses trained to the yoke, one chariot driver, one shield bearer
‘third man’ equipped with rounded bronze shield(s), and one archer equipped with a bow,
a quiver, and arrows – all three members of the crew were generally clad in iron scale armours
and pointed helmets. One or two grooms could also be part of the team. The crew consisted of
skilled and experienced personnel with specialized knowledge, and these factors made capturing
(equipped) chariots obviously the main focus of the Assyrian campaigns (Fig. 39).790 This arm was
not only the most complex but the most expensive as well, which resulted in the gradual decrease
of its importance during the 7th centuy B.C., and its replacement by the much more ‘cost effective,’
‘flexible,’ and versatile arm of the cavalry.
787 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 135, 75 (ND 7060), 1) sa-ri-a-a-nu AN.BAR, 2) ša URU.Di-maš-qa.
788 STUDNICZKA 1907, 147-196; MOORTGAT 1930, 841-861; WOLF 1936—1937, 231-235; POTRATZ 1941—1944, 1-39; POTRATZ 1942,
169-234; BOTTI 1951, 192-198; CHILDE 1951, 177-194; FITZGERALD 1954, 95-96; ESAIAN 1962, 77-86; PIOTROVSKY 1962, 340-
343; HROUDA 1963, 155-158; SCHULMAN 1963, 75-96; GHIRSHMAN 1964, 49-60; NAGEL 1966; POTRATZ 1966; ORCHARD 1967;
PIGGOTT 1968, 266-318; KLENGEL 1970, 33-36; WEISNER 1970, 191-194; LITTAUER – CROUWEL 1973, 102-126; WESTERN 1973,
91-94; LITTAUER – CROUWEL 1974, 20-36; PIGGOTT 1974, 16-27; PIGGOTT 1975, 289-290; TARHAN – SEVIN 1975, 45-56; COLLON
– CROUWEL – LITTAUER 1976, 71-81; LITTAUER 1976, 217-226; BELLI 1976—1977, 177-226; FARBER – LITTAUER – CROUWEL
1976—1980, 336-351; LITTAUER – CROUWEL 1976—1980, 336-351; PINI 1976, 107-114; LITTAUER – CROUWEL 1977A, 1-8;
LITTAUER – CROUWEL 1977B, 95-105; ZACCAGNINI 1977, 21-38; DEL OLMO LETE 1978, 47-51; SEVIN 1978, 111-132; BALKAN 1979,
49-58; LITTAUER – CROUWEL 1979A; LITTAUER – CROUWEL 1979B, 107-120; PIGGOTT 1979, 3-17; WINTER 1979, 101-102;
PECORELLA 1980, 191-199; SCHULMAN 1980, 105-153; WINTER 1980; GROPP 1981, 95-123; BELLI 1983A, 361-371; BELLI 1983B,
373-386; DE SCHAUENSEE – DYSON 1983, 59-77; ÖZGEN 1983, 111-131; PIGGOTT 1983; LITTAUER – CROUWEL 1984, 41-51; ÖZGEN
1984, 91-154; NAGEL 1984—1985, 143-151; SEIDL-CALMEYER 1985, 309-314; MOOREY 1986, 196; SEIDL 1986, 229-236;
CROUWEL 1987, 101-118; MAASS 1987, 65-92; YILDIRIM 1987, 469-496; LITTAUER – CROUWEL 1988, 169-171; DE SCHAUENSEE
1989, 37-52; LITTAUER – CROUWEL 1989, 111-161; MACGINNIS 1989, 184-192; ÖZGÜÇ 1989, 409-419; MAASS 1990, 7-23; HROUDA
1994, 5-57; CURTIS 1997, 26-31; WILCKE 1999, 803-852; LITTAUER – CROUWEL 2002; CASTELLUCIA – DAN 2014, 36-47.
789 For a detailed study of the Assyrian chariotry see DEZSŐ 2012B, 55-146, pls. 12-18, nos. 23-32. For earlier studies of the topic see
MAYER 1979B, 175-186; DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, 27-47; DALLEY 1985, 31-48; NOBLE 1990, 61-68; DE BACKER 2009, 29-46.
790 DEZSŐ 2012B, Charts 4A-C.

Fig. 39 shows the large numbers of chariots and harnesses intended as supplies for the
equestrian arm, which always played an important role in the Assyrian army. Since these issues
have already been discussed in detail in the previous volumes of the project,791 here we would
like to emphasize the importance of the supply of the chariots and chariot fittings for the
Assyrian chariotry units, the significance of the horse harness and the horses themselves, whose
acquisition and supply consumed a lot of energy and immense resources. It was also one of the
fundamental aims of the Assyrian campaigns to destroy the equestrian capacities of their rivals.
Evaluating the booty lists – from the strategic point of view – it seems obvious that these items
ranked among the most valuable and most important pieces of the booty.
Tribute chariots and horses (for horse management see chapter III. Supply of horses) are
mentioned not only in the royal inscriptions but also in the royal correspondence, and the
administrative texts. These documents register items connected to the campaigns, which were
brought to Assyria afterwards, or those which arrived within the framework of the taxation
system, and included a kind of yearly tribute. Such a shipment of chariots is known from an
administrative text, a list of tribute probably from Tabal, which mentions 38 chariots.792

iii:103-iv:1 Murattaš, Saradauš, Lower Zab 120 chariots, harnessed horses
iv:94-95, v:5- 23 kings of the lands Nairi 120 of their chariots with equipment
6, v:19
Adad-nƝrƗrƯ II (911—891 B.C.) – GRAYSON 1991, A.0.99.2
58-59 898 ঩anigalbat, Temannu, Arameans, Gidara chariots
Raqammatu
68-73 896 ঩anigalbat, Temannu, Naৢibina chariots with teams of [horses]
103-104 894 ঩anigalbat, ঩Ɨbur, GuzƗnu, BƯt-BaপiƗni, SikƗnu numerous chariots
107 894 Šadikannu chariots
110 894 Qatnu, AmƯl-Adad chariots, wagons
i:83-88 883 Sǌru, which belongs to BƯt-঩alupê, Aপi-iababa harnessed chariot, the equipment of the horses
ii:14-15 882 Tušপa (from BƯt-ZamƗni, Šubrû, Nirdun, lands chariots
Nairi)
harnessed chariots, equipment for troops (and)
ii:119-125 879 BƯt-ZamƗni horses,
iii:21-22 878 Sǌru, land Suপu chariots, equipment for horses
iii:45-46 877 Ilâ, sheikh of the land Laqû his chariots with teams
iii:57-58 875 ঩atti, BƯt-BaপiƗni harnessed chariots, chariots, cavalry, (and) infantry
iii:59-60 875 ঩atti, Adad-’ime, the (A)zallu harnessed chariots, chariots, cavalry, (and) infantry
2, ii:52-53 856 Urar৬u chariots, cavalry, numerous cavalry
5, iii:2
2, ii:102
6, ii:32-33
8, 18’-19’ 853 12 kings of the seashore chariots, cavalry
10, ii:24-25
14, 65-66
16, 36-38
Damascus, ঩amath, 12 kings on the shore of the
6, iii:8-11 848 sea chariotry, cavalry
10, 10”-14” 841 Damascus 1,121 of his chariots (and) 470 of his cavalry
16, 236’-238’ 832 Urar৬u numerous cavalry
791 DEZSŐ 2012B.

792 PARKER 1961, 37, ND 2607, 5’) … 38 GIŠ.GIGIR.

Booty and tribute

1, iii:33-36 821? ঩anasiruka the Mede 140 of his cavalry
1, iv:31-45 820? Daban river battle in front of the city Dǌr- 100 chariots, 200 cavalry.
Papsukkal
2, iii:15’-16’ ? 30 of their cavalry, one chariot
42, 15’-17’ 733 BƯt-঩umria (Israel) „auxiliary army”
15 722 Samaria 50 chariots into the royal corps
50 chariots, 200 cavalry, 3,000 foot soldiers (royal
75 717 Carchemish corps)
368-385 temple of ঩aldi, Muৢaৢir 33 silver chariots
1, 27-29 704 battle of Kish chariots, wagons
4, 55-80 701 Hezekiah of Judah chariots
23, vi:15-19 691/6 battle of ঩alulê chariots
90
soldiers, skilled in battle and combat, from [...] and I
attached (them) to my royal guard. With regard to ...
33, iii:14-20 673 Uppume, Šubria [...], a group of charioteers, a group of cavalry,
commanders of ..., officials, [engin]eers, troops,
light troops, shield bearers, scouts, …
third-men, charioteers, ..., [... re]in-[holders], archers,
9, i’:1’-17’ 671 Memphis, Tirপaqa shield bearers
Pr. B §35,
v:77-vi:16 653 Elam, Til-Tuba chariots, carts
Pr. C §45,
vi:79-vii:9
Pr. C §64, 652- Babylon, Šamaš-šum-ukƯn chariots
ix:29-44 648
Pr. A §40, 652-
iv:53-76 648 Babylon, Šamaš-šum-ukƯn chariots
th
Pr. A §57, 10
v:126-vi:76; camp
Pr. F §32, aign, Elam, treasury of the palace and the temple chariots, parade chariots, carts decorated with gold
iv:66-v:54 64..
Fig. 39. Equestrian equipment and units captured.
Although the literature discussing the representational and archaeological evidence of the chariotry
and the cavalry is very rich, administrative texts hardly shed any light on the management of the
equipment. Two administrative texts from the Governor’s Palace archive record pieces of horse
trappings, most probably disks or rivets which served as decorative elements.793 A somewhat
different administrative profile emerges from two administrative texts of the Fort Shalmaneser
archive. It is wellknown that the palace of Shalmaneser III, itself a review palace, provided room
not only for the archives of the local (military) administration but also for the installations, such
as yards/workshops for repairing military equipment like example chariots, storerooms for
storing equipment, and a drill/parade ground. One of these texts is an inventory of 2+1+3
chariots and 1 new and 3+1+4 old driving platforms, with inventory notes on their state and the
condition of their fittings (including existing or missing copper fittings, bow cases, and
793 POSTGATE 1973, 141 (ND 453), 1) 1 ME kam-ma-t[e], … 5) ANŠE.KUR.[R]A; POSTGATE 1973, 151 (ND 225), 1) 37 ka-ma-te,
2) GUŠKIN, 3) ša SAG.DU ANŠE.KUR, (37 discs of gold for the head of a horse).

5+2+[x]+20 shields).794 The other administrative text records 8 chariots with covers and shields of
copper, a further chariot and an old chariot, 1+3 poles and other chariot parts.795 These texts shed
some light on the military – storing and repairing – infrastructure of the Fort Shalmaneser.
II.3.1.4 Foodstuff
From the perspective of military planning one of the most important if not the most important
item of the booty were the different types of foodstuff, which only rarely appear in the booty lists
of the Assyrian royal inscriptions. The foodstuff seized during the campaigns in enemy territory
played, however, a crucial role in maintaining the troops on campaign. As Fig. 40 shows, foodstuff
transported to the Assyrian troops or looted during the campaigns appears mainly in the royal
inscriptions of TukultīNinurta II (890—884 B.C.) and Sargon II (721—705 B.C.). The royal
inscription of TukultīNinurta II about his long march gives some details of sustaining the troops
during the campaign in 884 B.C. The categories are usually general in nature and contain staple
food items for men and horses (bread, beer, grain, and straw) with only a few specific articles
(ducks and other birds) mentioned. Other 9th century B.C. royal inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal II
and Shalmaneser III list almost exclusively the wine, with a few entries referring only to grain and
the harvest of grain to be stored in the newly conquered cities converted into Assyrian centers.
The most informative entries are found in the royal inscriptions of Sargon II. One of them refers
to 2,000 homers of corn seized in Gambulu in 710 B.C., while the key text, which sheds some light
onto the logic of feeding the troops in enemy country is his ‘Letter to God’ commemorating his
8th campaign (714 B.C.). As has been discussed in detail earlier (chapter II.1.2.2 Feeding the troops
during campaigns), when the Assyrians started their march through newly conquered enemy
territories the army had to provision itself by capturing and looting the food stores and depots
of the nearby towns along their march. They led the campaign via the towns, food stores and
depots known from the intelligence reports. The pace of the campaign would have been quick,
or at least detachments were sent out to seize and guard the food stores and grain depots to
prevent their looting or destruction by local or Urar#ian enemies of Assyria, which would have
stopped or at least slowed down the march of the imperial army by emptying the depots and
using the ‘scorched earth’ tactic against them. The same tactic was used by the Assyrians as well:
they consumed everything they could and destroyed the remaining resources: they scorched the
harvest and let the flocks of the Assyrian camp pasture the crop.796 This tactic needed careful
planning and a very quick pace and a very short reaction time. However, to feed the troops during
the campaign in enemy territory was the most risky element in planning and needed a very strong
and careful control during the campaign.
Later royal inscriptions are not reactive to this problem and only the inscription of Esarhaddon
refers to a larger amount of foodstuff: 19,323 homers, (measured by) 1 seah, of malt. In spite of
this a few administrative texts provide further details of the foodstuff management of the
Assyrian army on campaign.
An administrative list797 reviews horses, livestock and wheat due from various locations.
These items might have originated from local taxes, but the amounts listed refer presumably to

796 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 184-187.
797 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 104 (K.8683 + K.20329).

Booty and tribute
a kind of tribute due from various locations. This text gives the following amounts of wheat:
“[x +1,0]00 (homers) wheat in Birtu […], [x +1,0]00 (homers) wheat …, [x +1,0]00 (homers) wheat
… N[N]. [Total:] 12,000 (homers) wheat in ›arbān[i …]. 4,000 (homers) wheat in …[…], [x +]100
(homers) wheat in Zagānu … due from […].”798 These quantities are large enough to feed large
numbers of for example soldiers,799 and show the immense capacities of resources controlled by
the Empire.

Nairi, Subnat, M. Kašiiari, P[a]tiškun, BƯt-
16-18, 20-22 885 ZamƗni grain (and) straw of his land,
69-73 884 Suপu, Ili-ibnî governor of the land Suপu bread, (and) beer
76-79 884 ঩indƗnu, Amme-alaba 14 ducks, bread, beer, straw, (and) fodder
85-86 884 AqarbƗnu, Mudadda, the Laqû bread, beer, grain, straw
86-87 884 Supru, ঩amatƗia, the Laqû bread, beer, grain, straw
88 884 Arbatu, ঩arƗnu, the Laqû bread, beer, grain, straw
90-92 884 Mudadda of the city Sirqu 20 birds, bread, beer, grain, straw, (and) fodder
98-101 884 Sǌru of BƯt-঩alupê, ঩amatƗia, (the) Laqû [N] ducks
102-103 Usalâ bread, beer, grain, (and) straw
109-111 884 Qatnu 100 ducks (and) geese, bread, beer, grain, straw
123-125 884 Mušku, PƯru [I cut down] the harvest of [their] gardens
i:55-56 883 Tummu wine
i:74 883 Katmuপu, Mušku wine
i:106 882 Izalla wine
ii:11-12 882 Tušপa (land Nirbu) wine
ii:14-15 882 Tušপa (from BƯt-ZamƗni, Šubrû, Nirdun, lands wine
Nairi)
ii:47 881 all of the kings of Zamua barley, straw
ii:52-53 880 Zamua, land Dagara wine
ii:78-80 880 Zamua wine
ii:80-81 880 ঩udun, ঩artišu, ঩ubušku, GilzƗnu wine
ii:88 879 Katmuপu, city Kibaku wine
ii:92 879 Zazabuপa, ঩abপu wine
ii:93 879 Sǌru, Mount Kašiiari wine
ii:96-97 879 Mount Kašiiari wine
ii:101-102 879 land Nirdun wine
I reaped the harvest of their land (and) stored the
ii:118 879 Nairi
barley and straw in the city Tušপa.
iii:59-60 875 ঩atti, Adad-’ime, the (A)zallu wine
iii:61-63 875 ঩atti, Aপǌni of BƯt-Adini wine
iii:82-83 875 city Aribua, the fortified city of Lubarna, the I reaped the barley and straw of the land Luপutu
Patinu (and) stored (it) inside.
798 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 104 (K.8683 + K.20329), 15-20.

799 12,000 homers = 1,200,000 litres = 960,000 kg = 480,000 portions of wheat ration (2 kg per capita per diem) = ration for 16,000
soldiers for 30 days.


1, 18-19;
2, 16-18 859 ঩argu, ঩armasa, Sirišu, UlmƗnu, Simerra wine
1, 38-39 859 Asû (Asua), the GilzƗnean wine
2, i:28-29
1, 43-45’
858 Til-Abni, Sarugu, Immerinu wine
2, i:35-36
2, i:36-37 858 Kummuপi wine
2, i:40-41 858 Gurgum wine
1, 81’-82’ 858 BƯt-Agǌsi wine
2, 12’-13’
1, 92’-95’ 857 Unqi, Gurgum, Sam’al, BƯt-Agǌsi wine, ducks (i‫܈܈‬ǌrǌ rabûtu)
2, ii:61-62 856 GilzƗnu wine
Ba-[…], ঩aza’il, ঩amdƗnu, Zabida, Amma-[…],
272-275 710 2,000 homers of corn
AপপƯ-iddina, Aiasammu, 6 sheikhs of Gambulu
52-55 714 Ullusunu in fort Sirdakka flour, wine
166 Wišdiš Opened the granaries and let the troops eat up the
grain.
Opened the granaries and let the troops eat up the
186-187 Sangibǌti: Aniastania
grain.
197 Land Dalaia: cities Tarui, Tarmakisa grain.
218-220, 228 Ulপu grain. The troops broached the admiral and drank the
wine.
Opened the granaries and let the troops, horses,
262-263 Arzabia, Irtia
mules, dromedaries carry the corn into my camp.
274 Mount Armarili grain.
292, 295 Mount Aiadi Opened the granaries and let the troops eat up the
grain.
9, ii’:12’-21’ 671 Memphis, Tirপaqa 19,323 homers, (measured by) 1 seah, of malt
Fig. 40. Foodstuff looted.
II.3.1.5 Livestock
It has to be pointed out, that from the military point of view one of the most important categories
of the booty and tribute were the horses and mules.800 This category – according to its eminence
in the horse supply of the equestrian units – is going to be discussed in a separate chapter of this
volume (III.1 Horses from tribute, booty, and audience gift).
For the feeding of the troops during the campaigns livestock was as important, if not more
important than grain. Livestock had one great advantage: as opposed to the difficulties of
transporting grain, moving livestock with the troops was relatively easy. As discussed earlier,
a few days worth of grain or wheat could be carried by the soldiers (as ‘campaign flour’), but to
transport tons of grain with the troops was almost impossible on mountaineous terrain (or at least
it required a huge number of pack animals). This was the reason why the Assyrians planned their
campaigns following a route along the known grain depots in the enemy land, in order to use the
800 The topic is frequently represented in Assyrian art, first of all on the palace reliefs: Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.): SCHACHNER
2007, Taf. 3 (upper register), 5 (lower and upper registers), 6 (lower and upper registers), 7 (lower register); Sargon II (721—705
B.C.): BOTTA – FLANDIN 1849, pls. 39, 123-136; Sennacherib (704—681 B.C.): BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, nos. 487-
488, 577-584.

Booty and tribute
captured grain stores to feed the troops. Livestock could be managed much easier, and the
Assyrian cavalry could easily capture flocks and herds which had not been ‘evacuated’ in time.
Livestock was consequently one of the most important parts of the booty – it was easier to manage
and provided food and milk for large numbers of soldiers.
Assyrian palace reliefs depict several scenes of Assyrian soldiers escorting a booty column
including animals,801 and camp scenes showing grazing animals within or outside the Assyrian
camp.802 These flocks are mentioned in Sargon II’s ‘Letter to God’ describing the 8th campaign of
the king, where he relates that his troops opened the granaries and consumed the grain, then
scorched the rest of the harvest and let the flocks of the Assyrian camp graze on the crop.803
It is known from the Assyrian sources that part of the livestock was consumed during the
campaign, while the remainder of the animals were driven home.804 The chances of driving flocks
and herds home successfully was much higher from nearby areas than from the faraway territories
in the mountaineous regions. Most of the flocks and herds were not necessarily driven to the royal
centers of the homeland to supply the palaces and temples, but ended up in the neighbouring
provinces to complement the food supply of the troops and the population of Assyria (see below).
As Fig. 41 shows, the Assyrian kings were very keen on listing the sheep and oxen, the herds
and flocks in the booty lists of their royal inscriptions. Some of the inscriptions used general
categories (as sheep, oxen, herds, and flocks), but some of them indicated the ‘exact’ number of
the animals captured. These numbers range from a few dozens or hundreds of animals to
thousands of sheep and oxen. The largest known figures come from the reign of Assurnasirpal
II (883—859 B.C.): 5,000 sheep and 2,000 oxen with 460 harnesstrained horses were captured in
BītZamāni (879 B.C.),805 10,000 sheep and 1,000 oxen from Kunulua, capital of Lubarna, the Patinu
(875 B.C.?);806 from the reign of Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.): 5,000 sheep and 500 oxen from
Patinu, from BītAgūsi, and from Carchemish respectively during his campaign of 857 B.C.807 One
of the inscriptions of the king summarizes the results of the registered booty and tribute of his
first 20 regnal years as follows: 184,755 sheep, 35,565 oxen, 9,920 horses, mules, and 19,690
donkeys.808 During the second, imperial period (745—612 B.C.) of Assyria with the widening
horizon of the Assyrian expansion these figures became larger than ever. TiglathPileser III
(745—727 B.C.) captured 19,000 sheep, 1,350 oxen, [x] horses, 300 mules, and 660 asses in Nairi
(›ista, ›arabisinna, Barbaz, and Tasa) in 735 B.C.,809 and not less, than 20,000 oxen and 30,000
801 Assurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.): LAYARD 1853A, pls. 20, 30, BARNETT – FALKNER 1962, pls. CXXII-CXXIII; Shalmaneser III
(858—824 B.C.): SCHACHNER 2007, Taf. 1 (upper and lower registers), 2 (lower register), 3 (lower register), 4 (lower register),
8 (lower register), 12 (lower register), 13 (lower register); Tiglath-Pileser III (745—727 B.C.): BARNETT – FALKNER 1962, pls.
V-VI (Babylonia), XXIII-XXX (Arab campaign), LXVIII-LXX (Western campaign); Sargon II (721—705 B.C.): BOTTA –
FLANDIN 1849, pls. 50, 81-83, 92, 94, 100, 116, 119, 146; Sennacherib (704—681 B.C.): BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998,
nos. 56, 70-72, 83-84, 102-104, 129, 193, 214, 227, 229, 243-244, 260, 263, 365-366, 368-372, 431-434, 448, 450, 473-475, 483,
487-488, 493, 496-498, 509-511, 553-554, 606-608, 613, 645, 691; Assurbanipal (668—631 B.C.): BARNETT 1976, pls. XVII-
XXII, XXVIII-XXX, XXXV-XXXVI, LX-LXI, LXVI-LXIX; BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, nos. 277, 283-284, 341-
347, 383.
802 Assurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.): LAYARD 1853A, pl. 30; Tiglath-Pileser III (745—727 B.C.): BARNETT – FALKNER 1962, pl. LXIII;
Sargon II (721—705 B.C.): BOTTA – FLANDIN 1849, pl. 146; Sennacherib (704—681 B.C.): BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998,
nos. 34 (enemy’s camp?), 76, 190, 200, 438-439, 515, 529, 694; Assurbanipal (668—631 B.C.): BARNETT 1976, pl. LXVI.
803 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 184-187.
804 Tiglath-Pileser III established a yearly offering of 240 sheep to the Aššur temple from the tribute of the Babylonian tribes in 745
B.C. (TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 5:8b-11a).
805 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:119-125.
806 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, iii:72-77.
807 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.102, 2, ii:21-29 with 3,000 sheep and 300 oxen from Bīt-Gabbari.
808 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.102, 10, iv:34-40.
809 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 18, 1-4.

camels from Samsi, queen of the Arabs in 733 B.C.810 Sargon II looted 100,225 sheep, 9,20[x] cattles
and 692 mules and donkeys when his troops captured Mu%a%ir in 714 B.C.,811 sheep without
number and 4,609 horses, mules and oxen from Mannaea, Ellipi, Allabria, 45 city lords of the
mighty Medes in 713 B.C.812 A quite different approach is known from 710 B.C., when Sargon II
extracted tribute from 6 sheikhs of Gambulu: 1 sheep from every 20 sheep and 1 ox from every
20 oxen.813 The largest numbers of livestock seized are known from the 7th century B.C. Assyrian
royal inscriptions. Sennacherib in 704—703 B.C. captured an immense number of animals in
Babylonia: 800,100 sheep and goats, 80,500 oxen, 7,200 horses and mules, 11,073 donkeys, and
5,230 camels were looted by the Assyrians.814 The largest loot of livestock during the reign of
Esarhaddon is known from the conquest of Lower Egypt in 671 B.C., when the Assyrian army
captured 30,418 sheep, 24[x] oxen(?), and [x]+40 stallions as sattukku and ginû offerings to Aššur
and the great gods;815 and took countless [...], sheep with tails of oxen, 60,000 fattened choice oxen,
50,000 strong horses, broken [to the yoke, ...].816 These numbers seem to be slightly exaggerated
and it is hardly believable that such a mass of animals departed from Egypt and ever reached
Assyria. Only the horses (or part of them) got the chance to be incorporated into the Assyrian
equestrian units. If we suppose that these 50,000 horses were really chariot and not cavalry horses,
as indicated by the text,817 the Assyrians could have equipped at least 15,000 chariots with them,
a number of chariots most probably never deployed in the ranks of the Assyrian army.
Administrative texts show much smaller numbers as yearly tribute from these regions of the Near
East (see below). The royal inscriptions of Assurbanipal do not give exact numbers of livestock
captured at all. The king refers only to ‘sheep without number’ and ‘cattle without number’ during
the destruction of Elam (10th campaign)818 and the defeat of the Arabs (11th campaign).819
810 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 42, 19’-22’, 48, 24’-25’. Probably the same lady Samsi is mentioned in a letter, which refers to Arabs,
fugitives and camels collected by Assyrian cohort commander: 1) “[… Ia]-rapâ, 2) [cohort co]mmander, 3-5) will bring the
[fugitives] of the Arabs [up t]o the lady Samsi; 6-8) (and) he will bring those [o]f the lady Samsi up to the Arabs. 9) Ia-rapâ, cohort
commander, 10) Ḫašilānu, cohort commander, 11) Gannabu, 12) Tamrānu: 13) in all, four people Rev. 1) for the fugitives. 2) 62,
Ḫašilānu, 3) 63, Ia-rapâ, 4-5) in all, 125 stray camels 6) [They have been c]ollected.” (FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 162 (ABL 631).
811 FUCHS 1994, Annalen, 153-155.
812 FUCHS 1994, Annalen, 191-194.
813 FUCHS 1994, Annalen, 272-275.
814 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 1, 60-61.
815 LEICHTY 2011, 9, ii’:12’-21’.
816 LEICHTY 2011, 1019, 18-42. For the Egyptian booty see LAMBERT 1982, 61-70. For the Egyptian campaigns of Assyrian kings see
ONASCH 1994; KAHN 2006, 251-267; RADNER 2007B, 353-365; RADNER 2008, 305-314.
817 The term ‘broken to the yoke’ might easily denote cavalry horses (nowadays ‘broken to the saddle’) as well.
818 BORGER 1996, Prisma A §58, vi:77-106; Prisma F §33, v:55-71.
819 BORGER 1996, Prisma B §53, viii:12-22; Prisma C §78, x:17-28.

Booty and tribute

ii:36-57 Urratinaš, Šadi-Tešub sheep cattle
iv:94-95, 23 kings of the lands Nairi 2,000 cattle herds of horses, mules,
v:5-6, v:19 donkeys; 1,200 horses
14-15 Nairi, Tummu, DaiƝnu, ঩imua, teams of horses in harness
Paiteru
Aššur-dƗn II (934—912 B.C.) – GRAYSON 1991, A.0.98
1, 13-14 Ekal-pƯ-nƗri [... herds] (and) flocks without
number.
1, 21 Ruqaপu, River Zab herds, (and)] flocks
2, 5’ herds, (and) flocks]
Adad-nƝrƗrƯ II (911—891 B.C.) – GRAYSON 1991, A.0.99
1, 15-17 911 QumƗnu herds (and) flocks
1, Rev. 3’-5’ 910 Tigris, 40 cities herds (and) flocks
2, 58-59 898 ঩anigalbat, Temannu, Arameans, horses
Gidara Raqammatu
2, 87-88 896 Temannu, Sikkur, SappƗnu, herds, flocks
2, 96 894 Kummu, ঩abপu teams of horses
঩anigalbat, ঩Ɨbur, GuzƗnu, BƯt-
2, 103-104 894 BaপiƗni, SikƗnu teams of horses
2, 110 894 Qatnu, AmƯl-Adad oxen horses
2, 117-118 894 Sirqu, Mudadda, the Laqû oxen agalu-donkeys
5-8 Nairi?, Balasî his herds
Nairi, Subnat, M. Kašiiari, P[a]tiškun,
16-18, 20-22 885 BƯt-ZamƗni horses, mules
69-73 884 Suপu, Ili-ibnî governor of the land sheep oxen

Suপu
76-79 884 ঩indƗnu, Amme-alaba 200 sheep, 50 oxen, 30 dromedaries, 30 asses
85-86 884 AqarbƗnu, Mudadda, the Laqû 200 sheep 30 oxen
86-87 884 Supru, ঩amatƗi-ia, the Laqû 200 sheep 50 oxen
88 884 Arbatu, ঩arƗnu, the Laqû 200 sheep, 30 oxen
90-92 884 Mudadda of the city Sirqu [x]00 sheep [x]40 oxen 20 asses
93-94 884 Sirqu, ঩arƗnu, the Laqû 500 sheep 100+ oxen 20 asses
98-101 884 Sǌru of BƯt-঩alupê, ঩amatƗiia, (the) 1,200 sheep 100 oxen
Laqû
102-103 884 Usalâ 200 sheep 30 oxen
104-108 884 Dǌr-Katlimmu, … of the land Laqû sheep oxen horses
123-125 884 Mušku, PƯru sheep oxen
i:48 883 Tummu, Libê oxen
i:55-56 883 Tummu sheep oxen horses, mules
i:57-58 883 GilzƗnu, ঩ubušku horses
i:74 883 Katmuপu, Mušku sheep oxen
Sǌru, belonging to BƯt-঩alupê, Aপi-
i:83-88 883 iababa sheep oxen teams of horses
i:95 883 Laqû sheep oxen
i:96-97 883 ঩aiiƗnu, of the city ঩indƗnu dromedaries
i:106 882 Izalla sheep oxen
i:112 882 city Mariru, Nirbu sheep oxen
i:115-116 882 TƝla oxen, cattle
ii:11-12 882 Tušপa (land Nirbu) sheep oxen horses, mules
ii:14-15 882 Tušপa (BƯt-ZamƗni, Šubrû, Nirdun, sheep oxen horses, mules
Nairi)
ii:22-23 BƯt-Iaপiri, BƯt-BaপiƗni, ঩anigalbat, sheep oxen horses
঩atti
ii:31-33 881 BƗra sheep oxen

ii:36 881 BunƗsi (from Muৢaৢina) horses

ii:38 881 Mount Nisir sheep oxen
ii:42 881 Mount Nisir, Larbusa, of Kirteara sheep oxen
ii:46 881 all of the kings of Zamua horses
ii:47 881 all of the kings of Zamua horses
ii:52-53 880 Zamua, land Dagara sheep oxen
ii:57 880 Zamua, city ঩udun sheep oxen
ii:66-68 880 Zamru, Mount Elaniu, Ameka sheep oxen horses
ii:78-80 880 Zamua sheep oxen horses
ii:80-81 880 ঩udun, ঩artišu, ঩ubušku, GilzƗnu sheep oxen horses
ii:88 879 Katmuপu, city Kibaku sheep oxen
ii:92 879 Zazabuপa, ঩abপu sheep oxen
ii:93 879 Sǌru, Mount Kašiiari sheep oxen
ii:96-97 879 Mount Kašiiari sheep oxen
ii:101-102 879 land Nirdun sheep oxen horses, mules
ii:119-125 879 BƯt-ZamƗni 5,000 sheep 2,000 oxen 460 harness-trained horses
iii:4 878 Šadikannu sheep oxen
iii:6-8 878 BƯt-঩alupê sheep oxen
iii:8-9 878 Sirqu sheep oxen
iii:9-10 878 ৡupru sheep oxen
iii:11 878 NaqarabƗnu sheep oxen
iii:13 878 ঩indƗnu sheep oxen
iii:21-22 878 Sǌru, land Suপu teams of horses
Azi-ili, the Laqû, at the cities sheep without
iii:42-43 877 oxen
DummƝtu and Azmu number
iii:57-58 875 ঩atti, BƯt-BaপiƗni horses
iii:59-60 875 ঩atti, Adad-’ime, the (A)zallu sheep oxen horses
iii:61-63 875 ঩atti, Aপǌni of BƯt-Adini sheep oxen
iii:64 875 ঩atti, ঩abinu of Til-abni 400 sheep
Kunulua, capital of Lubarna, the
iii:72-77 875 10,000 sheep 1,000 oxen
Patinu
iii:78 875 Gûsu of the land IaপƗnu sheep oxen
঩uzirina, Itti of (A)zallu, Giridadi of
iii:94-95 866 sheep oxen
Aššu
1, 18-19; ঩argu, ঩armasa, Sirišu, UlmƗnu,
859 sheep oxen teams of horses
2, 16-18 Simerra
1, 28 859 ঩ubuškia teams of horses
1, 38-39 teams of horses, camels with
859 Asû (Asua), the GilzƗnean sheep oxen
2, i:28-29 two humps
1, 43-45’
2, i:35-36 858 Til-Abni, Sarugu, Immerinu sheep oxen
2, i:36-37 858 Kummuপi sheep oxen
2, i:40-41 858 Gurgum sheep oxen
Sam’al, Patinu, BƯt-Adini,
1, 61’, 2, i:47 858 teams of horses
Carchemish
Patinu, BƯt-Adini, Carchemish,
1, 66’-70’ 858 Sam’al, Que, ঩iluku, Iasbuqu, Iaপanu teams of horses
1, 81’-82’ 858 BƯt-Agǌsi sheep oxen
2, 12’-13’
1, 92’-95’ 857 Unqi, Gurgum, Sam’al, BƯt-Agǌsi sheep oxen
2, ii:21-24 857 Patinu 5,000 sheep 500 oxen
2, ii 24b-27a 857 BƯt-Gabbari 3,000 sheep 300 oxen
2, ii:27b-28 857 BƯt-Agǌsi 5,000 sheep 500 oxen
2, ii:28-29 857 Carchemish 5,000 sheep 500 oxen
kings of the seashore and the
2, ii:39-40 856 Euphrates sheep oxen

Booty and tribute
2, ii:52-53 horses, mules, beasts of

5, iii:2 856 Urar৬u burden
2, ii:57-58 856 [Za]nziuna sheep oxen teams of horses
teams of horses, 7 camels with
2, ii:61-62 856 GilzƗnu sheep oxen two humps
2, ii:64-65 856 SilƗia, a fortified city of the land sheep oxen horses, mules, donkeys
঩ubuškia
2, ii:102; 6, 853 12 kings of the seashore teams of horses
etc.
5, vi:6 850 BaqƗnu, a fortress of BƯt-Dakkuri. sheep oxen
6, iii:12-15 848 Qalparunda the Patinean sheep oxen horses, donkeys
6, iii:43-44 844 DaiƝnu tax and tribute of horses
harness-trained horses without
6, iv:19-20 843 Namri, Šumurza, BƯt-Nergal, Tugliaš number
10, iv:34-40859- from the beginning of my sovereignty 184,755 sheep 35,565 oxen 9,920 horses, mules, 19,690
839 to my twentieth regnal year donkeys
14, 135 833 Que, Tullu sheep oxen
14, 137 833 Que, Mount Lamena sheep oxen
14, 167-168 829 Mannaea sheep oxen
1, ii:33-34 822? the kings of the land Nairi teams of horses
঩ubuškia, Sunbu, Mannaea, Parsua,
1, ii:36-40 Taurla teams of horses
1, ii:54-56 821? MƝsu sheep oxen donkeys, teams of horses,

camels with two humps
1, ii:59-iii:6. 821? Titamaška, Kiara horses
1, iii:15-19 821? Uraš sheep oxen horses
1, iii:42-43 821? Araziaš sheep oxen
1, iv:19-22 820? QƝrebti-ƗlƗni sheep oxen
2, iii:15’-16’ ? sheep oxen
2, iii 37'b-48'
4, 10’-12’ 819? DƝr sheep oxen
240 sheep to
5:8b-11a 745 Babylonian tribes the Aššur
temple
Nikur, Namri, BƯt-AbdadƗni, BƯt-
6, 10b-12 744 Sangibǌti, BƯt-Zatti oxen horses, mules
7, 6b-8a 744 BƯt-Kapsi, BƯt-Sangi, BƯt-Urzakki sheep, goats oxen Bactrian camels
35, i:11’-14’ 744 Ellipi, Namri, BƯt-Sangibǌti, Medes sheep, goats oxen horses, mules broken to the
yoke, camels
white, piebald, ঩aršean, ঩ar-
35, i:15’-20’ 744 Iranzû, king of Mannai fattened sheep majestic bulls […] horses with their
trappings
sheep [whose
14, 10 – 15, 738 From Damascus to Meliddu wool] is dyed oxen horses, mules, camels, she-
5 red purple, camels
sheep, goats
48, 1’-10’ 738 Hiram of Tyre? Egyptian horses
17, 9-10 737 Medes, Ellipi sheep, goats oxen horses, mules, Bactrian
camels
17, 10-102 737 Mannea sheep, goats cattle horses, mules
35, ii:30’-44’ 737 Medes 1,615 horses
41, 13-14 737 Medes sheep, goats oxen 5,000 horses
18, 1-4 735 Nairi (঩ista, ঩arabisinna, Barbaz, 19,000 sheep 1,350 oxen [x] horses, 300 mules, 660
Tasa) asses
Nairi (Daiqanša, Sakka, Ippa,
18, 4-6 735 Elizanšu, Luqadanša, Quda, Elugia, 1,000 sheep 150 oxen horses, mules, asses
Dania, DanzƯun, Ulaia, Luqia,
Abrania, Eusa)
42, 12’-15’ 734 Gaza large horses

49, Rev. 6-8 734 Tyre Egyptian horses

20, 1’-8’ 733 Damascus horses, mules
20, 14’-17’ 733 Damascus, city […]পƗdara sheep, goats oxen
42, 19’-22’,
48, 24’-25’ 733 Samsi, queen of the Arabs 20,000 oxen 30,000 camels
48, 27’ 732? Samsi, queen of the Arabs camels, she-camels
Mas’a, Tema, Saba tribes, ঩aiappa,
42, 27’-33’ 732? Badanu, ঩atte, Idiba’ilu camels, she-camels
49, Rev. 21- 732? Samsi, queen of the Arabs livestock
22
51, 18-19 BƯt-Dakkuri, Larak, BƯt-IakƯn, sheep, goats oxen
Sealand
47, Rev. 14’-
15’; 49, Rev. 730 Tabal 2,000 horses [… and] mules
27-29
105-106 715 Urar৬u sheep cattle
123-125 715 Egypt, Arabs, Saba’eans horses, camels
147-148 714 Ianzû, king of Na’iri in ঩ubuškia sheep cattle horses
153-155 714 Muৢaৢir, Urzana 100,225 sheep 9,20[+] cattles 692 mules and donkeys
176-178 713 Ellipi, ঩ubaপna [x+] 1200 horses, mules, donkeys
sheep
191-194 713 Mannaea, Ellipi, Allabria, 45 city sheep without 4,609 horses, mules, and oxen
lords of the mighty Medes number
horses, mules, donkeys,
268-272 710 Dǌr-Atপara sheep oxen dromedaries
Ba-[…], ঩aza’il, ঩amdƗnu, Zabida, 1 sheep from 1 ox from
272-275 710 Amma-[…], AপপƯ-iddina, Aiasammu,
6 sheikhs of Gambulu every 20 sheep every 20 oxen
ZƗmƝ, AburƝ, NuপƗni, Ibuli, 5
283-286 710 sheikhs of the Puqǌdu, Ru’ǌa, sheep oxen horses
঩indƗnu
294-298 710 forts of Sam’ǌna and BƗb-dǌri in sheep oxen horses, mules, donkeys,
Iadburu camels
298-302 710 LaপƯru, Sulaia, 6 sheikhs of Iadburu sheep oxen horses, mules
354-356 709 camp of Marduk-apla-iddina in front […]+4sheep […] 2,080/2,500 horses, 700/710
of Dǌr-IakƯn mules, 6,054 camels
359a 709 Marduk-apla-iddina, Dǌr-IakƯn 1,000 horses, 800 [mules]
363-372 709 Marduk-apla-iddina, Dǌr-IakƯn sheep oxen [horses, mules], donkeys
horses, mules, donkeys,
405-406 708 Muttallu, king of Kummuপi, Meliddu sheep oxen camels
32-36 714 Ullusunu in Mannaea sheep cattle yoke trained, harnessed horses
37-38 Allabria sheep cattle horses
in Parsumaš: Daltâ of Ellipi, 26 city
42-50 lords sheep cattle horses, mules, dromedaries
52-55 Ullusunu in fort Sirdakka sheep cattle large harnessed horses
308 Ianzû, ঩ubuškia sheep cattle harnessed horses
347-367 palace of Urzana, Muৢaৢir 1,235 525 12 mules, 380 donkeys
704- horses, mules, donkeys,
1, 27-29 703 battle of Kish camels, Bactrian camels
1, 30-33 704- Babylon, treasury of Merodach- sheep, goats oxen donkeys, camels
703 baladan
1, 60-61 704- Babylonia 800,100 sheep 80,500 oxen 7,200 horses and mules,
703 and goats 11,073 donkeys, 5,230 camels
sheep and
2, 22-23 702 Iasubigalla goats oxen horses, mules, donkeys
4, 49-51 701 46 cities of Judah sheep, goats oxen horses, mules, donkeys,
camels
15, v:29-32 699- Ukku sheep, goats oxen donkeys
697

Booty and tribute

1, iv:17-24 680 Adumutu, Arabs 65 camels, 10 donkeys, 50
camels
Partakka, Partukka, Urakazabarna,
1, iv:32-45 678? Media large thoroughbreds
1, iv:46-52 Patušarri, Medes, Mount Bikni, Šidir- sheep, goats

678? parna, oxen horses, Bactrian camels
E-parna chieftains
98, 43-45 671 Memphis, Tirপaqa sheep and oxen horses
goats
9, ii’:12’-21’ 671 Memphis, Tirপaqa 30,418 sheep 24[x] oxen? [x]+40 stallions
37, Rev. 7-11 671 Memphis, Tirপaqa horses whose ... [are ...] gold
countless [...], 60,000 fattened 50,000 strong horses, broken
1019, 18-42 671 Memphis, Tirপaqa sheep with tails
of oxen, choice oxen [to the yoke, ...]
Prisma B
§14, ii:30-39, 664 Thebai, Egypt large horses
etc.
Prisma H,
H1, ii:7’-14’ 664 Thebai, Egypt large horses
Prisma B Mannaea: Aiusiaš, fort of Aššašt (or
§22, iii:31- Aššašdannasu), B/PusuUD, Ašdiaš, sheep cattle horses, donkeys
51, etc. Urkiiamun, Uppiš, Siপǌa, Naziniri
Prisma B Mannai: Birrǌa, Šarru-iqbî, GusunƝ horses, harnessed horses
iii:78, etc.
Prisma B
§35, v:77-
vi:16
Prisma C 653 Elam, Til-Tuba horses, mules
§45, vi:79-
vii:9
Prisma B
§36, vi:17-56
Prisma C 653 Gambulu, Ša-pƯ-BƝl, DunƗnu sheep cattle
§46, vii:
10-54
Prisma C 652-
§64, ix:29-44 648 Babylon, Šamaš-šum-ukƯn horses, workstocks
Prisma A 10th Elam, treasury of the palace and the Horses and large mules with
§57, v:126- harness decorated with gold
vi:76, etc. camp. temple and silver
Prisma A 10th sheep without cattle without
§58, vi:77- Elam horses, mules, donkeys
106, etc. camp. number number
Prisma B 11th sheep without cattle without
§53, viii:12- Arabs
22, etc. camp. number number
Fig. 41. Livestock captured.

II.3.2 The administration of the booty and tribute
Followin the study of the booty and tribute lists of the royal inscriptions we should examine the
same phenomenon from the viewpoint of the provincial administration.
Booty and tribute arrived to Assyria not only with the royal campaigns, but the provincial
governors also collected and transferred booty to the royal centres. The system of paying tribute
as a type of yearly tax for the neighbouring vassal states was a welldeveloped and traditional
mode of acquiring certain goods for the royal court and the whole imperial administrative
system down to the troops stationing in different provinces of the Empire. The incoming booty
and tribute was distributed on different levels: 1) royal court, 2) temples, and 3) provincial
administration.
1) Booty/tribute distributed in the royal court.

The most clearcut example of the distribution of booty in the royal court is known from a royal
grant of Sennacherib, who himself gave precious gifts as a token of love from the booty of Bīt
Amukānni820 to his son Esarhaddon, who henceforth was called Aššuretellumukīnapli.
Letters of the royal correspondence and the provincial administration listing items which are
missing from the royal inscriptions give a more detailed account of the booty. A fragmentary letter
for example refers to such items as follows: “The king my lord’s booty (consists of): sheep, bird,
bull, fish; [...] ..., corn, beer, 2,000 [...], [m]illet, garlic.”821
One of the most explicit texts of the distribution of booty to different personnel in the royal
court is an administrative list (ADD 1036)822 discussed in the previous volume of this project.823
This text (Fig. 42) is a long administrative text allotting different items (food, animals, wine, and
even metals) as rations to several court personnel, including military probably attending the court
for a certain period. The source of the goods is, however, unknown. It is unfortunately not clear,
whether this list is a simple ration list containing regular items of ration for a certain period,824
or a kind of unique, ad hoc allotment originating from a type of tribute or booty.825 The fact that
this text in the military sphere lists almost exclusively equestrian officers and soldiers indicates
that this text is not a simple ration list, but an inventory of special, ad hoc allotments.
820 KATAJA – WHITING 1995, 88 (ABL 1452), 3-6: “golden bracelets inlaid with ivory, a golden crown, a golden necklace, rings for
the upper arm; all these pieces of jewellery, inlaid with agate, ..., and chalcedony, weighing 1 1/2 minas and 2 1/2 shekels.”
821 LUUKKO 2012, 224 (ND 2613), 3-6.
823 DEZSŐ 2012B, 133-134, Fig. 5.
824 Rev. i:28: “[...] a bowl (of wine per) month” implies this.
825 Obv. i:1 and i:9: “100 tribute (ma-da-te) sheep” however, explicitly refer to the source of the distributed goods.

Booty and tribute
LINES OFFICERS COPPER SHEEP BOWL OF WINE

III:5-10 team commander (LÚ.GAL—ú-rat) 7 minas 2 2
III:11-13 ‘third man’ of the palace (LÚ.3.U5 É.GAL) 3 minas 1 1
III:14-15 commander of the chariotry (LÚ.GAL—mu-gi ša GIŠ.GIGIR) 1 1
III:16-17 commander of the cavalry (LÚ.GAL—mu-gi ša BAD-‫ې‬al-li) 1
III:18-20 cohort commanders of the palace (LÚ.GAL—ki-‫܈‬ir.MEŠ ša É.GAL) 2 2
III:23-24 chariot driver (LÚ.mu-kil—PA.MEŠ) 1 1
R.I:5-6 2 cavalrymen of the personal guard (2 BAD.঩AL GÌR.2(ša—šƝpƝ)) 2 talents
I:9-10 cavalryman of the bodyguard ([BAD].঩AL ša LÚ.qur-bu-te) [x] minas
I:11-12 […] the cavalryman ([…] BAD.঩AL) [x …]
Fig. 42. List of tribute distributed to equestrian officers at court (FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 36 (ADD 1036);
DEZSŐ 2012B, Fig.5).
LINES SILVER OTHER TYPE PERSONNEL

2 talents, 20
8-10 minas in place 50 tunics, 10 togas, 3 potfuls of iced fish, 20 creels with tribute Palace
1,000 fish (madattu)
of ivory
one mural crown of gold, 20 silver bowls, 4 togas of byssus, audience gift
11-13 15 ঩asaean tents, 10 tunics, 10 large togas (nƗmurtu) Palace
14 3 minas 2 tunics, 3 togas tribute Queen
15-16 10 minas 5 tunics, 5 togas audience gift Queen
17 3 minas 2 tunics, 3 togas tribute Crown Prince
18 10 minas 3 tunics, 3 togas tribute Grand Vizier
10 tunics, 5 togas, 1 po[tful of iced fish], 2 creels with 200
19-20 1 talent fish audience gift Grand Vizier
21 10 minas 10 togas, 5 tunics tribute Commander-in-Chief
22 3 minas 3 togas, 3 tunics Chief Judge
23 3 minas 3 togas, 3 tunics Second Vizier
[…]
[x] talents, 40
R. 2-4 minas in place 20 tunics, 20 togas, 3 potfuls of iced (fish), 10 creels with tribute Palace
1,000 fish
of i[vory]
one mural crown of gold, 20 silver bowls, 10 tunics,
5-7 10 togas, 4 togas made to measure, one potful of iced fish audience gift Palace
8-9 5 minas 5 togas, 5 tunics, 1 potful of ic[ed fish], 1 creel of 100 fish tribute Queen
10-11 10 minas 5 togas, 5 tunics, 1 potful of [iced fish], 1 creel of 100 fish tribute Crown Prince
12 6 minas 3 togas, 2 tunics Grand Vizier
13 10 minas 5 togas, 5 tunics Commander-in-Chief
14 3 minas 3 togas Chief Judge
15 3 minas 3 togas Second Vizier
16 4 minas 3 togas, 3 tunics Chief Eunuch
17 5 minas 3 togas, 2 tunics Palace
Superintendent
Overseer of the
18 1 mina 1 toga Domestic Quarters
19 1 mina 1 toga, 2 scrolls of papyrus scribe of the Palace
20 1 mina 1 toga chariot driver
21 1 mina 1 toga ‘third man’
Fig. 43. List of tribute distributed to court personnel (PARPOLA 1987, 34 (ABL 568)).
Another important example of the distribution of tribute in the royal court is known from one
of the letters of Sennacherib to his father, Sargon II. Fig 43 shows the structure of the text and the
items of tribute and audience gifts distributed between the court personnel, including high

officials. It seems from this text as well, that their usual income (originating from their ad hominem
and/or ex officio estates and other offices) was regularly complemented with various items
coming from audience gifts or tributes.
An unfortunately very fragmentary inventory lists the revenues of the Crown Prince from the
eponym year of Sagab (651 B.C.) to the eponym year of Nabûšara‹‹ēšu (646 B.C.), for 6 years
stored in a treasury (nakamti). The list includes the following items: “11 talents, 20[+x minas of
sil]ver, as workmaterials; 29 silver tribute bowls, 25 minas in weight, 40 togas [...], 51 talents
[...].”826 This text shows that the regular income of the household of the Crown Prince was
periodically complemented with such precious items originating from mainly the tribute arriving
to the capital of Assyria from various regions of the Empire.
2) Booty/tribute distributed to/between the temples of the Empire.
There is a whole set of shorter or longer notes and inventories listing precious items belonging
to different gods and goddesses. Unfortunately there is no explicit indication that the precious
items listed for example in ADD 936827 and belonging or distributed to different deities (including
Aššur, Ištar of BītKidmuri, Ištar of BītEqi, Marduk, Ninurta, Bēletbalā#i, Mullissu, and Pārisat
palê), were not simply gifts to the gods, but gifts (or at least their raw material) originating from
booty or tribute.
As has been discussed in detail (chapter II.3.1.1 Precious metals (gold and silver), II.3.1.1.3
Distributed among the temples and the royal treasury) large treasures were amassed in temple
treasuries, the origin of which might partly be some form of booty or tribute.
3) Booty/tribute distributed by the provincial administration.

An unknown Assyrian official sent an order to Māzamua concerning the booty gathered there.
The order was brought by the ‘mule house man,’ who said: “Let me divide the booty into portions
in Māzamua.”828
When the Assyrian king (TiglathPileser III) asked Inurtabēluu%ur about the animals
brought from Tabal by Inurtaapluiddina, Inurtabēluu%ur answered as follows: “I have already
written to my lord twice: 46 horses, 165 oxen, 4,635 sheep are in my charge (and) 33 horses, 135
oxen are in the charge of Aššurnā%ir.”829 This letter again indicates that part of the resources from
the incoming tribute was divided or distributed between the officials of the provincial
administration. This letter, however, leaves the intended use of the animals unclear: were they
only shepherded by the local authorities until the arrival of the army, for example, or were they
used freely for local purposes?
II.3.2.1 Foreign rulers bringing their tribute
It seems this type of income could be realized in other forms, for example in the shape of
‘audience gifts’ as well. When Urzana (the defeated king of Mu%a%ir) went to Arbela with his
audience gifts, presumably he was the one who brought Sargon II 56 horses, [x] oxen, 2,000 sheep,
and 100 […].830 One of his further letters reinforces our view and also refers to oxen and rams as
part of his ‘audience gift.’ When the Assyrian king brought him to book for the missing rams and
826 FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 59 (ADD 927), 7-11.

828 SAGGS 2001, 114 (ND 2445); LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 196 (ND 2445), 6-7.
829 SAGGS 2001, 290-292 (NL, 64, ND 2683); LUUKKO 2012, 33 (ND 2683), 10-15.
830 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 136 (ABL 891), Rev.2-3.

Booty and tribute
oxen, Urzana tried to excuse himself of being late with the audience gifts as follows: “The king,
my lord, knows my affair. Whe[re] are the oxen and the rams? Snow has blocked the roads. (As)
I am looking out now, it is impossible: I cannot go emptyhanded to the presence of the ki[ng].”831
Not only Urzana, but other rulers also delivered the tribute to the Assyrian court personally.
A‹abi (or Babba?) reported to the Assyrian king that the king of Karalla “entered Kilizi on the
22nd and will enter Calah on the 23rd. He has his tribute with him.”832 Another, unfortunately very
fragmentary letter refers to royal orders concerning the tribute of Gambulu, Ellipi and ›umbê
of BītZualza. The king informed the addressee that their tribute should probably be delivered
by their sheikhs or rulers.833
Mardukrēmanni sent a note to Sargon II that he had received 45 horses of the Palace, and
reported that the emissaries from Egypt, Gaza, Judah, Moab and Ammon had brought their
tribute on the 12th day to Calah, including 24 horses of the king of Gaza. The emissaries of Edom,
Ashdod and Ekron probably had not arrived yet.834
An unknown official (QurdiAššurlāmur?) sent a report, probably to TiglathPileser III,
concerning the tribute of the Western vassals of Assyria: the king of Tyre, Matenni, the king of
Danabu and the Sidonites. According to this letter there had been a debate over the payment
method, or who was in charge of collecting and receiving the tribute. Matenni sent a letter to the
ruler of Danabu saying: “Let us r[aise] the king’s money [and give it to him!]”835 The emissaries
of these kings delivered the tribute to the Assyrian royal delegate and the governor.
A very important letter of Aššurda’’inanni836 (for a detailed study see chapter III. Supply of
horses, III.1.2 Royal correspondence and administrative texts) refers to horse management,
including the management of tribute horses of the provinces, including the vassals of the
Assyrian king. The horse collection in Kišesim, for example was divided between the local ruler
and the Assyrian official, Aššurda’’inanni. The Assyrian official got a royal order to receive the
regular horses and the king’s horse. When the citylord of Kišesim brought the tribute to him, the
recruitment officers were in his presence, possibly waiting for the horses. However, the citylord
of Kišesim wrote a letter to Aššurda’’inanni as follows: “(As for) you, receive the king’s tribute!
I shall colle[ct] and receive regular (horses) for profit.”837 This letter illuminates the diverse
background of sources from which the Assyrians got their tribute horses: “He brings the enemy
horses to the king, my lord, but receives the [re]gular (ones) as well as the king’s (horses) [in the
trade col]ony, and (only then) brings them to the king, my lord.”838 It is clear from this letter, that
the local rulers and the Assyrian authorities were rivals in collecting the horses, which remained
a vital resource for the Assyrian army.
Two letters of Sennacherib, sent to his father, Sargon II mentions that tribute bearers had
arrived to Calah. The first letter reports that the Ashdodites had already arrived with their
tribute to Calah. The Crown Prince received it, sealed it and deposited it in the Nāmurtu (audience

832 SAGGS 2001, 139-140 (NL, 44, ND 2677); LUUKKO 2012, 169 (ND 2677), 4-11.
833 PARPOLA 1987, 15 (CT 53, 311).
834 PARPOLA 1987, 110 (NL 16, ND 2765); LUUKKO 2012, 159 (NL 16, ND 2765).
836 SAGGS 2001, 297 (ND 2711); LUUKKO 2012, 91 (ND 2711).
838 SAGGS 2001, 297 (ND 2711); LUUKKO 2012, 91 (ND 2711), Rev. 23-27.

gift) Palace.839 The other letter840 provides further important details of tribute management: the
emissaries of Commagene (KUR.Kumu‹aaa) had arrived with their tribute and seven teams of
mules. They stayed with the tribute in the Commagenean embassy (É IKUR.Kumu‹aaa),
where they were eating their own bread. The Crown Prince asked his father: “Should they (the
tribute and the mules) be picked up and brought to Babylon, or can they be received here?”841 A
further and very important detail of the whole tribute phenomenon is the following passage of
the letter: “They also brought red wool. The merchants told me that they have selected seven
talents from it but that the Commageneans did not agree but said: ‘Who do you think you are?
You are not to make the selection. Let them take it over and let the king’s weavers make a selection
over there.’ The king, my lord, should write me to whom they are supposed to give it.”842 This
passage can be understood as if the (contracted private or royal?) merchants could select items
from the tribute to sell (on behalf of the king?). The Commageneans, however, insisted that they
had brought the wool not to be sold, but to be delivered to the king’s weavers. It seems that there
was no strict protocol to be followed: 1) it seems that somehow both parties (the merchants and
the royal weavers) could have access to the wool; 2) Sennacherib himself could not decide what
to do and asked to his father, the king, to whom the wool was supposed to be handed over.
These letters throw some light on the central management of the tribute (which increasingly
became a yearly tax): the rulers or emissaries brought their tribute to the capital, where they and
their tribute was received, sealed, and deposited in a storehouse (Nāmurtu (audience gift) Palace).
The tribute was redistributed between various members of the royal court and other personnel
from this storehouse.
II.3.2.2 Magnates collecting tribute
Not only the king, but the magnates themselves were eligible to take booty and extract tribute
from the conquered territories. A whole set of reports deals, among others, with horses, which
arrived to Assyria from various provinces and vassal states via the provincial administration.
A letter from Nabûa‹uu%ur (most probably the qurbūtu bodyguard) to Sargon II refers to
magnates843 who collected the booty of horses from Bīt›amban. Since Nabû‹amātū’a could not
come to receive the tribute from them, the magnates handed over the horses to his deputy, the
deputy (governor) of Bīt›amban. According to the royal order “They may each keep 50 riding
horses at their disposal, the rest of their horses should come to me!”, but the magnates disagreed,
saying: “(If) they go, they will die along the way; they will come with us.”844 Other sources
corroborate the practice of the magnates leading ‘booty and tribute collecting’ campaigns to collect
the tribute of horses. Several queries to the Sungod845 for example directly refer to this activity,
which shows the constant need of a supply of horses (see chapter III.1 Horses from tribute, booty,
and audience gift.)
A report sent to Sargon II, probably by MannukīNinua (in 707 B.C.), also refers to the tribute
collecting activity of the magnates. They met the son of Irtukkanu, the citylord of Uriakka. The
839 PARPOLA 1987, 29 (ABL 198+).

840 PARPOLA 1987, 33 (ABL 196).
841 PARPOLA 1987, 33 (ABL 196), 15-17.
842 PARPOLA 1987, 33 (ABL 196), 19-Rev. 1.
843 DEZSŐ 2012A, 202-210.
845 STARR 1990, 64 (PRT 21), 4: Salt Desert; 65 (PRT 22), 6, 10: Media; 66 (PRT 20), 3-4: Bīt-Kāri, Media; 67 (AGS 31), 6; 71 (AGS
30), 5-6: Saparda, Bīt-Kāri, Media;

Booty and tribute
report says that “after the magnates had moved on from his presence, he visited me, brought the
rest of the tribute, and will take it to the magnates. The magnates of the king, my lord, are well.
They have entered Ellipi.”846
Sargon II sent an order to Aššurbēluu%ur to deliver the tribute to Babylon via Bīt›amban
as follows: “Set out with your troops and tribute, and come.”847 Aššurbēluu%ur replied and
promised the king that he was going to do his best to set out with his troops and tribute but there
was very much snow which delays his march. He mentions in his letter that Assyrian soldiers
recruits, chariot fighters, and all their king’s men were dragging the tribute, including thirty tribute
horses as well. This letter can be connected to the Babylonian campaign of 710—709 B.C. and the
mention of the snow, which hindered the movement of the Assyrian troops from Bīt›amban to
Babylon refers to an early date, preceeding even the muster season of Nisan (I). It is also clear from
this letter that 1) the tribute (including horses) was needed for the campaign, and 2) was collected
in an early date (during the winter) or 3) was stored by the troops of the province during the
winter season.
II.3.2.3 Governors administering tribute
Since the tribute (madattu) changed its ad hoc nature and became a regular yearly tax, the vassal
rulers had to send their envoys or emissaries to the Assyrian court (see above, chapter II.3.2.1
Foreign rulers bringing their tribute) or to the neighbouring Assyrian provincial authorities to
deliver their tribute. There are some letters and administrative texts which like an inventory
register the income of the items of tribute. Such a text848 lists those 9 kings of Tabal (Tuatti,
›anubuni, Aš‹itu, Kalu, Pulî, ›ili, Uluanda, Urbala’a, and Pišelmu) who delivered their tribute
within their year, including mules, horses, alabaster and other items, the reconstruction of which
– because of the fragmentary state of the text – is impossible. It is furthermore unknown whether
this inventory was put together by the central court administration or a local provincial
administration registered the items.
If we say that the tribute became a regular yearly tax, another administrative text refers to the
‘tribute of the month of […],’849 which implies that different types of tribute items would have
been extracted monthly (or in a specified month of the year). This text lists various contributions,
including ilku and tribute – and as far as the fragmentary state of the text makes a reconstruction
possible – contained vessels and large numbers of sheep. The character of the text fits into
a provincial administrative context.
An administrative list850 discussed above reviews horses, livestock and wheat due from
various locations. These items might originally have come from local taxes, but the amounts listed
presumably refer to a kind of tribute due from different places. This unfortunately very
fragmentary text lists various animals in groups: altogether 250+ horses from different towns, 1,600
cattle collected from unknown locations; 16,000 sheep from unknown places; 595+ donkeys
from several settlements. The figures are comparable to the numbers of tribute animals found in
the royal inscriptions, and are large enough to denote tribute items. The 1,600 cattle and the 16,000
sheep could refer to a conscious concept – which fits to the levying tribute and local tax concept

848 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 30 (SAAB 2, 40).
849 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 97 (K.06509).
850 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 104 (K.8683 + K.20329).

as well. In this case it is hard to draw the borderline between the two types of income. Without
geographical names it seems clear that this list registers the income – not only animals but wheat
as well (see above chapter II.3.1.4 Foodstuff) – of a confined geographical area (a few provinces)
and not of the whole Empire. Anyhow, this list is a further contribution to the better understanding
of the logic behind the Assyrian economy, and sheds some light onto the volume of this type of
income, and onto the prominent part it could play in the imperial economy.
A letter of Dādî to Esarhaddon let us to get an insight into the administrative background of
the tribute. Dādî complained that – in spite of Sennacherib having established a tribute of
probably 10,000 sheep – in the last four years they would not give any. Furthermore, it was the
second year that Ra%appa and Arzu‹ina refused to deliver the tribute sheep.851 The most
important point here is that Assyrian kings imposed tribute on different provinces of the
Homeland, as well, who tried to evade paying the tribute of sheep. In a similar letter Nabûdān
blamed Nabûšumuiškun saying: “Why haven’t I seen you at the camp for the past two years?
And since you haven’t seen my house either, by Bēl, the tribute of the past two years is incumbent
on you.”852
An unknown official, presumably a governor of one of the Southeastern border provinces
administered the collection of tribute. He reported to Sargon II that Daltâ, king of Ellipi was
collecting the rest of his tribute, the Medes had brought 30 horses, and the land of Zakrūtu had
sent 40 horses. They promised to deliver the rest of the tribute.853 This text is another example of
the local tribute management.
A‹ulāmur reported to his lord, the Chief Eunuch that he had not obtained the tribute under
way, and asked his lord to “send a royal order to Nergalbēluuda’’an that he takes on the rest of
the tribute and bears the responsibility for the tribute.”854
An interesting letter of Nabûbēluka’’in not only refers to emissaries bringing horses, but
complained to the king that the state service of the towns situated in his territory has been lifted,
but the obligation of providing horses has remained, so he has to provide the horses. Nabûbēlu
ka’’in asks the king to remove this obligation from him and let the towns buy the missing
horses.855 It is unclear whether providing tribute horses was an obligation fixed to the state service
of these towns or to the province.
These letters show that actually the whole Assyrian administration, provincial and central as
well – as may be expected – too part in the collection and management of tribute. If we are looking
for the most important or main source of income, the tribute should be one of them.
851 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 21 (CT 53, 129).

852 DIETRICH 2003, 133 (CT 54, 2).
853 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 84 (NL 042, ND 2655); LUUKKO 2012, 191 (ND 2655). See furthermore FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 102 (CT
53, 895) mentioning Daltâ and the tribute, and FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 109 (CT 53, 315).
854 SAGGS 2001, 295 (ND 2698+); LUUKKO 2012, 38 (ND 2698+), Rev. 8-13.
855 SAGGS 2001, 93 (ND 2783); LUUKKO 2012, 193 (ND 2783), Rev. 7-18.

Booty and tribute
II.3.2.4 The escort of the booty or tribute
The constant flow of booty and tribute needed special management, including feeding the
deportees and animals, and providing escort for the booty column. The escort of the booty was
one of the main concerns of the central and local authorities. One of the letters of Adda‹āti,
governor of ›amath for example, reported to Sargon II that Ammili’ti, the son of Amiri, wanted
to attack the booty column sent from Damascus to Assyria with 300 shecamels. The Assyrian
governor, however, exposed the plan, and went with Bēliqbî to meet the booty (1,500 sheep from
›uzaza, 1,500 sheep from […]). The Arabs ambushed the column from behind, but the Assyrians
clashed with them and pursued them until the terrain became so difficult that it was not fit either
for horses or for chariots.856 A similar case is reported by Nabûšumulēšir to the king. Sargon II
asked the governor “Send me any news about the Arabs that you hear.” He reported as follows:
“When that caravan had left (the territory of) the Nabaiateans, Aiakabar, son of Ammiiata’, the
Massa’ean, attacked them, killed men and took booty. One of them, having escaped, entered the
city of the king.”857
When an Assyrian official (whose name is missing) gave permission to another official to let
the tribute sheep and oxen pass through, the animals left Dēr with a military escort. They had
covered one league of ground when they were attacked by the enemy and turned back to Dēr to
stay there for five days before they started the march again and let the animals pass through.858
Such important booty columns made of thousands of sheep and other valuables needed
a strong military escort, especially in those border regions where the neighbouring enemies
(Arabs, Elamites, or Zagros people) made every effort to loot the animals. One of the most
important challenges for the local military administration was consequently the borderguard duty
including the escort of booty/tribute columns.
Concluding the evidence provided by the royal inscriptions and the administrative texts
(letters and inventories), it can confidently be stated that the booty and tribute played a vital role
in the maintenance and supply of the army on campaign and at home bases, and contributed
significantly to the imperial economy of the Assyrian Empire. These immense numbers show that
in certain periods (under the rule of certain NeoAssyrian kings) the booty and tribute of the
metals and livestock were of primary importance, not only in the sustenance of the army during
campaigns, but in the maintenance and supply of the state economy and the apparatus as well.
This constant influx of booty and tribute provided such an amount of extra resources to the state
economy859 and to the army, that without them the system could not have worked so effectively
for such a long period of time (let us say for the last 100 years from 745 to about 631 B.C.). Yet such
a level of exploitation of the neighbouring countries and such a level of dependence on this type
856 PARPOLA 1987, 175 (ND 2381); LUUKKO 2012, 174 (NL 19, ND 2381), 4-Rev. 18: “(Ammili’ti) the son of Amiri readied himself
with 300 she-camels, intending to attack the booty being [tran]sferred from Damascus to Assyria. [I heard of this and] sent word
to Bēl-i[qbî]; he came and we went together to meet the booty. He saw us, ambushed us from behind, and we had a fight. [1],500
[boot]y sheep from the city of Ḫuzaza, [1],500 sheep [...] city of [...], [...]2 men [...] men [...]. We returned and went in pursuit
[after] him, getting as far as Il[...]ani, but could not catch up with him; (the terrain) was too difficult, [it was not fit] either for
horses or for chariots [...].
857 REYNOLDS 2003, 149 (ABL 260), 8-Rev. 8.
858 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 37 (CT 53, 92).
859 Following his last Arab campaign Assurbanipal boasted in his royal inscriptions, that so many captives and camels arrived from
Arabia that the price of a camel was only one or one and half sheqel(s), the innkeeper’s wife for a mug of beer, the gardener in
exchange for a basket full of vegetables got a camel or a man. (BORGER 1996, Prisma B §53, viii:12-22; Prisma C §78, x:17-28).

of ad hoc (booty) and planned, regular (tribute) income were hardly sustainable in the long run.
Consequently when the Empire reached the limits of its expansion860 and weakened or completely
destroyed (e.g. Elam) those regions which could provide this type of income and influx of
resources, this flow of state income started to diminish or ceased completely, and since the
system could not cope with the new situation, and could not compensate for this deficiency with
activating its inner, home resources, the structure collapsed.
At this point we can again join Richardson’s view that, to quote again, “‘Militarism’ denotes
the point at which war was no longer the instrument of policy, but the policy goal itself, and
a ‘military economy’ where the mode of production pertained not just for soldiers, in one
economic sector, but at the level of the state as a whole. By these standards, the NeoAssyrian
Empire following 745 (under TiglathPileser III) qualifies, for instance, since it was no longer
possible for the state to do without the financial and ideological income produced by the
execution of warfare – an ‘addictions model’ of imperialism.”861
860 For the ‘action radius’ of the army and the ’Toynbee doctrine’ as the factors designating the limits of an imperial expansion and
consequently the size of the empires see the next volume of this project.
861 RICHARDSON 2011, 32-33. Referring to FUCHS 2005.

III. SUPPLY OF HORSES
The assyriologists and archaeologists have long been interested in the history of the equestrian
arms of the Near Eastern armies,862 the advent of which (chariotry in the 2nd third of the 2nd
millennium B.C., cavalry sometime during the late 2nd – early 1st millennium B.C.) revolutionized
military theory and practice both on strategic and tactical levels. These developments in the Near
Eastern empires – first of all the appearance of the cavalry arm in the Assyrian army of the early
9th century B.C. – altered the (military) history of the world profoundly, and by the 9th century
B.C. horse management became one of the most important concerns of the Assyrian military and
the state as well.
The cuneiform sources testify that huge numbers of horses were obtained from booty, tribute,
taxes, audience gifts, and from (royal) merchants. The Assyrian royal inscriptions are the texts
from this cuneiform corpus which mention a large influx of horses from booty and tribute.
Summarizing the cuneiform evidence it is clear that the horses, as part of the economy, were at
most used for transport functions; since they were not part of the normal farming community,
horses only played a very small part in the private economy.863 Consequently the horses (looted,
extracted or bred) were employed almost exclusively for the military. Horse management was an
independent branch within the Assyrian (military) administration864 with special officers who
were in charge of breeding and supply.865 We hardly have any information on the horse breeding
and training activities866 of the Assyrians, which otherwise would play an important role in the
supply of the animals.
III.1 Horses from tribute, booty, and audience gift

III.1.1 Royal inscriptions
One of the most important sources of horses were the booty and the tribute (madattu).867 As has
been discussed in detail above (II.3 Booty and tribute), the tribute paid to the Assyrian king by
the conquered cities, countries, and vassal rulers always had some military relevance, as this
862 MAYER 1979B, 175-186; DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984B, 27-47; DALLEY 1985, 31-48; NOBLE 1990, 61-68; DE BACKER 2009, 29-46;
ARCHER 2010, 57-80; DEZSŐ 2012B.
863 POSTGATE 1974, 208-209. The penalty clauses of private contracts name items to be paid as penalty which could hardly or at least
not so easily be provided: gold and horses.
864 See for example the chart in POSTGATE 1974, 212-213.
865 For example the prefect of stables (šaknu ša ma’assi) (DEZSŐ 2012B, 122); or the recruitment officer (mušarkisu) (DEZSŐ 2012B,
122-128).
866 For the Kikkuli texts see STARKE 1995, for the Middle Assyrian horse training ‘handbook‘ see EBELING 1951. Furthermore see
HORN 1995.
867 POSTGATE 1974, 111-130.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
income would help finance the Assyrian state, and directly the Assyrian army on campaign.
Certain items – eminently the horses – served the immediate needs of the military and played an
important role in the supply of horses, especially during campaigns. The Assyrians, during their
campaigns, or following victorious battles and sieges, captured not only prisoners of war, but large
numbers of horses as well. In the wake of their victories the Assyrian kings inmediately imposed
a tribute on conquered or submissive countries, and one of the most important tribute items
– especially in the horse breeding regions of the Near East – was the horse.
As Chart 4 in volume 2,868 and Chart 17 and especially Figs. 39 and 41 in this volume show,
TiglathPileser I (1114—1076 B.C.) received a tribute of 1,200 horses from the 23 kings of Nairi.869
Adadnērārī II (911—891 B.C.) captured horses and received tribute from Abisalāmu, ruler of Bīt
Ba‹iāni;870 from AmīlAdad, ruler of Qatnu;871 and from Šamašmudammiq, ruler of Karduniaš.872
The royal inscriptions of TukultiNinurta II (890—884 B.C.) mention a single case: Dūr
Katlimmu,873 (however, he boasts that: “Altogether 2,702 horses in teams [and chariots], more than
ever before, I had in harness for the forces of my land”),874 but the royal inscriptions of
Assurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.) are full of such references. He captured horses or received them
as tribute in Tummu,875 in ›ubuškia and Gilzānu;876 in Nirbu;877 in Tuš‹a (from BītZamāni,
Šubria, Nirdun, and Nairi);878 in Ardupa (from A‹irāmu, of BītIa‹iri, (A)zallu, a man of Bīt
Ba‹iāni, kings of ›anigalbat, ›atti),879 in Bunāsi (from Mu%a%ina);880 in Zamua;881 in Zamru (from
Ameka);882 at Mount Lāra in Zamua;883 in Zamua (from ›udun, ›artišu, ›ubušku, (and)
Gilzānu);884 in Nirdun;885 in BītZamāni (460 horses from the nobles);886 in Su‹u (Sūru, city of
Kudurru).887 Most probably in 875 B.C., on his Western campaign, the king took with him the
cavalry and chariotry of the submissive kings of BītBa‹iāni, Adad’ime, the (A)zallu, A‹ūni of
BītAdini, Sangara of Gargamiš, Lubarna of Patinu.888
His son and successor, Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.) was also very successful in collecting
horses from the conquered territories (Fig. 41): he captured or received them as tribute in ›argu,
›armasa, Sirišu, Ulmānu, (and) Simerra;889 ›ubuškia (from Kakia);890 in Gilzānu (from Asua);891

869 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.87.1, v:19.
870 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.99.2, 103.
871 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.99.2, 110.
872 GLASSNER 2004, Synchronistic Chronicle (A), iii:1-7.
873 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.100.5, 105.
874 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.100.5, 131.
875 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, i:55-56 (883 B.C.).
876 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, i:57 (883 B.C.).
877 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:10-11 (882 B.C.).
878 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:12-14 (882 B.C.).
879 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:22-23 (882 B.C.).
880 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:36 (881 B.C.).
881 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:46-47 (881 B.C.).
882 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:68 (880 B.C.).
883 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:79 (880 B.C.).
884 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:80-81 (879 B.C.).
885 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii:101-102 (879 B.C.).
886 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, ii: 119-125; A.0.101.19, 87 (879 B.C.).
887 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, iii:22 (878 B.C.).
888 GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1, iii:57-77 (875 B.C.).
889 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.1, 18-19 (859 B.C.).
890 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.1, 28 (859 B.C.).
891 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.1, 38-39 (859 B.C.).

Horses from tribute, booty, and audience gift
in Sam’al, Patinu, BītAdini, and Gargamiš;892 from Sam’al, Patinu, BītAdini, Gargamiš, Que,
›iluku, Iasbuqu, and Ia‹ānu;893 in Urar#u, Arzaškun (from Aramu);894 from Zanzinua;895 in
Gilzānu (from Asāu);896 in BītAdini (from A‹ūni);897 from the 12 kings of the seashore;898 from
›adadezer (Adadidri), the Damascene, (and) Ir‹ulēnu, the ›amatite, together with twelve kings
on the shore of the sea;899 in Nairi and Urar#u from Asia, king of the land Daiēnu;900 in Namri
(from Mardukmudammiq).901 Following his final battle with the coalition of the 12 kings in 841
B.C., he captured 1,121 chariots (and) 470 cavalry of Hazael of Damascus.902 After the defeat of
Sēduru the Urar#ian in (832 B.C.) he took his numerous cavalry.903 In one of his inscriptions he
boasts that during his first 20 regnal years (859—839 B.C.) he obtained a total of 9,920 horses and
mules, and 19,690 donkeys.904
It seems, that during the reign of ŠamšiAdad V (823—811 B.C.) the booty and tribute
remained one of the most important sources of horses (Fig. 41). He captured and received horses
as tribute in Nairi at least three times;905 from ›ubuškia, Sunbu, Mannaea, Parsua, and Taurla;906
in the land Mēsu;907 in Sassiašu (from Titamaška) and Karsibuta (from Kiara);908 and in Gizilbunda
(from Pirišāti);909 He captured in battle 140 cavalry of ›anasiruka, the Mede,910 and 100 chariots
and 200 cavalry of Mardukbalā#suiqbî, in the battle by the River Daban in front of the city Dūr
Papsukkal.911
During the imperial period, large numbers of horses arrived from the conquered lands.
TiglathPileser III (745—727 B.C.) got horses in 744 B.C. in Nikur, Namri, BītAbdadāni, Bīt
Sangibūti, and BītZatti;912 in Ellipi and Namri;913 and in Aranziaš (from Ramatēia).914 He received
white, piebald, ›aršean, ‹ar[bakannu?] horses with their trappings from Iranzû, king of Mannai.915
During his Western campaign in 738 B.C. he captured and received a lot of horses from Damascus
to Meliddu.916 It was most probably in the same year that Hiram of Tyre(?) sent Egyptian horses
892 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.1, 61’ (858 B.C.).

893 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.1, 66’-70’ (858 B.C.).
894 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.2, ii:52-53 (856 B.C.).
895 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.2, 57-58 (856 B.C.).
896 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.2, 61-62 (856 B.C.).
897 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.2, ii:73-74 (855 B.C.).
898 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.2, ii:102 (853 B.C.).
899 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.6, iii:8-11 (848 B.C.).
900 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.6, iii:43-44 (844 B.C.).
901 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.6, iv:20 (843 B.C.).
902 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.10, 10”-14”.
903 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.16, 236’-238’. One of the Urarṭian campaigns is recorded in the ‘Epic of Shalmaneser.’ This text refers
to horses taken as plunder: “I took as plunder innumerable mules and horses, (as well as) riding donkeys.” (LIVINGSTONE 1989,
17 (STT 43), Rev. 18-20); “I went down to ... as far as the ... of the Na’iri land. I received tribute horses from the cities of Tikki
and Ḫubuškia; the rest of the tribute I received (in) Ṭurušpâ.” (LIVINGSTONE 1989, 17 (STT 43), Rev. 23-25).
904 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.10, iv:34-40.
905 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.103.1, i:53-ii:4; ii:32-34; iii:44-66.
906 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.103.1, ii:34-42 (822 B.C.?).
907 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.103.1, ii:54-56.
908 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.103.1, ii:59-iii:6.
909 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.103.1, iii:16.
910 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.103.1, iii:33-36 (821 B.C.?).
911 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.103.1, iv:31-45 (820 B.C.?).
912 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 6, 10b-12.
913 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, i:11’-14’.
914 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 8, 1-4.
915 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, i:15’-20’.
916 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 14, 10 – 15, 5.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
to the king.917 On his Median campaign (737 B.C.), for example, he got horses from the Medes in
Ellipi,918 from Iranzû, king of Mannai,919 and altogether 1,615+[x] horses from the Medes.920 Fig. 44
shows the details of this tribute. In another inscription concerning the same year, TiglathPileser
III mentions that he sent his eunuch, Aššurda’inanni against the mighty Medes of the East. The
eunuch brought a huge tribute of 5,000 horses from Media to Assyria,921 which would have been
the largest booty of horses ever in Assyria. A large number of horses arrived to Assyria in 735 B.C.
as well, when along 20,000 sheep and 1,500 oxen, hundreds of horses and mules were paid as
a tribute to the Assyrians in Nairi (from ›ista, ›arabisinna, Barbaz, Tasa; and Daiqanša, Sakka,
Ippa, Elizanšu, Luqadanša, Quda, Elugia, Dania, Danzīun, Ulaia, Luqia, Abrania, and Eusa).922
In the next year (734 B.C.) during his Western campaign TiglathPileser III received ‘large’ and/or
‘Egyptian’ horses along with ‘normal’ horses from ›anunu of Gaza923 and Hiram of Tyre.924 In
the next year (733 B.C.) Rezin of Damascus also sent tribute, which included horses and mules
as well.925 When in 730 B.C. the king of Tabal, Uassurme rebelled against TiglathPileser III, the
Assyrian king sent his chief eunuch, who placed a commoner, ›ulli on the throne of Tabal. ›ulli
then sent 2,000 horses to Assyria as tribute.926
It seems from his inscriptions that Sargon II (721—705 B.C.) also laid great emphasis on the
supply of horses from the conquered and vassal countries in the form of booty and/or tribute (Figs.
39 and 41). At the beginning of his reign he captured and conscripted into the royal corps (ki%ir
šarrūti) 600 cavalry at ›amath (Qarqar)927 and 200 at Carchemish in 717 B.C.928 Horses were
brought from Šinu‹tu in 718 B.C.,929 and from Egypt and the Sabaean Arabs in 715 B.C.930 The
Urar#ian campaign of 714 B.C. most probably yielded huge numbers of equids for the Assyrians.
It is known that Ianzû, king of ›ubuškia931 and Urzana, king of Mu%a%ir932 sent horses and other
equids as a tribute to Sargon II campaigning in their countries. In the following year, in 713 B.C.
the Assyrian vassals of the Zagros region sent large numbers of horses to the Assyrians: horses,
mules, and donkeys came from Ellipi and ›uba‹na,933 while Ullusunu, king of Mannai, Daltâ,
king of Ellipi, Bēlapluiddina, king of Allabria, and further 45 citylords of the mighty Medes sent
4,609 horses, mules and oxen to Sargon II.934 In 710 B.C. during the course of the Babylonian
campaign the Assyrian army also captured and received horses.935 In the next year, in 709 B.C.
917 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 48, 1’-10’.

918 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 17, 9-10.
919 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 17, 10-102.
920 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:30’-44’ (TADMOR 1994, Stele IIB:30’-44’).
921 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 41:13’-14’. For Media see also TADMOR 1994, Ann. 16, 4, 10, 12; and TADMOR 1994, Stele IB, 13’-19’.
922 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 18, 1-6.
923 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 42, 12’-15’.
924 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 49, Rev. 6-8.
925 TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 20, 1’-8’.
926 TADMOR 1994, Summ. 7:14’-15’; Summ. 9:29.
927 FUCHS 1994, Diplay 35-36.
928 FUCHS 1994, Ann. 75.
929 FUCHS 1994, Ann. 70-71.
930 FUCHS 1994, Ann. 123-125.
931 FUCHS 1994, Ann. 147-148.
932 FUCHS 1994, Ann. 153-155 (692 mules and donkeys).
933 FUCHS 1994, Ann. 176-178.
934 FUCHS 1994, Ann. 191-194.
935 From Dūr-Atḫara (FUCHS 1994, Ann. 268-272); from Ianuqu, sheikh of Zāmē, Nabû-uṣalla, sheikh of Aburē, Paššunu and Ḫaukānu
from Nuḫāni and Sa’ilu; 5 sheikhs of Puqūdu; Abḫatā the Ru’ūean, furthermure Ḫuninu, Same’u, Sapḫarru and Rāpi’u from the

the Assyrians captured huge numbers of horses (2,080/2,500 and 1,000 horses) and other equids
(700/710 and 800 mules, and 6,054 camels) from Mardukaplaiddina in DūrIakīn during their
Babylonian campaign.936 The last influx of captured or tribute horses is known from 708 B.C.,
when Muttallu, king of Kummu‹i paid tribute – including horses and mules – from his royal city
of Meliddu.937
It seems that the royal inscriptions of Sennacherib laid not so much emphasis on listing booty
and tribute, including horses (Figs. 39 and 41). It obviously does not mean that the constant flow
of booty and tribute stopped, on the contrary: as has been pointed out, the palace reliefs of
Sennacherib show an expansion of the cavalry arm and a kind of (temporary or final?) decline of
the chariotry arm.938 This tendency at the least points to a shift of emphasis onto the cavalry arm.
Sennacherib’s inscription mentions that following two battles (Kish, 704/703 B.C.939 and
›alulê, 691 B.C.)940 he captured a large number of horses and chariots from the defeated enemy.
In 702 B.C. in Iasubigalla,941 and in the next year, on his Judaean campaign, in Judah the king also
captured a large number of horses.942 Following the battle of Kish, during his Babylonian
campaign (704/703 B.C.), the king seized the largest known booty of horses and other equids of
his reign: 7,200 horses and mules, 11,073 donkeys and 5,230 camels.943 Not only the number of
horses (enough for a complete cavalry army), but the huge number of beasts of burden (providing
more than sufficient transport capacity) meant a great success and a substantial income for the
army and the Empire. For the military importance of the transport capacity see II.1.1.2.7
Transporting barley rations.
According to the royal inscriptions of Esarhaddon, there were two main ‘registered’ sources
of the booty or tribute horses arriving to Assyria (Fig. 41). During his early years the chieftains of
the distant Medes (Uppis, chieftain of the city Partakka, Zanasana, chieftain of the city Partukka,
(and) Ramatēia, chieftain of the city Urakazabarna) brought him a tribute of large thoroughbreads
(ANŠE.murniisqí) and asked his help against other chieftains of the Medes.944 The king sent his
army to Media and captured large numbers of horses in Patušarri.945 Beside Media, Egypt
represented the other, new source of horses: at different stages of his 671 B.C. Egyptian campaign
Esarhaddon’s troops captured huge numbers of horses,946 including […]+40 stallions
(ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ NÍTA),947 and horses whose [trappings? are] gold.948 This campaign
resulted in the largest number of horses ever captured by the Assyrians: the inscription boasts
that not less than 50,000 strong horses (ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ dannuti), broken to the yoke, were
taken by the Assyrians. If this number is not an exaggeration, then the Assyrians probably took
tribe of Ḫindānu (FUCHS 1994, Ann. 283-286); from the fortresses of Sam’ūna és Bāb-dūri in Iadburu (FUCHS 1994, Ann. 294-
298); and from Mušēzibu, Natnu, Aialunu and Daiṣṣānu from the land of Laḫiru, furthermore Aiarimmu and Bēl-āli from the town
Sulāia, altogether 6 sheikhs of the land Iadburu (FUCHS 1994, Ann. 298-302).
936 FUCHS 1994, Ann. 354-356, 359a, 363-372.
937 FUCHS 1994, Ann. 405-406.
938 DEZSŐ 2012B, 20.
939 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 1, 27-29.
940 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 23, vi:15-19.
941 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 2, 22-23.
942 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 4, 49-51.
943 GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012, 1, 60-61.
944 LEICHTY 2011, 1, iv:32-45.
945 LEICHTY 2011, 1, iv:46-52.
946 LEICHTY 2011, 98, 43-45.
947 LEICHTY 2011, 9, ii’:12’-21’.
948 LEICHTY 2011, 37, Rev. 7-11.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
almost all of the horses of Lower Egypt. It would have been impossible to drive this huge
number of animals over thousands of kilometers to Assyria without great loss (for some examples
see the following chapter), consequently part of them should have satisfied the local needs of the
expeditionary army.
During the reign of Assurbanipal, the Assyrian army campaigned again in the regions
famous for their horsebreeding traditions (Fig. 41). The description of his Egyptian campaign of
664 B.C. mentions that in Thebes and other parts of Egypt the Assyrians captured large horses,949
for whose breeding the Egyptians were famous for. His campaigns led to Mannai – also renowned
for its horsebreeding traditions950 – also yielded large numbers of horses.951 The next region from
which the victorious Assyrian army brought large numbers of horses was Elam. Following the
battle of TilTuba (653 B.C.) the Assyrians captured the Elamite horses and mules.952 Following
the Babylonian revolt of 652—648 B.C. the Assyrian army launched a series of campaigns to take
vengeance on Elam, who had backed Šamaššumuukīn. During these campaigns, especially
during the 10th campaign the Assyrian army looted Elam and again seized large number of
horses.953 The stamping out of the Babylonian rebellion of Šamaššumuukīn (652—648 B.C.) most
probably entailed a significant cost in human and animal resources for the Assyrians. It is
unknown, whether the booty, including horses, mules, and other animals covered the expenses
of the campaign or not. Anyhow, the Assyrians captured a large number of horses again.954
The importance of the tribute horses for the Assyrian system of horse supply for the army is
underlined by the fact that the Assyrians launched campaigns in order to otbtain animals. It is un
known whether it was the normal way to collect the (yearly) tribute from the previously conquered
people, or whether these campaigns were intended to find new (‘not yet contracted’) sources of
horses. Such campaigns, launched by the ‘magnates’955 of the Empire, are referred to by the omen
texts from the reign of Esarhaddon, which recorded or asked the most important question, “I ask
[you, Šamaš, great lord], whether the governors and magnates with the men, hor[ses, and army at
their disposal], who [are going to the district of Media] to collect a tribute of horses, [in] this
expedition of theirs will escape or sa[ve themselves] from the troops of the Me[des, or from the
troops of the Scythians or from a]ny [other enemy ......]?”956 The campaigns of the magnates were
mostly intended to collect tribute, mainly horses, and the known examples of such operations target
the same territory: the Zagros region of Media. Armies of magnates based in BītKāri,957 Saparda,958
and other local Assyrian bases entered different regions and towns of Media to collect a tribute of
horses: to Sikriš, Kukkubâ, the land Tu[aiadi], UDpani, Ramadani, and the land Arrî;959 to the Salt
949 BORGER 1996, Prisma B §14, ii:30-39; Prisma C §24, iii:53-67; Prisma A §18, ii:39-48; Prisma H, H1, ii:7’-14’.
950 Already Sargon II himself emphasizes in a longer passage of his ‘Letter to God’ the outstanding horse-breeding tradition and
practice of the Urarṭians, and especially the Mannaeans (in the province of Sūbi), who had extraordinary skills in matters of cavalry
(THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 170-173; MAYER 1983, 84-85; DALLEY 1985, 42).
951 From Aiusiaš, Aššašdannusu, B/PusuUD, Ašdiaš, Urkiiamun, Uppiš, Siḫūa, and Naziniri: BORGER 1996, Prisma B §22, iii:31-51;
Prisma C §32, iv:40-64; Prisma A §27, ii:127-iii:3; Prisma F §11, ii:23-37; from Birrūa, Šarru-iqbî, and Gusunē: BORGER 1996,
Prisma B iii:78; Prisma C iv:87.
952 BORGER 1996, Prisma B §35, v:77-vi:16; Prisma C §45, vi:79-vii:9.
953 BORGER 1996, Prisma A §57, v:126-vi:76; Prisma F §32, iv:66-v:54; Prisma A §58, vi:77-106; Prisma F §33, v:55-71.
954 BORGER 1996, Prisma C §64, ix:29-44.
955 DEZSŐ 2012A, 202-210, esp. 208-209.
956 STARR 1990, 67 (AGS 31), Rev. 4-8.
957 STARR 1990, 66 (PRT 20), 3.
958 STARR 1990, 71 (AGS 30), 2-6.
959 STARR 1990, 65 (PRT 22), 1-5.

Desert region, go [from the city ...]paka to the city Andarpati[anu, ...], Karzitali, BītTatrî, and
Eparna.960 It seems that BītKāri was a base for these tributecollecting expeditions by the
magnates’ armies, as corroborated by a letter of Nabûšumuiddina which also refers to the horses
from the magnates in BītKāri.961
Some administrative texts (bread lists from Nimrud distributing bread and fodder rations)
also refer to horses arriving from different regions of the Empire: animals from Mannaea, Elam,
and Ellipi (BītDaltâ), which were brought by qurbūtu bodyguards962 to Arzu‹ina(?),963 a well
known military center, where at least one of the equestrian units (Arzu‹ināia)964 of the Sargonide
royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti) was stationed! For the horse transporting activity of the qurbūtu
bodyguards see below.
To conduct a campaign and have the army march to farflung territories and peripheral
regions of the Assyrian Empire, consumed a huge amount of material, human, and animal
resources. The losses during the marches – often hundreds of miles long – through deserts,
mountain ranges, and swamps in frequently extreme weather conditions, the crossing the rivers,
and the casualties suffered in skirmishes and battles decimated men, horses and mules alike. The
Assyrians had to make good the losses in horses and mules as well. It is impossible to infer how
many horses arrived back to Assyria from those, which started the campaign, and the percentage
that had to be remounted is also unknown. It is clear, however, that the booty and tribute horses
played a key role in refilling the ranks during the campaigns, as a certain number of horses was
needed to keep the level of tactical flexibility of the Assyrian expeditionary army as high as
possible.
On the other hand it is known that large numbers of booty and tribute horses reached
Assyria in sufficiently good condition to provide chariot horses and mounts for the home troops
and for the expeditionary forces of the next (year’s) campaign. Without doubt, the bulk of the
horses were bred at home, within the borders of the Empire, but this constant flow of booty and
tribute, includig horses (for fighting purposes) and other equids (for transportational uses) was
needed to supplement the financing of the army, to supplement/remount the homegrown stable,
and to help maintain the fighting capacity of the troops.
How many horses the Assyrian Empire and the army needed can not be confidently
reconstructed. As has been discussed in the previous volume of this project,965 some sources offer
clues to estimate a provisional order of magnitude of the horses and equestrian units. The largest
known unit sizes are the regiments (the 1,000 cavalry bodyguard of Sargon II),966 and the
largest known enemy contingent was the 1,200 + 700 cavalry, which the coalition of 12 kings
deployed against the Assyrians in the battle of Qarqar (853 B.C.).967 Shalmaneser III boasts in his
royal inscriptions that “I hitched up teams of horses to 2,002 chariots (and equipped) 5,542 cavalry
for the forces of my land,”968 and “I recruited for the armed forces of my land 2,001 chariots (and)
5,242 cavalry.”969 In the imperial period (745—612 B.C.) the largest concentration of horses
960 STARR 1990, 64 (PRT 21), 2-11.

962 DEZSŐ 2012A, 138-139.
963 PARKER 1961, 55-61, ND 2803, Rev II:10-22.
964 DEZSŐ 2012B, 32, 79-80.
965 DEZSŐ 2012B, 50-53 (Size of cavalry units), 144-145 (The size of the chariotry units).
966 DEZSŐ 2012B, 50-53.
967 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.2, ii 89b-102.
968 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.6, iv:47-48; A.0.102.16, 348’.
969 GRAYSON 1996, A.0.102.10, Left edge 2b; A.0.102.11, Left edge ii:l-2a.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
appears in the Nimrud Horse List, some of which record reviews most probably held in
Babylonia970 around 710—708 B.C. One of the texts lists 2,207 horses and 177 mules,971 a Borsippa
muster reviews 3,477 horses and mules,972 a third text, however, mentions 1,523 horses and
mules.973 To assess the overall imperial volume of the equestrian units and horses one only need
remember the inscription of Sargon II, who establishing the office of the turtānu of the left
provided 150 chariots and 1,500 cavalrymen to serve the turtānu in the Northwestern borders, in
the mātu of the turtānu of the left.974
Analizing the evidence listed above, it can be estimated that the Assyrian army in the
imperial period could deploy at least 10,000—15,000 cavalrymen or more, and thousands of
chariots, which means that the order of magnitude of horses could be calculated in the tens of
thousands – an estimate based on the most probably exaggerated 50,000 animals, which were
captured in Lower Egypt by the troops of Assurbanipal (see above).
III.1.2 Royal correspondence and administrative texts
The royal correspondence could provide further information on acquiring horses for the Assyrian
army from booty and tribute. Similarly to the royal inscriptions, the correspondence of the
Sargonides also refers to horses captured during the campaigns several times.975 A Nimrud
Letter976 for example mentions captured horses from Tabal, which were distributed among
Assyrian officials: Inurtabēluu%ur obtained 46 horses, while Aššurnā%ir got 33.
Foreign rulers sent a tribute of horses and other items to Assyria. Šulmubēli (deputy of pa
lace herald) sent an intelligence report to Sargon II in which he informed the ruler that Urzana,
king of Mu%a%ir was on his way to Assyria, bringing 56 horses and other animals.977 He even
wrote a report on Ianzû, king of ›ubuškia, who brought horses through Waisi to Rusa, king of
Urar#u.978 A letter of Mardukrēmanni reports to the king that he received 45 horses of the Palace
in Calah. The emissaries of the Western vassal kingdoms (Egypt, Gaza, Judah, Moab, and
Ammon) had also arrived with the 25 horses of the king of Gaza.979
Around 710 B.C., when Sargon II ordered Aššurbēluu%ur to come to his presence from Bīt
›amban with his contingents (including his cavalry), he replied that he would be late, because
970 For example in Dūr-Ladini (DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 100, 179-181, pl. 27). This text mentions the town of Dūr-Ladini,
which was captured by Sargon II in 710 B.C. It is possible that this text can be connected to a review held in this Babylonian town,
after its capture, when the Assyrians used it as a military base. Another review was held in Borsippa (DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A,
no. 103).
971 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 98.
972 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 103.
973 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 108A.
974 FUCHS 1994, Annales, lines 409-410; Prunk, lines 116-117; 13th palû, 709 B.C.
975 See for example FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 109 (CT 53, 315).
979 PARPOLA 1987, 110 (NL 16, ND 2765); LUUKKO 2012, 159 (ND 2765). Another letter, a royal decree to Alla-uṣur orders him to
check and receive all the horses (or camels?), as many as the turtānu delivers to him. SAGGS 2001, 175-177 (NL 23, ND 2644);
LUUKKO 2012, 3 (ND 2644).

of the snow. In this fragmentary letter980 he listed in one instance 20, later on 30 horses, which were
collected as local tribute (madattu) to the king. Most of the tribute horses characteristically came
from the Eastern border region, from the Zagros Mountains,981 for example from Mannai, and
Andia (51).982 The crown prince of Andia, Iala[…] for example brought with him “16 red horses;
13 irginu horses; 14 black horses; 1 ›aršean horse; 1 tuanu horse; 6 mares; 5 mules; in all 51
horses.”983 Another letter of an unfortunately unknown writer refers to the construction works
in KārŠarrukēn, a local Assyrian provincial capital in the Zagros Mountains, and mentions 30
horses having arrived from Media and 40 tribute (madattu) horses from the above mentioned
Zakrūtu.984
One of the sculptures of Sennacherib shows tribute horses (6) led by local people wearing
a half animal skin cloak from a besieged mountain town985 in the Zagros region. The same people
are shown on the sculptures of the 2nd campaign, and the capture of Aranziaš. This region must
have been one of the most important regions of the horse supply, since these people (depicted
wearing the same garment) had already brought tribute horses to Sargon II as well.986
Assyrian governors also sent horses to the royal court. An important administrative text for
example mentions a certain Iliukallanni, an Assyrian official, who in 651 B.C., during the reign
of Assurbanipal (668—631 B.C.) brought 593 horses and 4 mules from Mugallu (Southeastern
Anatolia) as booty or tribute.987 Iliukallanni brought the horses in two stages: 300 horses arrived
on the 10th of Sivan (III), and 293 horses and 4 mules on the 8th of Tishri (VII).
Na’diilu, the Chief Cupbearer (rab šaqê) wrote to Sargon II that the first 120 horses of Nabû
rēmanni (governor of Nikkur?) had arrived in Arzu‹ina on the 27th. He stated furthermore that
he would bring them across the river during the next two days to the town of Sarê, and keep them
there until the 30th, when further horses of Nabûrēmanni would join them.988 Na’diilu
emphasized in his letter, that the horses had been heavily pressed, so they should rest out. The
transportation of horses from remote territories of the Empire to Assyria would have entailed
heavy losses. In one instance, from 100 horses brought from Kullania, 26 died on the road.989
There is a very important and informative letter, written by Aššurda’’inanni (governor of
Māzamua and eponym of year 733/732 B.C.) to TiglathPileser III from the Zagros region, most
probably from DūrAššur, capital of Māzamua province. He was ordered to collect the tribute
(madattu) of the neighbouring regions: “Receive regular (kaaamanute) horses and give them
to Dādî! Also receive the king’s horse!”990 It seems that Dādî himself was in charge of the horses
to be transported to the royal court.
The ‘partner’ of Aššurda’’inanni in this ‘horseraising’ project was the city lord of Kišesim, who
was not only an Assyrian vassal – obliged to pay tribute to the king –, but it seems from this letter

981 Loosing these strategic, horse-breeding territories at the latest during the second half of the 7th century B.C. might have affected
the supply of horses and might have contributed to the decline of the Assyrian Empire, and helped the emergence of such powers
as the Median or Persian states.
982 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 171 (ABL 466); LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 137 (CT 53, 414): 2 horses.
984 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 84 (NL 42, ND 2655), LUUKKO 2012, 191 (NL 42, ND 2655).
985 BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, 487-488. They concluded (p. 114) that judging from the position of those three statues of
deities who were carried by Assyrian soldiers on poles, the city represented on the sculptures was in a horse-breeding area.
986 BOTTA – FLANDIN 1849, pls. 123-129, 131-136, Room X:
989 SAGGS 2001, 171-172, (ND 2399); LUUKKO 2012, 96 (ND 2399).

SUPPLY OF HORSES
that he was interested in the ‘horseraising’ business as well: “The citylord of Kišesim brought the
tribute (madaa’tú) and the recruitment officers (LÚ.mušarkisaani) were in my presence.
(As) he was about to enter, I sent my ‘third man’ to him, saying: ‘Come, stay with me, and let’s
go and receive the tribute!’ I (also) said: ‘(Tell me) if I should come to you and stay (there, so) we
would receive the tribute (together).’ He wrote to me: ‘(As for) you, receive the king’s tribute! I shall
colle[ct] and receive regular (horses) for profit.’”991 The mention of the recruitment officers (who
were in charge of the horse supply of the Assyrian army)992 indicates the local utilization of at least
some of the horses to satisfy the local needs of the occupying Assyrian units. There was some
tension between the Assyrian official (Aššurda’’inanni) and the city lord of Kišesim, whom – by
the command of the king – the Assyrian governor had to respect. “Because of the excellent enemy
horses that I receive, he has been hostile with me, like an enemy. Because of envy, he has been
prompt to slander me. He brings the enemy horses to the king, my lord, but receives the [re]gular
(ones) as well as the king’s (horses) [in the trade col]ony, and (only then) brings them to the king,
my lord.”993
There are some important conclusions to be drawn. The first is that according to this letter
horses of at least three categories were arriving to DūrAššur from Kišesim: 1) the king’s (tribute)
horses (KUR.RA ša LUGAL); 2) regular horses (kaaamanute); and 3) enemy horses (ša KÚR).
1) The king’s (tribute) horse(s) might be either a single horse selected for the king, or a category
of horses which were sent to the royal court.
2) The regular horses might be a category which refers to the regular tribute horses.
3) The enemy horses were most probably horses from the spoil (might be a different type of
horse?), which according to this letter were excellent.
The governor wanted to collect all the three types, but the city lord disagreed: he wanted to
separate his independent procurement and trade network. Both of them collected enemy horses,
and competed with each other for these animals. It makes sense, since following the Assyrian
campaigns of 744 B.C. and 737 B.C., the Assyrian army penetrated deep into the Zagros Mountains
to the East, reached and captured large parts of the Mede homeland. The city lord of Kišesim
himself was most probably a Mede. It appears from the above quoted passages as if he transported
the enemy horses (the best horses) directly to the king, while he collected the horses of the other
two categories in a trade colony (kāru). These trade colonies were privileged settlements
established (or at least granted) by the king along the borders of Assyria, and were the only places
of the controlled trade between Assyrian and other (sometimes hostile) people living outside the
borders of the Empire. What the profit/benefit of the city lord of Kišesim from this business was,
is unfortunately unknown. However, since other letters also refer to the horsedealer activities of
different vassal rulers, it is quite reasonable to suppose that they were not only tributepaying
vassals, but somehow also financially interested in this horsetrading business, with the possibility
of becoming contracted partners of the Assyrians (see below).
The letter of complaint Nabûbēluka’’in sent to Sargon II sheds some light on the logic of the
imperial horse raising and yearly horse tribute/tax system of the conquered lands. A yearly horse
tribute/tax was imposed by the king on the mountain towns (most probably East of Bīt›amban
mentioned in this fragmentary letter). But one day they “have not come out [to perform] their state
992 DEZSŐ 2012B, 122-128.
993 SAGGS 2001, 297-300 (ND 2711); LUUKKO 2012, 91 (ND 2711), Rev. 19-27.

service [and have not brought] horses from the towns of [the country].”994 Nabûbēluka’’in was to
perform the state service instead of them: “These towns in the mountains, all that are intact, these
I have not seen. I a[lon]e am performing the state service.”995 The next fragmentary sentence refers
to the burden it placed on him: “The whole tribute [...] they [du]mped the horses upon me.”996
The crisis escalated, when the king abolished the state service: “Now these towns have been lifted
of the[ir] state service, and I have to buy the horses and m[u]l[e]s. If the state service of the towns
has been [re]moved, (then) let them take the (obligation to provide) horses away from me and let
them (= the towns) buy them.”997 This letter makes it clear that having to come up for the deficit
of the mountain people, and having to buy the horses put considerable strain on the governor.
The fragmentary end of the letter refers to the provincial apparatus, the prefects who managed
the system. As evidenced by the information provided in this letter, a kind of planned imperial
and provincial economy existed – at least in the military point of view important domains of the
recruitment of soldiers, the provision of grain rations and supply of horses.
III.1.3 Driving/Escorting horses
Unfortunately the details of driving and escorting a large horse train are unknown. There is
a single letter concerning the guard of a train of pack animals.998 It is obvious from the text that
guarding and provisioning a large number of incoming animals was a difficult task. In this case
Šamaša‹uiddina, the commander of the train in charge of the guard of Rablê asked the king to
give him soldiers to guard the town of Rablê (Riblah) and the pack animals, half of which he
should – by the command of the Chief Eunuch – escort to Rablê and the other half to Qadeš.
As has been discussed in the 1st volume of this project,999 the qurbūtu bodyguards (as royal
delegates) could play an important role in delivering horses from various locations. It seems that
they only escorted the horses and did not play an active role in their purchase. A Nimrud horse
list shows that qurbūtu bodyguards brought horses (to collection points, to the court or even to
a muster?) from different officials. This text mentions that a royal qurbūtu bodyguard brought 16
horses from Aššurālikpāni.1000 The animals – together with other horses – went to the Palace.
As has been mentioned in connection with ration lists, qurbūtu bodyguards obtained fodder for
horses,1001 probably for those animals which they brought to the Palace. ND 28031002 mentions
Sapunu, the qurbūtu bodyguard, who has been mentioned above as getting provisions from the
994 LUUKKO 2012, 193 (ND 2783), Rev. 4-5.

995 LUUKKO 2012, 193 (ND 2783), Rev. 8-10.
996 LUUKKO 2012, 193 (ND 2783), Rev. 11-12.
997 LUUKKO 2012, 193 (ND 2783), Rev. 13-16.
999 DEZSŐ 2012A, 138-139.
1000 PARKER 1961, ND 2482, 4-7.
1001 PARKER 1961, ND 2803, Rev. Col. II:14-15: [x] homers, 1 sūtu (10 litres) to Gaiâ, the qurbūtu bodyguard of the crown prince
for horses from Bīt-Daltâ; 17-19: 1 homer, 4 sūtu (140 litres) to Kanūnāiu, qurbūtu bodyguard for horses which he brought from
Arzuḫina.
1002 PARKER 1961, ND 2803, Col. II:17’-18’: [x] homers and 7 sūtu (70 litres) bread was issued to Sapunu, the qurbūtu bodyguard,
for cow’s milk in the town of Qumbuna ...

SUPPLY OF HORSES
royal court, but he appears in another horse list without his title as bringing 5 horses.1003 It is
possible that this horse list (ND 2788) lists animal brought by qurbūtu bodyguards. Further
shorter notes also mention qurbūtu bodyguards in charge of horses. One of these mentions 175
horses in charge of Nabûšarruu%ur, and concludes in a somewhat enigmatic way: 3 cavalry
bodyguard (3 BAD.›AL qurub).1004 It is left unclear whether this means that horses were
delivered to three cavalry bodyguards, or three of the horses were the horses of the cavalry
bodyguard. Nabûšarruu%ur might be the same man who is known from an administartive text
as a qurbūtu bodyguard.1005 A letter written by Nergalē#ir to Sargon II also mentions a qurbūtu
bodyguard having arrived on the 6th of Iyyar (II), and setting out with the horses on the following
day, the 7th of Iyyar.1006 A qurbūtu bodyguard, Mardukbānîa‹‹ē, appears in another short note
listing horses (14) for their meat.1007 It seems obvious from these entries that qurbūtu bodyguards
– similarly to other aspects of their service – served as official and legitimate royal agents during
different missions.
III.2 Horses from ‘tax’

In the NeoAssyrian period certain types of taxes were frequently imposed in the form of horses.
One of these was the iškāru, the other the nāmurtu, and the third was the nakkamtu. According to
some administrative texts, these ‘taxes’ were levied at the same time, or at least these taxes due
(in addition to many other things) in horses were administered in the same system, the imperial
equestrian supply system (see below).
III.2.1 Iškāru tax1008
The iškāru was a kind of tax, whose logic – since profound changes affected it during the course
of Mesopotamian history, and even during the NeoAssyrian period itself – is almost impossible
to reconstruct. The general rules of this tax are less clear than for other types of taxes and
services. The logic behind it can hardly be recreated since its main characteristics vary from group
to group1009 (e.g. from craftsmen1010 to shepherds).1011
In one of his letters to Sargon II, Aššurbēlutaqqin refers to a royal letter which had ordered
him to gather all the Assyrian and Aramaean scribes, and to detail cavalry and Itu’ean troops to
1003 PARKER 1961, ND 2788, 10: 4 NÍTA, 1 SAL.KUR.

1004 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 110 (ADD 700), 3: BAD.ḪAL qur-ub.
1005 FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 9 (ADD 860), Rev. I:8: Nabû-šarru-uṣur LÚ.qur-ZAG.
1006 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 65 (ABL 226), 9: LÚ.qur-bu-tú.
1007 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 68 (Iraq 27, 16, no. 6), 1: LÚ.qur-bu-tú (717 B.C.).
1008 POSTGATE 1974, 94-110.
1009 POSTGATE 1974, 108.
1010 POSTGATE 1974, 103.
1011 For iškāru of the shepherds see PAROLA 1987, 235 (ABL 1432); POSTGATE 1974, 101-102.

Horses from ‘tax’
escort them to DūrBēlilā’ī, since the time for imposing the iškāru tax was approaching.1012 It seems
that DūrBēlilā’ī was a local tax collection or administrative centre, and the cavalry and Itu’eans
would guarantee the safety of the scribes.
This tax could be paid in kind and in silver as well,1013 but from the military point of view
the iškāru on horses is the most interesting aspect.
There are several administrative texts listing numbers of horses from different types of taxes,
which were administered together. One of these texts (ND 2727, Fig. 46) enumerates a total of 464
horses from which there were 100 nakkamtu (‘reserve’) horses, 60 horses and 30 mules in the iškāru
category, while 20 horses from nāmurtu tax.1014 Another inventory text (ND 2788, Fig. 47) lists 181
iškāru and 82 nāmurtu horses.1015 As demonstrated by these texts, horses as tax arrived from several
parts of the Empire, beside the most important horsebreeding regions from other territories, as
well.
Taking these numbers in account it becomes obvious that these taxes were among the
primary sources of the Assyrian supply of horses. A third inventory (ND 2768, Fig. 48) mentions
even larger numbers.1016 The tablet is unfortunately very fragmentary, but contains such large
numbers as 175, 630, 470, and 477 on its extant parts.
There is an important iškāru text1017 which lists quantities of silver and their horse equivalents.
As Fig. 45 shows, different amounts of silver were given to different personnel, most probably
to buy horses for the supply of the troops. It appears that the price of a horse was 1 manû (approx.
0.5 kg) of silver. It seems furthermore to the present author that the different personnel who
obtained 20 minas (manû) of silver each to buy horses (for 1 mina each) could not provide the
necessary number of horses needed, and kept the official out of his money. As Fig. 45 shows Bēl
lēšir1018 got 1 talent (biltu) of silver, spent 30 minas (bought 30 horses) and owes 20 minas (for 20
horses?); MannukīAššurlē’î got 20 minas, spent 11 minas (bought 11 horses?) and owes 9 minas
(9 horses?); Ribaa‹‹ē got 20 minas, spent 7 minas (bought 7 horses?) and owes 13 minas (13
horses?); Labasi also got 20 minas, spent [x] minas (bought [x] horses?) and owes [x] minas ([x]
horses).
Further (fragmentary) passages of this letter make it clear that Ribaa‹‹ē was somehow in
charge of chariot troops.1019 Not only Ribaa‹‹ē, but a chariot horse trainer (susānu)1020 was also
connected to the iškāru dues of the chariots. He got 4 talents (100 minas) for 90 horses […]. The
next line reads: “[Four] talents of silver in the [...] standard, one mina each, [›ar]bi%a%[u] and his
brothers;”1021 ›arbi%a%u and their brothers got [4] talents of silver, 1 mina each: it means that either
the number of his brothers was 199 so 200 of them got 1 mina silver each, or more probably they
1013 Postgate argued that the expansion of the Neo-Assyrian Empire and the expansion of its borders were followed by the reforms
of its economic structure. „The shift from contributions in kind to silver payments illustrate the same trend, since this too increases
the flexibility of the economy, and channels the materials to where they are needed without their having to pass through an
unnecessary stage of the administration”. (POSTGATE 1974, 110.).
1014 PARKER 1961, ND 2727.
1015 PARKER 1961, ND 2788.
1016 PARKER 1961, ND 2768.
1018 A certain Bēl-lēšir is mentioned in a Sargonide letter as an official who brought/reviewed 81 men and 81 equids ((SAGGS 1959,
NL 60 (ND 2366), 11; SAGGS 2001, 241-242, NL 60 (ND 2366), 11’; LUUKKO 2012, 177 (ND 2366), 11’).
1019 LUUKKO 2012, 168 (ND 2627), 12’-14’. A certain Riba-aḫḫē is known from the wittness list of a sale document dated to 698 B.C.
He appears as cohort commander (rab kiṣri(KÀD-ri)) together with 4 recruitment officers (mušarkisāni): KWASMAN – PARPOLA
1991, 125 (ADD 1179+), Rev. 6-11.
1020 DEZSŐ 2012B, 109-117.
1021 LUUKKO 2012, 168 (ND 2627), Rev. 1-3.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
(›arbi%a%u and an unknown number of brothers) got 4 talents (200 minas) to buy horses for 1
mina silver each (as reconstructed in the earlier lines of the text). At that point the text summarizes
8 talents of silver (4+4 of the previous lines) for the pack animals, including 200 horses. If we
suppose that the talent of the agate standard was less (for example 50 minas) than the normal
standard (60 minas), 8 talents of silver was an equivalent of 400 horses. 4 talents for an unknown
number of pack animals and another 4 talents for 200 horses.
Additional passages provide further information: “I have imposed iškāru dues on them and
given them 10 (minas) each from the chariothorse trainers and the stable[men that] they keep. Those
w[ho] go up to the trade colony I have provided with [...] fields, orchards and peo[ple].”1022 It seems
that iškāru dues were imposed on them (on those who were mentioned above?), 10 minas of silver
were given to them, which was extracted from the chariothorse trainers (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR.MEŠ) and
the stablemen (LÚ.maaasu).
The next sentence does not make the understanding of the phenomenon easier: those of them,
who went up to the trade colony got fields, orchards and people. The connection between these
personnel, the iškāru tax, the trade colony and the fields remains unclear.
The last motif of the extant text refers to the merchants (for their role in the imperial horse
trade see below), from whom the king ordered 300 horses, but the writer of the letter asked the
king for an order to send him horses from the conto of Kapar[...]āia or from the town of
U[...]āia.1023
A further letter mentions a cavalry unit of 1,000 cavalry, and refers to the iškāru tax on the
horses, which the writer of the letter imposed upon the merchants in the presence of the king, but
has not yet extracted.1024 A letter of Aššurbānî written to Sargon II refers to a quarrel between
merchants. One of the parties, the sons of Sadir petitioned the Palace, and mention in their petition
that: “We have been authorized by the Palace to raise the iškāru dues from the troops.”1025
Two further notes from the late 7th century B.C. show that horses were provided for the
military in an iškāru tax system. These notes let us know that horses from the iškāru tax of the king,
belonging to UrduAššur, chief cook in Aššur were at the disposal of two (Egyptian born) cohort
commanders.1026
The most important question is whether the iškāru tax was laid on the equestrian troops and
their officers mentioned in these texts, or whether the income of this tax was a source of horses
for these units. It seems from these letters that the iškāru was much more a service obligation than
a tax. A certain amount of silver – sometimes extracted from the equestrian units themselves –
was given to Assyrian (military) officials or merchants to buy horses.
Postgate thought that the logic behind the iškāru was that “the horses being received by the
administration had been looked after by some person under similar terms to those for sheep, and
beeing returned on demand to the state.”1027 This view tallies with the case of the horse lists of
the Aššur Protocol1028 (for detailed discussion see below), but does not provide a satisfactoy answer
to all the questions posed by the above mentioned texts.
1022 LUUKKO 2012, 168 (ND 2627), Rev. 5-9.

1023 LUUKKO 2012, 168 (ND 2627), Rev. 10-15.
1024 LUUKKO 2012, 35 (ND 2401); SAGGS 2001, 251-252 (ND 2401).
1025 PARPOLA 1987, 118 (ABL 231), Rev. 3-6.
1026 DONBAZ – PARPOLA 2001, 212 (A 1901): [x] horses, iškāru-tax of the king belonging to Urdu-Aššur, chief cook at the disposal
of Pašî, GAL—ki-şir and […]; 213 (A 1851), 4: 3 horses, iškāru-tax of the king belonging to Urdu-Aššur, at the disposal of Ḫuru,
GAL—ki-şir and […].
1027 POSTGATE 1974, 102-103.

III.2.2 Nāmurtu gift1029
Originally the nāmurtu was most probably a type of audience gift, and was not a compulsory tax,
yet these presents included horses large enough in number to be considered of military
importance.
Larger numbers of nāmurtu horses appear in the report of an unknown official (Sennacherib?)
to Sargon II, which mentions that the crown prince of Andia, Iala[…] – accompanied by the
emissary Nergalbēluu%ur – was coming to the court bringing “16 red horses; 13 irginu horses;
14 black horses; 1 ›aršean horse; 1 tuanu horse; 6 mares; 5 mules; in all 51 horses.” The writer
probably referred to another shipment of horses when asking the Mannaean emissary: “Is the
audience gift (namurtú) with you?”1030 Horses in a similar order of magnitude are known from
a similar context. Šulmubēli reported to Sargon II, that Urzana, the king of Mu%a%ir was on his
way and would arrive to Arbela on the 14th. The fragmentary letter then recounts “We have se[nt
...] 56 horses, [x oxe]n, and 2,000 sh[eep]; 100 [...], the audience gift (namur[tú]), [...].”1031 It is
possible that these animals were part of the audience gift of Urzana. Their large number points
to a date following the 8th campaign (714 B.C.) of Sargon II and the sack of Mu%a%ir, following
which Urzana became an Assyrian vassal and should have given a tributesized audience gift.
The normalsized audience gifts, however, were in the range of a few horses. Sennacherib as
crown prince for example received a horse as audience gift (namurtú) from the messenger of the
Mannaean king.1032 The king wrote an explicit letter to Aššurbēluu%ur concerning the contents
of the audience gift (namurte) of the month Kanun (X): “You are to bring me two horses, two
bulls, 20 sheep, and 20 jugs (of wine).”1033 A memorandum specifying the debts of the Qappateans
also refers to audience gifts: “[We] have already giv[en] 150 sheep, 20 oxen and 2 horses, as
audience gift (namurte) of the town D[ūrŠarrukēn].”1034 This text, however – in a fragmentary
passage – refers to 60 horses, which Bēlkabtia‹‹ēšu owed to them. As has been mentioned above,
horses never played a significant role in the everyday economics and agriculture, and
consequently we can assume that these 60 horses were used in transport or for some military
activity.
As has been alluded to earlier, the nāmurtu gift was administered together with other types
of taxes, for example the iškāru (Fig. 47, especially ND 2788). ND 27881035 lists 16 horses as
nāmurtu gift from Kal‹āiu. Another administrative tablet, a small note also lists 12 nāmurtu horses
for example in Ra%appa.1036
1029 POSTGATE 1974, 140-162. The largest number of various items received as nāmurtu is known from the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta
II (890—884 B.C.) during his long march of 884 B.C. (GRAYSON 1991, A.0.100.5, 69-131).
1032 PARPOLA 1987, 29 (ABL 198+), Rev. 18-20.
1034 FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 45 (ADD 1139+), Rev. 1-6.
1035 PARKER 1961, 52-53 (ND 2788).
1036 PARKER 1961, ND 2393, 4-5.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
III.2.3 Horses of/from nakkamtu
According to the sources the nakkamtu was a kind of income, but the animals designated as
nakkamtu horses formed a group of animals which served as ‘reserves’ irrespectively of their origin.
In this case it can hardly be decided whether the origin or the status of the horses is referred to.
Shipments of nakkamtu horses arrived from the tax collection centres of Calah, Nineveh, Dūr
Šarrukēn,1037 which shows that a whole network of tax collection centres1038 of the Assyrian
homeland (royal cities and administrative centres) served the supply of horses. The above text,
written by Nabûšumuiddina to Esarhaddon, mentions 25 teams, which had arrived from these
cities, and would be arrayed on the next day to send them anywhere the king commands. As
shown in the chapter of II.1.3 The overall volumen of rations (esp. Figs. 23—25) Nineveh, Arbela,
and DūrŠarrukēn, the most important cities, and economic centers of the Assyrian Homeland
had an important role to play in the collection of the nakkamtutype income, which would
constitute a part of ‘reserves’ – both in grain rations and animals. This phenomenon hints again
at a conscious organizing principle.
Another Sargonide letter also refers to nakkamtu horses.1039 An unknown official reports to
another official (phrased as his brother) that there are 3—4 teams of horses in one house but there
are no soldiers with them. Furthermore there are some ‘treasury horses’ (ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ šá
nakámte), which have to be taken from him. The translation ‘treasury horses’ refers to the
phenomenon that horses from a certain source were kept in ‘reserve.’
Even the account of the 8th campaign (714 B.C.) of Sargon II refers to fortified towns in the
territory of Mannai and Urar#u, where ‘reserve’ (nakamti) horses were kept in stables.1040
It seems from the cuneiform evidence that not only horses were registered as ‘reserve’, but
whole units were classified as nakkamtu (‘reserve’) units. Such an indirect evicence is known from
two legal texts, in which the witness list included Tardīa, chariot man/trainer of reserve horses1041
and Bēla‹uiddina, chariot man/trainer of reserve horses.1042 A further letter also mentions
a ‘chariot driver of the reserve horses.’1043
As has been mentioned above, one administrative text lists horses arriving from different
types of taxes, which were administered together. This text (ND 2727, Fig. 46) enumerates a total
of 464 horses, of which 100 were nakkamtu (‘reserve’) horses, 60 horses and 30 mules fell into the
iškāru category, while 20 horses came from nāmurtu tax.1044 It has to be noted, that not only horses,
but mules and asses, the pack animals were also recorded in the nakkamtu category. A Nimrud
administrative text1045 lists mules and asses in corrals (476 asses in 2 corrals, 412 asses)1046
1037 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 95 (ABL 440), 7-12: 25 ú-ra-a-te ša na-kan-te ša pi-ir-ra-ni ša URU.kal-ḫa ša URU.ni-nu-a ša
URU.BÀD—MAN—GIN.
1038 The text uses the expression pi-ir-ra-ni (COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 95 (ABL 440), 9), which most probably means ‘contingent’
and not so much ‘tax collection centre’ and might easily refer to the equestrian units of these cities?
1039 SAGGS 1959, NL 57 (ND 2690); SAGGS 2001, 294 (ND 2690); LUUKKO 2012, 208 (ND 2690).
1040 THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 191 (the towns of Tarui and Tarmakisa in the land Dalaia).
1041 MATTILA 2002, 100 (ADD 177), E. 3: [mTa]r-di-ia LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR na-kám-ti. 644 B.C.
1042 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 193 (ADD 277), Rev. 6: [I]EN.PAB.AŠ LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR na-[kam-ti]. 681. II. 12. B.C.
1043 LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 63 (CT 53, 46), 3, 21: [mQur]-di-i LÚ.mu-kil—KUŠ.a-pa-a-ni ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ na-kam-
te.
1044 PARKER 1961, 45-46, ND 2727.
1045 PARKER 1961, 28-31 (ND 2451); POSTGATE 1974, 376-379.
1046 PARKER 1961, 28-31 (ND 2451), 6, 12.

arriving from different sources – madattu (tribute) and %ibtu (a kind of ‘increase’)1047. The text
registers the dead animals (72 and 202)1048 and animals of the ‘reserves’ (151 of nakkamtu, 412 asses
together with ‘reserves’ (nakamti))1049 as well.
Concluding the evidence it can hardly be decided whether the nakkamtu category denoted the
source of the horses and was a form of a tax or due, or simply indicated the status of the animals
arriving from any source, classifying them as ‘reserves’.
III.2.4 Horses of unknown origin or type of tax
Most of the horse lists, however, do not give us any further information on the source of the horses
(whether they are from different types of taxes and dues, were captured during campaign, or were
paid as tribute to the Assyrians), only simply register their number and their type. This
characteristic of the written evidence makes the reconstruction of the logic, the structure and the
volumen of the horse supply for the army very complicated. Since, as has been discussed above,
the horses (in such large numbers) were not part of the private economic sphere (only if merchants
brought them to the royal court), it can be stated with some confidence that the following corpus
belonged to the military.
A distinct group of horse reports consists of shorter or longer notes, mentioning the number
of horses and probably the person who had brought them or received them.1050 These can be
divided into three categories:
1) The first group of tablets consists of short texts, which note a certain number of horses and
a single name (Fig. 49). Since the number of horses is large enough to furnish a cavalry or even
a chariotry squadron, it seems possible that these texts are not short notes registering the incoming
horses and the person who brought or received them, but short muster texts, registering the
number of horses of a unit(commander), or a report of the state of the unit, that is, how many horses
they possess. Edāiu is unknown from the military corpus, but the other three personnel are well
established in the military archives (see Charts 1—16) of the period the fourth tablet identifies.
Šulmubēlilāmur is known as a ‘third man’ from the wittness list of a legal text dated to 684 B.C.1051
Several officers bearing the name Nabûšarruu%ur and serving the army in different positions are
known from the corpus.1052 There is, however, a certain Nabûšarruu%ur, who served in the army
1047 For the detailed discussion of ṣibtu see POSTGATE 1974, 167-173.
1048 PARKER 1961, 28-31 (ND 2451), 14, 23.
1049 PARKER 1961, 28-31 (ND 2451), 7, 12.
1050 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 107-120. They argued (XXV-XXVI) that these lists are horse reports of incoming horses, brought by
palace employees or professional horse traders.
1051 Šulmu-bēli-lāmur (IDI-mu-EN-la-mur) tašlīšu (LÚ.3.U5), KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 177 (ADD 230), Rev. 3.
1052 Two Nabû-šarru-uṣurs are known from the same corpus of administrative texts: one of them is a qurbūtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG), (FALES
– POSTGATE 1992, 9 (ADD 860, Rev. I:8), while the other appears in the same list as a ‘cohort commander of the crown prince’
(rab kiṣir mār šarri (A—MAN)), (FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 9 (ADD 860, Rev. I:21). The cohort commander Nabû-šarru-uṣur
appears in two other texts of the corpus as well: FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 5 (ADD 857, Rev. II:9: rab kiṣir mār šarri (A—MAN));
and FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 10 (ADD 850, I:8: rab kiṣir. A certain, if not the same Nabû-šarru-uṣur appears in the Rēmanni-
Adad archive (671—660 B.C.; DEZSŐ 2012A, Chart 2) also as a ‘cohort commander of the crown prince’ (rab kiṣir mār šarri
(A—MAN)): KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 297 (ADD 266, Rev. 3), 298 (ADD 503, Rev. 9’), 299 (ADD 477, Rev. 5’), 300 (ADD
202, Rev. 8), 325 (ADD 470, Rev. 20’: rab kiṣir ša—šēpē (GÌR.2) ša mār šarri (A—MAN)), 332 (ADD 433+599, Rev. 12’).

SUPPLY OF HORSES
as a ‘third man of the queen’ (686 B.C.) and later as a simple ‘third man’ (666 B.C.).1053 Sînašarēd
of the fourth text dated to 677 B.C. is also known as a ‘chief third man of the crown prince’ and
a few years later as ‘third man of the crown prince’.1054 It cannot be declared explicitly that these
texts belong to an archive of ‘third men,’ who were in charge of horses,1055 but the military profile
of the archive and the connection with officers is unquestionable.
2) The second group of tablets (Fig. 50) raised similar questions as above. The following
possibilities of the interpretation emerge:
a) This group of texts was traditionally conceived as taking stock of horses from diverse
shipments. In this case a relatively small number of horses were collected from different personnel
as part of a taxation system. In this case the source of the animals is unknown – these persons were
horse breeders and possibly paid a tax from the new growth.
b) The other possibility is that these equids arriving from an unknown source were allocated
to them for an unknown reason. Were they unit commanders, and were these horses distributed
among them to cover the losses is unknown.
c) However, it seems to the present writer that these texts could also be part of a muster series,
in which the number of horses in care of different (military) personnel (similarly to the Aššur
Protokol) under the command of an officer (Banâia) had to be reported or were reviewed. This
idea would be corroborated by the fact that these texts list not only the number of equids, but their
type, more characteristically their colour and breed. Furthermore it is interesting to note that
a sequence of red, black and irginucoloured horses appear at the hand of almost all of the
(military) personnel. It has yet to be deciphered whether this is a coincidence or whether it
demonstrates some conscious orginizing principle.
There is a single text which provides further information. The caption of ADD 9891056 refers
to 200+ horses of the Palace.1057 It is unknown whether these 200+ horses are detailed in the
following lines of the tablet, which summarizes only 164 horses altogether in the care of Banâia,
or whether this caption refers to another stock.
The most important person of the system was obviously Banâia. It seems that he played a key
role, occupied a key position on the top of the local (military) hierarchy. He was in charge of
a system which collected horses or allocated horses to various individuals to care for the animals.
This system is based on officials, each of whom got a different number of equids ranging from
a few animals (6) to a few dozens of horses (26/34). These personnel were most probably horse
breeders, who provided horses for the army (Palace) as a kind of tax from their studfarm, or took
care of the animals outside the campaign season (and did not bring them from somewhere, an
unknown place and unknown source).
1053 Nabû-šarru-uṣur (IdPA.MAN.PAP) tašlīšu (LÚ.3-šú ša MÍ.É.GAL), KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 164 (ADD 612), Rev. 11-12 (686
B.C.; Nabû-šarru-uṣur (IdPA.MAN.PAP) tašlīšu (LÚ.3.U5), MATTILA 2002, 2 (ADD 627, Rev. 10’).
1054 Sîn-ašarēd (Id30.MAŠ) chief ‘third man’ (tašlīšu) of the crown prince (LÚ.3-šú dan-nu šá DUMU.MAN), KWASMAN – PARPOLA
1991, 317 (ADD 60, Rev. 1, 666 B.C.), ‘third man’ (tašlīšu) of the crown prince (LÚ.3-šú šá DUMU.MAN), KWASMAN – PARPOLA
1991, 320 (ADD 377, Rev. 1’, 664 B.C.), 321 (ADD 439, Rev. 4’, 664 B.C.), 325 (ADD 470, R. 25’, 663 B.C.).
1055 For ’third men’ see DEZSŐ 2012B, 102-108.
1057 Other tetxs also refer to the Palace. PARKER 1961, 34 (ND 2491) is a very fragmentary administrative text, a list of horses, which
enumerates a large number of horses in groups. The largest shipment consisted of 330 horses. One of the lines of the text (Rev.
4) refers to 34 horses most probably property of the Palace.

This group of texts differs characteristically from the previous group. Out of the 24/25 names
of the people mentioned in this corpus only a few (4) appear in other military archives.1058 These
names are, however, so common that no serious conclusion can be drawn from them. There are
only two names which are familiar from another military archive: a certain Bēlibnî and ›armaku
appear in the Nimrud Horse Lists as cohort commanders of the Arrap‹āia unit (rab ki%ir
Arrap‹āia).1059 Furthermore, contrary to the previous group of horse reports discussed above, the
names of this group do not only show a predominantly Assyrian character, if not the opposite:
the frequent appearance of the theophor element Bēl (4) and the predominance of the Aramaic
names hints much more to the direction of Babylonia. If this reconstruction is correct, these texts
would provide an insight into one of the aspects of the regional/provincial management system
of equids.
3) The third group of administrative texts consists of the horse reports of Nabûšumuiddina and
Nādinu, ‘inspectors’ of the Nabû Temple at Calah.1060 As Fig. 51 shows, large numbers of daily
horse shipments arrived to Calah. It is, however, unknown whether the horses arrived to the Nabû
Temple, or most plausibly to a stable complex under the authority of the temple (or even to the
Review Palace itself). Nabûšumuiddina inspected the horses,1061 entered them in a stock list, and
after a review had been conducted, sent them on to various destinations (for example to the Palace
in Nineveh1062 or to the Review Palace).1063 The horses sometimes stayed overnight or for a longer
period and were provisioned in the place of their review, but it seems that Nabûšumuiddina
wanted to deliver them as soon as possible.
Several letters have asked the king: when should he array the horses? Should he array the
horses in the evening to stay arrayed overnight, or should he array them in the morning? It
seems that the horses were usually arrayed on the next morning.1064 Sometimes, however, the
horses were arrayed in the evening and they stood arrayed or hitched up overnight to be
reviewed in the morning in front of the king. In one of his letters he asked the king as follows:
“When are the horses trained to the yoke to come before the king, my lord? Let the king, my lord,
send word so I can be alerted and I can have orders issued for the horses to stay overnight and
1058 Mār-Issar (IDUMU. d15) qurbūtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) (LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 104 (ABL 206, 7, Rev. 9), rab kiṣir (FALES –
POSTGATE 1992, 126 (ADD 1040, 6-7); Bēl-ibnî (IEN.DÙ) rab kiṣir Arrapḫāia (DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, 108 II:4); Nabû-
šarru-uṣur (IdPA.MAN.PAP) rab kiṣir ša—šēpē (GÌR.2) ša mār šarri (KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 325 (ADD 470, Rev. 20’), 663
B.C.); qurbūtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) (FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 9 (ADD 860, Rev. I:8); BAD.ḪAL qur-ub (FALES – POSTGATE 1995,
110 (ADD 700, 2); rab kiṣir mār šarri (FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 5 (ADD 857, Rev. II:9), 9 (ADD 860, Rev. I:21), 10 (ADD 850,
I:8’); rab kiṣir ša mār šarri (A—MAN) (KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 297 (ADD 266, Rev. 3) 671 B.C.), 298 (ADD 503, Rev.
9’), 299 (ADD 477, Rev. 5’), 300 (ADD 202, Rev. 8), 325 (ADD 470, Rev. 20’), 332 (ADD 433+599, Rev. 12’); rab kiṣir (MATTILA
2002, 35 (ADD 349, Rev. 8), 630 B.C.), KWASMAN 1988, 129 (ADD 211, Rev. 18 – E. 1); tašlīšu (LÚ.3.U5) (KWASMAN – PARPOLA
1991, 164 (ADD 612, Rev. 11-12), 686 B.C.), MATTILA 2002, 2 (ADD 627, R. 10’), 666 B.C. Ubur-Issar (ISUḪUŠ-15)
LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR (FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 123 (ADD 852, I:6’)); Ḫarmaku mušarkisu (DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, 99 (ND.10002),
I:12); rab kiṣir Arrapḫāia (DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, 102 (ND.10019), II:17’); rab kiṣri ša raksūte DELLER – FADHIL 1993, 1
Rev. 5.
1059 Bēl-ibnî (IEN.DÙ) rab kiṣir Arrapḫāia (DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, 108 II:4); Ḫarmaku rab kiṣir Arrapḫāia (DALLEY –
POSTGATE 1984A, 102, II:17’).
1060 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 82-123.
1061 The reports actually do not contain any references to the state of the horses, but one of them mentions 5 wounded Egyptian horses
(COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 119 (ABL 1427), 7.).
1063 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 98 (ABL 375). It is unknown, whether the ‘Palace’ mentioned in COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 111 (ABL
575), Rev. 4-5 refers to the royal palace of Nineveh or to the Review Palace of Calah.
1064 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 88 (ABL 71), 17-Rev. 11; 95 (ABL 440), 7-Rev. 4; 100 (ABL 545), Rev. 9-12.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
be provisioned.”1065 This technique, however, is easily prone to become counterproductive.

Nabûšumuiddina sent a complaining letter to the king, blaming this practice: “I arrayed the
horses yesterday. Why must I constantly harass the king’s horses? But if the king, my lord,
commands it, I will array the horses (again). What are the written instructions of the king, my
lord?”1066
It seems furthermore, that the horses of some units were always on alert and were always
hitched up. One of his letters migh refer to such a case: “I will also array the hitchedup Mesean
horses, which are kept hitched up at all times.”1067
One of the letters shows, that Nabûšumuiddina was a much more important person than
a simple ‘inspector.’ It seems that he had authority over other centres – not only over Calah – and
he kept an eye on the horse shipments outside Calah as well. In this letter he wrote to the king
that the horses (cavalry mounts) were in Adia, but, if the king commanded they would cross over
to Nineveh.1068
As Fig. 51 shows, horses arrived to Calah from various, often remote places of the empire.
They came from cities and provinces (Man%uāte, Qarnê, Dâna, Kullania, Arpad, Isana, Damascus,
Bar‹alzi, Arrap‹a, DūrŠarukku, Tillê, Ra%appa, Māzamua, Kilizi, Arbela, Meliddu, Si’immê, Dūr
Šarrukēn, Guzana, Calah, Parsua, Aššur, La‹iru, ›ada’il, Šu‹upa, and Ebirnāri), from the high
officials and magnates of the empire (turtānu, nāgir ekalli, rab šāqê, turtānu ša šumēli, Treasurer of
the Queen, Treasurer of the Queen Mother, governor of Calah, prefects, and the magnates of Bēt
kāri), and interestingly from recruits and chariot horse trainers of unknown territory or unit, and
the recruits of the Chief Eunuch. It seems obvious that these territories and officials had yearly(?)
horse quotas which had to be sent to the tax collection centres, since some of the texts made
a reference of the complete or incomplete status of the shipment,1069 or indicates that the shipment
had not arrived.1070
The horse collection centre of Calah is known from another text as well. This administrative
text lists 2 stallions and 8 mares, altogether 10 horses, having arrived from Mannai on the 22th day
of month Tašrītu (VII) to Calah.1071
It also has to be mentioned that other fragmentary texts dealing with horses are known,1072
but their state makes it impossible to use them in the reconstruction of the underlying logic of
the imperial horse breeding and supply system.
These horses were probably sent to the royal centres to serve the equestrian units of the kişir
šarrūti, the royal corps.1073 One of the letters of Nabûšumuiddina mentions that “We will give
the first shipment that arrives from the household of the magnates to the cavalry. We will then
1065 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 97 (ABL 373), Rev. 5-12.

1069 31 horses were an incomplete shipment from Arpad (COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 86 (ABL 372), Rev. 13); 122 horses (COLE –
MACHINIST 1998, 88 (ABL 71), 9-11) or in another case 60 horses (COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 108 (ABL 393), 7-9) from the
Commander-in-Chief was also an incomplete shipment; A further incomplete shipment of 27 horses arrived from Calah (COLE
– MACHINIST 1998, 109 (ABL 394), Rev. 1-3); On the other hand 79 horses from the Commander-in-Chief, the Palace Herald,
and from Arrapḫa was a complete shipment (COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 103 (ABL 682), 8-Rev. 4).
1070 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 102 (ABL 67), Rev. 6: the horses from Ebir-nāri have not yet arrived; 122 (ABL 1159), Rev. 3-4: 16
horses have not arrived.
1071 PARKER 1961, 44 (ND 2699): (1) 2 ANŠE.KUR.MEŠ NÍTA, (2) 8 SAL.ANŠE.KUR.MEŠ, (3) PAB 10 ANŠE.KUR.MEŠ, (4)
KUR.Man-na-[a]-a, (5) ITU.DU6 (tašrītu/VII) U4 22-kám, (6) ina URU.Kal-ḫi.
1072 WISEMAN – KINNIER WILSON 1951, 106 (ND 405).
1073 DEZSŐ 2012B, passim.

wait for the rest of the shipment.”1074 This shipment provided horses for 50 cavalrymen (a
platoon), who (together with their households) were equipped by Nabûšumuiddina with
millstones, household utensils, and pigs. This letter indicates that Nabûšumuiddina was not only
an inspector of horses, but was in charge of the complete supply of (equestrian) units.1075 There
is another text, which lists 34 horses along with other equids (3 mules and 8 asses) and 2 oxen
subdivided according to their owners,1076 which seems as if they belonged to similar households,
where the horse breeder/trainer got other animals used for domestic actvities.
It was probably a heavy burden for the contributing magnates and governors, since they had
to equip their own equestrian units as well. Furthermore, as has been mentioned above, such
a long march – as for example from Kullania to Calah – could easily cause heavy losses in the ranks
of the horses – which would have been one of the causes of the incomplete status of the shipment.
These letters list a huge number of incoming horses. Nabûšumuiddina reviewed at least 995
Kushite horses, 173 Mesean horses, 1,400 horses of the yoke (without a specification of their stock),
1,086 cavalry mounts, 151 mules, altogether more than 3,995 horses and mules. Unfortunately the
period which they covered is unknown, but they probably fall within a year. The number of chariot
horses is 2,568. It means that the chariotry existed in large numbers in this period as well – even
if the palace reliefs of the Ninevite palaces do not support this idea. However, it is not known
whether these horses “trained to the yoke” were used only military, or other pruposes as well.
As Cole and Machinist have already raised the question, the possibility to postulate the
existence of a unit of Nabû,1077 or other deities1078 is tempting, but the huge number of horses
(enough for a complete equestrian division)1079 does not make the impression that these horses
were of cultic importance. Only a few entries refer to teams of deities, for example to the teams
of Aššur.1080 Another text mentions a team of black horses charged to the people of Calah,1081
which might easily have been a team designated to serve a deity.
III.2.5 Horses from merchants
It is obvious that the Assyrians would have exploited all possible sources from which they
could guarantee the horse supply of the Assyrian army. Among these sources the royal1082 and
independent merchants (tamkār sīsê)1083 played an important role. The correspondence of the
Sargonides reveals that the Assyrians bought large numbers of horses from merchants. An
important letter (ND 2627, discussed above (in the chapter on iškāru dues) for example lists 300

1075 Only a single (other) Nabû-šumu-iddina is known from the military archives, and he served as a ‘chariot man of the open chariotry’
(LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ) (FALES – POSTGATE 1992, 5 (ADD 857), Rev. II:2), 9 (ADD 860, II:17’)).
1076 WISEMAN – KINNIER WILSON 1951, 112 (ND 452): Iakud(?)di, Mār-Issar, Sina’an and Balṭi-nūri.
1077 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, XVII-XVIII.
1078 The reconstruction of different units marching under the aegis of different deities is giong to be presented in the next volume of
this project.
1079 DEZSŐ 2006B, 93-140.
1080 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 104 (ABL 61), 11-13. As Cole and Machinist quoted VAT 13596 – these teams might have been
comprised of white horses.
1082 For Assyrian royal merchants see the Book of Tobit I:13-14.
1083 RADNER 2002, TSH 35, 1-2: Aḫ-abû [LÚ].DAM.QAR—AN[ŠE.K]UR.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
animals, ordered from merchants by the king.1084 The next letter1085 also connects the merchants
with the iškāru tax on horses, which the king imposed upon them, but the specific connotations
of this connection are unclear. Did the king extract silver from different subjects within the
framework of the iškāru tax system and order the merchants to buy horses for the sum? This view
seems to be corroborated (at least partly) by a letter, which says that “[The son]s of Sadir
petitioned the Palace claiming they had weakened (financially), and they say: ‘We have been
authorized by the Palace to raise the iškāru dues from the troops.’”1086 A Nimrud administrative
text (ND 2458,1087 Fig. 52) reports incoming horses with a caption: of/from merchants (ša
LÚ.DAM.GAR.MEŠ). It seems that this fragmentary text recorded more than 700 horses which
were brought to the Palace by merchants. It is unknown whether the three names (£āb[...],
Marduk[...], ›asî) indicated in the text referenced the merchants themselves, or the people the
merchants bought the horses from.
As known from two Assyrian letters, these merchants might be foreign or vassal kings as well.
Nabûrēmanni for example wrote to Sargon II that a messenger from Parsua had told him: the king
of the land Zalipu had despatched 100 horses to Assyria, but the Mannaean king detained them inside
his country.1088 In another letter Issaršumuiqīša, an Assyrian official wrote to Sargon II that the king
of Zikirtu (who was otherwise the vassal of the king of Urar#u) wanted to sell horses to the Assyrians
in the town Paššate.1089 Issaršumuiqīša brought and deposited the silver for the horses in an
Assyrian stronghold. The Assyrian officials purchased horses not only from foreign rulers but
merchants as well. One of these was a certain Šarî from the town Kannu’, who brought 70 horses to
Arzu‹ina.1090 When Adadissīa, governor of Māzamua asked him where the rest of his horses were,
he said that he had bought 200 horses over there and would bring the rest later. The same letter
mentions further merchants whose horses were on the way to Assyria. Another administrative text
lists horses of different colour in the possession of a merchant (LÚ.DAM.GÀR).1091 The Assyrians
sometimes searched for certain (largesized) types of horses. Šarruēmuranni, who was also governor
of Māzamua, for example ordered the Kumasaean merchants to review their stock, and if such size
horse falls into their hands, to fetch it to him.1092 Further fragmentary letters prove that if needed,
several Assyrian officials would buy horses for the army along the Eastern border of the Empire.1093
One of these letters refers to the horse purchasing activity of the Assyrian offical (a governor?) himself,
as well.1094 However, not only the letters of the local, provincial administration mentioned above refer
to the horse trade of the Assyrians. There is an inventory text (ND 2458, Fig. 52), in which the
administration of the royal court lists those horse contingents which they had acquired from
merchants. This text altogether enumerates 730 horses – divided into groups according to the
merchant who had brought them. And a further Assyrian letter to Esarhaddon reveals that not only
merchants, but Assyrian vassal officials also purchased horses for silver.1095
1084 LUUKKO 2012, 168 (ND 2627), Rev. 10-13; SAGGS 2001, 278-280 (ND 2627), Rev. 10-13.
1085 LUUKKO 2012, 35 (ND 2401), 4-8; SAGGS 2001, 251-252 (ND 2401), 4-8.
1086 PARPOLA 1987, 118 (ABL 231), 3-6.
1087 PARKER 1961, 30 (ND 2458).
1091 POSTGATE 1973, 126 (ND 446).
1093 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 83 (NL 61 (ND 2359) + NL 63 (ND.2777)); LUUKKO 2012, 190 (ND 2359); SAGGS 2001, 141-142, NL
77 (ND 2701); LUUKKO 2012, 94 (ND 2701).
1095 REYNOLDS 2003, 56 (ABL 336), 3-7: the mayor domo and the information officer of Nabû-ušallim, Assyrian vassal leader (from
678 B.C.) of Bīt-Dakkuri.

Horse breeding
III.3 Horse breeding
One of he main concerns of the Assyrian cavalry and chariotry was to keep their own horses and
the new incoming horses in good condition. Horses needed stable complexes the archaeological
reconstruction of which is hardly possible.1096 Man and horse needed a large amount of stored
grain and fodder daily, for which the Assyrians organized a provincial network of royal grannaries
and army reserves.1097 A large administrative tablet (ND 2803, Fig. 17), a ration account deals with
the distribution of provisions (bread and fodder) to various military personnel. Large quantities
of fodder for example were issued to 201 charioteers (LÚ.GIGIR) and their horses: 187 homers
and 2 sūtu (18,720 litres) for three months, and altogether a huge portion, 3,987 homers and 8 sūtu
(398,780 litres) for an unknown number of horses and men for an unknown period.1098 A daily
fodder ration for horses was given for example to a ‘third man,’ Šamaššallim for Mannaean
horses, to DaniBēl of Zamua for Elamite horses, to Gaiâ, the qurbūtu bodyguard of the crown
prince for horses from BītDaltâ, to Kanūnāiu, the qurbūtu bodyguard for horses which he brought
from Arzu‹ina, and to the governor of Šallat for 220 horses.1099 It is, however, unknown whether
they bought the horses or just brought them to Nimrud. One of the most important texts
concerning the provision of horses is a letter written by an Assyrian official to Sargon II, which
lists the troops of Assyrian magnates arriving at the meeting point in KārAššur and preparing
for a military campaign (to Media?). In the second part of the letter the writer provides a detailed
inventory of grain supply (barley for human consumption and fodder for the animals) locally
available in daily and monthly specification (Fig. 20).1100 When Sargon II asked £āb%ilĒšarra:
“Suppose you are staying at home, how do you feed our horses?”, he replied: “Half of my horses
are fed in the Bar‹alza province, the other half eat at the [... of the ci]ty of Issete in the domestic
quarters of [...]; my cavalry [and ... are sta]tioned in the tax collection centre of the province of
[...].”1101 A few short notes open the door to suppose, that the horses of governors and magnates
were fed in different towns and villages and were in charge of local authorities, as the rab ālāni
(LÚ.GAL URU.MEŠ)1102 or the ša mā‹āzāni.1103
The Assyrian magnates even sent their cavalry officers to collect barley rations. Adadissīa,
governor of Māzamua for example dispatched his two cavalry cohort commanders (LÚ.GAL(rab)
ki%ir.MEŠ ša pet‹alli) to San‹a and Ulušia, to the king’s subjects, and received the equipment and
the barley rations which were specified in their tablet.1104 TaribaIssar wrote to Sargon II that he
1096 For an introductory study see LIVERANI 2012, 443-458.

1097 For the question see above, and the detailed studies of FALES 1990 and FALES 2000.
1098 PARKER 1961, 55-61, ND 2803, Obv. II:13’-15’.
1099 PARKER 1961, 55-61, ND 2803, Rev. II:3-22.
1100 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 250 (CT 53, 47+ ABL 1290); FALES 1990, 24-27; FALES 2000, 48-49. For a detailed study see Fig. 20.
1101 PARPOLA 1987, 107 (ABL 97). That the king’s suspicion was not ungrounded is reflected in another very fragmentary letter, in
which somebody accused another Assyrian official as follows: “[…] for his eyes; he does not give any [str]aw or fodder [to] the
horses.” (PARPOLA 1987, 107 (ABL 97), 2-5).
1102 13 horses were registered in the hands of Marduk-aḫu-iddina, the rab ālāni ([LÚ.GAL] URU.MEŠ), (POSTGATE 1973, 125 (ND
445), 8); 11 horses of the governor of Ḫalṣu and 8 horses of the governor of Tamanūni (Tamnuna) were fed by their rab ālāni
(rab ālānišunu, LÚ.GAL URU.MEŠ-ni-šú-nu) Šulmu-aḫḫē (POSTGATE 1973, 128 (ND 427), Rev. 11); a further text refers to horses
in connection with a rab ālāni (4) (rab ālāni, [LÚ.GA]L URU.MEŠ-ni), (POSTGATE 1973, 127 (ND 430), 4).
1103 POSTGATE 1973, 129 (ND 447), 5-6 mentions 32 horses in the hands of a ša māḫāzāni (ša ma-ḫa-za-a-ni, village inspector?) named
Aššur-zēru-uṣur.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
had collected 500 homers (= 50,000 litres) of barley in the city of Kilizi, and would like to deliver
it.1105 In a similar letter, Mardukšarruu%ur assured the king (Sargon II) that he had stored 1,000
homers of barley in the town Saba[...], and was taking out more of the harvest.1106 Judging from
a letter of Adadissīa1107, governor of Māzamua, it seems that the 1,000 homers of barley were
a kind of quota which had to be cultivated and stored in the royal granaries of every province.
This letter is a reply to a royal order, in which Sargon II commanded Nabû[…], and Mannukī
Adad to cultivate 1,000 homers of seed corn. Other governors had similar problems with raising
provisions. Nabûdūruu%ur, for example, excused himself for not having raised provisions for
the expedition, thinking: “’I will send them to my lord.’ Surely, my lord, within 5 or 6 days my
lord will go either to Assyria or to the enemy country, O my lord. Let my lord quickly give orders
to Meturna, Zabban and DūrBēlilā’ī, and let my messenger quickly fetch (provisions) from there
posthaste to my lord!”1108 In another case an Assyrian official made excuses for not providing the
provisions for the horses sent by the king in time, but as he states it was not his duty.1109 A letter
of Bēlliqbî1110 written to Sargon II tells the story of an unknown chariotry officer, who without
the permission of the deputy governor, but citing a royal order opened up a silo in a village of
the governor, and took two months worth of provisions. When Bēlliqbî protested, he said that
his supply of grass had diminished in Nisan, yet horses keep coming to him, so he cannot cope.
Another official, Aššurdalāl confiscated half of the fodder for his newly arrived horses. It is
obvious from the letter that the provincial governors stored grain and fodder in monthly rations
in their silos. This letter also reveals that the governor stored a relatively large amount of grain
and fodder in these silos (complete monthly rations, 70 day rations and a further 20 day rations
for a certain, unfortunately unknown number of soldiers and horses). The Assyrians used every
opportunity to feed their horses: a letter sent from Babylonia possibly to Sargon II mentions that
the people of BītDakkuri have gone from their cities to the marshes.1111 They left behind huge
quantities of barley and dates, so the horses should go and stay there. As the letter written by
GabbuanaAššur to Sargon II shows, the officers in charge of the recruitment and supply of horses
and fodder were the recruitment officers (mušarkisāni).1112 In spite of the fact that – as these
examples show – there sometimes were disturbances in the system, it is obvious that one of the
most important components of the Assyrian military success was their outstanding system of
reserves and logistics.
There are some horse lists which give not only the number, but sometimes also the breed and
colour of the animals.1113 There are ›aršean type, red, black, and irginucoloured and ‹arbakannu
type or coloured horses mentioned in these texts. One of the inscriptions of TiglathPileser III
(745—727 B.C.) lists tribute horses from Media with their trappings: there were white (pe%ūti),
sorrel (sāmūti) ›aršean (›aršáaa) and probably ‹arbakannu (‹ar[…]) types amongst them.1114
1105 PARPOLA 1987, 160 (ABL 843).

1107 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990, 225 (CT 53, 79). As has been discussed above II.1.3.3 1,000 hectares of land, the present author
interprets this passage as 1,000 hectares instead of 1,000 homers.
1108 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 129 (CT 53, 110+++).
1110 PARPOLA 1987, 181 (ABL 1070).
1111 DIETRICH 2003, 84 (ABL 588), Rev. 3-9.
1112 LANFRANCHI – PARPOLA 1990,119 (ABL 122), 3. For a detailed study see DEZSŐ 2012B, 43-44, 122-128.
1113 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 113 (ADD 988); 114 (ADD 1103); 115 (ADD 1140); 116 (ADD 989); 117 (Assur 1/3, 5 (Rm.949)), 118
(K.15276), 119 (ADD 678); 120 (ADD 1120); 122 (ADD 696), XXV-XXVI. For a detailed study of the different breeds of horses
reconstructed from the representational evidence see ALBENDA 2004.
1114 TADMOR 1994, Stele IB: 18’-19’.

Horse breeding
One Sargonide letter reports incoming horses as follows: “16 red horses; 13 irginu horses; 14 black
horses; 1 ›aršean horse; 1 tuānu horse; 6 mares; 5 mules; in all 51 horses from the crown prince
of Andia.”1115 Further administrative texts list roan horses (GÙN.MEŠ), bay horses (SA5.MEŠ),
gray horses (irginu), ‘banded’ bay horses (SA5 me%iranu), “banded” gray horses (irginu me%i
ranu), black horses (GI6.MEŠ), and probably ‹arbakannu horses (›AR.MEŠ).1116 One of the
administrative texts of the Nimrud Horse Lists inventories a smaller number of horses assigned
to officers.1117 This detailed list – in contrast to the large horse lists – indicates the (red, black, and
irginu) colour of the animals, including a dappled(?) horse as well. It is interesting to note that
such a piebald(?) or dappled horse appears on one of the wall paintings of TilBarsip1118 together
with horses of other colours. Albenda – examining the colours of horses of Room XXII, XXIV,
XXVII and XLVII wall paintings of the TilBarsip palace – reconstructed almost the whole
spectrum of horse colours1119 known from written and representational evidence. Her solid
colours are as follows: black, bay (dark brown), chestnut or sorrel (reddish brown), dun (light
reddish brown), cream or palomino (pink), and white. The bicolored horses were skewald (brown
and white), piebald (black and white), and pinto (white and other colour). She suggested that blue
colour1120 on a bicoloured horse may represent a shade of gray, while the blue horse pulling the
royal chariot was intentionally painted blue (using Tyrian purple or lapis lazuli), “in order to impart
a visual richness.” It is known that mediaeval Ottoman armies showed a preference for painting
horses with blue and green colours. She concluded that the cavalry favoured the bicolored horses.
While Fales reconstructed the irginu as a solid colour, and the ‹arbakannu as a blend colour,1121
Postgate1122 and Albenda suggest a shade of gray for the irginu and bicoloured for ‹arbakannu. A
further obscure term for the colour or breed of horse appears in a letter written Esarhaddon, in
which the writer accuses Nabûušallim, Assyrian vassal leader of BītDakkuri with having stolen
a chariot and a speckled horse (ANŠE.ragaštakaš)1123 from te king.
The horse reports of Nabûšumuiddina give further interesting details. As Fig. 51 shows, these
horse reports consequently distinguish the cavalry mounts (ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ ša BAD.›ALli)
and the horses ‘trained to the yoke’ (ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ ša niiri). The category of the yoke horse
falls into three different breeds, which are also consequently distinguished from each other. The
first is the Kushite horse (ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ KUR.Kusaaa). Nabûšumuiddina reviewed not
less than 995 horses (one fourth of the horses and 41 % of the yoke horses reviewed), which means
that this stock was an important element of the horses of Assyrian army. As Albenda1124 has pointed
out, the Kushite horses – which appeared in the art1125 and archaeological record1126 during the
second half of the 8th century B.C. – were large animals by modernday standards. Albenda

1116 POSTGATE 1973, 125 (ND 445), 126 (ND 446).
1117 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984, no. 116 (ND 10080).
1118 THUREAU-DANGIN – DUNAND 1936, pl. LIII.
1119 ALBENDA 2004, 327-328.
1120 Examining the weaponry of Assyrian soldiers of the Til-Barsip wall paintings, the present writer reconstructed the helmets painted
light blue with yellow decoration as iron helmets with bronze inlay – as known from actual finds of Assyrian iron helmets decorated
with bronze inlay. DEZSŐ – CURTIS 1991; DEZSŐ 2001, 24.
1121 FALES 1974, 10-13; FALES – POSTGATE 1995, XXV-XXVI.
1122 POSTGATE 1973, 125 (ND 445).
1123 REYNOLDS 2003, 57 (ABL 1154+), E. 26-27.
1124 ALBENDA 2004, 326.
1125 SPALINGER 1981, 47-51, figs. 3-5.
1126 BÖKÖNYI 1993, 305-309, see furthermore, HEIDORN 1997.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
argues that this breed appears on the palace reliefs of Sennacherib1127 as well. It is interesting, that
– as Fig. 51 shows – Kushite horses arrived in large numbers not only from the Western territories,
but almost from every part of the Empire (even from Parsua). It is obvious that certain breeds of
horses could have been raised all over the Empire, not only in their country of origin.
Furthermore three of the horse reports mention Egyptian horses (ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ
KUR.Mu%uraa).1128 If Tadmor’s reconstruction is correct, this breed of horse was probably the
same as was mentioned in a fragmentary royal inscription of TiglathPileser III, who received
Egyptian horses from Gaza.1129 The inscriptions of Sargon II mention large Egyptian horses on
two occasions: in 716 B.C. from Silkanni, king of Egypt1130 and in 707 B.C. on the occasion of the
inauguration of his palace at DūrŠarrukēn.1131 A letter of Bēlerība – dated most probably to the
reign of Sargon II – and sent to ‘his brother’ the governor, let the governor know that the guard
(LÚ.ša—EN.NUN) Nabûē#iranni and Issaršumuēreš, a recruit of the team commander (LÚ.rak
su ša LÚ.GAL—urat) had brought a team of Egyptian horses (úruu ša ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ
KUR.Mu%uraa). The royal order was, that this team of horses should be sent to Bēlerība.1132 The
sources do not offer any clues to make a distinction between the Kushite and Egyptian breeds of
horses. It is possible that the Egyptian horse was a synonym for the Kushite horse, since these two
breeds never appear together in the same text. Albenda proposed that the large Kushite or
Egyptian horses were probably instrumental in the evolution of the bigger, largewheeled chariot,
which started during the reign of Sennacherib. Unfortunately, only the royal chariot is represented
from his reign onwards, but the chariots on the sculptures of Assurbanipal show the result of this
new development. The appearance of these large horses in the Assyrian army during the 8th and
7th centuries B.C. fits into the general tendency of using bigger animals.
The third breed appearing in the horse reports is the Mesean (ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ KUR.
Mesaaa). As Fig. 51 shows, this breed appears together with the Kushite horse. Unfortunately
no further details are known, but it can be supposed that this type of horse was also a larger in
size, since it appears exclusively as a chariot horse (‘trained to the yoke’). Their number never
reached the number of Kushite horses, but was quite substantial: the horse reports of Nabûšumu
iddina list 173 Mesean horses altogether.
There is a further question which has to be dealt with. The Assyrians, as has been discussed
in the previous pages, got large numbers of horses from different sources. Administrative texts
often made a clear difference between male and female horses (mares).1133 The palace reliefs,
however, depict stallions only in a battle context. The question arises whether the Assyrians really
used stallions only as warhorses in the army, or whether depicting them on the palace reliefs was
an iconographical convention. If only stallions and no mares were used, it decreased the number
of animals which could be employed as warhorses considerably, and made the supply of horses
more difficult. Written sources do not help us in solving the problem, however, it is known, that
to escape alone on a mare was a shame.1134
1127 BARNETT – BLEIBTREU – TURNER 1998, nos. 575-584.

1128 COLE – MACHINIST 1998, 115 (CT 53, 434), E.1: 18 Egyptian horses; 119 (ABL 959), 7-9: 5 wounded Egyptian horses from Adad-
ēreš (ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ KUR.mu-şur-a-[a] si-im-ma-ta-nu-te); 120 (CT 53, 418).
1129 TADMOR 1994, Summary Inscription 9:8.
1130 TADMOR 1958, 77-78.
1131 LUCKENBILL 1926—1927, 44, par. 87.
1132 LUUKKO 2012, 160 (ND 2780).
1133 PARKER 1961, ND 2458, ND 2788, ND 2768.
1134 TADMOR 1994, Stele IB: 33’”Sarduri of Urarṭu rode off alone on a mare”; THUREAU-DANGIN 1912, 140: Rusa, king of Urarṭu left
the battlefield on a mare.

Horse breeding
The Assyrians were also keen on the good condition of their horses. The king wrote letters
to his officials emphasizing the importance of the overall wellbeing of horses: „The horses of the
Warden are not to be commandeered; set a safe route for them and send them to me in good
condition.”1135 When Sargon II sent a message through Nabûa‹uu%ur (ša—qurbūte) to the
magnates on campaign, that they may each keep 50 riding horses and the rest they should send
to him. The magnates, however, disagreed saying: “(If) they go, they will die along the way, they
come with us.”1136 As known from an above mentioned letter, in a shipment of horses from
Kullania 26 horses died of the 100 on the road.1137 The mountain roads to the north and east of
Assyria were impassable during the winter and early spring, which was dangerous for horse and
man. Nabûbēluka’’in, the governor of KārAššur, when he got an order from the king to be in
Calah on the 1st of Nisan (I), replied that they are „clearing the roads, but it is snowing and the
snow is filling them up. There is very much snow.”1138 He mentions that two years before, under
similar weather conditions his men and horses died in the snow. The third important question
of the horse breeding was the question of epidemics, and only a few sources mention diseases
affecting the animals. Nebuchadnezzar I (1125—1104 B.C.) wrote in his royal inscription that the
kattilludemon killed his thoroughbred horses.1139 The importance of the problem is emphasized
by those few texts edited by S. Maul,1140 which deal with the diseases of equids, and offer rituals
and receipts to cure and to take care of them.
The texts of the so called ‘Aššur Protocol’1141 list chariot men (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR),1142 their towns and
villages,1143 and the number and state of horses they were in charge of. The lists classify the horses
as ‘good’ and ‘not good.’ It seems that the chariot men took care of their own horses (1, 2, or 3) during
the winter period, when their unit was disbanded. Two important consequences can be drawn:
1) army units organized on a territorial base were deployed in different (home) towns and
villages or their soldiers were recruited from these settlements and were let home (with their
animals) during the winter season, when the army was disbanded; 2) it seems from this group
of texts that some of the soldiers of the equestrian units, predominantly the ‘chariot men’ or
‘chariot horse trainers’ took their horses home to take care of them. As Postgate phrased: “By
a system of this kind the state was relieved of some of the burden of feeding and caring for the
horses, and also of course the bond between animals and masters would be strengthened.”1144
1135 SAGGS 2001, 80-82 (ND 2435), 25-29; LUUKKO 2012, 4 (ND 2435).
1137 SAGGS 2001, 171-172, (ND 2399); LUUKKO 2012, 96 (ND 2399).
1138 FUCHS – PARPOLA 2001, 83 (NL 61 (ND 2359) + NL 63 (ND.2777)).
1139 FRAME 1995, B.2.4.6, Rev. 13: mu-ur-ni-is-qí-ia ina-ár kàt-til-lu.
1140 MAUL 2013, 16-37.
1142 DEZSŐ 2012B, 109-117.
1143 These towns and villages are as follows: There were 10 chariot men with 13 horses under the command of Ame-atar commander-
of-50 (LÚ.GAL 50) from the following settlements: (SCHROEDER 1920, 31), 3: URU.Qa-ma-ni, 6: URU.Ab-ba-ni; 9: URU.Ra-
da-ni; 12: URU.Sa-re-e; 15: URU.ŠE I-li-ti; 18: URU.Til-Ú-li-na; 21: URU.ŠE IdMAŠ.MAŠ(Nergal); 24, 27: URU.ŠE I-li-ti;
30: URU.Ma-li-ku; under the command of […]-SILIM(šulmi?)-GIN(ukīn) cohort commander (LÚ.GAL k[i-ṣir]): (SCHROEDER
1920, 32), 3:URU.Ar-ra-[ap-ḫa]; Rev. 4’: URU.Su-ti-[…]; 7’: URU.Su-ti-a-[…]; under the command of an unknown cohort
commander ([LÚ].GAL ki-ṣir): (SCHROEDER 1920, 34), 2’: URU.Qa-ma-ni, 5’: URU.Ra-at-me; under an unknown commander:
(SCHROEDER 1920, 35), 5: URU.Qa-ma-ni; 8: URU.ŠE dMAŠ.MAŠ(Nergal)-[…]; under the command of IKak-ku-[us]-su cohort
commander (LÚ.GAL ki-ṣir): (SCHROEDER 1920, 36), 4, 7: URU.Kil-pa-ḫa; under an unknown commander: (SCHROEDER 1920,
37), 5’: URU.Ra-[da-ni?]; under an unknown commander: (SCHROEDER 1920, 131), 2: [URU.]Tu-ḫu-na; 5: URU.[…]-du-[…]-
di; 8: URU.Ḫi-la-wi; 11: URU.Ḫul-la-ri; Rev. 5: URU.Pi-iq-da-ni; 8: URU.Ḫu-du-pa; 11: [URU.R]a-pí-ḫi; under the command
of IA-me-a-tar cohort commander (LÚ.GAL ki-ṣir): (SCHROEDER 1920, 132), 4: URU.[...]-li-ki.
1144 POSTGATE 1974, 210.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
It is important to note, that several chariot men listed in the texts of the ‘Aššur Protocol’ are known
from other texts. They appear in the Nimrud Horse Lists as soldiers of the provincial units,1145
for example Unit 2,1146 which was commanded by Mardukšarruu%ur, and the names of his 10
officers are mainly West Semitic, which might indicate the West Semitic origin of the unit.1147 Four
officers of this unit appear in the ‘Aššur Protocol.’1148 In the Protocol, however, these officers are
charioteers (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR), and not team commanders (rab urâte) or cohort commanders (rab ki%ir)
as in the Nimrud Horse Lists.
If we are looking for horsebreeding or horse collecting centers outside the Assyrian capitals
in Mesopotamia, Borsippa would be a good candidate.1149 Nimrud Letter 83 shows that Borsippa
was most probably a military base with installations, prepared to accommodate larger numbers
of horses. Nabûdāmiq asked TiglathPileser III as follows: “Now the king should quickly send
the caravan of Nabûbānî and 500 horses here, so that those who are around us can go to
Borsippa.”1150 These 500 horses were a remarkable force, since another letter reports that “Mukīn
zē[ri] has entered Babylon from BītAmukāni having 10 horses with him. He greeted the
Babylonian[s], saying: ‘I have ...ed 600 horses insi[de] Assyria (and) ...ed (them) into m[y] country.
Do[n]’t be afra[id]!’”1151 It seems from this letter, that 600 horses were quite a promise, a sign of
military power, which should have secured the support or alliance of the Babylonians. Another
letter – most probably from the time of the Mukīnzē[ri rebellion – refers to a much more
formidable force of 2,000 horses and 90 chariots of an unfortunately unknown Babylonian tribe.
This force encamped on the other side of Bābbitqi and constructed reed huts.1152 These examples
raise the question of how these horses were fed, as the animals needed huge amounts of fodder,
to be provided by the central and local authorities of the Empire.
1145 DEZSŐ 2012B, 81-87.

1146 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 99, Obv. ii:7-11, 173, 177; DEZSŐ 2012B, 82-83.
1147 DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 99, §C, 173.
1148 mDINGIR(Ili)-ka-bar: DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 108, iii:19 (rab urâte); no. 102, ii:10’ (rab kiṣir); SCHROEDER 1920, 31:17;
34, Obv. 1’ (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR); mKa-pi-ru: DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 99, Obv. ii:9 (rab urâte); no. 108, iii:21 (rab urâte);
SCHROEDER 1920, 31:29; 132 Obv. 3 (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR); mdIM(Adad)-im-me: DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A, no. 99, Obv. ii:9 (rab
urâte); no. 108, iii:15 (rab urâte); SCHROEDER 1920, 32 Rev. 3’ (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR); mA-tar-bi-‘i-di: DALLEY – POSTGATE 1984A,
no. 99, Obv. ii:10 (rab urâte); no. 108, iii:23 (rab urâte); SCHROEDER 1920, 32 Rev. 6’ (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR).
1149 See for example a letter from the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III, in which two Assyrian officials discuss the situation in Babylon,
referreing the horses of Borsippa (LUUKKO 2012, 133 (ND 2674); SAGGS 2001, 14-18, NL 6 (ND 2674)).
1150 LUUKKO 2012, 134 (ND 2681), 7-11; SAGGS 2001, 63-64, NL 83 (ND 2681), 7-11.
1151 LUUKKO 2012, 138 (ND 2695), 10-Rev. 6; SAGGS 2001, 18-19, (ND 2695), 10-Rev. 6.
1152 LUUKKO 2012, 146 (ND 2484); SAGGS 2001, 85-86, (ND 2484).

Horse breeding
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:30’ 130+ BƯt-Issar

TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:31’ 120 GinizinƗnu, Sadbat, Sisad-[..]
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:32’ 100 Upaš of BƯt-Kapsi
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:32’ 100 Ušru of Nikiri
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:33’ 100 Ugsatar of Qarkinšera
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:33’ 100 Iaubitir of Amat
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:34’ 300 Bardada of Sibar
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:34’ 33 Amaku of Kitku-[…]
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:35’ 32 Šataqupi of Uparia
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:36’ 100 RamatƝia of Kazuginzani
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:37’ 100 Metraku of Uparia
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:38’ 200 Šatašpa of Šaparda
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:39’ 100 Uitana of Mišita
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:40’ 100 Ametana of Uizak
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:41’ […] Šataparna of Urba-[…]
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:42’ […] […]-bâ of Sikrâ
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:43’ […] […]-ia of Zakrǌte
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011, 35, ii:44’ […] […] of Aku-[…]
Fig. 44. Median rulers paying tribute in horses to Tiglath-Pileser III.
ND 2627 ‘AGENT’ AMOUNT GIVEN HORSES (TO BE) BOUGHT MISSING

Obv. 4’-7’ BƝl-lƝšir 1 biltu (= 60/50 manû) 30 horses 20 manû
8’ Mannu-kƯ-Aššur-lƝ’i 20 minas 11 9
9’-10’ Riba-aপপƝ 20 minas 7 13
11’ Labasi 20 minas [x] [x]
12’-14’ LÚ.ERIM.MEŠ GIŠ.GIGIR / BƝl-lƝšir [x] [x] [x]
17’-19’ [NN] LÚ.su-sa-nu 4 biltu (100 manû) for 90 horses
Rev. 1-3 ঩arbiৢaৢu and his brothers 4 biltu (100 manû)
4 in all: 8 biltu (200 manû) for 200 horses + pack animals
Fig. 45. The amounts of silver given to various officers to buy horses within the framework of iškāru.
ND 27271153 NUMBER OF EQUIDS TYPE OF EQUID TO WHOM / FROM WHOM

1-2 50 pít-‫ې‬al-lu (cavalry horses) in Aপsana
3-4 184 ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ (horses) in Ebir nƗri (across the River)
5 20 pít-‫ې‬al-lu in ঩alman
6 100 ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ
7 nakkamtu (na-kám-tu)
8 in all: 404/354 ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ
10 30 ANŠE.ku-din (mules)
11 iškƗru (ÉŠ.GAR.MEŠ)
12 in all: 464 KUR.MEŠ
13 [30] ku-din
15 nƗmurtu (na-mur-tú) of ঩alman
Fig 46. The structure of ND 2727.
1153 PARKER 1961, 45-46 (ND 2727).

SUPPLY OF HORSES
ND 27881154 NUMBER OF EQUIDS TYPE OF EQUID TO WHOM / FROM WHOM

Obv. 1 85 KUR.NÍTA (stallions)
6 [SAL.KUR] (mares)
2 in all: 91 Nabû-šumu-iqƯša
3 26 NÍTA […]-erƯba
4 25 NÍTA
[2] [SAL.KUR]
5 in all: 27 […]
6 15 NÍTA
[3] [SAL.KUR]
7 in all: 18 […]
8 14 NÍTA
[5] [SAL.KUR]
9 in all: 19 […]
10 in all: 1[65] NÍTA
11 16 [SAL.KUR]
12 in all: 181? KUR iškƗru
13 8 NÍTA
2 SAL.KUR Tur-[…]
[…]
Rev. 1. 2 NÍTA
[2] [SAL.KUR]
2 in all: 4 […]
3 2 NÍTA
[3] [SAL.KUR]
4 in all: 5 Marduk-erƯba?
5 3 NÍTA
2 SAL.KUR
6 in all: 5 A‫ې‬ua-erƯba
7 12 NÍTA
10 SAL.KUR
1 SAL.MU (one year old female foal)
8 in all: 23 ut-ru-ti (surplus)
9 6 NÍTA Issar-zƝr-iqƯša
10 4 NÍTA
1 SAL.KUR Sapunu
11 1 NÍTA Aপǌ’a-erƯba
12 1 [NÍTA] Urdu
13 2 NÍTA ঩adasƗnu
14 in all: 14 NÍTA
1 SAL.KUR
15 in all: 15 ??? b/pu-…
16 9 KUR.NÍTA
7 SAL.KUR
17 in all: 16 KalপƗiu
18 šá na-mur-tú nƗmurtu
1154 PARKER 1961, 52-53 (ND 2788).

Horse breeding
TEXT NUMBER OF EQUIDS TYPE OF EQUID TO WHOM / FROM WHOM

ND 27681155
[…] [125]
1’ in all: 175
2’ 308 KUR of […]
3’ 10 KUR.NÍTA (stallions)
12 SAL.KUR (mares) […]
4’ in all: 630 KUR.MEŠ (horses) Raৢappa
5’ 466 KUR.NÍTA
4 SAL.KUR
6’ in all: 470 ša NAM
7’ 6 KUR.NÍTA
1 SAL.KUR
in all: 7 ištu (from) URU.AŠ???
8’ in all: 477 KUR LÚ.600 KUR.Tal-me (Talmeš)
9’ 10 ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2)
10’ 60 Aššur-iddina
11’ 16 Aššur-bƝlu-taqqin
12’ 40 KAL
4 ঩AL (2 years old?)
in all: 44 NÍTA
13’ 13 SAL.KUR
5 TUR.MU (one year old)
in all: 62(?) Aššur-[…]
14’ 80 KAL
3 ঩AL
in all: 83 NÍTA
15’ 4 SAL.KUR KAL
1 TUR.MU
in all: 88 Nabû-tƗriৢ
16’ 52 LÚ.GAL-[...]
17’ 54 Kiৢir-Aššur
E. 18’ […] Aššur-[…]
I
19’ […] DINGIR.MAŠ-[…]
I
20’ […] Mu-di/‫ܒ‬e-[…]
I
21’ […] in all: 6 Ka-nun-a-[a]
22’ 94 DU / GIN
23’ […]
Rev. 24’ 26 [URU.Da?]-e-nu
25’ 18 Naৢibina
26’ 35 BƯt-ZamƗni
27’ 18 Nergal-ibnî
28’ in all: 108 II-i
29’ 78 NAM
30’ 3 ŠUL?
31’ 97 NAM
32’ 3 NÍTA
1155 PARKER 1961, 49-50, ND 2768.

SUPPLY OF HORSES
TEXT NUMBER OF EQUIDS TYPE OF EQUID/UNIT OFFICIAL IN CHARGE

ADD 9911156 204 KUR.MEŠ EdƗiu
ADD 7081157 239 KUR.MEŠ Šulmu-bƝli-lƗmur
ADD 7001158 175 BAD.঩AL qu-rub Nabû-šarru-uৢur
ADD 7011159 88 KUR
6 GÌR
94 Sîn-ašarƝd, Iyyar (II) 9, 677
Fig 49. Number of horses allocated to/or commanded by different officials.

ADD 9881160
1 [x] black horses
5 red horses
2 [x] irginu-coloured horses
3 total [x]+2 [NN]
4 [x] black horses
4 irginu-coloured horses
5 [x] mares
6 total 26 horses Banâia
7 [x] black horses
4 red horses
9 total 6 mares [NN]
10 4 irginu-coloured horses
[x] […]
11 9 black horses
12 total 18 Padî-BƝl
13 5 red horses
6 black horses
5 […] horses
14 1 ঩aršean horse
9 mares
15 total 26 […]
16 6 black horses
[x] irginu-coloured horses
17 1 red horse
5 mares
18 total 17 horses […-a]পu-iddina
19 3 […]
[1] […]
20 14 mares
21 total 18 horses A[…]i
Rev. 1 5 black horses
5 red horses
3 5 mares
4-5 total 17 horses Iaপu৬u
6 5 black horses


Horse breeding

7 2 red horses
4 mares
8 total 18 horses MƗr-Issar
10 [x]+1 red horses
6 black horses
11 [x] ‫ې‬arbakannu horses
12 [x] ঩aršean horse
13 [x] mares
14 total 26 horses BƝl-ibnî
15 [x] red horses
16 [x] black horses
9 mares
17 [x]+4 horses Urda-[…]
E. 1-2 total [x]+102 horses Banâia
ADD 11031161
1 [x] horses
2 2 ঩aršean horses
3 4 mares
4-5 total 34 horses BƝl-Ɲmuranni
6 [x] red horses
ADD 11401162
1’ [5] horses Nasi…
2’-3’ 5 horses Basasu
4’ 5 horses Izbute
5’ 5 horses Ilu-পaপu
6’ total 20 horses for teams
7’-8’ 5 mules Nergal-nƗdin-aপi
[9’-11’]
12’ total 18 horses […]
13’ 3 horses Nabû-šarru-[uৢur]
14’ 3 horses In[nƗia]
15’ 3 horses ৫Ɨb-šar-[…]
16’ total 9 horses […]
Rev. 1 [x] mules
2-3 2 horses House of the […]
4 1 horse
1 mule […]
5 1 equid House of the […]
6 1 mule […]
7 1 mule House of the […]
8 1 mule […]
9 1 of the horses […]
10 1 mule? […]
11 1 mule? […]


SUPPLY OF HORSES

ADD 9891163
1 200+[x] horses for the Palace
2 [x] [horses]
3 [x] horses
[x] ঩aršean horses
4 [x]+9 mares
[x] red horses
5 [NN]
1 […] horse
7-19 […] […] […]
Rev. 1 1 red horse
2 14 mares
3 total 18 horses KurbƗnu
4 [1] black horse
5 [1] red horse
15 mares
6 total 21 horses ঩abasi
7 [1] red horse
8 [9] mares
9 total 22 horses Me’su
10 [x] black horses
1 red horse
11 [x] mares
12 total 18 horses Ubur-Issar
13-14 grand total 164 horses care of Banâia
Assur 1/3 51164
[…] […] […] […]
1’ 4 mares
2’ total 6 horses BƝl-isse’a
3’ care of Banâia
4’ 1 irginu-coloured horse
2 mares
5’ total 3 horses ঩armaku
6’ 1 red horse
2 black horses
7’ 1 mare
8’ total 4 horses BƝl-[…]
Rev. 1 2 red horse
2 2 black horses
3 2 mares
4 total 8 horses […]
6 [x] horses
[…] […] […] […]

1164 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 117 (Assur 1/3 5).

Horse breeding

K 152761165
1-2 100 she-donkeys care of Banâia
3 [x] black horses
[…] […] […] […]
Rev. 2’ total 14 horses […]
3’ [x] black horses
[x] […]?
4’ 2 irginu-coloured horses
5’ 1 red horse
1+[x] […]
6’ total [x+]4 horses […]
7’ 1 […]
8’ 1 […]
ADD 6781166
1’ 11 horses
2’ [x] mares
3’ [x]+11 horses Luqu
4’ [1] red horse
1 irginu-coloured horse
5’ [1] mare
6’ total 3 horses BƝl-[…]
[…]
Rev. 1’ […] mares
2’-4’ […] […] care of Banâia
5’ [x] horses
6’ [x] irginu-coloured horse
7’ [x] mares
8’-9’ total [x] horses [NN]
10’ care of Banâia
Fig 50. Number of equids in the care of different officials.
1165 FALES – POSTGATE 1995, 118 (K 15276).


SUPPLY OF HORSES
TEXT NUMBER OF EQUIDS TYPE OF EQUIDS PLACE OF ORIGIN DATE
ABL 6861167
Rev. 3’-4’ 164 Kushite horses
5’ 35 cavalry mounts
6’ 6 mules
7’-10’ total: 207 horses and mules ? Nisan (I), 6th day
CT 53, 111168
8 8 horses trained to the yoke
9 15 cavalry mounts
10 total 23 horses
11 3 mules
13 3 mules
Rev. 2 total 6 mules
3-7 total 29 horses and mules ManৢuƗte Iyyar (II), 7th day
ABL 3721169
7 13 Kushite horses
8-9 3 horses of Kushite stock
10 total 16 horses trained to the yoke
11 14 cavalry mounts
12 total 30 horses
13 9 mules
14 total 39 (equids) Qarnê
Rev. 1 6 Kushite horses
2-3 [3] horses of Kushite stock
4 total 9 trained to the yoke
5 14 cavalry mounts
6 total 23 horses
7 5 mules
8 total 28 (equids) Dâna
9 19 Kushite horses
11 total 57 (horses) Kullania
3 mules
13-14 total 31! Arpad incomplete
16 10 mules
17 total 23 (equids) Isana
E. 1 45 Kushite horses
104 cavalry mounts
2 total 148 horses
total 30 mules
3 grand total 178 equids Sivan (III), 2nd day


Horse breeding
ABL 3761170
7 [x] Kushite horses
8 [x] horses of Kushite stock
9 total [2]4 Kushite horses
13 mules
11 total 50 (equids) Damascus
12-13 10 Kushite horses recruits (LÚ.rak-su.MEŠ)
Rev. 1 total 34 Kushite horses
2 total 10 cavalry mounts
3 total 44 horses
total 16 mules
4-6 grand total 60 (equids) Sivan (III), 4th day
ABL 711171
8 1 … cavalry mount šul-lam
9-11 total 122 cavalry mounts Commander-in-Chief incomplete
12-14 5 cavalry mounts governor of Calah incomplete
15-16 grand total 127 cavalry mounts ‘today’
ABL 601172
7 12 Kushite horses the governor (of Calah?) 11th day
ABL 13791173
7-8 4 Kushite horses Treasurer of the Queen
9-11 7 Mesean horses trained to the Dǌr-Šarrukku
yoke
12 14 Mesean horses trained to the
yoke
14 2 mules
Rev. 1 total 50 (equids) Tillê
2 total 4 Kushite horses
3-4 21 Mesean horses
5 34 cavalry mounts
6 3 mules
7-9 grand total 53 horses and mules 15th day
ABL 691174
8-Rev. 2 [x] horses 16th day
ABL 3711175
19-Rev. 1 [x] cavalry mounts Raৢappa
2 [x] cavalry mounts Dǌr-ŠarrukƝn
4 [x] horses 23rd day


SUPPLY OF HORSES
ABL 6841176
Rev. 1 [x] Kushite horses
2-3 39 cavalry mounts Commander-in-Chief
4-5 47 cavalry mounts MƗzamua
6-7 total 87 cavalry mounts
8-11 total 103 horses 23rd day
12 grand total 348 (horses)
ABL 3741177
7-8 14 Kushite horses prefects
9-10 4 Kushite horses horse trainers of the …s
11-Rev. 1 total 18 Kushite horses 28th day
ABL 4401178
7-13 25 teams of horses Calah, Nineveh, Dǌr-ŠarrukƝn
1179
ABL 64
8-10 3 Kushite horses recruits of the Chief Eunuch
11-12 [x] mules Kilizi
13-14 [x] mules Arbela
15-Rev.2 3 Kushite horses
33 mules
3 total 36 horses and mules
ABL 3731180
7-8 104 Kushite horses Commander-in-Chief
9-10 72 Kushite horses Palace Herald
11-12 69 Kushite horses Chief Cupbearer
13-Rev. 1 1 Kushite horses deputy of […]
2 total [246] Kushite horses today
1181
ABL 375
7 2 cavalry mounts
8 4 mules
9 total 6 (equids) Arrapপa
1182
ABL 538
8-10 41 Kushite horses […]-na
12 5 mules
13 total 47 (equids) Si’immê
Rev. 1-2 7 cavalry mounts Dǌr-ŠarrukƝn
3-5 total 41 Kushite horses
49 cavalry mounts
6 total 90 horses
7 5 mules
8-9 grand total 95 horses and mules today


Horse breeding
ABL 5451183
13 3 horses
14 […]
Rev. 1 […]
2 67 horses
8 mules
3 total 75 (equids) Guzana
4 2 horses Calah
6 8 mules
7 grand total 107 (equids) (7th day (balancing account)) today
1184
ABL 63
7-8 4 Kushite horses treasurer of the Queen Mother
9 17 cavalry mounts
10 9 mules
11 total 26 (equids) Isana
12 total 30 horses and mules
[…]
ABL 6821185
7-9 9 horses trained to the yoke Commander-in-Chief complete
10-12 8 horses trained to the yoke Palace Herald complete
13-Rev.1 — not coming in deputies
2-4 62 horses trained to the yoke Arrapপa complete
[…]
ABL 611186
8-10 30 Kushite horses Parsua
11-13 5 horses deficit of the teams of Aššur
Rev. 1 16 Kushite horses
2 47 Mesean horses
3-4 total 88 horses Laপiru
5 46 Kushite horses
6 52 Mesean horses
7 total 98 (horses) land of […]
1187
ABL 1122
8-9 [x] horses trained to the yoke Dǌr-ŠarrukƝn
10-12 [x] cavalry mounts of the […] type Commander-in-Chief
13-14 [x] cavalry mounts Palace Herald
15 [x] horses trained to the yoke
Rev. 1 [x] cavalry mounts
[…]
E. 1 34 horses


SUPPLY OF HORSES
ABL 3931188
8-11 8 Kushite horses treasurer of the Queen
Rev. 1-3 12 Kushite horses treasurer of the Queen Mother
4 11 Kushite horses
5-6 49 cavalry mounts
7-9 total 60 horses Commander-in-Chief incomplete
10 total 31 Kushite horses
11-12 [49] cavalry mounts
13-E. 1 total 80 horses today
1189
ABL 394
7 111 Kushite horses
8 11 Mesean horses
9-11 total 121 horses trained to the yoke Barপalzi
12-13 11 Kushite horses Arrapপa
14 17 Kushite horses
15 10 Mesean horses
Rev. 1-3 total 27 horses trained to the yoke Calah incomplete
4-5 total 139 Kushite and Mesean horses
6-8 grand total 160 horses trained to the yoke today
1190
ABL 395
7 40 horses trained to the yoke
8 [6]9 cavalry mounts
9 total 109 (horses) Arpad
10 […] […]
Rev. 1 61 horses ঩ada’il
2-5 total 170 horses Nisan (I), 8th day
ABL 5751191
7-8 [x] Kushite horses Si'immê
9-10 [x] Kushite horses deputy of […]
11 total [x] (horses) Guzana
Rev. 1 total 29 horses today
1192
ABL 649
2-5 [x] Kushite horses Commander-in-Chief of the left
6-10 5 he is handing over in installments the 5 teams of colts of the
memorandum
11-Rev. 1 [x]+5 Kushite horses
2-3 33 cavalry mounts Commander-in-Chief
4-5 8 cavalry mounts Šuপupa
7 total 96 horses today
1193
ABL 973
7-8 90 Kushite horses Palace Herald
9-10 4 Kushite horses governor of Nineveh
11-12 4 Kushite horses Aššur-bƝlu-taqqin, prefect
13 total 98 Kushite horses trained to the today
yoke


Horse breeding
ABL 10171194
5-6 122 horses trained to the yoke Commander-in-Chief
7 58 (horses) Palace Herald
8 89 (horses) […]
9 28 (horses) […]
10 12 (horses) […]
11 130+ (horses) […]
12 69 (horses) […]
13 13 (horses) […]
14 28 (horses) […]
15 41 (horses) Dǌr-ŠarrukƝn
16 total 5[90+] horses trained to the yoke Surroundings of GN
CT 53, 4341195
[…]
B.E. 1 18 Egyptian horses
Rev. 1-2 157 cavalry mounts
3 total 175 horses
4 13 mules
5 grand total 188 horses and mules today
1196
ABL 601
7 32 horses
8-9 4 Kushite horses
10-11 total 36 horses trained to the yoke
13 4 mules
14 total 52 (equids) Arpad
15-16 32 Kushite horses
17-18 7 …-horses of Kushite stock
Rev. 1-2 total 39 horses […]
3 40 […]
4 [x] […]
5 total 60 […] […]
6 [x] […]
7 hor[ses] [today]
8 10 mules
ABL 11591197
[…]
3’-Rev. 2 24 horses recruits
3-4 16 horses Have not arrived.
5-7 58 Kushite horses arrived
CT 53, 9491198
[…]
Rev. 3 578 horses trained to the yoke
4 [x] cavalry mounts
5 [6]06+ horses [x]th day
Fig 51. Horse reports of Nabû-šumu-iddina and Nādinu.


SUPPLY OF HORSES
TEXT NUMBER OF EQUIDS TYPE OF EQUID TO WHOM / FROM WHOM

ND 24581199
Obv. 1 406 KUR.NÍTA (stallions)
2 100 SAL.KUR.MEŠ (mares)
3 in all: 506 ৫Ɨb-[...]
4 40 KUR.NÍTA Marduk-[...]
5 44 KUR.NÍTA
10 SAL.KUR.[...]
6 in all: 54 ঩asî
7 in all: 580 (490?) (horses)
8 110 SAL.[KUR]
9 in all: 590 (690?)
[…]
Rev. 1 in all: 593 KUR.NÍTA
2 137 SAL.KUR
3-4 total: 730 KUR.MEŠ (horses) of/from merchants (ša LÚ.DAM.GAR.MEŠ)
Fig 52. Horses from merchants.
1199 PARKER 1961, 30 (ND 2458).

AssyrianArmy_II_Charts209oldaltol_:press 2016.05.18. 13:39 Page 209
CHARTS
Bodyguard cavalry (pētḫal qurubte)

team commanders (rab urâte) and magnates (rabûti) / recruitment officers (mušarkisāni) CHART 1
NAME NAME TIT/( DATE TEXT

Adad-abu-uৢur (IU.AD.PAP) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:3
Aপu-šina (IPAP-ši-na) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:9
Aššur-šumu- (IAš-šur-MU.PAP) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:13
uৢur
BalƗsu (IBa-la-su) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:8
঩aldi-ilƗ’Ư (I‫ۏ‬al-di-DINGIR-a- rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:6
a)
Issar-dǌri (I[1]5-BÀD) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:2
Izbu (IIz-bu) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:4
Nabû-apla- (IdPA.A.AŠ) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:11
iddina
Remmǌte (IRé[m-m]u-te) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:12
Salamu-imme (INU-im-me) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:16
Sisî (ISi-si-i) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:17
Šamaš-পiti (IdUTU-‫ې‬i-ti) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:15
Šamaš-ilƗ’Ư (IdUTU-DINGIR-a-a) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:14
Šamaš- (IdUTU-rém-a-ni) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:10
rƝmanni
Šelubu (IŠe-lu-bu) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:5
ŠƝpƝ-Šamaš (IGÌR.2.dUTU) rab urâte – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:7
[IX]-mur-ili [IX]-mur-DINGIR pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte (pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:4
[IX]-dadi [IX]-da-di pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte (pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:5
[…]-a-a […]-a-a pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú – rabûti Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), O.
(LÚ.GAL.GAL) II:30
[…]-a-a […]-a-a pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú – rabûti Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), O.
(LÚ.GAL.GAL) II:31
Abi-lƝšir (IAD.GIŠ) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:4
(IAD.SI.SÁ) pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú – rabûti Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), O.
(LÚ.GAL.GAL) II:27
Aপi-ilƗ’Ư (IPAP.DINGIR-a-a) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:8
Aপi-uqur (IPAP-u-qur) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:15
(IPAP-u-qur) pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú – rabûti Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), O.
(LÚ.GAL.GAL) II:38
BƝl-dǌri (IEN.BÀD) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:17
(IEN.BÀD) ? Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003) (ND
10003), R. III:13’
(IEN.BÀD) pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú – rabûti Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), O.
(LÚ.GAL.GAL) II:43
BƝl-঩arrƗn- (IEN.KASKAL.KUR- LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:16
šadûa u-a)
(IEN.KASKAL.KUR- pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú – rabûti Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), O.
u-a) (LÚ.GAL.GAL) II:40
BibƯa (IBi-bi-ia) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:11
Dadâ (IDa-da-a) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:9
঩armaku (I‫ۏ‬ar-ma-ku) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:12
rab ki‫܈‬ir – Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:17’
Ilu-issƯa (IDINGIR.KI-ia) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR qur- Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R.
ub-tú IV:25
Ilu-rƝmanni (IDINGIR-rém-a-ni) pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú – rabûti Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), O.
(LÚ.GAL.GAL) II:41

CHARTS
KalপƗiu (I.URUKal-‫ې‬u-a-a) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:7
([I.K]al-‫ې‬a-a-a) pƝthal qurubte (pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:3
KanǌnƗiu (IITI.AB-a-a) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:3
Nergal-šarru- (IU.GUR.MAN.PAP) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:6
uৢur
? Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003) (ND
10003), R. III:4’
pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú – rabûti Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), O.
(LÚ.GAL.GAL) II:29
Paqiপi (IPa-qi-‫ې‬i) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:2
Sasî (ISa-si-i) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:13
Sil-[…] Sil-[…] pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú – rabûti Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), O.
(LÚ.GAL.GAL) II:36
Sîn-aপপƝ (I30.PAP.MEŠ) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:5
(I30.PAP.MEŠ) pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú – rabûti Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), O.
(LÚ.GAL.GAL) II:28
Sîn-nƗ’id (I30.I) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:14
? Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003) (ND
10003), R. III:10’
Šarru-lǌ-dƗrî (IMAN-lu-dà-ri) LÚ.GAL.GAL – pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:10
Šulmu-[…] Šùl-mu-[…] mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR qur- Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R.
ub-tú IV:27

Charts
Ša—šēpē bodyguards CHART 2
NAMENAMETITLEDATETEXT
[…]dia […]di-a ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Esarh. SAA 6, 205 (ADD 588), R. 1’
[…]-šarri […]-LUGAL ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) SAA 7, 7 (ADD 833), R. II’:4
UD-ki-a-a (IUD-ki-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:2’
Abdâ (IAb-da-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:5’
(IAb-da-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) – 108A / 1 (9+) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), I:14’
Abi-ili (IA-bi i-li) ša—šƝpƝ ([LÚ.ša—GÌR.2) Esarh SAA 16, 27 (ABL 1199), 9
Adad-ibnî (IU.DÙ) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) – 108A / 1 (9+) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), I:9’
Aপi-dǌri (IPAP.BÀD) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:8’
Aপi-dǌri (IPAP.BÀD) ša—šƝpƝ ([LÚ.šá]—GÌR.2) Asb. SAA 14, 345 (ADD 1168+), R. 8’
Aপi-ilƗ’Ư (IPAP.DINGIR-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 679 SAA 6, 204 (ADD 364), R. 9’
ArbailƗia (I.uru4-ìl-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 17’
(I.uru4-ìl-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) mƗr šarri (A.MAN) PC SAA 14, 50 (ADD 312), R. 11’
Aššur- (IAš-šur-MAN-a-ni) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:12’
šarrƗni
BƗbilƗiu (IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:10’
BƝl-dǌri (IEN.BÀD) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:23’
BƝl-šarru- (IEN.MAN.PAP) ša—šƝpƝ (ša LÚ.GÌR.2) 641 SAA 14, 15 (ADD 105), R. 1
uৢur
(IEN.MAN.PAP) ? ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:17
BirtƗia (IBir-ta-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), I:7
Biwasî (IBi-u-a-si-i) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 698 SAA 6, 121 (ADD 475+), R. 10’
DƗdî-sǌri (IDa-di-su-ri) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:6’
Dannu- (IDan-nu-U.GUR) ša—šƝpƝ (LÚ.ša GÌR.2) ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:21
Nergal
Gadâ (IGa-da-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:26
(IGa-da-a’) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:33
(IGa-da-a’) […] SAA 7, 11 (ADD 841), R. 5
Gadia ([IGa]-di-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) SAA 7, 8 (ADD 839), 1
঩abপƗia (IHab-ha-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) – 108A / 1 (9+) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), I:11’
঩aldi-taiâ (IHal-di-ta-ia-a) ša—šƝpƝ (LÚ.šá GÌR.2) 630 SAA 14, 36 (ADD 446), R. 15
঩anbaru (IHa-an-ba-ru) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:3’
(IHa-am-ba-ru) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) – 108A / 1 (9+) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), I:12’
Ibašši-ili (IÌ.GÁL.DINGIR.MEŠ) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), I:8
Iddin-aপu (IAŠ.PAP) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) – 108A / 1 (9+) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), I:8’
Ilâša (II-la-a-ša) ša—šƝpƝ (LÚ GÌR.2) Senn SAA 6, 52 (ADD 246), R. 9’
Il-gabbarî (IDINGIR-gaba-ri) ša—šƝpƝ (LÚ.ša GÌR.2) 625 SAA 14, 39 (ADD 318), R. 15
Ilu-nƗdin- (IDINGIR.AŠ.PAP) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:7’
aপi
Inurtî (IdMAŠ-i) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 16’
(IdMAŠ-ti-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir 623 SAA 14, 46 (ADD 361), R. 15’
Iqqa-[…]-a (IIqqa-[…]-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) – 108A / 1 (9+) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), I:15’
Issar-[…] (I15-[…]) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) – 108A / 1 (9+) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), I:10’
Issar-nƗdin- (I15.SUM.PAP.MEŠ) ša—šƝpƝ (šá GÌR.2) 630 SAA 14, 36 (ADD 446), R. 24
aপপƝ
KalপƗiu (IURU.Kal-ha-a-a) LÚ. ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) SAA 11, 228 (ADD 918), II:5’-6’
Mannu-kƯ- (IMan-nu-ki-Aš-šur) ša—šƝpƝ (šá GÌR.2) 645 SAA 14, 26 (ADD 4), R. 1
Aššur
Mannu-kƯ- (IMan-nu-ki-15.ZU) ša—šƝpƝ (LÚ.ša GÌR.2) ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:33
Issar-lƝ’î
Mannu-kƯ- (IMan-nu-ki-dPA) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), R. 15’
Nabû
Mannu-kƯ- (IMan-nu-ki-uruNi-nu-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:11’
Ninua
(IMan-nu-GIM.NINA) šaknu ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), III:9

CHARTS
Nabû-šƝzib (IdPA-še-zib) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:4’
(IdPA-še-zib) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) – 108A / 1 (9+) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), I:13’
Nabû-tƗriৢ (IdPA.LAL-is) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 12’
(IdPA.LAL-is) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sši.? SAA 11, 221 (ADD 675), R. 14’
(IdPA.LAL-is) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR šarri(MAN) PC SAA 14, 37 (ADD 309), R. 5’
LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR šarri(MAN) PC SAA 14, 34 (ADD 308), r. 10
NinuƗiu (ININA-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) SAA 11, 140 (ADD 872), 6
Qâ (IQa-a) ša—šƝpƝ (LÚ GÌR.2) Senn. SAA 6, 52 (ADD 246), R. 10’
Qarপâ (IQar-ha-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 19’
Quili (IQu-i-li) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) SAA 11, 140 (ADD 872), 2
Sarsâ (ISa-ar-sa-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) SAA 11, 140 (ADD 872), 3
ৡalmu-aপপƝ (INU.PAP.MEŠ) ša—šƝpƝ (LÚ.šá GÌR.2) 634 SAA 14, 114 (ADD 373), 9-10
(ISal-mu-PAP.MEŠ) ? [PC] SAA 14, 115 (ADD 217), 13’
ৡalmu- (INU.MAN-iq-bi) ša—šƝpƝ (ša GÌR.2) 641 SAA 14, 15 (ADD 105), R. 6
šarri-iqbî
(INU.MAN-iq-bi) LÚ.GAL—ki-sir ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) 630 SAA 14, 425 (TIM 11, 1), R. 15
(INU.MAN.E) rab ki‫܈‬ir PC SAA 14, 54 (ADD 344), R. 6’
Šamaš-[…] (IdUTU.[…]) ša—šƝpƝ (ša LÚ.GÌR.2) 641 SAA 14, 15 (ADD 105), LE. 1-2
Šamaš-ilƗ’Ư (IdUTU.DINGIR-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) – 108A / 1 (9+) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), I:7’
Šamaš-nǌri (IdŠá-maš-ZÁLAG-ri) ša—šƝpƝ (ša GÌR.2) 641 SAA 14, 15 (ADD 105), R. 10
Šer-lutbê (IdŠér-lut-bé-e) ša—šƝpƝ (ša GÌR.2) 641 SAA 14, 15 (ADD 105), R. 8
Šulmu-bƝli (IDI-mu-EN) ša—šƝpƝ (LÚ.ša GÌR.2) ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:32
Šumma-ili (IŠum-ma-DINGIR) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 24
Uqur-aপপƝ (IU-qur-PAP.MEŠ) ša—šƝpƝ (ša GÌR.2) 641 SAA 14, 15 (ADD 105), R. 7
(IUq-qur-PAP.MEŠ) ? 645 SAA 14, 26 (ADD 4), R. 5
Urdu-apli (IÌR.DUMU.UŠ) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 18’
ZabƗia (IZa-ba-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sarg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:9’
ZaliƗiu (IZa-li-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) SAA 11, 140 (ADD 872), 1
ša—šƝpƝ mƗr šarri
NAME NAME TITLE DATE TEXT

Aপi-ilƗ’Ư (IPAP.DINGIR-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 679 SAA 6, 204 (ADD 364), R. 9’
ArbailƗia (I.uru4-ìl-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 17’
(I.uru4-ìl-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) mƗr šarri PC SAA 14, 50 (ADD 312), R. 11’
(A.MAN)
Manzarnê (IMan-NUMUN) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) mƗr 627 SAA 14, 157 (ADD 352), R. 8’
šarri(A—MAN)
Urdu-BƝlet (IÌR.dGAŠAN) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) ša mƗr PC SAA 14, 50 (ADD 312), 12’
šarri(A.MAN)
rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ

[…] I
[…] rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 17
[…] […] [LÚ.GAL k]i-‫܈‬ir GÌR.2 Asb. SAA 14, 412 (K.18375), R. 7’
Id
[…].PAP!. Id
[…].PAP!.PAP rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 16
PAP
Aqru (IAq-ru) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), E. 1
Asalluপi- (IAŠAR.LÚ.঩I—MU—AŠ) LÚ.GAL—ki-‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 638 SAA 14, 424 (TIM 11, 2), 14-15
šumu-
iddina
Aššur- (IAš-šur-঩AL-a-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 682 SAA 12, 86 (PKTA 27-30), R. 24
šimanni
Balasî ( Ba-la-si-i)
I
rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 14
঩ubasƗte (I‫ۏ‬u-ba-as-a-te) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 15

Charts
Ilu-nƗ’id (IDINGIR.I) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 12
KiqillƗnu (IKi-qi-la-nu) LÚ.GAL—ki-‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 630 SAA 14, 425 (TIM 11, 1), R. 16
LƗ-qƝpu / (ILi-qi-pu) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 11
Liqipu
(I[La]-qé-pu) ša—šƝpƝ ([LÚ.š]a GÌR.2) Asb. SAA 14, 315 (ADD 604), R. 1’
Mardû (IMar-du-u) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 10
MƗr-šarri- (IA.MAN.DINGIR-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 13
ilƗ’Ư
Nabû-šarru- (IdPA.MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) ša mƗr 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 20’
uৢur šarri
(IdPA.MAN.PAP) ša—šƝpƝ (LÚ.ša GÌR.2) ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:26
Nabû-tƗriৢ (IdPA.LAL-is) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 12’
(IdPA.LAL-is) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sin-s.-i. SAA 11, 221 (ADD 675), R. 14’
LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR šarri(MAN) PC SAA 14, 34 (ADD 308), R. 10
Nabû- (IdPA-tukul-ti) LÚ.GAL—ki-‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 630 SAA 14, 425 (TIM 11, 1), R. 14
tukulti
ৡalmu- (INU.MAN-iq-bi) ša—šƝpƝ (ša GÌR.2) 641 SAA 14, 15 (ADD 105), R. 6
šarri-iqbî
(INU.MAN-iq-bi) LÚ.GAL—ki-‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 630 SAA 14, 425 (TIM 11, 1), R. 15
(INU.MAN.E) rab ki‫܈‬ir PC SAA 14, 54 (344), R. 6’ADD
LÚ.GIGIR ša—šƝpƝ

ArbailƗia (IArba-ìl-a-a) LÚ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 16
(I.uru4-ìl-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 17’
(I.uru4-ìl-a-a) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) mƗr PC SAA 14, 50 (ADD 312), R. 11’
šarri(A.MAN)
BƝl-঩arrƗn- (IEN.KASKAL.MAN.PAP) LÚ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) PC SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 15
šarru-uৢur
(IEN.uruKASKAL.MAN.PAP LÚ.[…] 671 SAA 6, 297 (ADD 266), R. 5’
)
EšrƗia (IUD.20.KÁM-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) SAA 14, 180 (ADD 354), R. 1’
঩ambaqu (IHa-am-ba-qu) LÚ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 17
Mannu-ki- (IMan-nu-ki-Arba-ìl) LÚ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 18
Arbail
Marduk- (IdMES.MU.AŠ) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) Sae SAA 6, 53 (ADD 236), R. 8
šumu-
iddina
Nabû’Ɨia (INa-bu-u-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 686 SAA 6, 164 (ADD 612), R. 13
Šumu-ukƯn (IMU.DU) LÚ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) PC SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 14
UD.20.KÁ (IUD.20.KÁM-a-a) GIŠ.GIGIR GÌR.2 SAA 14, 180 (ADD 354), R. 1’
M-ia
Urdu (IUr-du) [LÚ.GIŠ].GIGIR GÌR.2 699 SAA 6, 119 (ADD 1167), R. 11
qurbǌtu ša—šƝpƝ
Gadâ (IGa-da-a) ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:26
(IGa-da-a’) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:33
(IGa-da-a’) […] SAA 7, 11 (ADD 841), R. 5
Kabar-ili (IKa-bar-DINGIR) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-u-ti) ša— SAA 14, 100 (ADD 177), 6-7
šƝpƝ(GÌR.2)
Nabû-qƗtƯ- (IdPA.ŠU.2.DIB) qurbǌtuša GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) !!! coll. SAA 14, 169 (ADD 50), 11
ৢabat

CHARTS
Ša—qurbūte bodyguards CHART 3
[…]-Ɨia […]-a-a qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) Sarg. Parker 1961, 55 (ND 2803),
R. I:11
[…]-balli৬ […bal]-li‫ܒ‬ qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) Sarg. SAA 5, 43 (CT 53, 283), 7
[…]-uৢur […]-PAP qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:5
[…-šar]ru-uৢur ([…MA]N.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 7 (ADD 833), R. II’:6
[…]-rusu […-r]u-su qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:30
[…]-nƗৢir […]-PAB-ir qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) Sarg. SAA 5, 207 (ABL 761), 4
[…]-ru-[...] […]-ru-[...] qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) Parker 1961, 31 (ND 2482), 5
Abi-ul-idi (IAD-ul-i-di) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) KaldƗia Sarg. SAA 5, 742 (ABL 742), 5
Adad-[…]-Ɨni (IdIM.[…]-a-ni) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 668 SAA 14, 1 (ADD 472), R. 9
Adad-aplu-iddina (IdIM.A.AŠ) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) Sarg. SAA 5, 98 (CT 53, 42), 4, 7
Adad-issƯa (I10-KI-ia) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 686 SAA 6, 89 (ADD 232), 8
Adda-lƗdin (I10-la-din) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 666 SAA 14, 2 (ADD 627), R. 7
Aপabû / Aপ-abu (IPAP.AD-u) qurbǌtu (LÚ <<mu>>qur-bu-te) 667 SAA 14, 70-1 (ADD 1186-7), 3, 1
AপপƝ-šallim (IPAP.MEŠ-šal-lim) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:4’
Aপu-bƗnî (IPAP-ba-ni) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-[te]) Sarg. SAA 15, 232 (ABL 760), 4
Aপu-illika (IPAP.DU) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 686 SAA 6, 89 (ADD 232), 6
Aপu-lƗmur (IPAP.la-mur) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 10 (ADD 850), II:6’-7’
Aqru (IAq-ru) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 640 SAA 14, 27 (ADD 358+), R. 8’
(IAq-ru) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), E. 1
ArbailƗia (IArba-ìl-a-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:41
Ariপu (IA-ri-hu) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) Sin-š.-i. SAA 11, 221 (ADD 675), R. 17’
Aššur-aপu-iddina (IAš-šur-PAP.AŠ) qurbǌtu (qur-bu-tú)??? Parker 1961, 46 (ND 2732), R. 8
Aššur-bƝssunu (IAš-šur-bi-sún) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) PC (635) SAAB 5, 35, 5
(IAš-šur-bé-sun) […] ša mƗr šarri Asb. SAA 14, 278 (ADD 527), R. 4’
(IAš-šur-bé-su-nu) ? 631 SAA 14, 118 (ADD 622), R. 3
Aššur-iddina (IAš-šur-AŠ) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:6’
Aššur-killƗni (IAš-šur-kil-la-an-ni) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 630 SAA 14, 37 (ADD 309), R. 4’
(IAš-šur-kil-la-an-ni) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 9
(IAš-šur-kil-la-an-ni) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) 625 SAA 14, 42 (ADD 414), R. 31
(IAš-šur-kil-la-ni) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 13’
(IAš-šur-kil-la-an-ni) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 623 SAA 14, 46 (ADD 361), R. 16’
(IAš-šur-kil-la-an-ni) ? PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), E. 3
Aššur-nƗdin-aপপƝ (IAš-šur-SUM.PAP.MEŠ) qurbǌtu (LÚ.[qur-bu-ti]) Sarg. SAA 1, 48 (ABL 630), 4’
Aššur-rƝš-iši (IAš-šur-SAG-i-ši) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) Sarg. SAA 1, 14 (CT 53, 823), 10’
Aššur-šarru-uৢur (IAš-šur-MAN.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-<< ša>>- 658 SAA 14, 23 (ADD 152), R.1
ZAG)URU.Bal-la‫ܒ‬-a-a
(IAš-šur-MAN.PAP) LÚ.mu-[kil PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 328 (ADD 1153), R. 12’
Aššur-šumu-ukƯn (IAš-šur-MU.GIN) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) PC SAA 14, 38 (ADD 711), R. 12
(IAš-šur-MU.GIN) LÚ.GIGIR PC SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 13
Atamar-Marduk (IIGI.LAL—dŠÚ) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG.MEŠ) Esarh. SAA 16, 115 (ABL 85), R. 1-2
Attâ-idri (IA-ta-id-ri) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) Asb. SAA 14, 153 (ADD 193), R. 2’
Azar-Ia’u (IA-zar4-ia-u) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 663–61 SAA 7, 118 (ADD 993), R. II:3
BƗbilƗiu (IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:37
Balasî (IBa-la-si-i) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 13
(IBa-la-si-i) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) 625 SAA 14, 42 (ADD 414), R. 30
(IBa-la-si-i) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 14’
BarbarƗni (IBar-bar-a-ni) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) Sši. SAA 11, 221 (ADD 675), R. 9’
Barruqu (IBar-ru-qu) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu!-tú)? Sarg. SAA 19, 39 (ND 2648), 5
BƝl-apla-iddina (IEN.A.AŠ) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu!-tú)? Sarg. SAA 19, 39 (ND 2648), 7
BƝl-lǌ-balƗ৬ (IEN-lu-TI.LA) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tu) SAA 11, 145 (CT 53, 173), 9’
BƝl-mu-[…] (IEN-mu-[…]) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR qur-bu-[ti] Senn. SAA 6, 112 (ADD 455), R. 7
BƝl-šarru-uৢur (IEN.MAN.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) Sarg. SAA 15, 136 (ABL 685), R. 3

Charts
Bǌr-ৡarǌru (IBur-‫܇‬a-ru-ru) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) Sarg. SAA 1, 258 (ABL 860), 9-10
Daru/DƗrî-šarru (IDa-(a)-ru-LUGAL) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tu) Sarg. M-L, n. 178, ABL 266, 20-21
Gadâ (IGa-da-a’) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:33
(IGa-da-a’) […] SAA 7, 11 (ADD 841), R. 5
(IGa-da-a) ša-šƝpi (GÌR.2) SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:26
Guপuru (IGu-hu-ru) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) Sarg. SAA 15, 12 (ABL 552), 4-5, R. 4’
঩adidu (IHa-di-du) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:47
঩attušu-aldî (IGIŠ.PA-šu-al-di-i) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 621 SAA 14, 166 (ADD 481), R. 7’
Ibnia (IIb-ni-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) Sarg. Parker 1961, 56 (ND 2803), II:26’
Il-qatar (IDINGIR-qa-tar) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) 695 SAA 6, 36 (ADD 34), R. 4
Imarî (II-ma-ri-i) qurbǌtu (ša qur-bu-tú) 8th c. CTN II, 9 (ND 474),15
Inurta-šƗkin-[…] (IdMAŠ.MAŠ.GAR.[…]) qurbǌtu ([LÚ.qur-b]u-te) Sarg. SAA 15, 7 (ABL 708), 8-9
Issaran-zƝru-ibnî (IAN.GAL.NUMUN.DÙ) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 694 SAA 6, 133 (Iraq 32, 2), 5
Issar-dǌri (I15.BÀD) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) Sarg. SAA 5, 105 (ABL 544), 6
qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) Sarg. SAA 5, 105 (Iraq 23, 56), R. I:4
Issar-nƗ’id (Id15.I) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 694 SAA 6, 133 (Iraq 32, 2), 6
Issar-nƗ’id (Id15.I) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:21
(Id15.I) […] SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:32’
Izbu-lƝšir (IIz-bu-SI.SÁ) qurbǌtu (LÚ ša qur-bu-ti) 791 CTN II, 15 (ND 203), R. 21
KakkullƗnu (IKu-ku-la-a-nu) qurbǌtu (LÚ ša qur-bu-te) 797 CTN II, 51 (ND 263), R. 4
KakkullƗnu (IKa-ku-la-nu) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) Sarg. SAA 5, 126 (ABL 243), 8
KanǌnƗiu (IKa-nun-a-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) Sarg. Parker 1961, 56 (ND 2803),
R. II:17
LƗ-qƝpu (ILa-qe-pu) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:44
Liblu৬u (ILib-lu-tu) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 630 SAA 14, 425 (TIM 11, 1), R. 21
MadƗiu (IMad-a-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) Sarg. SAA 15, 182 (ABL 638), 6’; 15’
Man[nu-kƯ-…] (IMan-[nu-ki-i-…]) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-[bu-ti]) Sarg. SAA 15, 296 (CT 53, 566), 2, 6
Mannu-kƯ-aপপƝ (IMan-nu-GIM.PAP.MEŠ) qurbǌtu ([LÚ.qu]r-bu-te) Sarg. SAA 5, 82 (ABL 1012), 8-10
Mannu-kƯ-Aššur (IMan-nu-ki-Aš-šur) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 6 (ADD 840+858), II:10’
(IMan-nu-ki-Aš-šur) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) Sarg. SAA 1, 10 (ABL 306+), 3, 12
(IMan-nu-ki-Aš-šur) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) SAA 11, 31 (ADD 865), 2
Marduk-bƗni-aপপƝ (IdŠÚ.DÙ.PAP.MEŠ) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) 717 SAA 11, 68 (Iraq 27, 16, 6), 1
Marduk-Ɲreš (IdŠÚ.APIN-eš) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 630 SAA 14, 123 (ADD 165), R. 4’
Marduk-šallim (IdAMAR.UTU-šal-lim) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 6 (ADD 840+858), II:7’
(IdAMAR.UTU.MAN.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) SAA 10, 253 (ABL 956), R. 13
MƗr-Issar (IDUMU. d15) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) Sarg. SAA 5, 104 (ABL 206), 7, R. 9
(IDUMU.15) ? Sarg. CTN III, 85 (ND 10020), II’:8’
‫ې‬azannu of Kalপu 709 ARU 113
Mu[…] (IMu-[…]) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 6 (ADD 840+858), I:3’
MušƝzib-Aššur (IMu-še-zib-Aš-šur) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:18’
Nabû’a (IdPA-u-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) Sarg. SAA 5, 74 (ND 2367), 5, R. 5
Nabû’a (INa-bu-u-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 686 SAA 6, 89 (ADD 232), 7
([INa-b]u-u-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) Esarh. SAA 6, 238 (ADD 168), R. 4
Nabû-aপপƝ-iddina (IdPA.PAB.MEŠ.AŠ) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur- ZAG ša Esarh. SAA 16, 83 (ABL 714), 5-6
LUGAL)
Nabû-aপu-uৢur (IdPA.PAP.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) Sarg. SAA 5, 204 (CT 53, 56), 7-8, 12
(IdPA.PAP.PAP) Sarg. SAA 5, 226 (ABL 884), 2
Nabû-aপu-uৢur (IdPA.PAP.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) 684 SAA 6, 43 (ADD 19), 6
(IdPA.PAP.PAP) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 684 SAA 6, 44 (ADD 20), 5
Nabû-erƯba (IdPA.SU) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) 630 SAA 14, 36 (ADD 446), E. 3
Nabû-kƝnu (IdPA.GIN) qurbǌtu (qur-bu-tú) Parker 1961, 46 (ND 2732), R. 9
Nabû-lƝ’î (IdPA.ZU) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) Esarh. SAA 10, 348 (ABL 340), 13
Nabû-nƗ’id (IdPA.I) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 10
(IdPA.I) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) 625 SAA 14, 42 (ADD 414), R. 32
(IdPA.I) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qu[r-ZAG]) PC SAA 14, 55 (ADD 568), R. 6
Nabû-natkil (IdPA.nat-kil) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) 676 SAA 6, 240 (ADD 11), R. 5

CHARTS
Nabû-qƗtƯ-ৢabat (IdPA.ŠU.2.DIB) LÚ.qur-ZAG KASKAL-a-a 619 SAA 14, 169 (ADD 50), 11
Nabû-rƝপtu-uৢur (IdPA-re-eh-tú-PAP) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 630 SAA 14, 35 (ADD 349), R. 14
([IdPA-r]e-eh-tú-PAP) ? 666 SAA 6, 314 (ADD 448), R. 27
(IdPA-re-eh-tú-PAP) L[Ú… AM]A.MAN ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:11’
Nabû-sƗlim (IdPA.sa-lim) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:29
Nabû-šarru-uৢur (IdPA.MAN.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:8
Nabû-šarru-uৢur (IdPA.MAN.PAP) BAD.঩AL qur-ub SAA 11, 110 (ADD 700), 2
Nabû-šumu-lƝšir (IdPA.MU.GIŠ) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) Sarg. Parker 1961, 24 (ND 2414), 3
Nabû-zƝr-[…] (IdPA.NUMUN.[…]) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:19
Nabû-zƝr-bƗnî (IdAG.NUMUN.DÙ) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ru-ub) 652–648 Harper 1892, 462, R. 27-28
NƗ’id-ilu (II.DINGIR) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) Sarg. SAA 19, 1 (ND 2438), 16, 32
Nergal-ašarƝd (IdU.GUR.MAŠ) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu!-tú)? Sarg. SAA 19, 39 (ND 2648), 6
Nergal-nƗ’id (IdMAŠ.MAŠ.I) LÚ.qur-bu-te URU.Par-‫ې‬a-a-a 740 CTN II, 95 (ND 219), 5
Nergal-šarru-uৢur (IdU.GUR.MAN.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) Esarh. SAA 10, 364 (ABL 1214), R. 4-5
Nergal-zƝru-ibnî (IU.GUR-NUMUN-DÙ) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:1
Nušku-ilƗ’Ư (INu-uš-ku.DINGIR-a-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) Esarh. SAA 6, 238 (ADD 168), R. 5
(INu-uš-ku.DINGIR-a-a) ? 680 SAA 6, 221 (ADD 113), R. 5
(IdNUSKU.DINGIR-a-a) ? 675 SAA 6, 232 (ADD 124), R. 1
(IdNUSKU.DINGIR-[a-a]) ? Esarh. SAA 6, 230 (ADD 601), R. 1’
(IdPA.TÚG.DINGIR-[a-a]) ? Esarh. SAA 6, 231 (ADD 798), 4’
RƝmanni-Adad (IRém-a-na-dIM) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:25’
RƝmanni-Issar ([IRém-a]-ni-15) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qu[r-ZAG]) SAA 11, 130 (BM 99249), 5
RisƗia (IRi-sa-a-a) qurbǌtuša […] (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) 700 SAA 6, 116 (ADD 294), 6
Salamame (ISa-la-ma-me) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) 680 SAA 6, 221 (ADD 113), R. 4
(ISa-la-[ma-me]) ? Esarh. SAA 6, 231 (ADD 798), 3’
Sapunu (ISa-pu-nu) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tu) Sarg. Parker 1961, 56 (ND 2803), II:17’
SƝ’[…] (ISe-e’[…]) qurbǌtu (LÚ.šáqur-bu-ti) 717 SAA 6, 11 (ADD 394), R. 15’
SƝ’[-qam]u (ISe[-e’-qa-m]u) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:22
Sil-[…] (ISil-[…]) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:19
Sîn-kƝnu-uৢur (I30.GIN.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) Sarg. SAA 15, 34 (ABL 598), 3’
Sîn-nƗ’id (I30.I) qurbǌtu (qur-bu-tú) ??? Parker 1961, 46 (ND 2732), R. 10
Sîn-šarru-uৢur (Id30.MAN.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 625 SAA 14, 39 (ADD 318), R. 16
Sîn-šarru-uৢur (I30.MAN.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 663 SAA 14, 135 (ADD 56), R. 5
SulumƗiu (ISu-lu-ma-a-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) PC Iraq 25, ND 3435
Šamaš-aপu-uৢur (IdUTU.PAP.PAP) qurbǌtu (ša LÚ qur-ub-te) 693 SAA 6, 97 (ADD 66), LE. 2-3
Šamaš-kƝnu- (IdUTU.DU-ú-bal-lit) qurbǌtu (LÚ šaqur-bu-ti) III. A-n. CTN II, 32 (ND 249+), 7’
uballi৬
Šamaš-nƗ’id (IdUTU.I) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 667 SAA 14, 69 (ADD 27), TE. 1
Šamaš-rƝmanni (IdŠá-maš-rém-a-ni) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 630 SAA 14, 35 (ADD 349), R. 12
Šarru-Ɲmuranni (ILUGAL.IGI.(LAL)-a-ni) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) Senn. SAA 6, 185 (ADD 506), R. 10
Šarru-পussanni (IMAN—huš-an-ni) LÚ.qur-bu-tú Esarh. SAA 18, 8 (ABL 1123), 11’
([IMAN—hu-us-s]a-an-ni) LÚ.q[ur-bu-tú] Esarh. SAA 18, 9 (CT 54, 176), 14’
Šarru-lǌ-dƗrî (IMAN-lu-dà-ri) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 630 SAA 14, 35 (ADD 349), R. 13
Šarru-rƝ’û’a (IMAN.SIPA-u-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 686 SAA 6, 89 (ADD 232), 10
ŠƝpƝ-[…] (IGÌR.[2-…]) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) mƗr šarri SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:18
ŠƝpƝ-Aššur (IGÌR.2-Aš-šur) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 679 SAA 6, 265 (ADD 161), R. 9
ŠƝpƝ-Šamaš (IGÌR.2-dUTU) LÚ.qur-bu-ti Adn III Deller – Fadhil 1993, no. 20, R. 6
Šulmu-aপপƝ (IdDI-mu.PAP.MEŠ) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 630 SAA 14, 35 (ADD 349), R. 7
(IdDI-mu.PAP.MEŠ) LÚ.GIGIR 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 9
Šulmu-Ɲreš (IDI-mu.APIN-eš) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) Sarg. Parker 1961, 56 (ND 2803), R. I:35
Šulmu-šarri (IDI-mu-MAN) qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) 671 SAA 14, 2 (ADD 627), R. 5
TabalƗiu (ITa-bal-a-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:7’
qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 6 (ADD 840+858), II:9’
([ITa]-bal-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR qur-bu-te Asb. SAA 14, 397 (Iraq 32, 7), 9’
URU.Ši-šil-a-a
Ubru-঩arrƗn (ISUHUŠ.KASKAL) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) Sarg. SAA 5, 227 (ABL 408), 7

Charts
Ubru-Nergal (ISUHUŠ.U.GUR) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) Sarg. SAA 19, 9 (ND 2792), 12

UlulƗiu (IITI.KIN-a-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) 686 SAA 6, 164 (ADD 612), R. 6
(IITI.KIN-a-a) ? 684 SAA 6, 177 (ADD 230), R. 5
Urad-aপপƝšu (IARAD-PAP.MEŠ-šú) LÚ.3-šú q[ur-bu] ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:10
Urad-Nanâ (IARAD- dNa-na-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:9
ZƗrǌtî (INUMUN-ú-tu) (LÚ.qur-bu-tu) Esarh. SAA 18, 114 (CT 54, 508), R. 7’-8’
Za[…] (IZa-[…]) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 6 (ADD 840+858), I:2’
ša—qurbǌte (Dǌr-Katlimmu)
঩am-il (I‫ۏ‬a-am—DINGIR) qurbǌtu (LÚ.[qur-ZA]G) ša 649 TSH 47, Rs. 8-9
NINA.KI
[…]-ki [X-X]-ki LÚ.qu[r-ZAG] 643/624 TSH 141, li. Rd. 1
Adad-upaপপer ([I10—NI]GIN-er qurbǌtu (qur-ZAG) ? TSH 115, Rs. 7
Amanî (IA-ma-ni-i) LÚ.qur-bu-u-te 661 TSH 109, Rs. 3
Aššur-uৢuranni (IAš-šur—PAP-a-ni) LÚ.qur-bu-u-tú ? TSH 187, Rs. 6-7
BƝl-šarru-uৢur (IEN—MAN—PAP) LÚ.qur-bu-u-te 661 TSH 109, Rd. 1
DƗdî (IU.U-i) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 630 TSH 68, Rs. 1
I
Kiৢir-Aššur Ki-‫܈‬ir—Aš-šur LÚ.qur-[ZAG] 643/624 TSH 166, Rs. 2
Marduk-erƯba (IdŠÚ—SU) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-[ZAG]) ? TSH 151, Vs. 1
Sagibi (ISa-gi-bi-i) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 661 TSH 95, Rs. 5
(ISa-gi-bi-i) LÚ.qur-bu-u-te 661 TSH 109, Rs. 4
Salman-abu-uৢur (IDI-man—AD—PAP) qur-bu-tú ? TSH 186, Rs. 3
Šarru-nǌri (IMAN—ZÁLAG) LÚ.qur-bu-u-te post 612 TSH 199, Rd. 1
Šašin (IŠá-ši-in) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 650 TSH 45, Rs. 14
Šulmu-šarri (IDI-mu—MAN) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 633 TSH 8, Rs. 5
(IDI-mu—LUGAL) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 634 TSH 62, Vs. 4
(IDI-mu—LUGAL) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) 634 TSH 63, Vs. 6
(IDI-mu—LUGAL) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) 632 TSH 64, Vs. 6
(IDI-mu—LUGAL) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tú) 632 TSH 65, Vs. 5
(IDI-mu—LUGAL) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ru-bu-tú) 632 TSH 66, Vs. 5
(IDI-mu—LUGAL) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) post 634 TSH 69, Vs. 7
(IDI-mu—LUGAL) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) post 634 TSH 70, Vs. 11-12
(IDI-mu—MAN) [LÚ.x x] . ša A—MAN ? TSH 86, Vs. 6-7
ZƗrǌtî (INUMUN-u-ti-i) LÚ.[qu]r-bu-u-t[ú] ? TSH 90, li. Rd. 1
(INUMUN-[u-ti]) [LÚ.qur-ZAG] 661 TSH 95, Rs. 14
ša—qurbǌte mƗr šarri

[…] […]-ir-dX qurbǌtu (LÚ.q[ur-bu-te) ša Sarg. Parker 1961, 56 (ND 2803), R.
mƗr] šarri I:33
Adad-[…] (IdIM.[…]) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) mƗr SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:2
šarri
Gaiâ (IGa-ia-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) ša mƗr Sarg. Parker 1961, 56 (ND 2803), R.
šarri II:14
Issar-BƗbilƗ’Ư (I15.KÁ.DINGIR-a-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-te) ša […] Sarg. Parker 1961, 56 (ND 2803),
II:28’
Marduk-šarru- (IdMES.MAN.PAP) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) mƗr SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:45
uৢur šarri
Nabû-aপu-iddina (IdPA.PAP.AŠ) qurbǌtu ([LÚ.qur-b]u-ti ša Esarh. SAA 16, 149 (CT 53, 190), 5’-6’
DUMU—LUGAL)
RisƗia (IRi-sa-[a-a]) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-ti) ša […] 700 SAA 6, 116 (ADD 294), 6-7
Umadi (IÚ-ma-a-di) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-bu-tu) ša mƗr Sarg. SAA 15, 236 (ABL 600), 9-10
šarri

CHARTS
ša—qurbǌte ummi šarri

Inurta-ilƗ’Ư (IdMAŠ.DINGIR-a-a) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) ummi SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:42
šarri
Issar-nƗ’id (Id15.I) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) ummi SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:43
šarri
Mutakkil-Aššur (IMu-tak-kil- Aš-šur) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) ummi SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:32
šarri
Wazaru ( Ú-a-za-ru)
I
qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) ummi SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:22
šarri
rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte

Aššur-ilƗ’Ư (IAš-šur-DINGIR-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir qurbǌte (qur—ZAG) 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), R. 7
rab ki‫܈‬ir (KA.KÉŠ) qurbǌte 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), R. 8
rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte 663 SAA 6, 327 (ADD 611), R. 2’
(LÚ.qur—ZAG)
Aššur-šarru-uৢur (IAš-šur-MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), R. 16
(LÚ.qur—ZAG)
Ili-šulmišunu? (IDINGIR-DI-šú-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), R. 15
(LÚ.qur—ZAG)
Kiৢir-Aššur (IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), R. 11
(LÚ.qur—ZAG)
Šarru-ilƗ’Ư (ILUGAL.DING[IR-a-a]) LÚ.[…] 668? SAA 6, 307 (ADD 65), R. 1
(ILUGAL.DINGIR-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte (qur—ZAG) 660 SAA 6, 329 (ADD 444), R. 9-10
(ILUGAL.DINGIR-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte (qur—ZAG) 660 SAA 6, 330 (ADD 445), R. 9-10
rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte ša mƗr šarri

Kiৢir-Aššur (IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte (LÚ.qur- PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 9
ZAG) ša mƗr šarri
rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte (LÚ.qur- PC SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), 6
ZƗrǌtî (INUMUN-u-te-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte (LÚ.qur- 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 19’

Charts
‘City units’ – Cohort commanders (rab kiṣir) CHART 4
NAMENAMETITLE UNIT
DATE TEXT

[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir AššurƗia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 7’
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
[…]-šallim-aপপƝ (X.DI.PAP.MEŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir AššurƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:2’
Aপi-lamašši (IPAP-la-maš-ši) rab ki‫܈‬ir AššurƗia Sg. CTN III, 102(ND 10019), II:5’
Nergal-šumu- (IdU.GUR.MU.AŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir AššurƗia Sg. CTN III, 102(ND 10019), II:4’
iddin
rab urâte Sg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), IV:14
Lunate(?) (ILu-na-te-e) rab ki‫܈‬ir AššurƗia Sg. CTN III, 102(ND 10019), II:3’
Marduk-[…] (IdŠÚ.[…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir AššurƗia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 18’
I
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 30’
I
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 31’
[…]-bƝl ([…].EN) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 112 (ND 10076), O. 10
[…]-itme? ([…]-it?-me?-e?] rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 112 (ND 10076), O. 8
[…]-DINGIR rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 112 (ND 10076), O. 10
Adad-bƝlu-uৢur (IU.EN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 112 (ND 10076), O. 4
Adad-kƗšir (IU-ka-šir) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 102(ND 10019), II:8’
(IdIM-ka-šir) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 112 (ND 10076), O. 2
Aপi-[…] (IPAP.A.[x]) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:14’
Aপu-erƯba (IPAP.SU) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:3
(IPAP.SU) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 26’
(IPAP-u-a-S[U?]) rab urâte 101 / 14 (3) Sg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), IV:8’
[…]-erƯba ([xx].SU) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:13’
Aššur-ৢabtanni (IAš-šur-DIB-a-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:2
Ba’di-ili (IBa-’a-di-DINGIR) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:9’
Banni (IBa-an-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 112 (ND 10076), O. 7
Baiasa-[…] (IBa-a-a-sa-[…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:15’
BƝl-ibnî (IEN.DÙ) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:4
BƝl-išmêanni (IEN.HAL-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 113 (ND 10073), R. 6’
BƝl-nƗ’id (IEN.I) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 112 (ND 10076), O. 3
rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 113 (ND 10073), R. 9’
rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 114 (ND 10077), O. 2’
Dal[i…] (IDa-l[i…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 27’
঩armaku (I঩AR-ma-ku) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:17’
(I঩AR-ma-ku) LÚ.GAL.GAL Sg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), O. I:12
– pƝt‫ې‬al
qurubte
Ili-kabar ([IDINGIR]-ka-bar) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:10’
(IDINGIR-ka-bar) rab urâte? Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:19
Issar-aplu-[…] (I15.A.[x]) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 24’
Mannu-kƯ-Adad? ([IMan-n]u-ki-U) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:11’
(IMan-nu-ki-dIM) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:1
(IMan-nu-ki-[dIM?) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 112 (ND 10076), O. 5

CHARTS

Marduk-išmêanni (IdAMAR.UTU.঩AL!-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 112 (ND 10076), O. 6
Mis-BƝl (IMi-is-dEN) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 113 (ND 10073), R. 10’
NabƗia (INa-ba-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 23’
Nabû-[…] (IP[A…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 28’
Nabû-zƝru-iqƯša (IPA.NUMUN.BA-šá) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:16’
(IdPA.N[UMUN…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:1
Nergal-aপu- (IdU.GUR.PAP.AŠ?) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 25’
iddina
Nergal-rƝmƝnî (IdMAŠ.MAŠ-rém-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 112 (ND 10076), O. 9
Sapiru (ISa-pi-ru) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 22’
SunbƗia ([IS]u-un-ba-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:12’
Šamaš-šallimanni (IdUTU-šal-lim.MEŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia? Sg. CTN III, 113 (ND 10073), R. 11’
Tab-[…] (ITab-[…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:5
??? (ITab-ni-[…]) rab urâte 101 / 14 (3) Sg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), IV:9’
Za-[…] (IZa-[…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:6
Za-[…] (IZ[a?-…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), O. 29’
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), R. 1
AkkadƗia ([IU]RI-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:25’
(IURI-a-a) rab urâte 101 / 6 (13) Sg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:17
([IU]RI-a-a) rab urâte? GIŠ.GIGIR Sg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:1
É.GAL
AplƗ’Ư (IA-ia) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:9
(IDUMU.UŠ-a-a) rab urâte 101 / 6 (13) Sg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:19
(IA-ia) rab urâte 107/ 1(11+) Sg. CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:22
Aššur-aplu-iddin (IAš-šur-A.AŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:21’
Aššur-iqbî (IAš-šur-iq-bi) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:14
Bǌr-Atar (IBur-a-tar) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:26’
GƯa (IGi-ia-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:12
Kabti (IKab-ti-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:23’
Kubaba-ilƗ’Ư (IKù-ba-ba-DINGIR-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:15
Ma-[…] (IMa-TAR.[…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:22’
Mutakkil-Šamaš (IMu-ta-kil-dUTU) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:11
Pulî (IPu-li-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:10
Qurdi-ilƗni (IQur-di-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:20’
rab urâte 101 / 6 (13) Sg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:14
Sîn-Ɲreš (Id30.KAM-eš) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:13
Šamaš-nƗৢir (IdUTU.PAP-ir) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:24’
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), R. 10

Charts
I
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:3’
I
[…]-bi […]-bi rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:4’
Adad-altu (IdU-al-tu) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:8’
Aššur-[…] (IAš-šur-[…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:1’
Babî (IBa-bi-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:5’
঩amaqa (I‫ۏ‬a-ma-qa) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:6’
Kubaba-sǌri (IKu-baba(KÁ)-su-ri) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:3’
Nabû-nƗdin-aপপƝ (IdPA.SUM. Š[E]Š.MEŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:10’
Nergal-aপu-uৢur (IdU.GUR.PAP.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:7’
SƝ’-qatar (ISi-i’-qa-tar) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:9’
(ISi-i’-qa-tar) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sg. KAV 132, R. 1
SƝ’-rƗmu (ISi-i’-ra-mu) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:2’
Šarru-[…] (IMAN?-[…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:1’
Uarkaza (IÚ-ar-ka-za) rab ki‫܈‬ir Arzu‫ې‬inƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:4’
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 111 (ND 10079), R. 19
Id
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:11’
[…]-bƝlu-uৢur (Id[x].U.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:14’
[…]-MU rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:15’
Aššur-bƝlu- (IAš-šur-EN.LAL-in) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:13’
taqqin
Aššur-tuklassu? (IAš-šur-RI-la-su-[…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:7’
Dadusu (IDa-du-su) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:21
(IDa-du-su) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:11’
Issar-tuklatǌa (I15-tuk-lat-u-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:23
Nabû-nƗৢir (IdPA.PAP-ir) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:17
Nannî (INa-an-ni-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:13’
rab urâte 101 / 6 (13) Sg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:26
PƗn-Issar-lƝšir (IIGI-d15.SI.SÁ) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:22
(IIGI-d15.GIŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:12’
Qurdi-Issar- (IQur-di-15.IGI) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:18’
lƗmur
(IQur-di-15.IGI) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:20
([IQu]r-di-15-la-mu[r]) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:10’
(IQur-di-d15.IGI) rab urâte 101 / 6 (13) Sg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:25
Sukumu (ISu-ku-mu) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:19’
Ubru-aপপƝ (ISU঩UŠ.PAP.MEŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:18
(ISU঩UŠ.PAP.MEŠ) rab urâte 101 / 6 (13) Sg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:24
Ubru-Issar (ISU঩UŠ-15) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:17’
Urdu (IUr-du) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:16’
rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:19
([IU]r-du) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:9’

CHARTS
Cohort commanders (rab kiṣir) CHART 5

NAMENAMETITLEDATE
TEXT
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir […] ša—šƝpƝ(LÚ.šá Asb.? SAA 7, 33 (ADD 1123), I:1’-2’
GÌR.2)
[…]-a’ […]-a’ rab ki‫܈‬ir […] LÚ.PA.MEŠ Asb. SAA 7, 30 (ADD 815+), R.
III:29’
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir Asb. SAA 7, 30 (ADD 815+), R.
IV:6’
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir ummi šarri SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), I:7’
(AMA.MAN)
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 7, 7 (ADD 833), I’:2’
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 7, 7 (ADD 833), I’:6’
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir rab ša—rƝšƝ SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:1
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:23
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir 671–660 SAA 6, 340 (ADD 372), 9’
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir ša MÍ.KUR 686? SAA 6, 165 (ADD 594), R. 6
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 11, 95 (ADD 762), 1’
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir ummi šarri Esarh. SAA 6, 253 (ADD 428), R. 9
(AMA.MAN)
[…] […] LÚ.GAL—ki-‫܈‬ir [LÚ.GAL— SAA 12, 36 (NARGD 14), Rev.
SAG ͐] 24’
[…] […] [LÚ.GAL—ki-‫܈‬ir ša LÚ.GAL]— SAA 12, 39 (NARGD 20), Rev. 2’
SAG
[…]-ili-šallimšunu ([IX]-DINGIR-DI-šú-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), R. 15
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), R. 13
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), R. 14
I
[…] […] rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 17
[…] […] [LÚ.GAL ki]-‫܈‬ir (ša MI.É.GAL) Asb. SAA 14, 286 (ADD 547+), R. 6’
[…] […] [LÚ.GAL ki]-‫܈‬ir Asb. SAA 14, 292 (ADD 557), R. 5’
[…] […] [LÚ.GAL] ki-‫܈‬ir Asb. SAA 14, 319 (ADD 608), 1’
[…] […] [LÚ].GAL ki-‫܈‬ir Asb. SAA 14, 319 (ADD 608), R. 3
[…] […] [LÚ].GAL ki-‫܈‬ir Asb. SAA 14, 319 (ADD 608), R. 7
[…]-bƝlu-uৢur (Id[x]—U—PAB) GA[L] k[i-‫܈‬ir] Asb. SAA 14, 351 (ADD 1184+), R. 3’
[…] […] [LÚ.GAL ki]-‫܈‬ir Asb. SAA 14, 370 (ADD 1238), R. 2’
[…] […] [LÚ.GAL ki-‫]܈‬ir Asb. SAA 14, 371 (ADD 1239), R. 2’
[…] […] [LÚ.GAL ki]-‫܈‬ir […] Asb. SAA 14, 412 (K.18375), R. 3’
[…] […] [LÚ.GA]L ki-‫܈‬ir […] Asb. SAA 14, 412 (K.18375), R. 4’
[…] […] [LÚ.GA]L ki-‫܈‬ir qu[r-ZAG] Asb. SAA 14, 412 (K.18375), R. 5’
[…] […] [LÚ.GAL k]i-‫܈‬ir qur-[ZAG] Asb. SAA 14, 412 (K.18375), R. 6’
[…] […] [LÚ.GAL k]i-‫܈‬ir GÌR.2 Asb. SAA 14, 412 (K.18375), R. 7’
[…] […] LÚ.GAL ki-‫܈‬ir Asb. SAA 14, 413 (K.20539), R. 4’
[…]-nƗৢir ([…]-ŠEŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir (LÚ.GAL 699-694 ZA 78, 82, III:6’
KA.KEŠDA)
[…]-Allatu ([…]-dAl-la-tu4) rab ki‫܈‬ir 666 SAA 14, 2 (ADD 627), R. 3
[…]-damqu […].MEŠ.SIG5 rab ki‫܈‬ir ša […] 682 SAA 12, 86 (PKTA 27-30), 23
Id
[…].PAP!.PAP Id
[…].PAP!.PAP rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 16
[…]-zƝru-ibnî [… NU]MUN.DÙ LÚ.GAL ki-‫܈‬ir ša GIŠ.ut-tar.MEŠ 694 SAA 6, 37 (ADD 427), 9-10
(of large wheeled chariotry)
[…]-šulmi?-ukƯn ([…].SILIM.GIN) rab ki‫܈‬ir ??? Sargon KAV 32, 1
[…]-ilƗ’Ư […].DINGIR-a-a rab ki‫܈‬ir 668 SAA 14, 65 (ADD 284), R. 4’
[…].DINGIR-a-a rab ki‫܈‬ir 668? SAA 14, 66 (ADD 537), R. 3’
[…]-a […]-a rab ki‫܈‬ir 670 SAA 6, 289 (ADD 181), R. 12
[…]-ram-ma […]-ram-ma rab ki‫܈‬ir (LÚ.GAL ki-‫܈‬ir) 627 SAA 14, 157 (ADD 352), R. 6’
Abat-šarri-lƗ-teni (IA-bat-LUGAL-la-te-ni) GAL KA.KEŠDA ša É 2-e 788 Deller – Fadhil 1993, No. 16, R. 18
Abdi-Limu (IAb-di-li-mu) rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:44
Abilu (IA-bi-lu) rab ki‫܈‬ir Senn. SAA 6, 199 (ADD 273), R. 2’
Abi-ram rab ki‫܈‬ir (LÚ.GAL KA.K[EŠ]) 699-694 ZA 78, 82, III:11’

Charts
Adad-nƗdin-šumi (IdIM.SUM.MU) rab ki‫܈‬ir 679 SAA 6, 204 (ADD 364), R. 7

Aপi-nǌri (IPAP.ZALÁG) rab ki‫܈‬ir 681 SAA 6, 46 (ADD 127), R. 3
Aপi-pada (IPAP-pad-da) rab ki‫܈‬ir TÚG.ME????? SAA 11, 24 (SAAB 6, 3), R. 6-7
Aপi-rƗmu (IPAP-ra-mu) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sin-š.-i. SAA 11, 221 (ADD 675), R. 15’
Aপu-dǌr-enši (IPAP.BÀD.SIG) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri (ša A.MAN) Esarh. SAA 16, 148 (ABL 434), R. 14-15
Aপu-dǌri (IPAP.BÀD) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:51
Ame-atar (IA-me-a-tar) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sargon KAV 31, 1
(IA-me-a-tar) LÚ.GAL 50 Sargon KAV 132, 1
Apil-Ɲreš (IDUMU.US.APIN-eš) LÚ.GAL KA.KEŠDA ša 788 Deller – Fadhil 1993, No. 6, 22-23
LÚ.rak-su-te
Aqru (IAq-ru) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), E. 1
(IAq-ru) ša—qurbǌte 640 SAA 14, 27 (ADD 358+), R. 8’
ArbƗia (IAr-ba-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir sƯsê 652–648 Harper 1892, 543, R. 14
(IÁr-ba-iá) rab ki‫܈‬ir sƯsê 652–648 Harper 1892, 273, R. 2
(IAr-ba-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir sƯsê 652–648 Harper 1892, 1244, R. 7
rabki‫܈‬ir sƯsê 652–648 Harper 1892, 1108, R. 15
ArzƝzu (IAr-ze-zu) rab ki‫܈‬ir 679 SAA 6, 206 (ADD 150), R. 4
(IA[r-z]e-zu) rab ki‫܈‬ir 676 SAA 6, 211 (ADD 460), R. 6’
(IÁr-ze-e-zu) ? 679 SAA 6, 247 (ADD 1188), R. 5
Asalluপi-šumu- (IASAR.LÚ.঩I—MU— LÚ.GAL—ki-sir ša—šƝpƝ (šá 638 SAA 14, 424 (TIM 11, 2), 14-15
iddina AŠ) GÌR.2)
(IASAR.LÚ.঩I—MU— LÚ.GAL—ki-sir ša—šƝpƝ (šá 630 SAA 14, 425 (TIM 11, 1), 19-20
AŠ) GÌR.2) šá ekalli (É.GAL)
Aššur-aপu-iddina (IAš-šur-PAP.AŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir 695 SAA 6, 132 (ADD 616), 11
Aššur-balli৬ (IAš-šur-bal-li‫)ܒ‬ rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 6
Aššur-ilƗ’Ư (IAš-šur-DINGIR-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir qurbǌte 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), R. 7
([IAš-šur-DINGIR-a-a]) rab ki‫܈‬ir (KA.KÉŠ) qurbǌte 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), R. 8
(IAš-šur-DINGIR-a-a) rab [ki‫܈‬ir qurbǌte] 671–660 SAA 6, 326 (ADD 471), R. 18
([IAš-šur-DING]IR-a-a) [rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte] 663 SAA 6, 327 (ADD 611), R. 2’
(IAš-šur-DINGIR-a-a) ? 679 SAA 6, 206 (ADD 150), R. 9
Aššur-kettu-iram (IAš-šur-ZI.ÁG) rab ki‫܈‬ir 618 SAA 14, 32 (ADD 151), R. 7
Aššur-killƗni (IAš-šur-ki-la-a-ni) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR.MAN 630 SAA 14, 34 (ADD 308), 6, R. 12
(IAš-šur-ki-la-a-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir 630 SAA 14, 35 (ADD 349), R. 10
(IAš-šur-kil-la-an-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 39 (ADD 318), R. 6
LÚ.qur-ZAG 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 9
(IAš-šur-kil-la-an-ni) qur-ZAG PC SAA 14, 46 (ADD 361), R. 16’
(IAš-šur-kil-la-an-ni) LÚ.qur-bu-tú PC SAA 14, 42 (ADD 414), R. 31
(IAš-šur-kil-la-an-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri (A.MAN) PC SAA 14, 41 (ADD 623), R. 18’
(IAš-šur-kil-la-an-ni) ? PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), E. 3
(IAš-šur-kil-la-ni) LÚ.qur-ZAG PC SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 13’
(IAš-šur-kil-la-an-ni) LÚ.qur-ZAG PC SAA 14, 37 (ADD 309), R. 4’
Aššur-natkil (IdAš-šur-na-at-ki-li) rab ki‫܈‬irša URU.Adinni SAA 10, 167 (ABL 500), 5
Aššur-rƗ’im-šarri (IAš-šur-ÁG.MAN) rab ki‫܈‬ir Assurb. SAA 7, 30 (ADD 815+), R. III:22’
Aššur-šallimanni (IAš-šur-DI-man) from the ki‫܈‬ru of ? SAA 7, 70 (ADD 967), I’:6’
Aššur-šarru-uৢur (IAš-šur-MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), R. 16
(IAš-šur-MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir, son of Aপi-bašte 640 SAA 14, 27 (ADD 358+), R. 6’
(I[A]š-šur-MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir Asb. SAA 14, 319 (ADD 608), R. 1
(IAš-šur-MAN.PAP) LÚ.mu-[kil PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 328 (ADD 1153), R. 12’
(IAš-šur-MAN.PAP) L[Ú.GIŠ.GIGI]R ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:31
DUMU.MAN
Aššur-šimanni (IAš-šur-›AL-a-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ 682 SAA 12, 86 (PKTA 27-30), R. 24
Aššur-šumu- (IAš-šur-MU.AŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša LÚ.GAL 657 SAA 14, 81 (ADD 618), R. 11-12
iddina SUM.NINDA
Aššur-šumu-ka’’in (IAš-šur-MU.GIN) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša šarri (MAN) PC? SAA 14, 56 (ADD 252), 3’
Attâ-qƗmǌ’a (IA-ta-a-qa-mu-ia) rab ki‫܈‬ir Senn. SAA 6, 52 (ADD 246), 3
Balasî (IBa-la-si) rab ki‫܈‬ir 630 SAA 14, 34 (ADD 308), R. 9
(IBa-la-si-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 39 (ADD 318), R. 8

CHARTS
(IBa-la-si-i) LÚ.qur-ZAG 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 13

(IBa-la-si-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri (A.MAN) 625 SAA 14, 41 (ADD 623), R. 17’
(IBa-la-si-i) LÚ.qur-bu-tú 625 SAA 14, 42 (ADD 414), R. 30
(IBa-la-si-i) LÚ.qur-ZAG 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 14’
(IBa-la-si-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir 623 SAA 14, 46 (ADD 361), R. 13’
(IBa-la-si-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 14
BalƗssu/Balasî (IBa-la-su) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sin-š.-i. SAA 11, 221 (ADD 675), R. 16’
Banunu (IBa-nu-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša MÍ.É.GAL 686 SAA 6, 164 (ADD 612), R. 5
rab ki‫܈‬ir ša MÍ.KUR 686? SAA 6, 165 (ADD 594), R. 8
BƗr-ৡarǌri (IBar-‫܇‬a-ru-ri) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sin-š.-i. SAA 11, 221 (ADD 675), R. 4’
BƝl-aপu-uৢur (IdEN.PAP.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir 681 SAA 6, 46 (ADD 127), R. 2
BƝl-dƗn (IdEN.KAL-an) rab ki‫܈‬ir (LÚ.GAL KA.KEŠDA) 710 Parker 1963, BT.101, R. 13
BƝl-Ɲ৬ir (IdEN.KAR-ir) rab ki‫܈‬ir sƯsê 652–648 Harper 1892, 543, R. 14
rab ki‫܈‬ir sƯsê 652–648 Harper 1892, 273, R. 1
(IdEN.SUR) rab ki‫܈‬ir sƯsê 652–648 Harper 1892, 1244, R. 7
rab ki‫܈‬ir sƯsê 652–648 Harper 1892, 1108, R. 15
(IdEN.ŠUR) ??? 650 SAA 11, 134 (ADD 859+), R. 1
BƝl-঩arrƗn-aপu- (IEN.KASKAL.PAB.PAB) rab ki‫܈‬ir (a-na LÚ.GAL ki- Esarh. SAA 16, 115 (ABL 85), 7-8
uৢur ‫܈‬ir-u-tú)
Gabrî (IGab-ri-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir Esarh. SAA 6, 294 (ADD 268), R. 5
Gallulu (IGal-lul) rab ki‫܈‬ir 671 SAA 6, 297 (ADD 266), R. 6’
঩anunu (I‫ۏ‬a-nu-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir rab ša—rƝšƝ SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:10
঩armaku (I‫ۏ‬ar-ma-ku) rab ki‫܈‬ri ša raksǌte Adn. III Deller – Fadhil 1993, No. 1., Rev. 5
঩ašilƗnu (I‫ۏ‬a-šil-a-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 11, 162 (ABL 631), 10, R. 2
঩ubasƗte (I‫ۏ‬u-ba-as-a-te) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša-šƝpi(GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 15
Ia-rapâ (IIa-ra-pa-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 11, 162 (ABL 631), 1, 9, R. 3
Idri-aপa’u (IId-ri-a-‫ې‬a-a-ú) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sargon? SAA 10, 354 (CT 53, 75), 11
Ilumma-lƝ’î (IDINGIR-ma-ZU) rab ki‫܈‬ir 666 SAA 14, 2 (ADD 627), R. 5
(IDINGIR-ma-ZU) rab ki‫܈‬ir (LÚ.GAL-ki-sir) Esarh. SAA 16, 67 (ABL 1291), 9’
Ilu-bi’di (IDINGIR-bi-i’-di) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sargon SAA 1, 171 (ND 2645), 15-16
Il-iadƯni (IDINGIR-ia-di-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir 623 SAA 14, 46 (ADD 361), R. 12’
Ilu-nƗ’id (IDINGIR.I) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 12
Ilu-pƯa-uৢur (IDINGIR-pi-ia-PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sargon SAA 1, 235 (ABL 1432), 4, 6, 11
(IDINGIR-ia-di-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri (A—MAN) PC SAA 14, 53 (ADD 345), R. 7’
Inurtî (IdMAŠ-ti-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir 623 SAA 14, 46 (ADD 361), R. 15’
(IdMAŠ-i) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 16’
Išmê-ilu (IIš-me-DINGIR) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sargon SAA 5, 234 (ABL 582), 4’
Issar-ilƗ’Ư (I15.DINGIR-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), 6
Issar-šumu-lƝšir (Id15.MU.GIŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir (LÚ.GAL ki-‫܈‬ir) 686 Parker 1963, BT.124, 14
KakkullƗnu (IKa-ku-la-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A—MAN) 630 SAA 14, 34 (ADD 308), 6, R. 1
(IKul-ku-la-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir 630 SAA 14, 35 (ADD 349), 9, 12, E. 4
(IKul-ku-la-a-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir 630 SAA 14, 36 (ADD 446), 11, R. 2
(IKak-kul-la-nu) ? 630 SAA 14, 37 (ADD 309), 2’
(IKak-kul-la-nu) ? 629 SAA 14, 38 (ADD 711), 10
(IKak-kul-la-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 39 (ADD 318), 8, R. 1
(IKak-kul-la-nu) ? 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), 10, E. 4
(IKak-kul-la-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 41 (ADD 623), R. 10’
(IKak-kul-la-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 42 (ADD 414), 7,
passim
(IKu-ku-la-nu) ? 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 9’
(IKak-kul-la-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir 623 SAA 14, 44 (BM 139950), 11-12
(IKak-kul-la-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A—MAN) 623 SAA 14, 45 (ADD 621), R. 1-2
(IKu-kul-la-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri (A—MAN) 623 SAA 14, 46 (ADD 361), 4’, 6’, R. 3’
(IKu-kul-a-a) ? 617 SAA 14, 47 (ADD 327), 8’, R. 5’
(IKak-kul-la-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A—MAN) PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), 7-8
(IKak-kul-la-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), 6

Charts
(IA-kul-la-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A—MAN) PC SAA 14, 50 (ADD 312), 4’
(IK]a-ku-la-a[n-nu]) ? PC SAA 14, 51 (ADD 348), 8’
(IKak-[kul-la-ni]) ? PC SAA 14, 52 (ADD 401), 4’
(IKak-kul-la-nu) ? PC SAA 14, 155 (ADD 619), R. 10
(IKak-kul-la-nu) ? PC SAA 14, 57 (ADD 110), R. 6’
Kakkussu (IKak-ku-[us]-su) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sarg. KAV 36, 1-2
Kandar (IKa-an-da[r]) rab ki‫܈‬ir ([LÚ.GAL K]A.KEŠDA) 699-694 ZA 78, 82, III:10’
KanǌnƗiu (IITU.AB-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 8
(IITU.AB-a-a) ? PC SAA 14, 44 (BM 139950), R.. 12
Kinanni-Issar (IGIN-a-ni-15) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:38
KiqillƗnu (IKi-qi-la-nu) LÚ.GAL—ki-sir ša—šƝpƝ (šá— 630 SAA 14, 425 (TIM 11, 1), R. 16
GÌR.2)
Kiৢir-Aššur (IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir (of šaknu of ta‫ې‬lƯpu Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), I:17
charioteers)
Kiৢir-Aššur (IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) ? 637 SAA 14, 28 (ADD 46), 3, R. 1
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir qurbǌte ša mƗr šarri 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), 6-7
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) ? 635 SAA 14, 30 (ADD 1), 2
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 7
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 42 (ADD 414), 12,
passim
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir 623 SAA 14, 46 (ADD 361), R. 9’
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir 618 SAA 14, 32 (ADD 151), 2, R. 6
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), R. 11
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte ša mƗr šarri PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 9
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A—MAN) PC SAA 14, 45 (ADD 621), 13, R. 12
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) ? PC SAA 14, 33 (ADD 80), 2
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) ? PC SAA 14, 155 (ADD 619), R. 9
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) ? PC SAA 14, 57 (ADD 110), R. 5’
Kiৢir-Issar ([IKi-‫܈‬ir-d15]) rab ki‫܈‬ir 676 SAA 6, 211 (ADD 460), R. 8’
(IKi-‫[܈‬ir-d15]) ? 676 SAA 6, 212 (ADD 502), 2’
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-15) ? 676 SAA 6, 213 (ADD 489), R. 2
LƗ-qƝpu / Liqipu (ILi-qi-pu) rab ki‫܈‬ir 630 SAA 14, 34 (ADD 308), 6, R. 8
? (LÚ.ditto) 630 SAA 14, 37 (ADD 309), R. 2’
rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 39 (ADD 318), R. 7
rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 11
Lit-il (IZU.DINGIR) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša LÚ.A.SIG ša Asb. SAA 14, 7 (ADD 494), R. 7-8
MÍ.É.GAL
Luqu (ILu-qu) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A—MAN) 659 SAA 14, 24 (ADD 233), 7-8
(ILu-qu) LÚ.[…] Asb. SAA 14, 12 (ADD 267), R. 12’
(ILu-u-qu) ? 645 SAA 14, 26 (ADD 4), 2
(ILu-qu) ? PC SAA 14, 154 (ADD 311), R. 18
(ILu-qí) ? 648 SAA 14, 25 (ADD 111), E. 2
Mamî (IMa-mì-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir 679 SAA 6, 206 (ADD 150), R. 5
(IMa-mì-i) LÚ.GAL KA.K[ÉŠ] Esarh. SAA 6, 249 (ADD 602), R. 7’
(IMa-mì-i) ? 679 SAA 6, 247 (ADD 1188), R. 2
Mannu-kƯ-abi (IMan-nu-ki-AD) rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 11, 29 (ADD 1041), R. 3-4
rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 42 (ADD 414), R. 28
Mannu-kƯ-Arbail (IMan-nu-ki-URU.Arba-ìl) rab ki‫܈‬ir 680 SAA 6, 201 (ADD 360), 7-8,
passim
(IMan-nu-ki-i-Arba-ìl) ? 680 SAA 6, 202 (ADD 359), 9
(IMan-nu-ki-Arba-ìl) ? 679 SAA 6, 204 (ADD 364), 8
(IMan-nu-GIM- ? 679 SAA 6, 206 (ADD 150), 2
URU.Arba-ìl)
(IMan-nu-ki-A[rba-ìl]) ? 678 SAA 6, 207 (ADD 1240), R. 2
(IMan-nu-ki-i-[Arba-ìl]) ? 678 SAA 6, 208 (ADD 18), 2
([IMan-n]u-ki-URU.Arba-ìl) ? 676 SAA 6, 210 (ADD 330), 8

CHARTS
[…] ? 676 SAA 6, 211 (ADD 460), [ ]

(IMan-nu-ki-Ar[ba-ìl]) ? 676 SAA 6, 212 (ADD 502), 4’
([IMan-nu-ki-URU.Arba-ìl) ? 676 SAA 6, 213 (ADD 489), R. 5
(IMan-nu-ki-URU.Arba-ìl) ? 673 SAA 6, 216 (ADD 8), 3
(IMan-nu-ki-URU.Arba-ìl) ? Esarh. SAA 6, 217 (ADD 378), 11
(IMan-nu-k[i-URU.Arba-ìl]) ? Esarh. SAA 6, 218 (ADD 375), 7
(IMan-nu-ki-URU.Arba-ìl) ? Esarh. SAA 6, 219 (ADD 1157), 2
(IMan-nu-ki-Arba-ìl) ? Esarh. SAA 6, 220 (ADD 493), R. 3’
(IMan-nu-ki-i- URU.Arba-ìl) ? 679 SAA 6, 247 (ADD 1188), 7
(IMan-nu-ki-Ar[ba-ìl]) ? Esarh. SAA 6, 249 (ADD 602), R. 1’
(IMan-nu-ki-i-[Arba-ìl]) ? 671-669 SAA 6, 299 (ADD 477), R. 7
Mannu-kƯ-Issar-lƝ’î (IMan-nu-ki-15.ZU) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša MÍ.É.GAL 686 SAA 6, 164 (ADD 612), R. 3
([IMan-n]u-ki- d15.ZU) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša MÍ.KUR 686? SAA 6, 165 (ADD 594), R. 9
(IMan-nu-ki-d15.ZU) rab ki‫܈‬ir 684 SAA 6, 177 (ADD 230), R. 5
(IMan-nu-ki-15.ZU) ša—šƝpƝ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:33
Mannu-kƯ-Nabû (IMan-nu-ki-dAG) rab ki‫܈‬ir 623 SAA 14, 46 (ADD 361), R. 14’
(IMan-nu-ki-dPA) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A—MAN) PC SAA 14, 50 (ADD 312), R. 8’
(IMan-nu-ki-dPA) ša—šƝpƝ PC SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), R. 15’
Mardî (IMar-di-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:13
Mardû (IMar-du-u) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 10
(IMar-du-u) […] PC SAA 14, 33 (ADD 80), R. 4
Marduk-erƯba (IdAMAR.UTU.SU) rab ki‫܈‬ir rab ša—rƝšƝ SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:11
(IdAMAR.UTU.SU) rab ki‫܈‬ir rab ša—rƝšƝ SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:6
Marduk-Ɲ৬ir (IdŠÚ.KAR-ir) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 22
Marduk-šarru-ibnî (IdŠÚ.MAN.DÙ) rab ki‫܈‬ir PC SAA 14, 54 (ADD 344), R. 5’
Marduk-tƝr (IdŠÚ-te-er) GAL [ki-‫܈‬ir] Asb. SAA 14, 351 (ADD 1184+), R. 6’
MƗr-Issar (IDUMU-d15) rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 7, 126 (ADD 1040), 6-7
(IDUMU-15) ? SAA 11, 113 (ADD 988), R. 8
MƗr-šarri-ilƗ’Ư (IA.MAN.DINGIR-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), R. 13
Milki-idri (IMil-ki-id-ri) rab ki‫܈‬ir 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), 7
(IMil-ki-id-ri) LÚ.G[AL …]? SAA 6, 254 (ADD 507), R. 3
MušƝzib-Aššur (IMu-še-zib-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 20
Nabû-[…] (IdPA.[…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:21
Nabû’a (IdPA-u8-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir(KA.KÉŠ) 679 SAA 6, 247 (ADD 1188), R. 6
(IdPA-u-a) [rab ki‫܈‬ir(KA.KÉŠ)] Esarh. SAA 6, 249 (ADD 602), R. 5’
Nabû-balƗssu-iqbî (IdPA.TI-su-iq-bi) rab ki‫܈‬ir 630 SAA 14, 35 (ADD 349), R. 9
(IdPA.TI.E) ? 640 SAA 14, 27 (ADD 358+), R. 9
(-ballussu-) (IdPA—TI-su—E) ? 613 SAA 14, 171 (ADD 102), 5
Nabû-daiiƗn (IdPA.DI.KUD) rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:4
Nabû-mƗr-šarri- (IdPA.A.MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 42 (ADD 414), R. 27
uৢur
Nabû-nƗ’id (IdPA.I) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša MÍ.KUR 686? SAA 6, 165 (ADD 594), R. 7
Nabû-nƗdin-aপi (IdPA.AŠ.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir (LÚ.GAL ki-‫܈‬ir) 678 Parker 1963, BT.118, 12
Nabû-natkil (IdPA-nat-kil) rab ki‫܈‬ir ? SAA 7, 6 (ADD 840+858), I:6’
(IdPA-na-<at->kil) rab ki‫܈‬ir PC SAA 14, 34 (ADD 308), R. 9
Nabû-rƝmanni (IdPA-rém-a-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), 5
Nabû-šallim-aপপƝ (IdPA.DI.PAP.MEŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 21
(IdPA.šal-lim.PAP.MEŠ) ? 613 SAA 14, 171 (ADD 102), 1
Nabû-šarru-uৢur (IdPA.MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:9
(IdPA.MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:21
(Id[…].MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 7, 10 (ADD 850), I:8’
Nabû-šarru-uৢur (IdPA.MAN.PAP) [rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri] 671 SAA 6, 297 (ADD 266), R. 3
(IdPA.MAN.PAP) [rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri] 671 SAA 6, 298 (ADD 503), R. 9’
(IdPA.MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A—MAN) 671–669 SAA 6, 299 (ADD 477), R. 5’

Charts
(IdPA.MAN.PAP) [rab ki‫܈‬ir] 670 SAA 6, 300 (ADD 202), R. 8

(IdPA.MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ ša mƗr šarri 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 20’
(IdP[A.MAN.PAP]) ? 671–660 SAA 6, 332 (ADD 433+), R. 12’
(IdAG.LUGAL.ÙRU/PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir 652–648 Harper 1892, 462, 21, R. 27
Nabû-šarru-uৢur (IdPA.MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir 630 SAA 14, 35 (ADD 349), R. 8
(IdPA.MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša šarri(MAN) PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), R. 18 –
E. 1
Nabû-tƗriৢ (IdPA.LAL-is) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sin-š.-i. SAA 11, 221 (ADD 675), R. 14’
(IdPA.LAL-is) ša—šƝpƝ (GÌR.2) 624 SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 12’
Nabû-tukulti (IdPA-tukul-ti) LÚ.GAL ki-‫܈‬ir ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) 630 SAA 14, 425 (TIM 11, 1), R. 14
Nagâ (INa-ga-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sargon SAA 1, 236 (ABL 639), O. 3
Nergal-ašarƝdu (IU.GUR.MAŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir 630 SAA 14, 35 (ADD 349), R. 11
Nergal-šarru-uৢur (IdMAŠ.MAŠ.MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 7, 10 (ADD 850), I:5’
NuপšƗia (I঩É.NUN-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša rab ša—rƝšƝ 685 SAA 6, 174 (ADD 1170+), R. 9
NǌrƗnu (IZALÁG-a-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir 684 SAA 6, 177 (ADD 230), R. 4
Qurdi-Issar (IQur-di-d15) rab ki‫܈‬ir 679 SAA 6, 204 (ADD 364), R. 4’
(IQur-di-d15) ? Esarh. SAA 6, 220 (ADD 493), R. 9’
(IQur-di-d15) rab ki‫܈‬ir(KA.KÉŠ) 679 SAA 6, 247 (ADD 1188), R. 3
(IQur-di-d15) ? Esarh. SAA 6, 249 (ADD 602), R. 1’
Riba-aপপƝ (ISU.PAP.MEŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ri(KÀD-ri) 698 SAA 6, 125 (ADD 1179+), R. 11
Saggil-šarru-uৢur (IdSag-gíl.MAN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 42 (ADD 414), R. 26
Sagiru (ISa-gi-ru) rab ki‫܈‬ir 640 SAA 14, 27 (ADD 358+), R. 5’
SalamƗnu (ISa-lam-a-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir ummi šarri SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:30
SƝ’-qatar (ISi-i’-qa-tar) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sargon KAV 132, R. 1
Silim-ili (ISi-lim-DINGIR) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:49
Sîn-aplu-uৢur (Id30.A.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir 653 SAA 14, 139 (ADD 387), R. 7’
Sîn-bƝlu-uৢur (Id30.EN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir 682 SAA 6, 192 (ADD 276), R. 4’
(Id30.EN.PAP) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša KUR (palace) 670 SAA 6, 287 (ADD 625), R. 8
Sîn-nƗ’id (Id30.I) rab ki‫܈‬ir Senn. SAA 6, 53 (ADD 236), R. 7
Sîn-šumu-[…] (Id30—MU—[x] [GAL—ki-‫]܈‬ir post 612 TSH 199, Vs. 4
ৡalmu-šarri-iqbî (INU.MAN.E) rab ki‫܈‬ir PC? SAA 14, 54 (ADD 344), R. 6’
(INU.MAN-iq-bi) ša—šƝpƝ 641 SAA 14, 15 (ADD 105), R. 6
(INU.MAN-iq-bi) LÚ.GAL—ki-sir ša—šƝpƝ (šá— 630 SAA 14, 425 (TIM 11, 1), R. 15
GÌR .2)
Ša-lƗ-mašê ([IŠá-l]a-maš-e) rab ki‫܈‬ir rab ša—rƝšƝ SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:7
(IŠá-la-ma-še-e) ša É LÚ.GAL.SAG ? SAA 7, 30 (ADD 815+),
R. III:24’-25’
Šamaš-nƗ’id (IdUTU—I) rab ki‫܈‬ir Asb. SAA 14, 325 (ADD 706), R. 1
Šarru-ilƗ’Ư (ILUGAL.DING[IR-a-a]) LÚ.[…] 668? SAA 6, 307 (ADD 65), R. 1
(ILUGAL.DINGIR-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte 660 SAA 6, 329 (ADD 444), R. 9-10
(ILUGAL.DINGIR-a-a) [rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte] 660 SAA 6, 330 (ADD 445), R. 5’
Šarru-lǌ-dƗrî (IMAN-lu-dà-ri) rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 11, 185 (ADD 876), R. 2-3
Šulmu-aপপƝ (IDI-mu-PAP.MEŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sargon KAV 131, R. 3
Šumma-ili (IŠum-ma-DINGIR) rab ki‫܈‬ir ? SAA 7, 73 (ADD 931), 5
Šumma-ilu (IBE-ma-DINGIR) rab ki‫܈‬ir 672 SAA 6, 283 (ADD 425), R. 13
(Šummu-ilu) (IŠúm-mu-DINGIR) rab ki‫܈‬ir 668? SAA 6, 308 (ADD 1155), R. 6
(IŠúm-mu-DINGIR) [rab ki‫܈‬ir] (LÚ.[…]) 668 SAA 6, 307 (ADD 65), R. 6
Šumu-ukƯn (IMU.GIN) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša bƯt MÍ.É.GAL 627–612 SAA 12, 96 (Iraq 19, 135), s. 2
৫Ɨb-šar-[…] (IDÙG.IM.[…]) rab ki‫܈‬ir 671 SAA 6, 297 (ADD 266), R. 8’
৫Ɨb-šar-PapƗপi (IDÙG.IM.É.pa-pa-‫ې‬i) rab ki‫܈‬ir rab ša—rƝšƝ 630–627 SAA 12, 35 (ADD 650), R. 16
Ubbuku (IUb-bu-ku) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:12
Ubru-aপপƝ ([ISU]঩UŠ.PAP.MEŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir rab ša—rƝšƝ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:27
([…].PAP.MEŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir ? SAA 7, 12 (ADD 866), 2’
Ubru-঩arrƗn (ISU঩UŠ.KASKAL) rab ki‫܈‬ir gi-mir-a-a 679 SAA 6, 204 (ADD 364), R. 8’
Ubru-Nabû (ISU঩UŠ-dPA) ? 629 SAA 14, 38 (ADD 711), R. 9’
(ISU঩UŠ-dPA) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 19

CHARTS
(ISU঩UŠ-dPA) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 42 (ADD 414), 18,

passim
I d
( SU঩UŠ- PA) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A.MAN) PC SAA 14, 45 (ADD 621), 13, R. 14
(ISU঩UŠ-dAG) rab ki‫܈‬ir 623 SAA 14, 46 (ADD 361), R. 11’
(ISU঩UŠ-dPA) rab ki‫܈‬ir 617 SAA 14, 47 (ADD 327), R. 9’
(ISU঩UŠ-dPA) ? PC SAA 14, 49 (ADD 235), E. 1
(ISU঩UŠ-dPA) GIŠ.GIGIR ša mƗr šarri PC SAA 14, 50 (ADD 312), R. 9’
Ubru-Nergal (ISU঩UŠ.U.GUR) rab ki‫܈‬ir rab ša—rƝšƝ SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:48
UlulƗiu (IITU.KIN-a-[a]) [LÚ.GAL—ki]-‫܈‬ir 691/686 TSH 127, Rs. 10
Unzarপi-Aššur (IUn-zar4-‫ې‬u-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A—MAN) PC SAA 14, 45 (ADD 621), 13, R. 15
(IUn-zar4-‫ې‬u-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir 623 SAA 14, 46 (ADD 361), R. 10’
(IUn-zar4-‫ې‬i-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir 617 SAA 14, 47 (ADD 327), R. 10’
(IUn-za-‫ې‬u-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A—MAN) PC SAA 14, 50 (ADD 312), R. 7’
Unzarপi-Issar (IUn-za-ar-‫ې‬i-15) rab ki‫܈‬ir 665 SAA 14, 72 (ADD 128), 7-8
Urad-Issar (IARAD-15) rab ki‫܈‬ir (LÚ.GAL ki-‫܈‬ir) 678 Parker 1963, BT.118, 13
Urad-Nabû (IARAD-dPA) rab ki‫܈‬ir mƗr šarri SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:7
Urdu (IUr-du) rab ki‫܈‬ir 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 18
Usi’ (IU-si-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir 686 SAA 6, 163 (ADD 453), R. 12
ZanzƗnu (IZa-an-za-nu) rab ki‫܈‬ir Esarh. SAA 6, 294 (ADD 268), R. 4
ZƗrǌtî (INUMUN-ti-i) […] 669 SAA 6, 304 (ADD 366), R. 4
(ZƝru-utî) ([INUMUN-u-ti]) rab ki‫܈‬ir 669 SAA 6, 305 (ADD 183 +), R. 10
([INUMUN-ut-ti-i]) [rab kisi]r 669 SAA 6, 306 (ADD 187), R. 9’
([INUMUN-ut-ti-i]) [rab kisi]r ša mƗr šarri 666 SAA 6, 312 (ADD 801), R. 8
(INUMUN-ut-ti-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri 664 SAA 6, 320 (ADD 377), R. 2
([INUMUN-u]-ti-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri 664 SAA 6, 321 (ADD 439), R. 5
(INUMUN-u-ti-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša mƗr šarri (A—MAN) 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), R. 8
([INUMUN-u-ti-i]) rab ki‫܈‬ir (KA.KÉŠ) ša mƗr šarri 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), R. 9
(INUMUN-u-te-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša—qurbǌte ša mƗr šarri 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 19’
(INUMUN-ut-ti-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir 671–660 SAA 6, 326 (ADD 471), R. 17
(INUMUN-u-ti) rab ki‫܈‬ir ? SAA 7, 30 (ADD 815+), R. III:27’
(INUMUN-u-te) (rab ki‫܈‬ir) ? SAA 7, 64 (ADD 938+), R. II’:16’
ZƝr-ibnî ([INUM]UN.DÙ) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša GIŠut-tar.MEŠ 694 SAA 6, 37 (ADD 427), R. 9-10
ZƝr-Issar (INUMUN.15) rab ki‫܈‬ir 617 SAA 14, 47 (ADD 327), R. 11’
Zuarzuarza ([IZ]u-ar-zu-ar-za) rab ki‫܈‬ir SAA 7, 10 (ADD 850), I:6’

Charts
Chariot owners (EN.GIŠ.GIGIR (bēl mugerri)) CHART 6

Aššur-[…]-uৢur (IAš-šur-[…]-PAP) GAR-nu (šaknu) 150 Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004) , I:1-2
A[NŠ]E GIŠ.GIGIR BE
Aššur-rƝmanni (IAš-šur-rém-ni) GAR-nu (šaknu) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), I:18-19
LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ta‫ې‬-líp
[…] […] EN.GIŠ.GIGIR Sarg. SAA 5, 141 (CT 53, 131), R. 1

[…] […] LÚ.EN.GI[Š].GIGIR] ? TSH 125, Rs. 10
[…]-pi […]-pi EN GIŠ.GI[GIR] 8th c. ? CTN I, 10 (ND 10057), 14
[…]-Ɨiu […]-a-a LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR 8th c. ? CTN I, 31 (ND 10042/3), 3
[…] […] [LÚ.EN.GI]Š.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), I:11’
[…] […] LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 8 (ADD 839), R. 1
[…] […] LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 7 (ADD 833), R. II’:9
[…] […] LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR 668 SAA 14, 1 (ADD 472), 10
[…]-Adad ([I…]-IIM) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:37
Adda-sakâ (I10-sa-ka-a) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GI[GIR] Esarh. SAA 16, 63 (CT 53, 46), 34
Adi’ (IA-di-i’) EN.GIŠ.GIGIR 691/86 TSH 127, Rs. 2
Aপabû (IPAP-bu-u) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:41
Aপi-lƝšir (IPAP.GIŠ) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), I:27’
Ambattu (IAm-bat-tú) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:21’
Aššur-nƗdin-aপপƝ (IAš-šur-SUM.PAP.MEŠ) LÚ.EN.G[IŠ.GIGIR] ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:8’
BƝl-nƗৢir-[…] (IdEN.PAP.[…]) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:27
Bibî (IBi-bi-i) EN.GIŠ.GIGIR 679 SAA 6, 204 (ADD 364), 1
Dilil-Issar (IDi-lil-d15) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), I:23’
(IDi-lil-15) ? PC SAA 14, 21 (ADD 260), R. 12
঩am[…]su (I‫ۏ‬a-am-[…]-su) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:23
Issar-nƗdin-aপপƝ (I15—SUM—PAB.MEŠ) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR Asb. SAA 14, 277 (ADD 525), R. 5’
I
Marduk[Ɨiu] ( Mar-duk-[…]) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:43
Nabû-nƗ’id (IdPA—I) EN.[GIŠ.GIGIR] ? TSH 122, Vs. 7
Nergal-mukin-aপi (IdMAŠ.MAŠ.GIN.PAP) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:20
Raপimi-il (IRa-‫ې‬i-mi—DINGIR) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR 656 TSH 110, Rd. 1
RƝmanni-Issar (IRém-a-ni-15) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:12
(IRém-a-na-15) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:9
Šarru-nǌrƯ (ILUGAL-nu-ri) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:40
(ILUGAL-nu-ri) […] , SAA 7, 11 (ADD 841), 6’
Šer-nǌrƯ (IŠér-ZALÁG) LÚ.EN.GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), I:22’

CHARTS
Chariot men (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR (susānu)) CHART 7
[…]-aপu-uৢur [IX—P]AP—PAP LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 666 TSH 135, Rs. 2’
[…] […] LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR šá IdPA(Nabû)-[…] SAA 11, 131 (K.16475), 2’
[…]-risa ([…]-ri-sa) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 749 CTN III, 68 (ND 9908), R. 7’
[…]-erƯba ([I…]-SU) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR MAN ? SAA 7, 18 (ADD 832), 6’
[…] […] [LÚ.GIŠ.GI]GIR 671/60 SAA 6, 334 (ADD 429a-c), R. 33’
[…] […] GIŠ.GIGIR Asb. SAA 14, 262 (ADD 438), R. 2’
[…] […] LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR A—MAN Asb. SAA 14, 287 (ADD 548), R. 6’
[…] […] LÚ.GIGIR MAN Asb. SAA 14, 310 (ADD 591), R. 4’
[…] […] LÚ.GIŠ.[GIGIR] ša A?—[MAN] Asb. SAA 14, 349 (ADD 1182), R. 11’
[…]-iddina […].AŠ LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), R. 6
[…]-abu’a ([IX].AD-u-a) [LÚ].GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:25
Abdunu (IAb-du-nu) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR LUGAL 671 SAA 6, 235 (ADD 41), R. 1
Adad-ilƗ’i (I10—DINGIR-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 667 TSH 41, Rs. 5
Aপi-la-amašši (IPAP-la-maš-ši) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR SAA 14, 474 (ADD 520), 4’
Aপu-Ɨmur (IPAP-u-a-mur) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 667 SAA 6, 309 (ADD 200), R. 11’
(IPAP-u-a-mur) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 23’
(IPAP-u-a-mur) ? 671/60 SAA 6, 332 (ADD 433+), R. 12’
([IPAP-u-a-mur]) [L]Ú.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8 671/60 SAA 6, 338 (ADD 1189), R. 16’
([IPAP-u-a-m]ur) LÚ.GIŠ.[GIGIR] 671/60 SAA 6, 347 (ADD 174), R. 13
Aপǌ’a-erƯba (IPAP-u-a-SU) LÚ.GIGIR ša LÚ.GAL—SAG ša 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), 1-2
A—MAN
Aপu-erƯba (IPAP-SU) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR LUGAL 671 SAA 6, 235 (ADD 41), R. 2
ArbailƗia (IArba-ìl-a-a) LÚ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 16
Arik-bƝl-lƝ’î? (IdBU.UMUN.ZU) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 651 ADD 1269+, LE. 4’
rossz olvasat
Aššur-aপপƝ-balli৬ (IAš-šur-PAP.MEŠ-bal-li‫ )ܒ‬LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR MAN ? SAA 7, 18 (ADD 832), 10’
Aššur-aপu-uৢur (IAš-šur-PAP.PAP) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ-te ? SAA 11, 124 (ADD 912), I:1-2
Aššur-ilƗ’Ư (IAš-šur-DINGIR-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR MAN ? SAA 7, 18 (ADD 832), 8’
Aššur-killƗni (IAš-šur-kil-la-ni) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR MAN 630 SAA 14, 34 (ADD 308), 6, R. 12
Aššur-šarru-uৢur (IAš-šur-MAN.PAP) L[Ú.GIŠ.GIGI]R? DUMU.MAN ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:31
Aššur-šumu- (IAš-šur-MU.GIN) LÚ.GIGIR 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 13
ka’’in
Babu-šaddû’a (IBA.Ú—KUR-u-a LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR MAN p. 634 TSH 69, Rs. 9
Bebê (IBé-bé-e) LÚ.GI[Š.GIG]IR.GAL Senn. SAA 6, 42 (ADD 326), R. 13
BƝl-aপপƝšu (IEN.PAP.MEŠ-šu) LÚ.GIGIR—GÌR.2 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), 1-2
BƝl-aপu-iddina (IEN.PAP.AŠ) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR na-[kam-ti] 681 SAA 6, 193 (ADD 277), R. 6’
(reserve horses)
BƝl-Ɲpuš (IEN.DÙ-uš) [LÚ].GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:27
BƝl-঩arrƗn-šarru- (IEN.KASKAL.MAN.PAP) LÚ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 15
uৢur
BƝl-mu-[…] (IEN-mu-[…]) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR qur-bu-[ti] Senn. SAA 6, 112 (ADD 455), R. 7
BƝl-šarru-uৢur (IEN.MAN.PAP) LÚ.GIGIR 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 12
Budâ (IB[u-d]a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR MAN ? SAA 7, 18 (ADD 832), 7’
(IBu-da-[a]) ? ? SAA 7, 16 (ADD 845), II’:2’
DƗdî (IU.U-i) [LÚ].GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:24
DƗdî-ilƗ’i (IU.U.DINGIR-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR MAN 661 TSH 95, Rs. 7
Damqu-amƗte- (ISIG5.INIM.MEŠ.d15) LÚ.GI[Š.GIG]IR.GAL Senn. SAA 6, 42 (ADD 326), R. 14
Issar?
DƗrî-šarru (IDà-ri-MAN) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8 667 SAA 6, 310 (ADD 185), R. 11’
([IDà]-ri-MAN) LÚ.[GIŠ.GIGIR DU8] 660 SAA 6, 331 (ADD 362), R. 3’
Ɯreš-Aššur (IKAM-eš-Aš-šur) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 662 TSH 43, Rs. 9
LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 636 TSH 58, Rs. 12’
ErƯba-Adad (ISU.U) LÚ.GIGIR ša GIŠ.ta‫ې‬-líp 784 CTN III, 145 (ND 6218), III:5
ErƯba-Adad (ISU.U) LÚ.GIGIR 623 CTN III, 12 (ND 7010), R. 5

Charts
EšrƗia (IUD.20.KÁM-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR—GÌR.2 Asb. SAA 14, 178 (ADD 354), R. 1’

Gurdî (IGúr-d[i-i]) [LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.ME]Š-te 671/60 SAA 6, 334 (ADD 429a-c), R.
31
঩ambaqu (I‫ۏ‬a-am-ba-qu) LÚ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 17
Il-dalâ ([IDI]NGIR-da-la-a) [LÚ].GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:26
(IDINGIR-dàl-a) LÚ.3-si-šú 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), 7
([IDINGIR-dàl-a]) LÚ.3.U5 / LÚ.3-šú 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), 4, BE. 2
Il-mananî (IDINGIR-ma-na-ni) LÚ.GIGIR 630 SAA 14, 35 (ADD 349), 10
Ilu-mušƝzib (IDINGIR-mu-še-zib) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8 667 SAA 6, 310 (ADD 185), R. 10’
(IDINGIR-mu-še-zib) L[Ú.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8] 660 SAA 6, 331 (ADD 362), R. 5’
(IDINGIR-mu-še-zib) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR D[U8.M]EŠ ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:13’
KanǌnƗiu (IITU.AB-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 665 SAA 14, 72 (ADD 128), 4-5
KusƗia (IKu-sa-a-a) LÚ.GIGIR 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 11
Mannu-kƯ-Arbail (IMan-nu-ki-i-Arba-ìlki) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 672 SAA 6, 283 (ADD 425), 1’
Mannu-kƯ-Arbail (IMan-nu-ki-Arba-ìl) LÚ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 19
Mannu-kƯ-঩arrƗn (IMan-nu-ki- LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8 667 SAA 6, 310 (ADD 185), R. 9’
URU.KASKAL)
(IMan-nu-ki- LÚ.GIŠ.G[IGIR DU8] 666 SAA 6, 315 (ADD 420), R. 5’
URU.KASKAL)
(IMan-nu-ki- LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 316 (ADD 421), R. 11’
URU.KASKAL)
(IMan-nu-ki-KASKAL) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 26’
(IMan-nu-ki- ? 671/60 SAA 6, 332 (ADD 433+), R. 13’
URU.KASKAL)
([IMan-nu-ki- [LÚ.GIŠ.GIG]IR DU8.MEŠ 671/60 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), R. 22’
URU.KASKAL])
([IMan-nu-ki- LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8 671/60 SAA 6, 338 (ADD 1189), R. 17’
URU.KASKAL])
([IMan-nu-ki]-KASKAL) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 671/60 SAA 6, 347 (ADD 174), R. 14
(IMan-nu-ki-KASKAL) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR Asb. SAA 14, 153 (ADD 193), R. 3’
Marduk-šumu- (IdMES.MU.AŠ) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) Senn. SAA 6, 53 (ADD 236), R. 8
iddina
MƯnu-Ɲpuš-ili (IMi-nu-DÙ.DINGIR) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 680 SAA 6, 257 (ADD 1194), 13
Mušallim-Ištar ([IMu-ša]l-lim-d15) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 749 CTN III, 68 (ND 9908), R. 6’
MušƝzib-ilu (IMu-še-zib-DINGIR) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR SAA 11, 123 (ADD 852), I:7’
Nabû-[…]-im (IdPA-[…]-im) [LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.ME]Š-te 671/60 SAA 6, 334 (ADD 429a-c), R.
32
Nabû’aia (INa-bu-u-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) 686 SAA 6, 164 (ADD 612), R. 13
Nabû-salli (IdPA-sal-li) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR.DU8.MEŠ Asb. SAA 14, 178 (ADD 354), BE. 2’
Nabû-šumu- (IdPA.MU.AŠ) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:2
iddina
(IdPA.MU.AŠ) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:17’
Nabû-tƗriৢ (IdPA.LAL-is) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR šarri(MAN) 630 SAA 14, 34 (ADD 308), r. 10
(IdPA.LAL-is) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR šarri(MAN) 630 SAA 14, 37 (ADD 309), R. 5’
(IdPA.LAL-is) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR mƗr PC SAA 14, 48 (ADD 211), TE. 2
šarri(A.MAN)
(IdPA.LAL-is) ša—šƝpƝ(GÌR.2) PC SAA 14, 43 (ADD 400), 12’
(IdPA.LAL-is) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR mƗr PC SAA 14, 50 (ADD 312), R 10
šarri(A.MAN)
(IdPA.LAL-is) rab ki‫܈‬ir Sši.? SAA 11, 221 (ADD 675), R. 14’
Nabû-zƝru-iddina (IdPA.NUMUN.AŠ) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 667 SAA 6, 309 (ADD 200), R. 13’
(IPA.NUMUN.AŠ) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), R. 4
Na’di-Adad (II-d10) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8 666 SAA 6, 315 (ADD 420), R. 7’
(II-dIM) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 316 (ADD 421), R. 13’
(II-dIM) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), R. 5
Nergal-šarru-uৢur (IU.GUR.[MAN].PAP) LÚ.GIGIR ša u-rat 676 SAA 6, 239 (ADD 256), R. 6’
Nusku-šarru- (IdNUSKU.MAN.AŠ) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR GAL mu-gi 630 TSH 68, Rs. 5-6
iddina
Pǌlu (IPu-u-lu) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:15’

CHARTS
Qalunzu (IQa-lu-un-zu) LÚ.GI[Š.GIG]IR.GAL Senn. SAA 6, 42 (ADD 326), R. 15

Qurdi-Adad (IQur-di-dIM) LÚ.GIGIR 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 8
Sakkuku (ISa-ku-ku) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:14’
[Salam]Ɨnu ([ISa-la-m]a-nu GIŠ.GIGIR Asb. SAA 14, 262 (ADD 438), R. 4’
ৡalmu-aপপƝ (ISal-mu-PAP.MEŠ) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 680 SAA 6, 257 (ADD 1194), 8
ৡalmu-aপপƝ (INU.PAP.MEŠ) LÚ.GIGIR 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 10
SƝ’-dalâ (ISe-e’-da-la-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ 667 SAA 6, 310 (ADD 185), R. 16’
(ISe-e’-dàl-a-an)? LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8 666 SAA 6, 315 (ADD 420), R. 6’
(ISe-e’-dàl-a-an)? LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 316 (ADD 421), R. 12’
SƝ’-পutni (ISe-e’-hu-ut-ni) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 681 SAA 6, 110 (ADD 231), R. 10
Silim-Aššur (ISi-lim-Aš-šur) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 618 SAA 14, 32 (ADD 151), TE. 1
SukkƗia (ISuk-ka-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR MAN ? SAA 7, 18 (ADD 832), 9’
SukkƗia (ITE-a-a) LÚ.GIGIR 623 CTN III, 12 (ND 7010), R. 4
(ITE-a-a) ? PC SAA 14, 154 (ADD 311), R. 18
Šamaš-abu’a (IdUTU.AD-u-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR Asb. SAA 14, 181 (ADD 78), 2
Šamšanni-ilu (IŠam-šá-ni-DINGIR) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR 667 SAA 6, 309 (ADD 200), R. 12’
Šulmu-aপপƝ (IDI-mu-PAP.MEŠ) LÚ.GIGIR 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 9
Šumma-ussƝzib (IŠúm-ma-u-se-zib) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR DU8.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:16’
Šumu-ukƯn (IMU.GIN) LÚ.GIGIR GÌR.2 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 15
TardƯa (ITar-di-ia) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR na-kám-ti 644 SAA 14, 100 (ADD 177), R. 17’
Tarriki-পallu ([IT]ar-ri-ki-‫ې‬al-l[u]) [LÚ].GIŠ.GIGIR ANŠE.[…] Sargon SAA 1, 215 (ABL 933), 4
Ubru-Ekurri (ISU঩UŠ-É-kur-ri) LÚ.GIGIR 636 SAA 14, 29 (ADD 207), R. 14
Ubru-Nabû (ISU঩UŠ- dPA) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR mƗr šarri(A.MAN) PC SAA 14, 50 (ADD 312), R. 9’
Ubur-Issar (ISU঩UŠ-15) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR SAA 11, 123 (ADD 852), I:6’
UD.20.KÁM-ia (IUD.20.KÁM-a-a) GIŠ.GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) SAA 14, 178 vagy 180 (ADD
354), R. 1’ egyikben sem
Urdu (IUr-du) [LÚ.GIŠ].GIGIR GÌR.2(šƝpƝ) 699 SAA 6, 119 (ADD 1167), R. 11
Zabinu (IZa-bi-nu) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIRLÚ.GAL mu-gi 646 SAA14, 94-5 (ADD 24-25), 4-5, 1-2

Charts
Chariot men (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR (susānu)) – provincial units CHART 8
NAMENAMETITLEDATE TEXT
[…] […] LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR [ša URU.R]a-pí-‫ې‬i Sargon KAV 131, R. 10-11
[…] […] LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR [ša URU.]Tu-‫ې‬u-na Sargon KAV 131, 1-2
[…]-erƯba ([I…]-SU-ba) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.[…]-du-[…]-di Sargon KAV 131, 4-5
[…]-tar-idri ([I…]-tar-id-ri) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Ra-at-me Sargon KAV 34, 4-5
Abda’a (IAb-da-‘a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Kil-pa-‫ې‬a Sargon KAV 36, 3-4
Abdada (IAb-da-da) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.ŠE I-li-ti Sargon KAV 31, 26-27
Ada-atti (IdA-da-at-ti) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Ar-ra-[ap-‫ې‬a] Sargon KAV 32, 2-3
Adad-imme (IdIM-im-me) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Su-ti-[…] Sargon KAV 32, R. 3’-4’
Adi-ili (IA-di-DINGIR) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.ŠE dMAŠ.MAŠ Sargon KAV 35, 4-5
Aপi-iaqar (IPAP-ia-qar) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.‫ۏ‬i-la-wi Sargon KAV 131, 7-8
AkkadƗia (IURI-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.‫ۏ‬ul-la-ri Sargon KAV 131, 10-11
Ammua (IAm-mu-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Qa-ma-ni Sargon KAV 31, 2-3
Aপi-tâbu?utib? (IPAP-DÙG.GA) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Ra-[…] Sargon KAV 37, 4’-5’
Atar-bi’di (IA-tar-bi-‘i-di) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Su-ti-a-[…] Sargon KAV 32, R. 6’-7’
Ili-kabar (IDINGIR-ka-bar) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Til-Ú-li-na Sargon KAV 31, 17-18
([IDINGIR]-ka-bar) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Qa-ma-ni Sargon KAV 34, 1-2
Ilu-ap-[…] (IDINGIR-ap-[…]) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.ŠE I-li-ti Sargon KAV 31, 23-24
Ilu-bi’di (IDINGIR-bi-‘i-di) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.ŠE IdMAŠ.MAŠ Sargon KAV 31, 20-21
Ilu-Ɲšir (IDINGIR-SI) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Qa-ma-ni Sargon KAV 35, 4-5
Issar-BƗbilƗiu (I15-KÁ.DINGIR-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Pi-iq-da-ni Sargon KAV 131, R. 4-5
IttƗda (IIt-ta-a-da) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.ŠE I-li-ti Sargon KAV 31, 14-15
Kapiru (IKa-pi-ru) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Ma-li-ku Sargon KAV 31, 29-30
(IKa-pi-ru) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.[Ma]-li-ki Sargon KAV 132, 3-4
Meni-ili (IMe-ni-DINGIR) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Sa-re-e Sargon KAV 31, 11-12
Naqaপa (INa-qa-‫ې‬a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.[…] Sargon KAV 37, 7’-8’
Rapi’ (IRa-pi-‘i) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Ra-da-ni Sargon KAV 31, 8-9
Sa-[…] (ISa-[…]) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.[…] Sargon KAV 36, R. 1’-3’
Saman (ISa-ma-an) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.‫ۏ‬u-du-pa Sargon KAV 131, R. 7-8
Ukumu (IÚ-ku-mu) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Kil-pa-‫ې‬a Sargon KAV 36, 6-7
Urakî (IU-ra-ki-i) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.[...] Sargon KAV 132, R. 3-4
Zabda-[…] (IZa-ab-d[a-…]) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša […] Sargon KAV 32, 5-6
ZannƗnu (IZa-an-na-nu) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR ša URU.Ab-ba-ni Sargon KAV 31, 5-6
[…]-za […]-za LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR qur-bu-te URU.Ši-šil-a-a Asb. SAA 14, 397
(Iraq 32, 7), 10’
I
Am-suri ( Am-su-ri) (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR qur-bu-te URU.Ši-šil-a-a) Asb. SAA 14, 397
(Iraq 32, 7), 10’
঩aldi-dǌri (I঩AL.BÀD) (LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR qur-bu-te URU.Ši-šil-a-a) Asb. SAA 14, 397
(Iraq 32, 7), 10’
TabalƗiu ([ITa]-bal-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR qur-bu-te URU.Ši-šil-a-a Asb. SAA 14, 397
(Iraq 32, 7), 9’

CHARTS
Chariot drivers (mukil appāte) CHART 9
NAMENAME TITLE DATE TEXT

[...] LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ CTN II, 11 (ND 246), R. 2’
[...] LÚ.mu-kil KU[Š.PA.MEŠ] CTN II, 82 (ND 238), R. 18
[…]-nƗ’id [Ix]—I LÚ.mu-kil—[PA.MEŠ] ? TSH 122, Vs. 6
[…] […] LÚ.mu-kil ap-pa-a-ti 699/694 ZA 78, 82, III:10’
[…] […] [LÚ.DIB KU]Š.PA.MEŠ Sarg. SAA 1, 127 (CT 53, 818), 10
[…]-Aššur […]-Aš-šur LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 7 (ADD 833), R. II’:5
[…] […] [L]Ú.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), I:9’
[…]-Adad […]-dIM [LÚ].DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), I:2’
[…]-Adad […]-dIM LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 7 (ADD 833), I’:1’
[…]-Adad […]-dIM LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 6 (ADD 840+), II:14’
[…] […] LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 6 (ADD 840+), II:15’
[…]-rƝmanni […-r]ém-a-ni LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671/660 SAA 6, 349 (ADD 596), R. 8
[…] […] [LÚ].DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 671/660 SAA 6, 340 (ADD 372), R. 10’
[…] […] LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 679 SAA 6, 271 (ADD 630), R. 13
[…] […] [LÚ.mu-kil]KUŠ.PA.MEŠ Esarh. SAA 6, 209 (ADD 617), R. 1’
[…] […] [LÚ].mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ Esarh. SAA 6, 209 (ADD 617), R. 2’
[…]-Issar […-d]15 LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.[MEŠ] 682 SAA 6, 192 (ADD 276), R. 1’
[…] […] [LÚ.m]u-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 682 SAA 6, 186 (ADD 363), R. 2’
[…] […] LÚ.mu-kil KU[Š.PA.MEŠ] 686 SAA 6, 163 (ADD 453), R. 6’
[…] […] LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 668 SAA 14, 67 (ADD 184), 13
[…] […] LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ PC? SAA 14, 56 (ADD 252), R. 8’
[…] […M]EŠ LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 644 SAA 14, 100 (ADD 177), R. 8’
[…] […] [LÚ].mu-k[il PA.MEŠ] 663? SAA 6, 328 (ADD 1153), R. 11’
[…] […] [L]Ú.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 671–660 SAA 6, 338 (ADD 1189), R.
L[Ú.tur-ta]n? 8’-9’
[…] […] LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 339 (ADD 408), R. 5
[…]-a or -iddina […]-a LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ša É.GAŠAN 671–660 SAA 6, 339 (ADD 408), R. 9’
[…] […] [LÚ.m]u-kil KUŠ.[PA.MEŠ] SAA 14, 261 (ADD 410), R. 4’
[…]-qamu […]-qa-mu LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ Senn SAA 6, 50 (ADD 422), 8
[…]-dî […]-di-i LÚ.mu-kil—KUŠ.PA.MEŠ Asb. SAA 14, 241 (ADD 219), R. 7
[…] […] [LÚ.m]u-kil—PA.MEŠ Asb. SAA 14, 262 (ADD 438), 12e
[…] […] [LÚ.DIB]— KUŠ.PA.MEŠ Asb. SAA 14, 307 (ADD 587), R. 2’
[…] […] [LÚ.DI]B— PA.MEŠ Asb. SAA 14, 310 (ADD 591), R. 2’
[…]-ri […]-ri LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ Asb. SAA 14, 315 (ADD 604), R. 4’
[…] […] [LÚ.mu-kil—a]-pa-a-ti Asb. SAA 14, 315 (ADD 604), R. 5’
Abdâ (IAb-da-a) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ ša LÚ.ABA 686 Parker 1963, BT.117, 12-13
É.GAL
Adad-aপপƝ-šallim (IdIM.PAP.MEŠ.SILIM) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:12’
Addî (IA-di-i) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ PC SAA 14, 21 (ADD 260), R. 7’
(IA-di-i) ? PC SAA 14, 19 (ADD 249), R. 12’
Aপi-rƗmu (IA-‫ې‬i-ra-mu) mu-kil a-pa.MEŠ 667 SAA 14, 69 (ADD 27), R. 3
Aপǌ’a-erƯba (IPAP-u-a-SU) DIB PA.MEŠ 634 SAA 14, 441 (TIM 11, 16), R. 6
Aia-ammu (IdA-a-a-mu) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA-te ša […] Asb. SAA 14, 324 (ADD 694), 5
ArbailƗia (IURU.Arba-ìl-a-a) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 692 SAA 6, 42 (ADD 326), R. 19
Aššur-da’’in-šarri (IAš-šur-KALAG-in- mu-kila-pa.MEŠ 667 SAA 14, 69 (ADD 27), R. 4
LUGAL)
Aššur-nƗdin-aপপƝ (IAš-šur- LÚ.mu-[kil—PA.MEŠ] [ša ? TSH 90, Vs. 1-3
[S]UM.PAP.[MEŠ] LÚ.E]N.NAM ša mat-za-[mu-a]
Aššur-natkil (IAš-šur-nat-kil) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša PC SAA 14, 21 (ADD 260), R. 9’
DUMU.MAN

Charts
Aššur-šallim-aপপƝ (IAš-šur-DI.PAP.MEŠ) [LÚ.mu]-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 742 SAA 6, 1 (ADD 75), R. 10-11

Aššur-šarru-uৢur (IAš-šur-MAN.PAP) LÚ.mu-[kil PA.MEŠ] 663? SAA 6, 328 (ADD 1153), R. 12’
(IAš-šur-LUGAL.PAP) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA šá LÚ.GAL PC ADD 642, R. 12’
SAG Zababa-eriba
Aššur-šƝzibanni (IAš-šur-še-zib-an-ni) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 692 SAA 6, 42 (ADD 326), R. 16
Barruqqu (IBar-ru-qu) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 316 (ADD 421), R. 6’
(IBar-ruq-qu) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ [šá 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), 10
DUMU.MAN]
([IBar-ru]-qu) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 665 SAA 6, 318 (ADD 35), BE. 1
(IBar-ruqu) (LÚ.DIB a-pa-te) 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), R. 5
([IBar-ru-qu]) [LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), R. 6
(IBar-ruqu) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA A.MAN 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 15’
(IBar-ruqu) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 326 (ADD 471), R. 19’
([IBar-r]uq-q[u]) [LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 663 SAA 6, 327 (ADD 611), R. 1’
(IBar-ruqu) [LÚ. mu-kil KUŠ.a-pa-te š]a 671–660 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), R. 19’
DUMU.LUGAL
(IBar-ruqu) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.<PA>.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 338 (ADD 1189), R. 12’
(IBar-ruqu) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 339 (ADD 408), R. 6’
(IBar-ruq-qu) ? LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 671–660 SAA 6, 347 (ADD 174), R. 11
DUMU.MAN] ?
(IBar-ruqu) [LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 350 (ADD 571), R. 6’
BƝl-aপপƝšu ([IEN.PAP-šú]) LÚ.[mu-DIB PA.MEŠ] ša 694 SAA 6, 39 (ADD 239), R. 4’-5’
LÚ.GAL KA.[KEŠDA]
(IEN.PAP.[MEŠ-šú]) LÚ.[mu]-DIB PA.MEŠ [š]a 693 SAA 6, 40 (ADD 238), R. 13-14
LÚ.G[AL KA].KEŠDA
(IEN.PAP.MEŠ-šú) L[Ú.mu-kil PA.MEŠ] ša 693 SAA 6, 41 (ADD 240), R. 10-11
LÚ.GAL [KA.KEŠDA]
BƝl-dǌri LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 756 CTN II, 22 (ND 495), Rev. 26
BƝl-঩arrƗn-dǌri (IEN.KASKAL.BÀD) LÚ.mu-kil—KUŠ.PA.MEŠ Asb. SAA 14, 153 (ADD 193), 1
(IEN.KASKAL.BÀD) LÚ.mu-kil—KUŠ.PA.MEŠ šá Asb. SAA 14, 457 (TIM 11, 31), 10
D[UMU—MAN]
Bir-iamâ (IBir-ia-ma) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ AMA.MAN ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:5
DannƗia (IDan-na-a-a) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 670 SAA 6, 300 (ADD 202), R. 6’
([IDa]n-na-a-a) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 668 SAA 14, 65 (ADD 284), R. 2’
([IDan-na-a-a]) [LÚ.DIB KU]Š.a-pa-te 668? SAA 14, 66 (ADD 537), R. 1’
Ebisiniš (IE-bi-si-ni[š]) LÚ.mu-k[il KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] Sargon SAA 6, 8 (ADD 480), R. 4’-5’
঩amnƗnu (IHa-am-na-nu) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.[PA.MEŠ] Esarh. SAA 6, 294 (ADD 268), R. 2’
঩ara-Dadî (IHa-ra-U.U) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ 672 SAA 6, 244 (ADD 178), R. 5’
(IHa-ra-MAN) ? 672 SAA 6, 245 (ADD 64), R. 9
঩iri-aপপƝ (IHi-ri-PAP.MEŠ) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), 3
IltadƗiu (IIl-ta-da-a-a) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ AMA.MAN ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:10
Itî (II-ti-i) LÚ.mu-kil [KUŠ].PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 15 (ADD 867), 13’
KalপƗiu (I.uruKal-ha-a-a) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 680 SAA 6, 258 (ADD 631), R. 5’
KanǌnƗiu (IITU.AB-a-a) LÚ.mu-kil ap.MEŠ 696 SAA 6, 130 (ADD 241), R. 6
Kiৢir-Aššur (IKi-sir-Aš-šur) LÚ.mu-k[il KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671 SAA 6, 298 (ADD 503), R. 6’
(IKi-si[r-Aš-šur]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 350 (ADD 571), R. 9’
Mannu-kƯ-Aššur (IMan-nu-ki-Aš-šur) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 670 SAA 6, 300 (ADD 202), R. 4’
(IMan-nu-ki-i-Aš-šur) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ šá 660 SAA 6, 329 (ADD 444), R. 15
DUMU.MAN
(IMan-nu-ki-i-Aš-šur) L[Ú.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ šá 660 SAA 6, 330 (ADD 445), R. 9’
DUMU.MAN]
(IMan-nu-ki-Aš-šur) [LÚ. mu-kil KUŠ.a-pa-te š]a 671–660 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), R.
DUMU.LUGAL 17’–18’
I
( Man-nu-ki-Aš-šur) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:39
(IMan-nu-ki-Aš-šur) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), I:26’
Mannu-kƯ-šarri (IMan-nu-ki-MAN) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 670 SAA 6, 300 (ADD 202), R. 5’
(IMan-nu-ki-LUGAL) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:1
Marduk-šarru-uৢur ([IdŠÚ.M]AN.PAP) ? 663 SAA 6, 327 (ADD 611), R. 5’

CHARTS
(IdAMAR.UTU.MAN.PAP) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ šá 660 SAA 6, 329 (ADD 444), R.

MÍ.É.GAL 13-14
(IdAMAR.UTU.MAN.PAP) [LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ šá 660 SAA 6, 330 (ADD 445), R. 8’
MÍ.É.GAL]
([IdMES].MAN.PAP) L[Ú.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ šá 671–660 SAA 6, 332 (ADD 433 +), R. 5’
MÍ.É.GAL]
(IdŠÚ.MAN.PAP) ? 671–660 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), R. 15’
(IdŠÚ.MAN.PAP) ? 671–660 SAA 6, 347 (ADD 203), 1
Masa’aia (IURU.ma-as-‘a-a-a) LÚ.mu-kil—PA.MEŠ 633 TSH 8, Rs. 7
MušƝzib-Aššur (IMu-še-zib-Aš-šur) [LÚ.DI]B PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:20
Nabû-Ɲ৬ir (IdPA.KAR-ir) LÚ.[DIB.KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671 SAA 6, 297 (ADD 266), R. 2’
(IdPA.KAR) (LÚ.DIB KUŠ.<PA>.MEŠ) 671–660 SAA 6, 338 (ADD 1189), R. 12’
Nabû-পusanni (IdPA-‫ې‬u-sa-an-ni) LÚ.mu-DIB PA.MEŠ 694 SAA 6, 39 (ADD 239), 17’
(IdPA-‫ې‬u-sa-an-ni) LÚ.mu-DIB PA.MEŠ 693 SAA 6, 40 (ADD 238), R. 5
(IdPA-‫ې‬u-sa-a-ni) ? 688 SAA 6, 66 (ADD 491), R. 9’
Nabû-killanni (IdPA-kil-a-[ni]) [LÚ.DIB P]A.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:19
([IdP]A-kil-a-ni) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 6 (ADD 840+), II:11’
([Id]PA-kil-la-a-ni) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), I:18’
(IdAG-ki-la-ni) LÚ.[…] Sargon? SAA 19, 217 (ND 2413), B:9
Nabû-kuৢuranni (IdPA-KÀD-a-ni) LÚ.DIB—KUŠ.MEŠA.MAN PC SAA 14, 53 (ADD 345), R. 8’
Nabû-nƗ’id (IdPA-I) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 633 SAA 14, 17 (ADD 214), R. 8’
(IdPA-I) PC SAA 14, 19 (ADD 249), R. 13
Nabû-rƝši-išši (IdPA.SAG-i-ši) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ Senn. SAA 6, 53 (ADD 236), R. 5
Nabû-šallim (IdPA-šal-lim) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 671–669 SAA 6, 299 (ADD 477), R. 4’
A.MAN KÁ.DINGIRki
Nabû-šƝzib (IdPA.še-zib) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 670 SAA 6, 300 (ADD 202), R. 3’
([IdPA-še-z]ib) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 669 SAA 6, 305 (ADD 183+), R. 9
([IdPA-še-zib]) [LÚ.DIB] KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 669 SAA 6, 306 (ADD 187), R. 8’
(IdPA-še-zib) LÚ.mu-DIB PA.MEŠ 667 SAA 6, 310 (ADD 185), R. 7’
(IdAG-še-zib) mu-kil a-pa.MEŠ 667 SAA 14, 69 (ADD 27), R. 2
(IdPA-še-zib) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 666 SAA 6, 314 (ADD 448), R. 17
(IdPA-še-zib) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 316 (ADD 421), R. 4’
(IdPA-še-zib) LÚ.DIB a-pa-te 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), R. 5
(IdPA-še-zib) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), R. 6
(IdPA-še-zib) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA A.MAN 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 14’
(IdPA-še-zib) ? 671–660 SAA 6, 332 (ADD 433+), R. 6’
([IdPA-še-zib]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.a-pa-te š]a 671–660 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), R. 19’
DUMU.LUGAL
(IdPA-še-zib) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 339 (ADD 408), R. 5’
([IdPA-še]-zib) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.[PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 342 (ADD 247), R. 8’
(ditto?)
(IdPA-še-zib) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 671–660 SAA 6, 347 (ADD 174), R. 8
DUMU.MAN
Nabû-šumu-iškun (IPA.MU.GAR-un) [LÚ.DIB.KUŠ].PA.MEŠ šá Senn. SAA 6, 57 (ADD 253), 6’-7’
Id
30.PAP.MEŠ.SU
Nabû-šumu-iškun (IPA.MU-iš-kun) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ 633 SAA 14, 117 (ADD 628), R. 3-4
Nabû-zƝru-iddina (IPA.NUMUN.AŠ) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ šá 671 SAA 6, 297 (ADD 266), R. 3’
A.MAN]
Id
( PA.NUMUN.AŠ) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 671 SAA 6, 298 (ADD 503), R. 8’
DUMU.MAN]
(IdPA.NUMUN.AŠ) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 671–669 SAA 6, 299 (ADD 477), R. 3’
A.MAN
(IPA.NUMUN.AŠ) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 670 SAA 6, 300 (ADD 202), R. 7’
(IPA.NUMUN.AŠ) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ šá 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), 12
DUMU.MAN
([IPA.NUMUN.SU]M-na) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 665 SAA 6, 318 (ADD 35), BE. 3
(IdPA.NUMUN.AŠ) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 660 SAA 6, 329 (ADD 444), R. 17
(IdPA.NUMUN.AŠ) L[Ú.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 660 SAA 6, 330 (ADD 445), R. 11’
(IdPA.NUMU[N.AŠ]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 350 (ADD 571), R. 10’

Charts
Nadbi-IƗ’u (INa-ad-bi-ia-a-ú) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 709 SAA 6, 34 (ADD 234), R. 9

NaপirƗnu (INa-‫ې‬i-ra-[nu]) [LÚ.m]u-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 686 SAA 6, 166 (ADD 285), 6
Nergal-šarru-uৢur ([IdMAŠ].MAŠ.MAN.PAP) LÚ.DIB.[KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 349 (ADD 596), R. 2’
Ner[gal-…] (IdU.G[UR-…]) LÚ.mu-kil—KUŠ[.PA.MEŠ] 668 SAA 14, 67 (ADD 184), 3
Pizešপurdaia mu-kil a-(pa.MEŠ) 618 DONBAZ – PARPOLA 2001,
207, R. 26
Qurdî (IQur-di-i) LÚ.m[u-kil—KUŠ.a-pa-a-ni] Esarh. SAA 16, 63 (CT 53, 46), 3
LÚ.mu-kil—KUŠ.a-pa-a-ni Esarh. SAA 16, 63 (CT 53, 46), 21
ANŠE.KUR.RA.MEŠ na-ka-
am-te
Raপim-DƗdî (IRa-hi-mu-U.U) LÚ.mu-kil—KUŠ.PA.ME[Š …] 627 SAA 14, 157 (ADD 352), R. 4’
Raši-ilu LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 817/802 CTN II, 2 (ND 492), Rev. 15-16
RƝmanni-Adad (IRém-a-ni-dIM) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša du- PC SAA 14, 21 (ADD 260), R. 10’
na-na-te
RƝmanni-Adad (IRém-a-na-dIM) qurbǌtu (LÚ.qur-ZAG) SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), II:25’
RƝmanni-Adad ([IRé]m-a-ni-10) ? 671 SAA 6, 296 (ADD 121), 3
(IRém-an-ni-dIM) [LÚ.DIB KUŠ].PA.[MEŠ ša 671 SAA 6, 297 (ADD 266), 10
LUGAL]
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 671 SAA 6, 298 (ADD 503), 9’
(IRém-an-[ni]-d10) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 671–669 SAA 6, 299 (ADD 477), 9’
([IRém-a-ni-dIM]) [LÚ.m]u-kil [KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 670 SAA 6, 300 (ADD 202), 7
(IRém-an-ni-dIM) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša MAN 670 SAA 6, 301 (ADD 172), 6-7
([IRém-a-ni-dIM]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 669 SAA 6, 304 (ADD 366), …
(IRém-a-ni-10) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ dan-nu 669 SAA 6, 305 (ADD 183+), 6-7
(IRém-a-ni-d10) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ dan-nu 669 SAA 6, 306 (ADD 187), 3’-4’
(IRém-an-ni-dIM) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 668 SAA 6, 307 (ADD 65), 3
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 668? SAA 6, 308 (ADD 1155), BE 1’
(IRém-a-na-dIM) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ dan- 667 SAA 6, 309 (ADD 200), 5-6
nu šá IAš-šur-DÙ-A MAN
kur
Aš-šur
([IRém-a-ni-dIM]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 667 SAA 6, 310 (ADD 185), […]
(IRém-an-ni-dIM) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ dan-nu 666 SAA 6, 311 (ADD 331), 7-8
šá IAš-šur-DÙ-A LUGAL kurAš-
šurki
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) [LÚ.mu-kil] KUŠ.PA.MEŠ šá 666 SAA 6, 313 (ADD 258), 7-8
MAN
(IRém-an-ni-[dIM]) [LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] dan- 666 SAA 6, 314 (ADD 448), 15-16
nu šá IAš-šur-DÙ-A MAN
kur
Aš-šurki
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) LÚ.DIB KUŠ. [PA.MEŠ dan-nu 666 SAA 6, 315 (ADD 420), 9’-10’
šá IAš]-šur-DÙ-A LUGAL
kur
Aš-šurki
([IRém-a-ni-dIM]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 666 SAA 6, 316 (ADD 421), 10
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ dan-nu 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), 4-5
šá LUGAL
(IRém-an-ni-dIM) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ dan-nu 665 SAA 6, 318 (ADD 35), 4
(IRém-an-ni-dIM) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 665 SAA 6, 319 (ADD 237), 5
(IRém-a-[ni-dIM]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 671-660 SAA 6, 322 (K.16094), 8’
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) LÚ.DIB a-pa-te 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), 3
([IRém-a-ni-dIM]) [LÚ].DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ [šá 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), 8-9
I
Aš-šur-DÙ-A MAN] kurAš-šurki
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 2’
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ dan-nu 671–660 SAA 6, 326 (ADD 471), 15’-
šá IAš-šur-DÙ-A MAN 16’, R. 4’-5’
KUR.Aš-šur.KI
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) LÚ.mu-kil PA-a-te šá IAš-šur- 663? SAA 6, 328 (ADD 1153), 10’
DÙ-A MAN KUR.Aš-šur

CHARTS
(IRém-an-ni-dIM) LÚ.DIB [KUŠ.PA.MEŠ dan-nu] 660 SAA 6, 329 (ADD 444), 13

([IRém-a-ni-dIM]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 671–660 SAA 6, 332 (ADD 433+), […]
([IR]ém-a-ni-dIM) [LÚ.mu]-kil PA.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 333 (ADD 451), BE.
3’-4’
([IRém-an-ni-dIM]) [LÚ.m]u-kil [KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 334 (ADD 429a-c), R.
dan-nu ša IAš-šur-DÙ-A MAN 2-3
KUR.]Aš-šur[.KI]
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.a-pa-te dan-nu 671–660 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), 11’-
ša IAš-šur-DÙ-A MAN 12’
KUR.Aš-šur.KI
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.[PA.MEŠ dan- 671–660 SAA 6, 336 (ADD 419), 8’-9’
nu] ša IAš-šur-DÙ-DUMU.UŠ
LUGAL KUR.Aš-šur.KI
(IRém-an-ni-[dIM]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA].MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 337 (ADD 515), 5’-6’
[dan-nu]
([IRé]m-a-ni-[dIM]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 671–660 SAA 6, 338 (ADD 1189), R. 4’
([IRém-an-ni-dIM]) [LÚ.DIB PA].MEŠ dan-nu [ša 671–660 SAA 6, 339 (ADD 408), 4’
I
Aš-šu]r-DÙ-[A.UŠ LUGAL
KUR.Aš-šur].KI
([IRém-an-ni-d]IM) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 671–660 SAA 6, 340 (ADD 372), 7’
(IRém-a-ni-10) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 671–660 SAA 6, 341 (ADD 424), R. 2’
MAN KUR.Aš-šur
(IRém-an-ni-dIM) L[Ú.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 342 (ADD 247), 5’
([IRém]-a-ni-dIM) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.[MEŠ dan- 671–660 SAA 6, 343 (ADD 270), 9-10
nu][ša IAš-šur-DÙ]-A MAN
KUR.Aš-šur.KI
(IRém-a-ni-dIM) LÚ.m[u-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] dan- 671–660 SAA 6, 344 (ADD 271), 6’-7’
nu ša IAš-šur-DÙ-A MAN
KUR.[Aš-šur.KI]
([IRém-an-ni]-dIM) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ [dan- 671–660 SAA 6, 345 (ADD 322), 7-8
nu ša IAš-šur]-DÙ-A LUGAL
([IRém-a-ni-dIM]) [LÚ.m]u-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 346 (ADD 203), 1’-2’
d[an-nu ša] IAš-šur-DÙ-A
MAN KUR.Aš-š[ur.KI]
(IRém-a-ni-[dIM]) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 347 (ADD 174), 6-7
([IRém-a-ni-dIM]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 671–660 SAA 6, 348 (ADD 297), 9’
([IRém-a-ni]-dIM) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 671–660 SAA 6, 349 (ADD 596), R. 2’
([IRém-a-ni-dIM]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ …] 671–660 SAA 6, 350 (ADD 571), […]
(IRém-a-ni-10) [LÚ.DI]B PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:21
([IRém-an-ni]—dIM) [LÚ.mu-kil—KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] ? SAA 14, 479 (ADD 1254), 3’-4’
dan-nu
Sakkannu (ISa-kan) LÚ.mu-DIB PA.MEŠ 667 SAA 6, 310 (ADD 185), R. 6’
([ISa-ka]n-nu) LÚ.mu-k[il PA.MEŠ] 666 SAA 6, 312 (ADD 801), R. 9’
(ISa-ak-kan) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 316 (ADD 421), R. 7’
(ISa-ak-kan) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ šá 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), 11
DUMU.MAN
([ISa-ka]n) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 665 SAA 6, 318 (ADD 35), BE. 2
(ISa-kan-nu) LÚ.DIB a-pa-te 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), R. 6
(ISak-kan) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), R. 7
(ISa-kan-nu) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA A.MAN 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 15’
([ISa-a]k-kan) L[Ú.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 663 SAA 6, 327 (ADD 611), R. 4’
(ISa-kan-[nu]) [LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ] 663? SAA 6, 328 (ADD 1153), R. 14
(ISa-ka-nu) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 332 (ADD 433+), R. 7’
(ISa-ak-kan) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.<PA>.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 338 (ADD 1189), R. 13’
([ISa-ka-a]n) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 339 (ADD 408), R. 6’
(ISa-[a]k-k[an-n]u) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 671–660 SAA 6, 347 (ADD 174), R. 10
DUMU.MAN]
([ISa-kan]-nu) LÚ. DIB [KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 349 (ADD 596), R. 9’
(ISa-kan-[nu]) [LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 350 (ADD 571), R. 5’
Sîn-rƝmanni (Id30-rém-[an-ni]) ? 670 SAA 6, 301 (ADD 172), 7

Charts
(Id30-rém-a-ni) (LÚ.DIB KUŠ.<PA>.MEŠ)??? 671–660 SAA 6, 338 (ADD 1189), R. 12’

Sîn-šarru-uৢur (Id30.MAN.PAP) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 671 SAA 6, 235 (ADD 41), BE. 1
Ša-ilu-gablu LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ 754 CTN II, 23 (ND 229), R. 24
Salti-ili (ISa-al-ti—DINGIR LÚ.mu-kil—PA.MEŠ 633 TSH 8, Rs. 10
Ša[maš-…] (IdU[TU-…]) mu-DIB.PA GAL.SAG(rab SAA 11, 141 (ADD 1118), 5’-6’
ša—rƝšƝ)
Šamaš-ilƗ’Ư (IdUTU.DINGIR-a-a) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ ša É.GAL 694 SAA 6, 37 (ADD 427), R. 12
Šamaš-šallim LÚ.mu-kil ap-pa-te 802 CTN II, 14, R. 22-23
Šamaš-šallim (IdŠá-maš-šal-lim) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ šá É.GAL 667 SAA 6, 309 (ADD 200), R. 7’
(IUTU-šal-lim) L[Ú.DIB PA.MEŠ šá É.GAL] 660 SAA 6, 331 (ADD 362), R. 4’
(IdUTU-šal-lim) ? 671–660 SAA 6, 332 (ADD 433+), R. 12’
([IUTU]-šal-lim) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 334 (ADD 429a-c), R. 22
(IUTU-šal-lim) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 342 (ADD 247), R. 15’
(IUTU-šal-lim) ? 674 SAA 6, 278 (ADD 383), 7, 9
(IUTU-šal-lim) […] ? ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:14
Šamaš-šarru-uৢur (IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 671 SAA 6, 297 (ADD 266), R.
A.MAN 13’-14’
(IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 671 SAA 6, 298 (ADD 503), R. 7’
DUMU.MAN]
(IdUTU.MAN.PAP) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 671–669 SAA 6, 299 (ADD 477), R. 1’
A.MAN
Id
([ Šá-maš-MAN.PAP]) [LÚ.mu-ki]l K[UŠ.PA.MEŠ] 669 SAA 6, 305 (ADD 183+), R. 8
([IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP]) [LÚ.DIB] KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 669 SAA 6, 306 (ADD 187), R. 7’
(IdUTU.MAN.PAP) LÚ.mu-DIB PA.MEŠ 667 SAA 6, 310 (ADD 185), R. 5’
([IdŠá-maš]-MAN.PAP) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 312 (ADD 801), R. 8’
(IdŠá-ma[š-MAN.PAP]) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 666 SAA 6, 314 (ADD 448), R. 16
(IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 316 (ADD 421), R. 3’
(IdUTU.MAN.PAP) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.P[A.MEŠ šá 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), 8
DUMU.MAN]
(IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP) LÚ.DIB a-pa-te 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), R. 4
([IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP]) [L]Ú.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), R. 5
(IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA A.MAN 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 13’
(IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP) [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 326 (ADD 471), R. 16’
(IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 332 (ADD 433+), R. 4’
([IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP]) [LÚ.mu-kil] KUŠ.ap-pa-[te] 671–660 SAA 6, 334 (ADD 429a-c), R. 21
([IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP]) [LÚ. mu-kil KUŠ.a-pa-te š]a 671–660 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), R. 19
DUMU.LUGAL
(IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.<PA>.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 338 (ADD 1189), R. 11’
([IdŠá-maš-MAN].PAP) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ 671–660 SAA 6, 339 (ADD 408), R. 4’
([IdŠá-maš]-LUGAL.PAP) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.[PA.MEŠ] (ditto?) 671–660 SAA 6, 342 (ADD 247), R. 7’
(IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP) LÚ.[m]u-k[il KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša] 671–660 SAA 6, 347 (ADD 174), R. 6-7
DUMU.[MAN]
(IdŠá-maš-MAN.PAP) [LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 350 (ADD 571), R. 4’
(IdUTU.MAN.PAP) ? 674 SAA 6, 278 (ADD 383), 6
Šarru-[…] (ILUG[AL-…) LÚ.mu-kil .PA.MEŠ Asb. SAA 14, 286 (ADD 547+), R. 15’
Šarru-Ɲmuranni (ILUGAL.IGI.LAL-a-ni) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ šá A.MAN 618 SAA 14, 32 (ADD 151), R. 6
Šarru-lǌ-dƗrî (ILUGAL-lu-dà-ri) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:3
Šarru-šumu-ukƯn (IMAN.MU.GIN) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ šá A.MAN 618 SAA 14, 32 (ADD 151), R. 5
Šulmu-bƝli-lašme ([IDI-mu]-EN-la-áš-me) LÚ.mu-[kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 686 SAA 6, 163 (ADD 453), R. 9’
(IDI-mu-EN-la-áš-me) ? 686 SAA 6, 167 (ADD 9), R. 2
Šumma-ilƗni (IBE-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 709 SAA 6, 34 (ADD 234), 5-6
I
KA.KÉŠ LUGAL
(IŠúm-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ) ? 700 SAA 6, 35 (ADD 112), 2
(IŠum-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) ? 695 SAA 6, 36 (ADD 34), 2
([IŠum-ma-DINGIR.ME]Š-ni) ? 694 SAA 6, 37 (ADD 427), 10
(IŠum-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) ? 694? SAA 6, 38 (ADD 508), 3’, R. 5’
(IBE-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ) ? 694 SAA 6, 39 (ADD 239), 2’, 11’
(IŠum-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ 693 SAA 6, 40 (ADD 238), 7-8

CHARTS
([IŠum-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ]) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 693 SAA 6, 41 (ADD 240), 8-9

(IBE-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 692 SAA 6, 42 (ADD 326), 8-9
LÚ.šá UGU É-a-ni
(IŠum-mu-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) ? 684 SAA 6, 43 (ADD 19), 2
(IŠum-mu-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) ? 684 SAA 6, 44 (ADD 20), 2
(IŠúm-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) ? 681 SAA 6, 47 (ADD 30), 2
([IŠum-ma]-DINGIR.ME[Š]) ? 680 SAA 6, 48 (ADD 212), 5
(IŠúm-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ) ? Senn. SAA 6, 49 (ADD 226), 3’
(IŠum-mu-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) ? Senn. SAA 6, 50 (ADD 422), 8
(IŠum-[mu-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni]) ? Senn. SAA 6, 51 (ADD 423), 3’, R. 2’
(IŠúm-mu-DINGIR.MEŠ) ? Senn. SAA 6, 52 (ADD 246), 9’
(IŠum-mu-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) ? Senn. SAA 6, 53 (ADD 236), 5
(IBE-m[a-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni]) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.[MEŠ] Senn. SAA 6, 54 (ADD 725), 5’-6’
(IŠum-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ) ? Senn. SAA 6, 55 (ADD 196), 4’
(IŠum-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) ? Senn. SAA 6, 56 (ADD 319), 3’, R. 4’
Šumma-ilƗni (IŠum-ma-[DINGIR.MEŠ]) ? 671–669 SAA 6, 299 (ADD 477), R. 6’
(IŠum-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ 666 SAA 6, 316 (ADD 421), R. 5’
(IBE-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.P[A.MEŠ šá 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), 9
DUMU.MAN]
(IŠum-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ) LÚ.DIB a-pa-te 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), R. 6
([IŠum-ma-DINGIR.MEŠ]) [LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), R. 7
(IŠum-ma-[DINGIR.MEŠ- [LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša 671–660 SAA 6, 347 (ADD 174), R. 9
ni]) DUMU.MAN]
৫Ɨb-šar-Nabû (IDÙG.IM. dPA) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ ? SAA 7, 6 (ADD 840+), I:7’
Ubru-Nabû (ISUHUŠ—dPA) LÚ.mu-kil—KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 691/686 TSH 127, Rs. 4
Uznanu (IUz-na-nu) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 633 SAA 14, 17 (ADD 214), R. 10’
(IUz-na-nu) mu-[kil—PA.MEŠ] SAA 14, 21 (ADD 260), R. 8’
ZabƗba-erƯba (IdZa-ba4-ba4-SU) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ ša A.MAN 671–669 SAA 6, 299 (ADD 477), R. 2’
(IdZa-ba4-ba4-SU) LÚ.[DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 670 SAA 6, 300 (ADD 202), R. 2’
(IZa-ba4-ba4-SU) ? 670 SAA 6, 301 (ADD 172), 8
Zabdâ (IZa-ab-da-a) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ 672 SAA 6, 244 (ADD 178), R. 4
Zabdî (IZab-di-i) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ PC? SAA 14, 96 (ADD 476), R. 4’
ZabdƗnu (IZab-da-a-nu) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ Sin-š.-i. SAA 11, 221 (ADD 675), R. 11’
Zabinu (IZa-bi-nu) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ ša 670 SAA 6, 287 (ADD 625), 5
LÚ.EN.NAM ša kurLa-‹i-ri
I
ZƗrǌtî ( Za-ru-ti-i) LÚ.mu-kil PA.MEŠ ša LÚ.GAL 695 SAA 6, 36 (ADD 34), 5-6
MU (chief cook)
ZƗrǌtî (ZƝru-utî) (IZar4-ut-i) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.[MEŠ šá 672 SAA 6, 283 (ADD 425), R.16’
A.MAN]
I
( NUMUN-u-ti-i) LÚ.DIB PA.MEŠ šá A.MAN 667 SAA 6, 309 (ADD 200), R. 6’
([INUMUN-u-ti-i]) [LÚ.mu-kil KU]Š.PA.MEŠ šá 666 SAA 6, 312 (ADD 801), R. 6’
DUMU.[MAN]
(INUMUN-u-t[i-i]) [L]Ú.mu-kil [KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 664 SAA 6, 321 (ADD 439), R. 3’
(INUMUN-u-ti-i) LÚ.DIB a-pa-te A.MAN 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), R. 8
([INUMUN-u-t]i-i) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.[PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 342 (ADD 247), R. 6’
(INUMUN-<ut>-ti-i) [LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] ša 671–660 SAA 6, 348 (ADD 297), R. 3’-4’
DUMU.[MAN]
Zazî (IZa-a-zi-i) LÚ.[mu-DIB PA.MEŠ] ša 694 SAA 6, 39 (ADD 239), R. 7’-8’
LÚ.[KAŠ.LUL]
(IZa-a-zi-i) [LÚ.m]u-DIB P[A.MEŠ ša] 693 SAA 6, 40 (ADD 238), R. 15-16
LÚ.KA[Š.LUL]
(IZa-zi-i) LÚ.mu-k[il PA.MEŠ] ša 693 SAA 6, 41 (ADD 240), R. 7-8
LÚ.KAŠ.LU[L]
(IZa-zi-i) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ Senn. SAA 6, 53 (ADD 236), R. 4
ZƝru-ukƯn (INUMUN.GIN) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 660 SAA 6, 329 (ADD 444), R. 18
(INUMUN.GIN) L[Ú.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 660 SAA 6, 330 (ADD 445), R. 12’
(INUMUN.GIN) [LÚ. mu-kil KUŠ.a-pa-te š]a 671–660 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), R. 20’
DUMU.LUGAL

Charts
Chariot warriors (māru damqu) CHART 10
NAMENAMETITLEDATE
TEXT
LÚ.DUMU.SIG 8th c. ? CTN I, 2 (ND 6230), I:6
DU[MU].MEŠ.[SIG] ša […] 8th c. ? CTN I, 2 (ND 6230), I:12
LÚ.DUMU.SIG5.MEŠ 784 CTN I, 3 (ND 6218), 16
LÚ.DUMU.SIG.MEŠ ša 784 CTN I, 3 (ND 6218), 28
DINGIR.MEŠ-ni
LÚ.DUMU.SIG5.MEŠ 787/765 CTN I, 4 (ND 6212), 11
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.du-na-ni 779 CTN I, 5 (ND 6214), R. 7
LÚ.DUMU.SIG5 8th c. ? CTN I, 6 (ND 6219), 8
DUMU.MEŠ SIG ša DINGIR.MEŠ 8th c. ? CTN I, 6 (ND 6219), 17
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.mu-še-zib-a-te 8th c. ? CTN I, 6 (ND 6219), 15
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.du-na-ni 8th c. ? CTN I, 6 (ND 6219), 16
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.du-n[a-ni] 8th c. ? CTN I, 7 (ND 10046/1), 4
LÚ.DUMU.SIG.[MEŠ] 8th c. ? CTN I, 7 (ND 10046/1), 7
LÚ.A.SIG ša [DINGIR.ME]Š-ni 791 CTN I, 8 (ND 10047), 15
LÚ.A[.SIG ša GIŠ.mu-še]-zib-a[-te] 791 CTN I, 8 (ND 10047), 21
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.du-na-ni 791 CTN I, 8 (ND 10047), 18
LÚ.DUMU.SI[G ša D]INGIR.MEŠ-ni 8th c. ? CTN I, 12 (ND 10055), 7’
LÚ.A.S[IG.M]EŠ ša DINGIR.MEŠ-ni 8th c. ? CTN I, 13 (ND 10027+), 8
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.mu-še-zib.MEŠ 8th c. ? CTN I, 13 (ND 10027+), 9
LÚ.A.SIG.MEŠ š[a …] 8th c. ? CTN I, 13 (ND 10027+), 15
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.du-na-[n]i 8th c. ? CTN I, 13 (ND 10027+), 16
L[Ú.A.SIG.MEŠ ša] DINGIR.MEŠ-ni 789? CTN I, 14 (ND 10031), 14
LÚ.ša GIŠ.mu-še-[zib-a-te] 8th c. ? CTN I, 15 (ND 10056), 2
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.d[u-na-ni] 8th c. ? CTN I, 15 (ND 10056), 6
LÚ.A.SIG.MEŠ ša […] 8th c. ? CTN I, 16 (ND 10033+), 11
LÚ.A.SIG.MEŠ ša GIŠ.m[u-še]-zib-a-te 8th c. ? CTN I, 16 (ND 10033+), 12
LÚ.A.SIG.MEŠ ša DINGIR.MEŠ-ni 8th c. ? CTN I, 16 (ND 10033+), 13
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.du-na-ni 8th c. ? CTN I, 16 (ND 10033+), 16
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.mu-še-zib-a-ti 8th c. ? CTN I, 18 (ND 10052), 4
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.du-na-ni 8th c. ? CTN I, 18 (ND 10052), 6a
LÚ.DUMU.MEŠ SIG5 ša 8th c. ? CTN I, 18 (ND 10052), 5
DINGIR.MEŠ-ni
LÚ.DUMU.[SIG5] 8th c. ? CTN I, 19 (ND 10051), 8
(LÚ.A.SIG) [ša GI]Š.m[u-še-zib-a-ti] 8th c. ? CTN I, 19 (ND 10051), 12
(LÚ.A.SIG) [ša GI]Š.[du-na-ni] 8th c. ? CTN I, 19 (ND 10051), 13
(LÚ.A.SIG) [š]a mu-še-zib-a-[ti] 8th c. ? CTN I, 20 (ND 10053), 7
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.du-na-[ni] 8th c. ? CTN I, 20 (ND 10053), 8’
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.du-na-ni 8th c. ? CTN I, 21 (ND 10054), 7
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GIŠ.mu-še-[zib-a-ti] 8th c. ? CTN I, 24 (ND 10042/4), 1
DUMU.SIG ša DINGIR.MEŠ-ni 8th c. ? CTN I, 33 (ND 6213+), I:9
(LÚ.A.SIG) [ša GIŠ].du-na-ni 8th c. ? Parker 1961, 32 (ND 2489), 14
LÚ.A.SIG ša […] 8th c. ? CTN III, 134 (ND 10060), 1’, 3’
A.SIG DINGIR.MEŠ 8th c. ? CTN III, 123 (ND 10039), 13’
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GI]Š.mu-še-zib-te 8th c. ? CTN III, 123 (ND 10039), 14’
(LÚ.A.SIG) ša GI]Š.m[u-š]e-zib-a-te 784 CTN III, 145 (ND 6218), III:2
[A.SIG] ša DINGIR.MEŠ-ni 8th c. ? CTN III, 137 (ND 10069), 4’
A.SIG ša qur-rub 784 k. CTN III, 119 (ND 10036), 10
LÚ.A.SIG5 MAN? 8th c. ? CTN III, 122 (ND 10033), R. 20’
[ša GIŠ.du]-na-ni 780 k. CTN III, 124 (ND 10031), R. 6
ša GIŠ.d[u-na-ni] 8th c. ? CTN III, 127 (ND 10045/1), 3’
ša GIŠ.[d]u-n[a-ni] 8th c. ? CTN III, 134 (ND 10060), 8’
ša GIŠ.du-na-ni 784 CTN III, 145 (ND 6218), III:4
LÚ.A.SIG5 ? SAA 7, 21 (ADD 835), 4’

CHARTS
A.SIG ? SAA 7, 115 (ADD 953), II:19

LÚ.A.SIG.MEŠ Sargon SAA 1, 11 (ABL 304), 10
LÚ.A.SIG ša É.GAL Sargon SAA 1, 205 (ABL 154), 12
LÚ.A.SIG.MEŠ Sargon SAA 15, 60 (ABL 242), 13
LÚ.A.SIG5 Sargon SAA 5, 215 (ND 2631), 10
LÚ.A.SIG Esarh. SAA 16, 68 (CT 53, 80), 18’
[…] […] LÚ.A.SIG ša DUMU.MAN SAA 11, 132 (ADD 862), 1’
[…] […] LÚ.A.SIG ša DUMU.MAN SAA 11, 132 (ADD 862), 2’
[…] […] LÚ.A.SIG šá GAŠAN É šá Senn. SAA 6, 200 (ADD 337), R. 7’
DUMU.MAN
[…] […] LÚ.DUMU.SIG PC? SAA 14, 56 (ADD 252), R. 8’
Abu-[…] (IAD-[…]) [LÚ].A—SIG-ia Sargon SAA 15, 369 (CT 53, 453), 5’
Adad-abu-uৢur (I10—AD—PAB) A—SIG ša […] Asb. SAA 14, 314 (ADD 600), R. 6’
Adda-taqan (I10—ta-qan) LÚ.A—SIG ša DUMU—LUGAL 649 TSH 47, Rs. 12-13
Aplu-šƝzibanni (IA-še-zib-an-ni) LÚ.A.SIG 684 SAA 6, 177 (ADD 230), R. 5
I
ArbƗia Ár-ba-a-a LÚ.A—SIG5 602 TSH 37, Rs. 18
BƝl-঩arrƗn-issƯa (IEN.KASKAL.KI-ia) LÚ.A.SIG ša GAŠAN É 619 SAA 14, 169 (ADD 50), R. 1
DƗdî-ibnî (IU.U.DÙ) LÚ.A.SIG 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), 10
Duduwa (IDu-du-u-a) LÚ.A.SI[G] ša LÚ.EN.NAM ša 687 SAA 6, 151 (ADD 225), R. 6’-7’
URU.Kal-[‫ې‬a]
Ilu-šumu-ka’’in (IDINGIR.MU-ki-in) LÚ.A.SIG ša LÚ.EN.NAM 658 SAA 14, 60-61 (ADD 48-49), 5-
6, 4-5
LƝ’î-ili? (IZU.DINGIR) rab ki‫܈‬ir ša LÚ.A.SIG ša MÍ.É.GAL Assurb. SAA 14, 7 (ADD 494), R. 7-8
Mannu-kƯ-Arbail (IMan-nu-a-ki-Arba-ìl) ? 680 SAA 6, 221 (ADD 113), R. 3
(IMan-nu-ki-Arba-ìl) LÚ.A.SIG 679 SAA 6, 223 (ADD 83), R. 7
([IMan-nu-ki]-Arba-ìl) [LÚ.A.SIG] 679 SAA 6, 224 (ADD 84), R. 3’-4’
(IMan-nu-ki-URU.Arba-ìl) LÚ.[A.SIG] 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), 8
Marduk-iddina (IdŠÚ.AŠ) LÚ.A.SIG 683 SAA 6, 90 (ADD 447, R. 12
Nabû’a (IdPA-u-a) LÚ.A.SIG 688 SAA 6, 69 (ADD 1213+), 6
Nabû-kƝnu-dugul (IdPA—GIN-du-gul) LÚ.A.SIG 697 SAA 6, 204 (ADD 364), 5
Rama-il (IRa-me—DINGIR) LÚ.A—SIG ša LÚ.EN.NAM Esarh. SAA 16, 136 (ABL 140),
15-Rev. 1
Sîn-balƗssu-iqbî (Id30.TI-su-E) LÚ.A.SIG5 696 SAA 6, 130 (ADD 241), R. 12
Šumma-šarru (IŠum-ma—MAN) LÚ.A—SIG Esarh. SAA 16, 11 (CT 53, 397), 10’
Tudute (ITu-du-te) LÚ.A.SIG ša IdU.GUR.MAŠ 694 SAA 6, 37 (ADD 427), R. 13-14
ZƝru-ukƯn (INUMUN.GIN) LÚ.A.SIG 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), 9

Charts
‘Third men’ (tašlīšu) CHART 11
NAMENAME TITLEDATETEXT
[…] LÚ.3.U5 754 CTN II, 23 (ND 229), R. 25
[…] LÚ.3-šúU5 CTN II, 82 (ND 238), R. 16
[…] […] [LÚ].3-šú A.MAN ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. II:10
[…]-manu […]-ma-nu LÚ.3-šú A.MAN ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:29
[…]-iata’ […i]a-ta-a’ LÚ.3-šú ? SAA 7, 8 (ADD 839), 2
[…]-uৢur […].PAP LÚ.3-šú DUMU.MAN ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:2
[…] […] LÚ.3-šú dan-nu 671–660 SAA 6, 340 (ADD 372), R. 7’
[…] […] LÚ.3-šú 671–660 SAA 6, 340 (ADD 372), R. 10’
[…] […] LÚ.3-šú 666 SAA 6, 314 (ADD 448), R. 28
[…] […] [L]Ú.3-šú šá a-pa.MEŠ Esarh. SAA 6, 285 (ADD 632), R. 8’
[…] […] [L]Ú.3-šú šá a-pa.MEŠ Esarh. SAA 6, 285 (ADD 632), R. 9’
[…] […] LÚ.3-š[ú …] Esarh. SAA 6, 285 (ADD 632), R. 10’
[…]-ta’ […]-ta-a’ LÚ.3-šú Esarh. SAA 6, 205 (ADD 588), R. 2’
[…] […] LÚ.3.U5 AMA.MAN Esarh. SAA 6, 253 (ADD 428), R. 8’
[…] […] LÚ.3-šú šá LÚ.2-u(šanû) (of Senn. SAA 6, 57 (ADD 253), R. 8’
deputy governor)
[…]-’Ɲi […]-’e-e-i LÚ.3.U5-šúša […] Assurb. SAA 14, 7 (ADD 494), R. 9
[…] […] 3-si-šú 671–660 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), R. 16
[…] […] [3-s]i-šú 671–660 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), R. 17
[…]-Ɲreš […KA]M-eš LÚ. 3.[U5] 671–660 SAA 6, 342 (ADD 247), R. 4’
[…]-ili […]-DINGIR LÚ.3-šú 668 SAA 14, 65 (ADD 284), R. 3’
[…] […-DINGIR] [LÚ].3-si 668? SAA 14, 66 (ADD 537), R. 2’
[…] […] LÚ.3-šú Senn. SAA 6, 52 (ADD 246), 1’
[…]-aপu-uৢur […].PAP.PAP LÚ.3-[šú] ša Sae–Ash SAA 6, 86 (ADD 261), R. 15’
Id
30.LUGAL.DINGIR.MEŠ
[…] […] LÚ.[3-šú] ša LÚ.tur-ta-ni Sae–Ash SAA 6, 86 (ADD 261), R. 16’
[…] […] LÚ.3-si 627 SAA 14, 157 (ADD 352), R. 7’
[…]-ilƗ’Ư […]-DINGIR-a-a LÚ.3-šú Asb. SAA 14, 229 (ADD 457), 4’
[…]-Ɨnu-šarru […]-a-nu MAN Asb. SAA 14, 241 (ADD 219), R. 8
[…] […] [L]Ú.3.U5 Asb. SAA 14, 262 (ADD 438), R. 10’
[…] […] [LÚ.3].U5 Asb. SAA 14, 286 (ADD 547+), R. 7’
[…]-u […]-u LÚ-šal-ši-U5-šú Asb. SAA 14, 311 (ADD 592), R. 6’
[…]-Issar […]—d15 LÚ.3.U5 Asb. SAA 14, 315 (ADD 604), R. 3’
[…] […] [LÚ].3-[šú] Asb. SAA 14, 318 (ADD 607), R. 1’
[…] […] [LÚ].3-[šú] (LÚ.ditto) Asb. SAA 14, 318 (ADD 607), R. 2’
[…] […] LÚ.3-šú Asb. SAA 14, 318 (ADD 607), R. 8’
[…]-ilƗ’Ư […]-DINGIR-a-a LÚ.3.U5 A—MAN Asb. SAA 14, 319 (ADD 608), 2’
[…]-BƝlti […]-dGAŠAN LÚ.3.U5 KUR (of the Palace) Asb. SAA 14, 319 (ADD 608), 3’
[…]-šû […]-šú-u LÚ.3-šú šá É.[…] Asb. SAA 14, 324 (ADD 694), 6
[…]-Ɲreš […]-APIN-eš LÚ.3-[šú] Asb. SAA 14, 324 (ADD 694), R. 5’
[…]-uৢur […]-PAB LÚ.3-[šú] Asb. SAA 14, 324 (ADD 694), R. 6’
[…]ibrî […]-ib-ri-e LÚ.3.U5 […] Asb. SAA 14, 419 (Sm 972), R. 3’
[…] […] LÚ.3.[U5] Sargon SAA 5, 141 (CT 53, 131), 5
Abi-ul-idi (IAD-ul-ZU) 3-šú 657 SAA 14, 81 (ADD 618), R. 13
Adad-abu- (Id10.AD.PAP) LÚ.3-šú A.MAN 629 SAA 14, 38 (ADD 711), R. 3’
uৢur
Adad-apla- (I10.A.AŠ) LÚ.3.U5 674 SAA 6, 242 (ADD 800), 3’
iddina
([I10.A.AŠ]) [LÚ.3.U5] 673 SAA 6, 243 (ADD 118), 7
Adad-raপim (I10-ra-hi-mu) LÚ.3.U5 Esarh. SAA 6, 294 (ADD 268), R. 3’
Adad-sanƗni (I10-sa-na-ni) LÚ.3-šú 681 SAA 6, 110 (ADD 231), R. 9
Adad-ৢa’du- LÚ.3.U5 CTN II, 11 (ND 246), Rev. 3’
iddin
Adad-uballi৬ (IdIM.TI.LA) LÚ.3.U5 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), 4

CHARTS
Aপu-lƗ-amašši (IPAP-la-maš-ši) L[Ú.3.U5] 666 SAA 6, 315 (ADD 420), R. 1’

(IPAP-la-maš-ši) LÚ.3.U5 666 SAA 6, 316 (ADD 421), R. 8’
(IPAP-la-maš-ši) LÚ.3-šú DUMU.MAN 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), R. 2
(IPAP-la-maš-ši) LÚ.3-šú 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 16’
(IPAP-la-m[aš-ši]) [LÚ.3.U5] 671–660 SAA 6, 326 (ADD 471), R. 20’
(IPAP-la-maš-ši) LÚ.3-šú 671–660 SAA 6, 332 (ADD 433+), R. 8’
(IPAP-l[a-maš-ši]) [LÚ.3-šú] LÚ.GAL.SAG 671–660 SAA 6, 334 (ADD 429a-c), R. 24’
Aqru (IAq-ru) LÚ.3.U5 Asb. SAA 14, 258 (ADD 396), R. 8’
ArbailƗia (IArba-ìl-a-a) LÚ.3-šú 711 SAA 6, 26 (ADD 5), R. 2
(IArba-ìl-a-a) LÚ.3.U5 Sargon SAA 1, 47 (ABL 100), 8-9, R. 9
(IURU.Arba-ìl-a-a) LÚ.3-šú 695 SAA 6, 36 (ADD 34), 7
Aššur-ilƗ’Ư ([IAN.ŠÁR-DINGIR]-a-a) LÚ.3-šú 682 SAA 6, 192 (ADD 276), R. 2’
(IAš-šur-DINGIR-a-a) ? 666 SAA 6, 313 (ADD 258), R. 2’
(IAš-šur-DINGIR-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR MAN ? SAA 7, 18 (ADD 832), 8’
Aššur-kƝnu- (IAš-šur-GIN.PAP) 3-si-šú 671–660 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), R. 16
uৢur
Aššur-lƝ’î (IAš-šur-ZU) LÚ.3-[šú] 664 SAA 6, 320 (ADD 377), R. 7’
([IAš-šur-ZU]) [LÚ. 3-šú] 664 SAA 6, 321 (ADD 439), […]
Atueপu (IA-tu-e-‫ې‬u) LÚ.3.U5 697 SAA 6, 127 (ADD 179), 5-6
BƗbilƗiu (IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) [LÚ].3.U5 668 SAA 14, 1 (ADD 472), R. 6
BƝl-abu-uৢur (IEN.AD.PAP) LÚ.3-šú […] ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:45
BƝl-aপপƝšu ([IE]N.PAP.MEŠ-šú) LÚ.3-šú AMA.MAN ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:7
BƝl-dƗn (IEN.KALAG-an) LÚ.3.U5 PC SAA 14, 19 (ADD 249), R. 11’
(IEN-da-an) LÚ.3-šú ša LÚ.šá UGU É-a-ni PC SAA 14, 21 (ADD 260), R. 5
BƝl-dǌri (IEN.BÀD) LÚ.3-šú ša a-rit 692 SAA 6, 142 (ADD 324), 4
BƝl-likৢur ([IEN]-lik-sur) LÚ.3-šú ša LÚ.šá UGU É-a-ni 633 SAA 14, 17 (ADD 214), R. 9’
BƝl-šarru-ibnî (IEN.MAN.DÙ) LÚ.3-šú É.GAL 681 SAA 6, 46 (ADD 127), R. 1
Birammâ (IBir-am-ma-a) LÚ.3-si PC? SAA 14, 96 (ADD 476), R. 5’
Bissunu ([IB]i-is-su-nu) LÚ.taš-li-šú 699-694 ZA 78, 82, III:10’
Bǌr-Silâ (IBur-si-la-a) LÚ.3-šú ša DUMU—MAN Esarh. SAA 16, 136 (ABL 140), 11
(Elamite)
DƗdî-ibnî (IU.U.DÙ) LÚ.3.U5 684 SAA 6, 177 (ADD 230), R. 3
DannƗia (IDan-na-a-a) LÚ.3.U5 670 SAA 6, 300 (ADD 202), R. 6’
([IDa]n-na-a-a) LÚ.mu-kil KUŠ.PA.MEŠ 668 SAA 14, 65 (ADD 284), R. 2’
Dǌri (IBÀD-i) LÚ.3.U5 666 SAA 14, 2 (ADD 627), R. 5’
Ɯreš-ilu (IKAM.DINGIR) LÚ.3.U5 ša A.[MAN] Senn. SAA 6, 199 (ADD 273), R. 6’
঩armasa (I‫ۏ‬ar-ma-sa) LÚ.3-šú 692 SAA 6, 142 (ADD 324), R. 13
঩anisiku (I‫ۏ‬a-ni-si-ku) LÚ.3-šú DUMU.MAN ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:8
Il-dalâ (IDINGIR-dàl-a) LÚ.3-si-šú 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), 7
([IDINGIR-dàl-a]) LÚ.3.U5 / LÚ.3-šú 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), 4, BE. 2
([IDI]NGIR-da-la-a) [LÚ].GIŠ.GIGIR ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. I:26
DU8.MEŠ
Ilu-pǌti? (IDINGIR.SAG.KI) 3-šú 678 Parker 1963, BT.118, 14
Kabti-ili (IKab-ti-DINGIR) LÚ.3-šú ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:14
Ketti-ilƗni (IKit-ti-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) LÚ.3-šú 692 SAA 6, 42 (ADD 326), R. 18
Kiৢir-Issar (IKi-‫܈‬ir-15) LÚ.3.U5 ša LÚ.GAL 676 SAA 6, 210 (ADD 330), R. 7-8
KAŠ.LUL
Kudurru (IKu-dúr-ru) LÚ.3-šú ša DUMU—MAN Esarh. SAA 16, 136 (ABL 140), 12-13
(Elamite)
KurrilƗ’Ư (IKur-ri-la-a-a) LÚ.3-šú 711 SAA 6, 26 (ADD 5), R. 3
LƗ-qƝpu LÚ.3.U5 754 CTN II, 23 (ND 229), Rev. 26
LƗ-tega-ana- (ILa-te-ga-ana-d15) LÚ.3.U5 URU.ŠÀ.URU-a-a 619? SAA 14, 169 (ADD 50), 6
Issar
(ILa-te-gi-ana-15) ? 648 SAA 14, 25 (ADD 111), R. 5
([ILa-t]e-gi-15) ? 647 SAA 14, 93 (ADD 63), R. 11

Charts
Mannu-kƗ- (IMan-nu-ka-da) LÚ.3-šú šá A.[MAN] 672 SAA 6, 283 (ADD 425), R. 15’
Adda
Marduk-bƝlu- (IdAMAR.UTU.EN.PAP) [LÚ.3].U5 ša Išá-dPA-su-u(Ša- Esarh. SAA 6, 295 (ADD 71), 4’-5’
uৢur Nabû-šû)
Marduk-šarru- (IdŠÚ.MAN.PAP) LÚ.3-šú KA.KEŠDA(kisir) 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 12
uৢur LUGAL
(IdŠÚ.MAN.PAP) ? PC? SAA 14, 57 (ADD 110), R. 7e
Mašqaru (IMaš-qa-ru) LÚ.3-si-šú 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), 6
([IMaš-qa-ru]) LÚ.3.U5 / LÚ.3-šú 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), 3, BE. 1
Mu-[…] (IMu-[…]) LÚ.taš-li-šú 8th c. ? CTN I, 22 (ND 10061), 3
Murasû (IMu-ra-su-ú) LÚ.3-šú ša LÚ.EN.NAM ša 670 SAA 6, 287 (ADD 625), 4
KUR.La-‫ې‬i-ri
Mušallim- (IMu-DI-Aššur) LÚ.3-šú (DUMU URU.NINA) SAA 11, 222 (ADD 806), R. 5
Aššur
Mušallim- LÚ.3.U5 ša LÚ.GAL.SAG 783 CTN II, 17 (ND 496), L.E. 50
Marduk
Nabû-aপu- (IdPA.PAP.AŠ) LÚ.3-šú DUMU.MAN ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:47
iddina
Nabû- (IdPA.KALAG-in-a-ni) LÚ.3.U5 ša […] 637 TSH 56, li. Rd. 1
da’’inanni
Id
Nabû- ( PA.IGI.LA L-an-<ni>) LÚ.3.U5 671–660 SAA 6, 345 (ADD 322), R. 5’
Ɲmuranni
Nabû-lƝ’Ɨni (IdPA.ZU-a-ni) 3-šú 684 SAA 6, 43 (ADD 19), 9
(IdPA.ZU-a-ni) ? 684 SAA 6, 44 (ADD 20), 6
(IdAG.ZU-a-ni) LÚ.3.U5 684 SAA 6, 177 (ADD 230), R. 1-2
Nabû-sƗkip (IdPA-sa-kib) LÚ.3.U5.MES k-a.(a)-ma-nu- Esarh. SAA 16, 115 (ABL 85), 11-12
te (permanent)
Nabû-šarru- (IdPA.MAN.PAP) LÚ.3-šú ša MÍ.É.GAL 686 SAA 6 164 (ADD 612), R. 11-12
uৢur
(IdPA.MAN.PAP) LÚ.3.U5 666 SAA 14, 2 (ADD 627), R. 10’
Nabû-šƝzib (IdPA-še-zib) LÚ.3.U5 […] 688 SAA 6, 41 (ADD 240), R. 9
Nergal-ibnî (IU.GUR.DÙ) LÚ.3-[šú] 681 SAA 6, 193 (ADD 277), R. 3’
Nergal-šarru- (IU.GUR.MAN.PAP) LÚ.3-[šú] 664 SAA 6, 320 (ADD 377), R. 4’
uৢur
(IU.GUR.MAN.PAP) LÚ.[3-šú] 664 SAA 6, 321 (ADD 439), R. 7’
(IU.GUR.MAN.PAP) LÚ.3-si-šú 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), LE. 1
([IU.GUR.MAN.PAP]) [LÚ.3-šú] 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), LE. 1
(IU.GUR.MAN.PAP) LÚ.3-šú 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 17’
([IU.GUR].MAN.PAP) LÚ.3-[šú] 663 SAA 6, 327 (ADD 611), R. 6’
([IU.GUR.MAN.PAP]) [LÚ.3]-šú dan-nu 671–660 SAA 6, 334 (ADD 429a-c), R. 20’
([IU.GUR.MAN].PAP) LÚ.3-šú dan-nu 671–660 SAA 6, 339 (ADD 408), R. 2’
Nergal-šarru- ([IdMAŠ.MA]Š.M[AN.PAP]) [LÚ.3-šú] 669 SAA 6, 305 (ADD 183+), R. 6
uৢur
([IdMAŠ.MAŠ.MAN.PAP]) [L]Ú.3-šú 669 SAA 6, 306 (ADD 187), R. 5’
(IdMAŠ.MAŠ.MAN.PAP) LÚ.3-šú[dan-nu] 666 SAA 6, 314 (ADD 448), R. 9
(IdMAŠ.MAŠ.MAN.PAP) LÚ.3-si-šú 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), R. 2
(IdMAŠ.MAŠ.MAN.PAP) LÚ.3-šú 664 SAA 6, 324 (ADD 116), R. 4
(IdMAŠ.MAŠ.MAN.PAP) LÚ.3.U5 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 11’
(IdMAŠ.MAŠ.MAN.P[AP]) [LÚ.3.U5] 671–660 SAA 6, 326 (ADD 471), R. 14’
(IdMAŠ.MAŠ.MAN.PAP) LÚ.3-šú 671–660 SAA 6, 332 (ADD 433+), R. 3’
([IdMAŠ].MAŠ.MAN.PAP) LÚ. 3.U5 [dan-nu] 671–660 SAA 6, 342 (ADD 247), R. 3’
([IdMAŠ].MAŠ.MAN.PAP) LÚ.DIB.[KUŠ.PA.MEŠ] 671–660 SAA 6, 349 (ADD 596), R. 2’
(IdMAŠ.MAŠ.MAN.PAP) [LÚ.3.U5] 671–660 SAA 6, 350 (ADD 571), R. 2’
Nergal-šarru- (IU.GUR.MAN.PAP) 3-šú 625 SAA 14, 40 (ADD 325), R. 25
usur
Niপramu (INi-i‫ې‬-ra-mu) LÚ.3-[šúšá A.MAN] 672 SAA 6, 283 (ADD 425), R. 17’
RƝmuttu (IRi-mu-tu) LÚ.3-šú SAA 11, 174 (ADD 882), 1
Rapi’ (IRa-pi-i’) LÚ.3-šú šá É.GAL 670 SAA 6, 287 (ADD 625), R. 9
Riši-ili (IRi-ši—DINGIR) LÚ.3.U5 Esarh. SAA 16, 139 (ABL 425), 7-8
Sa’iru (ISa-e-ru) LÚ.3.[U5] Senn. SAA 6, 199 (ADD 273), R. 3’

CHARTS
(ISa-i-ru) LÚ.3.U5-šú 667 SAA 6, 310 (ADD 185), R. 15’

([ISa]-i-ru) LÚ.3.U5 671–660 SAA 6, 345 (ADD 322), R. 4’
(ISa-’i-ru) LÚ.3-šú ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), I:40
Sagibi (ISa-[gi]-bi) LÚ.3-šú 691/686 TSH 127, Rs. 5
[ISa-gi-b]i LÚ.3-šú ? TSH 159, Rs. 2’
SƝ’-পari (ISe-’e-ha-ri) L[Ú.3.U5] 666 SAA 6, 315 (ADD 420), R. 2’
(ISe-’e-ha-ri) LÚ.3.U5 666 SAA 6, 316 (ADD 421), R. 9’
Silim-[…] (ISi-lim-[…]) LÚ.3-šú ? SAA 7, 10 (ADD 850), II:4’
Sîn-ašarƝd (Id30.MAŠ) LÚ.3-šú dan-nu šá 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), R. 1
DUMU.MAN
(Id30.MAŠ) LÚ.3-šú šá DUMU.MAN 664 SAA 6, 320 (ADD 377), R. 1’
(Id30.MAŠ) LÚ.3-šú [šá DUMU.MAN] 664 SAA 6, 321 (ADD 439), R. 4’
(Id30.MAŠ) LÚ.3.U5 ša A.MAN 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 25’
Sîn-iddina (Id30.AŠ) LÚ.3.U5 742 SAA 6, 1 (ADD 75), R. 11
Sîn-nƗ’id (I30—I) 3-[šú/U5] 622 TSH 2, Rd. 8
Sîn-zƝru-ibnî (Id30.NUMUN.DÙ) 3-šú 684 SAA 6, 43 (ADD 19), 5
(Id30.NUMUN.DÙ) LÚ.3.U5 684 SAA 6, 44 (ADD 20), 4
ৡalam-šarri- (I‫܇‬a-lam-MAN-iq-bi) LÚ.3-šú ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:15
iqbî
(IdNU.MAN-iq-bi) ? 670? SAA 6, 302 (ADD 332), R, 8’
(INU.MAN-iq-bi) ? LÚ.[…] 668? SAA 6, 308 (ADD 1155), R. 11’
(INU.MAN-iq-bi) ? 667 SAA 6, 309 (ADD 200), R. 14’
(INU.LUGAL-iq-bi) ? 666 SAA 6, 317 (ADD 60), 1, 3
Šamaš-nƗৢir (IdUTU.PAP-[ir]) LÚ.3.U5 [GIG]IR.MEŠ SAA 11, 124 (ADD 912), I:6-7
Šamaš-šƝzib (IdUTU-še-zib) LÚ.3.U5 693 SAA 6, 41 (ADD 240), R. 9
(IdUTU-še-zib) LÚ.3.U5 Senn. SAA 6, 53 (ADD 236), R. 5
Šar-Issar (IIM—d15) LÚ.3-šú ša LÚ.šá UGU É-a-ni PC SAA 14, 21 (ADD 260), R. 6
Šarru- (IMAN.IGI.LAL-a-ni) LÚ.3-šú A.MAN ? SAA 7, 6 (ADD 840+), II:8’
Ɲmuranni
(IMAN.IGI.LAL-a-ni) LÚ.3-šú PC SAA 14, 50 (ADD 312), 6’
(IM[AN.IGI.L]AL-a-ni) LÚ.3-si 627 SAA 14, 157 (ADD 352), R. 5’
ŠƝp-Adad (IGÌR.2-10) LÚ.3-šú ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), II:13
Šulmu-bƝli- (IDI-mu-EN-la-mur) LÚ.3.U5 684 SAA 6, 177 (ADD 230), R. 3
lƗmur
(IDI-mu-EN-la-mur) SAA 11, 109 (ADD 708), R. 1
Šulmu-bƝli- ([ID]I-mu-EN-la-áš-(me)) LÚ.3.[U5] Senn. SAA 6, 185 (ADD 506), R. 11
lašme
TabalƗiu (ITab-URU-a-a) LÚ.3-šú šá A.MAN (ditto) 672 SAA 6, 283 (ADD 425), R. 18’
TardƯtu-Aššur (ITar-di-tú-Aš-šur) LÚ.3-šú šá DUMU.MAN 660 SAA 6, 329 (ADD 444), R. 16
(ITar-di-it-Aš-šur) L[Ú.3-šú šá DUMU.MAN] 660 SAA 6, 330 (ADD 445), R. 10’
(ITar-di-tú-Aš-šur) 3-šú 657 SAA 14, 81 (ADD 618), R. 5
Uarbisi ([IÚ-ar-bi-si]) [LÚ.3-šú] 669 SAA 6, 305 (ADD 183+), R. 7
(IÚ-bar-bi-si) LÚ.3-šú 669 SAA 6, 306 (ADD 187), R. 6’
(IÚ-a-ar-bi-is) LÚ.3.U5 667 SAA 6, 310 (ADD 185), R. 4’
(IÚ-bar-bi-si) LÚ.3.U5 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 12’
(IÚ-ar-bi-is) [LÚ.3.U5] 671–660 SAA 6, 326 (ADD 471), R. 15’
(IÚ-bar-bi-si) LÚ.3-si-šú dan-nu 671–660 SAA 6, 335 (ADD 418), R. 14’
([IÚ-ar-b]i-is) LÚ. 3.U5 671–660 SAA 6, 339 (ADD 408), R. 3’
([IÚ-a]r-bi-is) LÚ. 3.[U5] 671–660 SAA 6, 342 (ADD 247), R. 5’
(IÚ-ar-bi-is) [LÚ.3.U5] 671–660 SAA 6, 350 (ADD 571), R. 3’
Uarmeri (IÚ-a-ár-me-ri) LÚ.3-si-šú 664 SAA 6, 323 (ADD 115), R. 3
Ubru-঩arrƗn (ISUHUŠ.KASKAL) LÚ.3.U5 666 SAA 14, 2 (ADD 627), R. 9’
Urad-aপপƝšu (IARAD-PAP.MEŠ-šú) LÚ.3-šú q[ur-bu] ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), R. I:10
Urad-Issar (IARAD-15) 3-šú ? SAA 7, 40 (ZA 73, 238), 250, no. 6
Urdu-Mulissi (IÌR. dNIN.LÍL) 3-šú 665 SAA 14, 72 (ADD 128), R. 6
ZabƗba-erƯba (IZa-ba4-ba4-SU) LÚ.3-[šú] 664 SAA 6, 320 (ADD 377), R. 6’
(IZa-ba4-[ba4-SU]) [LÚ. 3-šú] 664 SAA 6, 321 (ADD 439), R. 9’

Charts
(IZa-ba4-ba4-SU) LÚ.3-šú 663 SAA 6, 325 (ADD 470), R. 16’

(IZa-[ba4-[ba4-SU]) [LÚ.3.U5] 671–660 SAA 6, 326 (ADD 471), R. 21’
(IdZa-ba4-ba4-SU) [LÚ.3-šú] 663 SAA 6, 327 (ADD 611), R. 7’
(IdZa-ba4-ba4-SU) LÚ.DIB KUŠ.PA.MEŠ šá 671–660 SAA 6, 299 (ADD 477), R. 2’
A.MAN
ZƗrǌtî (INUMUN-u-ti) LÚ.3.U5 GIGIR.MEŠ SAA 11, 124 (ADD 912), I:4-5
Abdu-Aguni (IAb-du-dA-gu-u-ni) LÚ.3.U5 2-i(šanî) 697 SAA 6, 127 (ADD 179), R. 5’
Aššur-rƝmanni (IAš-šur-rém-a-ni) LÚ.3-šú 2-u A—MAN PC SAA 14, 53 (ADD 345), R. 6’

CHARTS
Palace chariotry (GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL)

recruitment officers (mušarkisāni) CHART 12A
NAMENAMETITLEUNIT DATE TEXT
[…] […] mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. II:3
[…] […] mušarkisu 108 / 2 – (25?) Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. IV:31
[…] […] mušarkisu 108 / 2 – (25?) Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:2
[…] […] mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 24’
[…] […] mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:14’
[…] […] mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:1’’
[…]-Adad ([I …]-d10) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, .I:12’
[…]-‫ې‬u […]-‫ې‬u mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:13
[…]-mu-DI […]-mu-DI mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:14
[…]-Ɲ৬ir […KA]R-ir mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:15
[…]-MU […]-MU mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:16
[…]-a […]-a mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:20
[…]-uৢur […]-PAP mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:21
[…]-a […]-a mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:22
[…] […] mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:23
[…]-uৢur […]-PAP mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:24
Id
[...]-Ɲreš (Id[…].APIN-eš) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:4’
Adad-abua (I10.AD-u-a) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:18’
Adad-aপu- (IU.PAP.AŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:14
iddina
Adad-iqbî (I10-iq-bi) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:7’

Charts
(I10-i[q-b]i) mušarkisu Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R.I:16

(I10-iq-b[i]) mušarkisu Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R.I:22
[Adad]-iqbî ([I10]-iq-bi) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:16’
É.GAL
Aপi-larame (IPAP-la-ra-me) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:9
AপƯa (IA-‫ې‬i-ia) mušarkisu Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R.I:20
([IA-‫ې‬i-ia]) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:20’
Aia-rƗmu (IdA<-a>-ra-mu) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:19
(IdA-a-ra-mu) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:5
Am-[…]-i (IAm-[…]-i) 3 LÚ.mu-šar-ki-sa-ni Sarg. SAA 19, 166 (ND 2462), 22
Aššur-[…] (IAš-šur-[…]-A) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:28
Aššur-aপu- (IAš-šur-PAP.AŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 20’
iddina
Aššur-nƗৢir (IAš-šur-PAP-ir) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:6
(IAš-šur-PAP-ir) mušarkisu 101 / 13 Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), IV:4’
(IAš-šur-PAP-ir) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:21
(IAš-šur-PAP-ir) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:34
(IAš-šur-PAP-ir) 3 LÚ.mu-šar-ki-sa-ni Sarg. SAA 19, 166 (ND 2462), 22
Aššur- (IAš-šur-rém-a-ni) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:1
rƝmanni
(IAš-šur-rém-a[-ni]) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:27
(IAš-šur-rém-a-ni) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), 13’
BƗbilƗiu (IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:21
(IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) / Tarninu mušarkisu 100 / 7’ Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. III:7’
(IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), 12’
(IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:8-9
BƗbilƗiu (IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) / Arrapপa mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:26
(IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), 16’
(IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:14-15
BƝl-aপপƝ (IEN.PAP.MEŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:24
(IEN.PAP.MEŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:12
BƝl-apkal- (IEN.NUN.ME.DINGIR.MEŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:8
ilƗni
(IEN.NUN.ME.DINGIR.MEŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 19’
(IEN.NUN.ME DINGIR.MEŠ) 3 LÚ.mu-šar-ki-sa-ni Sarg. SAA 19, 166 (ND 2462), 23
Birammâ (IBir-am-ma-a) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), O. 14’
Bisunu (IBi-su-nu) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:18
(IBi-su-ni) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), O. 14’
(IBi-su-ni) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:1
Gabasi (IGa-ba-si) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:2
Gabbaru (IGab-ba-ru) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:10
঩andasƗnu (I‫ۏ‬a-an-da-sa-nu) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 21’
(I[‫ۏ‬a]-an-du-su) ??? 101 / 16 – (5+) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), R. VII:2’
Išmê-ili (II-iš-me-DINGIR) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:8
(II[š-me]-DINGIR) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. II:2
(IIš-[me-DINGIR]) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:36
Kabbi-[…] (IKab-bi-[…]) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:5’
Kakku-Ɲreš (IdTUKUL.APIN-eš) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:14-15
(IdTUKUL.KAM-eš) mušarkisu 102 / Arbela Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:25’
(IdTUKUL.KAM-eš) mušarkisu 102 Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:28’
Kalbu (IKal-bu) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:9’
KinƗte (IKi-na?-te) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:9’
Marduk- (IdŠÚ.SU) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 22’
erƯba
[MƗr]- (I[…]-la-rem) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 23’
larƝm
Mušallim- (IMu-DI-Aš-šur) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:13
Aššur

CHARTS
Nabû-bƝl- (IdPA.EN.MU.MEŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:2
šumƗte
(IdPA.EN.MU.MEŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:17
(IdPA.EN.M[U.M]E) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:30
Nabû-dǌru- (IdPA.BÀD.PAP) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:16’
uৢur
Nabû-erƯba (IdPA.SU) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:20
(IdPA.SU) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:19
Nabû-il (IdPA-il) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:18
Nabû-nƗৢir (IdPA.PAP) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:7
Nabû- (IdPA.MU.PAP) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:25
šumu-uৢur
(IdPA.MU.PAP) mušarkisu 100 / 4 Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. II:17’
Ninurta- (IdMAŠ.AD.PAP) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:4
abu-uৢur
(IdMAŠ.AD.PAP) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:19
(I[dMAŠ].AD.[P]AP) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:32
PƗni-Aššur- (IIGI-Aš-šur-la-mur) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:6
lƗmur
(IIGI-Aš-šur-la-mur) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:17
QƗt-ili- (IŠU.2.DINGIR-gab-bu) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:17
gabbu
(IŠU.2.DINGIR-gab-[b]u) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:4
Salti-ili (ISa-al-ti-DINGIR) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:12
(I[Sa]-al-ti-DINGIR) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:13
Si- (ISi-LAM.TAR ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:10
LAM.TAR
Sîn-dǌri- (I30.BÀD.PAP) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:15
uৢur
([I30.BÀ]D.PAP) mušarkisu Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:12
Sîn-kƝnu- (I30.GIN.PAP) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:22
uৢur
ৡalmu-aপপƝ (I‫܇‬al-mu-PAP.MEŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:7
(INU.PAP.MEŠ-t[i]) mušarkisu 101 / 13 Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), IV:2’
(INU.PAP.MEŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), 15’
Šamaš-aপu- (IdUTU.PAP.PAP) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:11
uৢur
Šamaš-ilƗ’Ư (IdUTU.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:23
(IdUTU.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu 100 / 3’ Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. II:13’
(IdUTU.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:11
Šamaš-iqƯša (IdUTU.BA-šá) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:3
(IdUTU.BA-šá) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:18
(IdUTU.BA-šá) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:31
Šumu-lƝšir (IMU.GIŠ) LÚ.mu-šar-ki-su 734 SAA 6, 19 (ADD 415), 7
(IMU.GIŠ) […] ? SAA 6, 20 (ADD 303), 2’
(IMU.GIŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:7’
(IMU.GIŠ) mušarkisu Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R.I:16
৫Ɨb-šar- (IDÙG.IM-Aš-šur) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:7
Aššur
(IDÙG.IM-Aš-šur) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. II:1
(IDÙG.GA.IM-Aš-šur) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:35
Ubru- (ISU঩UŠ.KASKAL) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:5
঩arrƗn
(ISU঩UŠ.KASKAL) mušarkisu 101 / 13 Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), IV:3’
(ISU঩UŠ.KASKAL) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:20
(ISU঩UŠ.KASKAL) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:33
UlulƗiu (IITI.KIN-a-a) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), 11’
Urdî (IUr-di-i) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:20’
Urkat-ili (IUr-kat-DINGIR) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:12’

Charts
(IUr-k[at-DINGIR]) mušarkisu Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R.I:20

Zazaku (IZa-za-ku) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:16
(I[Za]-za-ku) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:5’
(IZa-[za-k]u) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:3

CHARTS
team commanders (rab urâte) CHART 12B
NAMENAMETITLEUNITDATETEXT
Abâ (IA-ba-a) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:13
Adad-šalme (IdIM-šal-me) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:15
Adda-পatti (IU-‫ې‬at-ti) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:10
AkkadƗia (IURI-a-a) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:1
Aপu-dƗmiq (IPAP.SIG) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:26
Aপu-šu (IPAP-šu) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:14
Aššur-iqbî-aপপƝ (IAš-šur-iq-bi-PAP.ME) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:20
Aššur-šƝzibanni (IAš-šur-še-zib-an-ni) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:21
Atamru (IA-tam-ru) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:4
Atar-raপini (IA-tar-ra-‫ې‬i-ni) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:11
BalƗ৬u-lƗmur (ITI.LA.IGI.LÁ) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:18
BƗl-namপe (IBal-nam-‫ې‬e) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:8
DƝrƗia (IURU.De-ra-a-a) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:16
ErƯba-ilƗni (ISU.DINGIR.MEŠ) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:24
KƝn-Ɲpuš-ili (IGIN-e-pu-uš-DINGIR) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:22
Lǌ-balƗ৬ (ILu-TI.LA) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:7
Malu৬u (IMa-lu-‫ܒ‬u) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:7
Milki-iatâ (IMil-ki-ia-ta-a) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:12
Mušallim-ili (IMu-DI.DINGIR) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:17
Naপiru (INa-‫ې‬i-ru) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:9
Nergal-ilƗ’Ư (IU.GUR.DINGIR-a-a) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:25
(IU.GUR.DINGIR-a-a) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 100 / 4 – (1) Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. II:14’
Nergal-lƗmur (IdURI.GAL.IGI.LÁ) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:8
Sasî (ISa-si-i) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:2
Silim-Adad (ISi-lim-dIM) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:6
Sîn-aপu-iddina (I30.PAP.AŠ) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:23
(I30-PAP.AŠ) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 100 / 3 – (1) Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. II:6’
Šamaš-bƗnî Id
( UTU.DÙ) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:19
Šamaš-ilƗ’Ư (IdUTU.DINGIR-a-a) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:3
৫ƗbnƗiu (IDÙG.GA-na-a-a) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:5

Charts
Provincial units
team commanders (rab urâte) CHART 13
NAMENAMETITLEUN,7DATE TEXT
[…]-aপপƝ (I[…].PAP.MEŠ) rab urâte prov. 1 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:3
[…]-dƗn (I[…-KA]L-an) rab urâte prov. 1 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:2
Aššur- (IAš-šur-LAL-a-ni) rab urâte prov. 1 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:19
taqqianni
Atar-šu(m)ki (IA-tar-šu-ki) rab urâte prov. 1 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:22
BƝl-mƗtu- (I[dE]N.KUR.DIB) rab urâte prov. 1 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:1
iৢbat
KAxŠU?-ma (IKAxŠU?-ma) rab urâte prov. 1 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:20
Salti-ili (ISa-al-t[i-DI]NGIR) rab urâte prov. 1 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:4
SƯû (ISi-iu-u) rab urâte prov. 1 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:21
ৡilli-BƝl- (ISil-EN-I-sa-na) rab urâte prov. 1 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:23
Isana
Šamaš-bƗnî- (IdUTU.DÙ.P[AP.M]EŠ) rab urâte prov. 1 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:5
aপপƝ
(IdUTU.DÙ.PAP.MEŠ) rab urâte 101 / 4 – (1) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:7
I
Adad-imme ( U-im-me) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:9
(IU-im-me) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:15
Atar-ba’di (IA-tar-ba-a-di) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:10
(IA-tar-ba-a’-di) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:21
঩ašana (IHa-šá-na) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:8
(IHa-šá-na) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:20
Iatara (IIa-ta-ra) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:7
(IIa-ta-ru) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:18
Ili-dalâ (IDINGIR-da-la-a) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:11
(IDINGIR-da-la-a) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:16
Ili-kabar (IDINGIR-ka-bar) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:19
([IDINGIR]-ka-bar) rab ki%ir Arrap‹Ɨia Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:10’
Kalbu (IKal-bu) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:8
(IKal-bi-i) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:22
Kaparra (IKa-pár-ra) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:9
(IKa-pa-ra) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:21
Maপdê (IMa‫ې‬-di-e) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:7
([IM]a-a‫ې‬-di-e) rab urâte 101 / 7 – (4+) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:31
(IAm-‫ې‬a-ti-e) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:14
SidqƗia (ISi-id-qa-a-a) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:10
(ISi-id-qa-ia) rab urâte prov. 2 – West Sem. Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:17
Aপi-dikiri (IPAP-di-ki-ri) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:13
(IPAP-di-kír) rab urâte 101 / 2 – (3+) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), I:27
(IPAP-di-ki-ir) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:28
Ameni-ili (IA-me-ni-DINGIR) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:12
(IAm-me-ni-DINGIR) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:26
Aia-turi (IdA-a-tu-ri) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:15
(IdA-a-tu-ri) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:31
Kabti-ili (IKab-ti-DINGIR) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:14
(IKab-ti-i) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:30
Nabû-aপপƝ- (IdPA.PAP.MEŠ-šal-lim) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:13
šallim
(IdPA.PAP.MEŠ.DI) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:27
Nǌri-iapâ (IZÁLAG-ia-pa-a) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:14
(INu-ri-ia-ba-a’) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:29
SalƗia (ISa-la-a-a) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:12
(ISa-li-ia) rab urâte prov. 3 – KaldƗia Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:25

CHARTS
[…] […] rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:34
[…] […] rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:35
Abdi-milku (IAb-di-mil-ku) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:18
(IAb-di-m[il-ku]) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:38
Aপi-idri (IPAP-id-ri) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:18
(IPAP-i[d-ri]) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:37
Aপi-idri (IPAP-id-ri) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:21
Aপi-I(a)u (IPAP-I-ú) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:22
Atamru (IA-tam-ru) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:17
(IA-[tam-ru]) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:36
Baপê (IBa-‫ې‬i-e) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:21
BƝl-dǌri (IEN.BÀD) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:19
(IEN.B[ÀD]) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:39
Dala-aপu (IDa-la-PAP) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:16
Gabbê (IGab-bi-e) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:20
(IGab-[bi-e]) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:41
Iau-gâ (IIa-u-ga-a) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:17
Ibba-dalâ (IIb-ba-da-la-a) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:16
([IIb-b]a-da-la-[a]) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:33
Narmenâ (INa-ar-me-na-a) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:19
(IAr-me-[na-a]) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), III:40
Samâ (ISa-ma-a) rab urâte prov. 4 – Samirni Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:20
[…] […] rab urâte prov. 5 Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), IV:1
Bariki (IBa-ri-ki) rab urâte prov. 5 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:24
(IBa-r[i-ki]) rab urâte prov. 5 Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), IV:4
ErƯba-ili (IS[U].DINGIR) rab urâte prov. 5 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:25
([I]SU.DINGIR) rab urâte 100 / 10 – (3+) Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:2’
Izbu-lƝšir (IIz-bu-GIŠ) rab urâte prov. 5 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:24
(IIz-[bu-GIŠ]) rab urâte prov. 5 Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), IV:5
Ubru-[…] ([I]SU›UŠ- d[…]) rab urâte 100 / 10 – (3+) Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:4’
Zizî (IZi-zi-i) rab urâte prov. 5 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:25
([I]Zi-zi-i) rab urâte 100 / 10 – (3+) Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:3’
id
i
Nabû-šarপi- (IdPA-šar-‫ې‬i-DINGIR) rab urâte prov. 6 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:1
ilƗni
Nergal- (IU.GU[R.MAN.PAP]) rab urâte prov. 6 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:1
šarru-uৢur
(IU.GUR.MAN.PAP) rab urâte prov. 6 Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), IV:12
Sîn-nƗৢir (I30-PAP-ir) rab urâte prov. 6 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:2
Šulmu-bƝli- (IŠùl-mu-EN-la-áš-me) rab urâte prov. 6 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:2
lašme
(ID[I-mu-EN-la-áš-me?]) rab urâte prov. 6 Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), IV:13
i
i
Aššur-bƝlu- (IAš-šur-U.GIN) rab urâte prov. 7 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:4
ukƯn
Nergal-Ɲreš (IIGI.DU.KAM) rab urâte prov. 7 Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:4

Charts
[…] […] rab urâte LÚ.‫ۏ‬a-ma-ta-ia Sarg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), II:1’
Aššur-takkin (IAš-šur-LAL) rab urâte LÚ.‫ۏ‬a-ma-ta-ia Sarg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), II:7’
IsƗ’Ư (II-sa-a-a) rab urâte LÚ.‫ۏ‬a-ma-ta-ia Sarg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), II:5’
Ki-[…]-AŠ (IKi-[…]-AŠ) rab urâte LÚ.‫ۏ‬a-ma-ta-ia Sarg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), II:9’
Kirpi (IKi-ir-pi) rab urâte LÚ.‫ۏ‬a-ma-ta-ia Sarg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), II:6’
KurratƗia (IKUR-ra-ta-a-[…]) rab urâte LÚ.‫ۏ‬a-ma-ta-ia Sarg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), II:4’
Sudusi (ISu-du-si) rab urâte LÚ.‫ۏ‬a-ma-ta-ia Sarg. CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), II:8’

CHARTS
Recruitment officers (mušarkisu) CHART 14
NAMENAMETITLEUNI7'ATE7(;7
[…] […] mušarkisu mu-šar-ki-su 788 Deller – Fadhil 1993, 19 (ND 711),
Rev. 6
[…] […] mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. II:3
[…] […] [LÚ.mu-š]ar-ki-su 784 CTN I, 3 (ND 6218), I:29
[…] […] [LÚ].mu-šar-kis ? SAA 7, 9 (ADD 860), I:8’
[…] […] mušarkisu??? 108 / 2 – (23?) Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. IV:31
[…] […] mušarkisu??? 108 / 2 – (23?) Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:2
[…] […] mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 24’
[…] […] mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:14’
[…] […] mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:1’’
[…] […] mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:1’
[…] […] mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:3’
[…] […] mušarkisu ša LÚ.šag-lú-te Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R. I:10
[…] […] mušarkisu ša LÚ.šag-lú-te Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R. I:12
[…]-a-a […]-a-a (KalপƗiu?) mušarkisu ša pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:30
[…]-a-a […]-a-a (Aপi-ilƗ’Ư) mušarkisu ša pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:31
[…]-Adad ([I …]-d10) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:12’
[…]-mur-ili ([I…]-mur-DINGIR) muš or ru? pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), I:4
[…]-DƗdî ([I…]-Da-di) muš or ru? pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), I:5
[…]-‫ې‬u […]-‫ې‬u mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:13
[…]-mu-DI […]-mu-DI mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:14
[…]-Ɲ৬ir […KA]R-ir mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:15
[…]-MU […]-MU mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:16
[…]-a […]-a mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:20
[…]-uৢur […]-PAP mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:21

Charts
[…]-a […]-a mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:22
[…] […] mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:23
[…]-uৢur […]-PAP mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:24
[…] […] [LÚ.mu-šar]-kis PC? SAA 14, 58 (Bu 91-5-9,154), R. 6’
Id
[...]-Ɲreš (Id[…].APIN-eš) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:4’
[...]-iddina ([…].AS) mušarkisu ša LÚ.šag-lu-te Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R. I:9
[...]-Aššur ([…].Aš-šur) mušarkisu ša LÚ.šag-lu-te Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R. I:11
Abi-lƝšir (IAD.GIŠ) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:4
(IAD.SI.SÁ) mušarkisu ša pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:27
Abu-erƯba (IAD.SU) 4 LÚ.mu-šar-kis.MEŠ-ni 698 SAA 6, 125 (ADD 1179+), R. 8
Abu-lƗmur (IAD……………..) mušarkisu 612 Faist 2007, 115 (VAT 20711), 1
Adad-[…] (I10-[…]) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:13’
Adad-abua (I10.AD-u-a) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:18’
Adad-aপu- (IU.PAP.AŠ) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:14
iddina
Adad-iqbî (I10-iq-bi) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:7’
(I10-i[q-b]i) mušarkisu Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R.I:16
(I10-iq-b[i]) mušarkisu Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R.I:22
[Adad]-iqbî ([I10]-iq-bi) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:16’
Aপi-ilƗ’Ư (IPAP.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:8
(IAD.SI.SÁ) mušarkisu ša pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:27
(IŠEŠ.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu Sarg. SAA 17, 69 (CT 54, 19), 11’, 16’, 21’
Aপi-larame (IPAP-la-ra-me) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:9
Aপi-uqur (IPAP-u-qur) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:15
(IPAP-u-qur) mušarkisu ša pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:38
AপƯa (IA-‫ې‬i-ia) mušarkisu Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R.I:20
([IA-‫ې‬i-ia]) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:20’
Aপu-šamšƯ (IPAP-šam-ši) mušarkisu 779 CTN II, 68 (ND 262), Rev. 6’
Ammi-পƗti (IAm-[‫ې‬a]-ti-i) 3 LÚ.mu-šar-ki-sa-ni Sarg. SAA 19, 166 (ND 2462), Rev. 8
Ambati (IAm-ba-ti-i) mušarkisu Sarg.? SAA 19, 188 (ND 2410), 13’
Aššur-[…] (IAš-šur-[…]-A) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:28
Aššur-aপu- (IAš-šur-PAP.AŠ) mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 20’
iddina
Aššur-nƗৢir (IAš-šur-PAP-ir) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:6
(IAš-šur-PAP-ir) mušarkisu??? 101 / 13 Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), IV:4’
(IAš-šur-PAP-ir) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:21
(IAš-šur-PAP-ir) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:34
(IAš-šur-PAP-ir) 3LÚ.mu-šar-ki-sa-ni Sarg.
Aššur- (IAš-šur-rém-a-ni) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:1
rƝmanni
(IAš-šur-rém-a[-ni]) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:27
(IAš-šur-rém-a-ni) mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), 13’
Aia-rƗmu (IdA<-a>-ra-mu) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:19
(IdA-a-ra-mu) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:5
BƗbilƗiu (IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:21
(IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) / mušarkisu??? 100 / 7’ Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. III:7’
Tarninu
(IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), O. 12’
(IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:8-9
BƗbilƗiu (IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) / mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:26
Arrapপa
(IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), 16’
(IKÁ.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:14-15
BƝl-abu-uৢur (IEN.AD.PAP) mu-KEŠDA Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), I:14

CHARTS
BƝl-aপপƝ (IEN.PAP.MEŠ) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:24
(IEN.PAP.MEŠ) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:12
BƝl-aপu-uৢur (IEN.PAP.PAP) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:11’
BƝl-apkal-ilƗni (IEN.NUN.ME.DINGI mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:8
R.MEŠ)
(IEN.NUN.ME.DINGI mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 19’
R.MEŠ)
(IEN.NUN.ME 3 LÚ.mu-šar-ki-sa-ni Sarg. SAA 19, 166, Rev. 9
DINGIR.MEŠ)
BƝl-bƗnî (IEN.DÙ) mušarkisu LÚ.mu-šar-ki-su Adn Deller – Fadhil 1993, no. 20, Rev. 4
III
BƝl-dǌri (IEN.BÀD) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:17
(IEN.BÀD) mušarkisu??? 100 / 9 Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. III:13’
(IEN.BÀD) mušarkisu ša pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:43
(IEN.BÀD) šaknu ša ma’assi Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R. I:4
BƝl-঩arrƗn- (IEN.KASKAL.KUR- mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:16
šadûa u-a)
(IEN.KASKAL.KUR- mušarkisu ša pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:40
u-a)
(IEN.KASKAL.KUR- mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:13’
u-a)
BibƯa (IBi-bi-ia) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:11
Birammâ (IBir-am-ma-a) mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), 14’
Bisunu (IBi-su-nu) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:18
(IBi-su-ni) mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), 14’
(IBi-su-ni) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:1
Dadâ (IDa-da-a) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:9
Ɯreš-Issar (IAPIN-eš-d15) 4 LÚ.mu-šar-kis.MEŠ-ni 698 SAA 6, 125 (ADD 1179+), R. 7
Gabasi (IGa-ba-si) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:2
Gabbaru (IGab-ba-ru) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:10
঩al-[…] (I঩AL-[…]) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:1’
঩aldû (I‫ۏ‬al-du-u) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:11’
঩almƗnu (I‫ۏ‬al-ma-nu) LÚ.mu-šar-kis Sae– SAA 6, 86 (ADD 261), R. 4’
Ash
঩andasƗnu (I‫ۏ‬a-an-da-sa-nu) mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 21’
(I[‫ۏ‬a]-an-du-su) ??? 101 / 16 – (5+) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), R. VII:2’
঩armaku (I‫ۏ‬ar-ma-ku) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:12
rab ki‫܈‬ir Arrap‫ې‬Ɨia Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:17’
Ilu-issƯa (IDINGIR.KI-ia) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. IV:25
Ilu-rƝmanni (IDINGIR-rém-a-ni) mušarkisu ša pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:41
Išmê-ili (II-iš-me-DINGIR) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:8
(II[š-me]-DINGIR) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. II:2
(IIš-[me-DINGIR]) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:36
Kabbi-[…] (IKab-bi-[…]) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:5’
Kakku-Ɲreš (IdTUKUL.KAM-eš) mušarkisu??? 102 / Arbela Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:25’
(IdTUKUL.APIN-eš) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:14-
15
Kakku-Ɲreš (IdTUKUL.KAM-eš) mušarkisu??? 102 Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:28’
Kalbu (IKal-bu) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+,.I:9’
KalপƗiu (I.URU.Kal-‫ې‬u-a-a) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:7
([I.K]al-‫ې‬a-a-a) muš vagy ru? pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), I:3
KannunƗiu (IITU.AB-a-a) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:3
Ki-[…] (IKi-[…]) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:5’
KinƗte (IKi-na?-te) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:9’
LibbƗli-[…]? (URU.ŠÀ.URU-[…]) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:5’
Mannu-kƯ- ([IMan-n]u-ki- 4 LÚ.mu-šar-kis.MEŠ-ni 698 SAA 6, 125 (ADD 1179+), R. 6
aপপƝ PAP.MEŠ)
Mannu-kƯ- (IMan-[nu—ki]—Arba- LÚ.mu-šár-ki-si 691/86 TSH 127, Rs. 6
Arbail (ìl))

Charts
Marduk-[…] (IdMES-[…]) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:3’
Marduk-Ɲreš (IdAMAR.UTU.APIN- LÚ.mu-[ša]r-k[is] Sae– SAA 6, 86 (ADD 261), R. 3’
eš) Ash
Marduk-erƯba (IdŠÚ.SU) mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 22’
[MƗr]-larƝm (I[…]-la-rem) mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), R. 23’
Mušallim- (IMu-DI-Aš-šur) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:13
Aššur
Nabû-abu-ibnî (IdPA—AD—DÙ) LÚ.mu-šár- 665/62 TSH 126, Rs. 5
kis!
Nabû-bƝl- (IdPA.EN.MU.MEŠ) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:2
šumƗte
(IdPA.EN.MU.MEŠ) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:17
(IdPA.EN.M[U.M]E) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:30
Nabû-dǌru- (IdPA.BÀD.PAP) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, O.I:16’
uৢur
Nabû-erƯba (IdPA.SU) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:20
(IdPA.SU) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:19
Nabû-il (IdPA-il) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:18
Nabû-nƗৢir (IdPA.PAP) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:7
Nabû-šumu- (IdPA.MU.PAP) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:25
uৢur
(IdPA.MU.PAP) mušarkisu??? 100 / 4 Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. II:17’
Nanusu (INa-nu-su) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:7’
(INa-nu-su) mušarkisu??? 102 Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:30’
Nergal-iqbî (IdMAŠ.MAŠ.E) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:9’
Nergal-nƗৢir (IdU.GUR.PAP-ir) 4 LÚ.mu-šar-kis.MEŠ-ni 698 SAA 6, 125 (ADD 1179+), R. 9
Nergal-šarru- (IU.GUR.MAN.PAP) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:6
uৢur
(IU.GUR.MAN.PAP) mušarkisu??? 100 / 6 Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. III:4’
([IU.GUR].MAN.PAP) mušarkisu ša pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:29
(IU.GUR.MAN.PAP) šaknu ša ma’assi Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:16’
NiপdƗ’Ư (INi-ih-da-a-a) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:9’
Ninurta-abu- (IdMAŠ.AD.PAP) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:4
uৢur
(IdMAŠ.AD.PAP) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:19
(I[dMAŠ].AD.[P]AP) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:32
Ninurta-nƗ’id (IdMAŠ.I) mušarkisu??? 101 / 13 Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), IV:5’
PƗni-Aššur- (IIGI-Aš-šur-la-mur) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:6
lƗmur
(IIGI-Aš-šur-la-mur) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:17
Paqiপi (IPa-qi-hi) mušarkisu ša pƝthal qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:2
Pišarmu (IPi-ša-ar-mu) LÚ.mu-šar-kis ša LÚ.GAR.<KUR> 695 SAA 6, 36 (ADD 34), R. 2-3
QƗt-ili-gabbu (IŠU.2.DINGIR-gab- mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:17
bu)
(IŠU.2.DINGIR-gab- mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:4
[b]u)
RƝmanni- (IRém-ni-10) LÚ.mu-šar-kis Sarg. SAA 1, 191 (ABL 132), R. 12-13
Adad
Salti-ili (ISa-al-ti-DINGIR) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:12
(I[Sa]-al-ti-DINGIR) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:13
Sasî (ISa-si-i) mu-KEŠDA Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), I:15
(ISa-si-i) mušarkisu ša pƝthal qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:13
Sil-[…] (ISil-[…]) mušarkisu ša pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:36
Si-LAM.TAR (ISi-LAM.TAR ) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:10
Sîn-aপপƝ (I30.PAP.MEŠ) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:5
(I30.PAP.MEŠ) mušarkisu ša pét-‫ې‬al qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:28
Sîn-dǌri-uৢur (I30.BÀD.PAP) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:15
([I30.BÀ]D.PAP) mušarkisu??? Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:12
Sîn-ilƗ’Ư (Id30.DINGIR-a-a) LÚ.mu-šar-kis 641 SAA 14, 15 (ADD 105), R. 9

CHARTS
Sîn-kƝnu-uৢur (I30.GIN.PAP) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:22
Sîn-mutaqqin (Id30.LAL-in) LÚ.mu-[…] Senn. SAA 6, 199 (ADD 273), R. 9’
Sîn-nƗ’id (I30.I) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:14
(I30.I) mušarkisu??? 100 / 8 Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. III:10’
(I30.I) qurbǌtu (qur-bu-tú) ? Iraq 23, 46, ND 2732, R. 10
ৡalmu-aপপƝ (I‫܇‬al-mu-PAP.MEŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:7
(INU.PAP.MEŠ-t[i]) mušarkisu 101 / 13 Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), IV:2’
(INU.PAP.MEŠ) mušarkisu GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), 15’
Šamaš-[…] (IdUTU-[…]) mušarkisu Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R.I:18
Šamaš-aপu- (IdUTU.PAP.PAP) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:11
uৢur
Šamaš-ilƗ’Ư (IdUTU.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:23
(IdUTU.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu??? 100 / 3’ Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. II:13’
(IdUTU.DINGIR-a-a) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:11
Šamaš-iqƯša (IdUTU.BA-šá) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:3
(IdUTU.BA-šá) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:18
(IdUTU.BA-šá) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:31
Šarru-aপu?- (IMAN.PAP.[…]) mušarkisu??? 100 / 5’ Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. III:2’
[…]
Šarru-lǌ-dƗrî (IMAN-lu-dà-ri) mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:10
ŠƝpƝ-šarri (IGÌR.2.MAN) mušarkisu??? 102 Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:28’
Šulmu-[…] (IŠùl-mu-[…]) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR qur-ub-tú Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. IV:27
Šumma-ilu (IŠum-mu—DINGIR) LÚ.mu-šar-kis Esarh. SAA 16, 105 (ABL 186), 10
Šumu-lƝšir (IMU.GIŠ) LÚ.mu-šar-ki-su 734 SAA 6, 19 (ADD 415), 7
(IMU.GIŠ) […] ? SAA 6, 20 (ADD 303), 2’
(IMU.GIŠ) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:7’
(IMU.GIŠ) mušarkisu Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R.I:16
ৡƗbu-damqu (IERÍN.MEŠ.SIG5) mušarkisu 797 CTN II, 51 (ND 263), 10
৫Ɨb-šar-Aššur (IDÙG.IM-Aš-šur) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:7
(IDÙG.IM-Aš-šur) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. II:1
(IDÙG.GA.IM-Aš-šur) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:35
Tutî (ITu-t[i-i]) [LÚ.mu]-šár-kis Sarg. SAA 5, 251 (ABL 567+), R. 5
Ubru-঩arrƗn (ISU঩UŠ.KASKAL) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:5
(ISU঩UŠ.KASKAL) mušarkisu??? 101 / 13 Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), IV:3’
(ISU঩UŠ.KASKAL) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:20
(ISU঩UŠ.KASKAL) mušarkisu??? ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:33
Ubru-LibbƗli (SU঩UŠ mušarkisu ša pƝt‫ې‬alli Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, II:7’
URU.ŠÀ.URU)
(SU঩UŠ mušarkisu??? 102 Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:30’
URU.ŠÀ.URU)
UlulƗiu (IITI.KIN-a-a) mušarkisu??? GIŠ.GI[GIR …] Sarg. SAA 11, 126 (ADD 855), 11’
Urdî (IUr-di-i) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:20’
Urdu-NanƗia (IARAD-dNa-na-a) LÚ.mu-šar-kis-ia Esarh. Grayson – Novotny 2012, 9 ii’:9’
Urkat-ili (IUr-kat-DINGIR) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:12’
(IUr-k[at-DINGIR]) mušarkisu Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, R.I:20
Zazaku (IZa-za-ku) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. III:16
(I[Za]-za-ku) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. Parker 1961, 22, ND 2386+, I:5’
(IZa-[za-k]u) mušarkisu ša GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL Sarg. CTN III, 103 (ND 10001), R. I:3

Charts
Team commanders (rab urâte) of the stabble officers CHART 15
NAME NAME TITLE UNIT DATE TEXT

[…] […] rab urâte 108 / 3 – (6) Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:38
I
[…] GI[Š?…] rab urâte 108 / 3 – (6) Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:42
[…]-a-ki-ibnî ([I…]-a-ki-DÙ) rab urâte 108A / 3 – (8) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), R.I’:3’
[…] ([I…].MEŠ) rab urâte 108A / 3 – (8) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), R.I’:4’
[…] […] rab urâte 108A / 3 – (8) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), R.I’:5’
[…] […] rab urâte 108A / 3 – (8) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), R.I’:6’
[…]-iš-[…] ([I…]-iš-[…]) rab urâte 108A / 3 – (8) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), R.I’:9’
[…].EN.KAL […].EN.KAL rab urâte 102 / 1 – (4) Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), I:2’
[…].ME.MU.GIŠ.M […].ME.MU.GIŠ. rab urâte 102 / 1 – (4) Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), I:3’
EŠ MEŠ
[…]-Ɨlik-pƗni […]-a-lik-pa-ni rab urâte 102 / 1 – (4) Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), I:3’
Abu-erƯba (IAD.SU) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:24
(IAD.SU) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 (13) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:15
(IAD.SU) rab urâte 108A / 3 – (8) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), R.I’:8’
Aপi-ilƗ’Ư (IPAP.DINGIR-a-a) LÚ.GAL.GAL pƝt‫ې‬al qurubte Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), I:8
(IPAP.DINGIR-a-a) rab urâte 101 / 10 – (4) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), III:11
Aপu-lƗ-amašši (IPAP-la-maš-ši) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:14
Aপu-lƗmur (IPAP-la-mur) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:20
Aplu-Ɲreš (IA.KAM) rab urâte 101 / 9 – (5) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), III:2
Aplu-uৢur (IA.PAP) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:24
Aššur-bƗnî-aপপƝ (IAš-šur- rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:10
DÙ.PAP.MEŠ)
Aššur-nƗ’id (IAš-šur-I) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:19
([IAš-š]ur-I) rab urâte 102 / 1 – (4) Sarg. CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), I:3’
Aššur-nƗৢir (IAš-šur-PAP-ir) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:15
(IAš-šur-PAP-[ir]) rab urâte 108A / 3 – (8) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), R.I’:7’
Aššur-rƝmanni (IAš-šur-rém-ni) rab urâte 101 / 9 – (5) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), III:5
Baপî (IBa-‫ې‬i-i) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:20
BƝl-iqbî (IEN-iq-bi) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:15
(IEN-iq-bi) rab urâte 101 / 9 – (5) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), III:6
BƝl-iqišƗni (IEN.BA-šá-a-ni) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:24
Dakuপu-aপপƝ-erƯba (IDa-ku-‫ې‬u- rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:23
PAP.MEŠ.SU)
঩abusu (I‫ۏ‬a-bu-su) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:18
঩idatƗnu (I‫ۏ‬i-da-ta-a-nu) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:17
Iddin-aপi (IAŠ.PAP) rab urâte 101 / 10 – (4) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), III:10
Kakî (IKa-ki-i) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:19
Kakku-aplu-uৢur (IdTUKUL.A.PAP) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:13
KaldƗiu (IKal-da-a-a) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:17
KƝni (IGIN-i) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:13
KudƗiu (IKu-da-a-a) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:9
Kur’e-Ɲreš (IKur-‘e-e-APIN-eš) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:11
(IKur-‘[e-APIN-e]š?) rab urâte 100 / 2 – (4) Sarg. CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. II:2’
(IKur-‘i-i-A[PIN]) rab urâte 101 / 8 – (5) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), III:2
Mannu-iddina-aপপƝ (IMan-nu-SUM-na- rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:23
PAP.MEŠ)
(IMan-nu- rab urâte 101 / 9 – (5) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), III:7
SUM.PAP.MEŠ)
Mannu-kƯ-aপপƝ (IMan-nu-GIM- rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:10
PAP.MEŠ)

CHARTS
Mannu-kƯ-Aššur (IMan-nu-GIM-Aš-šur) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:10
Nergal-atkala (IU.GUR-at-ka-la) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:14
Pǌlu (IPu-u-lu) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:18
Sa-[…]-’i (ISa-[…]-’i ) rab urâte 101 / 10 – (4) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), III:13
ৡƗbu-damqu (IÉRIN.MEŠ.SIG) rab urâte 101 / 9 – (5) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), III:8
(IÉRIN.MEŠ.SIG) rab urâte 108 / 3 – (6) Sarg. CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), R. V:43
ৡilli-BƝl-Tue (Iৡil-EN-uruTú-e) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:21
Šamaš-bƗnî (IdUTU.DÙ) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:21
Šamaš-ৢabtanni (IUTU.DIB-ni) rab urâte 101 / 10 – (4) Sarg. CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), III:12
Ubru-aপপƝ (ISU঩UŠ.[P]A[P.MEŠ]) rab urâte 108A / 3 – (8) Sarg. CTN III, 108A (ND 9911), R.I’:10’
Ubru-Issar (ISU঩UŠ.15) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:11
Ubru-Nergal (ISU঩UŠ.U.GUR) rab urâte šaknǌte ša ma’assi Sarg. CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:9

Charts
Team commanders (rab urâte) of other, unidentified units

Nimrud Horse Lists CHART 16A
NAME NAME TITLE UNIT DATE TEXT

[…] I
[…] rab urâte ? 100 / 1 – (6) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R.I:4’
[…] […] rab urâte ? 100 / 1 – (6) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R.I:6’
[…] […] rab urâte ? 102 / 2 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:1’
[…] I
[…] rab urâte ? 102 / 2 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:4’
[…] Id
[…] Id
[…] I
[…] […] rab urâte ? 102 / 4 – (5+2?) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:24’
[…] […] rab urâte ? 102 / 4 – (5+2?) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:25’
[…] […] rab urâte ? 107 / 2 – (17) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), II:1’
[…] I
[…] rab urâte ? 107 / 2 – (17) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), II:13’
[…] I
[…] I
[…] I
[…] rab urâte ? 107 / 3 – (6+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), II:19’
[…] I
[…] I
[…] I
[…] I
[…] I
[…] […] rab urâte ? 100 / 11 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:8’
[…] ([I…]-A-BA?) rab urâte ? 100 / 11 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:7’
[…]-erƯba ([I…]-MEŠ.SU) rab urâte ? 100 / 11 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:12’
[…]-ir ([I…]-ir) rab urâte ? 100 / 11 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:13’
[…]-lƗmur ([I…]-la-mur) rab urâte ? 100 / 11 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:9’
[…]-TAR ([I…]-TAR) rab urâte ? 100 / 11 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:14’
[…]-bƝl-ilƗni ([I…E]N-DINGIR.MEŠ) rab urâte ? 100 / 12 – (4) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:20’
[…]-kiৢru ([I…]-KÀD-ru) rab urâte ? 100 / 12 – (4) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:19’
[…]-raru ([I…]-ra-ru) rab urâte ? 100 / 12 – (4) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:18’
[…]-upaqa ([I…]-ú-pa-qa) rab urâte ? 100 / 12 – (4) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:21’
[…]-nƗiu ([I…]-na-a-a) rab urâte ? 101 / 2 – (3+) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:28
[…]-naru ([I…-n]a-ru) rab urâte ? 101 / 2 – (3+) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:29
[…]-Ɨiu (I[…]-a-a) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:22
[…]-iqbî (Id[…i]q-bi) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:23

CHARTS
[…]-pƗnu ([I…]-pa-a-nu) rab urâte ? 108 / 1 – (6+) Sargon CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), I:15
[…]-šu ([I…]-šú) rab urâte ? 108 / 1 – (6+) Sargon CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), I:17
[…]-i ([I…]-i) rab urâte ? 108 / 1 – (6+) Sargon CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), I:18
I
Adad-[…] U.[…] rab urâte ? 102 / 2 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:5’
Adad-bƝlu-uৢur (IU.U.PAP) rab urâte ? 100 / 11 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:11’
Aপi-dǌri (IPAP.BÀD) rab urâte ? 101 / 1 – (6) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:20
Aপi-dǌri (IPAP.BÀD) rab urâte ? 101 / 3 – (4) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. II:3
Aপi-Ɲreš ([I]PAP.KAM) rab urâte ? 101 / 7 – (4+) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:30
Aপišu (IPAP-šú) rab urâte ? 107 / 2 – (17) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), II:16’
AkkadƗia ([IU]RI-a-a) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:25’
(IURI-a-a) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:17
([IU]RI-a-a) rab urâte ? GIŠ.GIGIR Sargon CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), R. IV:1
É.GAL
(IURI-a-a) LÚ.GIŠ.GIGIR Sargon KAV 131, 10
Alra-[…] (IAl-ra-[…]) rab urâte ? 101 / 3 – (4) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. II:5
AplƗ’Ư (IA-ia) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sargon CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:9
(IDUMU.U[Š-]a-a) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:19
(IA[?]-ia) rab urâte ? 107 / 1 – (11+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:22’
Aššur-ašarƝdu (IAš-šur-SAG.KAL) rab urâte ? 107 / 1 – (11+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:23’
Aššur-mƗtu- (IAš-šur-KUR.LAL) rab urâte ? 100 / 11 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:6’
taqqin
Aššur-šarru-[…] (IAš-šur-MAN-[…]) rab urâte ? 101 / 5 – (3) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. II:11
Aia-sidqi (IdA-a-si-id-qi) rab urâte ? 101 / 1 – (6) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:22
BƝl-dǌri (IEN.BÀD) rab urâte ? 100 / 11 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. IV:10’
BƝl-঩arrƗn- (IEN.KASKAL.MAN.PAP) rab urâte ? 107 / 1 – (11+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:24’
šarru-uৢur
BƝl-lƗmur (IEN-la-[mur?]) rab urâte ? 102 / 3 – (10) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:10’
BƝl-napišti-[…] (IEN.ZI?.[…]) rab urâte ? 102 / 3 – (10) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:11’
BƝl-šarru-uৢur (IEN.MAN.PAP) rab urâte ? 107 / 1 – (11+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:17’
BƝl-šumu-[…] (IEN.M[U?…]) rab urâte ? 102 / 2 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:8’
Bi-[…] (IBi-[…]) rab urâte ? 102 / 4 – (5+2?) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:23’
Ezî ([I]E-zi-i) rab urâte ? 108 / 1 – (6+) Sargon CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), I:14
Ezî šanû ([IE-z]i-i 2-u) rab urâte ? 108 / 1 – (6+) Sargon CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), I:16
Gu-[…] (IGu-[…]) rab urâte ? 102 / 3 – (10) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:12’
Ili-idri (IDINGIR-id-ri) rab urâte ? 101 / 3 – (4) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. II:4
Issar-aplu-iddina (I15.A.AŠ) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:18
Issar-iqƯša (I15[.B]A-šá) rab urâte ? 100 / 8 – (1) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. III:5’
Kidinnu-Šamaš ([I]Ki-din-nu-dŠá-maš) rab urâte ? 108 / 1 – (6+) Sargon CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), I:13
Kiৢir-Aššur (IKÀD-[Aš-š]ur) rab urâte ? 107 / 2 – (17) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), II:17’
(IKi-‫܈‬ir-Aš-šur) rab ki‫܈‬ir (of šaknu of Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:17
ta‫ې‬lƯpu
charioteers)
Kiৢir-Issar (IKi-‫܈‬ir-15) rab urâte ? 107 / 1 – (11+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:25’
Ku-[…] (IKu-[…]) rab urâte ? 102 / 4 – Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:22’
(5+2?)
Luti’i (ILu-ti-‘i) rab urâte ? 101 / 5 – (3) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. II:10
Mannî (IMan-ni-i) rab urâte ? 101 / 17 – (2+) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), R. VII:8’
Mu[šƝzib]- (IMu-[še-zib-d]ŠÚ) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:20
Marduk?
MušƝzib-Marduk (IMu-še-zib-dŠÚ) rab urâte ? 101 / 5 – (3) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. II:9
Nabî (INa-bi-e) rab urâte ? 101 / 3 – (4) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. II:2
Nabû-šƝzib (IdPA-še-zib) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:16
Nabû-šumu- (IdPA.MU.GIŠ) rab urâte ? 107 / 1 – (11+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:19’
lƝšir
Nabû-ubrƯa-kƝni (IdPA.SUHUŠ-ia-GIN) rab urâte ? 107 / 1 – (11+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:21’
Nannî (INa-an-ni-i) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sargon CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:13’
(I[Na-an]-ni-i) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:26

Charts
Nergal-[…]-uৢur (IU.GUR.[…].PAP) rab urâte ? 100 / 2 – (4) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. II:3’
Ninurta-[…] (IdMA[Š?…]) rab urâte ? 102 / 4 – (5+2?) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:21’
Ninurta-issƯa (Id[MA]Š?-K[I]-a?]) rab urâte ? 100 / 1 – (6) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R.I:3’
NuপšƗia (I঩É.NUN-a-a) rab urâte ? 101 / 1 – (6) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:25
(I঩É.NUN-a-[a]) rab urâte ? 107 / 1 – (11+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:16’
Qurdi-ilƗni (IQur-di-DINGIR.MEŠ-ni) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArmƗia Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), II:20’
(IQur-di-DINGIR.[MEŠ-ni?]) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:14
Qurdi-Ištar-lƗmur (IQur-di-15.IGI) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), III:18’
rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sargon CTN III, 110 (ND 10024), III:10’
(IQur-di-d15.IGI) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:25
RƝmtu (IRém-tú) rab urâte ? 100 / 7 – (1) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. III:5’
Saparšu (ISa-par-šú) rab urâte ? 101 / 1 – (6) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:24
Šamaš-[…] (IdU[TU…]) rab urâte ? 102 / 3 – (10) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:13’
Šamaš-deni-Ɨmur (IdUTU-de-ni-a-mur) rab urâte ? 107 / 1 – (11+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:20’
Šamaš-nƗ’id (IdUTU.I) rab urâte ? 101 / 1 – (6) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:23
(IdUTU.I) LÚ.GAL.GAL ? provincial unit 1 Sargon CTN III, 99 (ND 10002), II:3
(IdUTU.I) LÚ.GAL.GAL ? provincial unit 1 Sargon CTN III, 104, A.II:8’
Šamaš-pƯa-uৢur (I[d]UTU.KA.PAP) rab urâte ? 107 / 1 – (11+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:18’
Šarru-[…] (IMAN-[…]) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:21
Šarru-Sîn (ILUGAL.30) rab urâte ? 101 / 1 – (6) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), O. I:21
৫Ɨb-[…]-Ezida (IDÙG.GA.[…].É.ZI.DA) rab urâte ? 107 / 1 – (11+) Sargon CTN III, 107 (ND 10016), I:26’
Ubru-aপপƝ (ISU঩UŠ.PAP.MEŠ) rab ki‫܈‬ir ArbailƗia Sargon CTN III, 108 (ND 9910+), II:18
(ISU঩UŠ.PAP.MEŠ) LÚ.GAL ú-rat 101 / 6 – (13) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:24
Ubru-Aššur ([I]SU঩UŠ-Aš-šur) rab urâte ? 101 / 7 – (4+) Sargon CTN III, 101 (ND 10004), II:29
Ubru-Šamaš (I[SU]঩UŠ.dUTU?) rab urâte ? 100 / 1 – (6) Sargon CTN III, 100 (ND 10003), R. I:5’
I
Urdu-[…] ÌR.[…] rab urâte ? 102 / 2 – (9) Sargon CTN III, 102 (ND 10019), IV:6a’
Other sources CHART 16B

NAMENAMETITLEDATE7EXT
[…] […] LÚ.GAL ú-[rat] ? SAA 7, 5 (ADD 857), R. II:15
Atar-ili (IA-tar-DINGIR) LÚ.GAL—ú-rat 666 SAA 14, 2 (ADD 627), 1
Nabû-danninanni (IdPA.KAL-in-a-ni) LÚ.GAL u-rat šá GAL.SAG PC CTN III, 12 (ND 7010), 5
Qurdi-Adad ([IQur-d]i-dIM) GAL ú-rat 692 SAA 6, 65 (ADD 440), R. 8’
Qurdi-Adad (IQur-di-10) GAL ú-ra-te 618 SAA 14, 32 )ADD 151), R. 7

BOOTY AND TRIBUTE CAPTURED – ASSYRIAN ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS CHART 17
CHARTS
Tiglath-Pileser I (1114—1076 B.C.)

Year Territory Metals Livestock Military equipment
Precious Iron Bronze sheep cattle horses
GRAYSON 1991, A.0.87.1,
ii:16-35 Katmuপu gold, silver 180 copper kettles, 5 bronze
Kili-Tešub bath-tubs
ii:36-57 Urratinaš, Šadi-Tešub 60 copper kettles, bronze vats, sheep cattle
and large bronze bath-tubs,
AssyrianArmy_II_Charts209oldaltol_:press
iii:103-iv:1 Murattaš, Saradauš, Lower 120 copper kettles, 30 talents 120 chariots, harnessed
Zab of copper bars, horses
iv:23 ঩abপu, Papপû
iv:94-95, 23 kings of the lands Nairi 2,000 cattle herds of horses, mules, 120 of their chariots
v:5-6, v:19 donkeys; 1,200 horses with equipment
v:40-41 Milidia of the land ঩anigalbat one homer of lead ore
2016.05.18.
23-24 Lullumu
35-36 QumƗnu
14-15 Nairi, Tummu, DaiƝnu, teams of horses in
13:39
঩imua, Paiteru harness

24-30 Mount Lebanon, Amurrû,
Arvad, Byblos, Sidon, ঩atti

Aššur-dƗn II (934—912 B.C.)
Year Territory Metals Animals Military equipment
Page 266

GRAYSON 1991, A.0.98
1, 13-14 Ekal-pƯ-nƗri [... herds] (and) flocks
without number.
1, 21 Ruqaপu, River ZƗb herds, (and)] flocks
1, 58 Mount Kirriuru, Suপu, [...],
Simerra, Lu[...],
2, 5’ herds, (and) flocks]
Adad-nƝrƗrƯ II (911—891 B.C.)
Year Territory Metals Animals Military equipment Other
GRAYSON 1991, A.0.99
1, 15-17 911 QumƗnu herds (and) flocks booty, possessions, property
1, Rev. 3’-5’ 910- Tigris, 40 cities herds (and) flocks booty, possessions, property
909
1, Rev. 9’ 909 ঩abপu, BƗzu, booty (and) possessions
Sarbaliu, Didualu,
River Rǌru Meপru
2, 43-44 900 ঩anigalbat, Nasipanu, I reaped the harvest of his laND
Saraku
2, 58-59 898 ঩anigalbat, Temannu, horses chariots precious stone of the mountain
Arameans, Gidara
Raqammatu
2, 68-73 896 ঩anigalbat, Temannu, gold, a gold chariots with teams of extensive property of his palace.
Nasibina, throne, polished [horses], ..., a staff, his
gold dishes battle-gear, weapons, ...
arrows,
2016.05.18.
2, 87-88 896 Temannu, Sikkur, herds, flocks possessions, property

SappƗnu,
2, 93 895 Kummu, ঩abপu I reaped the harvest of his land
13:39
2, 96 894 Kummu, ঩abপu teams of

horses.
2, 103-104 894 ঩anigalbat, ঩Ɨbur, silver, gold, the teams of numerous chariots
GuzƗnu, BƯt-BaপiƗni, property of his horses
SikƗnu palace
2, 107 894 Šadikannu gold chariots tribute, tax
Page 267
2, 110 894 Qatnu, AmƯl-Adad oxen horses chariots, wagons property of his palace
2, 117-118 894 Sirqu, Mudadda, the oxen agalu- tribute, tax, the property of his
Laqû donkeys palace

Charts
TukultƯ-Ninurta II (890—884 B.C.)
Year Territory Metals Food rations Animals Military Other
CHARTS
equipment
GRAYSON 1991, A.0.100.5,
5-8 Nairi?, Balasi his property, possessions,
herds booty, extensive
[treasure of] his palace,
9-10 ? silver, gold property, [... were
brought] to me.
16-18, 885 Nairi, Subnat, M. iron bronze, tin grain (and) horses, mules pots
20-22 Kašiiari, straw of his

P[a]tiškun, BƯt- land,
ZamƗni
69-73 884 Suপu, Ili-ibnî 3 talents of 18 tin bars, a bronze bath- bread, (and) sheep oxen
governor of the silver, 20 minas tub beer
land Suপu of gold
76-79 884 ঩indƗnu, 10 minas of 2 talents of tin, 60 bronze ..., 14 ducks, bread, 200 50 oxen, 30 one talent of myrrh
2016.05.18.
Amme-alaba liqtu-gold, 10 10 minas of antimony beer, straw, sheep, dromedaries,

minas of silver preparation, 8 minas of (and) fodder 30 asses
antimony mineral,
85-86 884 AqarbƗnu, bread, beer, 200 30 oxen
13:39
Mudadda, the grain, straw sheep

Laqû
86-87 884 Supru, ঩amatƗi- bread, beer, 200 50 oxen

ia, the Laqû grain, straw sheep
88 884 Arbatu, ঩arƗnu, bread, beer, 200 30 oxen
Page 268
the Laqû grain, straw sheep,

90-92 884 Mudadda of the 3 minas of gold, [N] talents of tin, 40 bronze 20 birds, bread, [N] [N] 20 asses
city Sirqu 7 minas of casseroles beer, grain, hundred hundred
refined silver straw, (and) sheep and 40
fodder oxen
93-94 884 Sirqu, ঩arƗnu, 3 minas of gold, 30 bronze casseroles, 500 100 and 20 asses
the Laqû 10 minas of 6 talents of tin sheep [N] oxen
silver
98-101 884 Sǌru of BƯt- 20 minas of 2 32 talents of tin, 130 talents [N] ducks 1,200 100 oxen
঩alupê, gold, 20 minas talents of bronze, 100 bronze sheep
঩amatƗiia, (the) of silver of utensils, 1 tub, 1(?) talent
Laqû iron of …, 4 minas of antimony
preparation
equipment
102- 884 Usalâ bread, beer, 200 30 oxen
103 grain, (and) sheep
straw
104- 884 Dǌr-Katlimmu, refined silver, N] [N] talents of antimony sheep oxen horses 100 iron
108 … of the land 10 talents of talents [preparation] daggers
Laqû silver, 14 minas of
of [...] iron
109- 884 Qatnu 11 talents of tin, 50 bronze 100 ducks (and)
111 utensils geese, bread,
beer, grain,
straw
113- 884 Šadikannu 3 minas [of ...], bronze ...,

114 one tub of silver
123- 884 Mušku, PƯru [I cut down] the sheep oxen their possessions
125 harvest of [their]
gardens
2016.05.18.
13:39
Page 269

Charts
Ashurnasirpal II (883—859 B.C.)
CHARTS
equipment
GRAYSON 1991, A.0.101.1,
i:48 883 Tummu, Libê oxen possessions
i:55-56 883 Tummu silver, gold tin, bronze, (and) wine sheep oxen horses, mules I imposed upon them
bronze casseroles corvée.
i:57-58 883 Gi1zƗnu, silver, gold tin, bronze, (and) horses
঩ubušku bronze casseroles
i:67 883 Mount Kirruru tribute, tax, and corvée.
i:74 883 Katmuপu, bronze casseroles wine sheep oxen

Mušku
i:78-79 883 Šadikannu, silver, gold tin, bronze
Qatnu casseroles
i:83-88 883 Sǌru, which silver, gold iron bronze, tin, bronze sheep oxen teams of horses harnessed possessions, property,
belongs to BƯt- casseroles, bronze chariot, the valuable tribute which,
2016.05.18.
঩alupê, Aপi- pans, bronze pails, equipment of like the stars of heaven,
iababa much bronze the horses, had no number
property the
equipment of
the troops,
13:39
i:95 883 Laqû silver, gold tin, bronze, bronze sheep oxen
casseroles

i:96-97 883 ঩aiiƗnu, of the silver, gold tin, bronze dromedaries
city ঩indƗnu
i:100-101 882 ঩Ư-ibnî, gover- silver (and)
Page 270
nor of Suপu gold

i:106 882 Izalla wine sheep oxen
i:112 882 city Mariru, sheep oxen
Nirbu
i:115-116 882 TƝla oxen, possessions
cattle
ii:11-12 882 Tušপa (land bronze casseroles wine sheep oxen horses, mules
Nirbu)
ii:14-15 882 Tušপa (from silver, gold bronze casseroles wine sheep oxen horses, mules chariots
BƯt-ZamƗni,
Šubrû, Nirdun,
lands Nairi)
ii:22-23 BƯt-Iaপiri, BƯt- silver, gold tin, bronze sheep oxen horses
BaপiƗni, kings casseroles
of ঩anigalbat,
঩atti
equipment
ii:31-33 881 BƗra sheep oxen valuable booty
ii:36 881 BunƗsi (from horses
Muৢaৢina)
ii:38 881 Mount Nisir sheep oxen possessions
ii:42 881 Mount Nisir, sheep oxen possessions
Larbusa, of
Kirteara
ii:46 881 all of the kings silver, (and) horses
of Zamua gold
ii:47 881 all of the kings silver, gold barley, straw horses
of Zamua
ii:52-53 880 Zamua, land wine sheep oxen
Dagara
ii:57 880 Zamua, city sheep oxen
঩udun
ii:64 880 Zamru, Mount bronze utensils, property, possessions,
2016.05.18.
Etinu, Ameka bronze tubs, treasure of his palace,

casserole(s), bowls, (and) his storehouse
tureens
ii:66-68 880 Zamru, Mount dish bronze tubs, sheep oxen horses property, possessions,
13:39
Elaniu, Ameka decorated casseroles, bowls, valuable booty

with gold vats, bronze utensils
ii:75-76 880 land Sipirmena bronze, bronze ...,
bronze rivets
ii:78-80 880 Zamua silver, gold tin, bronze, bronze wine sheep oxen horses corvée they performed in
casseroles Calah
Page 271
ii:80-81 880 ঩udun, silver, gold wine sheep oxen horses

঩artišu,
঩ubušku,
GilzƗnu
ii:88 879 Katmuপu, city bronze casserole(s) wine sheep oxen
Kibaku
ii:92 879 Zazabuপa, bronze casseroles, wine sheep oxen bronze
঩abপu bronze tubs armour
ii:93 879 Sǌru, Mount bronze casseroles wine sheep oxen
Kašiiari
ii:96-97 879 Mount Kašiiari bronze casseroles wine sheep oxen bronze
armour
ii:101-102 879 land Nirdun bronze casserole(s) wine sheep oxen horses, mules bronze armour

Charts
equipment
CHARTS
ii:118 879 Nairi I reaped the harvest

of their land (and)
stored the barley
and straw in the city
Tušপa.
ii:119- 879 BƯt-ZamƗni 2 talents of 300 100 talents of tin, 5,000 2,000 oxen 460 harness- harnessed treasure of his palace
125 silver, 2 talents 100 talents of sheep trained horses chariots,
talents of of bronze, 100 bronze equipment for
gold iron casseroles, 3,000 troops (and)
bronze receptacles, horses,
bowls, bronze
containers
iii:4 878 Šadikannu silver, gold tin, bronze sheep oxen
casseroles
iii:6-8 878 BƯt-঩alupê silver, gold tin, bronze sheep oxen linen garments with
casseroles multi-coloured trim,
2016.05.18.
iii:8-9 878 Sirqu silver, gold tin, bronze sheep oxen

casseroles
iii:9-10 878 ৡupru silver, gold tin, bronze sheep oxen
casseroles
13:39
iii:11 878 NaqarabƗnu silver, gold tin, bronze sheep oxen

casseroles
iii:13 878 ঩indƗnu silver, gold tin, bronze sheep oxen

casseroles
iii:21-22 878 Sǌru, land silver, gold tin, bronze teams of horses chariots, property of his palace, his
Page 272
Suপu casseroles equipment for valuable booty from him

troops,
equipment for
horses
iii:40 877 Azi-ili, the
Laqû, at the
city Kipinu
iii:42-43 877 Azi-ili, the sheep oxen valuable booty
Laqû, at the which,
cities DummƝtu like the
and Azmu stars of
heaven,
had no
number
iii:45-46 877 Ilâ, sheikh of his chariots his troops
the land Laqû with teams
equipment
iii:47-48 877 Ilâ, sheikh of silver, gold tin, bronze, bronze property of his palace, his
the land Laqû casseroles valuable booty
iii:55-56 875 Aপunu of BƯt- silver, gold tin, bronze treasure of his palace
Adini, ঩abinu
of TƯl-abni
iii:57-58 875 ঩atti, BƯt- silver, gold tin, bronze, (and) horses harnessed
BaপiƗni bronze casseroles chariots, I
took with me
the chariots,
cavalry, (and)
infantry
iii:59-60 875 ঩atti, Adad- silver, gold tin, bronze, (and) wine sheep oxen horses harnessed
’ime, the bronze casseroles chariots, I
(A)zallu took with me
the chariots,
cavalry, (and)
infantry
iii:61-63 875 ঩atti, Aপunu of silver, gold, tin, bronze, bronze wine sheep oxen I took with
2016.05.18.
BƯt-Adini gold casseroles me the

bracelets, chariots,
rings, cavalry,
necklaces, a infantry
13:39
gold dagger
iii:64 875 ঩atti, ঩abinu 4 minas of 400
of TƯl-abni silver, annual sheep
tribute 10
minas of
silver
Page 273
iii:65-69 875 Carchemish, 20 talents of 250 100 talents of I took with

Sangara, king silver, a gold talents bronze, bronze me the
of the land ring, of (tubs), bronze pails, chariots,
঩atti bracelet, gold iron bronze bath-tubs, a cavalry,
daggers, a bronze oven infantry.
chariot of
polished
(gold), a gold
couch with
trimming
iii:71 875 city ঩azazu of gold linen garments
Lubarna, the
Patinu

Charts
equipment
CHARTS
iii:72-77 875 Kunulua, the 20 talents of 100 100 talents of tin 10,000 1,000 oxen I took with
royal city of silver, 1 talents sheep me the
Lubarna, the talent of of chariots,
Patinu gold, iron cavalry,
infantry.
iii:78 875 Gûsu of the silver, gold [iron] tin, [bronze] sheep oxen linen garments with
land IaপƗnu multi-coloured trim
iii:82-83 875 city Aribua, the I reaped the barley
fortified city of and straw of the
Lubarna, the land Luপutu (and)

Patinu stored (it) inside.
iii:85-88 875 Tyre, Sidon, silver, gold tin, bronze, a bronze
Byblos, casserole
MaপallƗtu,
Maizu, Kaizu,
Amurrû, and
the city Arvad
2016.05.18.
iii:89-92 875 Lebanon,

Amanus?
iii:94-95 866 ঩uzirina, Itti, silver, gold sheep oxen
13:39
the (A)zallu,
Giridadi, the
Aššu

iii:95-96 866 Qatazili, the silver, gold cedar logs
Kummuপu
Page 274
Shalmaneser III (858—824 B.C.)
equipment
GRAYSON 1991, A.0.102
1, 18-19; 859 ঩argu, ঩arma-sa, wine sheep oxen teams of
2, 16-18 Sirišu, UlmƗ-nu, horses
Simerra
1, 28 859 ঩ubuškia teams of
horses
1, 38-39 859 Asû (Asua), the wine sheep oxen teams of
2, i:28-29 GilzƗnean horses, camels
with two
humps
1, 43-45’ 858 Til-Abni, Saru- silver, gold tin, bronze wine sheep oxen
2, i:35-36 gu, Immerinu
2, i:36-37 858 Kummuপi silver, gold wine sheep oxen
2, i:40-41 858 Gurgum silver, gold wine sheep oxen
1, 61’ 858 Sam’al, Patinu, teams of chariots
2016.05.18.
2, i:47 BƯt-Adini, Car- horses

chemish
1, 66’-70’ 858 Patinu, BƯt- teams of chariots
Adini, Carche- horses
16:18
mish, Sam’al,
Que, ঩iluku,
Iasbuqu, Iaপanu
1, 81’-82’ 858 BƯt-Agǌsi silver, gold, a wine sheep oxen
2, 12’-13’ [gold (and) silver]
Page 275
bed
1, 92’-95’ 857 Unqi, Gurgum, silver, gold iron tin, bronze wine, ducks sheep oxen
Sam’al, BƯt- (issǌrǌ rabûtu)
Agǌsi
2, ii:21-24 857 Patinu 3 talents of gold, 300 talents 300 talents of 5,000 500 oxen
100 talents of of iron bronze, 1,000 sheep
silver, annual bronze
tribute: one talent casseroles
of silver
2, ii 24b-27a 857 BƯt-Gabbari [N] talents of 90 talents of 90 talents of 3,000 300 oxen
silver, tribute: 10 iron bronze sheep
minas of silver
2, ii:27b-28 857 BƯt-Agǌsi 10 minas of gold, 5,000 500 oxen
6 talents of silver sheep

Charts
equipment
CHARTS
2, ii:28-29 857 Carchemish 2 talents of gold, 100 30 talents of 5,000 500 oxen
70 talents of talents bronze sheep
silver, tribute: 1 of
mina of gold, 1 iron
talent of silver.
2, ii:30 857 Kummuপi annually 20
minas of silver
2, ii:39-40 856 kings of the silver, gold iron tin, bronze, sheep oxen
seashore and casser bronze
kings on the oles casseroles

banks of the
Euphrates
2, ii:52-53 856 Urartu horses, mules, his camp, his rich
5, iii:2 beasts of burden chariots, possessions;his
cavalry;military royal treasure
equipment,
numerous cavalry
2016.05.18.
2, ii:57-58 856 [Za]nziuna sheep oxen teams of horses

2, ii:61-62 856 GilzƗnu wine sheep oxen teams of horses, [chariots]
seven camels
13:39
with two humps

2, ii:64-65 856 Silaia, a sheep oxen horses, mules,
fortified city of donkeys

the land
঩ubuškia
2, ii:73-74 855 BƯt-Adini troops, chariots, rich palace
Page 276
cavalry property beyond

measure
2, ii:84-86 853 Carchemish, silver, gold tin, bronze,
Kummuপi, BƯt- (and) bronze
Agǌsi, casseroles
Meliddu, Bït-
Gabbari,
Patinu, Gurgum
2, ii:87 853 ঩alman silver, gold
(Aleppo)
2, ii:102 853 12 kings of the teams of horses chariots, cavalry,
6, ii:32-33 seashore military
8, 18’-19’ equipment
10, ii:24-25
14, 65-66
16, 36-38
equipment
5, vi:6 850 BaqƗnu, a sheep oxen valuable booty
fortress of
BƯt-Dakkuri.
5, vi:6-7 850 ঩urƗdu, a royal silver, gold iron bronze, tin
city of BƯt-
Dakkuri
5, vi:7 850 BƯt-Iakin, silver, gold iron bronze, tin
BƯt-AmukkƗni
6, iii:12-15 848 Qalparunda the silver, gold tin sheep oxen horses, donkeys
Patinean
6, iii:8-11 848 Damascus, chariotry, cavalry,

঩amat, 12 military
kings on the equipment
shore of the sea
6, iii:43-44 844 DaiƝnu tax and tribute of
horses
6, iii:55-56 844 Meliddu silver, gold tin, (and)
2016.05.18.
bronze
6, iv:1-3 843 Allabria a door of gold extensive property
of his palace
6, iv:19-20 843 Namri, his harness- his possessions
13:39
Šumurza, BƯt- trained horses (and) property

Nergal, Tugliaš without number
10, 10”-14” 841 Damascus 1,121 of his
chariots (and)
470 of his cavalry
with his military
Page 277
camp
A.0.102.88 841 house of Omri silver, gold, spears
(঩umrî) a gold bowl,
(Israel) a gold tureen,
gold vessels,
gold pails, tin,
the staffs of the
king’s hand
A.0.102.90 841 Suপu silver, gold, gold spear
pails
A.0.102.91 841 Patinu silver, gold tin, bronze,
compound
(lit. “fast
bronze”),
bronze
casseroles

Charts
equipment
CHARTS
10, iv:34-40 859- from the 184,755 35,565 9,920 horses,

839 beginning of sheep oxen mules, 19,690
my sovereignty donkeys
to my twentieth
regnal year
14, 125-126 835 BƯt-঩a(m)ban his rich property
14, 135 833 Que, Tullu silver, gold iron sheep oxen
14, 137 833 Que, sheep oxen
Mount Lamena
16, 236’- 832 Urartu numerous cavalry,

238’ fighting
equipment
14, 155 831 city Kinalua, silver, gold, iron tin, bronze
land Patinu without measure
14, 167-168 829 Mannaea sheep oxen property without
measure
2016.05.18.
13:39

Page 278
Šamši-Adad V (823—811 B.C.)
Year Territory Metals Food rations Animals Military equipment Other
GRAYSON 1991, A.0.103
1, ii:24-30 822? Sarsina, son of property, possessions
Meqdiara, and
Ušpina
1, ii:33-34 822? the kings of the teams of horses
land Nairi
1, ii:36-40 ঩ubuškia, Sunbu, teams of horses
Mannaea, Parsua,
Taurla
1, ii:54-56 821? MƝsu sheep oxen donkeys, teams of property, possessions
horses, camels with

two humps
1, ii:59- 821? Titamaška, Kiara horses
iii:6.
1, iii:15-19 821? Uraš utensils of pieces of sheep oxen horses
silver (and) bronze
gold,
2016.05.18.
1, iii:33-36 821? ঩anasiruka the 140 of his cavalry property and

Mede possessions in
countless quantities
1, iii:42-43 821? Araziaš sheep oxen property, possessions,
13:39
1, iv:6-7 820? Mê-turnat

1, iv:12-14 820? city Di’bina property, (and)
possessions
1, iv:15-17 820? DatƝbir (and) property, possessions
Izduia
Page 279
1, iv:19-22 820? QƝrebti-ƗlƗni sheep oxen property, possessions

1, iv:31-34 820? Dǌr-Papsukkal treasure of its palace,
property, possessions in
countless quantities
1, iv:31-45 820? Daban river battle 100 chariots, 200 the pavilion, his royal
in front of the cavalry. tent, (and) his camp
city Dür- bed
Papsukkal
2, iii:15’- ? sheep oxen 30 of their cavalry, one possessions, property
16’ chariot
2, iii 37'b- 819? DƝr sheep oxen great property, the
48' property of the palace
4, 10’-12’
2, iv:15’- Nibu, Baba-aপa- iron, [...], tin, lead, divine standard which precious sword with
29’ iddina [...] of strips of goes before him silver (and) gold
iron bronze mountings, royal
accoutrements

Charts
Adad-nƝrƗrƯ III (810—783 B.C.)
CHARTS
equipment
GRAYSON 1991, A.0.104
4, 7’-10’ 811— Arpad, battle of his camp treasures of his palace
806? Paqaraপubuni
6, 19-20 806 Damascus 100 talents of
gold, 1,000
talents of silver
8, 17-20 806 Damascus 2,300 talents of 5,000 3,000 talents of
silver, 20 talents talents bronze

of gold of iron
7, 5-8 ? Amurrû, ঩atti, 2,000 talents of 2,000 1,000 talents of
Damascus, silver talents copper
Samaria, Tyre, of iron
Sidon
2016.05.18.
13:39

Page 280
Tiglath-Pileser III (745—727 B.C.)
Territory Metals Food Animals Military Other
r
rations equipment
Yea
TADMOR – YAMADA 2011
5:8b-11a 745 Babylonian tribes 240 sheep
yearly to the
Aššur temple
6, 10b-12 744 Nikur, Namri, BƯt- oxen horses, mules
AbdadƗni, BƯt-
Sangibǌti, BƯt-Zatti
7, 6b-8a 744 BƯt-Kapsi, BƯt-Sangi, sheep, goats oxen Bactrian camels
BƯt-Urzakki
8, 8-12 744 Insubmissive city 500 talents bronze 300 talents of ’lapis
rulers of the campaign of […] lazuli’
35, i:11’- 744 Ellipi, Namri, BƯt- sheep, goats oxen horses, mules
14’ Sangibǌti, Medes broken to the
yoke, camels
35, i:15’- 744 Iranzû, king of fattened sheep majestic white, piebald,
2016.05.18.
20’ Mannai bulls ঩aršean, ঩ar-

[…] horses with
their trappings
49, 24’-25’ 741/ BƯt-Agǌsi, Arpad 30 talents of
13:39
40 gold, 2,000
talents of silver
11, 4’-7’ 738 Damascus 3 talents of
gold, 300
talents of silver
Page 281
11, 7’-12, 738 Kummuপi, Tyre, Que, iron military

3’ Carchemish, Gurgum equipment
12, 6’-11’ 738 Unqi 300 talents of battle
silver equipment
14, 10 – 15, 738 From Damascus to gold, silver iron tin sheep [whose oxen horses, mules,
5 Meliddu wool] is dyed camels, she-
red purple, camels
sheeop, goats
48, 1’-10’ 738 Hiram of Tyre? Egyptian horses
17, 9-10 737 Medes, Ellipi sheep, goats oxen horses, mules,
Bactrian camels
17, 10-102 737 Mannea sheep, goats cattle horses, mules
35, ii:30’- 737 Medes 1,615 horses
44’
41, 13-14 737 Medes sheep, goats oxen 5,000 horses

Charts
rations equipment
Year
CHARTS
18, 1-4 735 Nairi (঩ista, 19,000 sheep 1,350 oxen […] horses, 300
঩arabisinna, Barbaz, mules, 660 asses
Tasa)
18, 4-6 735 Nairi (Daiqanša, 1,000 sheep 150 oxen horses, mules,
Sakka, Ippa, Elizanšu, asses
Luqadanša, Quda,
Elugia, Dania,
DanzƯun, Ulaia,
Luqia, Abrania, Eusa)
42, 12’-15’ 734 Gaza gold, silver large horses

48, 14’-16’ 734 Gaza […] talents of
gold, 800
talents of silver
48, 19’ 734 Gaza 100 talents of
silver
49, Rev. 6-8 734 Tyre 20 talents of Egyptian horses
2016.05.18.
gold, […]
20, 1’-8’ 733 Damascus horses, mules
20, 14’-17’ 733 Damascus, city sheep, goats oxen
[…]পƗdara
13:39
20, 14’-17’ 733 Damascus, Kuruৢৢâ,

SamƗia

20, 14’-17’ 733 Damascus, Metuna
21, 1’-11’ 733 BƯt-঩umria (Israel)
Page 282
22. 1’-8’ 733 ঩innatuna, Ku-[…],

Yatbite, Sa[…], Israel
42, 15’-17’ 733 BƯt-঩umria (Israel) „auxiliary
army”
42, 17’-19’ 733 Israel 10 talents of
gold, […]
talents of silver
42, 19’-22’, 733 Samsi, queen of the 20,000 30,000 camels military
48, 24’-25’ Arabs oxen equipment
48, 27’ 732 Samsi, queen of the camels, she-
??? Arabs camels
42, 27’-33’ 732 Mas’a, Tema, Saba gold, silver camels, she-
??? tribes, ঩aiappa, camels
Badanu, ঩atte,
Idiba’ilu
49, Rev. 21- 732 Samsi, queen of the livestock
22 ??? Arabs
rations equipment
Year
51, 11-15 731 Babylonia, BƯt-ŠilƗni,
? BƯt-Ša’alli, SarrabƗnu,
Tarbaৢu, Iaballu,
MalilƗtu
51, 18-19 BƯt-Dakkuri, Larak, natural sheep, goats oxen
BƯt-Iakin, Sealand unrefined gold
and silver
47, Rev. 16’ 730 Tyre 150 / 50 talents
49, Rev. 26 of gold, 2,000
talents of silver
47, Rev. 730 Tabal 10 talents of 2,000 horses

14’-15’ gold, 1,000 [… and] mules
49, Rev. 27- talents of silver
29
2016.05.18.
13:39
Page 283

Charts
Sargon II (721—705 B.C.)
CHARTS
rations equipment
Year
FUCHS 1994, Annalen
15 722 Samaria 50 chariots
into the royal
corps
72a 717 Carchemish 11 talents of iron [x] talent of military
sagru-gold, ar‫ې‬u- equipment
2,100 talents of bronze, tin
silver
75 717 Carchemish 50 chariots,
200 cavalry,
3,000 foot
soldiers into
the royal
corps
2016.05.18.
105-106 715 Urartu sheep cattle

106 715 Andia
111-112 715 Lower- and Upper-
Nartu
13:39
115-116 715 BƯt-঩amban, Kimirra

123-125 715 Egypt, Arabs, gold horses, camels
Saba’eans

147-148 714 Ianzû, king of Na’iri sheep cattle horses
in ঩ubuškia
Page 284
153-155 714 Muৢaৢir, Urzana 100,225 sheep 920[+] 692 mules and
cattles donkeys
155-156 714 Muৢaৢir, Urzana 34 talents 18 bronze, tin
minas gold,
160 talents2 ½
minas silver
158-159 714 Muৢaৢir, Urzana [+]3 talents 3 iron bronze utensils in
minas gold, utensils in large numbers,
162 talents [20] large [bronze] statues of an
minas silver numbers ox, a cow, and a calf
176-178 713 Ellipi, ঩ubaপna [x+] 1200 horses, mules,
sheep donkeys
191-194 713 Mannaea, Ellipi, sheep without 4,609 horses,
Allabria, 45 city lords number mules, and oxen
of the mighty Medes
210-213 712 Til-Garimmu,
Meliddu, Tarপunazi
equipment
268-272 710 Dǌr-Atপara sheep oxen horses, mules,
donkeys,
dromedaries
272-275 710 Ba-[…], ঩aza’il, 1 talent 30 minas 2,000 homers 1 sheep 1 ox from
঩amdƗnu, Zabida, silver of corn from every 20
Amma-[…], AপপƯ- every 20 oxen
iddina, Aiasammu, 6 sheep
sheikhs of Gambulu
283-286 710 ZƗmƝ, AburƝ, NuপƗni, sheep oxen horses
Ibuli, 5 sheikhs of the
Puqudu, Ru’ǌa,
঩indƗnu
294-298 710 forts of Sam’ǌna and sheep oxen horses, mules,

BƗb-dǌri in Iadburu donkeys,
camels
298-302 710 LaপƯru, Sulaia, 6 sheep oxen horses, mules
sheikhs of Iadburu
321-325 710 Babylon, Borsippa, 154 talents 26
offers for the Akitu minas 10 sheqels
2016.05.18.
festival of red gold;

1,604 talents 20
minas of shining
silver, semi-
13:39
precious stones
350-353 709 camp of Marduk-apla- royal golden
iddina in front of Dǌr- parasol, golden
Iakin sceptre, bed,
couch, golden
and silver
Page 285
utensils, golden
sword belt and
weapons
354-356 709 camp of Marduk-apla- […] […] 2080/2500
iddina in front of Dǌr- +4sheep horses,
Iakin 700/710 mules,
6,054 camels
359a 709 Marduk-apla-iddina, gold, silver 1,000 horses,
Dǌr-Iakin 800 [mules]
360-362 709 Marduk-apla-iddina, gold, silver bronze
Dǌr-Iakin
363-372 709 Marduk-apla-iddina, golden […], sheep oxen [horses, mules], implement
Dǌr-Iakin silver throne, donkeys s and
silver bowl, equipments
silver […]
405-406 708 Muttallu, king of gold, silver sheep oxen horses, mules,
Kummuপi, Meliddu donkeys,

Charts
camels
equipment
CHARTS

32-36 714 Ullusunu in sheep cattle yoke trained,
Mannaea harnessed
horses
37-38 Allabria sheep cattle horses
39-41 Namri, Sangibǌti, madattu
BƯt-AbdadƗni,
Medes
42-50 in Parsumaš: Daltâ sheep cattle horses,

of Ellipi and 26 city mules,
lords dromedaries
52-55 Ullusunu in fort flour, wine sheep cattle large presents
Sirdakka harnessed
horses
70-71 in Sirdakka:
2016.05.18.
Zizî of Appatar,
Zalâ of Kitpatâ
166 Wišdiš Opened the grannaries and
let the troops eat
13:39
up/consume the grain.

178 Subi/Mannai:Ušqaia Heavy booty from the city/
fort he took into his camp.

186- Sangibǌti: Opened the grannaries and He scorched the harvest and let
187 Aniastania let the troops eat the flocks of his camp to
up/consume the grain. pasture the crop.
Page 286
197 Land Dalaia: cities Opened the grannaries and He scorched the harvest.
Tarui, Tarmakisa let the troops eat
218- Ulপu Opened the grannaries and Beams of the roof of the palace
220, let the troops eat of Rusa he took to Assyria.
228 up/consume the grain.The They destroyed the harvest.
troops broached the
admiral and drank the
wine.
256- Arzabia, Irtia Goods and possessions brought
257 out from the warehouses.
262- Arzabia, Irtia Opened the grannaries and
263 let the troops, horses,
mules, dromedaries carry
the corn into my camp.
equipment
274 Mount Armarili Opened the grannaries and He scorched the harvest.
let the troops eat
292, Mount Aiadi Opened the grannaries and Goods and possessions brought out from
295 let the troops eat the warehouses.
308 Ianzû, ঩ubuškia sheep cattle harnessed
horses
347- palace of 2,058 minas huge 1,235 525 12 mules, carneol, lapis lazuli, achat; a throne and
367 Urzana, Muৢaৢir (1,029 kg) quantities 380 several (15) objects made of ivory,
gold, of copper, donkeys ebony, box-wood and inlaid with gold

10,022,5 tin and silver; 6 golden daggers; 11+34+54
minas (5,011 silver plates; 13+24+120 bronze objects;
kg) silver and several objects
368- temple of ঩aldi, [x]+183 3,600 33 silver chariots, 6 golden shields (312 minas (156 kg) of
385 Muৢaৢir minas talents of bows, quivers, red gold; locking bar of the gate made of
([x]+91,5 kg) bronze maces, shields, 2 talents of gold; 1 golden bolt; 1 golden
gold, 9,740 helmets, spears nail; 2 golden keys (2 talents and 12
2016.05.18.
minas and 6 and military minas (66 kg)) gold; 1 golden sword (23
sheqels standards; 25,212 minas, 3 sheqels (11.5 kg)); 96 silver
(4,870 kg) bronze shields; spears, armours, bows and arrows; 12
silver helmets and silver shields; 67 silver cauldrons; 62
13:39
armours; 1,514 libation bowls, pomegranate and other

different types of objects; 393 silver vessels; 2 large horns
bronze spears; of an oxen; 1 golden harp; …607 bronze
305,412 bronze vessels of different types; 4 bronze
swords, bows, statues of gods guarding the gates of the
quivers and temple; 1 bronze praying statue of
Page 287
arrows; Sarduri; bronze statues of an ox and a

cow offered by Sarduri; bronze statue of
Argišti (60 talents); bronze statue of Rusa
standing on his chariot with horses and a
driver
406 Muৢaৢir gold, silver iron tin, bronze

Charts
Sennacherib (704—681 B.C.)
Year Territory Metals Food Animals Military equipment Other
CHARTS
rations
GRAYSON – NOVOTNY 2012
1, 27-29 704-703 battle of Kish horses, mules, chariots, wagons
donkeys, camels,
Bactrian camels
1, 30-33 704-703 Babylon, gold, silver, gold and sheep, goats oxen donkeys, camels royal paraphernalia
treasury of silver utensils with gold and silver
Merodach- mountings, all kinds
baladan of possessions and
property without
number, a substantial
treasure
1, 57 704-703 ঩ararƗtu gold, silver large musukkannu trees
1, 60-61 704-703 Babylonia 800,100 80,500 7,200 horses and
sheep and oxen mules,
goats 11,073 donkeys,
2016.05.18.
5,230 camels
2, 22-23 702 Iasubigalla sheep and oxen horses, mules,
goats donkeys
4, 49-51 701 46 cities of sheep, goats oxen horses, mules,
13:39
Judah donkeys, camels

4, 55-80 701 Hezekiah of 30 talents of gold, iron choice chariots, shields, lances,
Judah 800 talents of silver antimony, armor, iron belt-

utensils of daggers, bows, u‫܈܈‬u-
bronze, arrows, equipment,
copper, tin implements of war
Page 288
4, 59-60 701 Judah, conquered 10,000 archers,

lands during this 10,000 shield-bearers
campaign into the royal corps
15, v:10-17 700 Chaldea 20,000 archers,
15,000 shield-bearers
into the royal corps
15, v:29-32 699-697 Ukku sheep, goats oxen donkeys
16, v:33-36 699-697 Ukku 20,000 archers,
15,000 shield-bearers
into the royal corps
17, v:15-22 695 Tilgarimmu, 30,000 archers,
Gurdî, king of 20,000 shield-bearers
Urdutu into the royal corps
23, vi:10-12 691/690 battle of ঩alulê gold and shining silver
sling straps, gold and
silver decorated belt-
daggers
23, vi:15-19 691/690 battle of ঩alulê horses chariots
Esarhaddon (680—669 B.C.)
Year Territory Metals Food Animals Military equipment Other
rations
LEICHTY 2011
1, iv:17-24 680 Adumutu, Arabs 10 minas gold 65 camels, 10
donkeys + 50
camels
1, iv:32-45 678? Partakka, Partukka, large
Urakazabarna, thoroughbreds
Media
1, iv:46-52 678? Patušarri, Medes, sheep, oxen horses,
Mount Bikni, Šidir- goats Bactrian

parna (and) E-parna camels
chieftains
1, ii:74-80 677 Abdi-milkutti, gold, silver
Sidon
33, iii:14-20 673 Uppume, Šubria soldiers, skilled in battle and
combat, from [...] and I
attached (them) to my royal
2016.05.18.
guard. With regard to ... [...],

a group of charioteers, a group
of cavalry, commanders of
..., officials, [engin]eers,
13:39
troops, light troops, shield

bearers, scouts, farmers,
shepherds, (and) orchard
keepers —
[I add]ed (them) in great
numbers to the massive
Page 289
fo[rc]es of the god Aššur and

to the guard of the former
kings, my ancestors.
98, 43-45 671 Memphis, sheep oxen horses his posessions
Tirপaqa/Taharqa and
goats
103, 11-29 671 Memphis, gold (and) silver gold, copper, posses[sions],
Tirপaqa/Taharqa utensils, 15 cro[wns silver, tin, lead goods,
...] 30 crowns of anti[m
wives, ditto ony
9, i’:1’-17’ 671 Memphis, Tirপaqa third-men, charioteers, ..., [...
Taharqa? re]in-[holders], archers, shield
bearers

Charts
Year Territory Metals Food Animals Military Other
rations equipment
CHARTS
9, ii’:12’- 671 Memphis, 6 talents, 19 minas of gold, 19,323 30,418 24[x] [x]+40 stallions sattukku and ginu
21’ Tirপaqa/Taharqa? 300 [...] homers, sheep offerings to
(measur Aššur and the
ed by) 1 great gods
seah, of
malt
37, Rev. 7- 671 Memphis, horses whose ...
11 Tirপaqa/Taharqa [are ...] gold
38, Rev. 671 Memphis, Tirপaqa gold, silver (precious) stones,
16’-32’ /Taharqa property ...

1019, 18-42 671 Memphis, 8,000 talents of silver ore from ut]ensils [...] 60,000 50,000 strong
Tirপaqa/Taharqa? [its] moun[tain, ... ta]lents of of countless fattened horses, broken
red gold, 120 large gold bronze [...], sheep choice [to the yoke, ...]
headdresses, from the heads with tails oxen
of [...] on which [were set] of oxen,
golden vipers and golden
serpents, ut]ensils of silver,
2016.05.18.
gold
13:39

Page 290
Assurbanipal (668—631 B.C.)
rations equipment
BORGER 1996
Prisma B §14, 664 Thebai, Egypt silver, gold large precious stones, treasures of
ii:30-39 horses his palace, 2 high obelisks
Prisma C §24, made of shinig stone whose
iii:53-67 weight was 2,500 talents
Prisma A §18,
ii:39-48
Prisma H, H1, 664 Thebai, Egypt silver, gold large 2 high obelisks made of
ii:7’-14’ horses za‫ې‬allû metal whose weight
was 2,500 talents

Prisma B §22, Mannaea: sheep cattle horses,
iii:31-51 Aiusiaš, fort donkeys
Prisma C §32, of Aššašt (or
iv:40-64 Aššašdannasu
Prisma A §27, ), B/PusuUD,
ii:127-iii:3 Ašdiaš,
Prisma F §11, Urkiiamun,
2016.05.18.
ii:23-37 Uppiš, Siপǌa,

Naziniri
Prisma B Mannai: horses, military equipment,
13:39
iii:78, Birrǌa, Šarru- harnessed weapons

Prisma C iqbî, GusunƝ horses
iv:87:
Prisma B §35, 653 Elam, horses, chariots, carts,
v:77-vi:16 Til-Tuba mules military equipment
Prisma C §45,
Page 291
vi:79-vii:9
Prisma B §36, 653 Gambulu, silver, gold sheep cattle his goods, treasures of his
vi:17-56 Ša-pƯ-BƝl, palace
Prisma C §46, DunƗnu
vii:10-54
Prisma C §64, 652- Babylon, silver, gold horses, chariots parade chariot, royal chariot,
ix:29-44 648 Šamaš-šum- workstocks expensive jewellery, royal
ukƯn insignia, goods of his palace
as much as he got
Prisma A §40, 652- Babylon, chariots parade chariot with parasols
iv:53-76 648 Šamaš-šum-
ukƯn

Charts
rations equipment
CHARTS
Prisma A §57, 10th Elam, silver, gold, treasures which the Horses and arrows of the royal garments and jewellery
v:126-vi:76 campa treasury of kings of Elam from the distant large battles and other with allthe furniture of his
Prisma F §32, ign, the palace past have collected; gold and mules with military equipment, palace32 royal statues made
iv:66-v:54 64.. and the silver, wealth and properties, harness chariots, parade of gold, silver, bronze and
temple which the former kings of Elam decorated chariots, carts marble from the cities of
in seven times captured in with gold decorated with gold Susa, Madaktu és ঩uradi,
Šumer, Akkad, and Karduniaš; and silver statues of the sons of
red gold, shining silver, precious Ummanigaš, UmbadarƗ,
stones, valuable jewellery, royal statues of Ištarnanপundi,
insignia, which the former kings ঩allusu and the later
of Akkad and Šamaš-šum-ukƯn Tammaritu, statues of the

sent to Elam as tokens of their šƝdu and lamassu
alliance
Prisma A §58, 10th Elam sheep cattle horses, commanders, eunuchs, blacksmiths,
vi:77-106 campa without without mules, commander of the craftsmen and the whole
Prisma F §33, ign, number number donkeys archers, governors, population
v:55-71 64.. chariot drivers,
third men
2016.05.18.
horsemen, archers,
Prisma A §60, 10th Elam archers, shield-
vi:125-vii:8 campa bearers, craftsmen,
Prisma F §35, ign, blacksmiths were
13:39
vi:12-21 64.. enlisted into the

royal corps.
Prisma A §63, 10th Elam archers were

vii:51-81 campa enlisted into the
ign, royal corps.
Page 292
64..
Prisma B §53, 11th Arabs sheep cattle
viii:12-22 campa without without
Prisma C §78, ign, number number
x:17-28 64..
AssyrianArmy_II_Charts209oldaltol__press 2016.05.13. 16:05 Page 293
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INDEX
Personal names
A Adadabuuṣur Chart 11
A[…]i 198 Adadaḫḫēšallim Chart 9
Abâ Chart 12B Adadaḫuiddina Chart 12A, 14
Abatšarrilāteni Chart 5 Adadaltu Chart 4
Abdâ Chart 2 Adadaplaiddina Chart 11
Abdâ Chart 9 Adadapluiddina Chart 3
Abda’a Chart 8 Adadbēluuṣur Chart 16A
Abdada Chart 8 Adadbēluuṣur Chart 4
AbdiLimu Chart 5 Adaddān 22
Abdimilku Chart 13 Adadēreš 192
AbduAguni Chart 11 Adadibnî Chart 2
Abdunu Chart 7 Adadidri see Ḫadadezer
Abḫatā 170 Adadilā’i Chart 7
Abiiadi’ 71 Adad‘ime 39, 146, 149, 154, 168
Abiiaqâ 52 Adadimme 194, Chart 13
Abiiaqīa 71 Adadimme 194, Chart 8
Abiili Chart 2 Adadiqbî 38, Chart 12A, 14
Abilê 73 [Adad]iqbî 38, Chart 12A, 14
Abilēšir 76 Adad.issīa 35, 46, 75, 76, 84, 89, 103, 188, 189,
Abilēšir Chart 1 190
Abilēšir Chart 14 Adadissīa Chart 3
Abilu Chart 5 Adadkāšir Chart 4
Abiram 24, 27, Chart 5 Adadnādinšumi Chart 5
Abisalāmu 168 Adadnērārī II 126, 137, 153, 168
Abiulidi Chart 11 Adadnērārī III 36, 61, 130, 131, 133, 135, 136,
Abiulidi 23, Chart 3 137
Abu[…] Chart 10 Adadraḫim Chart 11
Abuerība Chart 14 Adadsanāni Chart 11
Abuerība Chart 15 Adadṣa’duiddin Chart 11
Abulāmur 36 Adadšalme Chart 12B
Adaatti Chart 8 Adaduballiṭ 27, 114, Chart 11
Adad[…] 38, Chart 14 Adadupaḫḫer Chart 3
Adad[…] Chart 3 Adallal 33
Adad[…] Chart 16A Addaḫāti 142
Adad[…]āni Chart 3 Addaḫāti 103, 106, 111, 128, 165
Adadabua Chart 38, 12A, 14 Addaḫatti Chart 12B
Adadabuuṣur Chart 1 Addalādin Chart 3
Adadabuuṣur Chart 10 Addasakâ 30, Chart 6

INDEX
Addataqan Chart 10 Aḫudūrenši Chart 5

Addî Chart 9 Aḫudūr[i] 22
Addikritušu 51 Aḫudūri Chart 5
Adi’ 31, Chart 6 Aḫuerība Chart 4
Adiili Chart 8 Aḫuerība Chart 7
Aḫ[…]du 107 Aḫuilā’ī 142
Aḫabi 161 Aḫuillika Chart 3
Aḫabû / Aḫabu Chart 3 Aḫulāamašši Chart 11
Aḫabû Chart 6 Aḫulāamašši Chart 15
Aḫḫēšallim Chart 3 Aḫulē’î 45
Aḫḫīiddina 130, 150, 156 Aḫulāmur 164
Aḫi[…] Chart 4 Aḫulāmur Chart 3
Aḫīa 38, Chart 12A, 14 Aḫulāmur Chart 15
Aḫibigaiānu 71 Aḫušamšī 36, Chart 14
Aḫidūri Chart 2 Aḫušina Chart 1
Aḫidūri Chart 2 Aḫušu Chart 12B
Ahidikiri Chart 13 Aḫūni 39, 126, 149, 153, 154, 168, 169
Aḫidūri Chart 16A Aiaammu Chart 9
Aḫidūri Chart 16A Aiaiababa 49, 108
Aḫiēreš Chart 16A Aiakabar 165
Aḫiiababa 126, 135, 137, 146, 153 Aialunu 171
Aḫiiaqar Chart 8 Aiarāmu Chart 12A, 14
AḫiI(a)u Chart 13 Aiarimmu 171
Aḫiilā’ī Chart 1 Aiasammu 130, 150, 156
Aḫiilā’ī Chart 2 Aiasidqi Chart 16A
Aḫiilā’ī Chart 2 Aiaturi Chart 13
Aḫiilā’ī Chart 14 Akkadāia Chart 4
Aḫiilā’ī Chart 15 Akkadāia Chart 8
Aḫilaamašši Chart 7 Akkadāia Chart 12B
Aḫilamašši Chart 4 Akkadāia Chart 16A
Aḫilarame Chart 12A, 14 Alexander the Great 7
Aḫilēšir Chart 6 Allauṣur 174
Aḫinūri Chart 5 Alra[…] Chart 16A
Aḫipada Chart 5 Am[…]i Chart 12A
Aḫirāmu 168 Amaku 195
Aḫirāmu 21, 22, 26, 115, Chart 5 Amanî Chart 3
Aḫirāmu Chart 9 Ambati Chart 14
Aḫišu Chart 16A Ambattu Chart 6
Aḫitâbu?utib? Chart 8 Ameatar 108, 193
Aḫiuqur Chart 1 Ameatar Chart 5
Aḫiuqur Chart 14 Ameka 153, 168
Aḫū’aerība 196 Ameniili Chart 13
Aḫū’aerība 26, Chart 7 Ametana 195
Aḫū’aerība Chart 9 AmīlAdad 146, 153, 168
Aḫuāmur Chart 7 Amiri 165
Aḫubānî Chart 3 Amma[…] 130, 150, 156
Aḫudāmiq Chart 12B Ammealaba 130, 133, 149, 153

Index
Ammiiata’ 165 Ašḫitu 163

Ammiḫāti 101, Chart 14 Ašipâ 50, 82, 83
Ammili’ti 165 Aššur[…] 197
Ammua Chart 8 Aššur[…] Chart 4
Amsuri Chart 8 Aššur[…] Chart 12A, 14
Apilēreš Chart 5 Aššur[…]uṣur Chart 6
Apladad[…] 43, 81 Aššuraḫḫēballiṭ Chart 7
Aplā’ī 78 Aššuraḫuiddina Chart 3
Aplā’ī Chart 4 Aššuraḫuiddina Chart 5
Aplā’ī Chart 16A Aššuraḫuiddina Chart 12A, 14
Aplu[…] 22 Aššuraḫuuṣur Chart 7
Apluēreš Chart 15 Aššurālikpāni 45, 177
Aplušēzibanni Chart 10 Aššurapluiddin Chart 4
Apluuṣur Chart 15 Aššurašarēdu Chart 16A
Aqru Chart 2 Aššurballiṭ Chart 5
Aqru Chart 3 Aššurbānî 180
Aqru Chart 5 Aššurbānîaḫḫē Chart 15
Aqru Chart 11 Aššurbēluda’’in 56
Aramiššarilāni 21, 115 Aššurbēlutaqqin 40, 44, 73, 178, 197, 206
Aramu 169 Aššurbēlutaqqin Chart 4
Arbāia Chart 5 Aššurbēluuda’’an 35, 70
Arbāia Chart 10 Aššurbēluukīn Chart 13
Arbailāia Chart 2 Aššurbēluuṣur 35, 40, 55, 93, 105, 125, 163,
Arbailāia Chart 2 174, 181
Arbailāia Chart 3 Aššurbēssunu Chart 3
Arbailāia Chart 7 Aššurda’’inanni 161, 170, 175, 176
Arbailāia Chart 9 Aššurda’’inšarri Chart 9
Arbailāia Chart 11 Aššurdalāl 79, 190
Arie 77, 89 Aššurdān II 126, 153
Ariḫu 122 Aššurdūrpānīa 52, 56
Ariḫu 21, 22, 115, Chart 3 Aššuretelliilāni 25, 113, 121
Arikbēllē’î? Chart 7 Aššuretellumukīnapli 158
Arisâ 89 Aššurib[…] 107
Arzēzu 27, Chart 5 Aššuriddina 197
Asalluḫiaḫḫēiddina 116, 117 Aššuriddina Chart 3
Asalluḫišumuiddina Chart 2 Aššurilā’ī 69, 105, 124
Asalluḫišumuiddina 116, 117, 120, Chart 5 Aššurilā’ī Chart 11
Asia 169 Aššurilā’ī Chart 3
Asqudu 27, 114 Aššurilā’ī Chart 5
Assurbanipal 16, 27, 35, 41, 44, 51, 113, 116, Aššurilā’ī Chart 7
121, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 136, Aššuriqbî Chart 4
137, 138, 139, 147, 151, 152, 157, 165, 172, Aššuriqbîaḫḫē Chart 12B
174, 175 Aššurkēnuuṣur Chart 11
Assurnasirpal II 20, 39, 86, 92, 125, 126, 127, Aššurkettuiram Chart 5
130, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 144, 146, Aššurkillāni Chart 3
148, 149, 151, 153 Aššurkillāni Chart 5
Asû (Asua, Asāu) 150, 154, 168, 169 Aššurkillāni Chart 7

INDEX
Aššurlē’ī 35 Aššuršumuukīn Chart 3

Aššurlē’ī Chart 11 Aššuršumuuṣur Chart 1
Aššurmātkatēra 88, 99, 132 Aššurtakkin Chart 13
Aššurmātutaqqin 26, 69, 117 Aššurtaklāk 90
Aššurmātutaqqin Chart 16A Aššurtaqqianni Chart 13
Aššurnā’id Chart 15 Aššurtuklassu? Chart 4
Aššurnādinaḫḫē Chart 3 Aššuruṣuranni Chart 3
Aššurnādinaḫḫē Chart 6 Aššurzēruuṣur 189
Aššurnādinaḫḫē Chart 9 AtamarMarduk 21, Chart 3
Aššurnādinšumi 24, 25, 27 Atamru Chart 12B
Aššurnāṣir 160, 174 Atamru Chart 13
Aššurnāṣir 101, Chart 12A, 14 Atarba’di 194, Chart 13
Aššurnāṣir Chart 15 Atarbi’di 194, Chart 8
Aššurnatkil Chart 5 Ataridri 92
Aššurnatkil Chart 9 Atarili114, Chart 16B
Aššurnirkauṣur 99 Atarraḫini Chart 12B
Aššurrā’imšarri Chart 5 Ataršu(m)ki Chart 13
Aššurrēmanni 79, 100, 104 Attâidri Chart 3
Aššurrēmanni Chart 6 Attâqāmū’a 117, Chart 5
Aššurrēmanni Chart 11 Attua 112
Aššurrēmanni Chart 12A, 14 Atueḫu32, Chart 11
Aššurrēmanni Chart 15 Atunnu 142
Aššurrēšiši Chart 3 AzarIa’u Chart 3
Aššurrēṣūwa 72, 77, 89, 106 Aziili 126, 154
Aššurrē[ṣūwa]22
Aššurṣabtanni Chart 4 B
Aššuršallimaḫḫē Chart 9 Ba[…] 150, 156
Aššuršallimanni 78, 79, 83, 90 Ba’diili Chart 4
Aššuršallimanni Chart 5 Babaaḫaiddina 135, 137
Aššuršarrāni Chart 2 Babêšumki 51
Aššuršarru[…] Chart 16A Babî Chart 4
Aššuršarruibnî 47, 77 Bābilāiu 113, 121
Aššuršarruuṣur 139 Bābilāiu Chart 2
Aššuršarruuṣur 23, Chart 3 Bābilāiu Chart 3
Aššuršarruuṣur Chart 3 Bābilāiu Chart 11
Aššuršarruuṣur 28, Chart 5 Bābilāiu Chart 12A, 14
Aššuršarruuṣur Chart 7 Bābilāiu Chart 12A, 14
Aššuršarruuṣur Chart 9 Babušaddû’a Chart 7
Aššuršēzibanni Chart 9 Baḫāia 114
Aššuršēzibanni Chart 12B Baḫê Chart 13
Aššuršimanni 99 Baḫî Chart 15
Aššuršimanni Chart 2 Baiasa[…] Chart 4
Aššuršimanni Chart 5 Balasî 126, 153
Aššuršittuuṣur 80 Balasî Chart 2
Aššuršumuiddina Chart 5 Balasî Chart 3
Aššuršumuka’’in 116, 120, Chart 5 Balasî 21, 22, 26, 115, Chart 5
Aššuršumuka’’in Chart 7 Balāssu 21, 22, 26, 115, Chart 5

Index
Balāssu 82 Bēlēmuranni 199

Balāsu Chart 1 Bēlēpuš Chart 7
Balāṭulāmur Chart 12B Bēlerība 192
Bālnamḫe Chart 12B Bēlēṭir Chart 5
Bal#āia26, 113, 117 BēlḪarrānaḫuuṣur Chart 5
Bal#inūri 109, 187 BēlḪarrāndūri Chart 9
Banâia 184, 198, 199, 200, 201 BēlḪarrānissīa Chart 10
Banni Chart 4 BēlḪarrānšadûa Chart 1
Banunu Chart 5 BēlḪarrānšadûa 38, Chart 14
Barbarāni 21, 22, 115, 116, Chart 3 BēlḪarrānšarruuṣur 92
Barbiri 19, 107 BēlḪarrānšarruuṣur Chart 2
Bardada 195 BēlḪarrānšarruuṣur Chart 7
Bariki Chart 13 BēlḪarrānšarruuṣur Chart 16A
Barruqqu Chart 9 Bēlibnî 44
Barruqu22, 28, 122, Chart 3 Bēlibnî 199
BārṢarūri 21, 22, 26, 115, 116, Chart 5 Bēlibnî 185, Chart 4
Basasu 199 Bēliddina 47, 54, 106
Bazazānu 140 Bēlīpuš 44
Bazi 42 Bēliqbî 165
Bebê Chart 7 Bēliqbî Chart 15
Bēl[…] 200, 201 Bēliqīša 21
Bēlabuuṣur Chart 11 Bēliqišāni Chart 15
Bēlabuuṣur Chart 14 Bēlisse’a 200
Bēlaḫḫē Chart 12A, 14 Bēlišmêanni Chart 4
Bēlaḫḫēšu 107 Bēlkabtiaḫḫēšu 181
Bēlaḫḫēšu Chart 7 Bēllāmur Chart 16A
Bēlaḫḫēšu Chart 9 Bēllēšir 43, 50, 76, 81, 110, 111, 179, 195
Bēlaḫḫēšu Chart 11 Bēlliqbî 79, 134, 190
Bēlaḫuiddina 182, Chart 7 Bēllikṣur Chart 11
Bēlaḫuuṣur 38, Chart 14 Bēllūbalāṭ 123
Bēlaḫuuṣur Chart 5 Bēllūbalāṭ Chart 3
Bēlāli 171 Bēlmātuiṣbat Chart 13
Bēlapkalilāni 101, Chart 12A, 14 Bēlmu[…] Chart 3
Bēlaplaiddina 22, 122, Chart 3 Bēlmu[…] Chart 7
Bēlapluiddina 73, 83, 100, 101, 102, 170 Bēlnā’id Chart 4
Bēlballaṭāni 94, 95 Bēlnapišti[…] Chart 16A
Bēlbānî Chart 14 Bēlnāṣir[…] Chart 6
Bēldān 28, Chart 5 Bēlšarruibnî 29, Chart 11
Bēldān Chart 11 Bēlšarruuṣur Chart 2
Bēldūri 38, 76, 100, 132 Bēlšarruuṣur Chart 3
Bēldūri Chart 1 Bēlšarruuṣur Chart 3
Bēldūri Chart 2 Bēlšarruuṣur Chart 7
Bēldūri Chart 9 Bēlšarruuṣur Chart 16A
Bēldūri Chart 11 Bēlšumu[…] Chart 16A
Bēldūri Chart 13 Bēlšunu 44
Bēldūri Chart 14 Bēluballi# 44
Bēldūri Chart 16A Bi[…] Chart 16A

INDEX
Bibî 110, Chart 6 Duduwa Chart 10

Bibīa Chart 1 DūrAššur 35, 73
Bibīa Chart 14 Dūri Chart 11
Birammâ Chart 11
Birammâ Chart 12A, 14 E
Biriamâ Chart 9 Ebisiniš Chart 9
Birtāia Chart 2 Edāiu 183, 198
Bissunu24, 27, Chart 11 Eparna 157, 173 Eparna
Bisunu Chart 12A, 14 ĒrešAššur Chart 7
Biwasî Chart 2 Ērešilu Chart 11
Budâ Chart 7 ĒrešIssar Chart 14
BūrAtar Chart 4 ErībaAdad Chart 7
BūrṢarūru 21, 115, 116, Chart 3 ErībaAdad 69, Chart 7
BūrSilâ 16, 32, 51, Chart 11 Erībailāni Chart 12B
Burua[…] 51 Erībaili Chart 13
Ēsaggilšarruuṣur 94, 95
Esarhaddon 16, 19, 21, 23, 30, 32, 35, 41, 44,
C
48, 49, 51, 53, 85, 86, 108, 109, 115, 126,
Croesus 91
128, 129, 131, 136, 147, 148, 150, 152, 157,
Cyrus 90
158, 164, 171, 172, 182, 188, 191
Ešrāia Chart 2
D
Ešrāia Chart 7
Dadâ Chart 1
Ezî Chart 16A
Dadâ Chart 14
Ezî šanû Chart 16A
Dādî 164, 175
Dādî Chart 3 G
Dādî Chart 7 Gabasi Chart 12A, 14
Dādîibnî 49 Gabbaru Chart 12A, 14
Dādîibnî 27, 114, Chart 10 Gabbê Chart 13
Dādîibnî Chart 11 GabbuAdad 119
Dādîilā’i Chart 7 GabbuanaAššur 45, 73, 80, 190
Dādîsūri Chart 2 Gabrî Chart 5
Dadusu Chart 4 Gadâ Chart 2
Daiṣṣānu 171 Gadâ Chart 2
Dakuḫuaḫḫēerība Chart 15 Gadâ Chart 3
Dal[i…] Chart 4 Gadatas 90
Dalaaḫu Chart 13 Gadia Chart 2
Daltâ 41, 156, 164, 170 Gaiâ 64, 177, 189, Chart 3
DamquamāteIssar? Chart 7 Gallulu Chart 5
DaniBēl 189 Gannabu 152
Dannāia Chart 9 Gīa Chart 4
Dannāia Chart 11 Giridadi 154
DannuNergal 42, Chart 2 Gobryas 90
Dārîšarru Chart 7 Gu[…] Chart 16A
Daru/Dārîšarru Chart 3 Guḫuru Chart 3
Dasukku 89 Gulusu 110
Dērāia Chart 12B Gurdî Chart 7
DililIssar Chart 6 Gûsu 135, 154

AssyrianArmy_II_Charts209oldaltol_Q10__press 2016.05.30. 15:47 Page 321
Index
H Ḫarmaku 185, Chart 5

Hazael 169 Ḫarmaku 185, Chart 14
Herodot 90 Ḫarmasa Chart 11
Hezekiah 131, 135, 136, 137, 141, 143, 144, 147 Ḫarrānāiu 19
Hiram 155, 169, 170 Ḫaršešu 19
Ḫasî 188, 208
Ḫ Ḫašana Chart 13
Ḫa[…]ni 42 Ḫašilānu152, Chart 5
Ḫabasi 200 Ḫattušualdî Chart 3
Ḫabḫāia Chart 2 Ḫaukānu 170
Ḫabinu 45, 130, 138, 154 Ḫazail 130, 150, 156
Ḫabusu Chart 15 Ḫidatānu Chart 15
Ḫadasānu 196, Chart 12A Ḫili 163
Ḫadadezer 169 Ḫimārî 142
Ḫadidu Chart 3 Ḫinnumu 44
Ḫaiānu 45, 142, 153 Ḫiriaḫḫē 45, 142
Ḫal[…] 38, Chart 14 Ḫiriaḫḫē 27, 114, Chart 9
Ḫaldidūri Chart 8 Ḫubasāte Chart 2
Ḫaldiilā’ī Chart 1 Ḫubasāte Chart 5
Ḫalditaiâ 19, Chart 2 Ḫudada 49
Ḫaldû 38, Chart 14 Ḫulli 170
Ḫalmānu Chart 14 Ḫumbê 161
Ḫam[…]su Chart 6 Ḫuninu 170
Ḫamaqa Chart 4 Ḫusa[…] Chart 3
Ḫamatāia 34, 130, 133, 135, 149, 153 ḪuTešub 52, 56
Ḫambaqu Chart 2 Ḫuzalu[…] 107
Ḫambaqu Chart 7
Ḫambî 46 I
Ḫamdānu 130, 150, 156 Iadīdu 142
Ḫamil 23, Chart 3 Iagūtu 107
Ḫammurabi 56, 105 Iaḫuṭu 198
Ḫamnānu Chart 9 Iairu 51
Ḫanasiruka 147, 169 Iakuddi 109, 187
Ḫanbaru Chart 2 Iala[…] 175, 181
Ḫandasānu Chart 12A, 14 Ianuqu 170
Ḫanisiku Chart 11 Ianzû 126, 156, 170, 174
Ḫanubuni 163 Iarapâ 152, Chart 5
Ḫanunu 126, 170 Iata’ 52
Ḫanunu Chart 5 Iatara Chart 13
Ḫanūnu 142 Iaubitir 195
ḪaraDadî Chart 9 Iaugâ Chart 13
Ḫarānu 130, 133, 149, 153 Ibaššiili Chart 2
Ḫarbiṣaṣu 179, 180, 195 Ibbadalâ Chart 13
Ḫarḫarimari 107 Ibnia 61, 64, Chart 3
Ḫarmaku 200 Iddinaḫi Chart 15
Ḫarmaku Chart 1 Iddinaḫu Chart 2
Ḫarmaku 185, Chart 4 Idrīadda 45

INDEX
Idriaḫa’u Chart 5 Inurtabēluuṣur 92, 102, 160, 174

Ikkaru 28 Inurtailā’ī 27, 103, 114
Ilâ 146 Inurtailā’ī Chart 3
Ilānibēluuṣur 38 Inurtašākin[…] Chart 3
Ilâša Chart 2 Inurtašarruuṣur 100
Ildalâ 52 Inurtî Chart 2
Ildalâ Chart 7 Inurtî 28, Chart 5
Ildalâ Chart 11 Iqqa[…]a Chart 2
Ilgabbarî Chart 2 Iranzû 155, 169, 170
Iliada’ 72, 139 Irḫulēnu 169
Iliadīni Chart 5 Irtukkanu 162
Ilidalâ Chart 13 Isā’ī Chart 13
Iliibnî 130, 149, 153 Issar[…] Chart 2
Iliidri Chart 16A Issaranmušallim 22
Ilikabar 194, Chart 4 Issaranzēruibnî Chart 3
Ilikabar 194, Chart 8 Issaraplu[…] Chart 4
Ilikabar 194, Chart 13 Issarapluiddina Chart 16A
Ilišulmišunu? Chart 3 IssarBābilā’ī, 61, 64,Chart 3
Iliukallanni 175 IssarBābilāiu Chart 8
Illilbānî 44 Issardūri 41, 61, 123
Ilmananî Chart 7 Issardūri Chart 1
Ilqatar Chart 3 Issardūri64, Chart 3
Iltadāiu Chart 9 Issarilā’ī 27, 114, Chart 5
Ilû 107 Issariqīša Chart 16A
Iluap[…] Chart 8 Issarnā’id Chart 3
Ilubi’di 33 Issarnā’id Chart 3
Ilubi’di Chart 5 Issarnā’id Chart 3
Ilubi’di Chart 8 Issarnādinaḫḫē19, Chart 2
Iluēšir Chart 8 Issarnādinaḫḫē Chart 6
Iluḫaḫu 199 Issaršarruibnî 139
Iluissīa Chart 1 Issaršumuēreš 192
Iluissīa Chart 14 Issaršumuibnî 98
Ilummalē’î Chart 5 Issaršumuiqīša 188
Ilumušēzib Chart 7 Issaršumulēšir 28, Chart 5
Ilunā’id Chart 2 Issartuklatūa 28, Chart 4
Ilunā’id Chart 5 Issarzēriqīša 196
Ilunādin[…] 107 Issemeili 69
Ilunādinaḫi Chart 2 Iš[…] 107
Ilupīauṣur Chart 5 IšmanniAššur 74, 77, 78
Ilupūti? Chart 11 Išmêili Chart 12A, 14
Ilurēmanni Chart 1 Išmêilu 76, Chart 5
Ilurēmanni Chart 14 Itî Chart 9
Ilušumuka’’in Chart 10 Ittāda Chart 8
Imarî 20, Chart 3 Itti 154
In[nāia] 199 Izbu Chart 1
Inurtaapluiddina 160 Izbulēšir Chart 3

Index
Izbulēšir Chart 3 Kēni Chart 15

Izbulēšir Chart 13 Kēnurība 45
Izbute 199 Kettiilāni Chart 11
Ki[…]AŠ Chart 13
J Ki[…] 38, Chart 14
Jehu 137, 141 Kiara 155, 169
Kibabiše 89
K Kidākuri 107
Kabarili Chart 2 KidinnuŠamaš Chart 16A
Kabbi[…] 38, Chart 12A, 14 Kikkuli 167
Kabti Chart 4 KiliTešub 126, 133
Kabtiili Chart 11 Kinama 107
Kabtiili Chart 13 KinanniIssar Chart 5
Kakia 168 Kināte 38, Chart 12A, 14
Kakî Chart 15 Kinna[…] 107
Kakkuapluuṣur Chart 15 Ki[qil]ānu 22, 115, 116
Kakkuēreš Chart 12A, 14 Kiqillānu Chart 2
Kakkuēreš Chart 14 Kiqillānu Chart 5
Kakkullānu Chart 3 KiribtuMarduk 110
Kakkullānu 70, Chart 3 Kirpi Chart 13
Kakkullānu 19, 21, 25, 26, 28, 116, 117, 120, Kirteara 154
Chart 5 Kiru[…] 107
Kakkussu 108, 193, Chart 5 KiṣirAššur 197
Kalbu 38, Chart 12A, 14 KiṣirAššur 36, 37, 102
Kalbu Chart 13 KiṣirAššur Chart 3
Kaldāiu Chart 15 KiṣirAššur Chart 3
Kalḫāiu 196 KiṣirAššur Chart 3
Kalḫāiu 181 KiṣirAššur 25, 26,116, 117, 120, Chart 5
Kalḫāiu Chart 1 KiṣirAššur Chart 5
Kalḫāiu 19, Chart 2 KiṣirAššur Chart 9
Kalḫāiu Chart 9 KiṣirAššur Chart 16A
Kalḫāiu Chart 14 KiṣirIssar Chart 11
Kalu 163 KiṣirIssar Chart 16A
Kandar 24, 27, Chart 5 KiṣirIssar Chart 5
Kannunāiu Chart 14 Ku[…] Chart 16A
Kanūnāiu 197 Kubabailā’ī Chart 4
Kanūnāiu Chart 1 Kubabasūri Chart 4
Kanūnāiu 61, 64, 177, 189, Chart 3 Kubabušallimanni 22
Kanūnāiu 26, 117, Chart 5 Kubbe[…] 107
Kanūnāiu Chart 5 Kudāiu Chart 15
Kanūnāiu Chart 7 Kudurru 168
Kanūnāiu Chart 9 Kudurru 16, 32, 51, Chart 11
Kapar[…]āia 180 Kukilû 107
Kaparra Chart 13 Kukulānu Chart 3
Kapiru 194, Chart 8 Kur’eēreš Chart 15
KAxŠU?ma Chart 13 Kurbānu 200
Kēnēpušili Chart 12B Kurratāia Chart 13

INDEX
Kurrilā’ī Chart 11 MannukīArbail Chart 7

Kusāia Chart 7 MannukīArbail Chart 7
Kutal 107 MannukīArbail 114, Chart 10, Chart 13
MannukīArbail Chart 14
L MannukīAššur 138, 141
Labasi 179, 195 MannukīAššur Chart 2
Lansî 45 MannukīAššur Chart 3
Lāqēpu 25 MannukīAššur Chart 9
Lāqēpu / Liqipu Chart 2 MannukīAššur Chart 15
Lāqēpu Chart 3 MannukīAššurlē’î 179, 195
Lāqēpu / Liqipu Chart 5 MannukīḪarrān Chart 7
Lāqēpu Chart 11 MannukīIssarlē’î Chart 2
LātegaanaIssar Chart 11 MannukīIssarlē’î Chart 5
Lē’îili? Chart 10 MannukīNabû Chart 2
Libbāli[…]? 38, Chart 14 MannukīNabû Chart 5
Libluṭu Chart 3 MannukīNergal 129
Lisu[…] 107 MannukīNinua 37, 51, 162
Litil Chart 5 MannukīNinua Chart 2
Lūbalāṭ 136 Mannukīnīšê 21, 22, 115, 116
Lūbalāṭ Chart 12B Mannukīṣābē 36
Lubarna 86, 130, 133, 135, 149, 151, 154, 168 Mannukīšarri Chart 9
Lunate(?) Chart 4 Manzarnê Chart 2
Luqu 201 Mardî Chart 5
Luqu116, 120, Chart 5 Mardû Chart 2
Luti’i Chart 16A Mardû Chart 5
Marduk[…] 188, 208
M Marduk[…] 38, Chart 14
Ma[…] Chart 4 Marduk[…] Chart 4
Madāiu 20, Chart 3 Marduk[āiu] Chart 6
Maḫdê Chart 13 Mardukaḫuiddina 189
Makamê 139 Mardukaplaiddina 83, 137, 156, 171
Maluṭu Chart 12B Mardukaplauṣur 137, 141
Mamî 27, Chart 5 Mardukbalāṭsuiqbî 169
Man[nukī…] Chart 3 Mardukbāniaḫḫē 178, Chart 3
Mannaipite 51, Chart 11 Mardukbēluuṣur Chart 11
Mannî Chart 16A Mardukēreš Chart 3
Mannuiddinaaḫḫē Chart 15 Mardukēreš Chart 14
MannukāAdda Chart 11 Mardukerība 196
Mannukīabi Chart 5 Mardukerība Chart 3
MannukīAdad 47, 91, 103, 112, 123, 190 Mardukerība Chart 5
MannukīAdad? Chart 4 Mardukerība Chart 12A, 14
Mannukīaḫḫē 122, Chart 3 Mardukēṭir 22
Mannukīaḫḫē Chart 14 Mardukēṭir Chart 5
Mannukīaḫḫē Chart 15 Mardukiddina Chart 10
MannukiArbail Chart 2 Mardukišmêanni Chart 4
MannukīArbail 25, 26, 27, 110, 116, 119, Mardukmudammiq 126, 169
Chart 5 Mardukrēmanni 161, 174

Index
Mardukšallim Chart 3 Mušēzibilu Chart 7

Mardukšarruibnî Chart 5 MušēzibMarduk Chart 16A
Mardukšarruuṣur 33, 34, 89, 190, 194 Mušēzibu 171
Mardukšarruuṣur Chart 3 Muṣaṣina 154, 168
Mardukšarruuṣur Chart 9 MutakkilAššur Chart 3
Mardukšarruuṣur Chart 11 MutakkilŠamaš Chart 4
Mardukšumuiddina Chart 2 Muttallu (Gurgum) 17
Mardukšumuiddina Chart 7 Muttallu (Kummuḫ) 17, 40, 93, 156, 171
Marduktēr 28, Chart 5
Mari 131 N
MārIssar 109, 185, 187, 199 Na’diAdad Chart 7
MārIssar 23, 129 Na’diilu 175
MārIssar Chart 3 Nā’idilu Chart 3
MārIssar Chart 5 Nabāia Chart 4
[Mār]larēm Chart 12A, 14 Nabî Chart 16A
Māršarriilā’ī Chart 2 Nabû[…] 42, 103, 190
Māršarriilā’ī Chart 5 Nabû[…] Chart 4
Masa’aia Chart 9 Nabû[…] Chart 5
Mašqaru Chart 11 Nabû[…]im Chart 7
Matenni 161 Nabû’a Chart 3
Meniili Chart 8 Nabû’a Chart 3
Meqdiara 126 Nabû’a 27, Chart 5
Merodachbaladan see Mardukaplaiddina Nabû’a Chart 10
Me’su 200 Nabû’āia Chart 2
Metraku 195 Nabû’aia Chart 7
Milkiiatâ Chart 12B Nabûabuibnî Chart 14
Milkiidri 27, 114, Chart 5 Nabûaḫḫēiddina Chart 3
Mīnuēpušili Chart 7 Nabûaḫḫēšallim Chart 13
MisBēl Chart 4 Nabûaḫu[…] 22
Mu[…] Chart 11 Nabûaḫuiddina Chart 3
Mu[…] Chart 3 Nabûaḫuiddina Chart 11
Mudadda 130, 133, 149, 153 Nabûaḫuuṣur 162
Mudi[…] 197 Nabûaḫuuṣur 193, Chart 3
Mugallu 175 Nabûaḫuuṣur Chart 3
Mukinzēri 41, 43, 44, 82, 83, 91, 194 Nabûaplaiddina Chart 1
Mu[šēzib]Marduk? Chart 16A Nabûbalāssuiqbî 43
Murasû114, Chart 11 Nabûbalāssuiqbî 26, 43, 117, Chart 5
MušallimAššur Chart 11 Nabûbānî 194
MušallimAššur Chart 12A, 14 Nabûbānîaḫḫē 128
Mušallimili Chart 12B Nabûbēlaḫḫēšu 79
MušallimIštar Chart 7 Nabûbēlšumāte Chart 12A, 14
MušallimMarduk 83 Nabûbēlšunu 19
MušallimMarduk Chart 11 Nabûbēluka’’in 33, 34, 164, 176, 177, 193
MušēzibAššur Chart 3 Nabûbēluuṣur 22, 69
MušēzibAššur Chart 5 Nabûda’’inanni Chart 11
MušēzibAššur Chart 9 Nabûdaiiān Chart 5
Mušēzibilu 80 Nabûdāmiq 194

INDEX
Nabûdān 164 Nabûsalli Chart 7

Nabûdanninanni 69, Chart 16B Nabûšallim 22
Nabûdūruuṣur 122, 190 Nabûšallim Chart 9
Nabûdūruuṣur 38, Chart 12A, 14 Nabûšallimaḫḫē Chart 5
Nabûēmuranni 42 Nabûšaraḫḫēšu 160
Nabûēmuranni Chart 11 Nabûšarḫiilāni Chart 13
Nabûēreš 72 Nabûšarruuṣur 83, 113
Nabûerība 49, 108 Nabûšarruuṣur 185, Chart 2
Nabûerība Chart 3 Nabûšarruuṣur 178, 183, 184, 185, Chart 3
Nabûerība Chart 12A, 14 Nabûšarruuṣur 178, 183, 184, 185, 198, 199,
Nabûēṭir 44, Chart 9 Chart 3
Nabûēṭiranni 99, 192 Nabûšarruuṣur 185, Chart 5, Chart 11
Nabûēṭirnapšāti 129 Nabûšēzib Chart 2, Chart 9, Chart 11, Chart
Nabûḫamātū’a 54, 106, 162 16A
Nabûḫusanni Chart 9 Nabûšumuiddina 109, 124, 173, 182, 185,
Nabûil Chart 12A, 14 186, 187, 207
Nabûiqbî 127 Nabûšumuiddina Chart 7
Nabûišmanni 81 Nabûšumuiqīša 196
Nabûkēnu Chart 3 Nabûšumuiškun 164
Nabûkēnudugul 110, Chart 10 Nabûšumuiškun Chart 9
Nabûkillanni Chart 9 Nabûšumulēšir 165
Nabûkuṣuranni Chart 9 Nabûšumulēšir Chart 3
Nabûlē’āni Chart 11 Nabûšumulēšir Chart 16A
Nabûlē’i Chart 3 Nabûšumuuṣur Chart 12A, 14
Nabûmāršarriuṣur Chart 5 Nabûtaklāk 72
Nabûnā’id Chart 3 Nabûtāriṣ 197
Nabûnā’id Chart 5 Nabûtāriṣ Chart 2
Nabûnā’id 31, Chart 6 Nabûtāriṣ Chart 2
Nabûnā’id Chart 9 Nabûtāriṣ 21, 22, 26, 115, Chart 5
Nabûnādinaḫḫē Chart 4 Nabûtāriṣ Chart 7
Nabûnādinaḫi 28, Chart 5 Nabûtuklātūa 36
Nabûnāṣir Chart 4 Nabûtukulti Chart 2
Nabûnāṣir Chart 12A, 14 Nabûtukulti Chart 5
Nabûnatkil Chart 3 Nabûubrīakēni Chart 16A
Nabûnatkil Chart 5 Nabûuṣalla 170
Nabûpāšir 45 Nabûušallim 51, 188, 191
Nabûqātīṣabat Chart 2 Nabûzēr[…] Chart 3
Nabûqātīṣabat 23, Chart 3 Nabûzērbānî Chart 3
Nabûrā’imnīšēšu 16, 48, 51 Nabûzēruiddina Chart 7
Nabûrē‹tuu%ur 19 Nabûzēruiddina Chart 9
Nabûrēḫtuuṣur Chart 3 Nabûzēruiqīša Chart 4
Nabûrēmanni 55, 175, 188 NadbiIā’u Chart 9
Nabûrēmanni 27, 114, Chart 5 Na’diilu (rab šāqê) 49, 70, 73
Nabûrēšiišši Chart 9 Na’diilu 31, 41, Chart 3
Nabûrībaaḫḫē 49 Nadini 42
Nabûsākip Chart 11 Nādinili 107
Nabûsālim Chart 3 Nādinu 82, 185, 207

Index
Nagâ Chart 5 Nergalšarruuṣur Chart 13

Naḫirānu Chart 9 Nergalšarruuṣur 38, Chart 14
Naḫiru Chart 12B Nergalšumuiddin Chart 4
Nani 90 Nergaluballiṭ 93, 97, 100, 101
Nannî Chart 4 Nergalzēruibnî Chart 3
Nannî Chart 16A Nibê 41
Nanusu 38, Chart 14 Niḫdā’ī 38, Chart 14
Naqaḫa Chart 8 Niḫramu Chart 11
Narmenâ Chart 13 Ninuāiu 19, Chart 2
NasḫurBēl 45, 111, 122 Ninurta[…] Chart 16A
Nasi[…] 199 Ninurtaabuuṣur Chart 12A, 14
Nāṣibil 41 Ninurtaissīa Chart 16A
Natēnu 45 Ninurtanā’id Chart 14
Natnu 171 Nuḫšāia Chart 5
Nebuchadnezzar I 193 Nuḫšāia Chart 16A
Nergal[…] 197 Nūrānu 22
Ner[gal…] Chart 9 Nūrānu Chart 5
Nergal[…]uṣur Chart 16A Nūriiapâ Chart 13
Nergalaḫuiddina Chart 4 Nuškuilā’ī Chart 3
Nergalaḫuuṣur Chart 4 Nuskušarruiddina Chart 7
Nergalapilkūmū’a 20, 21, 113
Nergalašarēd 22, 122, Chart 3 P
Nergalašarēdu Chart 5 PadîBēl 198
Nergalatkala Chart 15 Pa’e 48
Nergalballiṭ 49 Panî 67
Nergalbēluuda’’an 164 PāniAššurlāmur Chart 12A, 14
Nergalbēluuṣur 181 PānIssarlēšir 28, Chart 4
Nergalēreš Chart 13 Paqiḫi Chart 1
Nergalēṭir 57, 74, 82, 178 Paqiḫi Chart 14
Nergalibnî 197 Paššunu 170
Nergalibnî Chart 11 Peqah 40, 92
Nergalilā’ī 114 Pirišāti 169
Nergalilā’ī Chart 12B Pišarmu 37, Chart 14
Nergaliqbî 38, Chart 14 Pišelmu 163
Nergallāmur Chart 12B Pizešḫurdaia 16, Chart 9
Nergalmukinaḫi Chart 6 Pulî 163
Nergalnādinaḫi 199 Pulî Chart 4
Nergalnā’id 23, Chart 3 PuliPAP(aḫi) 107
Nergalnāṣir Chart 14 Pūlu 129
Nergalrēmēnî Chart 4 Pūlu Chart 7
Nergalšarrāni 33 Pūlu Chart 15
Nergalšarruuṣur Chart 1
Nergalšarruuṣur Chart 3 Q
Nergalšarruuṣur Chart 5 Qâ Chart 2
Nergalšarruuṣur Chart 7 Qalparunda 155
Nergalšarruuṣur Chart 9 Qalunzu Chart 7
Nergalšarruuṣur Chart 11 Qarḫâ Chart 2

INDEX
Qātiligabbu 98 S
Qātiligabbu Chart 12A, 14 Sa[…] Chart 8
Quili 19, Chart 2 Sa[…]’i Chart 15
Qurdî 182, Chart 9 Sa’ilâ 21, 22, 115, 116
QurdiAdad Chart 7 Sa’iru Chart 11
QurdiAdad Chart 16B Sadir 180, 188
QurdiAdad Chart 16B Sagab 160
QurdiAššurlāmur 51, 78, 161 Saggilšarruuṣur Chart 5
Qurdiilāni Chart 4 Sagibi Chart 3
Qurdiilāni Chart 16A Sagibi Chart 11
QurdiIssar 70, 106 Sagiru Chart 5
QurdiIssar 27, 70, Chart 5 Sakkannu Chart 9
QurdiIssarlāmur 28, Chart 4 Sakkuku Chart 7
QurdiIssarlāmur Chart 16A Salāia Chart 13
Salamame Chart 3
R Salamānu 16, 48, 51
RaḫimDādi Chart 9 Salamānu Chart 5
Raḫimiil 31, Chart 6 [Salam]ānu Chart 7
Ramail 51, Chart 10 Salamuimme Chart 1
Ramatēia 169, 171, 195 Salmanabuuṣur Chart 3
Rapi’ Chart 8 Saltiili Chart 9
Rapi’ 29, Chart 11 Saltiili Chart 12A, 14
Rāpi’u 170 Saltiili Chart 13
Rašiilu Chart 9 Samâ Chart 13
Rašil 128 Saman Chart 8
Raṣī 45 Samnuḫabēluuṣur 47, 49, 57
RēmanniAdad Chart 3 Samsi 126, 137, 152, 156
RēmanniAdad Chart 9 Same’u 170
RēmanniAdad Chart 9 Sangara 130, 133, 135, 168
RēmanniAdad 25, 27, 113, 116, 118, 183, Saparšu Chart 16A
Chart 9 Sapḫarru 170
RēmanniAdad Chart 14 Sapiru Chart 4
RēmanniIssar Chart 3 Sapunu 196
RēmanniIssar Chart 6 Sapunu 61, 64, 177, Chart 3
Remmūte Chart 1 Sardanapallos 19
Rēmtu Chart 16A Sarduri see Sēduru
Rēmutu 69 Sargon II 17, 19, 22, 25, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36,
Rēmuttu Chart 11 40, 41, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56,
Rezin 31, 32, 170 66, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 86,
Ribaaḫḫē 179, 195 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 96, 102, 103, 105, 106,
Ribaaḫḫē Chart 5 109, 111, 112, 115, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126,
Risāia Chart 3 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134, 135, 137, 139,
Rišiili Chart 11 141, 143, 144, 147, 148, 150, 151, 152, 156,
Rusa 87, 88, 174, 192 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 170, 172,
173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 180, 181, 182, 188,
189, 190, 192, 193
Sarsâ 19, Chart 2

Index
Sarsina 126 Sînēreš Chart 4

Sasî 19, 139 Sîniddina Chart 11
Sasî Chart 1 Sînilā’ī Chart 14
Sasî Chart 12B Sînkēnuuṣur Chart 3
Sasî Chart 14 Sînkēnuuṣur Chart 12A, 14
Sē’[…] Chart 3 Sînmutaqqin Chart 14
Sē’barakka 142 Sînnā’id Chart 1
Sē’[qam]u Chart 3 Sînnā’id Chart 3
Sē’dalâ Chart 7 Sînnā’id Chart 5
Sē’ḫari Chart 11 Sînnā’id Chart 11
Sē’ḫutni Chart 7 Sînnā’id Chart 14
Sē’qatar Chart 4 Sînnāṣir Chart 13
Sē’qatar Chart 5 Sînrēmanni Chart 9
Sē’rāmu Chart 4 Sînšariškun 21, 26, 115
Sēduru (Sarduri) 169, 192 Sînšarruuṣur 10, 114
Sennacherib 19, 40, 41, 46, 49, 53, 71, 93, 109, Sînšarruuṣur 23, 26, 117, Chart 3
125, 126, 127, 129, 131, 132, 135, 136, 137, Sînšarruuṣur Chart 3
140, 141, 143, 144, 147, 150, 151, 152, 156, Sînšarruuṣur Chart 9
158, 159, 161, 162, 164, 171, 175, 181, 192 Sînšumu[…] Chart 5
Shalmaneser III 54, 86, 125, 126, 130, 131, 133, Sînšumulēšir 25, 113, 121
134, 135, 136, 137, 141, 143, 144, 146, 147, Sînzēruibnî Chart 11
148, 150, 151, 154, 168, 173 Sisî Chart 1
Sidqa 126 Sīû Chart 13
Sidqāia Chart 13 Sudusi Chart 13
Sil[…] Chart 1 Sukkāia Chart 7
Sil[…] Chart 3 Sukkāia 69, Chart 7
Sil[…] Chart 14 Sukumu Chart 4
SiLAM.TAR Chart 12A, 14 Sulāia 104, 171
Silim[…] Chart 11 Sulumāiu Chart 3
SilimAdad Chart 12B Sunbāia Chart 4
SilimAššur 49, 108, 109 Sūrānu 45
SilimAššur Chart 7 Susapi 107
Silimili Chart 5
SilimInurta 136 Ṣ
Silkanni 192 Ṣābudamqu 36, Chart 14
Sîn[…] 22 Ṣābudamqu Chart 15
Sina’an 109, 187 Ṣallāia 44, 51
Sînaḫḫē Chart 1 Ṣalamšarriiqbî Chart 11
Sînaḫḫē Chart 14 Ṣalmua‹‹ē 19, Chart 2
Sînaḫuiddina Chart 12B Ṣalmuaḫḫē Chart 7
Sîna‹uu%ur 17 Ṣalmuaḫḫē Chart 7
Sînapluuṣur Chart 5 Ṣalmuaḫḫē Chart 12A, 14
Sînašarēd 184, 198, Chart 11 Ṣalmušarriiqbî Chart 2, 5, 11
Sînbalāssuiqbî Chart 10 ṢilBēl 82, 129
Sînbēluuṣur 140 ṢilliBēlIsana Chart 13
Sînbēluuṣur Chart 5 ṢilliBēlTue Chart 15
Sîndūriuṣur Chart 12A, 14 ṢilliIssar 45, 142

INDEX
Š Šamaššarruuṣur Chart 9
ŠaAia 45 Šamaššēzib Chart 11
ŠaAššurdubbu 52, 53, 111 Šamaššumuukīn 44, 131, 147, 157, 172
Ša[maš…] Chart 9 Šamaštaklāk 36, 51
ŠadiTešub 133, 153 Šamšani 42
Šagim 28 Šamšanniilu Chart 7
Šailugablu Chart 9 ŠamšiAdad V 126, 135, 137, 147, 155, 169
Šalāmašê Chart 5 Šarî 188
Šalmu 45, 142 ŠarIssar Chart 11
Šamaš[…] Chart 2 Šarru[…] 128
Šamaš[…] 38, Chart 14 Šarru[…] Chart 4
Šamaš[…] Chart 16A Šarru[…] Chart 9
Šamašabu’a Chart 7 Šarru[…] Chart 16A
Šamašaḫuiddina 71, 76, 80, 177 Šarruaḫu?[…] Chart 14
Šamašaḫuuṣur Chart 3 Šarrudūri 69, 90, 105
Šamašaḫuuṣur Chart 12A, 14 Šarruēmuranni 33, 41, 47, 54, 72, 89, 132, 139,
Šamašbānî Chart 12B 188
Šamašbānî Chart 15 Šarruēmuranni 22, 103, 122
Šamašbānîaḫḫē Chart 13 Šarruēmuranni Chart 3
Šamašbēluuṣur 72, 82, 88, 96 Šarruēmuranni Chart 9
Šamašbunāia 43, 79, 81 Šarruēmuranni Chart 11
Šamašdeniāmur Chart 16A Šarruḫussanni Chart 3
Šamašḫiti Chart 1 Šarruilā’ī 70
Šamašibnî 51 Šarruilā’ī Chart 3
Šamašidri 45 Šarruilā’ī Chart 5
Šamašilā’ī Chart 1 Šarrulūdārî 26, 78, 117
Šamašilā’ī Chart 2 Šarrulūdārî Chart 1
Šamašilā’ī 29, Chart 9 Šarrulūdārî Chart 3
Šamašilā’ī Chart 12A, 14 Šarrulūdārî Chart 5
Šamašilā’ī Chart 12B Šarrulūdārî Chart 9
Šamašiqīša Chart 12A, 14 Šarrulūdārî Chart 14
Šamaškēnuuballiṭ Chart 3 Šarrunūri 23, Chart 3
Šamašmudammiq 168 Šarrunūrī Chart 6
Šamašnā’id Chart 3 Šarrurē’û’a Chart 3
Šamašnā’id Chart 5 ŠarruSîn Chart 16A
Šamašnā’id Chart 16A Šarrušumuukīn Chart 9
Šamašnāṣir 104 Šašin Chart 3
Šamašnāṣir Chart 4 Šataparna 195
Šamašnāṣir Chart 11 Šataqupi 195
Šamašnūri Chart 2 Šatašpa 195
Šamašpīauṣur Chart 16A Šelubu Chart 1
Šamašrēmanni Chart 1 ŠēpAdad Chart 11
Šamašrēmanni Chart 3 Šēpē[…] Chart 3
Šamašṣabtanni Chart 15 ŠēpēAššur Chart 3
Šamaššallim Chart 9 ŠēpēŠamaš Chart 1
Šamaššallim 29, 189, Chart 9 ŠēpēŠamaš Chart 3
Šamaššallimanni Chart 4 Šēpēšarri Chart 14

Index
Šerlutbê Chart 2 TardītuAššur 49

Šernūrī Chart 6 TardītuAššur Chart 11
Šidirparna 157 Tarḫuen[…] 107
Šulâ 44 Tarḫundapî 19
Šulluma 71 Tarḫulari 107
Šulmu[…] Chart 1 TaribaIssar 96, 189
Šulmu[…] Chart 14 Tarrikiḫallu Chart 7
Šulmuaḫḫē 189 TiglathPileser I 125, 126, 133, 146, 168
Šulmuaḫḫē Chart 3 TiglathPileser III 31, 32, 40, 43, 51, 59, 69, 73,
Šulmuaḫḫē Chart 5 78, 80, 82, 83, 88, 90, 91, 92, 99, 100, 102,
Šulmuaḫḫē Chart 7 104, 105, 116, 124, 125, 126, 127, 130, 135,
Šulmubēli 174, 181 137, 139, 147, 151, 153, 155, 160, 161, 166,
Šulmubēli Chart 2 169, 170, 175, 190, 192, 194, 195
Šulmubēlilāmur 183, 198, Chart 11 Tirḫaqa (Taharqa) 86, 126, 131, 147, 150, 157
Šulmubēlilašme Chart 9 Titamaška 155, 169
Šulmubēlilašme Chart 11 Tuatti 163
Šulmubēlilašme Chart 13 Tudute Chart 10
Šulmuēreš 61, Chart 3 TukultīNinurta II 86, 126, 130, 133, 135, 136,
Šulmušarri Chart 3 137, 141, 148, 149, 153, 168, 181
Šulmušarri 116, 117, Chart 3 TuqunIssar 139
Šumāia 104 Tur[…] 196
Šummailāni 25, 116, 117, Chart 9 Tutî Chart 14
Šummailāni Chart 9
Šummaili Chart 2 Ṭ
Šummaili Chart 5 Ṭāb[…] 188, 208
Šummailu 21, 115 Ṭāb[…]Ezida Chart 16A
Šummailu Chart 5 Ṭābaḫḫē 49
Šummailu Chart 14 Ṭābnāiu Chart 12B
Šummašarru Chart 10 Ṭābšar[…] 199
Šummašēzib 22 Ṭābšar[…] Chart 5
Šummaussēzib Chart 7 ṬābšarAššur Chart 12A, 14
Šumuiddin 44 ṬābšarNabû Chart 9
Šumu[…] 42 Ṭābšar(Bēt)Papāḫi 25, 113, 121, Chart 5
Šumulēšir 38, Chart 12A, 14 ṬābṣilĒšarra 41, 45, 54, 56, 189
Šumuukīn Chart 2
Šumuukīn Chart 5 U
Šumuukīn Chart 7 Uarbisi 32, Chart 11
Uarkaza Chart 4
T Uarmeri 32, Chart 11
Tab[…] Chart 4 Uassurme 170
Tabalāiu 20, Chart 3 Ubbuku Chart 5
Tabalāiu Chart 8 Ubru[…] Chart 13
Tabalāiu 32, Chart 11 Ubruaḫḫē Chart 4
Taharqa see Tirḫaqa Ubruaḫḫē Chart 5
TaklākanaBēli 33, 74, 123 Ubruaḫḫē Chart 15
Tamrānu 152 Ubruaḫḫē Chart 16A
Tardīa 182, Chart 7 UbruAššur Chart 16A

INDEX
UbruEkurri Chart 7 Urdu Chart 4

UbruḪarrān Chart 3 Urdu 26, 117, Chart 5
UbruḪarrān Chart 5 Urdu Chart 7
UbruḪarrān Chart 11 Urdu[…] Chart 16A
UbruḪarrān Chart 12A, 14 Urduapli Chart 2
UbruIssar Chart 4 UrduAššur 180
UbruIssar Chart 15 UrduBēlet Chart 2
UbruLibbāli 38, Chart 14 UrduMulissi Chart 11
UbruNabû 26, 117, Chart 5 Urkatili 38, Chart 12A, 14
UbruNabû Chart 7 Urzana 126, 130, 132, 133, 135, 145, 156, 160,
UbruNabû Chart 9 161, 170, 174, 181
UbruNergal Chart 3 Usi’ Chart 5
UbruNergal Chart 5 Ušpina 126
UbruNergal Chart 15 Ušru 195
UbruŠamaš Chart 16A Uznānu 16, Chart 9
UburIssar 200
UburIssar 185, Chart 7 W
UD.20.KÁMia Chart 2 Wazaru Chart 3
UD.20.KÁMia Chart 7 Waru 51
Uitana 195
UDkiaa Chart 2 X
Ugsatar 195 Xenophon 90
Ukumu Chart 8
Ullusunu 87, 150, 156, 170 Z
Uluanda 163 Za[…] Chart 4
Ululāiu 139 Za[…] Chart 4
Ululāiu Chart 3 Za[…] Chart 3
Ululāiu Chart 5 Zabābaerība Chart 9
Ululāiu Chart 12A, 14 Zabābaerība Chart 11
Umadi Chart 3 Zabāia Chart 2
UnzarḫiAššur Chart 5 Zabdâ Chart 9
UnzarḫiIssar Chart 5 Zabda[…] Chart 8
Upaš 195 Zabdānu 21, 22, 115, 116, Chart 9
Uppis 171 Zabdî Chart 9
Uquraḫḫē Chart 2 Zabida 130, 150, 156
Uradaḫḫēšu Chart 3 Zabinu Chart 7
Uradaḫḫēšu Chart 11 Zabinu 114, Chart 9
UradIssar 28, Chart 5 Zakir 42
UradIssar Chart 11 Zaliāiu 19, Chart 2
UradNabû Chart 5 Zanasana 171
UradNanâ Chart 3 Zannānu Chart 8
Urakî Chart 8 Zanzānu Chart 5
Urbala’a 163 Zārūtî Chart 3
Urda[…] 199 Zārūtî Chart 5
Urdî 38, Chart 12A, 14 Zārūtî Chart 9
Urdu 196 Zārūtî (Zēruutî) Chart 9
Urdu Chart 2 Zārūtî Chart 11

Index
Zazaku 38, Chart 12A, 14 Zēruukīn Chart 9

Zazî Chart 9 Zēruukīn 27, 114, Chart 10
Zēribnî Chart 5 Zērūtu 71
ZērIssar Chart 5 Zizî Chart 13
Zēruibnî 29, 45 Zuarzuarza Chart 5
Zēruukīn 49
Names of Deities
Aiapaksina 126 Nabirtu 126
Ammankasibar 126 Nabû 127, 129, 187
Anu 128 Nannai 126
Anurabû 126 Napsā 126
Aššur 53, 85, 86, 126, 127, 160, 187, 205 Nêretagmil 126
Bagbartu 126 Ninurta 160
Bēl 128, 129, 185 Panintimri 126
Bēletbalāṭi 160 Pārisatpalê 160
Bilala 126 Partikira 126
Burruqu 126 Ragiba 126
Gula 126 Sakkud 126
Ḫaldi(a) 88, 126, 130, 132, 133, 137, 138, 139, Sapak 126
141, 143, 144, 145, 147 Silagarā 126
Ḫumḫum 129 SunGAMsarā 126
Ištar 28 Šamaš (Sungod) 62, 65, 124, 127, 162, 172
Ištar of BītEqi 160 ŠarratDēr 126
Ištar of BītKidmuri 160 Šimalu’a 129
Karsa 126 Šudānu 126
Kindakarpu 126 Šukāniia 126
Kirsamas 126 Šumudu 126
Lagamaru 126 Šušinak 126
Mārbītišabirîtnāri 126 Uduran 126
Mārbītišapānbīti 126 Urkītu 126
Marduk 127, 160 Zarpanitu 128
Mullissu 160
Names of People
Anatolians 32 53, 56, 72, 73, 80, 82, 83, 87, 88, 91, 108,
Arabs 15, 32, 126, 131, 134, 137, 152, 156, 157, 111, 126, 134, 143, 144, 148, 150, 152, 161,
165, 170 165, 168, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 183,
Arameans 10, 12, 16, 17, 18, 20, 23, 24, 25, 28, 187, 188, 190
29, 32, 33, 34, 37, 40, 41,91, 140, 146, 153 Babylonians 41, 194
Ashdodites 161 Borsippeans 82
Assyrians 11, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 23, 24, 25, Chaldeans 12, 17, 33, 34, 41, 71
29, 32, 33, 34, 37, 41, 43, 44, 48, 49, 50, 52, Cimmerians 139

INDEX
Commageneans 162 Nabaiateans 165

Dilbateans 77 Persians 91
DūrBali‹āia 41, 82 Philistines 45, 49
Egyptians 16, 172 Puqūdu 41, 71, 156, 170
Elamites 16, 32, 51, 140, 165 Qappateans 57, 181
Gambuleans 51, 86, 114, 130, 150, 156 Qudu 56
Gurreans 10, 11, 19, 46, 47, 48, 50, 52, 72, 112, Riḫiqu 50
138, 139, 142, 143 Ru’a (Ru’ūa) 42, 156, 170
Ḫallataeans 19, 41, 50 Rubu’u 50
Ḫamaraneans 43, 81 Ruqaḫu 41, 50, 153
Ḫamateans 17, 33, 34 Sabaeans 156, 170
Iādaqu 50 Samarians 12, 33, 122
Iasubigalla 156 Scythians 139, 172
Idiba’ilu 156 Sidonites 49, 161
Israelites 12 Suḫeans 81
Itu’eans 10, 11, 43, 46, 47, 48, 50, 72, 81, 89, 91, Šadikanneans 49, 57
106, 110, 111, 112, 178 Šubrians 52, 53, 56
Judeans 12 Tabaleans 31
Kumasaeans 188 Taziru 111
Larakeans 91 Tema 156
Lidiaeans 43, 81 Temannu 126, 137, 146, 153
Litāmu 43, 50 Urarṭians 18, 53, 73, 143, 172
Mannaeans 55, 172 Ušḫu 56
Mas’a (Massaeans) 156, 165 Zagros people 165
Medes 152, 155, 156, 157, 164, 170, 171, 172 Zalipeans 55
Geographical Names
A Ammon 161, 174
Abbani 108, 193 Ampiḫabi 82
Abiilā’ī 26, 117 Amurrû 130, 132, 133, 135, 136
Abrania 155, 170 Anatolia 31, 111, 175
Aburē 156, 170 Andarpataianu 173
Adia 186 Andia 175, 181, 191
Adian 96 Aniastania 87, 150
Adumutu 131, 157 Apiani 19, 107
A‹sana 195 Aqarbānu 149, 153
Aiadi, Mount 88, 150 Araši 48, 49
Aialê 88 Ara(n)ziaš 155, 169, 175
Aiusiaš 157, 172 Arbatu 149, 153
Akkad 34, 35, 41, 44, 51 Arbela (Arbail) 28, 45, 46, 47, 49, 77, 81, 94, 95,
Aku[…] 195 96, 97, 129, 160, 181, 182, 186, 204
Allabria 106, 152, 156, 170 Ardupa 168
Ālueššu 94 Aribua 86, 149
Amat 195 Argite 103, 106
Amidi 45, 111, 122 Armarili, Mount 88, 150

Index
Armenia 142 Bar‹alzi 21, 22, 37, 103, 186, 189, 206
Arna 88 Barkašidaia 94
Arpad 130, 137, 140, 186, 201, 206, 207 Barzaništa 89
Arrapḫa 28, 38, 45, 51, 78, 79, 83, 89, 108, 144, Baqar 96
186, 193, 204, 205, 206 Bikni, Mount 157
Arrî 172 Birrūa 137, 157, 172
Arzabia 88, 150 Birtu 149
Arzaškun 169 BītAbdadāni 155, 169
Arzuḫina 28, 38, 45, 61, 64, 82, 90. 95, 96, 97, BītAdini 39, 42, 126, 149, 154, 168, 169
100, 101, 164, 173, 175, 177, 188, 189 BītAgūsi 86, 130, 135, 150, 151, 154
Ashdod 17, 161 BītAmuk(k)ān(n)i 41, 42, 90, 135, 158, 194
Ashkelon 126 BītBa‹iāni 39, 146, 153, 154, 168
Assyria 40, 52, 53, 55, 60, 78, 86, 92, 126, 132, BītBarrūa 88
141, 144, 146, 148, 151, 152, 160, 161, 165, BītDakkuri 41, 42, 72, 90, 106, 135, 155, 156,
170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 188, 190, 188, 190, 191
193, 194 BītDaltâ 61, 64, 173, 177, 189
Assyrian Empire 9, 15, 16, 23, 24, 28, 32, 37, BītGabbari 130, 131, 133, 135, 151, 154
39, 53, 54, 55, 59, 60, 70, 77, 79, 80, 97, 99, Bīt‹amban 55, 125, 126, 162, 163, 174, 176
102, 106, 116, 127, 134, 136, 138, 141, 143, Bīt‹alupê 126, 130, 133, 135, 137, 146, 149,
144, 145, 165, 173, 175, 179, 192 153, 154
Ašdiaš 157, 172 BītIakīn 40, 93, 135, 156
Aššašt (or Aššašdannu) 157, 172 BītIa‹iri 153, 168
Aššu 154 BītIssar 195
Aššur 16, 28, 31, 36, 41, 46, 134, 135, 139, 144, BītKapsi 155, 195
180, 186 BītKāri 162, 172, 173
Aššur Temple 114, 126, 128, 155 BītNergal 126, 155
Azallu 39, 146, 149, 154, 168 BītPuritiš 31, 32
Azari 100 BītSangi 155
Azmu 154 BītSangibūti 87, 150, 155, 169
BītTatrî 173
B BītUrzakki 155
Ba[…] 22 BītZamāni 45, 130, 133, 135, 136, 137, 146,
Bābbitqi 82, 83, 194 149, 151, 153, 154, 168, 197
Bābdūri 156, 171 BītZatti 155, 169
Babylonia 15, 40, 43, 51, 56, 71, 73, 80, 82, 83, BītZualza 161
90, 91, 98, 125, 126, 129, 151, 152, 155, 156, Borsippa 127, 130, 174, 194
174, 185, 190 Bubê 126
Babylon 16, 24, 27, 44, 72, 82, 89, 90, 114, 125, Bubuzi 88
127, 130, 147, 156, 157, 163, 168, 194 Bu‹arru 91
Badanu 156 Bunāsi 154, 168
BÀD.GAŠANia (DūrBēltīa?) 94 B/PusuUD 172
Bakrawa see KārAššur
Balawat (ImgurEnlil) 28 C
Ballaṭu 23 Calah see Kal‹u
Baqānu 155 Carchemish 21, 22, 31, 32, 33, 39, 40, 56, 93,
Bāra 153 130, 131, 132, 133, 135, 137, 147, 151, 154,
Barbaz 150, 155, 170 168, 169, 170

INDEX
Commagene see Kummuḫ E

Cutha 44, 82 Eastern Turkey 142
Ebirnāri 186, 195
D Edom 161
Daban, River 147, 169 Egypt 127, 152, 156, 157, 161, 170, 171, 172,
Dagara 149, 153 174, 192
Daiēnu 153, 155, 169 Ekallāte 54, 56
Daiqanša 155, 170 Ekalpīnāri 153
Dalaia 87, 150, 182 Ekron 128, 161
Damascus 31, 32, 76, 123, 128, 130, 131, 133, Elam 16, 40, 50, 71, 126, 131, 137, 147, 152, 157,
135, 136, 137, 145, 146, 155, 156, 165, 169, 172, 173
170, 186, 203 Elaniu, Mount 153
Dâna 186, 201 Ellipi 41, 50, 88, 152, 155, 156, 161, 163, 164,
Danabu 161 169, 170, 173
Dania 155, 170 Elizanšu 155, 170
Dannāia 27, 113, 114 Elugia 155, 170
Danzīun 155, 170 Eparna 173
Daria 94 Euphrates 44, 61, 111, 135, 154
Datēbir 126 Eusa 155, 170
Da’unāni 79
Dēr 16, 23, 51, 72, 126, 155, 165 G
Dilbat 44 Gambulu 114, 130, 148, 152, 157, 161
DonkeyDriver Town 139 Gargamiš see Carchemish
Dugar[…] 94 Gaza 126, 128, 130, 155, 161, 170, 174, 192
Dumeil 44 Gidara 146, 153
Dummētu 154 Gilgimê 92
Dunānu 157 Gilzānu 149, 150, 153, 154, 155, 168, 169
DūrAnunīti 71, 89 Ginizinānu 195
DūrAššur 175, 176 Gizilbunda 169
DūrAt‹ara 156, 170 Gulgul/kir 94
DūrBali‹āia 83 Gupâra 94
DūrBēlilā’ī 71, 89, 179, 190 Gurgum 17, 86, 135, 137, 150, 154
DūrEllatia 42 Gusunē 137, 157, 172
Dūr‹atriki 94 Guzana/Guzānu(Tell Halaf) 30, 42, 45, 50, 74,
DūrIakīn 92, 137, 156, 171 78, 138, 141, 142, 146, 153, 186, 205, 206
DūrKatlimmu (Tall Šēh ›amad) 20, 22, 23,
30, 31, 36, 116, 117, 130, 133, 135, 137, 141, H
153, 168 Hasanlu 143
DūrLadini 41, 82, 83, 174
DūrPapsukkal 126, 147, 169 Ḫ
DūrŠamaš 89 Ḫabḫu 126, 137, 144, 149, 153, 154
DūrŠarrukēn (Khorsabad) 17, 36, 37, 57, 80, Ḫabrūri 37, 38
95, 96, 97, 98, 123, 132, 133, 136, 181, 182, Ḫābur 23, 86, 122, 146, 153
186, 192, 203, 204, 205, 207 Ḫada’il 186, 206
DūrŠarruku 129, 186, 203 Ḫaiappa 156
Ḫalaḫḫu 132
ḪalaḫKURbi 94

Index
Ḫalman 195 Immerinu 150, 154

Ḫalṣu 94, 95, 96, 97, 189 Inner City 54, 56
Ḫalulê 147, 171 Ippa 155, 170
Ḫalziatbar 38, 70 Iraq 97
Ḫamath 34, 103, 106, 123, 137, 165, 170 Irtia 88, 150
Ḫamudu 47, 77 Isana 22, 38, 74, 103, 122, 186, 201, 205
Ḫanê 49, 108, 109 Israel 40, 92, 130, 137, 141
Ḫanigalbat 126, 137, 144, 146, 153, 168 Issete 96
Ḫarabisinna 150, 155, 170 Izalla 149, 153
Ḫarbāni 149 Izduia 126
Ḫardu 112
Ḫargu 150, 154, 168 J
Ḫar‹ar see KārŠarrukēn Judah 131, 135, 136, 137, 141, 143, 144, 147,
Ḫarmasa 150, 154, 168 156, 161, 171, 174
Ḫarrān 19, 23
Ḫartišu 149, 154, 168 K
Ḫatte 156 Kal‹u (Calah) 17, 23, 47, 49, 61, 69, 77, 87, 90,
Ḫatti 130, 132, 133, 135, 136, 146, 149, 153, 154, 92, 97, 105, 106, 133, 134, 135, 140, 141,
168 143, 161, 174, 182, 185, 186, 187, 189, 193,
Ḫimua 153 203, 204, 205, 206
Ḫindānu 130, 133, 149, 153, 154, 156, 171 Kannu’ 188
Ḫin‹inia 94 Kapardiqarat 94
Ḫilawi 109 KaparIliti 108, 193
Ḫilakku (Ḫiluku) 154, 169 KaparNergal 108, 193
Ḫiriti 94 KaparUtani 94
Ḫista 150, 155, 170 Karalla 161
Ḫubaba19 Karduniaš see Babylon
Ḫuba‹na 156, 170 KārAššur (Bakrawa?) 74, 75, 76, 89, 99, 189,
Ḫubana 99 193
Ḫubuškia 149, 153, 154, 155, 156, 168, 169, KārŠarrukēn (‹ar‹ar) 33, 61, 175
170, 174 Karsibuta 169
Ḫudun 149, 153, 168 Karunuri 140
Ḫudupa 109 Kašiiari, Mount 135, 136, 137, 144, 149, 153,
Ḫullari 109 154
Ḫumrî, Bīt 137, 141, 147 Katmu‹u 126, 133, 149, 153, 154
Ḫundur 88 Kazuginzani 195
Ḫurādu 135 Khorsabad see DūrŠarrukēn
Ḫuzaza 134, 165 Kibaku 149, 154
Ḫuzirina 154 Kilizi 27, 28, 95, 96, 161, 186, 190, 204
Kilpa‹a 108, 193
I Kindâ 94
Iadburu 156, 171 Kintu 94
Ia‹ānu 135, 154, 169 Kipinu 126
Iasbuqu 154, 169 Kipšuna 26
Iasubigalla 171 Kirriuru 126
Ibuli 156 Kišesim 161, 175, 176
Ilqiamat 94 Kish 44, 147, 156, 171

INDEX
Kitku[…] 195 Megiddo 98, 99

Kukkubâ 172 Meliddu 135, 155, 156, 169, 171, 186
Kumme/u 42, 77, 89, 139, 153 Memphis 86, 126, 131, 147, 150, 157
Kummuḫ(i) 17, 40, 42, 76, 93, 123, 130, 135, Menaga 73
137, 150, 154, 156, 162, 171 Mesopotamia 121, 194
Kunanê 92 Mēsu 155, 169
Kunulua (Kinalua, Kulnia, Kullania) 38, 130, Meturna 71, 89, 190
133, 135, 151, 154, 175, 186, 187, 193, 201 Mêturnat 126
Kurbail 38, 50, 94, 95, 98, 111 Mila 104
Kush 126, 127 Minu’ 72, 139
Mišita 195
L Moab 161, 174
Laba’u 103 Muḫḫinaḫli 94
Lachish 82, 138 Murattaš 133, 146
Laḫiru 38, 61, 74, 76, 114, 124, 171, 186, 205 MušēzibTammešApsî 94
Lamena 155 Mušku 149, 153
Laqû 126, 130, 133, 135, 137, 146, 149, 153 Muṣaṣir 41, 42, 88, 125, 126, 130, 132, 133, 135,
Lāra, Mount 168 137, 138, 139, 141, 143, 144, 145, 147, 156,
Larak 41, 42, 91, 156 160, 170, 174, 181
Larbusa 153
Laruba 111 N
Lebanon 39 Nabû Temple 129, 185
Libê 153 Nagītu 40, 93
Lower Egypt 152, 172, 174 Namri 126, 155, 169
Luḫutu 86 Nairi 86, 126, 135, 136, 146, 149, 151, 153, 155,
Lullumu 126 156, 168, 169, 170
Lulubani 104 Nakba 94
Luqaše 49 Namri 126, 155, 169
Luqadanša 155, 170 Naqarabānu 154
Luqia 155, 170 Naṣibina 33, 42, 126, 137, 146, 197
Luristan 140 Naziniri 157, 172
Nibu 135, 137
M Nikkur 55
Maliku 108, 193 Nikur 155, 169
Mannai (Mannaea) 87, 152, 155, 156, 157, 169, Nimrud see Kalḫu
170, 172, 173, 175, 182, 186 Nineveh 17, 23, 26, 27, 36, 49, 61, 94, 95, 96,
Manṣuāte 186, 201 97, 98, 115, 117, 119, 120, 127, 129, 132,
Marad 44, 72 182, 185, 186, 204, 206
Marbanai 61 Nikiri 195
Marḫuḫa 52 Nikkur 175
Mariru 153 Nippur 44, 48, 134
Marqasa 78 Niqqu 126
Māzamua 33, 46, 47, 72, 76, 87, 89, 99, 103, Nirbu 149, 153, 168
106, 160, 175, 186, 188, 190, 204 Nirdun 137, 144, 145, 146, 149, 153, 154, 168
Media 41, 89, 157, 162, 170, 171, 172, 175, 189, Nisir 153
190 North Jazira 97

Index
Northwest Iran 142 Rapiḫi 109

Nuḫāni 156, 170 Rapiša 73
Nuzi 140, 144 Raqammatu 146, 153
Raṣappa 37, 164, 181, 186, 197, 203
O Rašu 71
Omri, House of see ‹umrî, Bīt Ratme 108, 193
Riblah see Rablê
P Rimusu 94
Paiteru 153
Papḫû 126 S
Paqaraḫubuni 137 Saba[…] 190
Par‹a 23 Sabḫānu 42
Parsua 57, 89, 155, 169, 186, 188, 192, 205 Sadbat 195
Parsumaš 156 Sakka 155, 170
Partakka 157, 171 Salt Desert 162, 172
Partukka 157, 171 Samaria 31, 32, 34, 61, 123, 130, 132, 133, 135,
Paššate 188 136, 147
Patinu 39, 86, 130, 131, 133, 135, 149, 151, 154, Sam’al 86, 135, 150, 154, 169
155, 168, 169 Sam’ūna 156, 171
Patiškun 135, 136, 149, 153 Sa/ingibūti see BītSangibūti
PattiIllil 72 San‹a 89
Patušarri 157, 171 Saba[…] 89
Penzâ 52 Sa’ilu 170
Philistia 42, 49 San‹a 189
Phoenicia 51 Saparda 162, 172
Piqdani 109 Sapia 91
Pīru 149, 153 Sappānu 153
Saradauš 133, 146
Q Sarduriḫurda 87
Qadeš 80, 177 Sarê 108, 175, 193
Qamani 108, 193 Sarnî 88
Qarkinšera 195 Sarugu 150, 154
Qarnê 186, 201 Sassiašu 169
Qarqar 31, 32, 33, 40, 92, 170, 173 Sealand 44, 156
Qatnu 133, 146, 149, 153, 168 Sibar 195
Qērebtiālāni 126, 155 Sidon 49, 61, 130, 132, 133, 135, 136
Quda 155, 170 Siḫūa 157, 172
Que 31, 70, 73, 135, 137, 154, 155, 169 Si’immê 38, 74, 78, 91, 186, 204, 206
Qumānu 126, 153, 193 Sikānu 146, 153
Qumbuna 61, 177 Sikkur 153
Qurubi 26, 117, 120 Sikra 195
Sikriš 172
R Silāia 154
Rablê (Riblah) 71, 80, 177 Simerra 126, 150, 154, 168
Radāni 108, 109, 193 Sîn Temple 128
Radānu River, 100 Sippar 82
Ramadani 172 Sirdakka 87, 150, 156

INDEX
Sirišu 150, 154, 168 Tamnuna (Tamanūni) 107, 114, 189

Sirqu 130, 133, 149, 153, 154 Tarmakisa 87, 150, 182
Sisad[…] 195 Tarninu 94
Sūbi 172 Tarui 87, 150, 182
Subnat 135, 136, 149, 153 Tasa 150, 155, 170
Suḫu 126, 130, 137, 141, 146, 149, 153, 154, 168 Taurla 155, 169
Sulaia 156 Tēla 153
Sunbu 155, 169 Tell Billa 54
Supru 149, 153 TellHalaf see Guzana
Sūru 82, 126, 130, 133, 135, 137, 146, 149, 153, Thebai (Thebes) 157, 172
154, 168 Tīdu 50
Susa 126 Tigris 73, 126, 153
Susānu 110 Tikki 169
Suti[…] 108, 193 TilAbni 130, 150, 154
Sutia[…] 108, 193 TilBarsip 38, 42, 49, 191
TilGarimmu 40, 93
& TilGÚ 94
&ela 19, 107 TilRa‹awa 49, 108
&imirra 51, 78 TilTuba 137, 147, 157, 172
&inišpalâ 88 TilUlina 108, 193
&iniunak 88 Tillê 47, 74, 77, 186, 203
&upat 103, 106, 111, 134 Transcaucasia 138
&upru 154 Tuaiadi 172
Tugliaš 126, 155
Š Tu‹una 109
Šabirēšu 36, 52 Tullu 135, 155
Šadikanni 42, 130, 146, 154 Tummu 149, 153, 168
Šadirtu 44 Turmuna 99
Šallat 189 Turušpâ 169
Šama’unu, Fort 71 Tuš‹a(n) 16, 35, 52, 73, 86, 111, 146, 149, 153,
Šaparda 195 168
ŠapīBēl 157 Tyre 130, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 155, 156, 161,
Šarruiqbî 137, 157, 172 169, 170
Šibaniba 94
Šinu‹tu 31, 32, 170 U
Šišil31 U[…]āia 180
Šubria (Šubrû) 52, 53, 85, 146, 147, 149, 153, Ubianda, Mount 88
168 UDpani 172
Šu‹upa 186, 206 Uizak 195
Šumurza 126, 155 Ukku 156
Ulaia 155, 170
T Ul‹u 87, 150
Tabal 40, 71, 93, 130, 146, 156, 160, 163, 170, Ulmānu 150, 154, 168
174 Ulušia 89, 189
Taku 104 Unqi 86, 130, 135, 137, 150, 154
Tall Šēh ›amad see DūrKatlimmu Uparia 195
Talmeš 197 Uppiš 157, 172

Index
Uppumu 53, 147 Z

Urakazabarna 157, 171 Zab, Lower 133, 146
Urar#u 52, 87, 88, 137, 138, 142, 146, 155, 156, Zab, River 153
169, 174, 182, 188, 192 Zab(b)an 42, 89, 190
Uraš 155 Zagānu 149
Urba[…] 195 Zagros Mountains 15, 50, 170, 172, 175, 176
Uriakka 162 Zakrūtu 164, 175, 195
Urkiiamun 157, 172 Zalipu 188
Urratinaš 133, 153 Zāmē 156, 170
Uruk 23, 44 Zamru 153, 168
URU.DIŠ.UD LÚ.NAGAR.MEŠ 94 Zamua 37, 42, 86, 149, 153, 168, 189
URU.ERIN 94 Zanziuna 155, 169
URU.ŠE KAŠ.LUL (Kapar šaqê?) 94 Zazabuḫa 137, 144, 149, 154
URU.ŠE ša UGU.ÌD (Kapar ša muḫḫi nāri?) 94 Zidada 27
Usalâ 149, 153 Zikirtu 188
W
Wadi Tharthar 86
Waisi 174
Wauš, Mount 87
Wišdiš, Mount 87, 150

Asszir_borito_II_Q10_ 2016.05.31. 11:34 Page 1
Tamás Dezső
Tamás Dezső
THE ASSYRIAN ARMY
Antiqua & orientalia
II. RECRUITMENT AND LOGISTICS
THE ASSYRIAN ARMY II.
EÖTVÖS UNIVERSITY PRESS

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Asszir_borito_II_Q10_ 2016.05.31.

II. RECRUITMENT AND LOGISTICS

THE ASSYRIAN ARMY II.

EÖTVÖS UNIVERSITY PRESS

„a man who claims to be a good general

Monographs of the Institute of Ancient Studies, Faculty of Humanities,

THE ASSYRIAN ARMY

RECRUITMENT AND LOGISTICS

© Tamás Dezsô, 2016

This book was accomplished within the

ISBN 978 963 284 746 7

Executive publisher: the Dean of the Faculty of Humanities

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 5

II.1.1.2.4 Quarrels of the governors over the resources ....................................77

6 ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics

II.3.2 The administration of the booty and tribute ................................................................158

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 7

1 DEZSŐ 2012A; DEZSŐ 2012B.

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 9

4 DEZSŐ 2012B, 78-81.

10 ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 11

12 ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics

semi-professional? / nonprofessional / nonprofessional / professional / semi-

estate, service field, service field, daily

Ethnic mainly Assyrian mainly Assyrian /

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 13

12 FALES 1990; FALES 2000; RICHARDSON 2011.

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 15

I.1. Royal corps (ki%ir šarrūti)

16 ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics

I.1.1 Bodyguard units

I.1.1.1 Qurubtu cavalry (pēt‹al qurubte)22

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 17

BRANCHES ASSYRIANS ARAMEANS WEST SEMITES FOREIGNERS

I.1.2.2 Ša—šēpē bodyguards (‘personal guard’)25

BRANCHES ASSYRIANS ARAMEANS WEST SEMITES FOREIGNERS

Fig. 3. The ethnic composition of the ša—šēpē bodyguards.

18 ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 19

I.1.2.3 Qurbūtu / ša—qurbūte bodyguards36

20 ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics

BRANCHES ASSYRIANS ARAMEANS WEST SEMITES FOREIGNERS

Fig. 4. The ethnic composition of the ša—qurbūte bodyguards.

42 LUUKKO – VAN BUYLAERE 2002, 115 (ABL 85), Rev. 2: LÚ.qur-ZAG.MEŠ.

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 21

LINE OWNER OF ESTATE SIZE OF THE ESTATE LOCATION NEW OWNER

22 ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 23

I.1.2 ’City units’

57 DEZSŐ 2006B, 117-121, Fig. 5; DEZSŐ 2012B, 78-81.

24 ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics

ARCHIVE ASSYRIANS ARAMEANS WEST SEMITES FOREIGNERS

59 DEZSŐ 2012A, Charts 4A-B.

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 25

26 ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics

76 KWASMAN – PARPOLA 1991, 210 (ADD 330), (676 B.C.).

ASSYRIAN ARMY II. • Recruitment and Logistics 27

I.1.3 Chariotry units of the royal corps

I.1.3.1 Palace chariotry (mugerri ekalli (GIŠ.GIGIR É.GAL)) 87

I.1.5.1 Majordomo (rab bēti)129