Silk Roads: Papers

SILK ROADS YOUTH RESEARCH GRANT
SILK ROADS
PAPERS 1st edition
SILK ROADS PAPERS 1
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Eyes on the Silk Roads
Printed by UNESCO
2 SILK ROADS PAPERS
S H O R T S U M M A R Y
Discover the rich heritage of the Silk Roads

from youth and academic perspectives
Over half of today’s 1.8 billion youth reside in regions where

ethnicities, languages and cultures interweave. Exposed to a diversity
of ideas and viewpoints, these youth have a unique advantage in fostering
the mutual understanding needed for societal progress.
Recognizing the importance of strengthening channels for intercultural

exchange and nurturing future leaders, UNESCO supports innovative
initiatives led by young scholars through the Silk Roads
Youth Research Grant. UNESCO presents the first
edition of the “Silk Roads Papers” featuring
twelve research projects of Grant laureates.
The projects explore an array of facets of The Silk Roads Youth
the historic Silk Roads including Science Research Grant mobilized
and Technology, Water management,
Ecology, Arts, Textiles and Clothing,
Gastronomy, Religion, Maritime
Exchange, and Economics. Travel the
786
young researchers
rich region of the Silk Roads and explore
multicultural histories. from 85 countries
As a UNESCO flagship initiative in social and

human sciences, the Silk Roads programme
fosters intercultural dialogue, emphasising the
value of cultural diversity for mutual understanding and
sustainable peace. Over three decades, it has shown how cultures and
societies interact, enrich each other, coexist, and engage peacefully, with
a particular emphasis on reinforcing youth capacity-building
and empowerment.
Join UNESCO’s ground-breaking scholarly expedition into this

shared heritage.
‘Since wars begin in the minds of men

and women, it is in the minds of men and women
that the defences of peace must be constructed.’
SILK ROADS
PAPERS 1st edition
Foreword
Beyond the trade and commercial interactions,
the constant trend of exchanges along the Silk
Roads has contributed to the development of
multiple legacies and plural identities, which
ultimately have shaped our modern societies.
This shared history not only witnesses the
interconnectedness of people and societies
but also help advance mutual respect, and
peaceful coexistence. This is more relevant
than ever in the contemporary era marked by
increasing inequalities, divisions, and conflicts.
UNESCO defends the recognition and

preservation of the Silk Roads’ shared history
Gabriela Ramos
through an array of initiatives reinforcing
Assistant Director-General for the
Social and Human Sciences of UNESCO intercultural dialogue and a culture of peace.
©UNESCO/Christelle ALIX.
In this regard, engaging young people around
the world, is at the heart of our work. Youth are
major actors, who, by seizing opportunities, lead changes toward a better future
for societies and a broader human community.
Therefore, UNESCO’s Social and Human Sciences Sector, with the support of the
People’s Republic of China, launched the Silk Roads Youth Research Grant in
2021. This initiative champions the exploration of the Silk Roads’ shared legacy by
supporting young scholars and encouraging scientific research on the heritage of
the Silk Roads.
The first edition of the “Silk Roads Papers” showcases the outcomes of twelve
research projects granted through the inaugural edition of the “Silk Roads Youth
Research Grant”. This edition features the research findings of young scholars
from Afghanistan, Bulgaria, China, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Morocco, Nigeria, Oman,
the Philippines, Portugal, Sri Lanka, and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland.
The research papers delve into the enduring cultural exchange, historical
significance, culinary practices, religious syncretism, textile evolution, and economic
intricacies along the Silk Roads. The collection challenges assumptions and reveals
interconnected stories that contribute to a comprehensive understanding of this
historical network.
4 SILK ROADS PAPERS

Highlighted studies include the importance of Africa in economic and cultural
exchanges, cultural connections between the Arabian Peninsula and China through
travellers like Abdullah Al-Sahaari and Zheng He, and the impact of Silk Roads
interactions on socio-religious practices throughout history.
Textile-related research papers uncover direct influences between traditional

Batik textiles in Indonesia and Sri Lanka, the evolution of silk tapestries, and the
enduring animal-style tropes in Central Eurasian cultures. Other studies explore
the lasting impact of tea consumption in Central Asia, knowledge diffusion through
dairy products, and credit systems among indigenous people along the Silk Roads.
Across these research projects, a singular theme binds them together: the
significance of plural identities and, shared heritage, underscoring the human
interactions, harmony, and resilience between cultures along the Silk Roads
and beyond.
SILK ROADS PAPERS 5

Preface
On the occasion of the publication of the
first edition of the “Silk Roads Papers”,
Chinese National Commission for UNESCO
wishes to congratulate 12 winners of
the first edition of the Silk Roads Youth
Research Grant for their dedicated work
and quality papers. Our appreciation also
goes to UNESCO Social and Human Sciences
Sector, all the Grants Secretariat staff
members involved in this project, and the
esteemed experts of the Scientific Panel.
The publication of this collection marks a big
Chen Jie step forward for the Grant. It pays tribute to
Chairperson of the National Commission of the historical Silk Roads. It is also a response
the People's Republic of China for UNESCO to the Global Civilization Initiative.
The Silk Roads – the ancient and legendary trade routes between the East and
the West, have played an important role in promoting human civilizations’
exchange and mutual learning, leaving a rich heritage for humanity. Along with
globalisation, the historical, cultural, economic, and humanistic values of the Silk
Roads are more important than ever. The Silk Roads, the model for promoting
intercultural dialogues and integration, has linked countries and regions, and
promoted joint development. Chinese President Xi Jinping once said, “The
pioneers of the ancient silk routes won their place in history not as conquerors
with warships, guns, horses or swords. Rather, they are remembered as friendly
emissaries leading camel caravans and sailing ships loaded with goods.” The
spirit of the Silk Roads, characterized by peace and cooperation, openness and
inclusiveness, mutual learning and shared benefit, is more meaningful in this
world full of opportunities and challenges.
To further explore the values of the Silk Roads, encourage young scholars to
conduct in-depth research on the common heritage of the Silk Roads, and pass
on their spirit, China has supported the UNESCO Silk Roads Youth Research
Grant. It is a pleasure to see that the project has attracted broad participation
from young scholars worldwide and has achieved excellent results.
6 SILK ROADS PAPERS

This Collection, the compilation of the papers from the first edition Grant winners,
covers multiple fields, showcasing the rich connotations of the Silk Roads spirit
from perspectives including culture, history, economics, and society. These papers
demonstrate young researchers’ academic talents and research capabilities
and inspire us from the long history of the Silk Roads to promote sustainable
development and build a community with a shared future for mankind.
Youth is the hope of the future. Those young researchers will undoubtedly bring
vitality and wisdom to the Silk Roads. It is sincerely hoped that they will continue
their research work and contribute to the progress of human civilisation and the
world’s peaceful development.
SILK ROADS PAPERS 7

Introduction
It is our great pleasure to introduce the first collection of UNESCO Silk Roads
papers, featuring the winning essays of a new prize competition – the Silk Roads
Youth Research Grant. Launched by UNESCO in 2021, these grants aim to encourage
research on all aspects of the Silk Road’s peoples, cultures, and histories. Twelve
scholars under the age of 35 were given the opportunity to conduct studies that
illuminate the past, present and futures of diverse exchanges. These studies, in turn,
contribute to a deeper understanding of the value of diversity, inter-connectivity
and pluralism.
Unsurprisingly, the announcement of the award attracted an extraordinary response

from young scholars worldwide. The Scientific Committee, assembled by UNESCO’s
Social and Human Sciences Sector – who have played a crucial role in the success of
the wider Silk Roads programme since its inception in 1988 – was delighted by the
range and quality of the proposals. As a result, it was a natural decision to publish
the reports produced by the grant recipients of the 2021-22 Silk Roads Youth Grant
scheme and to showcase their research for a wider audience. This volume contains
twelve papers, each with a different focus.
Petya Andreeva delves into the resurgence of ancient nomadic designs in the 13th
and 14th centuries, while Akinkunmi Ibrahim Oseni, Abdurrahman Bello Onifade and
Umar Olansile Ajetunmobi assess the importance of knowledge diffusion along the
Silk Roads, paying particular attention to the transmission of medical knowledge.
Mariana Castro introduces the latest research on turquoise stones, reflecting

their significance in the imaginary, cosmology and ornamentation of nomadic and
sedentary communities and giving a clearer understanding of the importance of
the Silk Roads as connective networks. Mohammad Daud Hamidi and Asma Bachikh
examine aspects of the shared heritage of water management from the Middle East,
and the Mediterranean, to as far as western China.
Aibek Baiymbetov presents a comparative analysis of Islam and pre-Islamic belief

systems among contemporary Kyrgyz and Tajiks, investigating religious syncretism
in the Pamirs and Tien Shan mountains, and discussing topics as far-ranging as
radicalisation, religious and political polarisation and the role of Tengrism today.
Then, Safia Hasan takes us back in time to the inter-religious, social and cultural
dynamics and exchanges of ideas in the Arabian Peninsula and the Middle East
between the seventh and tenth centuries.
8 SILK ROADS PAPERS

Yuan Gao writes about tea consumption and the dissemination of tea-drinking
material culture in Central Asia, from the 18th century to the early 20th century,
providing rare coverage of Central Asian peoples as consumers, rather than as
intermediaries. Nomin-Erdene Ulambayar and Enkhtuya Vankhuu explore the use
of dairy products for culinary and medicinal purposes in the Eastern Hemisphere,
such as ghee (clarified butter) – one of the most important and sacred in the region.
Jinfang Li (guided by Feng Zhao) discusses the evolution and transmission of

tapestry weave techniques along the Silk Roads, tracing the shift of Silk tapestry
from functional items to artistic, using archaeological evidence spanning various
historical period in Eurasia and Egypt. Hashan Wijesinghe also focuses on textiles,
comparing the adoption and uses of batik – thought to be derived from the word
ambatik, which translates as ‘a cloth with little dots’, in Sri Lanka and Indonesia.
A team from Oman led by Mariyam Said Al-Burtmani, with important
contributions from Fatima Belhaouari, Ali Ghanem Al-Hajri and Eman Eid
Al-Rashdi compares the journeys of the 11th century traveller Abdullah Al-
Sahaari and those of Zheng He four hundred years later, to illustrate the
civilizational and cultural connections between the Arabian Peninsula
and China. Finally, Raizel Pauline Albano writes about trade, credit and
documentation across Southeast Asia – a diverse region with no standard
single currency, offering insights into attitudes towards the sea and water
and the impact of trade and exposure to other peoples’ customs on ideas
in the region.
Many people deserve thanks and praise for bringing all these papers to
their final form. First and foremost, of course, are the authors themselves.
The competition for these awards was intense – and it is a pleasure for the
Scientific Committee to see its selection so thoroughly vindicated. We must
thank our colleagues on the Scientific Committee for their time, dedication
and wisdom. And last but not least, the wonderful Silk Roads team at
UNESCO, including Mehrdad Shabahang, Tara Golkar, Emily Baker, Xinyu
Zhou, Xiaoyang Duan, and Mark Smith, and indeed, Gabriela Ramos, the
UNESCO Assistant Director-General for Social and Human Sciences whose
overall supervision was indispensable for the success of this initiative. It has
been a joy to help young scholars undertake research they would otherwise
not have been able to do. We hope readers of this volume will take as much
pleasure from reading these papers as we have all done in helping bring
them to your attention.
Peter Frankopan
Xia Chen
Co-Chairs, Scientific Committee,
Silk Roads Youth Grant, UNESCO.
SILK ROADS PAPERS 9

Table of Contents
Foreword 4
Preface 6
Introduction 8
NOMADIC ART
Ms Petya Andreeva (Bulgaria)
The Resurgence of Ancient Nomadic Design during the Mongol Period:
1 Case Studies from the Golden Horde (1240s–1502) 17
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

Mr Akinkunmi Ibrahim Oseni, Mr Abdurrahman Bello Onifade, and
Mr Umar Olansile Ajetunmobi (Nigeria)
Knowledge Diffusion along the Silk Roads: Chinese Paper, Indo-Arabic
2 Numerals and Technological Development 35
Ms Mariana Castro (Portugal)

3 New Research on Turquoise Stones in Pre-Modern Central Eurasia 53
Ms Asma Bachikh (Morocco) and Mr Mohammad Daud Hamidi (Afghanistan)

The Shared Heritage of Water Management
4
and Allocation along the Silk Roads 69
FAITH AND SPIRITUALITIES

Mr Aibek Baiymbetov (Kyrgyzstan)
Comparative Analysis of Islam and Pre-Islamic Belief Systems
5 of Contemporary Kyrgyz and Tajiks Living along the Silk Road 97
Ms Safia Hassan (United Kingdom)

Inter-religious, Social and Cultural Dynamics and the Exchange
6 of Ideas in the Arabian Peninsula and the Middle East between
the Seventh and Tenth Centuries 129
10 SILK ROADS PAPERS

GASTRONOMY AND FOOD PRODUCTION
Ms Yuan Gao (China)
Samovar in Chaikhaneh: Tea Trade, Consumption,
7
and Material Culture in Central Eurasia 145
Ms Nomin-Erdene Ulambayar (Mongolia)

Use of Ghee in the Common Cultural Heritage and Dairy Products
8
of Nomadic Countries along the Silk Road 161
TEXTILES AND CLOTHING

Ms Jinfang Li (China)
The Silk Tapestry Weave (kesi) Technique and Exchange
9
Between China and Countries along the Silk Roads 191
Mr Hashan Wijesinghe (Sri Lanka)

Searching for Shared Heritage in Batik Culture for Enhanced Co-operation
10 in the Twenty-first Century (Comparative Study of Indonesia and Sri Lanka) 215
MARITIME EXCHANGES
Ms Mariyam Said Mubarak Al Bartamani (Oman)
Exploring the Maritime Silk Road between the Eleventh and Fifteenth
11 Centuries CE through the Journeys of Abdullah Al-Sahaari and Zheng He,
and their Role in Establishing Omani-Chinese Civilizational Rapprochement 229
Ms Raizel Pauline S. Albano-Palon (Philippines)

Trade, Credit, and Documentation:
12
The Legacy of the Silk Roads on Maritime Southeast Asia 241
Scientific Panel Biographies 270

Endnotes 274
Section photos
SILK ROADS PAPERS 11

The Silk Roads Map
Prague Krakow Kiev
a
Volg
Paris
Ural
Sein
e
Rhone
Rostov On Don
Elista
Lyon Venice Crimea Astrakhan Sy
ARAL rD
ary
Genoa
CA
ube SEA a(
Dan La
xa
UC
CA SE
Porto B LA C K S E A Khiva
rt
BALKANS Istanbul
AS
Derbent
SP A
Am
Tbilisi (Khwarezm)
uD
Barcelona
US
Rome (Constantinople)
IA
Trebizond
ary
Bursa Shaki CENTR
a(O
Valencia Sardis ANATOLIA
xu
Lisbon Erzurum Baku Bukhara
s)
Konya Nisa
Athens Ephesus Dara Tabriz Merv
Cordoba Granada Gorgan Nishapur
Alanya Antioch
Nisibis
Aleppo
Rayy
Fès Palmyra Ecbatana
MEDITERRANEAN SEA Tyre Bagdad Ctesiphon IRANIAN
Damascus PLATEAU
Tripoli Alexandria Gaza Jerusalem MESOPOTAMIA
Isfahan
Tigri
Petra ph
Eu
Cairo Susa
s
rat
es P
Apologos E R
Qusair SI Siraf
(Myos Hormos) A Hormuz
N
G
Leuce Come U
LF
Medina GULF
ARABIAN Sohar O F O M A
N
Jeddah PENINSULA Muscat
le
Qalhat
Ni
Mecca
RE
D
Suakin
SE
A
Salalah ARA
San’a
Cana
Muza
Aden
Zeila
Mogadiscio
Zanzibar
Dar es Salam
Kilwa
The historic Silk Roads were networks of maritime and land routes covering vast
regions. They passed through South Asia and Southeast Asia, crossed Central Asia,
the Indian subcontinent, Russian steppe, the Iranian and Anatolian plateaus, and
the Arabian peninsula. They also stretched across North and Northeast Africa, from
Tanzania to Morocco. Finally, they extended through Eastern and Southern Europe,
before linking Italy, France, and the Iberian peninsula.

EURASIAN STEPPES Karakorum
MONGOLIAN STEPPES Shanh-du

Urumqi (Xanadu)
Turfan
tes Otrar
) Kuqa
) GOBI DESERT
Ferghane Beijing
RAL ASIA Kokand Xinjiang
Dunhuang (Khanbalik)
Kashgar
KON I N
Samarkand
JAPAN
PE
Pyongyang
Huang
R E SU
Penglai
AN L A
Khotan Seoul
He
Balkh Gyengju
(Bactra) Y E L LO W Busan
Osaka
Loyang SEA
Taxila PLATEAU OF TIBET Fukuoka Nara
Xi'an Yangzhou
(Changan) Nagasaki
Harappa g Nanjing
ian
Chengdu gJ Hangzhou
an Wuhan
Ch Ningbo
Delhi
Indus
Foochow
Ga
tra
pu
ng
Karachi ma CHINA (Fuzhou)

es
ha
Bra
Canton Zaitun
Barbaricon (Ghuangzhou) (Qhuanzhou)
Tamralipti Cattigara
Barygaza Macau
(Haiphong)
Hanoi PA C I F I C
INDIAN
SUBCONTINENT OCEAN
BIAN SEA
Pegu
Bolinao
Me
Goa
kon
Hội An
g
B AY O F B E N G A L SOUTH
Madras CHINA
Calicut Pondicherry SEA
Kochi Oc-eo
Anuradhapura
Bandar Seri Begawan
Malacca
Singapore
BORNEO
Sulawesi
Sriwijaya
(Palembang)
INDIAN OCEAN
Jakarta
JAVA
Silk Roads
Maritime Silk Roads (Spice Routes)
Eurasian Steppe Routes
Incense Roads
Other Trade and Connecting Routes
Secondary Trading Routes
SILK ROADS PAPERS 13

NOMADIC
ART
Petya Andreeva
Petya Andreeva is an Assistant Professor of Asian Art and Design History at

Parsons School of Design of The New School in New York. She earned her PhD
in East Asian Languages and Civilizations from the University of Pennsylvania.
She is the author of the forthcoming monograph “Fantastic Fauna from China
to Crimea: Image-making in Eurasian Nomadic Societies” (Edinburgh University
Press, 2024), and editor of the recently published open-access volume “The
Zoomorphic Arts of Ancient Central Eurasia”. Her articles have appeared in the
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Early China, Fashion Theory, Orientations
and Sino-Platonic Papers. Dr. Andreeva has received awards from UNESCO,
the International Convention of Asia Scholars, the Getty Foundation and the
American Council of Learned Societies.

1 The Resurgence
of Ancient Nomadic
Design During the
Mongol Period:
Case Studies from
the Golden Horde
(1240s–1502)
NOMADIC ART 17
A precursor to the more widely known Silk Roads, the Eurasian steppe was an
early trade network that stretched from the Mongolian steppes all the way to the
Hungarian plain in Central Europe. This 8,000 km belt can be divided into three
primary geographical zones: the Eastern steppe bordering China; the Central steppe
encompassing mostly Kazakhstan and the Ural lowlands; and the Western steppe
of the northern Black Sea zone centred around Crimea. In the early Iron Age, this
expanse was home to numerous pastoral nomadic alliances. As they did not leave
any traces of writing, early nomadic societies are known to us through distant
echoes on the pages of early Chinese and Greco-Roman historians, namely Sima
Qian (Shiji), Herodotus (Histories), Strabo (Geographica), Pliny the Elder (Naturalis
Historia), Ctesias (Persika) and others. Authored by their geopolitical rivals, such
ethnographies were essentialist at best, lacking in nuance and occasionally
presenting narratives of nomadic life that can only be described as ‘flights of
fancy’. The scholarly canon still refers to early Eurasian nomads by umbrella
exonyms such as Scythians, Saka, Sarmatians, Eastern Hu, Linhu, Xiongnu, and so
on. These attributed politonyms may sometimes be a useful attempt at systematic
classification, but they do not necessarily reflect the convoluted realities and the
historical fate of the peoples they describe. As discussed in my larger body of
work, nomadic alliances were mostly reluctant and all too often based on shared
geopolitical goals, enemies and economic interests rather than on kinship and
blood ties (Wenskus, 1956; Andreeva, 2022).1
The arts of the Iron Age Eurasian steppe (from the eighth to the second century BCE)
can best be described through two foundational concepts: zoomorphic visuality and
a metonymic form of expression. Perhaps reflective of the nomad’s psychology of
mobility, most images produced and circulated on the Eurasian steppe route were
of peculiar, counterintuitive zoomorphic junctures. The zoomorphic arts of early
nomads have often been characterized under the loose art-historical category
‘animal style’, but it does not fully capture the convoluted and highly conceptual
nature of nomadic ornament.
Before delving into its historical trajectory and later resurrection in the Mongol
domain, it is necessary to further contextualize the ‘animal style’ category (zveriny
stil in Russian). The term’s most popular use is in the context of ‘animal combat’
scenes depicting confrontations between a ferocious predator and its herbivorous
prey. Examples have been unearthed from numerous hoards and tombs across
the Eurasian steppe over the past century, many of which had entered Russian
and Central Asian collections, including the famed collection of Siberian gold
compiled by Peter the Great and that of the Dutch statesman Nicolaes Witsen.
In these animal-style configurations, two or more zoomorphic bodies appear
entangled, contorted and excessively abstracted. Predation is not always at the
heart of such imagery (and neither is realism). All too often, plaques or buckles
feature an amalgamation of concocted, abstracted animal shapes and contours,
which result in a highly abstruse visual entanglement, a sort of sporadic interlace

that was likely not meant to express the essence of aggression. For instance, along
the northern Chinese periphery in the Warring States period (475–221 BCE), animal-
style forms became too abstracted and intertwined to bear any taxonomical
credibility as any individual, anatomically accurate species. Many prominent
examples come from the body of metalwork produced in the northern Chinese
periphery, inhabited by both Chinese and nomadic elites (Rong, Qiang, Donghu,
Linhu, Loufan). Among the most abstracted and entangled zoomorphic bodies are
those found on plaques and buckles from the Majiayuan tomb of the late Warring
States period (fourth to third century BCE).
There are other visual tropes that could be linked to the ‘animal style’ of the Iron Age
steppe. One such idiom constitutes a ‘zoomorphic juncture’ (composite). Extremely
abbreviated animal anatomies are crowded and condensed on a restricted
pictorial surface, as each animal’s presence is metonymically implied through the
introduction of its ‘signature’ anatomical part. The elaborate visual synecdoche,
rendered through a pars pro toto mode of expression, becomes a defining feature of
steppe zoomorphism, ruled by the conceptual laws of transposition, fragmentation
and contraction of bodies. As such, anatomically-complete stags are reduced to
their antlers, birds to their curved beaks, and felines to their manes or menacing
jaws. A steppe composite may thus be comprised of various incongruous anatomical
elements. Starting with Bronze Age deer stones, visual synecdoche becomes one
of the core principles in the image-making logic of steppe art.
Finally, a trope which can be described as ‘visual parallelism’ is the third defining
trait of the ‘animal style’. This device, more commonly adopted along the Eastern
Steppe, features pronounced bilateral symmetry and an overt emphasis on verticality:
‘twin’ zoomorphs are mirrored along a vertically-inclined axis. Such arrangements
are particularly noticeable in the Ordos Loop of the pre-Xiongnu period (fifth to third
century BCE), namely, the site of Aluchaideng (Inner Mongolia) as well as the Golden
Man of Issyk in Kazakhstan (Andreeva, 2022).
At present, there exists a silent consensus that the zoomorphic visual rhetoric that
we have come to know as ‘steppe animal style’ underwent a fast decline after the
Iron Age, leading to its ultimate disappearance after the fall of the Sarmatians in the
Western Steppe and that of the Xiongnu in the Eastern Steppe. Indeed, ‘animal style’
has become synonymous with ancient pastoralists, that is, the people now known
under the exonyms Scythian, Saka, Eastern Hu, Xiongnu, Yuezhi, Sarmatians, all of
whom were active up until the dawn of the first millennium. Yet this animal style
underwent several resurgences since the first millennium, some of which indicate
important political and historical processes.
LATER DEVELOPMENTS: THE XIANBEI PERIOD

Around the second to third century a noticeable shift can be seen in the making
of animal style objects across these spheres of nomadic activity. Crowded,
counterintuitive zoomorphic configurations do not seem to altogether disappear,
instead, taking on new modes of expression. For instance, during the Xianbei’s
NOMADIC ART 19
hegemony in north China (third to sixth century CE), one sees a markedly different
approach to zoomorphic bodies, which become significantly more geometricized,
with their contours thinned out and framed by vegetal patterns (Figure 1)
Abbreviation and stylization of form reached a new height, likely as a result of
developments in the preceding Xiongnu period (third century BCE to second century
CE), which started to favour geometric and standardized forms to achieve better
legibility for its designs. The zoomorphic figures appear emaciated and rendered
in schematic form as if only to denote an animal’s presence. The Iron Age pars pro
toto is replaced by a pro forma mode of depiction. There is also no desire on the
part of the artisan to create a sense of violent confrontation. Moreover, vegetation
is now a standard component of animal-style design, previously dominated by
pure zoomorphism; in fact, many Xianbei and Eastern Jin portable objects combine
abridged zoomorphic bodies with stylized landscapes. This shift builds on earlier
Xiongnu reinterpretations of the animal style of the early Iron Age (seventh to
fifth century BCE). Some telling examples come from recently excavated Xiongnu-
type sites in Tuva (South Siberia), which post-date the Scythian-type culture of
Uyuk-Sagly (second century BCE) (Kilunovskaya and Leus, 2018). In Central Tuva,
on the left bank of the Upper Yenisei, there are a few tumuli consistent with
Xiongnu typology, such as Ala-tey 1, Terezin, Urbyun III, and a chance find from the
village of Bulun Terek. The sites of Terezin and Ala-tey 1 both contain examples
of Xiongnu period animal-style plaques and belt clasps, all of which could serve
as representative examples of the newly developed geometric Xiongnu ‘animal
style’. Similar geometricized animal-style images abound at the Siberian cemetery
of Dyrestuy and at Xichagou in Liaoning Province (Miniaev, 2007; Davydova and
Miniaev, 2008). It is hardly surprising that abstraction via geometricization takes
over the animal-style art of the Xiongnu. When compared to the much looser and
decentralized nomadic alliances of previous centuries, the Xiongnu formed a more
powerful and expansive confederation and came significantly closer to establishing
an actual empire. The shift toward more standardized and legible motifs is thus
to be expected as the Xiongnu wished to be seen as worldly trade partners who
were integrable and competitive power players on the Eurasian landscape. This
Xiongnu proclivity toward the geometricization of zoomorphic bodies continues in
the Xianbei period, gradually becoming the dominant mode of steppe zoomorphism
until the establishment of the Türkic Khaganate in the early Middle Ages. Another
example of this trend can be observed on the plaque depicting a grazing kulun
from The Metropolitan Museum of Art collection (Figure 2). It is in fact possible to
use these stylistic traits to differentiate the Xiongnu and Xianbei periods in the
development of animal style from its earlier Iron Age phases.
With the increased Türkic hegemony in Central Eurasia, animal style disappeared
almost entirely in Central Eurasia after the sixth century. A notable exception is
the cemetery of Kudyrge, which is associated with Altaian Türkic populations. One
of the tombs (no.11) has yielded a belt terminal with an animal hunting scene and
a saddle with animal-style imagery reminiscent of classical Iron Age zoomorphism

Figure 1. Gold plaque with three deer. Jingtan Figure 2. Plaque in the shape of a grazing
city, Inner Mongolia. animal, North China.
© MET/BOT / Alamy Stock Photo*. © The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Public Domain.
(Gavrilova, 1965, p. 25; Konstantinov, 2010, p. 110.). It appears that the Altai area
retained traces of animal-style visuality even after the displacement of the Iron
Age equestrian nomads of Pazyryk by other populations. Even so, the Kudyrge
inventory primarily consists of heraldic belt ornaments and anthropomorphic or
floral images. Overall, the Türkic period in Central Asia is marked by the lack of
animal-style imagery. Anthropomorphism replaced zoomorphism in most of Central
Eurasia for several centuries.
AN IRON AGE AESTHETIC

RETURN IN THE GOLDEN HORDE
Following this long hiatus, animal-style design elements re-emerge in the Golden
Horde, the Mongol empire’s northwestern section and successor state. Around
the early fourteenth century, the Mongols redrew the map of the world in their
conquests of various ethnic groups across Eurasia, including Han Chinese,
Jurchens, Uyghurs, Kimeks, Kipchaks, Khorazmians, Cumans, Tatars, Volga Bulgars,
Alans (proto-Ossetians), East Slavs and others. In the 1260s, four political entities
were officially declared within the boundaries of the Mongol Empire: the Golden
Horde in the northwest, the Ilkhanate centred around Iran, the Chagatai Khanate
in parts of Central Asia, and the Yuan dynasty based in China. Stretching from
Irtysh to the Danube, at its geographical core, the Golden Horde encompassed
the Pontic-Caspian (Cuman) steppe. As such, much of its territory overlapped with
the cultural domain of the Iron Age steppe pastoralists and original creators of
animal-style zoomorphism. It is worth noting that nomadism remained common
in the Golden Horde up to its collapse in the fifteenth century, being especially
pronounced during its early years, with clan affiliations lasting far longer (Atwood,
2004, p. 368). In Khorazm, for example, the Qonggirad and Manghit clans preserved
their identities well into the twentieth century (Atwood, 2004, p. 368). The Golden
Horde expanse became home to both nomadic and sedentary populations, as
the latter became residents of the newly built trade-centred cities Old and New
NOMADIC ART 21
Sarai, Ukek and others2 near the Volga. Yet, Jochi’s sons divided the steppe into
longitudinal strips, with nomadic movements north to south along the main rivers,
often with vast distances between summer and winter camps (Atwood, 2004, p.
202). Furthermore, William of Rubrick reported that Batu Khan continued to live a
nomadic existence even after the establishment of a fixed urban centre at Sarai.
The main function of the ‘proto-cities’ formed on the steppe core was to establish
trading centres to attract revenue for the Golden Horde, whose state finances were
almost entirely dependent on commerce (Schamiloglu, 2018, p. 20). To the extent
that sedentism occurred, it must have been more urban than rural, as seen in
the rise of city centres such as Sarai and Uvek in the latter half of the fourteenth
century. The discovery of portable dwellings in the courtyards of houses in New
Sarai also indicates the continued attachment to some form of nomadism among
the Horde’s urban elite. (Atwood, 2004, p. 202; Schamiloglu, 2018). It appears that
for some time, Mongol conquerors wished to fashion themselves as heirs to a
centuries-long nomadic-warrior tradition irrespective of gradual changes in the
infrastructure, lifestyle and demographics of the state. However, the Golden Horde
was dependent on trade for its state finances and, as such, it had to build trade-
centred cities on its steppe core and move people of diverse backgrounds into
those urban settlements. The Urgench-Sarai-Caffa route was especially important
because it was a conduit for communication with Crimea and, ultimately, the rest
of Europe (Ciocîltan, 2012, pp. 1–36).
Even so, shifts toward sedentism should not be misconstrued as a sign of the
sudden disappearance of animal-style art or nomadic aesthetics altogether. Instead,
they point to the strategic reinvigoration and reinterpretation of ancient steppe
traditions which, to the Mongol conqueror, would have been associated with a
quintessential ‘warrior-herdsmen’ ancestor. A return to animal style, as a form of
material culture inspired by old steppe elitism, was especially pronounced during
the formative years of the Golden Horde polity when the elite had to reconcile
two distinct identities: that of a steppe warrior and that of an increasingly worldly
politician and trade partner. It is during this formation period (late thirteenth to
early fourteenth century) that a prominent return to animal style and portable
luxury in the Golden Horde can be observed.
Russian historians characterize the early period of Golden Horde material culture
as starting with the official separation of the Ulus from the number of territories
ruled by Chinggis Khan under his Great Mongol State (1211–1264) (Kramarovsky,
2000). In this early period, there is no noticeable distinction of regional styles as
the first generation of Mongol elites was still finding its way around the newly
conquered territories, trying to formulate a unifying agenda and self-fashioning
strategy. The Jochid founders of the Golden Horde likely brought with them
treasures produced in other parts of the Mongol Empire. The exact birthplace
and trajectory of these works are often unclear – in Russian catalogues, they
are frequently attributed to “the Golden Horde or The Great Mongol State”
(Kramarovsky, 2000). The late thirteenth century treasures, dated to the rule of

Batu (1227–1255) and Berke (1257–1266), are mostly comprised of gold belt fittings,
drinking vessels, goblets attached to the belt (‘belt-bowls’), horse harnesses and
paiza (metal tablets presented as documents of authority or exemption). Most of
these portable luxuries were legible tokens of steppe nomadic elitism and they
might have therefore served as symbols of legitimacy among the Golden Horde
rulers during a time of transition towards trade-centred proto-cities (some might
have also been gifts bestowed upon a deserving warrior). A lasting attachment to
nomadism can be deduced through these portable inventories, which recall much
earlier trends in steppe material culture. Burial objects and personal adornments
continue to be highly portable precious metalworks with zoomorphic decorations.
In the segment from the belt found in Gashun-ust in the northern Caucasus
(Kramarovsky, 2006)3, the openwork and ‘deer among foliage’ motif can be traced
all the way back to Xianbei animal style, which frequently features deer surrounded
by highly-stylized trees (Figure 3, see also Figure 1). In the Golden Horde example,
the deer antlers interlock with and gradually transition into the surrounding foliage,
obfuscating the visual boundary between flora and fauna. Another trapping from
the site depicts two deer with twisted bodies, surrounded by large flowers and
foliage (Rogers, 2000, p. 137). The highly textured vegetation in the openwork not
only surrounds but also sprouts from the body of the animal placed at the centre of
the crowded composition. The deer antlers are impossible to discern in this visual
cacophony of interweaving patterns; the underlying image-making logic brings us
back to the fluidity and mutability of zoomorphic form present in the classic animal-
style tradition of the Iron Age. The Gashun-ust elements are undoubtedly akin to
the much earlier Xianbei decorative approach in the northern Chinese frontier, and
this could be linked to Jurchen craftsmanship in north China which in turn could
have drawn from lingering Xianbei traditions. Such vegetal patterns, seamlessly
intertwined with zoomorphic bodies (Figure 4), also appear in the arts of the
Yuezhi and Wusun, as evidenced by the Kargaly diadem unearthed in southeastern
Kazakhstan, and the headdress and other goldwork from the Tillya tepe treasure in
northern Afghanistan. This design approach was very popular among Golden Horde
craftsmen; multiple closely related parallels can be found in private collections,
including the Khalili collection of Islamic art (Figure 4) (Spink and Ogden, 2013).
The Gashun-ust belt garniture, dating to the 1270s or 1280s, is significant not only
because it indicates a possible return to steppe zoomorphism. It also bears the
tamgha of Batu, signalling the owner’s elite status (Rogers, 2000, p. 137). The artisan
has created a visual and material reference to the Iron Age warrior-herdsmen who
had once ruled over the lands that were now conquered by the Golden Horde. Such
allusions are also present on the gilt silver from the destroyed grave in Krasny Yar
(Krasny Yar) in the lower Volga featuring intertwined dragons (possibly allusions to
the conquered Chinese domain and the new pan-Eurasian empire) (Kramarovsky,
2001, pp. 41–45; Kramarovsky, 2006, p. 48).
NOMADIC ART 23
Figure 3. Belt terminal with deer amid Figure 4. Two belt fittings. Mid or late
foliage. Gold engraving, thirteenth century, thirteenth century.
Gashun-Ust, Stavropol, Northern Caucasus.
© Khalili Collections, Public Domain.
© The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg.
Image is used from www.hermitagemuseum.org,
courtesy of The State Hermitage Museum,
St. Petersburg, Russia.
The adornment from Gashun-ust is indeed not an isolated case. Closely related
belt sets have been discovered at the Olen’ Kolodez’ mound (near modern-day
Voronezh) (Gosudarstvenny Ermitazh, 2019, p. 97). This belt garniture is also
dated to the early years of the Golden Horde and follows earlier animal-style
conventions: the animal forms are excessively contorted and abbreviated, and
some of them appear locked in confrontation (Figure 5). On some smaller examples
from the site (Figure 5, left), the feline body is twisted onto itself in a style dating
back to a bronze bridle from Arzhan I in Tuva as well as multiple Black Sea sites
of the Pontic Scythians (Figure 6). The return to Iron Age steppe zoomorphism is
even more noticeable in this inventory.
Figure 5. Belt buckle, Olen’ Kolodez’ burial

no.7. Mid-thirteenth century. Embossed and
gilded silver.
© Petya Andreeva
Figure 6. Pommel with coined animals.

Scythian period.
© The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Public Domain.

Similar nomadic belt garnitures have been found across the Kuban region of the
Golden Horde, some of them dating to the fourteenth or possibly even the fifteenth
century, well after the establishment of the first cities of the Ulus. A notable example
comes from a settlement at Krasny Yar near Astrakhan, excavated by P.M. Kazakov
in 1989 and a year later by E.V. Shneidshtain (Nedashkovskyi, 2010). It has been
theorized that the original location of the first capital Sarai was at the site of Krasny
Yar, and it was re-located to the Selitrennoe location near Astrakhan only after
1330 (Pachkalov, 2002). The ensemble in question contains various accoutrements
reflective of one’s steppe identity such as belt terminals and buckles, and a
plaque with a dragon emblem indicative of Jurchen or Northern Song references
(Kramarovsky, 2000, pp. 151–152, fig. 7). The buckles also feature entwined dragon
and fish motifs rendered in a typical animal-style fashion. Such repeated references
to dragons are not unexpected. The brief ethnographic account of the Mongols in
the text Mengda beilu [A thorough account of the Mongol Tatars] by Zhao Gong
gives several insights into the decoration of horse regalia and weaponry owned
by the Mongolian aristocracy during their early invasions. The author Zhao Gong,
accompanying a Southern Song emissary, travelled to Mongolia in 1221 and, upon
his return, provided a report of the Mongol campaign against the Jurchen Jin.4 Zhao
Gong tells us that the saddles and harness straps of the horses used by the leaders
were embellished with a pair of golden animals, usually dragons. Some of these
observations were confirmed by the early archaeological record of sites within the
Golden Horde territories, including the Krasny Yar belt. The objects from Krasny
Yar indicate an apparent return to steppe zoomorphism and the earlier pro forma
abbreviation of fauna, traceable to Xiongnu and Xianbei animal-style depictions.
Dragon designs coupled with the geometricized zoomorphic interlace recall animal-
style buckles from several Han dynasty tombs in China and the northern Korean
peninsula, which was occupied by the Lelang commandery (108 BCE–313 CE) under
Han control. For instance, the Eastern Han cemetery at Shiyanli in North Korea
(M9) has yielded a number of silver buckles, one of which depicts a similar design
of entangled, almost unrecognizable dragons. Closely related animal-style buckles
with entwined dragon forms have been excavated from the Bodegaqin site in
Xinjiang, Liuhong in Anxiang (Hunan province), and Jiamaying in Luoyang (Henan
province), all of which date to the Han dynasty (second century BCE to second
century CE) (Fang, 2013, p. 20).
During the Mongol period, this reformulated steppe zoomorphism can be traced to
unexpected locales, directly or indirectly associated with the domain of the Golden
Horde. One such domain is the medieval state known as ‘Principality of Karvuna’
or ‘Dobrudzha Despotate’. Located on the northern Bulgarian Black Sea coast in
southeastern Dobrudzha, the principality split from the Second Bulgarian Kingdom
during the tumultuous fourteenth century. Despite being a rather short-lived quasi-
independent polity, the Karvuna principality is a significant point of reference in
the present study because of its long-distance contacts with the Golden Horde in
the latter’s period of decline in the wake of the Black Death.
NOMADIC ART 25
At the Kaliakra fortress near the coastal town of Kavarna in northeastern Bulgaria,
archaeologists uncovered around 2,000 precious objects associated with foreign
rulers and invaders of Southeastern Europe, some likely of Mongol origin (Petrunova,
2020). In her recent work, Boni Petrunova sheds light on a significant wealth deposit
from the site consisting of 895 silver coins and 28 gold coins bearing the marks
of eleven empires, kingdoms and smaller states from the thirteenth to the end
of the fifteenth century (Petrunova, 2020, p. 65). Belt clasps, fasteners, one small
applique and multiple pairs of earrings were found in the same clay pot. The hoard
was discovered under the floor of one of the houses in the Kaliakra complex where
it had likely been concealed by the owner. The large treasure was most likely
hidden at the site around the end of the fourteenth century, as indicated by the
dates of the numerous coins buried there. The coins suggest intensive interactions
between the occupants of Bulgarian coastal cities, namely, the Karvuna principality
in the northeast and the Golden Horde. For example, a countermarked silver coin
(dirham) of Uzbek khan (r. 1312–1341) was found among the treasured possessions
of a Kaliakra resident (Petrunova, 2020, p. 168, no.18). This makes sense in view
of the intensive military campaigns in the second half of the fourteenth century
which, coupled with the devastating impact of the Black Death on the Golden Horde,
resulted in major resettlements of Golden Horde populations along the Black Sea
regions. According to a letter written by the Byzantine author Gregorius Akindynos
in 1340 “the Scythian king” (referring to Uzbek Khan of the Golden Horde) threatened
the Byzantines with a military campaign and even warned that he would attack
Constantinople with an army of 60,000 soldiers (Pavlov, 1997, p. 148). The Golden
Horde’s threats came after several Bulgarian coastal cities were sacked by the
Turkish bey Umar, likely under Byzantine guidance, an act that would have interfered
with Uzbek’s aspirations for control over the entire Black Sea area (Pavlov, 1997, p.
148). We also know from the Arab historian Ibn Fadlallah al-Umari that the Bulgarian
kingdom was continuously courting the “Kipchak khan” (Uzbek) due to his growing
power in the region5. This new attitude was a stark departure from the notable
adversity between the Bulgarian Kingdom and Nogai around the year 1300. The
dynamic in Bulgarian-Horde relations underwent a further shift after Timur’s victory
over Tokhtamysh Khan in the Terek River battle in 1395, which had far-reaching
negative consequences for the Golden Horde. Several smaller ‘hordes’ split from
the larger Mongol entity and invaded the regions west of the Dnieper around 1397,
ultimately reaching and settling into the Karvuna principality (Petrunova, 2020,
p. 121). One of the ‘off-shoots’ of the Golden Horde, the so-called ‘Aktav horde’
(named after their noyan) had a particularly strong presence on the Bulgarian
north Black Sea coast even after the devastating Ottoman conquest (Pavlov, 1997,
p. 148). Aktav managed to subjugate the region around Kaliakra in 1399, as attested
in several texts including the Mesembrian Chronicle (Schreiner, 1975, pp. 213–217).
However, only two years later, the Ottomans captured and exiled the remaining
subjects of the Aktav horde, scattering them to various remote places in Bulgaria
(Petrunova, 2020, p. 121).

This brief digression from the subject of animal style helps bring clarity to the
material culture of the Golden Horde. While much ink has been spilled on the
transmission of animal-style art across the Pontic-Caspian steppe – once a Scythian
and Sarmatian stronghold – far less has been written about related developments
on the Western side of the Black Sea (especially the Dobrudzha plain). Yet Dobrudzha
has a long history of steppe nomadic incursions, even prior to the establishment of
the Principality of Karvuna. Indeed, the region was once known as ‘Little Scythia’ and
was occupied by the Getae and Dacian tribes during the Iron Age when, according to
Herodotus, it was continually subjected to Scythian invasions. Examples of Thracian
animal-style plaques abound in ancient Dobrudzha. A notable example comes from
Gurchinovo in Northern Bulgaria, where a matrix for mass production of animal-
style pieces was once found (Damyanov, 1998, pp. 28–39). Such animal-style matrices
were discovered in other locations in Northern Bulgaria during the Scythian period:
settlements and tombs at Kubrat, Gorsko Ablanovo, and the coastal city of Varna
(not far from Kaliakra) have all yielded matrices used for the manufacture of steppe-
style Thracian metalworks (Treister, 2017). It appears that the Western Black Sea
coast had been a strategic route for steppe nomadic alliances long before the
Golden Horde and it was thus no stranger to animal style.
Although the medieval objects from the Kaliakra hoard were mostly coins and
gold jewelry devoid of zoomorphic depictions, a belt buckle made of white jade
presents an important reference to the Mongols and animal style. A year prior to
the 2018 excavation of the Kaliakra hoard archaeologists uncovered a fragment
of a silver case for a liturgical book and a jade belt buckle in the same building
(Petrunova, 2020, p. 65). Several animals are condensed into the highly abbreviated
pictorial space: a contorted duck, as if twisted in agony, is chased by birds of prey
(possibly falcons) (Figure 7). The imagery features the zoomorphic entanglement
of Iron Age animal style, and it also continues the Xianbei insertion of vegetation,
an idiom which was later taken up by the Jurchens. The Kaliakra example is also
reminiscent of the Gashun-ust and Olen’ Kolodez’ objects shown earlier. However,
its closest parallel can be found at The Metropolitan Museum of Art collection in
New York, which contains a fourteenth century jade belt slide depicting a falcon
attacking a swan amid entwined lotuses. The reoccurrence of this hunting scene
on jade can be linked to the Jurchen spring hunting tradition, which was depicted
across media, from textiles to ceramics to silk painting (Figure 8). The Jurchen
seasonal hunt was integral to the traditions and social customs of several nomadic
groups in north Asia, and it is known to have persisted in the Qing dynasty ruled
by the powerful Manchu conquerors. It is certainly unprecedented to find both this
material and iconography as far as the western Black Sea coast; this expansion
can be credited to the Mongols who conquered the Jurchens and retained some
of their iconographies and styles.
While jade is a traditional material in Chinese art, the theme of predation, coupled
with the portable format of the buckle, recalls animal-style visuality. It is highly
plausible that the owner of the buckle was a member of the Turko-Mongol hordes
NOMADIC ART 27
Figure 7. Chinese jade buckle. Kaliakra cape Figure 8. Jade belt ornament with a falcon
fortress, Bulgaria. Principality of Karvuna, attacking a swan. Jurchen culture, twelfth to
fourteenth century. fourteenth century.
© Petya Andreeva. © The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Public Domain.
arriving at the Bulgarian Black Sea region during the last decade of the fourteenth
century, namely, the horde of Aktav. Having embraced elements from Chinese
pictorial traditions, the Golden Horde makers would have swiftly merged their own
animal-style themes and portable format with the Chinese jade-carving tradition.
Such fusions are not unprecedented. Funerary inventories along the northern
Chinese periphery, a long-standing hotbed for cultural interactions, feature similar
syncretic works in the Tang dynasty. A telling example comes from the tomb of Dou
Jiao (d. 646) where archaeologists discovered an ornate jade belt set that was inlaid
with gold, pearls and various precious stones and introduced to China through the
Silk Roads (Watt, 2005, p. 296). The tomb occupant, a member of the Tang imperial
family, was in possession of a rare, extremely expensive object which combines
the jade-carving Chinese tradition with gold and colourful stones imported from
northern markets at a time of intensive trade. There are even earlier antecedents
of Chinese jade objects with nomadic-inspired themes. The earliest entanglement
of the Chinese jade-carving tradition and the animal-style tradition of the steppe
was already observed at the aforementioned Eastern Han dynasty Jiamaying tomb
(second century CE) situated near the capital city of Luoyang (Luoyangshi, 1984,

p. 45). In the multi-chamber brick tomb, archaeologists uncovered a jade belt buckle
depicting an entwined, unnaturally twisted dragon pattern consistent with similar
Xiongnu period examples from tombs in South and Central China like Yangfutou
and Liuhong, as well as in Shiyanli in North Korea. Due to intensive interactions
with the Xiongnu to the north, as early as the Han dynasty, animal-style visuality
had penetrated various Chinese regions outside the immediate northern frontier,
even reaching the Korean peninsula. In zones within the Chinese imperial heartland,
where any nomadic presence was rare, animal-style objects were reworked to fit
Chinese aesthetics through the implementation of jade and dragon imagery into
the portable, steppe-inspired format.
A similar entanglement might have occurred in the Golden Horde where the Kaliakra
jade buckle was most likely produced. The ‘falcons chasing duck’ motif and the
object’s portability are suggestive of the nomadic taste of the steppe, whereas
white jade points to the truly diverse nature of the Mongol domain, much of which
was occupied by Chinese subjects. As a result of extensive plunder and forced
migrations of smaller hordes in the fourteenth century, the buckle found its way to
the far-flung domain of the Bulgarian Black Sea region.
CONCLUSION
Contrary to earlier assumptions, animal-style tropes persist in the cultures of
Central Eurasian populations until at least the Middle Ages, a period marked by the
rise and fall of the Mongol Empire. This rebirth of animal style in the westernmost
Mongol domain is of particular importance. The nomadic history of the steppe core
had to be reinforced at a time when the rulers’ efforts were increasingly invested
in the construction and maintenance of urban centres. To the Golden Horde elite,
animal-style zoomorphism became a nostalgic yet strategic display of nomadic
identity, exhibiting a link to an ancient ‘steppe nomad’ ancestor even during the
emergence of the first proto-cities and the gradual waning of nomadism proper in
the state. This visualization of a shared nomadic heritage and a collective sacral
connection to the Great Steppe was largely a political marketing strategy targeted
not only at Golden Horde subjects, but also at outsiders, at a time when the state
was taking its place on the global stage.
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(In Chinese.)
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NOMADIC ART 31
SCIENCE
AND
TECHNOLOGY
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY 33

Akinkunmi Ibrahim Oseni, Abdurrahman
Bello Onifade and Umar Olansile Ajetunmobi
Akinkunmi Ibrahim Oseni received a bachelor’s degree in English at the University

of Ibadan, Nigeria. He also holds a Master’s degree in English with a concentration
on Literary and Textual Studies from Bowling Green State University, Ohio (USA).
He is a PhD student in Higher Education Administration and College Student Personnel
at Kent State University, Ohio. Oseni’s areas of research interest include Language
and Literacy Education, Digital Media Composition, Social Justice Movement and
International Education. He is a graduate writing instructor at Kent State University
Writing Center. As a grantee, Akinkunmi Oseni collaborated with Mr. Onifade Bello
Abdurrahman (Bayero University, Nigeria) and Mr. Umar Ajetunmobi (The University
of Kansas, USA) to complete the research “Knowledge Difussion along the Silk Roads:
Chinese Paper, Indo-Arabic Numerals and Technological Development.”
Abdurrahman Onifade holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Library and Information Studies
from the University of Ibadan; and is a graduate research student at the Department
of Library and Information Sciences, Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria. He has also
worked with Meta as a Facebook Community Coordinator and Digital Marketing
Pro. As a grantee of the UNESCO Silk Roads Youth Research Grant, he worked
with Mr Akinkunmi Ibrahim Oseni (Bowling Green State University, Ohio, US) and
Mr Umar Olansile Ajetunmobi (University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria) to research
‘Knowledge Diffusion along the Silk Road: Chinese Paper, Indo-Arabic Numerals and
Technological Development’. His research interests include Knowledge Management,
Social Movements, Student Unionism, Information Disorder, and the Silk Roads.
Umar Ajetunmobi holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in Communication and Language
Arts from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. He recently completed his master’s degree
from the same department and university. He is a master’s student at The University
of Kansas, Lawrence, the United States of America, where he studies Communication
Studies. As an independent researcher, Umar has special interests in political, (mental)
health, development and digital communication. He has published academic articles
in these areas locally and internationally. As a grantee of the UNESCO Silk Roads Youth
Research Grantee, Umar worked with Mr Akinkunmi Ibrahim Oseni (Bowling Green
State University, Ohio, US) and Mr Abdurrahman Bello Onifade (Bayero University,
Kano, Nigeria) to research ‘Knowledge Diffusion along the Silk Road: Chinese Paper,
Indo-Arabic Numerals and Technological Development’.

2 Knowledge
Diffusion along
the Silk Roads:
Chinese Paper,
Indo-Arabic Numerals
and Technological
Development

ABSTRACT
The sophistication of technological developments has created a global tension
characterized by mutual distrust, the quest for dominance and resistance to
dominance. There have been prevalent narratives of knowledge production
and its monopoly by a particular bloc in the international political system.
Peace seems evasive, with the recurrent allegations and counter-allegations
by global powers threatening human and sustainable development. Sadly,
common legacies like the Silk Roads that once served as routes to the mutual
exchange of ideas and collective action have become the subject of ideological
strife. Using a historical dimension with extant contemporary sources, this
study thus specifically examines how tangible entities, like Chinese paper, and
intangible ideas, like the Indo-Arabic numerals, facilitated knowledge diffusion
along the ancient Silk Roads, with an emphasis on the development of
computing technologies. This study adopts a multimodal qualitative research
method, which includes textual analyses, expert interviews, documentaries,
and digital archival information for data gathering and analyses. The research
findings reveal the political neutrality of the Silk Roads at its nascent stage
and how mutual cooperation catalysed the dissemination of knowledge along
its routes, for example, in the House of Wisdom in Baghdad. The study also
found that Chinese paper facilitated mechanical production, transmission
and the accessibility of knowledge because of its durability and cheap cost.
At the same time, Al-Khawarizmi’s refinement of the Indo-Arabic numerals
laid a strong foundation for almost all aspects of today’s computing
technologies, such as cryptography, Internet encryption, programming,
artificial intelligence, and so on. This study established that the Silk Roads
is a concrete phenomenon, and its impacts go beyond political abstractions
and colourations, as demonstrated by the ingenuity of the Sogdians. It was
thus recommended that UNESCO, its partners and beneficiaries, such as
the grantees, continue to engender global enlightenment about the people
who imparted (and were imparted) by the activities that occurred along
the Silk Roads. This will continue to stimulate consciousness about the
interdependence of the human race in the quest for global development and
a more peaceful world.

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
The ubiquity of concepts like ‘globalization’ and other topical phenomena that
characterize human relations in today’s world has clouded the glories of the past.
The sophistication of technologies has perhaps also induced conscious amnesia and
plunged a section of the global (and even scientific community) into anaesthesia
about the foundations laid by tangible materials and ideas that travelled along
the countries lying in the heart of the world that has led to today’s developments
(Frankopan, 2018). Carrying with them cultural identities and religious peculiarities,
people travelled for more than one thousand years along interconnected routes
identified as the Silk Roads. Although vague, at its nascent stage, the German
geographer, Ferdinand von Richthofen, has been credited with popularizing the
term die Seidenstraßen – the Silk Roads (Williams, 2014).
The activities and movements along the Silk Roads have arguably left indelible
legacies for human development. Although these movements are sometimes
over-simplified into an East-West dialogue, this over-simplification of a complex
phenomenon, like the Silk Roads, is always seductive, yet, it could be misleading
and distorting. The Silk Roads should therefore not be construed as the relations
between two focal points, for example, China and Rome or East and West (Whitefield,
2015), but rather as a broader concept whose understanding is profound.
Scholars have explained the Silk Roads from various perspectives. UNESCO identifies
the Silk Roads as a vast network of land and maritime trade and communication
routes that connect the Far East, Central Asia, the Indian subcontinent, Iranian and
Anatolian plateaus, the Caucasus, the Arabian Peninsula and the Mediterranean
region as well as Europe (Sarwar, 2017). The Silk Roads have also been construed as
a network of trade routes that extend from Japan in East Asia to Central Asia, south
to India, and west across the Iranian lands to the Mediterranean (Grotenhuis, 2006)
beginning from the third century BCE to the fifteenth century CE.6
However, silk was not the only valuable commodity that moved across these trade
routes. Not only did technologies and tangible commodities like horses, foodstuffs,
spice, musk, tea, rhubarb, onyx, perfumes, bronzes, jade, gems, glass, lacquerware,
spices, incense, ivory, cotton, linens, musical instruments and Chinese paper
(Chen et al., 2021) journey along these routes, but so did intangible assets like
religious beliefs, cultures, knowledge, and even diseases were consciously and
subconsciously exchanged by merchants. Additionally, these routes served as a
mechanism for the mutual exchange of knowledge, stimulating the diffusion of great
innovations that pervade the world today, such as printing, textiles, gunpowder and
computers (Chen et al., 2021).
The Silk Roads depict how people, cultures and continents were connected to,
competed with, and borrowed ideas from one another. Notably, the Silk Roads
highlight the underlying factors, motivations and contexts of the journeys made

across deserts and other trade routes, which eventually led to the rise and fall of
empires (Frankopan, 2018). Despite the monumental impact of the Silk Roads in
shaping the societies that span these routes, notable factors, such as changing
markets, regional conflicts and political instability, indicate that the Silk Roads were
never static or regularly planned routes, except in some regions and at particular
times, and depended on specific geopolitical or local situations, for example, Han
dynasty forts or the system of Seljuk caravanserais. Meanwhile, the conversations
that took place between different individuals and the ideas that travelled along
the Silk Roads enhanced knowledge, and its dissemination served as catalysts for
many of today’s innovations.
Rather than engaging in the tussle of hegemony characteristic of the current global
political system, experiences of life along the Silk Roads depict how the willingness
to adopt new ideas and practices can bring about the smooth running of socio-
economic and political activities (Frankopan, 2015). This study, therefore, embraces
the call for a deeper understanding of the New Silk Roads, also dubbed the ‘Belt and
Road Initiative’ (BRI) (Chen et al., 2021), which serves as a catalyst to build bridges
and foster cooperation for a more developed and inclusive world for the benefit of
all. The New Silk Roads will provide a robust understanding of how technological
innovation moves across thousands of miles. Indeed, strong recollections of history
can be etched in people’s minds as part of a more inclusive global past that has been
connected for millennia (Frankopan, 2018). The deliberate decision by the authors
to include ‘Indo-Arabic numerals’ in this project is to acknowledge the ingenuity
of Indian mathematicians, which was further developed by Arab mathematicians.
THE SILK ROADS, CHINESE PAPER, SCIENCES AND

TECHNOLOGIES: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Evidence of the diffusion of knowledge and ideas by and among people who travelled
along the Silk Roads across generations has survived through documentation
thanks to the invention of Chinese paper. Without paper, knowledge and ideas
would only have travelled through the oral tradition, a mode of transmission
characterized by inadequate testimonies and therefore susceptible to extinction.
Although oral tradition preserves cultures and knowledge, the ever-changing world
and technological dynamism would have led to the extinction of this vital oral
heritage7 had paper not existed. Consequently, the Chinese Buddhists passed on
their papermaking skills to the Central Asia regions prior to the Muslim conquest.
This skill later spread to Baghdad in the eighth century CE, before regions like Syria,
Egypt and Morocco thought of papermaking two centuries later.8 It is documented
that Chinese paper opened the way for paper production in Baghdad, Syria and
Egypt, and the production of paper influenced these nations to advance from writing
on papyrus and parchment to paper documents (Bloom, 2017).

Evidence shows that paper technology reached the Arab world a long time before it
reached Europe –knowledge of papermaking reached Europe through Muslims who
had arrived in Spain in the 10th century – but it was initially rejected for religious
reasons. At this time, the Roman Emperor, Frederick II, issued a decree (1221) that any
official documents written on paper remained invalid. Sources report that Emperor
Frederick’s move was motivated by his belief that the popularity of papermaking
within the Arab world was “a manifestation of Muslim cultural dominance”.9
Moreover, the initial resistance to paper that was met in Europe was due to the
belief that paper was “less permanent than parchment or vellum that was in use
at that time. Parchment use was viewed as a monopolized commodity that was
protected by “powerful European landowners” (Buell, 2007). The question arises:
Could Rome’s initial rejection of paper, and its decision to issue a decree, have been
a precursor to the long-held perceived rivalry between the Arab world and the
Western world? Could this rivalry have influenced the level of hegemony perceived
by the Global South of the Global North? Our ability to answer these questions
determines how much we all accept the reality of our symbiotic sustainability, co-
existence, knowledge transfer and diffusion.
Meanwhile, the spread of knowledge along the Silk Roads cut across the various
realms of human endeavours: sciences, medicine, technology, astronomy, arts and
humanities. In terms of medicinal knowledge and practice, the Mongols (who had
earlier conquered China) preferred to keep dairies, for they herded and hunted
animals. As such, dietary medicine was prominent during their reign, and their
strong practice of cooking medicinal plants was well promoted across China and
the regions where the Mongols ruled. In addition, medicinal skills from the East
to the West, and vice versa, flourished to the extent that medicinal texts, known
as ‘Muslim Medicinal Recipes’ or Huihui yaofang in Chinese, were imported from
the Arabian Peninsula to China. Some therapeutic treatments for ailments, such
as stroke and wind attacks, travelled across these regions and still exist today.
Conversely, other medicines that treated women-related diseases, animal wounds,
haemorrhoids, constipation, dysentery, coughs, chest and stomach problems have
been lost in antiquity (Buell, 2007).
For a brief moment, China, the Middle East, and the West were
united medically. They even used some of the same recipes, including
a few attributed to the great Greek masters — usually mentioned by
name, even in distant China. Physicians in almost the entire Mongol
world order got used to speaking about the body in more or less the
same terms and even using generally the same interventions,
including surgical (Buell, 2007, p. 22).
The role of India in the transfer of medicinal knowledge cannot be overemphasized.

History records that when the world knew nothing about treatments for illnesses,
India – as far back as 700 BCE – had compiled a medical compendium, the Ayurveda,

which contained medical practices for diseases. At that time, Indian doctors were
proud of their knowledge of the dietary and human digestive system. It was said of
Indian doctors, “[t]hey were skilled surgeons and the text describes many different
types of surgical operation, especially on the stomach and bladder and even to
remove cataracts from eyes. Many concepts of Greek medicine were borrowed
from the Indians: from early times, they were probably imported through trade
contacts and later via the Asian conquests of Alexander the Great” (UNESCO, 1994a).
The knowledge later spread to Greece, the home of Hippocrates, the ‘father of
medicine’ who kept the records of medical treatments that were potent and those
that were not, which is still practised among medical practitioners today. Later,
Muslims inherited medical knowledge from Greeks, Romans, Persians and Indians,
while medicine advanced through the works of Ar-Rãzī (Rhazes), a physician, and Ibn
Sina (Avicenna), who wrote Al-Qanūn fi-l-tibb (the Canon of Medicine), “a huge book
which influenced teaching in Europe until the 17th century” (UNESCO, 1994a). In fact,
in the laboratory of Ar-Rãzī’(854–930), there were all the essential apparatuses he
could use to perform different chemical experiments successfully, and these “did
not differ significantly from a British laboratory 1,000 years later” (Abdurazakov
and Haidav, 2000, p. 235).
In addition, shipping technology cannot be discussed without making reference to

the Spice Routes, the sea paths created by the Romans around 2000 BCE to rival the
Silk Roads in trade exchange between the East and the West, even though it was
controlled by the Arabs and the Omanis from the seventh century. But we cannot
talk about the Spice Routes without making reference to shipping technology, its
navigation and world geography, as well as the symbiotic knowledge-sharing among
the intellectuals of the time. For example, after the conquest of Syria in the seventh
century, and having seen the significance of transatlantic sea trading, the Arabs
contracted shipwrights from Syria and Greece to build ships that could withstand
battles on the Mediterranean Sea. More ships were later built for the Arabs by
the Persians. The ships built by the Persians were nailed in a similar way as was
prevalent in Northern Europe at the time. The construction style of the West in fact
followed the nailing traditions of the Syrian and the Greek shipwrights. This suggests
that the technical knowledge of shipbuilding arrived in Europe through the Greeks
and the Syrians (UNESCO, 1994b), which paved the way for the diffusion of technical
know-how across the regions.
What about horse breeding, horse riding and the early production of foot stirrups
and harnesses? Around the third millennium BCE, horse breeding among the
nomads of Central Asia was a popular skill that facilitated trade along the Silk
Roads. They were very skilled at breeding bigger and more powerful horses, an
essential condition for horse riding. With the importance of horse breeding, the
skill of horse riding spread across Asia. With time, foot-stirrups and harnesses (with
breast and collar straps) were introduced to control the horses. These innovations
changed the way people and goods were transported along the Silk Roads. Indeed,

these revolutionary innovations, which originated in China, and especially the use
of stirrups, later spread throughout Central Asia and Afghanistan before reaching
Europe “by the Avars of the Eurasian Steppe” (UNESCO, 1994b) in the sixth century.
This is an example of a symbiotic transfer of knowledge among regions.
Knowledge of astronomy would also spread to China around the fourth century
through the missionary journeys undertaken by Indian Buddhists to China via the
old Silk Roads. In addition to their missionary accomplishments, the Buddhist
astronomers also taught astronomy in China such that their astronomical
instruments had dominated China by the seventh century. In return, the Indian
Buddhists received knowledge of alchemy from China. The Buddhists also went to
Baghdad to spread their knowledge of astronomy:
Indian astronomical knowledge, along with Greek and Persian, also

played its part in Islamic astronomy and astrology. During the reign of
the second caliph of the Abbasid dynasty, Al-Mansūr (754-775), Indian
astronomers brought planetary tables and texts for the calculation of
eclipses to his court in Baghdad, and many Indian astronomical works
were translated into Arabic (UNESCO, 1994a, p. 35).
Furthermore, available historical evidence indicates that paper-like textual

documentation of activities and knowledge diffusion along the Silk Roads would
not have survived to the present day without the invention of paper by the Chinese
(Bloom, 2017). Historically, knowledge of papermaking in China was hidden from
the public10 until 751 when this knowledge was acquired by the Arabs from Chinese
prisoners of war from the Battle of Talas, Central Asia (present day Kyrgyzstan)
(Forbes et al., 2012). Baghdad and Samarkand would later establish paper
industries. Like the Chinese, the Arabs also kept their papermaking knowledge a
secret for 500 years, especially from Europeans, even though they sold paper to
them at a high price. It was in the twelfth century, under a Muslim empire in Italy,
that Europe experienced papermaking for the first time (UNESCO, 1994b). Without
paper making technology, there would not have been printing. If not for paper
and the technology that travelled along the Silk Roads, these roads of ideas and
exchange “abilities to record, store, and transport knowledge and information”11
would have remained archaic. Without the record-keeping approach of Muslim
rulers, following the conquest of Central Asia, and the transportation of their ideas
across Asia and Europe, documentation of knowledge through paper would have
challenged modern scholarship (Bloom, 2017).
Thanks to Chinese paper, medicinal therapies were documented as far back as

657 AD, with more than 800 medicinal substances derived from herbs, vegetables,
fruit, animals and minerals recorded in a comprehensive medical book with
complete descriptions and illustrations of the pharmacological therapies (Bloom,
2017). Islamic medicine, which in India is called the Unani system of medicine, was

transported to India by the Persian and Arab physicians who used Silk routes
(Tushar et al., 2018). During this period, alchemists were actively compounding
different chemical formulae for waterproofing, fireproofing and even repelling
dust, ideas and knowledge that were shared along the Silk Roads. In fact, the
alchemy of those years opened the pathway to today’s knowledge of chemistry
and mineralogy (Forbes et al., 2012).
In antiquity, and independent of Persian, Greek or Roman discoveries,

Chinese scholars made significant advances in mathematics, medicine
and astronomy, recording the earliest observations of solar eclipses,
supernovae and comets, and developing acupuncture, herbal medicine and
their own traditional Chinese pharmacopoeia (Forbes et al., 2012, p. 273).
Today’s arithmetic and computing would not have been possible had Al-Khwarizmī
(780–850) not initiated algebra, which he detailed in his book al-Kitāb al-Mukhtaṣar
fī Ḥisāb al-Jabr wal-Muqābalah [The compendious book on calculation by completion
and balancing]. Two other Muslim mathematicians, Al-Kindi (801–873) and Al-Karaji
(953–1029), continued from where Al-Khwarizmī left off by working on cryptology
and introducing algebraic calculus theory, respectively. Another branch of scientific
knowledge that relies on arithmetic is cryptology. Medieval Arabic cryptology
relied on algebra, especially mathematical concepts of the ‘place value’ and ‘zero’.
Interestingly, Al-Khwarizmī embraced the Indo-Arabic numerals for cryptography.
Thus, without the knowledge of Chinese paper that travelled along the Silk Roads,
the research and practice of modern cryptology would, most likely, have remained
a hidden treasure to humanity (Schwartz, 2014).
METHODS AND MATERIALS

This study adopted a multimodal research approach, which enabled the researchers
to combine four qualitative research methods. These methods include textual
analysis, expert interviews, and document(ary) and (digital) archival analyses.
The researchers engaged in theoretical conceptions of the Silk Roads through a
literature review to establish the availability and connectivity of the phenomena
under investigation, that is, Chinese paper, Arabic numerals, and technological
development. Adapting the Van Audenhove and Donders’s protocols (2019) for the
interviews, the researchers identified and screened select experts based on their
publications, curriculum vitae and their core areas of expertise that align with the
research foci. Four out of the seven experts chosen consented to be interviewed
(three agreed to virtual interviews on Zoom and one was held in person). These
expert interviews were complemented with interviews of two publishing and
printing experts in Nigeria in order to understand modern perspectives on the use
of paper for book publications. The researchers commissioned a research assistant
to transcribe the virtual and audio recordings of the experts’ interviews.

Furthermore, the National Archives of Nigeria in Ibadan was visited by two members
of the research team, but no archival resources were used for this study. However,
nine digital archives were consulted and four repositories of some textual materials
that align with the study were later reviewed. Additionally, accessible digital
archival materials were used for this project from the Mathematical Association
of America, Columbia University Libraries, the University of California Libraries
and the University of Toronto Libraries. The document(ary) analysis method
involved both audio-visual and textual content that were purposively selected.
Specifically, the audio-visual content examined include Professor Jim Al-Khalili’s
BBC documentaries on ‘Al-Khwarizmi: The Father of Algebra’ and ‘The House of
Wisdom’, which were downloaded from the BBC’s YouTube channel. These videos
were selected because their narrations were relevant to the study. For textual
content, one of the researchers visited the Library of Congress in Washington
D.C., and the selected special and rare texts were critically examined and used to
corroborate the analysis of the Silk Roads.
Two analytical strategies were adopted for this work: thematic analysis and
narratology. The thematic analysis was based on the protocols suggested by Clarke
and Braun (2013), which included the researchers familiarizing themselves with the
data in order to understand their relationship to the research objectives. Codes
were generated to identify the emerging themes, which were then reviewed and
contextualized in line with the research objectives before finalizing the analysis. The
narratology, a model espoused by Russian formalists, such as Vladimir Propp, Viktor
Shklovsky, among others (MacKenzie, 1987), was used by the researchers to highlight
themes and events, such as knowledge transfer, commerce and papermaking along
the Silk Roads, as gathered through data obtained in libraries and interviews with
the experts. The ethical principles of consent and confidentiality were followed in
the course of data gathering and analysis.
KEY FINDINGS
Silk Roads: beyond East-West geopolitical simplification
Today’s globalization thrives on a plethora of interactive initiatives, including
virtual platforms, such as Google, YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, where people
can bond socially. Yet, as eye-catching as these technological innovations may
seem, the globalization they champion did not start with them. Globalization and
cross-cultural interactions began in cities such as Samarkand, Baghdad, Beijing,
Sogdiana and other Asian cities that had established relations along the Silk Roads
in centuries past (Al-Khalili, 2011). However, the world’s East-West polarization and
protracted economic rivalry along certain geopolitical divides have resulted in
persistent cultural animosity among people of common legacies. Putting this into
perspective, in June 2022, the G7 nations (Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan, France,
the United Kingdom and the United States) pledged US$ 600 billion to counter

the Belt and Roads Initiative (BRI), China’s reimagining of the old Silk Roads.12 For
the Chinese government, the BRI scheme will facilitate trade between China and
countries in Africa and Asia through a connection of road networks that mirrors the
image of the old Silk Roads. In Europe and America, the BRI has been conceived as
China’s political design to annex low-income nations towards establishing a Chinese
economic force and cultural hegemony. Although it is beyond the scope of this study
to discuss the political idea behind China’s BRI, it is important to note that the old
Silk Roads, which is invariably brought up in the conversation on the BRI was not a
unilateral project of any race or group. In other words, the Silk Roads were never a
political invention of one nation, as established and examined in this study. Rather,
the roads were a multinational trade system through which many nations traversed
for trade, cultural exchange and knowledge diffusion.
COMMERCE AND CROSS-CULTURAL INTERACTIVE

MECHANISM: SILK ROADS AS A METAPHOR
To discuss the Silk Roads is to bear witness to the cultural and geographical
influence of the East on contemporary globalization. The history of the Silk Roads
is a testimony to our indebtedness to some parts of the world that are viewed
today as being, globally, on the margins. Politically neutral in the early periods, the
Silk Roads were an organic connection that facilitated trade and cultural exchange
across Asia and the rest of the world (Alison Betts, personal communication, 27
June 2022). Indeed, the Silk Roads toppled cultural, linguistic and geographical
barriers to establish the first wave of globalization. This network of roads connected
Central Asia with China, India, Africa, the Roman Empire, Europe and other nations
far beyond, providing the model for contemporary transnational migration.
As a word of caution, it should be made clear that the ‘Silk Roads’ designation is used
simply to frame the territorial expanse without portraying the connection of roads
as a unilateral project of contemporary politics of any nation. The use of ‘Silk Roads’
has a different historical connotation for different people and the civilizations
that travelled and traded along these routes. Today, the Chinese consider the Silk
Roads as routes for trading and diplomatic expeditions across Central Asia and
neighbouring civilizations from the second century BCE. For Central Asians, the
Silk Roads represent centuries of Indo-European interaction, which culminated
in Russian and Qing imperial expansion into Central Asia in the seventh century
(Chin, 2013). This same route carries a different meaning in Europe, none of which is
devoid of political opinion. In our view, any label is just a simplification of ideological
politics, which obscures the cultural complexity of the Silk Roads that had been
enjoyed by different peoples and civilizations of the past (Frankopan, 2018). The
Silk Roads is a phenomenon conceived in a broader and more flexible way, which
embodies every kind of human interaction and cultural interdependency. Expanded
and modified into land routes by China to accommodate the economic boom of the

Han Dynasty, the Silk Roads witnessed and facilitated cross-cultural interaction
among peoples whose civilizations were centuries ahead of the invention of silk.
During the Han dynasty, the Chinese government completed the expansion of the
Silk Roads to Europe; a move that was economically motivated. Demand for Chinese
silk in Europe was insatiable as silk had become associated with affluence among
European aristocracy. During this period, in the minds of its European consumers,
silk became a sign of nobility, as projected in many Anglo-Norman legends. For
instance, in the medieval British romance Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, silk
fabrics feature prominently in the fascinating description of the eponymous hero,
Sir Gawain:
To a chamber the lord drew him and charged men at once assign him an
esquire to serve and obey him; and there to wait on his word many worthy
men were, who brought him to a bright bower where the bedding was
splendid; there were curtains of costly silk with clear golden hems.13
The cultural influence of silk on Medieval Europe was enormous, not only as a
fabric of honour but also as a symbol of aesthetics in literary expressions. China
had traded with the Romans and Central-East Asians for centuries before opening
up commercial ties with Europe. But the most stunning account of the silk trade
in Central-East Asia was the mercantilist savvy shown by the people of Sogdiana
(present day Uzbekistan). While serious transnational trading was taking place
between China, India and Central Asia, there were no direct contacts established
for the transactions due to security concerns because of Mongol bandits along the
trading routes (Alison Betts, personal communication, 27 June 2022). Silk trading
from China to Central Asia through to Rome had to be undertaken by the Sogdians
who acted as go-betweens as they could cope with the insecurity and other threats
along the routes. Today, the world’s powerful nations seek global relevance through
militarization and political domination, for example, in the Russian occupation of
Ukraine and the 20 years of American military aggression in the Middle East. This
was not the case with the Sogdians. They were able to use their social relations, and
had access to specialist knowledge or goods, to shape the commercial transactions
of the past14 (Lerner and Wide, 2022).
Interestingly, every initiative today, from Amazon’s digital market to Uber

transportation, can be traced back to the genius of the Sogdians as intermediaries
along the silk routes. These tenacious merchants from Central Asia were the
first importers of Buddhism into China. They transformed China into one of the
strongholds of Buddhism, having translated a couple of Buddhist Sanskrit texts
into Chinese (Chin, 2013). This helped to propagate Buddhism throughout China
and its neighbouring nations. Together with the translation of Greco-Persian works
into Arabic in the eighth and ninth centuries in Baghdad, the flow of knowledge
continued, thus expanding the frontier of cultural expansion. This validates the

view by Chin that the knowledge of the Silk Roads often comes as a model for
understanding a broad scale of cultural interaction which had taken place in
the past.
IMPACTS OF INDO-ARABIC NUMERALS

ON TECHNOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT
Through the journeys along the Silk Roads, the change from Indian numerals to
Arabic numerals (0-9) (Alison Betts, personal communication, 27 June 2022) was
successfully executed by Al-Khwarizmī15, the father of algebra (Al-Khalili, 2011). Prior
to this modification, Hindu mathematicians only used the Base 10 arithmetic system
(Tushar et al., 2018). Moreover, Al-Khwarizmī’s innovation gave rise to books on
mathematics, astronomy and other sciences, as mentioned earlier (Arger, 2015).
Through Al-Khwarizmī’s book, Calculation of the Hindu Numerals, knowledge of
Indo-Arabic numerals spread widely across the Islamic world, and even further
following its translation into Latin and Hebrew (Burke, 2009). The Latin translation
around 1120 AD facilitated the introduction of Indo-Arabic numerals into Europe.
Since Al-Khãwarizmī’s modification of the early Indian digits to Arabic numerals,
new technologies, like computing, programming, machine learning and robotics,
have largely relied on this number system. Before delving deeper into the different
ways in which Indo-Arabic numerals have influenced today’s technologies and
computations, we must refer to how the numeral system inspired by Al-Khãwarizmī
had developed the technologies of ancient times. This study will be able to draw
from these two different spatial narrations to make inferences from the past to the
present, and perhaps predict the future.
To begin with the Indo-Arabic number system, which uses the concepts of zero and
place value (Burke, 2009), aided the prominence of cryptology – a study of how
to make ciphers (algorithms used in a cryptosystem) and the analysis/breaking
down of ciphers.16 Another mathematical concept that influenced the practice of
cryptology is hisãb al-jumal, a numeric alphabet that mirrored the letter alphabet,
with a set numeric value attributed to each letter (Schwartz, 2014, p. 139). Although
historical records from Süleymaniye treatises of the ninth to sixteenth centuries
documented the existence of cryptography prior to the Abbasids period (758–
1258), the medieval Middle East regions were the first to engage in crypto-analysis
(breaking down of algorithms used in cryptography), known as ‘medieval Arabic
cryptology’, though the knowledge was kept a secret (Schwartz, 2014). A sign of its
value and significance, this knowledge underwent some lexical changes, beginning
as istikhrãj al-mu‘ammãh (solving the obscure) before changing to ‘ilm (precious
science) and, finally, fann (an art). In fact, the cryptology of that era moved away
from being a single lens of knowing to an amalgamation of mathematics, linguistics,
scribal composition, poetry and esotericism (Schwartz, 2014, p. 135).

[…] the ‘Abbasids employed cryptology academically to unlock ancient
learning from texts written in dead languages, poetically for recreation, and
bureaucratically to control official information. The Ayyūbis and Mamlūks
largely employed cryptology for military ends (Schwartz, 2014, p. 134).
Interestingly, paper-making technology facilitated the practice and the

documentation of medieval Arabic cryptology. In addition, cryptology was preferred
in written form because of the strong conviction of the cryptologists of the time
that “the writing that is enciphered and obscured can be concealed and kept
secret”. Then, “without the means for committing messages to a physical format
for numerical manipulation or for transporting cryptograms, cryptology could not
exist in theory or practice” (Schwartz, 2014, p. 137).
The abundance of paper helped accumulate, disseminate, and preserve

cryptology amongst scribes, between polities, and in libraries over
time. Paper, therefore, facilitated cryptology’s progression toward a
sustained technology that could accrue technical precision and that
could be taught to initiates (Schwartz, 2014, p. 139).
However, the diffusion of paper from the Abbasid reign to the Ottoman’s created
a disadvantage as records on paper could be manipulated. In order to resolve this
problem, cryptology was able to strengthen the security of information in written
documents as it was proved that enciphering documents was the most secure way
of authenticating written documents (Schwartz, 2014, p. 139).
A number of significant insights can be drawn. First, although the cryptology of

past centuries was analogue and paper-based, the innovation opened the path for
modern paperless and digital cryptology. Second, paper-making technology, which
facilitated the documentation of cryptology, paved the way for other cryptologists
to progress, from where the early development ceased. Without the practice of
scribing on paper, perhaps researchers of modern-day cryptology would not have
accessed the records of these fundamental mathematical concepts, which have
helped them in further algorithmic exploration. What would have happened to
modern-day artificial intelligence, machine learning, computation and many STEM
subjects (science, technology, engineering, maths) had these fields remained as oral
literature? Thirdly, both the old and new approaches to cryptology prevented secure
information from being manipulated, as only a few people could read cryptography
and crypto-analysis. In effect, cryptology, confidentiality, integrity, non-repudiation
and authentication of information and communication are guaranteed.17
Indo-Arabic numerals now function as secret codes for programmers to build

computer software and mobile applications. An example of such usage can be
seen in the Hess App Numerals Model (HNM) created by Mohammed Babekir, a
Sudanese postgraduate student. He used Indo-Arabic numerals (in Hindi and

Arabic reverse position – ۱۲٣٤٥٦۷۸۹۰) to build cell phone software that could
make arithmetic competitions smarter and easier for Arabic-speaking basic
education school pupils in Sudan (Babekir, 2017). From this innovation, using
numbers, the game-like arithmetic software became an indigenous teaching
aid that Sudanese students used to solve their local arithmetic problems.
In addition, the Indo-Arabic numerals have made it possible for scientists to

communicate in digits, thus promoting the scientific language. The numbers
also ease complex mathematical problems to such an extent that numbers
can now be assigned in tenths, hundreds, thousands and millions (Musa, 2014).
Digital technologies and informatics such as “internet system, GSM system, fiber
optic network carrying the transformation of telephone conversations, weather
prediction, the design of fuel-efficient automobiles, computer-controlled system
machines and airbus A340, which a computer controls by sending electrical signals
to the engine, flaps and rudder” equally rely on the Indo-Arabic numerals (Musa,
2014, p. 5). These same numerals equally make modern medical imaging a reality
(Musa, 2014). Without Indo-Arabic numerals, there would be no computers and no
space travel. Indeed, there would be no science, technology or medicine of any kind,
to say nothing of mathematics itself.18
Lastly, prior to the wide usage of Indo-Arabic numerals in modern-day financial

transactions, the Europeans had adopted the numbering system to engage in
commerce by around the thirteenth century. At that time, merchant-bankers were
the first European practitioners to use – alongside the previous Roman notation
– Hindu-Arabic numerals (Danna, 2021). Financial institutions and stock exchange
markets around the world cannot engage in any modern transaction without
resorting to this numbering system created many centuries ago.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

It is insinuated that Africa is a latecomer in the Silk Roads debates. While this
could be true with the BRI, which itself has only become prominent for a decade,
traces of the Silk Roads have been established in Africa for as long as humans
pursued civilizations and interacted for socio-economic benefits and development.
Africa has always mattered. The exchange of economic goods in coastal ports like
Zanzibar (Tanzania), early writing materials like papyrus along the River Nile and
the Mediterranean port city of Alexandria, and other religious rites, festivals and
royal events in Cairo (Egypt), are practical pointers to Silk Roads activities in Africa.
The Silk Roads, and the activities that spread along the routes, are testimonies of
the interdependence of human survival. This study has established that the Silk
Roads is a concrete phenomenon whose impacts go beyond political abstractions
and colourations. As researchers, whose worldview is untainted by the influence of
a particular bloc within the global geopolitical system, it should be emphasized that
the debates around the Silk Roads and the new Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) should

not be subject to politicization, not least because politicians are preaching dominance
while persecuting others with a mindset of “they are wrong! we’re right!” (Grant,
2021). There is a need to see the ripples of the Silk Roads phenomenon rather than
being overwhelmed by the waves of claims and counter-claims, in particular, by the
West on the one hand, and China on the other. For humanity to advance as a whole,
connected together beyond geographical barriers, it cannot allow itself to be stuck
in the age-old rivalry of civilizations in terms of power and growth, which is often
expressed through the politics of exclusion (Rehman, 2020). This is also to avert the
manifestation of Friedrich Nietzsche remark that “a politician divides mankind into
two classes: tools and enemies.”
Connectivity is the pivot that enables knowledge diffusion and the development of
ambitious societies to flourish. It has honoured their strengths, facilitating their rise
to becoming competitive economies and regional hubs for sociocultural exchange.
This is why great civilizations have never allowed themselves to be hampered by
a monopoly of ideas or resources within their national borders but, instead, share
best practices and interact with nations along their borders. Moreover, economic
corridors will continue to serve as knowledge conduits that transform societies
through the exchange of new skills, language, food, philosophy, literature and
religion. The diffusion of ideas, knowledge and cooperation will thus continue to
play an integral part of humankind’s evolution and progress. To go against this is
to go against the very essence of human nature (Rehman, 2020).
This present research accentuates and reinforces the fact that no nation is able to
indefinitely maintain the secret of development and progress. From the development
of clay tablets in Mesopotamia, papyrus in Egypt, parchment and vellum in Rome
to paper in China, human progress has been facilitated through the ages and has
democratized access to knowledge. The creativity of the Indian mathematicians
in developing the numeral system and the subsequent improvement by Arabian
mathematicians in the House of Wisdom in Baghdad should be a reminder that the
culture of progress is possible when we are deliberate about building a culture of
peace and sustainable development together rather than diminishing one another
with selfish goals. Although paper production began in China, countries such as
Indonesia, Germany and the United States have also become producers of high-
quality paper. Meanwhile, the Indo-Arabic numerals continue to spur technological
innovations across the globe. We firmly believe and recommend that the Silk Roads,
regardless of political or economic colouration, should continue to be a rallying
point to foster human development across various endeavours.
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Mariana Castro
Mariana Castro is a landscape archaeologist and Ph.D. candidate at the Institute

for the Study of the Ancient World (New York University). Her work focuses on the
archaeology of mobility, interaction, and exchange in pre-Islamic arid landscapes,
currently through the topic of turquoise mining and exchange in ancient central
Eurasia. Mariana has participated in numerous archaeological field projects,
including Egypt, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Iraq, Jordan, and Greece. She
also advocates for outreach in Humanities-related fields and coordinates several
projects aiming to bridge the gap between scholarship and non-academic circles.

3 New Research on
Turquoise Stones
in Pre-Modern
Central Eurasia

INTRODUCTION
Turquoise has been widely discovered in archaeological contexts across Eurasia,
reflecting its importance in the imaginary, cosmology and ornamentation of
nomadic and sedentary communities since pre-historic times. Yet, despite its clear
significance, the topic of turquoise stones in the pre-modern world, especially in
relation to sourcing and distribution, has not been seriously researched in more
than 100 years. While considering neighbouring turquoise mining regions, especially
those in Iran, the current paper discusses an ongoing project focused on the central,
yet under-studied, turquoise mines of the Kyzylkum Desert in modern Uzbekistan.
The raw material mined here was widely circulated and intensively exploited, as
evidenced by the massive volume of mining traces in the desert and the presence
of countless turquoise finds in the surrounding regions.
STATE OF THE FIELD

Turquoise is an opaque, secondary mineral that is a hydrated phosphate of copper
and aluminium (CuAl6(PO4)4(OH)8·5H2O) and is part of the turquoise group with other
six isostructural end members (Foord and Taggart, 1998) (Thibodeau et al., 2012
p.65–66). It occurs in thin seams, veins, nodules or grains, and is formed by the
interaction of meteoric water with igneous or sedimentary rocks that are rich in
aluminium, copper and phosphorus (Figure 1).
Part of a limited group of green and

blue-coloured minerals, turquoise
occurs in relatively few places around
the world, but mostly in arid or semi-
arid piedmont regions. The most famous
pre-modern deposits are located
in Asia, particularly in the Egyptian
Sinai and on the Iranian Plateau19,
even though the deposits of Nishapur
(Khorasan region, Iran) have been
disproportionally privileged in historical
and, consequently, scholarly accounts.
The reasons for this are varied. The
Egyptian mines in the Sinai are some
the earliest systematically exploited
turquoise deposits in the world, but the
intensity of the works by New Kingdom
expeditions led to their relatively early
depletion (Valbelle and Bonnet, 1996; Figure 1. Turquoise from the Kyzylkum Desert
Moorey and Roger, 1999; Pomey, 2018). showing colour variation within the same vein
Conversely, the Nishapur mines of Iran, © Mariana Castro.

the largest in Asia, remain active to the present day and continue to yield what is
regarded as the highest quality turquoise based on durability, vibrance and purity
(Shirdam et al., 2021). In fact, the volume and quality of Nishapur turquoise was so
renowned in pre-modern times that for many centuries it was accepted that all
turquoise stones, especially high-quality gems, originated from these mines (e.g.
Богданович, 1888)20.
Countering this misconception, numerous geological surveys over the past 100
years point to the importance of Central Asian deposits, especially those located
in the Kyzylkum Desert (Uzbekistan) and in the Karamazar mountains (northwest
Tajikistan). These vast mining regions, long acknowledged by geologists in the
Russian-speaking world, have not yet been incorporated into the archaeological
literature as serious alternatives to pre-modern Iranian turquoise(e.g. Stöllner et
al., 2004)21, even though it is evident – judging by the extant evidence – that they
supplied turquoise not only to local communities, but also to surrounding regions,
including Iran and the northern steppes. In Central Asia, at least 42 turquoise mining
areas have been previously reported, of which more than half are located in the
Kyzylkum (Виноградов et al., 1965; Пругер, 1971b; Пругер, 1989, table 2). Some
have even suggested that traces of mining activity in Central Asia, such as those at
Djaman Kaskyr, Taskazgan and the Sultanuizdag, are comparable in scale to those
of Nishapur, even at its operational peak in the medieval period (Пругер, 1971a,
p.11). Although this project has focused on the turquoise deposits in Central Asia,
particularly those of the Kyzylkum Desert, a consideration of the Nishapur and
other Iranian mines, nonetheless, provides a unique opportunity for comparanda
with great historical and ethnographical value. This is especially true in relation to
the technology of extraction, and the working and treatment of turquoise stones.
Other important turquoise deposits in Asia can be found in China, with the largest in
the Hubei (湖北) province (Qin, 2016, p.229)22. These turquoise mines probably did not
supply the same markets as those in Central Asia, although this is an assumption
that scientific analysis may yet contradict23. For the purpose of this project, only the
large deposits reported in Heishanling (黑山岭) and in eastern Xinjiang (新疆) have
been considered, as it is more conceivable – due to their centrality in interregional
exchange networks – that they have complemented Central Asian production
during their operation (particularly noted during the sixth to fourth century BCE)
(Luan, 2001; Qin et al., 2015; Li et al., 2020). In the northern regions of Eurasia, pre-
modern turquoise mines also existed in eastern and southern Kazakhstan, but no
archaeological studies have so far considered them (Chlachula, 2020)24. Additionally,
scant information in the literature points to the existence of at least one mine
at the mouth of the Kokcha River in Afghanistan (Кузнецова et al., 1949, pp. 73–
74, 95). Turquoise also occurs in several regions of Europe, but these deposits
are situated beyond the scope of the present discussion (Querré et al., 2019).
Finally, the productive mines of the American Southwest have recently inspired a
substantial torrent of scientific research dedicated to turquoise and its potential

within provenance studies. These reports have been important in establishing the
scientific protocol for this project (Thibodeau et al., 2007; Thibodeau, et al., 2012;
Thibodeau et al., 2015).
Focused research on the history of turquoise in the pre-modern world is sparse

and has only rarely deviated from mineralogical and geochemical considerations.
The most comprehensive of these studies remains the work of geologist Joseph
E. Pogue in The Turquoise: A study of its History, Mineralogy, Geology, Ethnology,
Archaeology, Mythology, Folklore, and Technology (2015) published by the American
National Academy of Sciences. Pogue’s treatment of turquoise is one of the most
exhaustive of any mineral species and it was reprinted by Rio Grande Press with
an introduction by Rex Arrowsmith in 1974. This reference monograph provides a
world survey on turquoise occurrences, uses and values, and it makes a particularly
helpful summary of the ancient and medieval sources available on the topic.
Another important volume, originally intended as an appendix of Pogue’s work,

was released by Berthold Laufer (1913) and is entitled Notes on Turquoise in the
East25. Unlike Pogue, Laufer was an anthropologist and historical geographer who
focused on East Asian languages and cultures. In his research on turquoise, Laufer
was mainly interested in its “history and cultural position” in China, India and Tibet.26
His work is surprisingly modern in recognizing the importance of interdisciplinarity
in the exploration of cultural topics, which he does through a combination of
philological, historical and ethnographic data that, unfortunately, largely post-
dates the present chronological focus.27
Relevant overview articles about the exploitation and use of turquoise stones in
the ancient world are also scarce. The most recent and comprehensive was written
by Ruslan I. Kostov (2019) and was included in a larger monograph about variscite
and turquoise adornments in Neolithic Europe. This chapter provides an overview
of turquoise scholarship in Eurasia, paying particular attention to the deposits
in Central Asia, Iran and Eastern Europe. There are some inconsistencies in the
archaeological dating of different deposits, but this seems to reflect the general
knowledge, or lack thereof, of turquoise exploitation in the ancient world.
As mentioned earlier, Iranian turquoise has received disproportionally greater

attention. Many publications, to a greater or lesser extent, have considered the
mines in Khorasan and Kerman, especially those of Nishapur (Богданович, 1888;
Eichholz, 1967; Beale, 1973; Manutchehr-Danai, 1977; Weisgerber, 2004a; Douman and
Fritz, 2008; Ghorbani, 2013; Ovissi et al., 2017; Zhetpisbayeva and Zhubatova, 2021).
A recent dissertation project by Farzaneh Lotfi Gharaei in the Sources, Processing,
Technologies and Trade Patterns of Turquoise in Iran, based on Archaeological
material (2014, in Farsi) represents a helpful contribution to the study of turquoise
objects in the pre-modern world, especially in its overview of indications for
analysing turquoise and how this stone was processed and traded in Iran during
different eras. In contrast, the popular release of Arash Khazeni’s Sky Blue Stone:

Turquoise Trade in World History (2014), only deals with turquoise in the eastern
post-Timurid Islamic world “from its remote point of origin in the city of Nishapur”
and relies almost uniquely on historical sources to argue that turquoise was an
“imperial stone” essential to state formation between “steppe and sow”. Yet in line
with previous scholarship, it disregards the size and importance of the pre- and
post-medieval turquoise mining industries in Central Asia.
More frequently, turquoise is mentioned – although often parenthetically – in

discussions about semi-precious stones in the East, as in Gerd Weisgerber’s
contribution in Persiens antike Pracht (2004b), a volume dedicated to mining in
ancient Iran, or in articles about the colour symbology of different gems and their
occurrences in ancient jewelry (Moorey and Roger, 1999; Entwistle and Adams, 2011;
Hilgner et al., 2017, although turquoise is rarely mentioned)28. For example, many
references to turquoise can be found in catalogues that illustrate the material
culture of Iron Age steppe communities, including the so-called “Scythians”,
“Saka” and the “Sarmatians” (Артамонов, 1973; Piotrovsky et al., 1986; Simpson
and Pankova, 2017). In most cases, however, turquoise stones are merely mentioned
as material components of other artefacts, and little attention is dedicated to their
origin, colour or symbolic meaning within their particular archaeological contexts.
Generalist encyclopedic works about minerals and gems are too numerous to name,
but turquoise is normally included in these, even if in a repetitive fashion that
perpetuates misconceptions about its origins and historical value (Ферсман, 1957;
Webster and Read, 1994).
Above all, turquoise is the subject of many non-academic publications. These tend
to be world surveys of turquoise ornaments with varying degrees of detail about
sources, production techniques and archaeological contexts of deposition. Still,
some of these publications have been helpful in establishing a general historical
overview of turquoise stones, as well as providing excellent colour photographs.
Such works are well exemplified by those of Joe Dan Lowry and Joe P. Lowry (2002;
2010; 2018).
TURQUOISE IN THE KYZYLKUM

This project deals in particular
with the ancient exploitation
of the largest Central Asian
turquoise deposits located in the
Kyzylkum Desert of Uzbekistan.
Owing to its remoteness, political
barring and extreme climatic
conditions, the Kyzylkum has
received little scholarly attention. Figure 2. Kyzylkum Desert
As noted by Leonid Sverchkov Source: トムル, Wikimedia, Public Domain

(2009, p. 157) in relation to ancient mining, “many areas of Central Asia lack a
high-grade of knowledge concerning the kinds, levels and periods of mineral
exploitation, but none of them can be compared to the Inner Kyzylkum – the
principal ‘white spot’” (Sverchkov, 2009). In terms of ancient sites, the difficulty
also lies in the fact that the majority of cultural layers, especially those from pre-
medieval times, are located at the bottom or on the slope of eroded basins that
have been partially or completely destroyed.
The territory of the Kyzylkum Desert can be loosely defined as the immense arid
landscape enclosed between the Aral Sea in the west and the Nuratau mountains
in the east and delineated respectively to the north and south by the middle/lower
reaches of the Syrdarya and Amudarya rivers (Figure 2). At the heart of this area
lies the so-called Inner Kyzylkum (Внутренний Кызылкум), a region that remained
separate from the cultural and environmental influence of the main water courses
surrounding it (Виноградов and Мамедов, 1975, pp. 3–6) Today, the Kyzylkum is
divided between the territories of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, but
its core area rests firmly within Uzbekistan.
Although the highest hypsometric elevation of the vast Kyzylkum plain does
not surpass 250–300 m a.s.l., the region is punctuated by several mountainous
features that break the landscape into smaller regional centres. Mineral resources
are concentrated in and around these mountains and include, among others,
turquoise, gold, uranium and copper. Today, these regions continue to be exploited
for their mineral resources, particularly those close to the desert towns of Zarafshan
(Tamdytau) and Uchkuduk (Bukantau).29 The highest point in the Kyzylkum is located
in the Tamdytau mountains (922 m).30
Several scientific expeditions into the Kyzylkum have been led since the 1930s,
first by geologists, such as Alexander F. Sosedko, and later by archaeologists
from the former Soviet Union, including N. N. Vakturskaya, E. D. Mamedov and
S. P. Tolstov (Массон, 1953; Виноградов and Мамедов, 1975, p.7). While several of
these expeditions searched for traces of turquoise mining activity, (e.g. Манылов,
1974), the most comprehensive surveys remain those of the Ancient Mines Mapping
Party of the Special-Subject Inspection Expedition of the Chief Administration for
Geology (USSR),31 led by S. V. Lopatin in the 1960s (1961–1970).
Lopatin and his team surveyed 18 turquoise deposits and their associated works,
but he never published a final report of their findings. A summary of the data
collected by the Ancient Mines Mapping Party (hereafter AMMP) in the turquoise
mines of the Kyzylkum – released in the mid-1960s by A. V. Vinogradov, S. V. Lopatin
and E. D. Mamedov – is the only openly available publication of the project. For
this reason, it represents an extremely important resource in the study of ancient
mining in Central Asia (Виноградов et al., 1965).32 All the original notes, materials

and data collected by the AMMP were reportedly stored in the files of the Khorezm
Expedition in the former USSR Institute of Ethnography (Moscow), but their current
whereabouts is unknown.33
The most important figure in the examination of turquoise in the Kyzylkum (and
beyond) was E.B. Pruger. An employee of the AMMP and a student of M. E. Masson,
Pruger published his doctoral dissertation in 1971 on the topic of turquoise
deposits in Central Asia and their elemental correspondence with archaeological
finds (Пругер, 1971b). In 1989, he released the culmination of his research on
turquoise in the Kyzylkum, discussing this desert within the history of production
and distribution of Central Asian turquoise (Пругер, 1989). Mainly due to Pruger’s
dissertation, traces of turquoise mining activity in the Kyzylkum are well attested
(yet, as mentioned earlier, poorly published). They number in the hundreds of mining
features (mostly in the form of open pits and open pits) along the mountain ranges
of the inner Kyzylkum and Sultanuizdag mountains, varying in size from a few metres
up to more than 300 metres. The AMMP team inclusively estimated that in the two
largest mining zones, Djaman Kaskyr (Bukantau) and Taskazgan (Tamdytau), mining
debris exceeded 2.5 million m3 (Пругер, 1989, p. 195).
The question of chronology and the operation of different mines is far more
complicated and potentially represents the major shortcoming of this project. The
first historical account of turquoise exploitation in the Kyzylkum possibly comes
from a famous inscription of Darius and relates to the use of this stone in the
construction of the palatial complex in Susa (Vallat, 1983).34 Archaeological evidence,
however, confirms that the exploitation of the Kyzylkum turquoise mines dates
much further back, possibly even as far as the sixth millennium BCE (Виноградов
et al., 1965, p.124–128). According to the pottery activity registered at these sites by
the AMMP, turquoise mining could only be positively confirmed during the Neolithic
and medieval periods. According to their observations, during the medieval period,
turquoise mining apparently reached a peak between the twelfth and fourteenth
centuries CE.
Nevertheless, Vinogradov, Mamedov and Lopatin noted the stark lack of

correspondence between the occurrences of worked turquoise in archaeological
contexts, which are especially characteristic of the first millennium BCE, and the
pottery evidence for this period in the Kyzylkum mines. They also noted that “the
discovery of traces of very ancient – primitive and early classical – turquoise-mining
operations is entirely to be anticipated when detailed archaeological surveys of the
occurrences are conducted” (p.133), implying that the work carried by AMMP should
not be taken as the definite word on this matter. In fact, Pruger later reported that
the turquoise mines in the Sultanuizdag, the Bukantau and the Tamdytau ranges
were very active in antiquity/ This information was derived from his chemical
correspondence between worked turquoise at different sites and geological
samples collected in the Kyzylkum deposits (Пругер, 1989, pp. 198–199).

PRELIMINARY RESULTS: 2022 SURVEY SEASON
In partnership with local archaeologists and geologists, and under the purview or
the Uzbek-American Expedition in Bukhara (UzAmEB), we led a survey to revisit the
work of the AMMP in the turquoise mining complexes in the inner Kyzylkum Desert
of Uzbekistan, where this stone has been extracted since prehistoric times. This
phase of the project, which took place in July and August 2022 with the generous
support of UNESCO, consisted of a comprehensive survey of all turquoise mining
regions in the inner Kyzylkum with the intention to produce accurate maps, refine
their chronology, and collect geological samples for a provenance analytical study
(Figure 3).
Before arriving in the field, we scanned the available literature and cartography,
including 100K Soviet-era military maps, and searched for descriptions of mining
locations and other relevant information, such as sizes, number of workings and
associated exploitations. We then located each mining region in the satellite
imagery. Turquoise in the Kyzylkum mostly occurs on the surface in the form of thin
seams and small inclusions in fractured Ordovician and Silurian slates (Виноградов
et al., 1965, p.117). As such, in the past, turquoise was easily extracted simply by
excavating a superficial hole and dumping the waste in a circular or semi-circular
shape around it. The result looks like a doughnut, making it easier to identify the
precise extent and intensity of each mining region.
Figure 3. Survey photographic record by Pedro Sequeira. Top left: Taskazgan western group of
turquoise mines. Relief indicates mining dumps. Top right: Open pit working in Shatimtau deposit
in the Altyntau range (Tamdytau mountains). Bottom left: Modern geological prospection trench
in the Kuldjuktau mountains. Bottom right: Landscape survey in the Altyntau range.
© Pedro Sequeira.

Figure 4. Turquoise mines in the inner Kyzylkum. Bukantau: A–Djaman-Kaskyr; B–Irlir; C–
Aiakashchi 1 (destroyed); D–Aiakashchi 2; E–Turbai 2; F–Turbai 1 (destroyed); G–Derbez
(destroyed); I–Djilanda. Tamdytau: J–Taskaszgan south-eastern group; K–Taskazgan western
group; L–Taskazgan central group; M–Tuyatash (Taskazgan); N–Taskazgan eastern group;
O–Kurgantau (Taskazgan); P–Shatimtau; Q– Tuyatash; R–Taskazgan distant group.
Auminzatau: S–Uirektytau. Kuldjuktau: T–Taushan.
Source: Yandex satellite maps and Mariana Castro.

Following field preparation, we travelled to the Kyzylkum and threaded the area of
all the pre-identified mining regions, documenting dumping areas and the limit of
each working. The data collected, which includes more than 700 mining features,
enabled the creation of the first complete digital maps of all turquoise mining
landscapes in the Inner Kyzylkum Desert. These included twelve mining areas in
the Tamdytau mountains, ten in the Bukantau, one in the Kuldjuktau, and one in
the Auminzatau (Figure 4). The largest, the Taskazgan deposit (Tamdytau), is spread
over 20 km of continuous workings, and its scale is such that it is clearly visible in
geological satellite imagery. We also noted that at least five of these ancient mining
zones, previously reported by Pruger, have since been completely destroyed by
modern prospection works.
In addition to archaeological material, which has already exceeded the chronology

proposed by Vinogradov, Lopatin and Mamedov, the survey also focused on the
collection of geological samples for scientific analysis. These geological specimens
will represent a unique database of reference material and will provide the basis
for a major provenance study. In an initial phase, samples will be analysed in
collaboration with conservators at the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the
Museum of Natural History (NYC) using both non-invasive and minimally invasive
techniques.35 The combination of these techniques will characterize the specimens
from a mineralogical and chemical point of view, and it will set the basis for further
research using more invasive procedures (e.g. mass spectrometric techniques).
These analyses will then be used to verify the chemical fingerprint of each source,
as well as to compare them to turquoise artefacts from Egypt, the Near East and
Central Asia housed in collections around the world.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
This study aims to challenge several long-held traditions about the history and
archaeology of Central Asia. First, it employs turquoise as a proxy to problematize
issues of periodization and cultural separation in the study of ancient societies.
Namely, the material culture perspective taken here pushes us beyond issues of
methodological nationalism, area studies paradigms and nativist discourses to
illuminate the complex links of connectivity and mobility that have tied people and
objects together in Eurasia for millennia. Second, it questions the views promoted
by Dependency Theory in relation to Central Asian mobile pastoralists and their
incapacity to thrive in hostile environments. Despite being traditionally seen as
marginalized communities, these desert and steppe dwellers played a significant
role in disseminating technological expertise and ornamental languages across
Eurasia, facilitating supra-cultural exchanges beyond linguistic barriers. Additionally,
this project contests the view that deserts have been peripheral or remote places
in the economy of regional and inter-regional exchanges, particularly in relation to
settled, cosmopolitan areas of the pre-modern world. This view obscures the reality
that deserts have been home to many indigenous peoples and often excuses its

reckless exploitation. Pursuing a better understanding of these various interactions
is particularly timely, especially if we consider the ancient and modern development
of the so-called ‘Silk Roads’ and the increasingly fundamental place of Central Asia
in global historical narratives.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to particularly thank Sören Stark and Federico Caró for their support
in the development of this project, as well as all the team members who made the
fieldwork possible and enjoyable: Siroj Mirzaahmedov, Sérgio Garcia-Dils and Pedro
Sequeira. Additionally, I am very grateful to Dan Potts, Nick Boroffka, and Leonid
Sverchkov for their comments and guidance.
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Asma Bachikh and
Mohammad Daud Hamidi
Daud Hamidi is a young professional who has worked with diverse national
and international entities focused on water management and research. His
expertise extends to integrated water management and development, advanced
hydrological modelling, stable isotope applications, water quality assessment,
and WASH interventions. Formerly affiliated with the Regional Environmental
Centre for Central Asia (CAREC), Mr. Hamidi played a pivotal role in the USAID-
funded Smart Waters Project in Afghanistan. Furthermore, he pioneered an
integrated water model for the Kabul City Region using the MIKE SHE/MIKE 11
software and collaborated with leading institutions in hydrological research.
Asma Bachikh is an international development professional with a background in

water resources management and climate change. She has extensive experience
working in multilateral development banks and international organizations
across various water and climate adaptation issues in different regions, including
North Africa, the Middle East, South Asia, and Southeast Asia. She is currently
working at the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), supporting the
preparation and implementation of AIIB’s infrastructure investment projects
in the water sector. Asma holds a Master of Science in Water Science Policy
and Management from the University of Oxford and a Master's in International
Relations and Politics from Peking University.

4 The Shared
Heritage of Water
Management and
Allocation along
the Silk Roads

INTRODUCTION
The Silk Roads was a network of trade routes linking the ancient civilizations of
China, India, Persia and the Mediterranean, playing a crucial role in the exchange of
goods, ideas and technologies for thousands of years (Frankopan, 2015). Named after
the lucrative silk trade conducted along its routes, the network was officially opened
for trade with other countries during the Han Dynasty, which ruled in China from
202 BCE to 220 CE (Yazdi and Khaneiki, 2019). The Silk Roads was commonly used
from 130 BCE, stretching from China to the Mediterranean Sea, and facilitating not
only economic exchange but also cultural and political exchange between different
civilizations. Buddhism, for example, was introduced to China from India along the
Silk Roads, and later spread to other parts of Asia (Frankopan, 2015). The Silk Roads
also facilitated the exchange of ideas and knowledge in fields such as science,
mathematics and the arts. This exchange of ideas had a profound impact on the
development of culture and civilization in the different regions, from one oasis to
another across hot and difficult terrain, whether through the Taklamakan Desert
or the passes of the Pamir mountains.
Access to water was a determining factor in the flourishing and extension of trade
centres along the Silk Roads. The qanat system, also known as karez, kahrez, felaj/
aflaj, khettara, kanerjing, foggara or faleria, is an ancient irrigation technique
that has been used for hundreds of years in semi-arid and arid regions along the
ancient Silk Roads. The system comprises an underground tunnel that transports
large volumes of water from springs or water sources in upland areas to the arid
plains located downstream. The technology is believed to have originated in Persia
and later spread to various regions via the Silk Roads, such as the Middle East,
the Mediterranean, and even as far as western China (Semsar Yazdi and Labbaf
Khaneiki, 2017). While the exact origins of the irrigation system are disputed, it
is widely believed to have emerged in Persia (present-day Iran), where it has
been used for millennia (Sanaan Bensi, 2020). Today, many qanats are still in use,
and they are considered as elements of valuable cultural and historical heritage
(Hussain et al., 2008).
The study of water management and allocation practices along the Silk Roads has
largely overlooked their social aspects despite the wealth of knowledge gleaned
from natural sciences, such as engineering, archaeology and physical geography
(Jomehpour, 2009; Mosse, 2011). For instance, Goes et al. (2017) studied the water
yield of karez in Helmand, Afghanistan, Egitto (2013) used remote sensing to identify
aboveground architectural features in arid environments in southern Afghanistan,
Trombert (2008) studied the historical context of Karez in China, Khan et al. (2015)
studied the importance of karez in providing water for irrigation in Afghanistan,
Beaumont (1971) studied the hydrology aspect of qanats in Iran, Voudouris et al.
(2013) reviewed the hydrogeological characteristics of qanats, Lightfoot (2000)
studied the diffusion of qanats from a geography perspective, Abudanah and

Twaissi (2010) studied the archaeology of qanats in southern Jordan, and Oshima
(2009) briefly studied the status quo of khettara systems and water management
in Morocco. However, qanats are not just engineering wonders, they are also
remarkable social phenomena that cannot be understood purely through a technical
lens (Balali, 2009; Habashiani, 2011). The social sciences offer valuable insights into
the emergence and evolution of these water management technologies, providing a
deeper understanding of the decision-making processes and institutions that played
a crucial role in their development and implementation. By limiting attention to the
technical aspects of water management technologies (i.e. qanats), the research is
missing out on important social aspects and fails to grasp the intricacies of these
practices and their impact on human civilization. Thus, it is crucial to explore the
social aspects for a more comprehensive understanding of qanats/karez.
Several studies, including by Al-Marshoudi and Sulong (2023), Lightfoot (2000), and
Wilson et al. (2020), have suggested that the knowledge and practices of qanats were
disseminated via the Silk Roads. The diffusion theory is a concept in anthropology
and geography that explains how cultural traits and technologies spread through
human populations over time (e.g. qanats). However, another theory that could
potentially explain the simultaneous creation of qanats in multiple regions is the
concept of a parallel invention or independent invention (Raju, 2016). This theory
suggests that similar technologies or cultural practices can arise independently
and simultaneously in different places as a result of similar needs or conditions. In
the case of qanats, it is possible that the technology was independently developed
in multiple regions where irrigation was needed in arid environments. This theory
of parallel invention is supported by the fact that similar irrigation systems have
been discovered in other arid regions, such as the falaj in Oman, karez in Persia and
the kanerjing in China. However, it is also possible that there was a transmission of
knowledge through trade, migration and other forms of human interactions across
regions, which would suggest that the diffusion theory can also be applied.
Despite the wealth of knowledge gathered from numerous research studies on the
technical aspects of qanats along the Silk Roads, many important questions remain
unresolved. For instance, how have conventional water management methods and
allocations been adapted and embodied in the communities that have implemented
the karez/qanat system? Understanding how water management and allocation
guidelines have been adapted and embodied in these communities can provide
valuable insights into the decision-making processes, social norms and institutions
that have shaped the use and maintenance of the karez/qanat or khettara systems
over time. This study explores the earlier question by using a qualitative approach
to compare the evolution of water management and allocation practices in Herat
(Afghanistan) and Errachidia (Morocco). The findings of this study have practical
implications for shaping future water management practices and allocation
guidelines, and for revitalizing the system in the regions found along the Silk Roads.

BACKGROUND
The karez/qanat or khettara system is an engineering marvel of ancient times,
bringing life to the barren desert lands. It involves the transportation of groundwater
from the base of a mountain or a water-bearing formation (aquifer) and, occasionally,
from rivers to an oasis through underground tunnels or a series of tunnels (Figure 1).
The tunnels, some stretching for several kilometres, are carefully crafted to form a
gentle slope, allowing water to flow to the surface through gravity and to reach the
lower, flatter agricultural lands (Lightfoot, 2000). The karez system operates without
the need for mechanical devices. A vertical well is dug to tap into the groundwater
that is located, on average, 30 metres underground. By connecting a series of these
tunnel systems, large areas of land can be supplied with water for irrigation and
domestic purposes. The structure of the karez is simple yet effective (Al-Marshoudi,
2007). A sloped tunnel runs along the length of a channel, with vertical wells serving
as air passages, which allows for excavation and cleaning (Hussain et al., 2008).
The system is divided into two types: the mountain type, which uses water from
mountainous regions, and the plains type, which branches out from rivers.
Figure 1. Cross-section of a karez/qanat or khettara.

© Voudouris et al. (2013)
For centuries, the arid regions of the Middle East, Asia and Northern Africa have
utilized water supply systems made up of hand-dug tunnels in alluvial fan sediments
near mountain ranges that provide groundwater from snowmelt (Figure 2). The origin
of these systems is disputed but it is commonly agreed they were first created in
Persia over 3,000 years ago (Habashiani, 2011; Jomehpour, 2009; Lightfoot, 2000;
Motiee et al., 2006; Taghavi-Jeloudar et al., 2013; Yazdi and Khaneiki, 2019). These
structures are ingeniously designed to reduce evaporation loss by collecting
underground water through tunnels and transporting it close to where it is needed
(Goes et al., 2017).

Figure 2. Countries where qanats are used (names in brackets) based on data collected by
the authors overlaid on the base map.
© Mohammad Daud Hamidi and Asma Bachikh
The qanat structure has a different name depending on the region (Macpherson
et al., 2017). For example, they are referred to as karez in Afghanistan and khettara
in Morocco (Table 1), and they exist in more than 19 countries, but all share similar
features, as illustrated in Figure 1.
In Afghanistan, there are still some functioning karezes that are used for irrigation.
It is estimated that the country’s annual groundwater flow from natural springs is
940 million m3/year and from karezes it is 1,770 million m3/year (Yazdi and Khaneiki,
2019). Out of a total of 9,370 karezes in Afghanistan, 5,984 are still active, while more
than 36% have dried up and the remaining ones have a decreased flow (Yazdi and
Khaneiki, 2019). The average flow of a karez is 6 litres per second (Macpherson et
al., 2017). These karez are found in 19 provinces located in three main river basins
of Afghanistan, including the Harirud-Morghab, Hilmand and Kabul river basins.
There is no recent data on the presence of karezes in the remaining two river basins
(the Northern and Amu Darya), but, according to 1980 statistics, there were reports
of karezes in the provinces of Samangan, Jawzjan, Balkh, Nimroz, Ghor and Faryab
(Yazdi and Khaneiki, 2019). Figure 3(b) illustrates the distribution of active and
inactive karezes in Afghanistan. Figure 3(a) shows the distribution of precipitation
in mm/year around the country. The amount of precipitation in Afghanistan is
largely affected by elevation, with lower elevations receiving less than 100 mm of
annual rainfall, making the climate hyper-arid (Goes et al., 2017). The average annual
precipitation at Kandahar is estimated at 200 mm and in Ghazni (330 km northeast
of Kandahar) the average annual precipitation is around 300 mm (Macpherson et
al., 2017). A visual comparison of figures 3(a) and 3(b) shows the distribution of
karezes in Afghanistan following the pattern of areas that receive less than 300 mm
of annual rainfall.

Table 1. List of countries where qanat is utilized, updated after Macpherson et al. (2017)
Country † Term Source
Karez/Kahriz Goes et al. (2017), Rahatullah

Afghanistan Mohmand (2011),
‫ ﮐﺎرﯾز‬،‫ﮐﮭرﯾز‬ and Egitto (2013)
Algeria Foggara Wilson et al. (2020)
Azerbaijan Livases Monteith (1833)
China Kanerjing, Kaer Trombert (2008)
Egypt Qanat Wilson et al. (2020)
Qanat, Kahriz
Iran Yazdi and Khaneiki (2017, 2019)
‫ ﻗﻧﺎت‬،‫ﮐﮭرﯾز‬
Iraq Karez Lightfoot (2000)
Japan Mambo Macpherson et al. (2017)
Jordan Qanat Hussain et al. (2008)
Libya Foggara Aarnoudse et al. (2018)
Morocco Khettara Lightfoot (1996)
Oman Falaj Al-Marshoudi and Sulong (2023)
Pakistan Karez Khan and Nawaz (1995)
Saudi Arabia Ain Hussain et al. (2008)
Spain Galeria Hussain et al. (2008)
Syria Qanat Endreny and Gokcekus (2009)
Tunisia Foggara/fughara Al-Alaween et al. (2016)
Turkey Livases Monteith (1833)
United Arab Emirates Felaj/afla Hussain et al. (2008)
†
Chronological order
The Tafilalt Oasis in southern Morocco is historically an important trading centre

located on the margins of the Sahara Desert (Beraaouz et al., 2022). The former
city of Sijilmassa, which was established in 757 AD, played a crucial role in the
gold trade from West Africa to the Islamic world (Lightfoot and Miller, 1996). After
the fall of Sijilmassa, the Tafilalt was ruled by the Alaouites, who expanded the
irrigation infrastructure in the oasis through the construction of a large-scale
network of dams and canals. This large-scale initiative resulted in the excavation
of an impressive 300 km network of khettara in the Tafilalt basin, which began in the
late fourteenth century; eighty of these canals provided perennial water to 28 qsour
(the plural form of qasar, a fortified village in the Maghreb) in the northern part of
the oasis (Lightfoot and Miller, 1996). The khettara are closely associated with post-

Figure 3. The distribution of precipitation in Afghanistan (a). The blue-shaded areas
(b) show the distribution of karezes around the country.
Source: Macpherson et al. (2017).
Sijilmassa, which were only built after the fall of the city. The khettara technology
works well with the layout of scattered qsour, each with its governing family/clan
and mechanisms for organizing labour at a more localized level (Lightfoot and
Miller, 1996). Indeed, many of the khettara are named after the qsour or Alaouite
kings who ruled the Tafilalt (Lightfoot, 1996; Oshima, 2009). However, the overuse
of diesel pumps has resulted in a dramatic lowering of the water table in the oasis
since the early 1970s (Lightfoot and Miller, 1996). The government’s promotion and
subsidization of these modern water technologies continue to replace the few
remaining khettara, which are subsequently abandoned as the water table drops
(Beraaouz et al., 2022; Lightfoot, 1996; Oshima, 2009). This replacement has led to
some loss of local control over water resources, the desiccation of the southern
Tafilalt, and the loss of sustainable khettara irrigation in the north Tafilalt.
In other countries located in North Africa, qanat is known as foggara. The era of
foggaras in North Africa has been debated, with some attributing it to the Islamic
period, while others credit the Romans (Wilson et al., 2020). In the Western Saharan
oases, the foggaras have generally been assumed to be from the Medieval or
Early Modern ear (Wilson et al., 2020). However, recent research has firmly dated
foggaras in the Egyptian oases to the mid-first millennium BC, which suggests
the spread of foggara technology from the Western Desert of Egypt to the Central
Sahara during this time (Wilson et al., 2020). Figure 4 shows that the spread of
this technology westwards from Egypt has been much slower, with different areas
adopting it at different rates and periods (Al-Alaween et al., 2016; Lightfoot, 1996;
Wilson et al., 2020).
Figure 4 illustrates the distribution of active (blue) and failed/abandoned (grey)
foggaras (qanats) in the Trans-Saharan region, showing how the technology has
adapted to different hydrological conditions. The widespread use of qanats in
Morocco today is a testament to their effectiveness and durability, and their
history is closely tied to the history of trade and commerce in the Sahara. It
highlights the importance of water technologies in the development of human
societies, especially in arid regions where water is scarce.

Figure 4. The appearance and diffusion of foggaras/khettara in Egypt and North Africa.
Source: Wilson et al. (2020).
MATERIALS AND METHODS

The research framework for this study was based on the ethnoecological approach,
which places emphasis on cultural and traditional knowledge systems (Habashiani,
2011; Ostrom, 1990). The aim of this study was to explore the adaptation and
embodiment of traditional water management practices and allocation guidelines
in communities along the Silk Roads, particularly in Herat (Afghanistan) and
Morocco. Data collection in the study involved semi-structured interviews with
key informants, including farmers and members of the communities.
The methodology for this study involved the use of a purposive sampling strategy to
select 20 participants. The average time of each interview was 30 to 40 minutes, with
the interviews conducted with individuals who specialized in the regions of Herat
(Afghanistan) and Errachidia (Morocco). The interviews were designed to gather
information on the participants’ perspectives and experiences with traditional
water management practices and allocation guidelines in their communities. The
data collection instrument was a semi-structured interview guide that included two
main parts. Part 1 included open-ended questions on: i) water management and
allocation practices; ii) historical context; and iii) conflicts and challenges. Part 2
captured the demographic characteristics of the participants (for the interview
guide, see Appendix 1). The data collected from the interviews were analysed
through a comparative analysis of the findings, and it involved comparing the
traditional water management practices and allocation guidelines across the two
study areas to identify common themes and patterns.
The questions were posed in local languages, specific to each study area. Interviews
were recorded using digital voice recorders. Prior to obtaining recorded verbal
consent, all participants received a ‘Participant Information Sheet’. The audio-

recorded semi-structured interviews were transcribed verbatim and subsequently
translated into English. Upon completion of the transcription, a formal qualitative
analysis was performed using a thematic analysis approach (Creswell, 2018). The
coding and thematic analysis were implemented using NVivo 1236.
Study areas
Cheshma-Khani study area (Herat, Afghanistan)
Herat is the third largest city in Afghanistan with a population of approximately

three million people (NISA, 2020). The city and its surrounding areas are home to a
diverse mix of ethnic groups (Chokkakula, 2009). Despite its rich cultural heritage
and strategic location, Herat has faced significant challenges in recent years,
including economic hardship, and declining groundwater levels.37
Access to improved water sources is a critical challenge for the people of Herat,
particularly for those living in rural areas who rely on agriculture for their livelihoods.
The karez system has been an important source of water for agriculture in the area
for centuries, but declining rainfall and poor maintenance have led to the drying
up of many karez. We visited the Cheshma-Khani village located 40 km south of
Herat city, which is one of the few villages with active karez (Figure 5). Cheshma-
Khani consisted of 200 households, with the majority of the population involved
in agriculture.
Figure 5. Cheshma-Khani study area located in Herat, Afghanistan.


Es-Sifa study area (Errachidia, Morocco)
The Tafilalt region is a 90 km2 area green archipelago surrounded by a sea of rocks
and located near the Moroccan desert. It is bisected by two rivers, the Ziz and Rheris
wadis, and bounded by the Atlas Mountains to the north and the Sahara Desert
to the south (Beraaouz et al., 2022). This region, which has been inhabited for over
3,000 years, is considered a hub of cultural exchange and believed by many to be
the birthplace of Moroccan identity (Wilson et al., 2020).
Tafilalt is an arid region where temperatures surpass 30°C for six months every year.
Groundwater is the only source of reliable water, and the residents have learned to
capture and conserve it over time. In this arid area, the khettara irrigation systems
are crucial for survival, however, they are increasingly under threat from factors
such as drought, laborious upkeep and rural migration. The loss of each khettara
makes life more difficult for the two million residents of the Tafilalt region. We
visited the Es-Sifa located 13 km north of Rissani, one of the few places with active
khettara (Figure 6). Es-Sifa is a relatively small territory located in the Errachidia
province of Drâa-Tafilalt region, with a population estimated to be over 7,000 people.
Figure 6. Es-Sifa study area located in Errachidia, Morocco.


RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Water management and allocation practices in Herat
Herat boasts a rich history of noteworthy water allocation practices. For example,
the Jui-Nau canal, which runs from east to west and serves as the primary source
of irrigation water, features 104 turnouts, each of which is designed to deliver water
to a specific branch canal that supplies water to a group of farmers. These turnouts
and the design of the water allocation system were established over 600 years ago
by Maulana Abdul Rahman Jami, a renowned literary scholar and mathematician
from Herat. In addition to designing the canal system, Jami also authored an
irrigation manual in Persian, known as the Taximot Haqabe (‫)ﺗﻘﺳﯾﻣﺎت ﺣﻘﺎﺑﮫ‬, which
remains a valuable resource for water management practices, particularly in water
allocation, and for resolving land and water right conflicts. Taximot Haqabe is not
available for public access and is locked in the Directorate of Agriculture, Irrigation
and Livestock of Herat. However, another book was written in 1969 by Heravi, which
also provides details of water allocation in Herat.
The traditional way of managing irrigation water in Afghanistan is known as the

mirab system. The mirab is designated as the water supervisor who is responsible
for determining the allocation of irrigation water to farmers and maintaining the
infrastructure. Mirabs also oversee the enforcement of rules and regulations,
monitoring water usage and preventing waste. Mirabs and water users play a
crucial role in the distribution and maintenance of water, and they have established
procedures to resolve minor disputes.
In the mirab system, several individuals play important roles in ensuring water
distribution and maintaining infrastructure in a manner that is beneficial to all
stakeholders (Figure 7). The primary canal is divided into three sections, each with
its own wakil who is responsible for water distribution and canal maintenance.
Wakils are democratically elected and play a critical role in ensuring that water
is supplied through the main canal (Chokkakula, 2009). In addition to managing
the work of other wakils, the head wakil works with the Department of Water to
guarantee that water is distributed to each section. The wakils, also known as
deputy wakils, are in charge of distributing water in their respective sections and
enlisting the participation of beneficiary communities for maintenance tasks. The
secondary canal is managed by the mirab, who is elected by the community and
responsible for the construction and maintenance of the secondary canal. The mirab
coordinates with the wakils to ensure that water flows into the secondary canals
and is responsible for maintaining the diversion and regulatory structures. Checking
for illegal breaches, gathering and mobilizing people for maintenance chores, and
organizing work for the main canal and riverbed maintenance are just a few of the
mirab’s regular daily tasks.

Wakil of the main canal
Deputy of Wakil for Deputy of Wakil for Deputy of Wakil for

upstream (main canal) middle stream (main canal) downstream (main canal)
Mirab for upstream Mirab for middle stream Mirab for downstream
(secondary canals) (secondary canals) (secondary canals)
Deputy Mirab/s for upstream Deputy Mirab/s for middle Deputy Mirab/s for
(tertiary canals) stream (tertiary canals) downstream (tertiary canals)
Figure 7. The structure of the traditional mirab organization, updated after Chokkakula, 2009.
The tertiary canal network that takes water from the secondary canal to individual
farms is not the responsibility of the mirab. Individual farmers are responsible for
monitoring the quantity of water flow and diverting water based on their individual
water rights. The distribution of water is done through the system of saat [hourly]
and naubat [in turn], which allocate a specific time interval of water flow to each
farmer based on their landholding. Conflicts about water distribution are resolved
through the involvement of the mirab, the arbab (village elder) and sometimes the
shura (village council). The appointment of a mirab is a consensual process that
takes place annually based on the person’s honesty and hard work, with the position
seen as an honour. Mirabs, primarily at secondary and tertiary levels, are individuals
who have inherited knowledge and skills from their fathers or grandfathers. These
skills are often passed down from one generation to the next within the family,
creating a legacy of knowledge and expertise. A saatchi may also be appointed to
assist the mirab and the appointment process is determined by the shura.
Mirabs and their subordinates are responsible for managing and allocating the water
from karezes. A specialist known as a karezkan, who has expertise in construction
methods and conditions, is responsible for the construction and maintenance
of subsurface karez sections. However, the operation and maintenance of the
distribution section, including water distribution and rotations, is under the direct
supervision of a mirab.
Figure 8 is an aerial view and sections of an active karez that we visited in Cheshma-
Khani of Herat. The karez type branched out from the river. Figure 8 shows the top
view of access shafts or wells (locations 1 and 2), which enable the karezkan to access
the channel of karez for the purpose of maintenance. Insert 3 is a picture taken from
inside the karez channel and insert 4 was taken from the outlet of the karez. Lastly,
insert 5 was taken from a (unpaved) stream passing under a mud-built wall.

Figure 8. Aerial view and section of a karez/qanat located in the study area.
In our conversation with farmers in the area, we noted that the water was
allocated on a 14-day rotation cycle, irrigating approximately 16 hectares per
day. This allocation system ensures that water is distributed fairly among the
farmers, ensuring that they all have access to a sufficient amount of water for their
crops. However, through our interviews with specialists and other farmers, we
noted intriguing similarities in organizational structures, despite varying units of
measurement for water allocation. For instance, in some regions, water allocation
was still based on time units, whereas in others, it was dependent on the size of
the farmland.
In our interviews with farmers, a common recurrent issue was the drying out of
karezes. According to the elders, the karezes have experienced periodic drying
every 15 to 20 years, so they believe that they will eventually revive. However, the
interviews revealed that this time the karezes have completely dried up and have
not shown any signs of recovery. An 89-year-old farmer from the area stated: “I
witnessed karezes dried in this area every 5 and 15 years, we were hopeful that it
will revive but it has been more than 10 years that some of the karezes in the area
dried and didn’t revive.” Some farmers mentioned the droughts and the extensive
use of solar pumps in the region as the main reasons behind the dried-up karezes.

Water management and allocation practices in Errachidia, Morocco
The management of water resources in oases through the use of khettara systems
is a remarkable demonstration of efficient collective and communal water
management and allocation that has stood the test of time (Beraaouz et al., 2022).
However, the rehabilitation of these khettaras is crucial for their sustainability.
The wells positioned above the draining galleries are essential in maintaining the
flow of water and keeping the khettaras alive. The responsibility to maintain these
structures has been passed down from generation to generation, with farmers of
the oasis performing mandatory and cyclical maintenance twice a year. The first
maintenance is carried out in September/October at the start of the agricultural
season, while the second takes place between March and April.
The findings of our study highlight the importance of addressing sediment-filled

canals in the community. A farmer shared that canal sedimentation can lead to
dire consequences, affecting the livelihoods of many families and hindering the
irrigation of agricultural land. The 40-year-old informant emphasized the need
for collective action by the community in fixing the canals. The community meets
regularly every Friday after prayers for a local gathering known as Jmaa. During
these meetings, a 40-year-old farmer mentioned that all water-related issues,
including canal maintenance and the allocation of maintenance responsibilities,
are discussed and addressed:
“The Jmaa meeting is very important for us to come together and address the
challenges we face with water management. We cannot afford to ignore the
problems with our canals as it will affect not just one or two families, but all of us.”
The maintenance of khettaras is a hazardous task, creating fear among many

farmers. Originally built with rudimentary tools, these ancestral irrigation systems
now require manual maintenance. Workers must take turns regularly, as there is a
high risk of lack of oxygen and landslides. The workers must dig below the water
level, about ten metres below the surface of the ground, with limited visibility. Each
Leader (Sheīkh)
Representative (Mzrag) Representative (Mzrag) Representative (Mzrag)
Water users Water users Water users
Figure 9. The structure of the traditional khettara organization, updated after (Oshima, 2009).

khettara is marked by wells spaced ten metres apart, allowing for access to the
underground canals (Figure 1). Once the maintenance of a khettara is completed
successfully, the irrigation cycle can resume.
The maintenance of the khettara system in Morocco’s palm groves is performed by

local farmers as part of their ‘right of access to water’. Each farmer who participates
in the maintenance work is granted permission to irrigate their plots through the
seguia, the surface canal network of the plots. The distribution of water is regulated
and managed through a communal system, with each farmer allotted a specific turn
to draw water. This schedule is discussed and determined every Friday at the weekly
Jmaa meeting, as stated by a water user: “Every Friday, we come together for the
Jmaa meeting to discuss and determine the watering schedule for the next week.”
The farmers take great care to follow their designated turn, with each farmer having
access to a quarter of the available water. The timeline for each farmer’s turn may
vary throughout the seasons and can last an average of 12 days. However, farmers
can purchase extra water rights to access ‘single’ water that is not attached to a
specific plot of land.
The management of khettara water for irrigation is governed by the customary

law of distribution, also known as water rights. A single leader (sheīkh) is chosen
from among the water users who manage the distribution of water and labour
(Figure 9). The water user organization divides water users into irrigation groups
based on their specific water rights, with one representative selected for each
group (known as mzrag). The khettara water cycle ranges from 8 to 25 days and is
used by around 100–200 individuals (Beraaouz et al., 2022; Oshima, 2009). A typical
traditional khettara organization is therefore led by one representative who speaks
for a few hundred water users. In our conversation with one farmer, it was noted
that it was important for them to follow the timing for accessing water for irrigation:
“for example, in a 12-hour day, if there are four farmers, each one is entitled to
three hours of water flow for their plot.” Additionally, in order to maintain the right
of access to water, the farmers must participate in cleaning the canal, or delegate
a family member to do so. If this is not possible, the farmer must pay another
individual to fulfil their part of the maintenance work.
The Government of Morocco has been promoting the participation of local

organizations, including NGOs, in national agriculture and rural development policy.
The Regional Agency for Irrigation and Agricultural Development of Tafilalet was
established by the government in 1966 to promote the establishment of associations
among khettara water users to cope with the high demand for financial support for
khettara rehabilitation (Beraaouz et al., 2022; Oshima, 2009). In recent years, the
number of khettaras has declined due to factors such as drought and economic
difficulties. In response to this situation, water users have started to establish
associations to obtain financial support for the rehabilitation of khettaras.

The semi-arid to arid conditions, coupled with the introduction of deep wells
and solar pumps in Errachidia and Herat, have had a damaging impact on the
groundwater supply. Over-pumping deep and semi-deep wells that exist in both
study areas have led to falling water tables. The groundwater overexploitation
has caused a number of long-established karez and khettaras to dry up, leading
to the abandonment of settlements and the mass migration of villagers. Similar
observations in other geographies conform with our findings. For example, Balali
(2009), and Motiee et al. (2006) present similar evidence from Iran.
The khettara organization in Morocco and the mirab organization in Afghanistan have
several similarities in the way their irrigation systems are managed, as presented
earlier. Both organizations are based on a traditional method of water management
that involves the use of underground channels, known as khettaras and karez,
respectively, to bring water from underground sources to the surface for irrigation
purposes. Additionally, both organizations rely on community cooperation and
mutual aid to ensure the maintenance and repair of the irrigation systems, reflecting
a long-standing tradition of cooperative water management in both Morocco and
Afghanistan. The similarities between the khettara and mirab organizations align
with the diffusion theory. In this case, the traditional water management and
allocation methods used by the khettara and mirab organizations can be seen as
practices that have diffused from one society to another. Additionally, the emphasis
on community cooperation in both organizations aligns with the concept of social
networks as a key channel of diffusion, as the knowledge and practices related
to water management are passed down through generations within communities.
Challenges facing the sustainable use of khettara/karez

The khettara and karez, which have been a source of water for agriculture for
centuries, are facing numerous challenges and limitations. One of the major
challenges is the lack of interest among the younger generation to work in
agriculture and their subsequent migration to urban areas in search of better
economic opportunities. This has led to a shortage of labour in rural areas, making
it difficult for farmers to maintain the khettaras/karezes. Climate change has also
played a significant role in limiting the effectiveness of the khettaras/karezes.
With more frequent droughts and rising temperatures, these structures are unable
to provide water to crops as efficiently as they did in the past. Desertification is
another major issue, as it is obstructing the flow of water into khettaras/karezes,
making it difficult for farmers to access water. Additionally, a growing number of
farmers in palm groves are replacing the traditional water systems with individual
water pumping systems, as they see the maintenance of khettara/karez as too
restrictive. However, this intensive use of water pumps is depleting groundwater
resources, making it unsustainable for long term use.

Study limitations
This study has several limitations that should be considered when interpreting the
findings. The sample size of 20 participants in this study was selected using purposive
sampling, which allowed us to select individuals with specific characteristics, in this
case, expertise and experience in traditional water management practices. A small
sample size is often sufficient in qualitative research as the aim is to gain an in-
depth understanding rather than generalize the findings (Boddy, 2016). The use of
20 participants provided a rich and diverse range of perspectives and allowed us to
identify common themes. The sample size was appropriate to achieve the research
goals and strengthen the validity and reliability of the findings. Another limitation
of the study is the potential for cultural and language barriers to impact the
interpretation of the results. Although the interviews were conducted in the local
language and transcribed verbatim, the translation into English may have resulted
in some loss of meaning or cultural nuances (Galdas, 2017). Local researchers
(Mohammad Daud Hamidi and Asma Bachikh, the authors of this study) delivered
the thematic analysis and discussed the results to minimize the bias.
CONCLUSION
This study relied on semi-structured interviews to explore how conventional water
management methods and allocation practices have been adapted and embodied
in the communities that implemented the karez/qanat or khettara systems. The
findings suggest that the qanat system is not only an efficient way to transfer
water but a testament to the ingenuity and resilience of the people who lived along
the Silk Roads. This study highlighted that the diffusion theory is more truthful
in the spread of the qanat system from its origin in Persia to other regions. We
documented that the management and allocation practices were adapted to local
norms, changing over time. Communities along the Silk Roads were able to adopt
the technology and make it their own, creating unique variations of the karez/qanat
system that were tailored to their specific needs and conditions. Furthermore, our
study found that the traditional water management of karez/qanat or khettara
systems has been passed down from generation to generation, and the knowledge
and skills have been passed on as a form of cultural heritage. This was especially
evident in the communities visited in Herat. Moreover, the study emphasized the
importance of preserving traditional water management practices as cultural
heritage. Additionally, our findings indicate the need for further research to
uncover water management and allocation practices along the Silk Roads. This
could be achieved through initiatives such as creating a youth network dedicated
to exchanging water management practices and establishing a depository platform
for storing research on the evolution of water management and allocation practices
along the Silk Roads.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We are deeply grateful to the Silk Roads Youth Research Grant of UNESCO for
providing this invaluable opportunity and we extend our heartfelt thanks to the
dedicated research assistants who went above and beyond to gather critical data
through interviews at the local level. Their tireless efforts were instrumental
in the success of our project, and we are honoured to have had the chance to
collaborate with them.
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APPENDIX
Appendix 1: Interview guide in English

Appendix 2: Interview guide in Dari Persian

FAITH
AND
SPIRITUALITIES
Aibek Baiymbetov
Aibek Baiymbetov is a Research Fellow at the University of Central Asia. He

has been working in the field of cultural heritage for more than 10 years, with
a focus on preserving intangible cultural and spiritual heritage, popularizing
the best traditional knowledge and practices, as well as creating a network of
creative youth in the field of traditional music, theater, film, and journalism.
His research interests concern – traditional knowledge and culture, biocultural
diversity, folklore, religious philosophy, visual arts and environmental education.
Currently he is the artistic director of the international youth fellowship program
in the traditional arts of indigenous mountain peoples of Tien Shan, Pamir and
Mongolia. Also, Aibek is a participant in the international program "Voices from
the Roof of the World" supported by Aga Khan University to produce a series of
documentaries on the impact of climate change at the regional level.

5 Comparative
Analysis of Islam
and Pre-Islamic
Belief Systems of
Contemporary Kyrgyz
and Tajiks Living
along the Silk Road
FAITH AND SPIRITUALITIES 97

ABSTRACT
This article presents the results of a study of religious syncretism in the
mountain cultures of the Pamirs and Tien Shan. The study was conducted
during 2022 and was based on desk research, in-depth interviews and
observations. A comparative analysis between the religion of Islam and pre-
Islamic belief systems in this region reveals a symbiotic coexistence of two
religious beliefs within one folk culture. The expression of the elements of
religious syncretism was based on the example of the analysis of ‘traditional
dwelling’ and ‘community’ and their semantic meaning. These concepts include
a complex of religious and philosophical meanings that refer to different
pre-Islamic worldview systems, as well as Islam, but representing identical
fundamental principles of faith.

INTRODUCTION
The question of faith remains fundamental in maintaining the world perception and
worldview of the mountain communities of the Pamirs and Tien Shan in modern
times. For these mountain communities it is perceived to be complex, with a close
interweaving of pre-Islamic local belief systems with the religion of Islam. This
phenomenon can be characterized as an example of religious syncretism with a
peculiar cultural and historical experience that was formed on the basis of the soft
power of Islamic missionary work. This was also facilitated by a special mentality
among the mountain peoples, who are more receptive and sensual to the process
of cognition of divine revelation. At the same time, every mountain community,
both in the Pamirs and in the Tien Shan, managed to preserve their pre-Islamic
worldview and philosophical layer. Both are considered high-mountainous regions
in Central Asia. Due to their natural and geographical features, they were seen as
difficult to access and, in a sense, isolated. Consequently, the Pamirs and Kyrgyz of
the Tien Shan still live in the environment of their cultural microclimate with already
established, traditional Islam.
A phenomenon such as religious syncretism is a great cultural and spiritual value

that enriches people’s lives and makes it more meaningful. A religious synergy
happens only through high faith and pure knowledge. Thus, both in the Pamirs
and in the Tien Shan, the cult of saints, namely, Islamic (Sufi and Ismaili) spiritual
teachers and scientists, are especially revered (Pylev, 2012). Thanks to the strength
of the heart of God’s pious people, an invisible bridge of trust was created between
the highlanders and the essence of the religion of Islam. However, times are
changing, with the modern religious picture undergoing some changes, in some
places strongly, while in other places they are barely noticeable.
The current religious situation in Kyrgyzstan is different from the situation in the
Pamirs. If the religious situation in the Pamirs is assessed as stable, according
to the opinions of my respondents, in Kyrgyzstan – following the collapse of the
USSR – the Islamic revival was manifested by the active growth of various religious
organizations of Islamic persuasion. This led to the notable complicated religious
situation in the country. Its soft religious policy during the years of independence
(since 1991) contributed to the rapid development and growth of Islamization
of the population, which was carried out through new religious movements
and organizations. Against this new religious wave, traditional Islam, which was
historically substantiated in Central Asia, taking into account local traditions, was
crushed by modern, foreign ideologized and politicized Islamic rhetoric.
While there were only 39 mosques in Kyrgyzstan in 1991, in 2019 the number was
2,66938. Serious concerns about the ambiguous state of the religious situation
prompted the Security Council of the Kyrgyz Republic in 2014–2015 to hold a series of
meetings specifically devoted to issues in the religious sphere. At the first meeting,
on 3 February 2014, members of the Security Council recognized the erroneous

practice of recent years that distanced government agencies from the regulation
of processes related to religious issues. It recognized that not enough attention
was given to the country’s religious situation and that it could lead to negative
consequences, such as conflicts and inter-religious clashes that could threaten to
divide the state.39 Many local scholars believed that the consequences of religious
radicalization would lead to the weakening of national self-consciousness, the loss
of cultural heritage and alienation from the essence of Islam.
As is known, historically, Islam acquired its specificity in the territory of Tien Shan
and Pamir for many centuries, becoming a national religion in which religious
revelation is intertwined with local traditions and the customs of highlanders.
Radicalization is only one of the problems leading to the loss of identity and
traditional values in the region (Poujol, 2016).
It is worth noting that in response to Islamic radicalism in Kyrgyz society, there

was a tendency to oppose this process, after which a part of Kyrgyz society
divided itself into followers of Islam and followers of a pre-Islamic belief system,
known as ‘Tengrism’40. There were several attempts by followers of Tengrism to
officially register with the State Commission on Religious Affairs of Kyrgyzstan
(SCRA). Registering the ‘Tenirchilik’ as an organization representing an ancestral
religious system was a reaction to the policy of imposing religion on the part of
radical Islamic organizations. However, this further complicated the situation by
exacerbating the division within society on religious grounds (Karashev, 2017).
Radicalization in general contributes to dividing society as a result of the loss of

national identity and weak control of religious policy by the state. Over the past
decade, we have witnessed a notable weakening of people’s local or traditional
consciousness and the formalization of the historical religious and spiritual heritage
in the territories of Tien Shan and the Pamirs. At the same time, the active attempt
of the traditional community to preserve its cultural and spiritual philosophical
origins cannot be denied. There are also objective and subjective reasons which
cause the present-day mountain communities to distance themselves from their
origins. One of the reasons is the development of information technologies that has
created a new digital reality, tearing people away from their local context. This is
an indirect effect of influencing change in the traditional foundations of life. Small
and remote peoples, such as mountain communities, are more susceptible to these
changes given their small number.
At the same time, these challenges are stimulating the development of adaptive
mechanisms to improve the instinct of self-preservation. Furthermore, the
radicalization of society and the weakening of religious consciousness can be
attributed to an insufficient level of education within a weak system of education,
and socio-economic issues related to a low standard of living, unemployment, a

high degree of labour migration, corruption, complex interethnic relations, among
others. This forms a complex of internal problems which, unfortunately, are not
adequately resolved by the state.
All these issues come down to one simple reason: the absence of a single conceptual
apparatus. The array of old and new ideological concepts has distracted the
attention of local people and removed them from their main historical source.41
Turning to the history of the two mountainous regions, this study reviewed the
main literature developed by Russian and Soviet scientists, ethnographers,
archaeologists and historians, which include Vasily V. Bartold, Saul M. Abramzon,
Vasily V. Radlov, Mikhail S. Andreev, Boris A. Litvinsky, Alexey A. Bobrinsky, Nikolay
A. Kislyakov, among others.
Although the works of these renowned scientists are highly valued primary
sources, it must be said that at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries there were hardly any authors who considered the life of highlanders
from a philosophical perspective. There were no in-depth analyses of their
behaviour and character that could provide insight into their worldview and the
principles and values of their perceptions of the world. The cultural code of the
Pamir and Tien Shan peoples remain poorly understood. The mere phenomenon
of religious syncretism in this region is already of tremendous interest, not
least because the world needs peace and such examples provide an invaluable,
infinite experience of world-building, especially in the context of contemporary
divisions and conflict. This methodical research aims to understand what unifies
(rather than divides) various cultural and religious systems.
METHODOLOGY
• In the context of this research, the following basic conceptual terms are used:
Traditional/folk Islam as Islam which has historically entrenched itself in a
certain territory, taking into consideration local customs, traditions, mentality,
and natural and climatic conditions. Religious syncretism in the historical context
of Central Asia essentially means the symbiotic coexistence of pre-Islamic
beliefs and traditions with the religion of Islam as a single religious system.
Single divine principle is a recognition and manifestation of the existence of a
single God (monotheism).
• Community is a social institution for organizing life among the mountain peoples
of the Pamirs and Tien Shan.
• Transcendental consciousness based on a rational and irrational understanding
of the world.
• The manifested and unmanifested world is the world of people, which also
includes the world of various spirits, invisible forces and phenomena.

• A traditional dwelling is a traditional architectural structure presented as a
traditional home of the Pamirs. In the Tien Shan it is a yurt (a mobile structure
of nomads).
• National/ethnic/local/traditional/cultural identity and consciousness is a
complex set of social, political, economic, moral, aesthetic, philosophical,
religious and other views and beliefs that characterize a level of a nation’s
multifaceted development.
• Ismailism is a set of religious movements in the Shiite branch of Islam dating
back to the end of the eighth century. Each movement has its own hierarchy of
imams. The title of Imam of the Nizari, the largest and most famous community
of Ismailis, the Aga Khan, is inherited. Currently, in this branch of the Ismailis,
the Imam is the Aga Khan IV.
• Divine revelation is the manifestation of God in the world, revealing to people
the knowledge of Him and true faith in Him; God’s revelation of Himself to man
in response to man’s desire to know his Creator.
• Ultimate reality is the rational evaluation and acceptance of the current reality
as it actually stands. It is the manifestation or expression of an adequate
response in relation to the actual reality. Human action in this context is
seen as an action of complete determination and detachment from sensual
predominance.
• Islamic radicalism is the extreme manifestation of political Islam, which uses
violent methods of political struggle. Radicalism is a type of fundamentalism.
Islam, like other religions, cannot be the root cause of conflict. The
radicalization of Islam is connected with the process of its politicization.
Radicalism is not only a characteristic for Islam but also other religions.
Terrorism is the ultimate form of radicalism (Semedov, 2009).
The purpose of this study was to identify the basic principles for the formation of
religious syncretism between pre-Islamic belief systems and the religion of Islam
in the cultures of the peoples of the Pamirs and Tien Shan. The aim of the research
is to: i) understand and identify the basis for the existence of religious syncretism
in the cultures of the mountain peoples of the indicated region; ii) conceptualize
the obtained data into a single explanatory scheme; and iii) conduct a comparative
analysis of the identified elements of religious syncretism with examples from the
cultural and spiritual heritage of the peoples of the Pamirs and Tien Shan.
The research was based on desk research of existing literature as well as semi-
structured interviews with representatives of Pamir Ismailism and Kyrgyz traditional
Islam. The study also included field observations, which were obtained during visits
to more than 50 mosques, 30 holy places known as mazars where local people
gather and where traditional forms of interaction with the forces of nature and
the spirits of ancestors were performed throughout the region of Kyrgyzstan.
The interviewees included representatives of the scientific community, religious
practitioners, and holders and keepers of traditional knowledge from both regions.

In the context of this research, 27 people were interviewed from both populations.
Some conversations lasted for whole days and revealed significant insights. I lived
with some respondents for several days, which gave me the opportunity to conduct
participant observations along with in-depth interviews. The sample of people
was drawn up based on strict criteria, relying mainly on people who combined
both religion and traditions. In this context, ‘religion’ refers to adherence to Islam
and ‘tradition’ refers to adherence to pre-Islamic belief systems. A snowball
sampling was used in reaching potential informants. Otherwise, the trend towards
strong polarization between Islam, the secular view and the traditional worldview,
especially in Kyrgyzstan, would lead to reductive and erroneous judgments.
Based on this desk research, in-depth interviews and observations, the study
focused on two conceptual terms: ‘traditional housing’ and ‘community’. These
concepts made up our main explanatory scheme. We therefore tried to unravel their
predominant meanings and functions during the study. The study revealed that a
traditional dwelling in the mountain cultures of the Pamirs and Tien Shan is one
of the main elements of cultural heritage. In addition to the material side, a whole
range of traditional knowledge and spiritual and religious meanings was revealed.
The community in the context of this study is considered as an integral part of the
space of a traditional dwelling. This form of socio-cultural organization of the life
of mountain peoples is closely interconnected with the concept of housing, with
both these concepts representing a single picture of the world.
FINDINGS
This study reveals a number of important points:
• Traditional Islam in Central Asia42 is a good example of religious syncretism,

which still exists in the life of the mountain communities of the Pamirs and
Tien Shan. Even though every region has its own specific relationship and
understanding of traditional Islam, this does not change the fact that Islam
and pre-Islamic belief systems were very organically fused and do not have a
mutually exclusive principle on which they base their main religious ideas. The
traditional dwelling in the Pamirs and Tien Shan plays a fundamental role with
its rich semantic meaning in the form of an unconditional consensus between
Islam and pre-Islamic beliefs. Community as a living fabric of social, cultural,
spiritual and economic relations reveals its creative and ideological potential
in the space of a traditional home through everyday life, practices and rituals,
thereby forming an integral system of national identity.
One of the focuses of this study is the concept of ‘traditional Islam’. What does this
imply? Can this concept be considered as an example of religious syncretism in
the two different communities of the Pamirs and Tien Shan? What is the essence
of religion and traditions? Where do they meet and how are they expressed? These
are just some of the questions that this study seeks to address.

This study shows that some representatives of orthodox Islam in Kyrgyzstan believe
that there is no such thing as traditional Islam and, as much as possible, avoid
talking on the topic. They claim that there is only one, true and historical Islam.
Other representatives of the same religious and scientific environment, under the
definition of traditional Islam, understand the same classical or normative Islam.
In fact, when it comes to traditional Islam, most scientists and academics, and
traditional art and Sufi tariqas understand it as folk Islam, that is, Islam that has
been passed down through ancestors and holy religious figures (Mokeev, 2006). The
definition of this concept was shared by some of the respondents. This suggests
that many of them, in one way or another, religiously identify with Islam, which was
integrated into the traditional worldview system and has been owned as ‘local’. In
this context, many perceive Islam as part of the heritage of their ancestors, implying
that it is an integral component of the basis of life in the mountain communities of
the Pamirs and Tien Shan.
One simple question about traditional Islam, which was posed to the wide range
of respondents, revealed a divergence of views and understanding of the same
definition. According to some respondents, the different levels of understanding
of the same phenomenon occurs due to the emergence of many different types of
religious rhetoric in modern society, which may not always be constructive due to
its ideological claims to religious power. It is also worth noting that the mountain
peoples of the Pamirs and Tien Shan were, in a sense, forced to endure a spiritual
and religious vacuum that lasted more than 70 years caused by the harsh Soviet
ideological policy. The symbiosis of religion and local traditions during this period
lost its institutional significance in the life of the people. Nevertheless, elements
of religion and ancient beliefs were present, to some extent, in the private life of
ordinary highlanders.
Based on this study, it can be seen that traditional Islam acquires a modern
meaning. This concept now actively includes the vision of Islam and how it should
be in Central Asia, including in Kyrgyzstan. When respondents talk about traditional
Islam, they also mean an independent domestic religious policy, which primarily
involves its own religious education. This attitude can be seen, in particular, among
respondents who are outside the influence of the active missionary policy of various
Islamic movements. They also showed more tolerance and understanding in their
answers, which implies that they are closer to the concept of traditional Islam.
The situation in the Pamirs appears more legible. As Ismailism has been popular
for a very long time among the Pamirs, the need to question traditional Islam itself
disappears. Indeed, there are no clear-cut debates on the topic of religion among
the Pamirs. The Pamirs do not separate Ismailism from their traditions in any way.
The religious situation in the Pamirs is characterized by the adherence of a significant

number of the population to Ismailism. At the same time, ancient customs, rituals
and beliefs continue to exist and evolve in everyday life. Many of the rituals of

the Pamir peoples, are covered with external attributes of Ismaili, an amalgam of
sorts, as if consecrated by Ismailism, but their origins (and often their essence) go
back to ancient, often pre-Islamic times and to other religious systems, especially
Zoroastrianism, and even the most ancient Indo-Iranian beliefs. Neither the pre-
Islamic nor the Ismaili layer is comprehensive; they prevail in various spheres
of spiritual life. The mechanism of their interaction is very complex and a more
detailed study will need to be carried out. This study will focus on the phenomena
of syncretism in the religious life, rites and customs of the Pamirs (Kalandarov, 2022).
According to this study, the majority of respondents believed that there are many
living examples of religious syncretism in the modern culture of the Pamirs and
Kyrgyz, which at first glance do not stand out from the general Islamic religious
belief system. Islam absorbed significant elements of local traditions that did not
contradict the canons of religion. Moreover, the ancient traditions of the mountain
nomads of Central Asia enriched and endowed historical Islam with a special
appeal. This was accomplished thanks to a deep knowledge of God/Divine, a subtle
and strong intuitive feeling of a single divine principle, which, subsequently, was
conceptually reflected in the culture of the mountain peoples (Pankov, 2018).
Some of the respondents noted that a merging of religious belief systems is a

complex and long process, which requires the presence of an appropriate/favourable
environment and the necessary cultural and historical prerequisites, without which
any attempt to plant one’s vision and understanding of the world is doomed to
failure. They also mentioned that all this would be meaningless without truth and
the universality of a single divine principle at the root of these two different belief
systems. Without these core indicators, inter-penetration is considered nominal and
temporary. If there are no fundamental foundations of faith in any religious system,
there can be no talk of a synthesis of various semantic forms.
Before proceeding to the question of the existence of elements of religious

syncretism in the two mountain communities, the study aimed to identify the causes
of and prerequisites for the formation of syncretism in these territories from an
historical, retro-perspective.
The concept of divine revelation in the context of this research includes:

1. The main postulate is monotheism (Et-tawhid).
2. The cult of saints or the succession of wisdom.
3. Presence of a moral principle.
4. Struggle between good and evil.
In this interpretation, the historical mission of the Silk Roads comprises the
process of developing trade routes from East to West and vice versa. This has
become a global mechanism for that time: to erase outdated systems of small-
town/local worldviews to form a larger map of the continental worldview. In other
words, the Silk Roads can be viewed as a great highway, originally intended for

high-speed movements, which in turn meant the liberation of local people and
folk cultures from the factor of time and overcoming their confined spaces and
mindsets of knowledge. Thus, it can be said that the ontological effect of the
historical Silk Roads was aimed at acquiring the planetary sense of humanity,
so that people would gain higher scale in their worldview even if they could not
understand it in a rational way. This act of primary and universal attitude in the
Pamirs and Tien Shan was produced at the level of faith, which was rationalized
through material culture.
The concept of the environment and the cultural and historical background were
necessary factors for the appearance of signs of religious syncretism. In his work,
Georg W.F. Hegel argued that the geographical environment (the desert, proximity
of the country to the sea, or remoteness from it) influences the formation of a
national character. That is, certain natural and climatic conditions form a basis
for the formation of ethno-cultural characteristics (Timofeev, 1996). The climate
of the Pamirs and the Tien Shan is alpine, harsh and sharply continental, with
an average altitude of more than 2,700 metres. Some high altitude and hard-to-
reach parts of this region remained isolated for a long time. The mountainous
landscape and high mountain climate have forged a special type of character
among the local population. As the renowned Russian ethnographer, Count Alexey
A. Bobrinsky, observed of the peoples of the upper reaches of the Pyanj River
in the Pamirs: “From the spiritual signs common to the highlanders, one can
note a quiet, peaceful disposition, honesty and love for the family, for children”
(Bobrinsky, 1908).
Further, Bobrinsky points out that the Pamir mountains strengthened the health
of the highlanders physically and spiritually, made them hardy, more courageous
and more focused. Thus, the natural and climatic conditions of this region forged
the character of the local peoples, imbuing them with a unique mountain culture,
and allowing them to be more flexible and adaptive in their rapidly changing
living conditions.
The cultural and historical prerequisites were determined by the objective historical
events of the Islamic Renaissance, which foreshadowed epochal changes in the
spiritual life of the mountain peoples of the Pamirs and Tien Shan. Islam and pre-
Islamic belief systems in Central Asia, in particular in the Pamirs and Tien Shan,
have coexisted for more than ten centuries. The arrival of Islam in the highlands
of Central Asia happened at about the same time as the arrival of Arab-Islamic
troops to the Talas River in 751, which is located in the northwestern side of modern
Kyrgyzstan and can be considered as a symbolic statement of Islam in Central Asia.
A decisive battle took place between the Muslim troops of the Abbasid Caliphate
and the nomadic Karluks of West Turkestan, on the one side, and the army of the
Tang Empire of China, on the other, for control of Central Asia and the advancement
of trade routes. The result of the battle was the victory of the Arab troops and their
allies, which became the starting point for the penetration of the Islam religion into

the complex structural and multi-ethnic region of Central Asia. Historians explain
the significance of this battle in different ways but, regardless of the assessment
given by scholars, it was the period of the Arab conquests. These brought colossal
changes, not only socio-political but, most of all, cultural and spiritual, to the life
of peoples across the entire region.
It should be noted that the penetration of Islam into the territory of the Tien Shan
was very ambiguous. Nomadic tribes resisted the aggressive policy of implanting a
new religion for a long time. Nevertheless, all the conflicts were resolved thanks to
the missionary activity of the Sufi orders, which approached the issues of religion
not from the position of conquest but from the position of enlightenment. The role
of Sufi sheikhs in the spread of Islam is a rather extensive topic, which is beyond
the scope of this study.
The material collected during my research project gave me a good opportunity to

rethink the picture of the worldview of modern Kyrgyz and Pamir Tajiks. The pre-
Islamic traditions and the religion of Islam formed the basis of their worldview in
both mountain communities. In the Pamirs, this element of religious syncretism
was expressed through the Ismailism of the Shiite branch of Islam and, in the
Tien Shan, through the Hanafi madhhab of Sunni Islam, of which the doctrinal
basis was maturidism. Despite the different directions of Islam, the philosophy of
Ismailism and the dogma of maturidism became the fruits of the great scholars
of Maverannahr (Transoxon) and Khorasan in the Middle Ages, and it had a similar
spirit to the knowledge of Islamic religious revelation.
The origins of the emergence and formation of religious syncretism in the Tien Shan
and the Pamirs may lie in the nature of the religious and philosophical thought
of Islam, which reached and spread out through the philosophical category of
reason and the thought process as a tool for learning and immersion in religious
teaching and comprehension of the secret essence of faith rather than through
external religious attributes and legal provisions. In this sense, freedom was given
to reflection, reasoning and spiritual, sensual experience in the process of learning
the essence of religion. Arguments of reason play an important role, as asserted by
Maturidian theologians who believe that humans, as a subject of knowledge, must
find proof that the world has a Creator, regardless of the sending of Revelation
(An-Nasafӣ, 2016).
The local peoples of Central Asia (Maverannahr), who have long been accustomed to
living in the reality of their existence, have developed a different type of perception
of reality. Their ideological superstructure had a more subtle approach, which was
possible through at-Tasawwuf (Islamic esotericism).
Islam acquired a new facet in the territory of Maverannahr thanks to Sufism,
which was designed to protect the religious essence from the emasculation of
the emotional and intuitive sides of religious experience. Thus, we can say that
Islam gained its Central Asian roots thanks to the great scholars and theologians

of Maverannakhr such as Imam al-Bukhari (810–870), Imam ad-Darimi (797–869),
Imam at-Termizi (who died at the end of the eleventh century BC), Imam al-Maturidi
(870–944), Burhanuddin al-Marginani (1123–1197), Abu-al-Muin an-Nasafi (1046–1115),
Abd-al-Khaliq Gijduvani (1103–1179), Khoja Ahmad Yasawi (1103–1166), Bahauddin
Nakshband (1338–1389) and many others (Yovkochev, 2022).
Ismailism in the Pamirs has become a kind of religious and cultural phenomenon,
which has managed to form its own system of knowledge. Despite the fact that the
Iranian-Arab elite stood at the origins of Ismailism, philosophical Ismailism had
entirely and completely belonged to the Tajik-Persian philosophical thought and
owes its creation and development to outstanding thinkers of the ninth to eleventh
centuries such as an-Nasafi (an-Nahshabi), Abu Yaqub al-Sijistani (as-Sij), Abu Hatim
Razi, Hibatullahu ash-Shirazi (d. 1077/78), Hamiduddin al-Kirmani, Nasir Khusraw,
perhaps with the exception of one or two Arabs, such as Ibrahim al-Hamidi (d. In
1161/62) (Shamolov, 2011).
The above Ismaili scholars and thinkers, as well as the authors of anonymous
writings, pursued one goal: to synthesize Islamic philosophy with Greek wisdom and
turn ancient philosophy into an organic part of Islamic thought. As a result, Muslims
were able to become acquainted not only with various areas of Greek thought,
in such areas as medicine, physics, mathematics and astronomy, but also with
logic and metaphysics. Being imbued with the Hellenistic worldview, these works
naturally influenced the methodology of science and the traditions of education in
the world of Islam (Shamolov, 2011).
The works and thoughts of Ismaili scholars as well as the theologians of the
Hanafi madhhab, in an attempt to make Revelation intellectually appealing, have
echoed one another and there have been occasions when they have commented
on one another and used each other’s views in their philosophical perspectives
(Daftari, 2004).
Due to the specificity of the religious teachings of Sufism and Ismailism, as well as
their methods of educational activity, Islam left a special mark in the Pamir and
Tien Shan mountains. The essence of the religion of Islam resonated brightly in the
hearts of the local population. The consciousness of the mountain peoples was
predisposed to accept religion, not on the level of external norms and regulations
but on the level of genuine faith, which came from the depths of the heart. In
this sense, Sufi and Ismaili spiritual teachers played an enormous role, which, by
their example, managed to reveal the true meaning of faith. Otherwise, to the
consciousness of mountain peoples, who were used to living in their ultimate reality,
all religious dogmas and moral teachings were perceived as an unnatural process
and therefore not acceptable by God.

THE TRADITIONAL DWELLING
- THE ALPHABET OF MEANINGS
The concept of traditional dwelling for both the Pamirs and the Tien Shan Kyrgyz
has a similar semantic meaning. The Kyrgyz express their notion of dwelling through
the traditional nomadic yurt, and mountain Tajiks through the traditional Pamiri
house, both of which have ancient origins.
For highlanders, the notion of a house has a complex number of meanings and
concepts, which evokes a collective and holistic image that includes, first and
foremost, such notions as homeland, family, clan, ancestors, natural forces, as
well as ethical rules for building relationships between family and community but,
above all, with the spiritual world.
Behind the beautiful material side of the mountain dwellings of the Pamirs and Tien
Shan there is a whole layer of meanings that have yet to be explored and which are
deeply rooted in symbols and archetypes in the minds of mountain people. However,
as a result of modernization, these meanings are not fully disclosed and they are
poorly understood by modern dwellers as traditional housing has a more ceremonial
use than one of habitation. For example, in Kyrgyzstan, the yurt has declined from
everyday use following the Soviet policy of settling nomadic communities in the
first half of the twentieth century. Today, the yurt is used only on certain occasions
such as funerals, as a holiday home and during summer migrations to high mountain
pastures. The Pamir house of mountain Tajiks still serves as a dwelling to this
day having undergone some minor modernization in the use of building materials.
Although traditional rituals are practised in a passive way in the dwelling space
both mountain communities try to preserve these basic practices and rituals,
even at the cost of excessive formalization of native traditions. However, a general
problem is raised when every external form of traditional phenomena is observed
and the essence of tradition gradually loses its former significance. Consequently,
there is a tendency to actualize the material culture in Pamir and Tien Shan, and,
unfortunately, many people consider the material culture as being outside the
notion of intangible cultural heritage. For regions such as Pamir and Tien Shan,
this division of culture into material and immaterial creates a form of dissonance.
In traditions of the mountain communities, the material and the immaterial are
considered as one and are inseparable. The material cannot be realized without the
intangible, or the material exists on the basis of the intangible. Intangible cultural
heritage is understood as a set of traditional practices and knowledge within a
broad worldview. On this basis, the traditional dwelling is regarded as a space
connecting the material with the immaterial, the rational with the irrational.

Figure 1. Traditional Pamir house Figure 2. Traditional Pamir house ceiling
© frantsouzov © frantsouzov
Figure 3. Kyrgyz nomadic yurt Figure 4. Kyrgyz yurt ceiling

© kiyizduino © kiyizduino
The Pamir traditional house is an immovable construction with its canonical

ancient architecture. A Kyrgyz nomadic yurt is a portable structure, which can
be both assembled and dissembled in about 30 minutes. A detailed description
of the construction of a traditional Pamir house, as well as the rites and rituals
arising from the construction process, have been examined in detail in the works
of Mikhail S. Andreev (1873–1948) Tajiks of the Khuf Valley. The semantic and
philosophical significance of these dwellings was considered by such authors as
Abusaid Shokhumorov in Pamir – The Land of the Aryans, Shahlo Nekushoeva in
The Conception of the House in the Shughni Linguistic Worldview, and Konstantin S.
Vasiltsov in Alam-i Sagir: To the Question of Symbolism of Traditional Pamir Dwelling.
The traditional Pamir house was the result of a universal architectural concept that
spread throughout the great mountain systems of Central Asia spanning Tajikistan,
Afghanistan, Pakistan, India and China. It was an example of a closed ‘heated-black’
house with a chorkhon-type roof with a skylight. The Gorno-Badakhshan house type
in its architectural basis was maximally adapted to the local climatic conditions of
the mountainous landscape, thus creating a variation in house construction adapted
to the nature of the area (Mamadnazarov, 2015). The Kyrgyz nomadic yurt also has an
enclosed space with a skylight in the upper part of the dwelling. The size and volume

of the yurt varies according to the local landscape, adapting as much as possible to
local conditions. In other words, the architecture and structure of the Pamir house
and yurt tells us about the nature and way of thinking of the inhabitants and how
mountain communities deal with risk. These traditional dwellings were notable for
their functionality as well as their architectural solution, which has been elaborated
over a long period of time, considering the local reality and basic human needs.
Understanding their reality enabled the ancient highlanders to live by intelligence
and reason. In such harsh conditions as in Pamir and Tien-Shan, without a set of
proven skills and knowledge, the communities could not thrive.
In his famous work about the Pamirs, Bobrinsky provides interesting observations
when he writes about the primordiality of the Pamirs and their cultural and historical
value: “getting into the mountains, locking themselves in hard-to-reach gorges and
valleys, breaking away from the outside world, thus removing themselves from the
destructive vortex of major historical events. Through these ways they tried to
preserve the possible integrity and purity of their original way of old life which was
formed in their primordial homeland” (Bobrinsky, 1908). In this sense, the cultural
heritage of the mountain peoples represents a living example of a different mindset,
which is still evolving in isolation. However, under the pressure of modern life, this
primordial mindset is gradually losing its original reality and is being replaced with
an ordinary, more commonplace way of living. In other words, integration is taking
place in the form of standardization and generalization, with a picture of the world
under one global reality.
The space of the traditional dwelling, first and foremost, speaks of another reality,
and hence why it is unique and has the highest value. What is the other reality? It is
a peculiar picture of the world that feeds and nourishes the people’s consciousness.
It must be understood that the reality of the space of the traditional dwelling is
not to be seen as something perfect or true for the highlander, it is simply another
reality, which for the highlander is considered the most ordinary. This reality is formed
through attitude, which is the daily rhythmic movement of consciousness, one that
projects certain meanings that eventually turn into movement.
Despite the different types of structure of traditional dwellings of the Pamirs and
the Tien Shan, both structures have common principles of a single philosophy, which
is the fundamental basis of the symbiotic worldview of mountain communities.
Traditional dwellings of the Pamirs and Tien Shan acquire not only a unique cultural
and historical peculiarity, due to the canonical structure of the building, but also a
rich semantic meaning. These two types of dwellings form a special semantic space,
which is considered to be a sacred sign in mountain communities (the sacred space).
Based on the above understanding, we will consider the traditional dwelling in the
context of the following concepts:
• Sacred or graceful space.
• Community – as a form of interaction and self-realization of society.

Before proceeding to the interpretation of the space of the dwelling, it is important
to indicate what it consists of and what religious and spiritual principles it obeys.
Without determining the main sources, t he fundamental spiritual principles of
the nature and structure of the house (cosmology), we lose the subsequent
semantic context.
In our opinion, the concept of a single god (Et-tawhid) forms the initial cosmological
basis. Cosmology among the ancient highlanders was built according to a vertical
spiritual hierarchy, where the main source of all being is the concept of God – he
is absolute and one. The Kyrgyz called the god tengri or kok tenir in their own
language. One of the respondents described the concept as follows:
“The concept of God among the Kyrgyz has practically not changed since ancient
times, this can be traced even in the folklore heritage of the people, where tenir is
indicated as a single god, to whom all nomadic Kyrgyz prayed every day, opening
their palms wide while raising their heads towards the sky – this was the original
first an act of vivid testimony to the recognition of a single god during prayer. The
word tenir is explained differently today, but everyone agrees that it conveys the
image of God in artistic expression – like an eternal blue sky. This is a boundless
space that is filled with the presence of a single god and his divine manifestation”
[In April 2022].
In the Pamirs, the cosmological concept of God has the same complex palette of
meanings owing to the presence of a multi-layered worldview. This rich variety
of religious outlook was formed at the expense of the ancient Iranian-Persian,
Aryan and Siberian systems of religious mythology. The image of a single, wise God
was later expressed through the hypostasis of Ahura-Mazda in Zoroastrianism, in
shamanism among the nomadic peoples of Central Asia and Siberia through the
image of the eternal blue sky, as well as through the divine symbol of the solar
sign among the ancient Saks of Eurasia.
It is also important to recognize that the Pamirs and the Tien Shan, as the highlands
of Central Asia, served as a corridor of various religious beliefs and belief systems
in ancient times, which acquired a new understanding in these territories and went
to different parts of the world with their revised or improved missionary activity.
It is difficult to say what form of monotheism existed in these territories prior to
the appearance of Zoroastrianism and Abrahamic religions. Abusaid Shokhumorov
writes in his work that the so-called Aryan religion existed in Central Asia: “Aryan
we call the religion of the fire-worshippers before the arrival of the prophet
Zoroaster and the approval of his teachings and their canonization under the
Sassanids. In other words, the Aryan tribes, who originally lived in the Pamirs, and
subsequently divided into two branches, the Iranian and the Indian, professed the
Aryan religion, which after the well-known reforms of Zoroaster became known as
Zardushti, i.e. Zoroastrianism” (Shokhumorov, 1997). Shokhumorov goes on to say

that the Aryans laid the foundation for a monotheistic religion and represented
the entire universe as the abode of God, while giving a special place to the sky
as a source of divine light.
In the era of the so-called Aryan religion, Central Asia was inhabited by Saka tribes,
which despite their wide geographical dispersion had a single socio-cultural identity.
This is evidenced by the Pamir barrows, which are the closest in construction to
the Tian Shan and ordinary Semirechensk barrows. The Saks lived similarly both in
the Pamirs and in the Tien Shan, worshipping the sun as a basic and unified deity
(Litvinsky, 1972). It would also be interesting to mention the message of Herodotus
(I, 216) about the beliefs of Massagetae: “Among the gods, they venerate only
the sun, to which they sacrifice horses. The meaning of this sacrifice is that they
dedicate the fastest of all the gods to the fastest animal”. This is an important part
of history for modern mountain dwellers, as the genesis of sun worship, as well as
fire, dates back to the ancient times of the Sak culture, even before the appearance
of Zoroastrianism in Central Asia.
Worship of the sun or divine light presumably gives a certain sense of a single and
all-powerful God among the ancient tribes, a symbol which was vividly reflected in
the culture of the ancient Saks as a dominant solar sign. Whatever the expression
of the veneration of the Sun or the celestial light, it only speaks of the presence
and recognition of a single, predominant divine principle. In ancient times the
understanding of God was of a different nature than our understanding today, and
to claim that the principle of a monotheistic god was absent in ancient times would
be a gross mistake. René Guénon made this clear in his work on Islamic esoterism:
“The affirmation of the One is everywhere, but originally it did not even need to be
specifically formulated to be presented as the most obvious of all truths, for people
then were too close to the principle to fail to recognize it or to lose sight of it. That
is, monotheism has a ‘solar’ character” (Guénon, 2017). The author continues that
the sun vividly and lucidly reflects the principle of the One. There was an interesting
observation on this point from one of the respondents, who said:
“In the ancient world there was another level of human consciousness, and it was
by no means primitive. We view the life and worldview of ancient people from
the perspective of modern consciousness, which is very different from ancient
consciousness. Therefore, our judgments may not always fully reveal the essence
of what was painted on the petroglyphs of Saimaly-Tash or other stone galleries of
Siberia, let us assume, in the Neolithic and Bronze Age. The form of cognition of the
world may have taken place at a completely different level, and perhaps the attitude
to God among the ancient people came from a powerful intuitive understanding
and recognition of some supreme unified cosmic force” [In May 2022].
We can assume that the concept of one God dissolved in the natural pantheism
of the highlanders, which understood that God is a manifestation in everything
and exists everywhere, thus controlling the whole process of being by his divine

absolute justice. From this comes a special reverence for the sun and nature in
general. The highlanders of the Tien Shan and Pamir perceive nature as part of
the creation of God, requiring the same reverent and respectful attitude. The
comprehensive presence of God among Kyrgyz was expressed through the concept
of kut, the meaning of which is ‘gracious light emanating from God’. There is the
following explanation from one of the respondents about kut:
Kut is understood by the Kyrgyz in several meanings, the first is a special gift of God
directed to a particular person or land with a special plan, the second is a gracious
state of life of the people (golden time), the third is all the creation of God in this
world gifted with blessing from God which is also expressed through a capacious
word ‘kut’, kut is also understood as the light of God, a gracious sparkling beam
coming from Heaven or God. Sometimes kut can be expressed through a material
substance as a natural physical material that can be passed down from generation
to generation” [In May 2022].
The notion of a single divine principle, as well as the recognition of it, is a

fundamental factor in the construction of traditional dwellings. It is the main
principle from which the rest of the religious-philosophical essence of the dwelling
emanates. This postulate is equally applicable to the yurt and the Pamir house. It
is symbolically reflected in the Pamiri house through the construction of a square
light-smoke-hole: redz, rauzan, ritsn or ruzan. This is the completing part of the
wooden stepped ceiling of the chorkhon (literally, four houses), consisting of four
squares laid diagonally, decreasing towards the top. In the yurt a similar principle
is reflected through the tunduk (tүndүk), t he completing upper circle with a cross-
shaped fastening (chamgarak) in the centre of the circle – this is the light-smoke-
hole of the yurt. Tunduk corresponds to the sky, the eternal sky. In a traditional
dwelling, it is a peculiar window where the God’s gift descends in the form of light.
The reason for the open roof of the Pamir house is well reflected in the work of
Shokhumorov, who points out that “Pamir Fire Temples, as a rule, were structures
of open type and had no ceiling overhead. The shape of the temple was round, with
a square altar in the center”. The dwelling house (chid), on the contrary, is square in
shape with a round hearth on the right side of the main passage. Both have a sacred
significance. In the Temple of Fire, the quadrangular altar is the “House of sacred
fire under the sky” and, in the dwelling house, the round hearth is “The receptacle
of heavenly fire in a man-made house”. For the Pamirs, the house also plays the
role of a temple where almost all rituals and rites are performed in everyday life.
For them the light-hole played a principal role in all subsequent religious practices.
“The heavenly vault, the place of eternal residence of the Divine, should be open
so that the greatest gift of God – divine light – could constantly penetrate into the
house” (Shokhumorov, 1997).
In Kyrgyz tradition, and to this day, there are such phrases as kut zhaady, kut
tushtu, which have a similar meaning representing the divine light sent down
through the light-smoke hole of the yurt. This is a special sign that foreshadowed

the divine blessing of the family. Such a gift signified the special mission of this
or that family or person to their community. Even today, Kyrgyz people bless each
other with the wish that divine light will fall on his or her yurt through the tunduk.
There are undeniable and unchangeable systemic religious attributes that

have existed from ancient times to the present day. Over many millennia these
attributes have reincarnated into certain cultural and religious archetypes, which
have wandered from one mythological system to another becoming more and
more stable and resilient. They subsequently served as building material in many
more or less formalized religious systems and beliefs. During the analysis of the
collected materials, both in the field and in the study, the following cultural and
religious archetypes can be identified, which are present in the culture of the
Kyrgyz and the Pamirs:
• One God, the Sun, Divine Light, All-encompassing Divine Wisdom.
• The Tree of Life, the world axis, the great/higher balance, the spirit of nature –
the divine law. The way of the warrior and sage, protector and guardian of the
divine presence – the masculine principle.
• Fire, the hearth, the feminine principle.
• The triumph of light over darkness, the egregor of people is the path/way.
Based on the above, the definition follows: there is a philosophy of ‘path’ as a

certain destiny of the people, this is a certain historical destiny in which the
people manifest themselves and self-realize. The path – as the main highway in
which the life of the people flows – has a special channel or characteristic image
in which each generation performs its act of self-reproduction according to its
traditions. Any deviation is like treason. The path begins from the threshold of the
house, that is, from the family hearth. This is the starting point from which each
individual stream flows towards a large river. All streams are directed towards the
common, the single, that is, each member of the community self-realizes within
the framework of his family, clan, people. Therefore, proximity to the family hearth
is sacred for the highlanders. Fire is a symbol of the gift. Fire is a gift; it should be
protected because it is the basis of life. When a person dies, the highlanders of the
Pamirs and Tien Shan have a tradition of lighting candles. This is a tribute to the
deceased, who is supposed to present this sacred gift for the last time as a sign
of illumination of his path, as a sign of purification. Fire has a feminine principle,
it gives rise to life, it protects, purifies, enriches, preserves. The people’s river has
a mind and a will that moves everything. Without the power and strength of the
mind, any movement is static. The flow implies a strong will and a wise disposition.
These qualities are markedly reflected in the national character. The safety and
protection of the river of life of the people is ensured by the masculine principle,
which is reflected through a strong sense of justice, freedom, nobility and heroism.
There are certain laws of life that you need to know. This was dictated by nature
itself and the eternal sky, as highlanders were often left alone with nature. Natural

contemplation of the very course of life gave a special understanding of the
laws of life. This understanding was then reflected in traditions, customs and
faith. Among the Kyrgyz, this understanding took shape as a certain system of
philosophical views, which is now referred to as Tengrianism, which means the
interdependent equality of all living and non-living things in a single stream of
optimal correspondence. Everything is directed towards the divine light; it is one
and all-encompassing, that is, the path is the channel of the great flow of the
people’s river, which is formed at the expense of the initial family stream, but the
river always has aspiration and reason that directs the will of the people to the
main source. Perhaps this definition is an axiom of the religious and spiritual life
of the highlanders, which is the product of an organic symbiosis of pre-Islamic
traditions with Islam.
A traditional dwelling is a space that has special properties. The Pamirs and the
Kyrgyz have a pronounced concept of the unmanifested world in their culture. This
is the world of spirits and all subtle beings, that is, this world is invisible, but it really
exists. It cannot be ignored since the unmanifested world has a direct impact on
people’s lives. This phenomenon in the culture of the Pamirs is well described in
the literature as a manifestation of demons and evil spirits, especially in the works
of Mikhail S. Andreev, as well as Alexey A. Bobrinsky and Nikolai A. Kislyakov. In the
culture of the Kyrgyz, the unmanifested world was described in detail in the works
of Saul M. Abramzon and Toktobubu. D. Bayaliyeva.
In the understanding of the highlanders, the space of the house is considered

spiritualized, i.e. it is alive. The living thing has power, which means it is real. There
is no such condition that in order to recognize a certain force it is necessary to
see it. The space of the dwelling is divided into the centre and the periphery. The
centre is determined from the light and smoke outlet on the top of the house,
which is considered the place where divine light is sent down. The light that enters
the house is blessed and holy. The traditional hearth of the Pamirs (called kitsor)
and the Kyrgyz ochok are an emanation of divine light. Therefore, the hearth also
has a special status as a place not only for kindling a fire but also as a place of
strength and purity.
The traditional dwelling is the place where the manifested and the unmanifested
worlds meet. Highlanders believe that ancestral spirits roam freely and can end
up at home with their descendants. In the Pamirs they are called arvo(x) and in
Kyrgyz arbak. It is still customary among the mountain dwellers of the Pamirs and
Tien Shan to recite the Koran to their ancestors on Thursdays, and they also make
sacred incense at the hearth (strakhm, ysyryk43) (Andreev, 2020). As observed by
Aleksandr D. Grach: “One of the main ideological foundations of the funeral ritual of
the bearers of the cultures of the Scythian time in Central Asia was the realization
of a clear complicity of the dead to the collectives of living people – a complicity
for which death was not at all an impenetrable barrier.” (Grach, 1980).

The cult of ancestors is clearly expressed in the culture of the highlanders, even
though this appeared prior to the establishment of the Islamic system of faith.
Today, it has been strengthened and continues to exist through new methods of
appeasing the spirits of ancestors, for example, by reading surahs from the Koran.
In addition, there is a whole web of knowledge regarding animistic and magical
supernatural beings that permeate the life of the highlanders.
Figure 5. The space of a house where visible and invisible worlds intersect.
The circle is a Kyrgyz yurt, and the square is a Pamir house
© Aibek Baiymbetov
These beings belong to the unmanifested world and are mostly of a malevolent
nature. The highlander’s consciousness sees and feels the manifestation of all
kinds of supernatural beings. Their existence is therefore perceived as part of life,
and the mountain peoples are well acquainted with them. After the advent of Islam,
with the help of techniques for expelling evil spirits, the mountain peoples actively
began to read the various duas or invocation and suras from the Koran. This helped
to rein in the unmanifested world in its malicious intent. The spirits remained, but
the technique of interacting with them has changed. In this sense Islam offered
some protection and a way to effectively control the spirits.
The Pamir house is carried by five pillars, without which it is impossible to imagine
the construction of the house. These pillars, in addition to their physical function
of support, also serve as elements of sacred incarnations. Shokhumorov gives

the following comparison: “the ancients embodied in five pillars, the five divine
principles of Zoroastrianism, the five eternal Amshaspents, who, by the adoption
of Islam, were transformed into five pure persons of Ismailism – Muhammad, Ali,
Fotima, Hasan and Hussein.” (Shokhumorov, 1997).
Of these pillars, there is the king-pillar hasitan, which is the pillar of Muhammad and
considered the most important and fundamental in the construction of the house.
The Pamirs have an entire ritual involving the king-pillar. Boris A. Litvinsky writes the
following: “As is known, in ancient Indian cosmogonic notions, in general, a sacrificial
pillar (cosmic pillar), mountain, axis, column, royal throne, cosmic tree (tree of life)
occupies a special place. The sacrificial pillar provided a connection between the
world of people and the world of the gods, thereby acquiring a cosmic meaning. With
the help of the cosmic column, the gods strengthened the sky. At the same time,
the microcosm, which has the same structure as the macrocosm, the Universe, is
also equipped with a central pillar or column. Like the Universe, a human dwelling
contains this element” (Litvinsky, 1973).
This study aims to clarify the sign of the presence of a single divine principle through
the semantic space of the dwelling. In this regard, as pointed out, the light-smoke
output is the embodiment of the same principle. Continuing the idea of the principle,
it is also necessary to consider the idea of the cosmic tree (the tree of life). The
idea of a single divine presence is inherent in the nature of a traditional dwelling,
which means that the idea of a cosmic tree should also come from the logic of this
principle. The physical elements of the supremacy are present in both traditional
dwellings. When building a yurt, at the very beginning of the process, the main pillar
bakan or turkuk is used, which helps to raise the tunduk (supporting the upper
circle) to which the poles are further supported. This is a symbolic ritual that speaks
volumes. The process of raising the upper circle (tunduk) is performed as a solemn
act because the support bakan raises the main symbol of the yurt. It is also a solar
sign. In our understanding, the main pillars both in the yurt and in the Pamir house
play a connecting role, having a special mandate from heaven. The pillar establishes
a deep meaning in space, helping to disperse the light of a single principle. In other
words, a single principle must be established throughout the world, which must
be preceded by a special link. The idea of the axis goes back to the idea in which
human beings are united with God, but the path to it has not yet been paved. Even
the literal name of the king-pillar (hasitan), the pillar of Muhammad, reflects its
true meaning as the main axis. It is from Him that the chain of doctrine of the one
principle proceeds. The presence of the principle of the axis (or the main pillar)
in the architecture of a traditional dwelling has already established a sense of
desire for knowledge of the world. This also implied their strong developed sense
of reverence for authority, not on the basis of power or wealth but on the basis of
wisdom and clarity of consciousness.

The entire subsequent tradition of veneration of spiritual teachers in the culture of
the Pamirs and Kyrgyz, in one way or another, has an ontological connection with
the concept of the main pillar (bakan) or the king-pillar. Regardless of whether the
tradition is Sufi or Ismaili, the teachings of all the spiritual teachers eventually go
back to their main source if this was deemed the correct and authentic path. The
pre-Islamic archetype of the sage therefore gradually dissolved into the image of
the already Islamic spiritual teachers.
COMMUNITY AS A FORM OF SOCIAL

INTERACTION AND SELF-REALIZATION
Taking into account the distinct cultural and spiritual way of life of the mountain
peoples of the Pamirs and Tien Shan, and how life, historically, proceeded in these
territories, it is important to examine the principle behind the structure of mountain
communities. The principles of the internal dynamics of life in these communities
cover a whole range of socio-economic relations, as well as revealing the meaning of
cultural, spiritual and religious relations. It must be said that the semantic meaning
of a traditional dwelling also includes a set of unwritten laws and regulations for
building relationships with the outside world. For example, in a traditional yurt,
each household item has a certain meaning, and its location matters. As a guest, if
you understand the tradition of nomads, when you enter a yurt in the mountains
you will immediately understand the size of the family, who does what, the social
status of each member, the mood of the owner and so forth. The owner of the yurt,
in turn, also recognizes, from the guest’s outward appearance, who they are and
the approximate distance they covered to arrive at the yurt, as well as the visitor’s
intention. In other words, the ancient highlanders could not speak to each other
but, at the same time, they understood everything. This is just a small aspect of
relationships within the space of the dwelling, in which there is a certain alphabet
of meanings. This is a self-regulating process because life in the mountains was
conditioned by the internal principle of self-government. In these cultures, there
was no rigid and stable system of vertical power, and no one ever passed their
charters and laws on life from above.
This form of social life among the Pamirs and the Kyrgyz can be characterized
as ‘community’. It is worth noting that in the context of the culture of the two
peoples, we interpret the concept of community in a different way. In no way
should communality be understood from the point of view of the socio-economic
formation of the Marxist philosophy of history. Community, as a form of social life,
goes beyond human society. The community among mountain peoples also includes
the concept of earth, flora, fauna, sky, and everything inhabiting in-between, in
which one or another community resides. In addition to blood and family ties,
there is a connection of a higher order, which is determined by the presence of a
subtle cultural-religious or spiritual ethics. A person is considered as part of the
community, which means that he or she is part of a certain land and space, i.e. a

person overcomes his or her limitation through awareness of himself/herself as
part of a whole, identifying with something more than he or she actually presents.
In fact, culture reveals the religious essence of a particular social phenomenon.
If Islam and pre-Islamic belief systems create a kind of religious fusion, it is only
thanks to stable cultural phenomena that the origins go back to the same divine
principles. Only then is organic syncretism in the religious sense possible.
The form of community is realized through unity and solidarity, but unity is not
about uniformity and solidarity is not about mutual assistance. Unity presupposes
integrity, in which all parts of the whole create a special reality of being (1+1=3). The
space within a traditional dwelling is where the visible and the invisible world are
connected, a model imbued with a special reality in which the material existence
of the world is blurred. Here, unity and solidarity are not limited to social relations.
Community, as a form of social life, is the result of agreement, and recognizing

each other not because of a relationship as a fellow being but, first of all, as
an equal bearer of the collective consciousness. The significance of reading the
ABCs of the same traditional dwelling does not reveal itself along ethnic or tribal
affiliations but belongs primarily to a certain way of thinking and consciousness.
It concerns the state of consciousness. Culture in this sense is an attribute of
maintaining or projecting this consciousness. As previously explained, culture
has a religious essence, which is understood but is not well known, that is, in the
culture of the highlanders a strong intuitive awareness of the world is the main
method of cognition.
How is communality expressed in the context of the space within the dwelling?
Firstly, the Pamir house and yurt form a single space for all family members, which
they share among themselves, yet there is a clear demarcation of the different
parts of the house. For example, a Pamiri traditional house along its square wall is
divided into compartments (sufas) of different functions, opening into the central
part of the house where the traditional hearth or kitzor is typically located. The
yurt is divided into male and female sections, with each having its own rules. The
Pamir house also has a similar division.
The existing internal order and division of the house into different parts was
established under one roof in a single space. Such a routine implies coordinated
actions by family members. Every member of the family, whether as a guest or foe,
knew their place in the space of the house. The internal architecture and structure
of the house required a set of uncomplicated actions, given that the house had
a relatively small space. The movements of the highlanders in everyday life were
measured and skillful. In other words, the nature of a person’s habitat forms his or
her anthropological image.
The construction of a traditional dwelling is the most important stage, not just for
the family but for the whole community, as its construction involved almost the
entire village. The ritual part of providing collective assistance is known among

many peoples of Central Asia as the traditional method ashar. In the Pamirs, this
method is known as kiryar. It is not surprising that this is an integral part of the life
of traditional mountain communities as it clearly reflects the symbol of community.
The traditional ashar method is understood from the outside as a necessary
system for providing collective assistance in large jobs that require many hands.
If you look from the inside, it is a system of obligations for a highlander, but it is
not seen as a forced commitment to help because the highlander instinctively
knows when to rely on fellow villagers to help out. In fact, the highlander goes
to the ashar as a service to God. It would thus seem like a common obligation to
other members of the community, but this sense of help has deeper roots than
simply an automatic repayment of debt. This sense of conscious commitment is
a sign of traditional community. Every member of the community was involved, in
one way or another, in the life of the community as a whole. Indeed, this internal
connection further strengthened kinship ties. Bobrinsky makes a very interesting
observation about the concept of community among the Pamirs, in which he
writes: “In general, among the highlanders, we noticed some kind of instinctive
consciousness about the common ties of either kinship or culture that bind
everyone together”. In the culture of mountain peoples, there are several factors
that support the living fabric of society in many ways, creating complex patterns
of interconnection between people. One of these factors of social cohesion is
the tribal system or community based on blood ties. It is traditionally believed
that avlod in the Pamirs and uruu among the Kyrgyz embody a certain form of
community, which is primarily built on the basis of consanguinity; every avlod or
uruu lives in a certain place and has their own family tree or their own history of
the community. Even now, in modern times, the sense of belonging to one’s family
remains strong among the highlanders. For example, more than 70 per cent of the
Pamirs believe that avlod, as a social institution, plays an important role in the
life of mountain peoples (Sharafieva, 2014). Among the Kyrgyz, the tribal system
plays an important role even in modern politics. Many accuse the tribal system in
Kyrgyzstan of being a significant obstacle to the formation of a national identity.
However, from the principle of communality, the tribal system at one time played
a specific role in ensuring collective security. In modern society, security is now
the responsibility of the state and thus the tribal system can be considered from
the perspective of cultural value.
In conditions of isolation from any external threats, the form that community takes
favoured the mountain community, which had their own effective mechanisms for
social mobilization, ensuring security and order, and maintaining the consciousness
of the people through a comprehensively developed system of faith and traditions.
Economic relations were also built into the principle of community, that is, the
traditional mountain cultures of the Pamirs and the Tien Shan had their own special,
indigenous form of economy, the gift economy. In the case of the ashar, the gift
economy manifests itself in the provision of free labour, but this labour still pays
off. In the ashar mechanism, all members of the community receive and manifest

their gift in the form of labour and moral assistance whenever necessary as there
was no concept of the market in the classic sense in these cultures. The socio-
economic needs of the community were satisfied through the exchange of material
gifts, which was carried out every day in minor ways. For example, during the holy
month of Ramadan, the Pamirs have a tradition of visiting mazars (holy places)
where every family prepares a special treat fried in oil with a thin layer of dough
(ftok/kulcha) before setting out. After the official ceremony, prepared treats are
distributed to others based on their own principles, with each participant in the
ritual procession exchanging his or her treat with another, who receives the treats of
the tribes people. The Kyrgyz had a tradition of shyralga, which involves distributing
the carcass of a wild animal that has been freshly hunted. In the Kyrgyz culture, all
manifestations of the elements of the gift are referred to by a capacious concept as
yrysky or keshik, which means that they cannot be bought for any money; it comes to
a person through a process of giving. According to the highlanders, heavenly grace
descends if a person is able to give more. The more you give, the more you receive.
The traditional gift economy is based on “the obligation to give, the obligation to
receive, and the obligation to reciprocate”, which is “simultaneously economic, legal,
moral, aesthetic, religious, and mythological” (Hyde, 2007).
This is an axiom of vital truth in ancient traditions. In the traditions of the Pamirs
and Tien Shan, there was no principle of hoarding. The very layout of the interior
space of a traditional dwelling is far from big so there is no space for unnecessary
items nor are there any enclosed spaces. Everything is open and visible to the eye.
The Kyrgyz people have a good proverb “ashyk doölöt bash zharat”, which means
‘excessive possession is a burden to the soul’. The ultimate reality, as mentioned
earlier, is that a person practising mountain traditions clearly understands the
value of life and deserves a set of worthy deeds. One of the Pamir respondents
lucidly expressed his view on values: “A person does not have to be free, but he
must be kind.” This expression opens up a wide range of relationships. In his notes,
Bobrinsky makes many references to the character of the Pamiris, in which he
describes “dignity” as the main essence of being a man.
These cultural features are expressed through the value system of a person. It is
worth noting that one is not inclined to exaggerate information and express some
kind of emotional delight. Perhaps the anthropological image of modern Pamir and
Tien Shan highlanders is already fading, but their roots remain for as long as their
traditional culture is practised.
Summarizing the basic concepts of traditional housing and community, it should

be noted that both are closely interconnected and form a single system of cultural
and spiritual architecture of society. As discussed, the traditional dwelling is also
considered a space where the main rituals and ceremonies are performed in
the life of the Pamir and Tien Shan mountain dwellers. If religious temples or
monasteries prescribe a certain set of rules and ritual actions for visitors, then it

can be surmised that a traditional dwelling similarly implies a certain behaviour
based on a philosophical worldview. This worldview system, as mentioned,
contains elements of religious syncretism. The community in this context acts as
the owner and initiator of all ritual and cultural activities that take place within the
space of a traditional dwelling. It could be said that if the dwelling is the mouth
of the river, then the community is the river. The essence of a traditional dwelling
is revealed in community, just as the essence of community is in turn revealed in
the space of a dwelling.
This totality represents a certain way of life, which is based primarily on
transcendental consciousness. The nature of such consciousness, we believe, is
one of the main sources that enables the coming together of various religions and
worldview systems as was historically necessary. The sources of such consciousness
go to the manifested and non-manifested world, as explained earlier. It is therefore
difficult to apprehend and understand the true causes of events that occur in
the traditional life of the highlanders. It is difficult to give a rational explanation
for some cultural and spiritual phenomena as this requires a different type of
thinking, in other words, the presence of a mystical consciousness, without which
an attempt to scientifically explain cultural phenomena of a spiritual and religious
nature, becomes superficial and inaccurate (Levy-Bruhl, 2002). This study therefore
attempts to present a general outline of whether there are elements of religious
syncretism in the cultures of the Pamirs and Tien Shan. The main question of the
study concerns their sources: Where do they come from? In what are they embodied?
Based on the analysis of the research materials, traditional Islam – in its local
interpretation – takes into account all the cultural and historical features of the
specified region, and it is considered an unconditional consensus between the
religion of Islam and pre-Islamic belief systems. As a result, traditional Islam became
a folk religion, absorbing the main elements of pre-Islamic religious traditions, but
which does not contradict the main Islamic dogma – monotheism. In this regard,
the analysis of the semantic meaning of traditional dwellings and community shows
that the following fundamental religious beliefs were present in the culture of the
mountain peoples of Central Asia before the advent of Islam:
1. Recognition and witness of the one God as the infinite and all-encompassing
principle of the divine presence.
2. The manifested and unmanifested worlds represent a single whole, in which the
life of the highlanders is presented as the result of the involvement of these
two worlds.
3. Belief in the system of succession and patronage of ancestral spirits, in which
the human soul is seen as an eternal substance that has the potential to
influence people’s lives.
4. The world is spiritualized in which every object or phenomenon of nature and
the elements possess mystical power, in other words, they represent the soul
or spiritual guardian.

These religious views were rationalized and reflected through the material culture
and the special mentality of the mountain peoples of Central Asia, that is, material
culture became an expression of an irrational, mystical consciousness that was
rationalized through reason, language and attention. The mind created the form,
and the form has content. The study of such expressions of cultural heritage, such
as the traditional dwelling of the Pamirs and Kyrgyz, requires an interdisciplinary
approach, not least because the principal task of the study was to understand the
mentality and consciousness of the people and the religious and philosophical
essence of this cultural and spiritual phenomenon.
The results of the study showed that the formation of elements of religious
syncretism in the culture of the peoples of the Pamirs and Tien Shan required the
following necessary conditions:
1. The presence of a flexible mentality among mountain peoples, which is
conducive to a sensory knowledge of the world, and also having strong reasoned
arguments in the conditions of the ultimate reality of local life. This suggests
their adaptability to rapidly changing natural and climatic conditions, skills for
an adequate assessment of the situation, and a decision-making mechanism.
All these qualities were vital for survival in the harsh mountainous climate and
intense wars, especially among the nomadic tribes in the Tien Shan.
2. The presence of a rich religious and cultural diversity, which became a convenient
basis for the added layers of new religious beliefs.
3. Islam penetrated deeply into the life of mountain peoples thanks to rational
knowledge of the essence of religion, which was implemented on the basis of
trust, deep sentiments and righteous deeds on the part of Sufi sheikhs in the
Tien Shan and Ismaili spiritual teachers in the Pamirs.
The historical fate of the highlanders revealed that they are still the bearers
and keepers of a unique folk religion, which had a very complex and rich path of
evolution.
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Safia Hasan
Safia Hassan holds a Master’s degree in Islamic Studies and History from the
University of Oxford and a Bachelor’s degree in History from Queen Mary,
University of London. Ms Hassan’s research interests are centred on how the
advent of Islam transformed the social and religious landscape of the Near
East, how this subsequently affected ordinary Muslim and non-Muslim men and
women who formed the majority of Umayyad and later Abbasid society, and what
can thus be inferred about broader socio-religious practices within urban and
rural communities across the early medieval Muslim world.

6 Inter-religious,
Social and Cultural
Dynamics and the
Exchange of Ideas in
the Arabian Peninsula
and the Middle East
between the Seventh
and Tenth Centuries

ABSTRACT
This study explores the intersection between the movement of people along
the Silk Roads and the subsequent changes in socio-religious practices in the
early medieval Muslim world. Focusing on a number of vignettes pertaining
to funeral rites in the Umayyad period, conversion rites in the Umayyad
and Abbasid period and burial rites in the Abbasid period, this study offers
preliminary conclusions on inter-religious contact vis-à-vis family dynamics
and wider societal practices.

INTRODUCTION
In the seventh century, Islam emerged in the Arabian Peninsula after Qur’anic verses
were revealed to the Prophet Muḥammad ‫ ﷺ‬from God through the Angel Jibrīl,
according to Muslim belief. When the Prophet Muḥammad died in 632 CE, power
was assumed by the Rāshidūn Caliphate (r. 632–661 CE) followed by the Umayyad
Caliphate (r. 661–750) and the Abbasid Caliphate (r. 750–1258). On the eve of Abbasid
rule, the expansion of Islam eastward and westward encompassed lands as far
east as Uzbekistan and as far west as the Iberian Peninsula (Hoyland, 2015; El-Hibri,
2021). These lands, previously under Byzantine or Sasanian control, were inhabited
by populaces that adhered to Christianity, Judaism, Zoroastrianism or polytheistic
religions, and were connected by a web of unmarked routes, popularly referred to
as the “Silk Road” in 1877 by geographer Baron Ferdinand von Richthofen (Hansen,
2012). Established by the Han dynasty in the second century BCE, this ancient trade
network carried trade goods, technologies, artistic motifs and, most importantly,
people and their belief systems (Frankopan, 2015; Hansen, 2012).
The formation, expansion and continuation of the early medieval Muslim world
was shaped, in part, by the movement of groups of people during conquest,
trade, travel and migration, which contributed to the interaction of socio-cultural
norms and belief systems that came to define the essence of inter-religious
life.44 Contact between Muslims and non-Muslims shaped the rate and ways in
which Islamization unfolded across Umayyad and Abbasid lands. During early
Abbasid rule, traditions ascribed to the Prophet Muḥammad – known as ḥadīth
– were compiled and codified. Muslim religious and intellectual institutions were
established but did not initially reflect the beliefs of the non-Muslim majority
that the Abbasids presided over. As a result, everyday life for ordinary Muslims,
in some instances, reflected an amalgamation of socio-cultural and religious
practices from a combination of traditions, rather than an exclusive adherence
to normative Islamic teachings (Peacock, 2017; Papaconstantinou, 2015).
In order to understand the essence of inter-religious interaction in the early

medieval period, this study seeks to explore the trajectory of conversion to Islam
in relation to how individuals adapted Muslim rites to their daily lives. Thus, Richard
Bulliet’s conclusions on the trajectory of conversion to Islam, using onomastics
as indicators of conversion and religious affiliation, will be called into question.
Underpinning this study will be the concept of religious code-switching; a term
used to describe the acquisition of multiple religious identities, accidentally or
intentionally, and vacillating between them (Bulliet, 1979; Chrysostomides, 2017).
In addition, this study works within the context of Julia Bray’s argument that early
medieval individuals were agents of social reproduction and that intimate family
relations were a source of emotional, moral and social learning, suggesting that
the ways in which a society represents the family is indicative of how the society
in question conceives of itself (Bray, 2013).

This study will therefore consider religious practices within the framework of the
family, demonstrating that the inter-religious family unit played a role in facilitating
socio-religious and cultural fusion across the early medieval Muslim world, with
the understanding that the families that raised each generation of children were
both products of societal influences and simultaneously agents in establishing
successive social norms. To that end, a number of vignettes from the Umayyad
and Abbasid periods will be used in this study to infer family dynamics and, by
extension, societal practices pertaining to death rites and conversion.
FUNERAL RITES IN UMAYYAD SOCIETY

Family ties were a conduit through which inter-religious contact flourished,
particularly within inter-religious marriages. The family dynamic of Khālid ibn
ʿAbdallāh al-Qasrī (d. 743) is one example. Al-Qasrī was from the Bajīla tribe, a
community who inhabited the mountainous southern region of Mecca, that was
predominately Christian before the coming of Islam. Al-Qasrī served as the Umayyad
governor of Mecca, then Iraq, and eventually viceroy of the eastern part of the
Umayyad lands between the years 685–738 before he was murdered by his rival
and successor, Yūsuf ibn ʿUmar. Extant sources on al-Qasrī’s life are fragmentary
and often contradictory, but are unanimous in that his mother, Umm Jarīr, was a
Christian, with some accounts claiming that al-Qasrī had built a church for her in
Kūfa (Judd, 2007). Upon her death, al-Qasrī is alleged to have organized a lavish
Christian funeral:
The mother of Khālid ibn ʿAbdallāh al-Qasrī died, and she was a Christian
so he summoned the Christian bishops in Damascus and said: “Do for her
what you do for the daughters of your kings for she is from the daughters
of kings”. He [al-Qasrī] ordered his women to take responsibility [for
washing and preparing the body], while they [the bishops] gave them
instruction. When they were finished, and her body was borne away, [al-
Qasrī] rode in the company of the nobles [of the city] and [they] traveled
alongside her. When they arrived with her at the grave, he turned the flank
of his steed and said: “This is our final show of filial piety for Umm Jarīr.”
Then he said: “But I have done nothing for her other than what ʿAbdallāh
ibn Abī Zakariyyāʾ did for his mother.” Muḥammad [the narrator] explained:
ʿAbdallāh ibn Abī Zakariyyāʾ was one of the pious people of Syria, one of
their [most eminent] jurists, and one of their most illustrious men. Makḥūl
(d. 730-4) relayed traditions on his authority (al-Ṣanʿānī, 2015).
Al-Qasrī’s father was Muslim and hailed from a lineage that included ḥadīth
transmitters (al-Sajastānī, 1973). Despite Umm Jarīr’s marital affiliation, al-Qasrī
invoked his mother’s own noble kingship lineage to justify enacting Christian burial
rites for her. Al-Qasrī’s conception of kingship and Christianity as synonymous,

even though the former was not exclusive to Christianity, is illustrative of an
upbringing shaped by his mother’s nostalgia for a bygone system of rule that upheld
Christian values (Hoyland, 2015). This offers an insight into the way in which people
internalized the conquests and coming of Islam as a cause of change for Christian
communities. Such sentiments and anxieties were likely amplified with the gradual
conversion of members of the community. Umm Jarīr’s idealization of her noble,
Christian lineage and the reverence displayed in her funeral implies that she was not
enslaved and she married ʿAbdallāh al-Qasrī despite the denominational differences
between them. Umm Jarīr evidently continued to participate in Christian rites and
openly articulated her identity as one of nobility and Christianity, and she deemed it
important to teach her son the same, suggesting that mothers and their matrilineal
lineages were valued, irrespective of faith, in Umayyad society.
In addition, al-Qasrī articulates his mother’s funeral as an act of filial piety, which is
important for two reasons.45 First, it is indicative of al-Qasrī’s faith as a Muslim and
as the religious status of his household. The bishops’ need to instruct the women
of al-Qasrī’s household on the correct way to wash and prepare Umm Jarīr’s body
demonstrates their lack of knowledge of Christian rites. It is an example of the ways
in which religious practices transpired, not just outside of Christian communities
or inter-religious households, but also inside the homes of those who considered
themselves Muslim and who found themselves engaging in Christian practices
due to their affiliation with non-Muslim extended family members. The influences
with which children of inter-religious families were raised evidently did not end
at their coming of age. They continued to dictate their decisions and actions well
into adulthood, as was the case with al-Qasrī and the members of his household.
Second, al-Qasrī’s articulation of a non-Muslim practice as a Muslim act of filial piety

demonstrates both an astuteness in understanding ways of navigating inter-faith
intersections and an awareness that the Christian rites he chose and participated
in, for his mother’s funeral, contravened Muslim practices. Despite this, al-Qasrī’s
sentiment towards his mother is an example of the predominance of maternal
influences and the preservation and continuation of religious practices that were
attained through family ties.
Al-Qasrī’s articulation of his choices, as synonymous with that of a pious man,

can be considered an attempted justification in the face of social disapproval
towards al-Qasrī’s choices and his possible reputation as a religious code-switcher.
Referring to the funeral as a “final” act of filial piety for Umm Jarīr lends credence
to the possibility that al-Qasrī did indeed engage in other religious code-switching
activities such as the church he is alleged to have built for his mother. On a wider
societal level, news of religious code-switching evidently circulated in society. It
inspired and resonated with those who were raised in inter-religious households
and continued to maintain ties with non-Muslim family members. Indeed, questions
on the permissibility of participating in the funerals of non-Muslim family members
were frequently raised in eighth century Arabia, which offers an idea of the religious

practices of urban Umayyad society (al-Ṣanʿānī, 2015). The funeral of Umm Jarīr, as
the mother of a man in a position of authority, was likely a spectacle that would
have encouraged some to emulate it, and it is an example of the ways in which
inter-religious households directly affected societal practices. This was also true
in the Abbasid period.
CONVERSION RITES BETWEEN

THE EIGHTH AND NINTH CENTURIES
In order to understand the phenomenon of conversion to Islam in the early medieval
period, macro-social and quantitative scholarly approaches were applied (Carlson,
2018b). In 1979, Bulliet proposed that certain “waves of conversion” took place at
different intervals across the conquered lands. To this end, Bulliet made use of male
onomasticon from biographical dictionaries to assess changes in the language of
genealogical lineages, which he argued is indicative of a point of conversion in the
lineage in question (Bulliet, 1979). Bulliet’s model, despite its wide acceptance, has
generated a plethora of debates questioning its lack of consideration of socio-
economic factors (Carslon, 2018a,b). In response, Bulliet justified that quantitative
research invariably lacks a sociological input (Bulliet, 2017). However, treating the
two methods as distinct from one another overlooks nuances in religious adherence
that can otherwise offer rich insight into the reality of socio-religious practices.
One interesting example is the life of Khaydar ibn Kāwūs al-Afshīn (d. 841). Khaydar
was a vassal prince of Ashrūsana, governor of Sind, Armenia and Azerbaijan, and
top commander under the Abbasid caliphs who suppressed rebellions in Egypt and
fought campaigns in Anatolia (Yarshater et al., 1982). Khaydar converted to Islam but
suspicions concerning his sincerity ultimately brought about his downfall and an end
to his career. Of particular interest are the accusations brought against him and the
interrogation that took place during his trial that was presided over by Judge Aḥmad
ibn Abī Dūʾād (d. 854) in the presence of the Caliph al-Muʿtaṣim biʾllāh (r. 833–842).
Al-Ṭabarī (d. 923) records that Khaydar was accused of: whipping an ʾImām and
Mūʾadhin [a man who performs the call to prayer]; possessing a blasphemous
book adorned with jewels; sending and receiving correspondences in the local
Ashrūsanī language using the formulaic address “to the lord of lords from his slave
so and so”; expressing hostility to Islam and conspiring on ways of “returning to
the faith of the days of the ʿajam (non-Arabs)”; eating carrion and feeding it to
Muslims; killing a black sheep in an unconventional manner every Wednesday;
and confessing his tendencies towards the Persian people and their practices
and his dislike towards Arabs and partaking in their practices, such as consuming
oil, riding camels and wearing sandals. One witness also testified that Khaydar
was not circumcised and refused to shave his privy parts – both of which were
necessary rites of purification that a convert to Islam was expected to undertake
to complete his conversion (al-Ṭabarī, 1967).

Khaydar’s defence to the foregoing accusations was that the two men who were
whipped had taken over a house filled with idols, removed them, and turned the
house into a Masjid (a mosque) in direct violation of an existing agreement between
Khaydar and the people of Ashrūsana that allowed them to practice their faith.
Concerning the book he possessed, Khaydar’s explanation was that “this is a book
that I inherited from my father, within it is literature from that of the Persians
(ʿajam) ... and I did not think that this would take me out of the fold of Islam”. The
correspondences, according to Khaydar, were a continuation of the practices of his
father, grandfather and his own, prior to converting, and were retained so as not to
ostracize the people of Ashrūsana. As for refusing to be circumcised, the following
exchange ensued between Khaydar and the judge:
Ibn Abī Dūʾād said to him [Khaydar]: are you purified?

He said: no.
[ibn Abī Dūʾād] said: what has stopped you from doing so when it
completes your conversion and purification from impurity (najasa)?
[Khaydar] said: is there not in the religion of Islam the use of taqiya?
[ibn Abī Dūʾād] said: Indeed.
[Khaydar said]: I was afraid to cut that part of my body and die.
Ibn Abī Dūʾād proceeded to express his astonishment at Khaydar’s willingness to

fight in battles but refusal to “cut a prepuce” out of fear, to which Khaydar asserted
his choice and admitted that he “did not know that retaining it [the prepuce]
constituted leaving the fold of Islam”.46 Khaydar was imprisoned but permitted a
visitation from his young son and, upon his death, images, idols and bejewelled
wooden statues of humans were said to have been found in his home, along with
sacred books of Magians (al-Ṭabarī, 1967; Bosworth, 2008).
A number of inferences can be made from the foregoing account. Outwardly, the
necessary expectations for conversion were adhered to whilst private and more
intimate acts, such as circumcision, were not always followed. Khaydar’s response
concerning the matter of circumcision suggests it was an unpopular practice among
non-Arab converts to Islam. The existence of certain rites within one’s customs
or beliefs rendered the process of conversion easier. Unlike Jewish converts, who
readily practised circumcision, or the Arabs of the Peninsula, who were known as
the “ummah of circumcision” (ummatu al khitān), non-Arab polytheists and Christian
converts were not accustomed to practising circumcision and feared its physical
repercussions. As a result, they found it more difficult to complete the necessary
prerequisites for conversion (Kister, 1994).
When the people of Kaskar declared their conversion to Islam, the Governor of Baṣra
ordered all those who were not circumcised to undergo the procedure, unbeknownst
to him that the cold weather would cause a number of deaths. When the Umayyad
preacher Ḥassan al-Baṣrī (d. 728) heard of this, he angrily remarked that the
Prophet Muḥammad had not ordered checks on the Abyssinian, Byzantine and

Persian converts to Islam.47 A further example is that when the people of Khurasan
converted to Islam, the governor was advised to stipulate circumcision but was
ordered to desist by the Umayyad Caliph ʿUmar ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (r. 717–720) on the
grounds that “God sent the Prophet Muḥammad and entrusted him to summon
people to embrace Islam. He did not send him as circumciser” (Kister, 1994).
Circumcision was evidently a point of contention and was not a rite that new
converts to Islam readily accepted, or one that Umayyad caliphs necessarily sought
to enforce. In the Umayyad period, circumcision was less stringently adhered to, and
people believed they could forego it. By the Abbasid period, societal expectations
on conversion and religious practice started to change with the codification of
ḥadīth and jurisprudence. For instance, traditions that were brought to the forefront
included the nullification of an uncircumcised man’s prayer, the prohibition of
accepting his witness testimony, or eating the meat of an animal slaughtered
by him (al-Ṣanʿānī, 2015). Alternative legal opinions were also declared, which is
indicative of the divided nature of legal opinions on the matter of conversion and,
by extension, the differences within society on how circumcision was conceived
by local communities that wished to convert, or had already done so, but had
not completed the process. Assessing sources that attest to suspicions about the
sincerity of conversion, on account of incomplete religious rites, is one way of
formulating a historical understanding of conversion and religious practice in the
early medieval Islamic period. People retained cultural customs and practices of
their previous faith due to sentimental, familial and communal ties. Non-Arabs, who
shared no religious, cultural or linguistic similarity with their new rulers, may have
found it more difficult to adjust to certain Islamic requirements.
Of the accusations brought against Khaydar, remaining uncircumcised was

perhaps the factor that brought about his demise as it cast a shadow on his
defence and discredited his testimony. Khaydar’s alleged weekly sacrifice and
consumption of carrion were likely hyperbolic elaborations that were informed by
the aforementioned legal opinions. While Khaydar’s responses to the accusations
brought against him imply that his actions were somewhat accepted, and not
atypical of local populations within the Abbasid caliphate, the fate he ultimately
met is indicative of the marked difference between the expectations held by the
centralized Abbasid government and the practices of rural communities. Khaydar’s
choices in governance reflect not only personal sentiments but also diplomatic
astuteness fuelled by an empathetic understanding of local needs and customs.48 In
many ways, Khaydar’s trial exemplifies the fact that conversion during the Abbasid
period was not always straightforward.
Khaydar’s diplomacy demonstrates that rural populations did not easily forego their
religious practices, even as late as the mid-ninth century. This brings into question
Bulliet’s claim that the people of the lands, previously under Sasanian rule, were
among the earliest converts. Bulliet argues that the Abbasid period was a “half-
way point” that saw a great surge of conversion and subsequent development of

intellectual and religious thought, precipitating a dissolution of the centralized
Abbasid government (Bulliet, 1979). Yet, Khaydar’s trial is illustrative of the slow
and nominal trajectory of religious conversion in rural communities in the ninth
century. The suspicions harboured towards people who continued to engage in local
cultural and religious practices demonstrate that Muslim rulers presided, for some
time, over demographics who did not always necessarily adhere to their new faith
in a fulfilling and trustworthy way. Local governors like Khaydar, who were astute
diplomats that understood the needs of their people, were decisive in maintaining
peace. One possible method of developing a historical understanding of conversion
and inter-religious interaction is through detailed studies of the people who acted
as bridges and mediators between the ruling Muslim elite and rural populations.
BURIAL RITES IN ABBASID SOCIETY

When the Caliph al-Ma’mūn fell ill and died in Ṭarsūs in 833 his body was buried in
an inconspicuous location in line with the customs followed by his predecessors
(Cooperson, 2004). Within 29 years, this trend changed. For the burial of Caliph al-
Munṭaṣir (d. 862), al-Ṭabarī records that “he is the first Caliph from Banī Abbas …
whose grave is known and this is because his mother requested [to make his] grave
visible ... his mother’s name is Ḥabashiyya and she is a Rūmī Umm walad” (al-Tabarī,
1967). The term Rūmī in the English translations of the extract in question was
erroneously translated by the Arabists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
to mean ‘Greek’.49 While the term is indeed used interchangeably to describe
Byzantines, Romans and Melkite Christians, the Arabic text, as cited and translated
above, describes that her name was Ḥabashiyya.50 Up until the fifteenth century,
‘Ḥabasha’ was a designation used to describe a diverse range of African groups who
inhabited parts of the Horn of Africa, including coastal East Africa, which indicates
that al-Ṭabarī’s reference to her Rūmī status alludes to her faith rather than ethnicity
(Ayana, 2019). In addition, al-Munṭaṣir is described as having had a dark complexion
(asmar).51 From this, it can be deduced that al-Munṭaṣir’s mother was likely a Melkite
Christian from the Horn of Africa, which is important when one considers the burial
arrangement that she selected for her Muslim son despite it contravening Muslim
teachings and reflecting more Christian practices. For example, ḥadīths that were
contemporaneously codified outline the following: “the Prophet forbade that a grave
be plastered and sat on and built over.52 In addition:
Um Salama told Allah’s Messenger ‫ ﷺ‬about a church which she had

seen in the land of Ḥabasha which was called Mariya. She told him
about the pictures which she had seen in it. Allah’s Messenger ‫ ﷺ‬said, “If
any righteous pious man dies amongst them, they would build a place
of worship at his grave and make these pictures in it; they are the worst
creatures in the sight of Allah.”53

The ḥadīths suggest that building over graves was a Christian and Jewish practice,
more commonly observed in the Horn of Africa than in the Arabian Peninsula. This
was possibly due to cultural and denominational differences. The earliest surviving
grave markers bearing the basmalla and shahāda date back to 691 and are found in
Egypt (Christys, 2009). It is possible that the Arab conquerors adopted this practice
from the conquered Christian communities in Egypt but adapted it to their own
Muslim beliefs. Shared Christian traditions and practices between Northern Africa
and the Horn of Africa took place on account of the interaction and demographic
movement along the silk routes that took place in the region (Ayana, 2019, p.62).
Ḥabashiyya’s choice of merging Muslim and Christian burial rites is an evident
product of her natal culture, her Christian beliefs and her assimilation into Muslim
Abbasid society over the span of at least the 26 years that constituted her son’s
lifetime. Retaining her faith and elements of her culture of birth prompts one to
consider what other practices she may have passed onto her son, the Caliph of
the Abbasids. In essence, Ḥabashiyya was the founder of a novel pedigree of an
Abbasid practice. According to al-Ṭabarī, al-Mu’taz was buried next to his brother
al-Munṭasir.54 The Caliph al-Muqtadir’s (d. 932) mother Shaghab (d. 933), who was
a Byzantine Christian by birth prior to converting, built on Ḥabashiyya’s idea of
a dynastic tomb by constructing a mausoleum, which was an unprecedented
practice.55 Al-Munṭaṣir and al-Muqtadir’s successors were all buried in a similar
fashion in what can be seen as an example of women facilitating trends in Abbasid
society by introducing new socio-religious norms that were derived from combining
Christian, Muslim and non-Arab customs into one (Allen, 1983, pp. 421–422). Like their
predecessors, and al-Muqtadir were practising Muslims who died Muslim, yet their
burials, like those of their successors, reflect a deeper and more complex nuance
to maternal and familial influences and socio-religious dynamics.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
The spread of Islam eastward and westward and the movement of people along
the silk routes connected communities by enabling the dissemination of new ideas
and practices across the Muslim world and beyond. As the vignettes in this study
tentatively demonstrate, inter-religious contact started behind closed doors in the
intimacy of the family home. In the earlier centuries of Muslim rule, families lived
upon a hybridity of unprecedented socio-religious norms that merged Islamic beliefs
with local non-Muslim customs and practices to create novel ways of enacting
religious rites. From the Horn of Africa and the Byzantine Empire, Abyssinian and
Byzantine grave building practices travelled to Baghdad, the capital of the Abbasid
Caliphate and, in their wake, came to permeate the socio-religious practices of
successive communities and generations. Indeed, grave building remains a common
practice in the Muslim world today, over a millennium after Ḥabashiyya made the
decision to render the Caliph al-Munṭaṣir’s grave visible.

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GASTRONOMY
AND
FOOD
PRODUCTION
Yuan Gao
Yuan Gao is a PhD candidate in History at Georgetown University. Before that, she
received a B.A. in Russian at Fudan University in Shanghai, China, and an M.A. in
Eurasian studies at Nazarbayev University in Astana, Kazakhstan. Yuan's research
interests broadly focus on Eurasia’s social and environmental history, particularly
Central Asia’s and Xinjiang’s interaction with the Russian and Qing Empires. By
studying the legacies of the Silk Roads, she aims to show that Eurasian frontiers
were never isolated or stagnant, and peoples were not passive intermediaries or
recipients of historical changes; instead, the Eurasian region and peoples have
always witnessed dynamic exchanges.

7 Samovar in
Chaikhaneh:
Tea Trade, Consumption
and Material Culture
in Central Asia
GASTRONOMY AND FOOD PRODUCTION 145

Moment by moment, when starting drinking tea, my heart became
wonderfully humble.
I know freedom, as well as I know restrictions.
A person who drinks tea is cultured from head to feet.
Those who do not know the value of tea limp around at the door.
However much tea they may give, one must take it and drink it.
A Treatise of Tea, Kashgar, 1873–1874

INTRODUCTION
This paper focuses on the long-lasting legacy of the Silk Roads by studying tea
consumption and the dissemination of tea-drinking material culture in Central Asia,
specifically Russian Turkestan, from around the eighteenth century to the early
twentieth century. This time frame corresponds to the establishment of official
Sino-Russian trade and the transition of Silk Roads exchanges from luxury items
to an increased volume of everyday necessities. Russia’s expansion into Central
Asia was one of the “most rapid and dramatic examples of imperial conquest” in
the nineteenth century (Morrison, 2014). Driven by the yearning for prestige, to
compete with other European empires, and in the quest for a secure frontier and
trade routes, the Russian Empire advanced into Central Asia and transformed the
entire region from a volatile borderland into part of a colonial empire by the end of
the nineteenth century. Scholars of nineteenth-century Turkestan have examined
Russia’s colonial rule from various perspectives (Allworth, 1994; Sahadeo, 2007;
Morrison, 2008). In terms of trade and commodities, Turkestan is generally seen
as an intermediary of the Eurasian trade route, or as the origin of certain raw
materials production, particularly cotton. Very few studies have examined the
Central Asian peoples as consumers. Focusing on tea drinking and teahouses, this
paper aims to reveal the dynamics of tea trade and tea consumption in Turkestan
during Russia’s colonization. How did tea flow into this Asian interior? How did tea
drinking fit into the social life of local people? How was tea drinking perceived
in Central Asian culture? This paper argues that tea drinking and the presence
of teahouses was an important component in the everyday life of Central Asian
peoples. Tea-drinking practices in regions along the Silk Roads also reflect a mix
of Chinese, European and Inner Asian cultures. Not only does tea serve as a marker
to trace the changing flows of commodities and material culture throughout the
Eurasian region, it also demonstrates the distinctive way Central Asians consume
tea, reflecting their unique, blended culture that persisted even during the period
of Russian dominance. It also demonstrates that the people along the Silk Roads
were not transient intermediaries; they were active consumers and creators.
ROUTES, MERCHANTS AND EMPIRES

In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, tea from China became increasingly
vital as an everyday necessity among Central Asians. For instance, Kazakhs
bartered cattle for tea with Chinese merchants in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries (Adle et al., 2003, p.421). Before the Qing conquest of Zungaria (1759), the
Zungar merchants also travelled to northwest China and brought back silk, cotton,
tea, rhubarb and pottery. When Torghut (one of the four subgroups of the Oirats)
joined the Qing Empire, the Qing court recorded one of their living necessities as
20,000 bricks of tea a year (Adle et al., 2003, pp. 161–165). With the rising demand of
tea in Transoxiana, the British Empire also planned to enter the Central Asian tea
trade market by providing a better quality of tea, an item “of the greatest request

among the Uzbeks” from India to compete with the Chinese tea from Kashgar (Adle
et al., 2003, p.420). While tea consumption grew rapidly in Central Asia, there was
also a difference between the types of tea that various peoples consumed. The
nomadic population in the Kazakh steppe mostly consumed tea bricks as they
were cheaper and easier to transport, whereas the sedentary residents in the
urban parts of Central Asia were consumers of loose green tea. This unique group
of green tea drinkers is the main focus of this paper.
As green tea was only produced in China in the nineteenth century, the original
sources for green tea exportation were exclusively located in China. Prior to the
construction of railways, tea entered Turkestan from three main locations: China,
Kiakhta-Moscow and India (Lee, 2014, p. 214). The tea from China to Turkestan
travelled directly through southern Xinjiang (Kashgar, Yarkand) transported by
Bukharan and Kokandi merchants. They traded with Shanxi merchants (jinshang, 晋
商), who dominated the Qing tea market in Mongolia and Xinjiang, as well as official
commissaries in Xinjiang, either bringing back the tea to Turkestan or reselling it
on the Russian market (Millward, 1998, pp. 76–112; Avery, 2004, pp. 53–69). However,
this route was extremely volatile due to the Muslim revolts in Xinjiang (1862–1873)
and the restrictions and frequent embargos of the Qing Empire (Li, 1994, p.7, p.189).
Consequently, there were only two major sources of tea, transported by the Russian
Empire through Siberia or from the British Empire via India (Terentiev, 1876, p.38).
The Kiakhta route was the official Sino-Russian trade route, which was mostly
controlled by the Russian Empire since the early eighteenth century. Kiakhta was
founded in 1727 as an official market town between the Qing and Russian empires.
It was after the establishment of regular Sino-Russian diplomatic and commercial
missions that Russians discovered tea and formed their own tea-drinking culture
(Yoder, 2016, pp. 23–75). After Chinese tea arrived at Kiakhta, it needed to be
transported through Siberia to Moscow, or to be traded at the Nizhinii Novgorod
Fair or Irbit Fair. To reach Turkestan, caravans still needed to cross the entire Kazakh
steppe. By the 1860s, the journey from Kiakhta to Nizhinii Novgorod took about
100–200 days (Fitzpatrick, 1990, p.50). The journey from Chinese tea plantations to
Turkestan through the Kiakhta route usually took more than one year.
The India route was taken by British tea companies and Persian merchants. The
tea was not from India as such, it usually departed from Chinese ports in Shanghai
and Canton then travelled by ship to reach Bombay where Parsee and Persian
merchants would buy the tea and transfer it to Bukhara by caravan route. Overall,
it took about 90 days to transport tea from Bombay to Turkestan.56 This route was
not only faster, it was also cheaper. Thus, even after Turkestan was conquered by
the Russian Empire, Russians struggled to increase their hegemony over the Central
Asian market.
When Russia established the Turkestan Governor-Generalship, the Russian

administration was concerned with the volume, customs duty and flow of the tea
trade in the Turkestan region. After Russia conquered Tashkent in 1865 and turned

the Kokand and Bukhara khanates into Russia’s vassals in 1868, it seemed possible
for the Russian Empire to wrestle the tea market from the grasp of Central Asian
merchants.
The very first resource that the Russian Empire intended to utilize was the Kiakhta
tea route. As mentioned earlier, the Kiakhta route was far from ideal for Turkestan
as Russia had full control of this route. In 1868, the Russian Government issued new
regulations regarding the tea trade into Turkestan. First, the Russian administration
exempted custom duties for the Kiakhta tea imported into Turkestan in order to
reduce transportation costs and to encourage the flow of tea from Russia. Second,
additional taxes were imposed on tea coming from Central Asian khanates, namely,
the khanates of Bukhara and Kokand. The tea sold to Turkestan by Bukharan and
Kokandi merchants usually came via India. Third, the new tax policy also forbade
the import of tea from Turkestan into the Russian Empire in order to prevent the
outflow of state revenue. No tea from the Turkestani side was allowed to enter
Russia, and any Turkestani tea found in Russia was confiscated.57 This series of
regulations showed Russia’s serious intention to turn Turkestan into a market for
trading tea and not just a transportation hub.
In practice, however, for many reasons, it was not easy for the Kiakhta tea to
suddenly take over the Central Asian market. First and foremost, the so-called
Indian tea was still more accessible to Central Asian markets than Kiakhta tea. The
maritime route from China to Bombay, as well as India and Afghanistan’s geographic
proximity with Turkestan, made the transport of Chinese tea into Turkestan via
India considerably faster and cheaper than the long overland route from Kiakhta.58
Second, although the new regulations imposed on Kiakhta tea seemed rigorous,
there were many cases of fraud. Bukharan merchants could buy cheap Indian tea,
forge the labels of Russian custom houses then resell the tea for profit on the
Turkestan market (Terentiev, 1876, p.42). Lastly, some Russian tea dealers were not
completely familiar with local tastes and they imported tea bricks, which urban
residents in Turkestan did not consume in large amounts. Locals were more used to
drinking ‘Shanghai green tea’ imported from India. As a result of the lack of demand
for brick tea, some Russian tea was shelved for one or two years and could only be
sold for half its original price.59 This also shows that nineteenth-century Turkestani
people were by no means passive recipients of imperial rules. They made conscious
choices, selecting their tea to their own taste.
In the late 1880s and 1890s, two factors facilitated Russia’s increasing control over
the Turkestan tea market: the construction of the Trans-Caspian Railway, which
connected the Caspian Sea with Tashkent, and the further integration of the
Bukharan and Khivan khanates and the tightened customs frontier in Turkestan.
As the Caspian Sea had long been a hub of communication for the Caucasus, Persia,
Turkestan and Russia, the railway significantly shortened the transportation time
between these regions. This not only increased the share of Russian goods available
on the Central Asian market but also encouraged the export of Central Asian goods,
particularly cotton, to Russian factories.

In terms of the transport of tea, the railway was at first favourable to Persian tea
dealers. It became possible for Persian merchants to transport Indian tea from
the south shore of the Caspian Sea to Turkestan. In order to impede this, Saint
Petersburg tightened the customs frontier in Turkestan. In January 1893, the reigning
emir of Bukhara, Abd al-Ahad (1859–1910), visited Saint Petersburg, during which he
was informed by Russia’s minister of finance, Sergei Witte (1849–1915), about Russia’s
intention to move Russia’s customs line to the Amu Darya River and to spend part
of the customs revenue on public works in the Bukharan khanate. Abd al-Ahad
expressed concern over the effect the Russian tariff on Indian tea would have on
his poorer subjects. Witte promised that only a moderate duty would be imposed
on Indian tea of poorer quality, which was a daily commodity for the lower classes
in Bukhara (Becker, 2004, p.120). This not only shows the dominance of Indian tea
in the Central Asian market but also the significance of tea in the everyday life of
Central Asian peoples.
In 1894, Russia’s two protectorates – Bukharan and Khivan khanates – were

incorporated into Russia’s customs line. Cordons were established on the Russo-
Persian and Russo-Afghan borders. In 1895, Batumi, the Black Sea port in the
Caucasus, was opened for the exchange of tea destined for Turkestan. With the
Trans-Caucasian Railway, Russian tea companies could directly ship Chinese green
tea from Shanghai or Canton to Batumi via the Suez Canal and the Black Sea, then
transport it through the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea to finally reach Turkestan.
The big Russian tea companies, such as K. and S. Popov, Kuznetsov and Gubkin,
began to use this route.60 The development of this transport route and the extended
customs border undermined the share of Indian tea circulating in Central Asia.
In sum, the tea market in Turkestan was involved in an extensive Eurasian trade
network. The actors who participated in this network included Bukharan and
Kokandi merchants from Central Asia, Qing and Russian officials, British tea
companies and Persian merchants. This extensive movement of tea not only
demonstrates the growing desire of the Central Asian peoples to acquire tea as an
everyday commodity, it also shows the desire of empires to penetrate the lives of
their subjects in their most basic everyday customs.
TEA CONSUMPTION: SPACE, ENTERTAINMENT

AND MATERIAL CULTURE
The Central Asian tea trade was thus complex and dynamic. Handled by Chinese tea
workers, shipped by British or Russian tea companies, carried by Persian dealers
and Bukharan or Kokandi merchants, green tea moved from Chinese ports across
the seas and over land to finally arrive in the interior of Asia. The history of the
tea trade itself has been relatively well documented. However, tea consumption
in Central Asia has been little studied. Mainly focusing on Bukhara, this section
shows that the practice of drinking tea and the presence of teahouses played an

important part in the everyday life of nineteenth-century Bukharans. Tea drinking
could serve as a marker to trace changing flows of commodities and material culture
in the Eurasian region.
Bukhara is a perfect place for examining Central Asian tea-drinking practices. First,
with numerous mosques, madrasas and bazaars, Bukhara was an important trade
hub and Islamic education centre in the region. Its mercantile and intellectual
prominence attracted numerous diplomats, ethnographers and visitors, who
wrote many written accounts of city life. Second, Bukharan merchants were major
tea dealers in the region until Indian tea fell from prominence. This ensured the
availability and easy access to tea. Third, the social environment of Bukhara
also provided favourable conditions for the formation of tea-drinking cultures.
One essential condition for developing teahouses is ample free time, which was
provided by the social geography of the region. Local farmers lived in isolation
on their farmsteads and therefore they relied on markets to sell their produce.
Markets and market towns were not only economic centres they became places
for social gatherings (Wang, 2008, p.17). People from all parts of Eurasia came to
trade in Bukharan bazaars where they chatted and conducted their business. Local
Muslims performed five prayers a day and therefore there were plenty of occasions
for people to meet. Overall, these constant trading activities and the presence of
Islamic culture generated the conditions for a sophisticated urban society to thrive.
People had the time and space to sit down and come together. The local people
also had access to various goods from different parts of Eurasia. These factors
created an ideal environment for forming a tea-drinking culture.
Almost every nineteenth century traveller to Bukhara recorded their visits to local
teahouses and, for most travellers, visiting teahouses was a pleasant experience.
They describe teahouses as a place to relax, get refreshments and observe local
life. The British diplomat Alexander Burnes commented in 1831 that “nothing is
done in this country [Bukhara] without tea, which is handed round at all times
and hours, and gives a social character to conversation” (Burnes, 1835, p.221). The
Hungarian Turkologist Ármin Vámbéry records how his guide had led him to a
local teahouse near Lebi Hauz Divan-beghi, a place that still serves as a centre
for teahouses and social gatherings today, of which he wrote that the teahouse
“pleases him very much”. He notes that Bukharans “can chatter away hours and
hours, amidst his fellow tea-drinkers; for the meaningless conversations that are
maintained weary him as little as the cup after cup of tea which he swallows”
(Vámbéry, 1868, p.173). The American scholar Eugene Schuyler witnessed local
people discussing the latest gossip and rumours from Russia’s Khivan expedition
in 1873 (Schuyler, 1876, p.179). Writing about amusements and games in Bukhara,
the Danish military officer and geographer Ole Olufsen recorded how the main
entertainment was “eating and taking tea, and after the meal some groups gather
round those who play on the tambourine, clarinet and guitar” (Olufsen, 1911, p.28).
These diverse experiences, recorded by nineteenth century travellers, illustrate

Figure 1. A stall in a local bazaar selling tea, teapots, tea bowls and tablecloths. Melochnaia
torgovlia. Prodazha chaia (Small commerce. Selling tea [tea vendor]). Between 1865 and 1872.
Photograph retrieved from the Library of Congress at
https://www.loc.gov/item/2007680561/
that tea drinking and teahouses were an important feature in the everyday life
of Bukharans. Teahouses were a social space, not only for tea drinking, but also
for conversations and entertainment, book or poetry reading, playing musical
instruments, singing and so on.
The cluster of teahouses were usually located in public squares or near bazaars. In
Bukhara, there were two main spots: the Lebi Hauz Divan-beghi, a square-shaped
pond with surrounding trees near a chain of madrasas and mosques, and the public
square near the Ark fortress of Bukhara. The bazaars were filled with merchants
from all over Eurasia. Vámbéry observed the presence of “a diversified chaos of
Bokhariots, Khivites, Khokandi, Kirghis, Kipchak, Turkomans, Indians, Jews and
Afghans” in all the principal bazaars (Vámbéry, 1864, p. 171). In the bazaars, there
were specific sections for selling tea and tea-related goods, such as tea pots, water
jugs, tea bowls and tablecloths. These stalls were usually run by local merchants,
as well as Indians, Persians and Afghans (Curtis, 1911, p.150). The ownership of
teahouses is hard to determine based on published sources, but Vámbéry provides
an account of a curious encounter with a tea booth owner who was “a Chinese from
Komul [i.e. Hami]” and whose booth sold sixteen different kinds of tea (Vámbéry,
1864, p.180). It is plausible that teahouses in Bukhara were also managed by people
of various origins other than local owners.

It should also be noted that visiting teahouses was a poor man’s entertainment.
Vámbéry points out that “on the occasion of their excursions to the environs of the
city, persons of wealth are in the habit of taking with them their tea-things, and a
servant to prepare tea. Those who are not so well off have recourse to establishments
that are to be found at these places to resort” (Vámbéry, 1868, p.173). Apart from
having servants to prepare tea for them, people of higher rank, and the Bukharan
emir himself, had a particular tea time and dinner recreation – the performances of
bacha-bazi, or dancing boys. Schuyler notes that “these batchas, or dancing-boys, are
a recognised institution throughout the whole of the settled portions of Central Asia,
though they are most in vogue in Bokhara and the neighbouring Samarkand” (Schuyler,
1876, p.132). The practitioners were usually young boys, as females were forbidden to
dance publicly. Dancing boys lived off their patrons, and it was considered an honour
for a Bukharan man to keep a dancing boy with him.
This form of entertainment of dancing

boys was considered a luxury for the
lower class who could only afford to visit
teahouses and chat with one another.
Sometimes, when a group of people
could collectively afford it, they paid
a bacha-bazi to dance in a teahouse.
As the profession was limited by age,
dancers could only work until 25, at the
most. Schuyler notes that some retired
dancers would set up as a keeper of a
Figure 2. A photo depicting musicians
teahouse by their admirers, where they
and dancing boys in Turkestan.
could still enjoy their fame and continue Obshchestvennyia uveseleniia
to have regular clients (Schuyler, 1876, Sredneaziiatsev. Pliaska batchei mal’chikov
p.136). Again, teahouses were important bazm [Pastimes of Central Asians. Group of
male musicians posing with several batchas,
spaces for maintaining social relations, or dancing boys]. Between 1865 and 1872.
entertaining, and even expressing a kind Photograph retrieved from the Library of Congress at
of sexual desire in Turkestani societies. http://www.loc.gov/item/2007680426/
The use of tea wares and drinking rituals are the clearest evidence of the diverse
influences on Central Asian tea drinking. Among the drinking ware, the samovar,
a Russian-style self-contained apparatus designed to boil water, had a central
place in the tea-drinking tradition. The importance of the samovar was reflected
in the local language. Before chaikhaneh was widely used to denote teahouses,
‘samovarchi’, which probably means the place of samovars, was used to refer to
these social tea-drinking places (Schuyler, 1876, p.179).61 There is the likelihood that
the advent of the samovar might have provided the premise for the emergence
of real sit-down teahouses in Central Asia. This process also took place in the
neighbouring country, Iran, where the Russian samovar was also adopted in local
teahouses for their tea-drinking practices (Matthee, 2005, p.269). Yet the drinking

Figure 3. This photo shows a local teahouse in Turkestan. The water-boiling urn on the left
side of the house is a samovar. Miesta obshchestvennykh sborishch. Chainaia samovarchigi
[Places of social gathering. Tea house]. Between 1865 and 1872.
https://www.loc.gov/item/2007680433/
vessels used in Turkestan was very different from those of Turkey or Iran where
glass tea cups were widely used. In Turkestan, people used ceramic bowls, which
were clearly a drinking ware brought over from China.
The drinking habits in Bukhara and Turkestan were also very distinctive from
neighbouring countries. While black tea was widely and almost exclusively consumed
in Russia and Iran, Turkestani people drank more green tea than black tea. They
preferred drinking green tea during the day or during the summer months, while
black tea was consumed at night or during winter (Vámbéry, 1868, p.120). This fully
corresponds with Chinese medical theories in which green tea was thought to have
a cooling effect, whereas black tea is warming. Among the sixteen types of tea that
a Chinese teahouse owner mentioned to Vámbéry, ten were green teas (Vámbéry,
1864, p. 180).62 The most common tea in Turkestan was ‘Hyson’ (熙春), a prominent
green tea that originated from Anhui province in China. Hyson tea was the main
Chinese green tea exported during the late Qing period. It was usually dispatched
from Shanghai and was thus referred by locals and tea dealers as ‘Shanghai green
tea’. At first, it mainly came to Turkestan via Bombay and Kabul, but was later traded
by Russian tea companies and transported from Batumi, the port in Georgia. The
better variety of Hyson tea, Joung Hyson or Young Hysan (雨前 in Chinese), was also
imported into Turkestan, but only in small amounts.63

In addition to drinking green tea,
another common drinking custom in
Bukhara was to add milk and mutton fat,
and sometimes also salt, to brick tea.
This milk-fat tea was usually consumed
for breakfast. Vámbéry described how
a typical Bukhara day began: “Before
sunrise, a Bukharan man hurried to
the mosque for the Fajr prayer (dawn
prayer). When the prayer was over, the
streets and squares became crowded by
merchants’ asses laden with charcoal,
corn, grass, milk, and cream. The
Bukharan man bought what he needed,
then went back home for breakfast
Figure 4. Two locals drink tea and share
a nan together. They use a teapot, two featuring a cup of ‘schirtschai’ (milk-
ceramic tea bowls and a water jug. Obychai tea). This tea was composed of brick tea,
Sredneaziiattsev. Ugoshchenie chaem plenty of milk, and cream or mutton fat.
[Customs of Central Asians. Entertaining with
tea]. Between 1865 and 1872
The milk-tea was often filled with a large
amount of broken bread, which turned
https://www.loc.gov/item/2007682685/ the tea into a type of soup” (Vámbéry,
1868, pp. 179–180). This was a common
way of consuming tea among Inner Asian nomads as it provided ample nourishment
and calories to supplement a meagre diet. It was also a way to consume animal
products such as milk and fat derived from sheep’s tails.
In general, tea drinking in Turkestan embodies a mix of Chinese, Russian and

Inner Asian cultures, and is clearly distinctive compared to European drinking
customs. To some extent, tea drinking can be one of the markers used to trace
the movement of commodities and material cultures across the Eurasian region.
While Russia was clearly influenced by the European custom of drinking black
tea, Turkestan maintained its own distinctive taste and insistence on drinking
green tea. People in Turkestan adopted the Russian samovar yet formed their
own unique tea-drinking culture.
A TREATISE OF TEA: A CENTRAL ASIAN

SUFI PERCEPTION OF TEA DRINKING
This paper has traced the trade routes, consumption and material culture of tea
drinking in Central Asia. But how was tea drinking perceived conceptually? To
examine this question, we can turn to a manuscript titled Chaynama [A treatise of
tea], which was retrieved from the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian
Academy of Sciences (IOM RAS) in Saint Petersburg, Russia. It is a poem dedicated
to tea, written in Chaghatay, in 1873–74 in the Xinjiang region. A poem with the

same title can be found in the Abu Rayhan Al-Biruni Institute of Oriental Studies
of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan (Muginov, 1962, p.104).64
Based on the nature of the IOM RAS manuscript, Chaynama is likely to be either a
transcribed version of a poem from Transoxania, or a locally produced version that
circulated in Xinjiang. In either case, this poem offers revealing information on
how the literate elites in Central Asia perceived and interpreted tea consumption.
This Chaynama poem follows a Sufi tradition that connects the tea-drinking
experience with the search for God by the human soul. Sufism is prevalent in Central
Asia, and this Sufi path sets out to search for God through mystical and spiritual
experiences. In past traditions, Sufi poems often praise wine as the wine of ma’rifat,
an Arabic word meaning ‘interior knowledge’, the mystical knowledge of God or
the ‘higher realities’. Through drinking wine, a person is able to reach the mystical
knowledge that is otherwise unattainable through ecstatic experiences. Similarly,
in this poem, we can see that the author was achieving the same exalted feeling
with tea.
This poem offers evidence of the types of tea that was prevalent in nineteenth-
century Central Asia: “Tea’s color is yellow, [just like when] the sun reaches its
splendor.” This verse subtly shows that the light-coloured green tea was considered
as the main type of tea in the region. Furthermore, the poem intentionally connects
tea with wine, as it states: “You know tea’s presence inside of wine.”
Tea is present on all occasions, especially during situations of high emotion:
The thing that is a gift for kings is tea.

The thing that is a present for the joyful is tea.
The thing that turns the reticent to a chain of conversation is tea.
The thing that is in front of the lovers and the hopeless is tea.
… Bitter and sweet tea is inside all the happiness.
This poem associates tea with love, joy and, ultimately, with the loving, alluring and
merciful God. Through drinking tea, the apparently mundane and secular is imbued
with a spiritual interpretation. Through drinking tea, a person is able to gain the
knowledge of God by heart:
Be awake after drinking tea; Always seek God!

Things are never difficult for you. You existed in the beginning. Seek [God]
You will waste his life and the life of the faithless. Seek [God]!
If you enter the path of tariqa, seek God!/However much tea they may give, one
must take it and drink it..

CONCLUSION
This paper examines the complex contexts in which people in Central Asia desired
and consumed tea in general, and green tea in particular, which then went on to
shape society, culture and the economy during the colonial period. When Turkestan
was conquered by the Russian Empire, Russia’s desire to exert its imperial power
clashed with the local consumption of tea. Colonial rule did not fundamentally
change the way people desired a commodity, which was so deeply embedded in
their local culture. As the Russian hegemony was established, the trading route was
the only thing that changed significantly. The tea trade that was controlled by Indian,
Persian and Central Asian merchants was taken over by Russian businessmen, and
Russians started to engage increasingly in transporting green tea. Russia managed
to fully take control of the Central Asian tea market when it accommodated the
local taste for green tea. This is a story of both the power and limits of colonization.
This paper also calls for a more diversified and historical view of global
commodities. Nowadays, in the globalized economy, we tend to have a rather
neutral perception of many everyday objects. This paper shows that, historically,
peoples along the Silk Roads created multiple variants derived from tea. Green
tea was preferred in certain regions and seasons. Tea bricks and loose tea
were also in demand by various populations. Tea was drunk sweet or salty, with
lemon, milk, cream or mutton fat. Some populations used ceramic bowls and
water jugs, while others used glass teacups and samovars. All these variants
reflected and adapted to the local tastes and cultural interactions. A more
complex view is required when examining tea as a commodity in social, cultural
and economic history.
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of Uyghur manuscripts in the Institute of Asian Nations]. Moscow, Izdatel’stvo
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Bokhara. Copenhagen, Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk Forlag.
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Indiana University Press.
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and Kuldja. London, Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington.
Terentiev, M.A. 1876. Rossiya i Angliia v bor’be za rynki [Russia and Britain at war for
markets]. St. Petersburg.
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Vámbéry, Á. 1868. Sketches of Central Asia. Additional Chapters on my Travels,

Adventures, and on the Ethnology of Central Asia. London, Wm. H. Allen & Company.

Wang, D. 2008. The Teahouse: Small Business, Everyday Culture, and Public Politics
in Chengdu, 1900–1950. Stanford, Calif., Stanford University Press.
Yoder, A. J. 2016. Tea time in Romanov Russia: A cultural history, 1616–1917. Ph.D
dissertation, University of North Carolina.

Nomin-Erdene Ulambayar
Enkhtuya Vankhuu
Nomin-Erdene Ulambayar M.D. a lecturer and PhD candidate at the International

School of Mongolian Medicine, MNUMS. She completed her B.A. in Traditional
Mongolian Medicine from Inner Mongolia Medical University, China, and an
M.A. in Acupuncture and Moxibustion from Guangzhou University of Traditional
Chinese Medicine, China. Nomin-Erdene is a general practitioner, board-certified
in acupuncture, and a senior acupuncturist. Dr. Nomin-Erdene has academic
interests in eliminating psychosomatic symptoms and providing well-researched
traditional medicine and acupuncture treatment options to alleviate the
symptoms and target the underlying psychological cause of the disease. She
has several publications in Mongolian, English and Chinese scientific journals
and has co-authorships spanning other publications. She holds the Certificate of
Honour from the Ministry of Health, Mongolia for her contributions to therapeutic
developments in traditional medicine.

8 Use of Ghee
in the Common
Cultural Heritage
and Dairy Products
of Nomadic
Countries along
the Silk Road

BACKGROUND: WHAT IS GHEE
AND HOW IT IS UTILIZED
Foods prepared from animal milk are known as dairy products, among which ghee
(clarified butter) is the most sacred and non-toxic food in eastern hemisphere
countries (Kumar et al., 1999; Zeb and Mehmood, 2012; Zeb and Uddin, 2017). The
importance of cow and milk products have been mentioned in the Rig Veda, the
oldest sacred book of the Hindus. Ancient Indian society widely consumed buttermilk
and ghee during the time of Lord Krishna, about 3000 BC (Prajapati and Nair, 2003;
Rai et al., 2016; Tamang and Kailasapathy, 2010). According to Roman historians, the
Partians, originally nomadic horsemen, ruled an empire that stretched from the
Euphrates to the Indus rivers and from the Oxus (Amu Darya) to the Indian Ocean at
their height in the first century BCE. While very fond of palm wine, they ate grains,
vegetables, fish and game infrequently. Instead, the Parthians consumed dairy
products, like ghee, which keeps well in hot climates, and yogurt (often fermented
with cracked wheat and still common in Kurdistan where it is called tarkhineh)
(Kennedy et al., 2002). Ghee is prepared by almost all pastoral communities and
is known as samneh in the Middle East, nigour kibe or nitir kibe in southern and
eastern Africa, murcchita ghrta in India, sirme in Western Africa, shar tos in Mongolia
and ghee orghyu in Nepal and Bhutan (Degen, 2007). Gheu is an artisanal butter in
Nepali, which is also known as ghee or makhan in Hindi, maa in Tibetan and mor
in Lepcha (Rai et al., 2016).
Among the animal products recommended for the treatment of dermatological

ailments, ghee (clarified butter) has a high number of citations. Ghee is rich in
docosahexaenoic acid, which is reported to reduce arachidonic acid levels in
macrophages and decrease secretion of leukotrienes and prostaglandin by
macrophages (Sharma, Zhang and Dwivedi, 2010). According to past studies, fatty
acid analysis of ghee is found to have 60–70% saturated fat (Sserunjogi et al., 1998;
Dwivedi et al., 2002).
Ghee from cow and yak milk is similar (Sserunjogi, et al., 1998; Zhu, 2005). Some
research shows that ghee stimulates gastric secretion, has a beneficial effect on
digestion (Jadamba et al., 2019), reduces the activity of enzymes that cause liver,
breast (Rani and Kansal, 2011) and colorectal cancer (Giovannucci and Willett, 1994),
regulates detoxification (Belury, 2002; Rani and Kansal, 2012; Chinnadurai et al., 2013),
improves the immune system (Sserunjogi et al., 1998) and relieves mental stress.
Additionally, researchers have found that linolenic acid in ghee reduces cholesterol
and triglyceride levels (Kumar et al., 1999; Amrutha Kala, 2013; Manohar Reddy et
al., 2013; Sharma, H.B. et al., 2018; Saleem, 2020), improves eyesight (Parodi, 2003),
achieves weight loss and has anti-inflammatory effects.
Ghee is produced mainly by indigenous methods in Central Asia, the Middle East and
Africa, with varying methods of manufacture and characteristics. Some ambiguity in
the definition of ghee occurs mainly due to regional differences and preferences for

INTRODUCTION OF THE RESEARCH TEAM
Surname,
Affiliation Contribution Contact email
given name
Department of Physics, Mirpur

Ahmad, nveed24@
1 University of Science and Technology, collaborator
Naveed (Ph.D) gmail.com
Mirpur Azad Kashmir, Pakistan
Choijilsuren,
Vice director of Production, Vitafit milk nayag5669@
2 Narangerel advisor
LLC, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia gmail.com
(Ph.D)
Kyrgyz-Turkish Manas University,

Iskakova, Engineering Faculty, Environmental janyl.iskakova@
3 collaborator
Janyl (Ph.D) Engineering Department, Bishkek, manas.edu.kg
Kyrgyzstan
Kalemshariv, Dairy engineer/lecturer at Saken supervisor

begjan.ae@
4 Begzhan Seifullin Kazakh Agrotechnical of laboratory
mail.ru
(MScs) University, Astana, Kazakhstan operations
School of Pharmaceutical Science,

Saxena Pal,
Lovely Faculty of Applied Medical rashmisaxena-
5 Rashmi collaborator
Sciences, Lovely Professional University, [email protected]
(Ph.D)
Phagwara, Punjub, India
Kyrgyz State Technical University named

Smanalieva, jamila.
after I.Razzakov, Faculty of Technology,
6 Jamila collaborator smanalieva@
Department of Food Technology,
(Ph.D) gmail.com
Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan
the product, which is commonly used for culinary purposes but also for particular
social functions and therapeutic benefits (Sserunjogi et al., 1998; Joshi, 2014; Lamsal
et al., 2020).
The traditional texts designate cow ghee as beneficial for mental alertness and
memory both in adults and children (Karandikar et al., 2016; Shukla and Tripathi,
2006; Murthy Srikantha and Nighantu, 1998). Many Ayurvedic, Tibetan and Mongolian
products, which are being used traditionally for memory enhancement, are ghee
based (Achiliya et al., 2004). Cow ghee itself is being used as a brain tonic to improve
memory. It is said to promote all three aspects of mental functioning: learning,
memory and recall (Sharma, 1990).

Ghee, which has originally been used in traditional Mongolian medicine since
ancient times to the present day, is considered as “the best of the diet” and has
been used ever since to improve body energy as a carminative to reduce stress, to
ensure calorific intake, to improve appetite, to boost intellect and provide nutrients
(Wuda, 1990), as well as give strength in the cold and patience with thirst in the
heat, and to extend one’s life over generations (Dalkh and Dashlkhundev, 2004).
We have studied the utilization of ghee and similar products in five Silk Road
countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, India, Mongolia and Pakistan) as well as
developed countries, and have documented ghee production technologies and
chemical characteristics. We have discovered an ancient cultural link between
these countries and explored the association of ghee consumption in these
countries and the prevalence of mental health illness.
MATERIALS AND METHODS

Materials
Data collection
This project collaborated with researchers from four countries: India, Pakistan,
Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, with 14 different ghee samples collected from
6 countries, including commercially acquired ghee from Turkey and Ukraine. All
researchers were contacted via email (published in research articles related to
their ghee studies). Research team members discussed and developed a common
questionnaire on ghee utilization and agreed on types of laboratory analysis. For
the laboratory test, the India and Pakistan team sent buffalo and cow ghee samples,
Kazakhstan sent cow and goat ghee samples, and Kyrgyzstan sent two different
breeds of cow ghee samples for further analysis. Four different types of ghee were
collected for the study from Mongolia: freshly produced yak and camel ghee, yak
ghee preserved for 4 years, and cow ghee preserved for 10 years.
Cross sectional survey study
A total of 875 participants responded to the questionnaires. Over 200 respondents
each from India, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia and Pakistan answered four different
questionnaires: i) a general questionnaire for demographic information; ii) on the
usage of ghee; iii) a 36-Item Short Form survey (SF-36); and iv) a body constitution
(Dosha quiz) survey. Survey results were collected and a database was created.
The questionnaire on ghee consumption was developed by a team of researchers
from Kyrgyzstan, India, Mongolia and Pakistan in July 2022 for measuring the
similarities and differences in the consumption of ghee and how it is utilized. A
total of 875 people responded to the questionnaire: 212 people from Kyrgyzstan,
252 people from India, 209 people from Mongolia, and 202 people from Pakistan
participated and completed the ‘usage of ghee’ questionnaires.

Table 1. Types of ghee collected from the different countries
Country
# Ghee type Collection method Code
of origin
Directly from the nomadic

1 Ghee prepared from yak milk – new family: Arkhangai aimag, MNY
Tsakhiur soum

Ghee prepared from yak
2 family: Bayankhongor aimag, MN4Y
milk – preserved 4 years
Erdenetsogt soum
Mongolia
Ghee prepared from camel milk –
3 family: Umnugobi aimag, MNCa
new
Nomgon soum

Ghee prepared from cow milk-
4 family: Bayankhongor aimag, MN10C
preserved 10 years
Galuut soum
5 Ghee prepared from buffalo milk Purchased from the market INB
India
6 Ghee prepared from cow milk Purchased from the market INC
7 Ghee prepared from cow milk Purchased from the market KZC
Kazakhstan
8 Ghee prepared from goat milk Purchased from the market KZG
Ghee prepared from cow milk

9 Purchased from the market KGC1
(Shoro brand)
Kyrgyzstan
Ghee prepared from cow milk
10 Purchased from the market KGC2
(Elsut brand)
11 Ghee prepared from buffalo milk Purchased from the market PKB
Pakistan
12 Ghee prepared from cow milk Purchased from the market PBC
13 Turkey Ghee prepared from cow milk Purchased from the market TRC
14 Ukraine Ghee prepared from cow milk Purchased from the market UAC

We used the 36-Item Short Form (SF-36) questionnaire to analyse the quality of life
of people in project countries and made a statistical analysis for each questionnaire.
The survey results of the four countries were compared and analysed by calculating
the mean value and standard deviation of each of the eight scales of the outcome: i)
physical functioning; ii) role-physical; iii) vitality; iv) mental health; v) role-emotional;
vi) bodily pain; vii) social functioning; and viii) general health.
As the ancient treatises for ghee usage were referenced, especially for the mental
health aspects, a modified version of the Dosha questionnaire was used, which
was published as “a logical and methodological study of basic principles of
traditional Mongolian medicine for disease prevention and diagnosis” in 2021 by
Batchimeg Usukhbayar. For this research, we gathered information on the general
appearance, facial and hair quality, and the digestive, mental and physical health
of the 875 respondents from the four countries, comparing the result.
Origin of ghee samples for laboratory analysis
Between 27 May 2022 to 9 Aug 2022, laboratory analyses were conducted on 14 ghee
samples at two separate laboratories. Twelve different samples (See Table 1: MNY,
MN4Y, MNCa, MN10C, KZC, KZG, KGC1, KGC2, PKB, PKC, TRC and UAC) from six different
countries were sent for laboratory analysis to analyse their fatty acid profile,
vitamins and minerals. The antioxidant activities of samples were determined
using gas chromatography with a flame ionization detector-GC/FID at Almaty
Technological University in Almaty, Kazakhstan. Two types of Indian ghee samples
(sample 5 and 6, Table 1) were analysed separately at ARBRO Analytical Division
Laboratory New Delhi India.
Methods
Determination of physico-chemical characteristics of ghee
The mass fraction of fat was analysed using the ‘Milk and dairy’ product method (GOST
5867-90). The iodine value was analysed using the ‘Vegetable oil’ method (GOST 5475-
69). The content of β-carotenoids was analysed using the ‘Food product’ method for
the determination of complete beta-carotene in foods using high performance liquid
chromatography (GOST EN 12823-2-2014). The antioxidant content was analysed using
the ‘Foodstuff amperometric’ method for determining the content of water-soluble
antioxidants (total antioxidant activity) in the range from 0.2 to 4.0 mg / dm3 inclusive
(GOST R 54037-2010), respecting the Federal Agency for Technical Regulation and
Metrology standard of the Russian Federation.
Fatty acid profile

Fatty acid profiling of the ghee samples was performed using gas chromatography-
mass spectrometry (GC-MS) using the GC-MS EUPG unit (Crystallux-4000M, Meta-
Chrom Corporation, Yoshkar-Ola, Mari El, Russia) on RTX 2330 Capillary column (105
m x 0.25 mm x 0.20 μm, Restek Corporation, USA).

Vitamins and minerals: Calcium, Kali, Phosphorus, Vitamin A, Vitamin E
Calcium was analysed using the ‘Lubricating oils’ method for the definition of
hydrogen sulphide (H2S) in the vapour phase of residual petroleum fuels (GOST
33904-2016). Potassium was analysed using the ‘Fat and oil derivatives’ method
for an atomic absorption spectrometry method to determine the potassium
content equal to or greater than 0.5 mg/kg (GOST EN 14109-2009). Phosphorus was
analysed using the ‘Lubricating oils and additives’ method for the determination of
phosphorus in unused lubricating oils, as well as additives to lubricating oils and
their concentrates (GOST 33251-2015), respecting the Federal Agency for Technical
Regulation and Metrology standard of the Russian Federation. The ‘Premixes’
method with retinol acetate was also used to determine the content of vitamin A
(GOST 32043-2012) and the mass fraction of vitamin E (in the form of alpha, beta,
gamma, sigma-tocopherols, alpha-tocopherol acetate) using high-performance
liquid chromatography (GOST 54634-2011), respectively.
Statistical analysis
Survey data were analysed using the Microsoft Excel and Stata version 14.0
(StataCorp) software programs. Two-tailed probability values of p<0.05 were
considered as statistically significant. All four surveys were compared between
countries using Pearson chi square and one-way ANOVA. Internal consistency of the
‘Usage of ghee’ questionnaire and ‘Body constitution’ questionnaire (Dosha quiz)
subscales was evaluated using the Cronbach’s coefficient α for reliability. Internal
consistency was considered adequate if Cronbach’s coefficient α values were >0.60.
All the experimental measurements were conducted at least in triplicate, and ghee
samples data were expressed as mean ± standard deviation, and the p-value was
analysed by non-parametric Kruskal-Wallis test, followed by the least-significance
difference test using Microsoft Excel 2010 and Stata 14.0 software. All reported
p-values were for two-sided significance tests with a p-value of <0.05 regarded as
statistically significant.
Ethical approval
The research team members of all four countries applied and received the approval
of the research methodology in their respective countries. The Ethics Committee
of the Mongolian National University of Medical Sciences granted permission to
use the version of the Demographic information, the Usage of Ghee questions, 36-
Item Short Form Survey (SF-36) and the Dosha quiz in the research study. Ethical
approval of the study was obtained from the Institutional Ethics Committee of
the Lovely Professional University, Punjab, India (ethical approval certificate
number LPU/IEC/2022/01/23), the Ethical Review Committee of the Kyrgyz State
Technical University, Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan (ethical approval certificate number
2781/01/21/09/2022) and the Ethical Institutional Review Board of the Mirpur
University of Science and Technology, Mirpur, Pakistan (ethical approval certificate
number ORIC/242/2022).

The research collaboration agreement on this project was signed with collaborator
researchers by Feb 2022. The contract for services with Almaty Technological
University was finalized by 23 May 2022.
CONSUMPTION OF GHEE IN SOME

COUNTRIES OF THE SILK ROADS
The overall purpose of the project was to examine the usage of ghee in some of
the Silk Road countries. Most respondents (78%) of the survey were between 18–39
years old: 39.4% were 18–24 years old, and 38.2% were 25–39 years old. Among survey
respondents, 62.1% were male and 40% were married. Of the 875 respondents,
93% were Asian, 20% had a high school diploma or less, 45.1% had a bachelor's
degree, 35.57% had a postgraduate or higher degree, and 56.14% were employed
(employability was not statistically different between countries (p>0.05)). In addition,
62.10% of respondents lived in urban areas, 13.47% lived in suburban areas, and
24.43% lived in rural areas. The average monthly household income was less than
US$ 300 for 34% of respondents, between US$ 300-400 for 28%, and more than
US$ 400 for 37% of respondents. In terms of blood type, 31% have blood type O, 24%
have blood type A, 35% have blood type B, 10% have blood type AB, and 54.4% of
all respondents had no allergies. The average weight of the men was 68.3±12.4 kg,
and the average weight of the women was 60.6±13.7 kg. Statistically, there is no
difference between countries (p>0.05). In terms of body height, the average height of
the men was 168.8±14.0 cm, and the average height of the women was 159.4±17.7 cm.
The usage of ghee questionnaire

The ghee consumption questionnaire was developed by a team of researchers from
Kyrgyzstan, India, Mongolia and Pakistan in July 2022 to measure the similarities
and differences in the consumption of ghee and how it is used for medical purposes
as well as food consumption. All responses were statistically significantly different
(p<0.01) between countries, except for question 15 (‘Do you use more ghee in
winter?’). It was shown that 85.83% of respondents of the project countries use
ghee and 14.17% do not use ghee, with India having the highest consumption of
ghee at 93.25% (Figure 1).
A total of 24% of all the respondents said they use ghee every day, 22.51% used
ghee once a week, 7.89% once a month, 44.57% used it occasionally, 1.03% did not
use ghee at all, 37.3% of Indians use it daily, 59.43% of Kyrgyz respondents said that
they use it occasionally, and 4.25% never use ghee (Figure 2).
There were differences in ghee usage in different age groups and in urban or rural
settings. For the question on how ghee is used in the food, 45.49% responded that
it used in cooking, 24.34% ate it with bread and pastries, 7.09% drank it with tea and
coffee, and 23.09% used it in other ways than the options listed. Most Pakistanis and
Indians responded that they use it for cooking, Kyrgyz eat it with bread and pastries,
and Mongolians consume it with tea and coffee and for medicinal purposes (p<0.01).

Figure 1. Usage of ghee in the four countries
Figure 2. Frequency of ghee consumption
It was found that 61.5% of the total participants consume 5–10 grams at a time,
20% use 10–15 grams, 9% use 15–20 grams, 9 % use more than 20 grams, and 4 %
do not use it at all. Most households in India, Pakistan and Mongolia consume

5–10 grams of ghee at a time, whereas in Kyrgyzstan they consume the most
(more than 20 grams) on a daily basis. When asked whether ghee is purchased,
homemade (but not produced by themselves) or produced by themselves, 61%
of respondents from all four countries replied that they purchase ghee, with
39% producing it themselves. In Pakistan, 77% purchase ghee, whereas 56% of
Mongolians produce ghee themselves and use it for food.
In response to the question: How much money do you spend on ghee per week?
39% of the total respondents spend less than US$ 1, 24.5% spend US$ 1–2, 16%
spend US$ 2–5, 18% spend more than US$ 5 and 3% do not use ghee at all. In sum,
Mongolians spend the least amount on ghee and Pakistanis spend the most.
In response to question seven: Do you make your own ghee? 52% of all the
respondents produce the ghee themselves, and 48% buy it commercially. Indians
and Pakistanis prefer homemade ghee, with 92% of all respondents preferring
homemade ghee. On the question of processing technologies: If you make it
yourself, what kind of processing technology do you use to make it? The majority
of Pakistanis (56.4%) replied that the ghee was obtained by the ‘Milk-butter’
method, 56.4% of Indians obtained ghee by the ‘Milk-cream’ method, 68.4% of
Kyrgyz responded that the method of extraction was unimportant or did not make
a difference, with the majority share of Mongolians (42.3%) stating that they prefer
the ‘Milk-cream’ method.
Regarding the type of ghee preferred, 61.4% of respondents prefer cow ghee, 28%
prefer buffalo or yak ghee (in areas where there are no buffaloes), 2% prefer sheep
or goat ghee, and 8.7% prefer mixed ghee. Compared to other countries, cow ghee
is widely used in Kyrgyzstan, buffalo ghee is used more widely in Pakistan, and
Mongolians use mostly sheep or goat ghee.
In response to question number 11: Do you like sweets prepared from ghee? 76–85%
of respondents said they prefer ghee-based desserts or pastries. In response to the
question on the usage of ghee for medical purposes, 47% of all countries answered
‘yes’ it is used for medicinal purposes, and 53% responded ‘no’, with Indians using
ghee for medicinal purposes the most (58%). Following question 11, when asked
how ghee is used for therapeutic purposes, 17% of the total respondents use it for
massage post-surgery, 8.6% use it after pregnancy, 12% use it as part of medical
treatment, 50% use it in other ways, 13% do not use it for medical purposes.
Mongolians responded that they use ghee for post-surgery massage, Pakistanis
use it after pregnancy, Kyrgyz use it as part of medical treatment, and Mongolians
use it in combination with other medicinal herbs.
In response to the question: Do you use ghee for topical applications? 46% said
‘yes’. Mongolians used it the most, Kyrgyz use it the least, with most ‘no’ answers.
In response to the question: Do you use more ghee in winter? 74–80% stated that
they use ghee more in winter because it is rich in nutrition and energy. There was no
significant difference in ghee consumption in winter between the countries (p>0.05).

Figure 3. Ghee consumption
Further questions were health-related, such as whether ghee affects changes in

blood pressure, whether drinking ghee with milk reduces aching after injury or
exercise, and whether it is beneficial for women to consume ghee post-pregnancy.
In addition, the respondents were asked about the perceived health benefits of
consuming ghee, such as whether ghee is just fat or not, whether it alters acidity
in the body, or whether ghee can improve memory and strengthen the brain and
nervous system, as well as the number of teaspoons of ghee that should be used
for good health and weight.
In response to the question: Do you experience vital changes in your blood pressure
after consuming ghee? 71% of all respondents answered ‘no’, which was statistically
different, with 61% of Pakistani respondents saying that there are changes, and 90%
of Kyrgyz responding with a ‘no’.
In response to the question: Do you see people consuming ghee with hot milk after
an injury or exercise? 63% of all respondents replied ‘yes’ and 37.4% replied ‘no’, with
the lowest incidence found in Kyrgyzstan. In response to the question as to whether
women consume a lot of ghee with food post-pregnancy, or whether women use
ghee after birth to strengthen their immune system, the highest number (81%) of
Indians disagreed and the lowest number (33%) of Mongolians disagreed.
In response to the statement: ‘Ghee has nothing to impart apart from fats’, the
average replies of the four countries were similar. Mongolian respondents replied
‘yes’, whereas 67.06% of Indians gave the opposite answer (p<0.01). For all four
countries, between 62–78% of respondents replied ‘yes’ to the question that ghee
can help combat acidity (p<0.01), with 72–92% respondents replying ‘true’ to the

statement that ghee improves memory and strengthens the brain and nervous
system (p<0.01). In addition, all four countries responded ‘true’ to the statement
that an average of 3–6 teaspoons of ghee is recommended for good health and
weight (p<0.01).
The 36-item short form (SF-36) survey

A generic 36-Item Short Form (SF-36) health survey was used in this research. It is
a widely validated self-assessment tool comprising eight multi-item independent
dimensions, addressing physical, mental and other health dimensions, including
social functioning and vitality. A total of 36 quality of life questions were divided
into 8 sections (Ware and Sherbourne, 1992), and the results of each country’s
responses were compared.
In the Physical functioning (PF) sections, Kyrgyzstan had the highest score and
Pakistan had the lowest. In the Role-physical (RP) section, Pakistan had the highest
score and Kyrgyzstan had the lowest. In the Bodily pain (BP) section, Pakistan had
the highest score and Kyrgyzstan had the lowest. In the General health section,
Mongolia had the highest score and Kyrgyzstan had the lowest score. In the Vitality
(VT) section, India had the highest score and Pakistan had the lowest. In the Social
functioning (SF) section, India had the highest score and Mongolia had the lowest
score. In the Role-emotional (RE) section, Pakistan had the highest score and India
had the lowest. In the Mental health (MH) section, India had the highest score and
Pakistan had the lowest.
Results of the 36-item short form survey (sf-36)
and comparison of ghee consumption
When comparing the 36-item Short Form Survey for Quality of life between ghee
users and non-users, the difference in total scores were statistically not significant.
Generally, Indian respondents had the highest total score for ghee users and
Pakistan had the lowest score. By contrast, Mongolian respondents had the highest
total score for non-ghee users and Pakistan had the lowest score (Table 2).
Table 2. Comparison of mental health scores of SF-36

in countries (question number 24, 25, 26, 28, 30 of SF-36).
MH-scores Ghee users Non-ghee users
India 15.99 ± 5.14 14.95 ± 4.88
Kyrgyzstan 15.15 ± 4.58 15.13 ± 4.62
Mongolia 15.73 ± 3.77 15.78 ± 3.69
Pakistan 12.67 ± 4.37 12.63 ± 4.36
Total 14.94 ± 4.68 14.96 ± 4.71

Figure 4. Project countries mental health score
Results of the mental health scores (MH)

and comparison of ghee consumption frequency
The scores of the mental health (MH) scales of the Quality of life questionnaire
were compared by frequency of ghee consumption by people from the four project
countries. India was shown to have the highest number of scores, with ghee
consumed every day, once a week and once a month, followed by Mongolia with
once a week. It shows that daily, once a week, once a month or occasional use of
ghee has a positive effect on mental health (Table 3).
Concepts of body constitution of traditional Mongolian medicine

The concept of ‘body constitution’ occupies a major place in the theory and practice
of Ayurveda, Tibetan and Mongolian medicine. Not only is the theory of body
constitution already clearly defined in traditional Mongolian medicine, but it is
also uniquely considered to be at the core of the practice of traditional medicine.
The three single humours in traditional Mongolian medicine are differentiated as

follows: wind constitution (vita in Ayurveda, rlung in Tibetan), bile constitution (pitta
in Ayurveda, tripa in Tibetan) and phlegm constitution (kapha in Ayurveda, badgen
in Tibetan), followed by four mixed constitutions (wind-bile, phlegm-wind, phlegm-
bile, wind-bile-phlegm constitution). The constitution implies a variation of general
and specific weaknesses in both psychological and physical aspects of the body.
Through this research, we have detailed the general appearance, the facial and hair
quality, and the digestive, mental and physical qualities of 875 people from four
countries, comparing them to each other to determine the body constitution that
is most dominant (Table 4).

Table 3. Comparison of ghee consumption frequency vs mental health scores in ghee users
MH-scores Everyday Once a week Once a month Occasionally

India 15.98 ± 5.11 15.96 ± 5.11 15.95 ± 5.11 14.91 ± 4.63
Kyrgyzstan 15.16 ± 4.59 15.11 ± 4.62 15.45 ± 4.59 15.15 ± 4.58
Mongolia 15.72 ± 3.77 15.75 ± 3.77 15.72 ± 3.70 15.70 ± 3.68
Pakistan 12.61 ± 4.34 12.65 ± 4.42 12.61 ± 4.49 12.62 ± 4.36
Total 14.95 ± 4.69 14.96 ± 4.69 14.97 ± 4.69 14.94 ± 4.69
Comparison of three single body constitutions in countries

A study comparing the concept of body constitution in traditional Mongolian
medicine in four countries was carried out on 875 relatively healthy people between
the ages of 18 to 60 years, of which 202 respondents were from Pakistan, 252 from
India, 212 from Kyrgyzstan and 209 from Mongolia.
Table 4. Comparison of three single body constitutions (three doshas) in countries by

percentage
Three India Kyrgyzstan Mongolia Pakistan Total

single (n=252) (n=212) (n=209) (n=202) (n=875)
humours
1 Wind 70 (27.78%) 28 (13.21%) 71 (33.97%) 31 (15.35%) 200

(22.86%)
2 Bile 150 (59.52%) 140 119 (56.94%) 152 561 (64.11%)
(66.04%) (75.25%)
3 Phlegm 32 (12.70%) 44 (20.75%) 19 (9.09%) 19 (9.41%) 114 (13.03%)
In the three single body constitutions (three doshas), 23% of the 875 respondents
from the four countries had wind humour, 64% had bile humour, and 13% had phlegm
humour. Considering the three single body constitution in the above calculation,
in general, when determining the number and percentage in each country, it can
be seen that there are relatively more people with wind humour in Mongolia, bile
humour in Pakistan and phlegm humour in Kyrgyzstan. In traditional Mongolian
medicine, a combination of wind and bile means ‘burning’, and the combination of
wind and phlegm means ‘freezing’. The study examined the relationship between the
types of humours in traditional medicine and the key indices of power, balance and
speed of higher nervous activity. For example, people of wind humour possess good
power, speed and balance in a higher nervous activity, whereas people with bile
humour have good power and speed in higher nervous activity but poor balance.
Those with phlegm humour have good power and balance in the higher nervous

activity but lower speed. According to the body constitution survey results, it is
possible to prevent non-infectious diseases by becoming aware of our disposition
to illness, which may occur with respect to our humour and by moderating the
consumption of ghee for food and beverages, thereby affecting our actions, words
and mental load.
Comparison of the three-single body constitutions

and ghee consumption in countries
Out of the three single body constitution (three doshas) of the four different
countries, ghee is used relatively more in foods and in other ways by Mongolians
with wind humour (29.19%), Pakistanis with bile humour (66.34%), Kyrgyz with phlegm
humour (16.51%) (Table 5).
PHYSICO-CHEMICAL PROPERTIES
The mean value of a mass fraction of fat was 98.89±0.44% (SE=0.13), the highest
in Kyrgyz cow ghee-1 (KGC1) and Pakistani cow ghee (PKC), and the lowest in
Mongolian camel ghee (MNCa) (p>0.05). Conversely, the mean value of iodine was
133.23±0.6 gl/100g (SE=0.32), the highest in Mongolian camel ghee (MNCa) and
the lowest in Mongolian cow ghee preserved for 10 years (MN10C) (p>0.05). This
may be because the longer the ghee is stored, the lower the iodine content. The
mean value of the content of β-carotenoid was 133.23±0.06 mg/100g (SE=0.01), with
Mongolian yak ghee preserved for 4 years (MN4Y) and Kyrgyz cow ghee-1 (KGC1)
the highest, whereas Mongolian yak ghee (MNY) was the lowest (p>0.05). The mean
value of antioxidant content was 0.036±0.004 mg/100g (SE=0.004), which is highest
in Ukrainian cow ghee (UAC) and lowest in Mongolian ghee preserved for 4 years
MN4Y (p>0.05).
UAC, Ukrainian cow ghee; TRC, Turkish cow ghee; KZC, Kazakh cow ghee; KZG, Kazakh
goat ghee; KGC1, Kyrgyz cow ghee-1; KGC2, Kyrgyz cow ghee-2; MNY, Mongolian yak
ghee; MN4Y, Mongolian yak ghee of 4 years; MN10C, Mongolian cow ghee of 10 years;
MNCa, Mongolian camel ghee; PKB, Pakistani buffalo ghee; PKC, Pakistani cow ghee.
Table 5. Comparison of three single body constitutions in ghee users (percentage)
Three India Kyrgyzstan Mongolia Pakistan Total

single (n=252) (n=212) (n=209) (n=202) (n=875)
humours
1 Wind 68 (26.98%) 21 (9.91%) 61 (29.19%) 28 (13.86%) 178 (20.34%)
2 Bile 137 (54.36%) 107 (50.47%) 98 (49.89%) 134 (66.34%) 476 (54.40%)
3 Phlegm 30 (11.90%) 35 (16.51%) 15 (7.18%) 17 (8.42%) 97 (11.09%)

Fatty acid composition
The fatty acid composition of 12 ghee samples is shown in tables 7 and 8. The total
saturated fatty acid (SFA) of the ghee fat ranged from 99.75% to 100%. According
to GOST 30418-96 standards, all saturated fatty acids were calculated as 100%,
thus the highest saturated fatty acid was caproic acid (C6:0). Sample MNCa was
Table 6. Ghee samples basic physico-chemical properties
Content of Antioxidant
Product Mass fraction Iodine
β-carotenoid content
code of fat (%) value (gl/100g)
(mg/100g) (mg/100g)
UAC 99.3±0.02 132.21±3.9 0.38±0.02 0.063±0.0005
TRC 99.0±0.03 130.14±3.9 0.45±0.05 0.049±0.0004
KZC 98.9±0.05 131.32±3.9 0.39±0.04 0.033±0.0004
KZG 99.1±0.02 127.25±3.8 0.34±0.01 0.030±0.0003
KGC1 99.4±0.03 140.11±4.2 0.46±0.05 0.041±0.0004
KGC2 98.6±0.01 125.35±3.7 0.40±0.04 0.039±0.0003
MNY 99.2±0.02 120.11±3.6 0.32±0.01 0.032±0.0003
MN4Y 98.7±0.05 140.18±4.2 0.46±0.05 0.020±0.0003
MN10C 98.3±0.04 125.32±38 0.42±0.04 0.049±0.0003
MNCa 98.0±0.04 145.19±4.2 0.35±0.02 0.021±0.0004
PKB 98.8±0.05 143.45±4.3 0.40±0.03 0.023±0.0003
PKC 99.4±0.03 138.15±4.1 0.33±0.02 0.031±0.0005
All the values are represented in mean ± SD (n=12).
characterized by a low SFA content (99.75%) compared to the other 11 samples. One
of the most characteristic fatty acids of ghee fat is butyric acid (C4:0). In analysed
samples, its content ranged from 2.014% to 3.542%. Tietz and Hartel compared the
composition of anhydrous milk fat in winter and summer and found that one of the
biggest differences was the butyric fatty acid content.
Regarding minerals, the mean value of calcium (the largest of the macro-elements)
was 5.5±0.4%, which was detected in all samples, showing the significant regional
variations (p<0.05), highest content of 7.8% in Mongolian yak ghee preserved for
4 years (MN4Y) (1,859 m above sea level), 6.8% in Pakistani cow ghee PKC (900 m
above sea level), 6.2% in Kyrgyz cow ghee-1 (KGC1) (800 m above sea level), with
the level of calcium decreasing with the geographical location at sea level (p<0.05).
The mean value of the potassium was 5.0±0.3%, with the highest content in Pakistani
cow ghee (PKC) and the lowest in Ukrainian cow ghee (UAC) (p<0.05). Phosphorus, an
essential mineral of the human body, showed significant regional variation (p<0.05),
whose mean value was 23.63±1.036%, especially highest in Pakistani cow ghee (PKC)

Table 7. The saturated fatty acids composition (%) of ghee
Saturated fatty acid (%) (SFA)

Ca- Unde- Penta- Hepta- Tricosa-
Product Butyric Caproic Capric Lauric Tridecanoic Myristic Palmitic Stearic Arachidic
prylic canoic decanoic decanoic noic ∑
code (C4:0) (C6:0) (C10:0) (C12:0) (C13:0) (C14:0) (C16:0) (C18:0) (C20:0)
(C8:0) (C11:0) (C15:0) (C17:0) (23:0)
UAC 2.251 97.437 0.023 nd 0.006 0.012 nd 0.006 0.003 0.008 nd nd nd nd 99.746
TRC 2.357 97.608 nd nd nd nd nd 0.018 0.003 0.009 0.002 nd nd nd 99.997
KZC 3.542 97.565 nd nd nd nd nd nd nd 0.130 nd nd 0.014 0.028 101.278
KZG 2.361 97.568 nd 0.001 0.001 0.001 nd nd 0.002 0.009 nd nd nd nd 99.943
KGC1 2.276 98.217 nd nd 0.000 0.001 nd nd 0.002 0.008 nd nd nd nd 100.505
KGC2 2.225 97.972 0.013 0.005 0.003 0.007 0.004 nd nd nd nd nd nd nd 100.229
MNY 2.419 97.498 0.011 0.003 0.005 nd nd 0.019 0.015 0.024 0.005 nd nd nd 100.000
MN4Y 2.398 97.560 0.015 0.006 0.003 0.008 nd nd 0.0029 nd 0.002 nd nd nd 99.995
MN10C 2.368 97.603 0.012 0.004 0.002 0.004 0.003 nd 0.005 nd - nd nd nd 100.002
MNCa 2.337 97.296 nd 0.003 0.001 nd nd 0.013 0.022 0.036 0.028 0.003 nd nd 99.767
PKB 2.014 97.827 0.002 0.001 0.001 nd nd nd 0.007 nd nd nd 0.153 nd 100.004
PKC 2.105 97.878 0.002 0.001 nd nd nd nd nd nd nd nd nd nd 99.986
In terms of saturated fatty acids, butyric (C4:0) and caproic (C6:0) were detected in all 12 samples. The mean value of butyric acid (C4:0) was 2.388+0.383%, and caproic acid (C6:0) was
97.669+0.257%. Of these, nine types of saturated fatty acids were mostly detected in Mongolian yak ghee (MNY) and Mongolian camel ghee (MNCa). Eight types of saturated fatty acids

were detected in Mongolian yak ghee preserved for 4 years (MN4Y) and Mongolian cow ghee preserved for 10 years (MN10C) and Turkey cow ghee (TRC).
177
Table 8. The monounsaturated fatty acids composition (%) of ghee
Monounsaturated fatty acid (%) (MUFA)
Tetradecenoic Pentadecenoica Palmitoleic Oleic acid Nervonic

Product
acid acid acid (C18:1, 9 acid ∑
code
(C14:1, cis 7) (C15:1, cis 10) (C16:1, cis 9) cis) (C24:1)
UAC nd nd nd nd nd nd
TRC nd nd nd 0.002 nd 0.002
KZC nd nd nd nd 0.013 0.013
KZG nd nd nd nd 0.032 0.032
KGC1 nd nd nd nd 0.003 0.003
KGC2 nd nd nd nd nd nd
MNY nd nd nd 0.003 nd 0.003
MN4Y nd nd nd - nd nd
MN10C nd nd nd - nd nd
MNCa 0.003 0.016 nd 0.086 nd 0.106
PKB nd nd nd nd nd nd
PKC nd nd 0.003 nd nd nd
Monounsaturated fatty acids were found at different concentrations in 12 samples, and 3 types of MUFAs were
mostly detected in Mongolian camel ghee (MNCa). Of these, oleic acid (C18:1, 9 cis) was detected in Turkey cow
ghee (TRC) and Mongolian yak ghee (MNY). Nervonic acid (C24:1) was detected in Kazakhstan cow ghee (KZC),
Kazakhstan goat ghee (KZG) and Kyrgyzstan cow ghee-1 (KGC1), which may be a feature of the region.
(32.02%) and Pakistani buffalo ghee (PKB) (28.01%). The concentration of magnesium
rose as the altitude level increased, or mainly due to the various plants at the different
altitude level, eventually leading to the variation of minerals.
The mean content value of vitamin A was 0.606±0.029 mg/100g, with the highest
content of vitamin A recorded as 0.718 mg/100g in Mongolian yak ghee, with the
lowest at 0.409 mg/100g in Kazakh goat ghee (p<0.05). In addition, the mean content
value of vitamin E was 1.65±0.058 mg/100 g, with the highest vitamin E content
recorded at 2.01 mg/100g in Mongolian yak ghee, and the lowest at 1.31mg/100g in
Pakistani buffalo ghee (p<0.05).
Fatty acid profile

In this study, a total of 43 traits were analysed and investigated, including: 23 individual
fatty acids (FAs), 8 long-chain fatty acids (LCFA); 5 medium-chain fatty acids, (MCFA);
and 1 short-chain fatty acid, (SCFA), 14 saturated fatty acids (SFA), 5 monounsaturated

Table 9. Vitamins and minerals
Product Calcium Potassium Phosphorus Vitamin A Vitamin E

code (%) (%) (%) (mg/100g) (mg/100g)
UAC 3.8±0.01* 4.87±0.04* 20.05±0.02* 0.541±0.006 1.97±0.01
TRC 5.6±0.04* 2.99±0.01* 20.12±0.02* 0.581±0.005 1.63±0.02
KZC 5.2±0.03* 4.63±0.02* 22.09±0.04* 0.512±0.007 1.72±0.02
KZG 5.5±0.04* 4.81±0.01* 21.17±0.02* 0.409±0.005 1.52±0.03
KGC1 6.2±0.05* 5.19±0.04* 20.22±0.03* 0.643±0.006 1.48±0.04
KGC2 5.8±0.03* 5.22±0.05* 23.37±0.04* 0.685±0.007 1.62±0.03
MNY 4.2±0.02* 3.91±0.02* 23.01±0.03* 0.718±0.0009 2.01±0.01
MN4Y 7.4±0.05* 5.12±0.04* 24.33±0.03* 0.615±0.007 1.81±0.03
MN10C 3.5±0.01* 5.18±0.05* 23.16±0.04* 0.481±0.005 1.65±0.01
MNCa 6.1±0.05* 6.05±0.03* 26.05±0.04* 0.712±0.008 1.57±0.02
PKB 5.6±0.04* 6.17±0.04* 28.01±0.005* 0.671±0.005 1.31±0.04
PKC 6.8±0.05* 6.28±0.05* 32.02±0.05* 0.701±0.006 1.51±0.01
All the values are represented as mean ± SD (n=12). *Mean values in a row are significantly different (p <
0.05). UAC, Ukrainian cow ghee; TRC, Turkish cow ghee; KZC, Kazakh cow ghee; KZG, Kazakh goat ghee; KGC1,
Kyrgyz cow ghee-1; KGC2, Kyrgyz cow ghee-2; MNY, Mongolian yak ghee; MN4Y, Mongolian yak ghee of 4
years; MN10C, Mongolian cow ghee of 10 years; MNCa, Mongolian camel ghee; PKB, Pakistani buffalo ghee;
PKC, Pakistani cow ghee.
fatty acids (MUFA), 4 polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFA), 11 groups of FAs (SCFA,
MCFA, LCFA, VLCFA, SFA, MUFA, PUFA, total UFA, n-6 FAs, n-7 FAs and n-9 FAs), and
14 FA indices.
Figure 5 shows the differences in fatty acid methyl esters (FAME) between samples
of Mongolian yak ghee, Mongolian yak ghee preserved for four years, and Mongolian
cow ghee preserved for ten years. It shows that three Mongolian samples contain
the same amount of short, medium and long-chain fatty acids, such as butyric acid
(C4:0), caproic acid (C6:0), caprylic acid (C8:0), capric acid (C10:0), undecanoic acid
(C11:0) and pentadecanoic acid (C15:0). Of these, myristic acid (C14:0), palmitic acid
(C16:0), oleic acid (C18:1, 9 cis) and linoleic acid (C18:2, 9,12 cis) are relatively more
present in Mongolian yak ghee (MNY). Moreover, linolenic acid (C18:3) and tridecanoic
acid (C13:0) were detected in Mongolian yak ghee preserved for 4 years (MN4Y).

Lauric acid (C12:0) was equally detected in MN4Y and MN10C. Heptadecanoic acid
(C17:0) was also detected in MNY and MN4Y. Caproic acid (C6:0) and undecanoic acid
(C11:0) were statistically less present than p value (p<0.05).
Figure 6 shows the differences in fatty acid methyl esters (FAME) between Mongolian
yak ghee (MNY), Mongolian yak ghee preserved for 4 years (MN4Y), Indian buffalo
ghee (INB)and Pakistani buffalo ghee samples (PKB). Six FAs were equally detected
in MNY, MN4Y, INB (Indian buffalo milk ghee purchased from the market) and PKB,
although this number amounts to 11 FAs in the case of INB, comprising the highest
number of SFA (saturated fatty acid) followed by MUFA (monosaturated fatty acid)
and PUFA (polyunsaturated fatty acid). Moreover, it was shown that MNY and INB
have a similar content of long-chain fatty acids (LCFA), MUFA and PUFA compared
to the other two samples (MN4Y and PKB).
PREVALENCE OF MENTAL HEALTH DISEASE

IN SOME SILK ROAD COUNTRIES
Pakistan, Mongolia and Kazakhstan were included in the latest edition of the WHO
The Mental Health Atlas 2020, a source of information compiled every three years
on mental health policies, laws, financing, human resources, service access and
utilization, and data collection systems.
Figure 5. Venn diagram showing the differences in fatty acids of Mongolian ghee

Figure 6. Venn diagram showing the differences in fatty acids of yak and buffalo ghee
GHEE PRODUCTION TECHNIQUES IN INDIA,

KYRGYZSTAN, MONGOLIA AND PAKISTAN
Ghee production technologies in the research countries could be summarized in four steps.
Figure 7. Ghee production steps

The prevalence of mental health disorders in the four project countries (Figure 8) is
40–91% lower than the world average. According to Mental Health Atlas 2020 there is
a lack of financial and human resources in general healthcare and mental healthcare,
in particular, in the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia
and Pakistan. Statistics from the report show that the number of government and
non-government psychiatrists was below the average of a high-income country
(16.6 per 100,000), with Mongolia at 3.1, Kazakhstan at 4.33, India at 0.75 and Pakistan
at 0.14 per 100,000 inhabitants.
RESULTS
As part of the UNESCO Silks Road Youth Research Grant, we conducted international
research for the first time during the pandemic, and we were able to overcome
the obstacles with great effort and positive solutions. We collected 14 different
ghee samples from seven different countries and conducted a comparative study
of the physico-chemical analysis of the different types, countries and storage
Figure 8. Prevalence of mental health disorders in the four project countries
period of the samples. We surveyed 875 people on the use of ghee in four Silk
Road countries (Kyrgyzstan, India, Mongolia and Pakistan), documenting ghee
production technologies and their chemical characteristics, and compared the
link to the country’s degree of mental health illness. Based on this research, we
derived the following conclusions:
1. Ghee use was relatively high in the project countries, reaching 86% of
875 respondents to the survey. It was interesting to note that people in India
and Pakistan use ghee mostly in cooking, whereas in Kyrgyzstan it is consumed

with bread and pastries, and Mongolians usually add it to beverages or use ghee
for traditional treatments. In terms of medical uses, Pakistanis use ghee during
pregnancy or postpartum, and Mongolians use it for post-surgery rehabilitation
in combination with other medicinal herbs in traditional medicine treatment.
2. The ghee-producing technology in the four project countries was similar.
3. The mean value of a mass fraction of fat in ghee was reported at 98.89±0.44%.
Among saturated fatty acids, butyric (C4:0) and caproic (C6:0) were detected
in all 12 samples; the mean value of butyric acid concentration (C4:0) was
2.389+0.383%, with caproic acid (C6:0) at 97.7+0.3%.
4. Regarding minerals, the calcium content was at 5.5±0.4%, which was detected
in all the samples, showing significant regional variations. The mean value of
potassium content was 5.0±0.3%. The mean value of iodine was 133±0.6 gl/100g
(SE=0.32). The mean value of β-carotenoid content was 133±0.1 mg/100g (SE=0.01),
the mean value of vitamin A content was 0.606±0.029mg/100g, the mean value
of vitamin E content was 1.65±0.1 mg/100g, and the mean value of antioxidant
content was 0.036±0.004 mg/100g.
5. Mental health illness in the four project countries was lower than in the top
countries listed in the WHO Mental Health Atlas 2020. Short- and medium-chain
fatty acids contained in ghee might be the beneficial in reducing mental illness
through microbiota-gut-brain crosslinks, but further research is needed.
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TEXTILES
AND
CLOTHING
Li Jinfang
Guided by Feng Zhao
Li Jinfang is a researcher and project coordinator in the department of

International Collaboration at the China National Silk Museum (Hangzhou,
Zhejiang province). Her research focuses on the textiles of Silk Roads and
French textiles. She has participated in the “World Map of Silk” project by
collecting 500 pieces of French textiles and working on the “The Art of Chinese
Silks Series” project by studying Chinese textiles in French collections. Since
joining the museum in 2019, she has coordinated the exhibitions “From Silk
to Silk Road” (2021, Bruges, Belgium), “Silk and Silk Roads: From Hangzhou
to Samarkand” (2022, Samarkand, Uzbekistan) and “Silk and Silk Roads: From
Hangzhou to Paterson” (2022, Online). She is also secretary of the International
Association for the Study of Silk Road Textiles (IASSRT) and a member of the
International Centre for the Study of Ancient Textiles (CIETA).

9 The Silk Tapestry
Weave (kesi)
Technique and
Exchange Between
China and Countries
along the Silk Roads
TEXTILES AND CLOTHING 191

ABSTRACT
Tapestry is a weft-faced woven patterning technique characterized by
discontinuous polychrome wefts that are joined using slits, interlocks, dovetail
or other methods. The technique is widely practised and had spread among
numerous cultures in the East and the West along the Silk Roads. It was used
to make diverse items from the highly refined decorative silk fabrics in China,
utilitarian kilim rugs made of wool in the Middle East, and wool wall hangings
in Europe, among many other items. In China, the tapestry technique was
adopted, adapted and refined using silk threads for both warps and wefts,
which came to be known as silk tapestry (kesi), with ke meaning ‘engrave’ and
si meaning ‘silk’. Later, kesi was transmitted back to the West as prized trade
textiles cherished by merchants, missionaries, consumers and others.
This essay discusses the tapestry technique from four perspectives: i) the
multi-centre origins of tapestry weaving; ii) the wide transmission of wool
tapestry along the Silk Roads across the Eurasian steppe regions; iii) the
origin and evolution of silk tapestry weaving; and iv) the transformation of
silk tapestry from functional items to arts, based on archaeological tapestry
findings from the Bronze Age, the Scythian period, the Hellenistic period,
the Roman Empire period and the Medieval Period in Eurasia and Egypt.
The transmission and evolution of tapestry techniques along the Silk Roads
highlight the significance of these trading routes as the mediation of cultural
exchanges and influences among Eastern and Western civilizations.

INTRODUCTION: DEFINITION,
CLASSIFICATION AND TERMINOLOGY
The tapestry technique (kezhi, with
zhi meaning ‘weave’) is characterized
by continuous warp threads and
discontinuous weft threads. When
two discontinuous wefts ‘meet’ they
can be organized in various ways; the
most basic way is to have the two wefts
turn around without sharing a warp,
thus creating a slit or gap in the warp
direction, which is how the Chinese ke
(meaning ‘engrave’) came about (Piao,
2009). Having too many slits, however,
will make the fabric fragile. At certain
intervals, the weaver would therefore
need to wind the coloured wefts around Figure 1. Kesi loom.
a warp from the adjacent colour section L. 110 cm, W. 120 cm, H. 160 cm.
in order to prevent a big gap. This is © China National Silk Museum,
known as ‘slit joins’. Hangzhou, No. G0078.
This essay uses the interchangeable terms ‘silk tapestry’ and kesi to refer to the
same concept. In this case, silk tapestry means the tapestry technique using silk
as the warp and weft threads, and the textiles woven in this method. Silk tapestry
is so unique in the ‘world textile’ category that it has been transliterated as kesi or
kosso to refer to the kind of technique and textiles in the English glossary (Burnham,
1980). In Turkish, the technique that joins warps and cut wefts, together with its
products, is specifically described as kilim (kelim). Japan adopted the kesi technique
from China and named it tsuzure.
TRANSMISSION TIMELINE: TRANSFORMATION

FROM WOOL TAPESTRY TO SILK TAPESTRY
The transmission process of tapestry technique across the Silk Roads can be
visualized by analysing 47 archaeological sites found with tapestries covering the
Bronze Age to the ninth century CE in Eurasia and Egypt. These dated sites offer a
glimpse of the origin of the wool tapestry technique and its later transformation
into silk tapestry.

Figure 2. Excavation sites of tapestries from the Bronze Age to the ninth century CE in Eurasia
and Egypt (all the names and numbers are listed in the Appendix).
Drawing by Jinfang Li, from the base map taken from the UNESCO website:
https://en.unesco.org/silkroad/about-silk-roads
Figure 3. Excavation sites of tapestries from the Bronze Age

to the ninth century CE in Northwest China.
© Drawing by Jinfang Li
MULTI-CENTRE ORIGINS OF THE TAPESTRY

TECHNIQUE (AROUND 2000–1000 BCE)
Archaeological evidence and written sources indicate that tapestry-woven textiles
were already extant during the Bronze Age in a wide range of regions, including
West Asia, Egypt and China’s Xinjiang region, and even in the Andean region in South
America (Smith, 2013). Given the simplicity of the weaving technique, and unlikely
exchanges between those regions at the time, one can assume that tapestry was
created and developed independently in different parts of the world.

Syria
Cuneiform texts found in Mesopotamia, dated to the nineteenth to thirteenth
centuries BCE, mention mardatum, a multicoloured fabric woven by weavers,
sometimes with figural motifs. It is assumed to be tapestry woven. Cuneiform
records mention areas where the centres of mardatum production had yielded
weft beaters, which are important tools in tapestry and carpet weaving. The earliest
physical evidence of tapestry in this region are some plain weave slit tapestry
fragments unearthed from a Bronze Age royal tomb within the Qatna complex (circa
1650–1550 BCE) (James et al., 2009).
Egypt
Owing to the dry climate of Egypt and the
ingenious preservation techniques used in the
pharaohs’ tombs, a great number of ancient
Egyptian textiles survived the passage of time,
among which four linen tapestry scraps from
the tomb of Tuthmosis IV (circa 1411–1391 BCE),
the eighth Pharaoh of the Eighteenth Dynasty
(Collection of the Egyptian Museum in Cairo,
numbers 46526, -7, -8, -9). These fragments
are finely woven with around 60 warps per
inch (2.54 cm). It is generally believed that
Egypt’s conquest brought Syrian weavers to
its territory as captives who then introduced
the technique to local weavers. In Egypt, the
technique was adapted from wool to linen, the
local material. The later tomb of the Pharaoh Figure 4. Linen tapestry fragment from
the tomb of Tuthmosis IV, Egypt, circa
Tutankhamun (circa 1341–1323 BCE) also 1411–1391 BCE. L. 20 cm, W. 8.5 cm.
yielded tapestry-woven textiles, including Dovetailed tapestry, woven hieroglyphs
a complete robe ornamented with tapestry. of Tuthmosis III, the grandfather of
Tuthmosis IV. It is now at the Egyptian
By this time, the technique had become well Textile Museum, Inv. TM80 (old number
developed in Egypt, as evidenced in the 46527, Collection of the Egyptian
impressive quantity and variety of the designs Museum in Cairo).
(Crowfoot and Davies, 1941, p.113). © Dr. Ahmed al-Namer
China
In the Eastern Hemisphere, wool tapestry textiles were unearthed from the Xiaohe
cemetery in the Lop Nur Region in Xinjiang, China. The cemetery is a Bronze Age site,
with its cultural layers dating from 2000 to 1450 BCE. There were at least 12 wool
plain weave tapestry textiles found, mainly consisting of cloaks and loincloths.
Many of the textiles are patterned with red or orange striped wefts. The cloaks
differ in size, as if each one was individually custom made (Abdurusul et al., 2004).

One example is a woollen cloak
(Figure 5) in plain weave, tapestry-
woven with narrow stripes of
varying widths, which appears
to be woven starting from the
two sides toward the centre. The
tapestry-woven patterns on these
cloaks consist mainly of simple
geometric shapes, such as stripes,
triangles and steps. The simple
patterns and limited colour palette
(only red) and plain weave suggest
that tapestry technique in this Figure 5. Female mummy with her funerary
region, at this early date, was still objects, the stuffs discovered in tomb M13,
relatively underdeveloped (Xiaohe Xiaohe Cemetery. The cloak has red tapestry
bands. L. 233 cm, W. 138 cm. Collection of
Archaeology Team, 2005). Xinjiang Institute of
Archaeology, No. 03XHM13:7.
Source and © Huijuan Mai et al., 2016.
Comparison between early tapestry techniques

Even though the Xiaohe culture is closely related to the early Bronze Age cultures
in the west and north of the Eurasian Steppe, such as the clothing traditions,
dyeing and loom technique (Li and Kang, 2014, p.72), a comparison between the
tapestry-woven textiles that have been found to date in China and Egypt reveals
that people of the two regions designed and wove tapestries in different ways.
It is also important to note that the Xiaohe Cemetery was built earlier than the
sites in Egypt, based on absolute dating. It can therefore be inferred that the
linen/wool tapestry techniques of Egypt and the wool tapestry of Xiaohe are of
different origins.
THE SPREAD OF WOOL TAPESTRY TECHNIQUES

IN EURASIA DURING THE SCYTHIAN PERIOD
(ROUGHLY 900–300 BCE)
Many great quantities of wool tapestries from this period have been found in
ancient graves across Eurasia: from Xinjiang to the steppes of Russia and even
Ukraine (Zhao, 2016). These wool tapestry textiles are related in their motifs, which
often depict geometric shapes or animals. Furthermore, we can detect obvious
architectural similarities among the graves that contained these textiles. These
correlations point to the extensive exchange of early wool tapestry techniques
between cultures on the north and south of the Altai Mountains.

Arzhan and Pazyryk
The Arzhan barrow, located in the Republic of Tuva in southern Siberia, is an elite
burial complex of nomadic people dated to the end of the ninth or the beginning
of the eighth century BCE. Among the textiles excavated, there are four fragments
of tapestry from the Arzhan-1 central chamber burials, now housed in the State
Hermitage Museum in Saint Petersburg, where they have been analysed and studied
(Inv. No. 2878/163-1, -2, 2878/162-1, -2) (Pankova, 2020).
The Pazyryk kurgans, also located in southern Siberia, have yielded fifth-fourth
century BCE wool tapestry textiles with rich colours and patterns. These findings
include a shabrak (a saddlecloth) and a horse chest belt from the fifth barrow site
(Tsareva, 2015).
The two groups of fabrics mentioned above have motifs of leaves, animals and
human figures. In terms of weaving techniques, they include slit tapestry, interlock
tapestry and hook, a variant of dovetail. These findings demonstrate how tapestry-
woven textiles were widespread among the nomads in Eurasia. Moreover, the
nomads profoundly influenced the development of wool tapestry in Xinjiang in the
south of the Altai through the Steppe Route of the Silk Roads.
Zagunluk
On the south of the Altai Mountains, wool tapestry textiles have been unearthed
from sites in Zagunluk, Yanghai and Yuansha. Located in the south of the Taklamakan
Desert, the Zagunluk Cemetery has a total of five ancient cemeteries covering three
periods from the tenth century BCE to the sixth century CE. The unearthed blankets
and clothing, including robes, skirts and trousers, all show signs of wool tapestry
weaving and date from Western Zhou Dynasty-Western Han Dynasty (1111 BCE–8 CE).
In addition to basic geometric patterns, such as stripes and stepped designs, there
are patterns of squares, diamonds, meander variants, twists, octagrams, mountains,
water waves, grass blades, flowers, and animal-related designs (He, 1995; Mao, 2018).
The patterns also highlight the combination of techniques used, such as plain weave
and twill weave, with the twill weave, seemingly, to have been universally employed.
Other regions
In addition to the areas along the Altai Mountains, regions in other parts of West
Asia, including Israel, Turkey (Gordion) and Iraq (Ur), also yielded several wool
tapestry textiles (Gleba and Mannering, 2012). Although these regions were known
for their advanced weaving technology, their tapestry techniques look rather simple.

GRAECO-ROMAN STYLE WOOL TAPESTRY
TECHNIQUES ALONG THE SILK ROADS DURING
THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD AND THE ROMAN
EMPIRE PERIOD (ROUGHLY 400 BCE–500 CE)
The Eastern Expedition of Alexander the Great, followed by the establishment of
Greek kingdoms in the East, caused the widespread aesthetic of the Hellenistic
style. Later in the second century BCE, the official initiation of the Silk Roads
further diversified the wool tapestries in Eurasia. Hellenistic wool tapestry textiles
have been found in great quantities. A part of them were concentrated along the
Mediterranean, for instance, in Palmyra and in Dura-Europos, with the rest mostly
coming from Xinjiang, including Loulan, Niya and Shanpula sites. The epitome of
these textiles includes decorative shaded bands of tapestry-woven wool and fabrics
with Greek art-themed patterns that depict Greek story scenes or human figures.
Noin-Ula
In the third century BCE, Alexander the Great conquered Bactria, boosting exchanges
between ancient Greece and the cultures of Central and East Asia. Elite Xiongnu
tombs in Noin-Ula revealed a large number of silk and woollen textiles and items
dating from the first century CE, among which were two wool tapestry pieces found in
mound 22. One piece shows a composition consisting of a line of flowers surrounded
by a ‘rolling wave’ woven along the left edge, and bands of similar waves skirting
the opposite side. These pieces are fine examples of superior weaving culture of
the Eastern Mediterranean, with the ornamentation featuring the aesthetics of the
late Parthian to the early Kushan period, such as the Hellenistic style of Central and
West Asia (Polosmak and Karpova, 2016).
Dura-Europos
Dura-Europos was a Roman border
city built in 300 BCE, which fell to the
Sassanids in 256 CE. Excavations in this
ancient city have revealed more than 300
textiles, mainly woven in plain weave or in
wool tapestry technique. Their colours are
mainly dark purple, blue, red or yellow.
Decorative shaded bands of tapestry-

woven wool appear to be common at
Figure 6. Wool fragment, tapestry
the time. This technique is called colour weave, circa 200 CE, Dura-Europos,
gradation and is the result of twisting Syria. 9.6 x 7.4 cm. The Cleveland
threads of different colour together, Museum of Art. Gift of Yale University,
Gallery of Fine Arts. 1938.408.
which creates a shift of colours and
Public domain.

gradual change in hues between the threads. As a common style in the Syrian
region in the third century, this technique was introduced not only within the Roman
sphere (Karanis in Egypt and Palmyra in Syria) but also in Xinjiang (Zagunluk, Loulan,
Shanpula and Niya) through the southern branch of the Silk Roads in the second
and third centuries CE (Thomas, 2017).
Shanpula
Wool tapestry textiles excavated in Shanpula can be classified as simply tapestry,
inserted tapestry of weft bands, and tapestry with shaded colours. The first category
contains only one artefact: the wool tapestry pants with centaur-warrior motifs
(84M01:C162, collection of Xinjiang Academy of Cultural Heritage). It is considered
to be Chiron, the wise half-deity centaur in Greek mythology.
As many as 53 inserted wool tapestry of weft bands were unearthed. They were
often used as trimmings on skirts, and skirts with such hems (Yu, 2012). The patterns
are also varied, including polychrome hook patterns, connected tree patterns,
mountains, stag designs against a light-green background, uninterrupted stag-
head patterns, camel designs against a green background, and camel-stag patterns,
which all possess strong steppe attributes.
In addition, four red-ground wool tapestries with shaded colours have been found
at Shanpula. They feature stripes of motifs that continuously repeat in the vertical
direction. The most popular motifs are mainly plants and flowers. This colour
gradation method later became popular and was well disseminated along the Silk
Roads. Interestingly, similar pieces were made locally in these regions.
Loulan
Several wool tapestry textiles were also
excavated from Loulan. They are analogous
to those from the Shanpula tombs and can
also be classified into simply tapestry and
inserted tapestry of weft bands. There are
only a few examples that fall into the first
category. A well-known piece is the human-
figure wool tapestry (Figure 7) discovered
by Aurel Stein in the Gutai Cemetery. This
piece is believed to have been part of a wall
hanging, depicting what is probably the head
Figure 7. Hermes and caduceus,
of Hermes and his caduceus in a classical Loulan tapestry, third century
Greek style (Talbot, 2022). CE. Collection of the National
Museum, New Delhi, Inv.
L.C.iii.010.a.
Source: Rowland, 1975, Public Domain.

Egypt
The end of the third century to 639 CE in
Egypt was called the Coptic period and
was characterized by Christianity. The
famous Coptic tapestry art mirrors the
integration of the art of various cultures,
including that of Greece, Rome, Persia,
Syria, early Christianity, Byzantium, Islam,
and traditional Egyptian art, both in
style and pattern subjects. Coptic fabrics
employed plain weave and, specifically,
the tapestry technique, which was called
kepati after the Copts (Christians of
Egypt) (Hoskins, 2003). The kepati-woven
textiles were usually made of linen warps
and woollen wefts, but the wefts could Figure 8. Alexander the Great on
also be silk or gold metallic threads as horseback. Egypt, 700s. Dyed wool,
the technique evolved. undyed linen, plain weave and slit
tapestry weave. Overall: 30.5 x 24.8 cm.
The Cleveland Museum of Art. Gift of
the Textile Arts Club 1959.123.
Public domain.
Europe
Although silk had been introduced into the Roman Empire in the first century BCE,
wool was still the dominant fibre in Europe, and wool tapestry technique was still
widely used. Among the few extant early wool tapestry textiles is a fragment dated
to the late fourth century CE from a grave in Poprad-Matejovce, Slovakia. It bears
a palmette-like pattern and seems to be specially designed (Štolcová et al., 2017).
Tapestries with human figures were mentioned in European written records as
being part of church and monastery collections, but no examples have survived
from this early period.
THE ORIGIN AND TRANSMISSION OF SILK

TAPESTRY (KESI) (CIRCA 600–900 CE)
As previously mentioned, the art of kesi evolved from wool tapestry weaving
having emerged during a time of greater silk production and innovation in weaving
techniques. The earliest archaeological evidence of the use of silk in tapestry
weaving was found in Greece and dated to the fourth century. In addition to silk,
many gold threads were also used in that fragment and, therefore, it could also
be defined as gold tapestry (Tzanavari, 2012). Aside from this fragment, no other
tapestry fabric employing silk had been found in other areas in Greece. For this
reason, Greece can be dismissed as the place of origin of kesi.

Several fine Tang Dynasty kesi fabrics with multiple patterns and different widths
were excavated in northern and western China (Xinjiang, Qinghai and Gansu). These
high-quality pieces indicated mature production and dissemination in the Tang
Dynasty. Later, the Uyghurs, through their trade and migration to this area around
the mid-eighth century, learned and ultimately mastered (and helped spread) kesi
weaving techniques in interior China and areas along the Silk Roads. A Song Dynasty
writer, Hong Hao, wrote Songmo jiwen [Records of the pine forests in the plains],
in which Uyghur silk tapestries were mentioned as ‘剋絲’(Zhao, Zhou and Liu, 2018).
The Uyghur weavers were believed to have been active in and made significant
contributions to kesi production throughout the Song, Liao, Jin, Tangut Xia and
Yuan dynasties.
Astana Cemetery in Turpan, Xinjiang

A group of textiles, which comprises
three kesi bands and a needle
wrapper, was excavated from the
Astana Cemetery and considered
to be the earliest dated kesi known Figure 9. Kesi belt (9.5 x 1 cm) dates from
688 or 689, Tang Dynasty. TAM206, Astana
today. Tomb TAM206 contained Cemetery in Turpan, Xinjiang.
a buried couple: husband, Zhang © Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Museum.
Xiong, died in 633 and his wife in 688 Used with permission.
or 689. One of the significant burial
artefacts is a wooden female figurine wearing a half-sleeved vest and a kesi belt.
The design has a green background with polychrome four-petal floral geometric
patterns. The colours include red, orange, earthy yellow, navy, blue, brown and
white with shading effect (Figure 9). At present, this piece is the earliest kesi with
an accurate date.
Murongzhi’s Tomb in Tianzhu, Gansu
Figure 10. Embroidered shoes with a kesi band found in Murong Zhi’s tomb, Wuwei, Gansu
province. Tang Dynasty, second half of seventh century. L. 27 cm, W. 8.5 cm, H. 6 cm. Collection
of Gansu Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology.
Photo by Jinfang Li.

According to the epitaph of an early Tang Dynasty tomb in Tianzhu, Gansu, its
occupant was Murong Zhi, a member of the Tuyuhun royal family, titled Xiwang,
and buried in 691. Many kesi have been unearthed from this tomb and at least three
pieces have been studied with the results published.
The first piece is found on the inner soles of a pair of green shoes embroidered
with floral scroll motifs (Figure 10). The lining of the inner sole is composed of
one vertical and two horizontal kesi bands that are stitched together. The bands
show geometric motifs on a green background. Gold threads were also used on
these bands, and they can therefore be classified as gold tapestry. The use of
gold threads has also been found on kesi bands and ties from the Library Cave
at the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, Gansu, in China.
M1 Tomb of Reshui, Qinghai

The M1 Tomb of Reshui, Dulan
County, Qinghai province, was
probably dated to the end of the
seventh century and was considered
as the first grave of a royal member
of the Tuyuhun court after their Figure 11. Kesi band with a kalavinka (a
conquest by Tubo. fantastical immortal creature in Buddhism,
with a human head and a bird’s torso, with
This kesi, with floral and bird long flowing tail) on a blue background,
found in M1 tomb, Reshui, Dulan, Qinghai
patterns on a blue background, is
province. Tang Dynasty. L. 13.5 cm, W. 7.8 cm.
now preserved in the Dulan County Collection of Dulan County Museum.
Museum (Figure 11). Similar to the Photo by Jinfang Li.
former piece, it is bordered by
silks cut into coloured bands. Its loom width is about 3 cm, with designs of rich
diversities of floral and bird motifs woven onto the blue background, including
at least three types of motifs.
Greece
During the same period in the West, the flourishing trades and exchanges along
the Silk Roads and its feeder routes brought many kinds of textile products and
weaving techniques to relative regions influenced by the Silk Roads. Silks spread
across the globe, and silk tapestries were also brought into the West, including in
Greece, Israel and Egypt.
The first Greek application of silk on tapestry was found in a tomb in eastern
Thessaloniki (the late third and fourth centuries), from a marble sarcophagus in
which a female body was wrapped in purple textiles, of which six pieces still survive,
with two L-shaped pieces of textile and other rectangular pieces. This group of
archaeological textiles is now in the collection of the Archaeological Museum of
Thessaloniki. The fragments have two vertical stripes along the border, delineating

two horizontal parallel bands filled with curved and diamond-shaped leaves. It is
believed that this group of textiles does not necessarily depict Greek local products
and may have originated from Syria (Tzanavari, 2012).
Coptic Egypt, Early Islamized Egypt and the Middle East

Silks are rare finds among
Egyptian excavations, but they
can still be found in some Coptic
textiles unearthed at Antinoe.
For example, one piece of plain-
weave silk tapestry is woven by Figure 12. Tapestry in linen, silk, metal wrapped
linen warps and silk wefts, and thread, circa 1036–1094. Gold metal threads are
its warps are Z-twisted, whereas woven into undyed linen and embroidered with
red arabesques and a kufic inscription naming
most Coptic linen warps are the Fatimd caliph al-Mustansir billah. H. 10.2
S-twisted (No. 83.7-42, Collection cm, W. 25.4 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art.
of Henry Art Gallery of the Fletcher Fund, 1946. Accession Number: 46.156.1.
University of Washington). Public Domain
Egypt, as well as the land of the Byzantine Empire on the southeast side of the
Mediterranean Sea, were conquered by the Arab Empire from the Middle East in
642, thus replacing the ancient Egypt culture by Islamic civilization. At this time, the
quality of tapestry textiles began to decline, with the weavers trying to adapt their
styles to meet the demands of the conquerors. From this period, silks increased
in popularity in the Islamic world. Wools or silks were usually applied to white or
dark green linen clothing to which decorations of silk tapestry bands with metallic
threads were added in the Tulunid period (868–905).
THE TRANSFORMATION OF SILK TAPESTRY

FROM FUNCTIONAL TO ARTISTIC DEMANDS
(AFTER THE TENTH CENTURY)
Kesi had spread widely and were in general use in China around the tenth century.
They first served as clothing then decorative artworks. As mentioned earlier, kesi
weaving was transmitted mainly by the Uyghur people. The potential routes of
transmission in northern China could be from the Uyghurs to Tangut Xia and Khitan
(Liao), then to the Northern and Southern Song dynasties.
The Uyghurs’ kesi weaving (the tenth to eleventh centuries)

The Uyghurs had enjoyed a good reputation for their kesi weaving among their
neighbours. As recorded in Songmo jiwen, the Uyghurs were very skilled in
intertwining gold threads with gemstones to make earrings and loops to fasten
scarves and weaving gorgeous kesi robes with five-colour silk yarns. Compared
with the kesi bands woven during the Tang Dynasty, the Uyghurs were able to weave

tapestry to make entire costumes or accessories with a variety of floral patterns.
In the Kashgar region, three pieces of kesi robes were excavated and dated to the
Uyghur period, showing floral bands on a green background, and regarded as iconic
Uyghur kesi clothing.
The Tangut Xia (Western Xia) and Liao Dynasty

(the tenth to eleventh centuries)
The Tangut Xia was located in the
northern part of Gansu, Ningxia
and Shaanxi provinces and also
the western part of Inner Mongolia.
According to Songmo jiwen, some
Uyghurs migrated to Tangut Xia
after the late Tang Dynasty, bringing
tapestry weaving to the Tangut
territories. The Tangut Xia was
heavily influenced by Buddhism, and Figure 13. Pair of boots woven in silk
many items were therefore produced tapestry, Northern China, Liao Dynasty
(907–1125). Silk, tapestry weave and two
to support Buddhist rituals. Most
kinds of metal threads. Overall: 47.5 x 30.8
were Buddhist paintings, but there cm. The Cleveland Museum of Art. Purchase
were also some delicate kesi from the J. H. Wade Fund 1993.158.
thangkas in large sizes. Public Domain
The kesi technique became most developed during the Liao Dynasty. Among the
silk relics unearthed from the Liao Dynasty, kesi (mainly used for clothing and
furnishing) accounted for a comparatively large proportion. Many kesi appeared to
have been specifically ordered in a particular format, for example, as hats, boots
and purses. The quilt is another type of extant kesi from the Liao Dynasty.
The Northern and Southern Song dynasties

(the eleventh to twelfth century)
As recorded in Songmo jiwen, some Uyghurs also migrated and settled in the Shaanxi
area in the late Tang Dynasty. Zhuang Chuo in the Northern Song Dynasty wrote
in his Jilei bian [Chicken bib chronicles] that kesi was produced in Dingzhou, which
closely bordered Liao, suggesting that there were links between kesi production
in the Song Dynasty and in Liao.
The kesi example in figure 14 shows the classical style of the Northern Song Dynasty.
It shares many characteristics with the kesi of the Uyghurs in eastern Central Asia,
including the images of birds and deer and the eccentric weaving techniques.
With kesi weaving flourishing in the northern territories, it also became popular
in the Song Dynasty’s southern region where it developed a distinct artistry and
characteristics. We can observe two new directions of the Song kesi production.

Figure 14. Scroll cover with animals,
birds and flowers, Song Dynasty, China.
Silk tapestry. Overall: 36.2 x 31.8 cm.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Gift
of John M. Crawford Jr., 1983. Accession
Number: 1983.105.
Public Domain
First, it imitated calligraphic writings

and paintings, and second, kesi
replaced other polychrome silks as
mounting and framing fabrics.
The Mongol periods (the thirteenth to the fourteenth century)

With the establishment and expansion of the Mongol Empire in the early thirteenth
century, trades across Europe and Asia along the Silk Roads were extensively
revived. Although the Mongols were not directly involved in silk production, nor
sericulture, their elites had access to and wore costumes with precious textiles,
including nasīj, gold brocades and kesi. The finest kesi products during the Mongol
period, however, were the imperial court portraiture, which depict Mongolian
emperors and their spouses. Tapestry weavers during the Mongol era excelled in
the matching of multi-colour weft yarns.
The Ming and Qing dynasties

(the fifteenth to the
nineteenth century)
The application of kesi in clothing
declined to some extent in the Ming
and Qing periods, although greater
innovations were being made in
the field of fine arts. For example,
peacock-feather threads were
commonly used in kesi weaving
during the Ming Dynasty. In the Qing
Dynasty, kesi began to be creatively
used with painting and embroidery
to add greater detail to textiles. Figure 15 a-e. Girdle set with dragon,
Unlike before, kesi were mainly made clouds and waves. Qing Dynasty. Tapestry-
woven silk. A fan case, watch cover, flat
as rank badges or cloud shoulders envelope, watch case, and folding case
rather than woven as a large panel. (from left to right) comprise this girdle set
of accessories that hung from a man’s belt.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Gift of Alan
Priest, 1961. Accession Number: 61.228.2a–e.
Public Domain

Conversely, kesi increasingly became more artistic and stylized as a popular art
form, which was best reflected in pictorial kesi ‘paintings’. These were woven in
bright and vivid colours, depicting many folk themes. By the late Qing period,
however, the quality of these folk kesi paintings declined, whereas the kesi weaving
in imperial workshops continued to be as refined as it had been earlier, taking on a
form that perfectly bridged the arts of tapestry weaving, calligraphy and painting.
The European Chinoiserie tapestry wall-hangings

Wool tapestries had been woven
and used as wall hangings in
Western courts and churches in
France, Belgium and throughout
other European regions since the
Renaissance. Chinoiserie appeared
in Europe as an artistic and cultural
phenomenon, reaching its peak
in the eighteenth century. The
Chinoiserie phenomenon also
Figure 16. Family gathering on New Year’s influenced some aspects of wool
Morning, late 1760s, China, Qing Dynasty.
Tapestry weave of silk and wool. Overall:
tapestry production, such as the
257.8 x 377.8 cm. The Cleveland Museum of incorporation of silk materials and
Art. Bequest of John L. Severance 1942.825. the adoption of Chinese design
Public Domain themes and decorative elements.
European wall hangings were introduced into China by missionaries around

the eighteenth century. These European wool tapestries may have caused the
appearance of a mixture of wool and silk tapestry (kesimao) in the middle of the
Qing period, which was used in the Qing court. Like the European wall hangings,
kesimao use silks, wool and other materials as yarns, and the design was presented
horizontally to its warp direction. The horizontal landscape format shows a clear
imitation of the European style of painting.
Based on the mutual influences mentioned earlier, figure 17 shows the possible
early dispersal of tapestry along the Silk Roads.
Figure 17. Possible early dissemination map of tapestry along the Silk Roads.
© Drawing by Jinfang Li

CONCLUSION
As a woven patterning technique, tapestry was independently invented in various
centres in different parts of the world. From these multi-regional origins, the
technique spread along the Silk Roads to China where it evolved into a unique
silk tapestry tradition. Meanwhile, tapestry weaving techniques changed and
developed in other regions, prompted by the global spread of silks along the
Silk Roads. Indeed, tapestry weaving and its evolution in materials, techniques,
aesthetics and styles grew out of the connections and cultural exchanges
facilitated by the Silk Roads, which linked (and is still linking) the Eastern and
Western worlds.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to thank Feng Zhao (Honorary Director of China National Silk Museum) for
his full support and guidance, and for writing the part of early Chinese kesi in Tang
Dynasty. I thank Tianyi Yan for writing about wool tapestry in Xinjiang Province,
Mohamed Abdel-Salam for writing about silk tapestry in the Islamic world and
providing photos and information of early linen tapestries unearthed in Egypt,
Svetlana Pankova for information on tapestry in Pazyryk and Arzhan, Naama Sukenik
for information on tapestry in Israel, Wen Chen for teaching me the kesi weaving
technique and for letting me visit her kesi studio in Suzhou, Qiang Xu and Jiayun Hu
for the translation into English, and Sandra Sardjono for proofreading this paper.
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Web articles (Accessed 5 July 2023)

About Gordion: https://www.penn.museum/sites/gordion/about-us/gordion/
About Tapestry: https://www.britannica.com/art/tapestry

CIETA Vocabularies: https://cieta.fr/cieta-vocabulaire/
Phrygia, Gordion, and King Midas in the late eighth century BC: https://www.
metmuseum.org/toah/hd/phry/hd_phry.htm
Tapestries in Shosoin Repository: https://shosoin.kunaicho.go.jp/en-US/search-re
sult/?p=1&per=30&type=treasures&keyword=tapestry&operator=AND

APPENDIX
Excavation sites of tapestries from the Bronze Age to the ninth century CE in Eurasia
and Egypt
1 Thebes Tomb of Thutmose IV, Egypt
Tomb of Tutankhamen, Egypt
2 Antinoe Antinoe, Egypt
3 Karanis Karanis, Egypt
4-11 Israel Timna Timna Valley, Israel
‘En Rahel ‘En Rahel fort in the ‘Arava Valle, Israel
Cave of Horror Cave of Horror, Judean Desert, Israel
Cave of Letters Cave of Letters, Israel
Masada Masada castle, Israel
Wadi Wadi Murabba’at cave, Judean Desert, Israel

Murabba’at
Nessana Monks’ tombs at Nessana, Negev desert, Israel
Qasr el-Yahud Qasr el-Yahud cave, Israel
12 Qatna Royal tomb at Qatna, Syrian Arab Republic
13 Palmyra Site of Palmyra, Syrian Arab Republic
14 Dura Europos Site of Dura Europos, Syrian Arab Republic
15 Ur Female coffin from Ur in southern Iraq
16 Gordion Site of Gordion, Türkiye
17 Vergina Royal Tomb of Philip II at Vergina, Greece
18 Kerameilkos Kerameilkos, Greece
19 Thessaloniki East cemetery of Thessaloniki, Greece
20 Cologne Frankish boy’s grave in Cologne Cathedral,

Germany

21 St. Maximin Grave 35 from St. Maximin, Trier, Rheinland-
Pfalz, Germany
22 Poprad- Poprad-Matejovce grave, Slovakia

Matejovce
23 Taman Kurgan 6, Seven Brothers, Taman Peninsula

Peninsula
24 Kerch Kerch
25 Arzhan Arzhan mound in Tuva, Russian Federation
26 Pazyryk Pazyryk, Russian Federation
27 Noin-Ula Noin-Ula mound 22, Mongolia
28 Shanpula Shanpula tomb, Lop, Xinjiang Province, China
29 Yuansha Yuansha site, Keria, Xinjiang Province, China
30 Niya Niya site, Minfeng, Xinjiang Province, China
31 Zagunluk Zagunluk cemetery, Qiemo, Xinjiang Province,

China
33 Xiaohe Xiaohe cemetery, Charklik, Xinjiang Province,

China
34 Gutai Gutai cemetery, Loulan, Xinjiang Province,

China
35 Yingpan Yingpan cemetery, Yuli, Xinjiang Province, China
36 Yanghai Yanghai cemetery, Shanshan, Xinjiang Province,

China
37-39 TAM206
Astana
cemetery, 72TAM188
Turpan,
Xinjiang
TAM228
Province
40 Subeixi Subeixi, Shanshan, Xinjiang Province, China
41 Wupu Wupu, Hami, Xinjiang Province, China

42 Mogao Grottoes Library cave, Mogao Grottoes, Dunhuang,
Gansu Province, China
43 Maquanwan Maquanwan beacon tower site, Dunhuang,

Gansu Province, China
44 Dulan Xuewei No. 1 tomb, Reshui, Dulan, China
45 Wuwei Murong Zhi tomb, Wuwei, China
46-47 Nara, Japan
46 Taima-dera Taima-dera temple, Nara, Japan

temple
47 Shōsō-in The Shōsō-in Repository, Nara, Japan

Repository

Hashan Wijesinghe
Hashan Wijesinghe is a Lecturer attached to the Department of International

Studies, University of Kelaniya. He completed his BA (Hons) degree at
the University of Kelaniya and obtained a Master of Arts in International
Relations from the University of Colombo. He is reading for an LLB at the
Open University of Sri Lanka. Before joining the University, he worked as the
Analyst- Political and Economic Affairs at the Embassy of the Republic of
Indonesia-Colombo. He is a recipient of the Vice Chancellor’s Awards 2022.
His research interests include theories of international relations, Geopolitics,
sustainable development, and international political economy.

10 Searching for
Shared Heritage
in Batik Culture
for Enhanced
Co-operation in the
Twenty-first Century
(Comparative Study
of Indonesia
and Sri Lanka)

Cultural differences should not be a cause of conflict
but a source of co-operation

INTRODUCTION
Batik culture has a profound history that is linked to the Silk Roads even though
there is very little consensus over where and when batik was found. In fact, trying to
document the origins of batik is futile as batik could well have developed in several
places in the world at the same time (Tirta, 2009). Nevertheless, batik has always
been a popular practice in many of the countries along the Silk Roads.
Indonesia and Sri Lanka, two countries in the Indian Ocean region, share strong
political, economic and socio-cultural ties. Batik is found in both countries and
people have a great passion for batik. As demonstrated in the literature, Sri Lanka
adopted this culture from Indonesia (Dale and Patricia, 1967; Thilakasiri, 2018; Van
Geyzel, 2007). This study attempts to explore the similarities and differences in
batik designs, tools and techniques used in Sri Lanka and Indonesia, while also
examining new avenues of using batik to further enhance cooperation between
the two countries. Although culture and development are two concepts that were
infrequently used together in the past, today – and with the adoption in 2015 of
the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development – culture has become an integral
part of development. As stated in Article 16 of the Mexico City Declaration on
Cultural Policies, “Balanced development can only be ensured by making cultural
factors an integral part of the strategies designed to achieve it”. Furthermore,
in its Article 4, the Declaration notes that: “All cultures form part of the common
heritage of mankind. The cultural identity of a people is renewed and enriched
through contact with the traditions and values of others” (UNESCO, 1982).
This study calls for new avenues of cooperation in batik production between the
two countries. The qualitative research conducted was based on both primary
and secondary data. Face-to-face semi-structured interviews were conducted with
artisans and experts in the batik industry. A desk study was also carried out to
examine the history of the batik industry in Sri Lanka and Indonesia. Secondary
sources of data collection included journal articles, annual reports and various
Internet sources.
HISTORY OF THE BATIK INDUSTRY

IN INDONESIA AND SRI LANKA
The word ‘batik’ is thought to be derived from the word ambatik, which translates as
‘a cloth with little dots’ (Steelyana, 2012). While it is difficult to trace where and when
people first began to apply wax, vegetable paste, paraffin or even mud to cloth that
would then resist a dye, it was on the island of Java and nearby Madura that batik
emerged as one of the great art forms of Asia (Elliott, 2004). The term batick was
recorded for the first time in 1641 on a merchant ship’s bill of lading, which described
polychrome textiles shipped on a sailing vessel from Batavia (Jakarta) to Bengkulen
(Bengkulu) on Sumatra’s west coast (Gittinger, 1979). In the early eighteenth century

the word ‘batex’ was associated with fine locally produced white cotton that was
‘painted’ according to the local aesthetic. At that time, growing and weaving cotton
had become common practice in Java (Veldhuisen, 1993). In Indonesia, evidence of
early dye resist techniques exists throughout the archipelago. One type of early
dye resist was the kain simbut (blanket fabric in Sundanese, West Java), which uses
a rice-paste resist.65 With time, batik was used as an alternative to textiles, such as
ikats and handwoven cloth, which were difficult to obtain in sufficient quantity to
satisfy demand (Tirta, 2009).
Looking at the main designing tools and techniques used in Indonesia, a distinctive
feature of Indonesian batik is the use of a canting. Over the years, two kinds of
cantings have been developed, namely, the canting tulis66 and the canting cap. While
the canting tulis consists of a hollow vessel made of brass or copper, to which a
spout is attached that allows hot liquid wax to follow onto the cloth, the canting
cap is a block of intricately laced copper wires that transfers molten hot wax onto
the piece of cloth with one stamp (Tirta, 2009).
In Sri Lanka, despite the textile industry being one of the highly valued industries
in ancient Sri Lanka, the origin of batik is unknown67 (Dilhani, 2005). While there is
no documented evidence on when and where batik originated in the island nations,
it is widely believed that Sri Lanka adopted this art form from Indonesia during the
seventeenth century when both Indonesia and Sri Lanka (formerly Ceylon) were
under Dutch rule (Dale and Patricia, 1967; Thilakasiri, 2018; Van Geyzel, 2007). The
Dutch were involved in Indian Ocean politics during the early seventeenth century
and, by the middle of the century, the Dutch had authority over most parts of
both Indonesia and Ceylon. Batavia (present day Jakarta) became the capital of
the Dutch East India company (VOC) resulting in a significant rise in the movement
of Malays to Sri Lanka. During this period, a large contingent of Malays, especially
soldiers, arrived on the island. In addition, exiles from rebellious provinces,
Figure 1. The provenance of Malay immigrants during Dutch rule

Source: Nordhoff (2009).

convicts and slaves were also brought to Sri Lanka68. Most of the exiles lived in
the four main coastal cities on the islands, namely, Colombo, Galle, Trincomalee
and Jaffna (Nordhoff, 2009). It is also important to note that during the period of
the Dutch occupation, one of the most successful industries in Sri Lanka was the
red dye work from Jaffna and the islands (Van Geyzel, 2007). Furthermore, during
ancient times, artisans from both countries used natural sources of dye obtained
from fruits and roots. In Sri Lanka, they used the ‘aralu’ (Oroxylum indicum), a
flowering plant, for obtaining the colour black, indigo (Indigofera tinctoria) for
blue-green, the chay roots (Oldenlandia umbellata) for red, and jackfruit roots for
yellow (Van Geyzel, 2007). In Indonesia, the ancient artisans used indigo and the
bark of Pelthophorum ferrugineum for the colour green (Tirta, 2009).
In terms of batik design, both countries

tend to follow a similar approach.
Ho w e ver, t her e ar e sig ni f ic an t
differences in the tools used between
the two countries. In Sri Lanka, the tulis
tends to have a different form than the
one used in Indonesia (Figure 2).
One major difference between Indonesia
and Sri Lanka in the tools used in batik
design is the reluctance of Sri Lankan
artisans to use the canting cap. In Figure 2. Tulis used in Sri Lanka
Indonesia, the use of the canting cap is © Hashan Wijesinghe
not a new thing, whereas in Sri Lanka,
even today, no artisan is keen on using the cap for batik design. In the interviews
conducted with Sri Lankan artisans they explained that their customers still prefer
free-flowing batik designs to stamped designs.
Another distinctive feature of the Indonesian batik industry compared to Sri Lanka
is the diversity of batik designs. In Indonesia, different regions have their own
designs to express their regional identity. The following reasons have contributed
to the differences observed in batik design in the different parts of Indonesia.
THE PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE

The Javanese, who live inland in the area of Mataram Kingdom in Yogyakarta and
Surakarta and their environs, tend to be calm and do not openly express their true
feelings. This is reflected in the batik pattern, which mostly incorporates symbolism.
Conversely, in the pesisir (coastal area), people are more open and straightforward.
They easily adapt to foreign cultures. Batik design from this area usually depicts
objects as they exist. Foreign cultures came into contact with the people from the
region and were absorbed by the coastal communities into their designs, which
were executed with the local aesthetic.

TECHNIQUES OF BATIK MAKING
Indonesia and Sri Lanka both used similar techniques to produce batik (Box 1).
Box 1. Batik production techniques (comparison between Sri Lanka and Indonesia)
Sri Lanka Indonesia
Step 1 Drawing the design on the cloth
Step 2 Applying wax on the designs
Step 3 Dyeing process
Step 4 Placing the cloth into a tub containing boiling water
Step 5 Drying process
© Hashan Wijesinghe and Benny Gratha

Environment
The designs take most of their inspiration from the environment. For example,
batik designs from coastal areas frequently depict various marine flora and fauna.
Important objects or architecture were translated into batik motifs, mostly in
Cirebon court batik, such as the taman teratai (‘lotus garden’ in Malay), a design
that depicts the beauty of a royal garden.
LOCAL WISDOM
Folklore
Research for this study was conducted in three selected cities in Indonesia, namely,
Yogyakarta, Cirebon and Pekalongan. There were clear differences observed in the
batik designs in the three cities.
Figure 3. Batik designs in Yogyakarta © Hashan Wijesinghe
Figure 4. Batik designs in Ciberon © Hashan Wijesinghe
Figure 5. Batik designs in Pekalongan © Hashan Wijesinghe
The batiks show clear differences in design from the three different regions in
Indonesia. Conversely, in Sri Lanka, there are no significant differences in batik
design based on geographical region. Based on the observations made and data
collected from the four different regions in Sri Lanka, namely, Matara, Kurunegala,
Marawila and Matale, it was shown that the designs produced in these regions
tended to be similar.

OPPORTUNITIES FOR FURTHER COOPERATION
Hybrid batik designs
As explained in the introduction, a major objective of this research is to explore new
avenues of using batik for promoting greater cooperation between the different
cultures. Culture is often identified as a major source of conflict. However, these
differences in cultures can be used to promote peace and understanding among the
different communities. To achieve this aim, this research recommends ‘hybrid batik
designs’. This refers to the fusion of Indonesian and Sri Lankan batik designs into
a single art form. The combination of different batik designs is by no means a new
thing. In Indonesia, in the past, there existed batik forms referred to as ‘two countries’
(dua negeri) and ‘three countries’ (tiga negeri). These forms combined the best styles
and colours from several Javanese batik-making towns, which all participated in their
production (Elliott, 2004). Explaining this unique batik form, Inger M. Elliot notes:
“A dua negeri sarong, for example, might originate in Pekalongan where the
head (kepala) and border (pinggir) were waxed and dyed red before the cloth
was sent on to Surakarta where the body (badan) would receive garuda wings
and other central Javanese motifs before being dyed soga brown.
A three-country batik might originate in Lasem where pomegranates and
vines, the main designs, were waxed and dyed red; it then might go to Kudus
for these motifs to be filled and dyed blue; and it might end in Yogyakarta
where parang motifs would be added to the background and the final color,
soga brown, would be applied. The combinations of towns, styles, and dyes in
these batiks were almost infinite”.
This study calls for and practically makes it possible to create a hybrid batik design
combining the different designs used in Sri Lanka and Indonesia (Figure 6).
Figure 6 depicts a hybrid batik design made by a young Sri Lankan batik designer.
This wall hanging displays both Sri Lankan and Indonesian batik design elements.
The two peacocks represent a traditional Sri Lankan batik motif, the border is a
design from Yogyakarta and the flower design is from Pekalongan. Designs of this
nature are certain to promote cultural cooperation between the different cultures.
This same approach can also be used to promote cooperation in other arts.
Batik as a niche tourist product

During the 1970s and 1980s, the batik industry in Sri Lanka witnessed unprecedented
growth largely thanks to the tourism industry. During the period 1971 to 1991 the
tourism industry rose by a staggering 87 per cent. It was during this period that
the batik industry in Sri Lanka had a new lease of life. The tourism sector could

therefore be a major catalyst for the
promotion of the batik industry. In
Sri Lanka, batik can be promoted
as a niched tourist product, but
its production should go beyond
the sale of batik end-products to
tourists. This study recommends
developing batik as a niche tourist
product by incorporating batik into
tourist packages. Tourists can be
encouraged to get actively involved
in the batik-making process. This
Batik design in Batik design in has the advantage of enhancing
Yogyakarta Pekalongan cultural exchange while promoting
Figure 6. Hybrid batik design the tourism industry, not least
© Hashan Wijesinghe
because Sri Lanka relies heavily on
the tourism industry. Prior to the
COVID-19 pandemic, tourism was the third largest generator of foreign exchange
in Sri Lanka. Thus, incorporating batik into the tourism industry would benefit the
country enormously.
CONCLUSION
The batik industry has always played an integral part in the lives of many people
along the Silk Roads. It is not only an art but also a way of life. While there is no
conclusive evidence on when and where batik originated, Indonesia has been a
major centre in the promotion and dissemination of batik culture. From the available
evidence, it can be shown that Sri Lanka adopted the batik art from Indonesia,
first during the seventeenth century, when both countries were under Dutch rule,
and later during the 1960s and 1970s when Sri Lankan artisans visited Indonesia to
acquire more knowledge of batik. Indonesian and Sri Lankan batik art have both
similarities and differences. Although the techniques and tools are very similar,
Sri Lankan batik art could learn more from the Indonesian batik industry in terms
of design and diversity. The batik industry in Sri Lanka should go in the direction
of diverse designs. Looking to the future, batik can be identified as a catalyst for
promoting cooperation between different cultures. The concept of ‘hybrid batik
designs’ could be promoted. Initiatives of this nature especially encourage young
artisans to learn about new cultures. Indeed, learning a different batik design means
learning new cultures. Cultural differences should not be a cause of conflict but
rather a source of cooperation. This same approach can also be applied to other
art forms. Batik can also be promoted as a niche tourist product. This would greatly
support and raise the profile of the batik industry in Sri Lanka.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I extend my gratitude to UNESCO and the National Commission of the People’s
Republic of China for UNESCO for initiating this ambitious and important
programme. Today we live in a world where differences between cultures are often
considered as sources of conflict, which is largely due to poor awareness and
understanding of different cultures. Programmes of this nature therefore have the
potential to connect people by raising awareness. On a personal level, this project
helped me realize the impact that culture can have on people’s lives. I thank the
contributors to this research, Mr Benny Gratha, Dr Saman Herath and Dr Chaminda
Abeysinghe, for their immense support. I also thank the group of volunteers for
their support in data collection, video editing and compiling the report.
REFERENCES
Dale, K. and Patricia, K. 1967. Report on Handicrafts in Sri Lanka (In Sinhalese.)
Dilhani, A. 2005. Textile industry of ancient Sri Lanka. Journal of Social Sciences – Sri
Lanka, Vol. 7, No. 4, pp. 219–226.
Elliott, I. M. 2004. Batik: Fabled Cloth of Java. Singapore, Periplus Editions (HK) Ltd.
Gittinger, M. 1979. Splendid Symbols: Textiles and Traditions in Indonesia.
Washington, The Textile Museum.
Nordhoff, S. 2009. A grammar of Upcountry Sri Lanka Malay (thesis) at https://www.
lotpublications.nl/Documents/226_fulltext.pdf [Accessed 6 July 2023]
Steelyana , E. 2012. Batik, a beautiful cultural heritage that preserve culture and
support economic development in Indonesia. Binus Business Review, Vol. 3, No.
1, pp. 116–130. https://media.neliti.com/media/publications/168014-EN-batik-a-
beautiful-cultural-heritage-that.pdf. [Accessed 6 July 2023].
Thilakasiri, J. 2018. Handicrafts in Sri Lanka. Godage & Brothers (Pvt) Ltd. (In
Sinhalese.)
Tirta, I. 2009. Batik: A play of light and shade. Jakarta, Gaya Favorit Press.
UNESCO. 1982. Mexico City Declaration on Cultural Policies. https://culturalrights.
net/descargas/drets_culturals401.pdf [Accessed 6 July 2023).
Van Geyzel, G. E. 2007. Traditional Textiles in the Colombo National Museum. The
Department of National Museum, Sri Lanka (ed.), Spolia Zeylanica: Bulletin of
the National Museum of Sri Lanka (Vol. 44). essay, The Department of National
Museum, Sri Lanka.
Veldhuisen, H. C.1993. Batik Belanda 1840-1940: Dutch Influence in Batik from Java
History and Stories. Jakarta, Gaya Favorit Press.

MARITIME
EXCHANGES
Mariyam Said Al- Burtmani
Dr. Fatima Belhaouari, Dr. Ali Ghanem Al-Hajri and Eman Eid Al-Rashdi (translation)
Mariyam Said is a senior researcher from the Sultanate of Oman. She is a PhD
candidate at SQU. She specialized in the Silk Road and the diplomatic and trade
relations between Oman and Arabia on the one side and China on the other.
In October 2021, she received a UNESCO grant for youth researchers studying
the Silk Road. As for her publications, she authored three books, three book
chapters and a series of specialized articles published in international peer-
reviewed journals, focusing on the Silk Maritime Road, history, archaeology,
and cultural heritage. She participated in scientific papers in local, regional,
and international conferences on the Silk Roads and the Arab Chinese
diplomatic and trade relations through the ages. In addition, Ms Mariyam is
an active member of professional associations concerned with relations with
China, among them the Omani-Chinese Friendship Association in Muscat, and
American and British historical associations.

11 Exploring the
Maritime Silk Road
between the Eleventh
and Fifteenth
Centuries CE through
the Journeys of
Abdullah Al-Sahaari
and Zheng He,
and Their Role in
Establishing Omani-
Chinese Civilizational
Rapprochement
MARITIME EXCHANGES 229

INTRODUCTION
Oman has established human and civilizational relations with many kingdoms across
the seas to the West and East. Its relations with China have been distinguished by
strength, longevity and durability throughout history thanks to Oman’s strategic
location at the Strait of Hormuz, its rich maritime history, as well as its creativity
in the art of navigation. There is no doubt that the Maritime Silk Roads has greatly
contributed to the development of communication with China despite the cultural,
religious and ethnic differences between the two nations.
Even though Oman has a rich maritime trading history going back one thousand
years, there is little evidence of connections between these two regions. The little
that has survived has not been sufficiently explored, mainly due to the linguistic
challenges of accessing original sources.
This project attempts to fill this gap by focusing on the works of two historical
voyages.
The journey of Abdullah Al-Suhaari in the eleventh century CE has been documented
through Chinese sources. Abdullah was able to navigate the seas to reach his
destination in Guangzhou and he recorded various important events in the Song
Dynasty in a short work entitled The History of Abdullah Al-Sahaari’s Journey and
His Most Important Works in China. The friendly and mutually beneficial relations
between Oman and China endured for centuries. Between 1405 and 1433 CE, the
Chinese Muslim sailor Zheng He made successive sea voyages to Arabia accompanied
by the translator Mǎ Huáng, who, while in Dhofar and Hormuz, recorded many
observations and impressions about the Omanis: their customs, the nature of
their lives and their daily activities. These accounts remain an important source of
information on the early links between Oman and China.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This study is concerned with the history of Omani-Chinese relations between the
eleventh and fifteenth centuries CE. It is an attempt to describe aspects of the
political, economic and social life of Oman and China during these crucial years by
referencing the Chinese sources that chronicled the history of the city of Dhofar
during this historical era.
OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

This study aims to shed light on the journey of Abdullah Al-Sahaari and Zheng
He, and the impact these voyages had in establishing cultural and historical
relations between Oman and China from the eleventh to the fifteenth century
CE. Historically, the Maritime Silk Roads – the main crossing connecting Southeast
Asia, China, South Asia and the Arabian Peninsula – had a deep impact on the

relationships between the two countries. Indeed, these bonds extend to the
present time and have been reaffirmed with China’s Belt and Road Initiative, in
which the Sultanate of Oman actively participates.
The objectives of this study are categorized into three components:

• Tracing the direct and indirect Omani Maritime Silk Road to China, enumerating
the ports that the Omanis used in their trade with China in the period from the
eleventh to fifteenth century CE, and presenting their most important features.
• Shedding light on the voyages of Abdullah Al-Suhaari and Zheng He, and their
impact on developing relations between Oman and China.
• Interpreting the civilizational and cultural connections, which were the result of
the historical relations between the two countries.
REASONS FOR CHOOSING

THE SUBJECT OF THE STUDY
One of the most important reasons for choosing this study was because of the
lack of academic research on the depth and range of Omani-Chinese relations.
There is also a lack of practical, detailed information on the maritime journeys
of the merchant Abdullah Al-Suhaari and the Chinese Admiral Zheng He, or the
use of scientific and archaeological material that chronicle the roles of these two
important personalities and their clear impact on consolidating relations between
the two countries.
CONTEXT OF THE STUDY

• Time frame: this study is focused on the eleventh century CE and the journey of
Abdullah Al-Suhaari to China, as well as the fifteenth century CE and the period
of Zheng He’s journey to Oman, Dhofar and Hormuz.
• Spatial framework: the study will focus on Oman, China and the sea route
connecting the two countries, in keeping with Zheng He’s voyage.
RESEARCH QUESTION
The research focused on answering a central question: How did the Maritime Silk
Roads contribute to the consolidation of the civilizational rapprochement between
Oman and China between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries CE, a period of time
punctuated by historical developments that affected both countries?

FOLLOW UP QUESTIONS
Based on this central question,
a number of sub-questions were formulated:
1. What was the role of the Maritime Silk Roads (which included a series of
international ports) in linking Oman with China, particularly in terms of
communication and exchange between the two countries?
2. How did the voyages of Abdullah Al-Suhaari and Zheng He contribute to

developing relations between Oman and China?
3. What cultural and civilizational manifestations have endured as a result of the

historical relations between Oman and China in light of the voyages of Abdullah
Al-Suhaari and Zheng He?
PROJECT OUTLINE
This study includes a systematic introduction and three parts. Part one deals
with the roads and seaports between Oman and China between the eleventh and
fifteenth centuries CE. Part two focuses on Abdullah Al-Suhaari’s journey to China.
Part three discusses the impact of the Chinese Admiral Zheng He’s voyage to Oman
and concludes with the most important findings of the study.
METHODOLOGY
To achieve the objectives of this study, the methodology was based on the
description and analysis of the historical events provided by the texts of both
Arabic and Chinese sources, as well as the results of the archaeological excavations
conducted in a number of Omani ports. In addition, displays in museums in Oman
served as resources in writing the common links in the civilizational history between
Oman and China. The research discusses the results of recent Arab and foreign
studies, especially those dealing with the travels of Zheng He, in order to elucidate
them for researchers and readers.
PRIMARY SOURCES AND REFERENCES

This study relied on material obtained from original literary and material sources
as well as modern Arab and foreign studies. They were categorized according to
their importance to the topic.
Akhbār Al-Sīn wa Al-Hind [News of China and India] by Al-Tājir, Sulayma n
̄ and Abi
Zayd Al-Si r̄ a fi
̄ , published in 1999 by Egyptian Lebanese House, Cairo.
This book is one of the most important Islamic sources that chronicles the history
of Muslims in China. The importance of the source lies in the fact that the author,

Sulayma n̄ , wrote about everything he saw in China. It is the oldest Arabic source
chronicling China and was revised by Abu Zayd al-Si r̄ a fi
̄ after nearly half a century.
It has been used to study sea routes between Oman and China, Chinese ports, and
China’s policy in managing maritime trade.
Kitāb al-Masālik wa Mamālik [The book of roads and kingdoms] by Ibn Khordādhiba
(Abu al-Qāsim Obayd Allah bin Abdullah), originally dated 706 AH (1306–07 AD) and
published in 1899 by Brill Press, Leiden, the Netherlands.
This geographic source provided the study with a description of the sea route from
Al-Ubullah to India and China, as well as descriptions of the most important ports,
including Omani ports, through which the sea route passes, in addition to the traded
goods exchanged between the two countries.
Hardships from the Arabian Gulf to China: The Challenge that Faced Foreign
Merchants Between the Seventh and Thirteenth Centuries by Wan Lei, published in
2020 by King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies, Riyadh.
Wan Lei’s study was prepared by the King Faisal Center, with the author relying on
Chinese, Arabic and Persian sources. The study was extensively used in the first part
of this paper that deals with the dangers of the sea route between Oman and China,
in addition to Jia Dan’s description of the sea route between China and Oman.
Chau Ju-Kua: His work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth
Centuries by Chau Ju-Kua, originally dated 1911 and translated from Chinese by
Friedrich Hirth and W.W. Rockhill in 1966, New York.
The date of birth and death of this Chinese author is unknown. He chronicled
information gleaned from merchants and sailors arriving in China, and his book
is divided into two parts. The first part deals with countries and cities as they
were then known, excluding Europe. He presents the countries, their products
and customs, and the distances between them, but there is a lack of analysis
and sampling. The second part discusses well-known natural products and their
production areas, for example, myrrh and frankincense, which were produced in
Oman. Hirth believes that the information contained in the book did not appear in
any known Chinese work in the thirteenth century. The second part of this paper
benefitted from the chapter in this book describing the goods and products brought
from Mirbat, Shihr and Sohar.
Nio Ban, Relations between China and Oman during the Tang, Song, Yuan, and Ming
Dynasties. Unpublished Master thesis dated 2014, Jinan University, China [In Chinese.]
A study on Omani-Chinese relations during the Tang Song, Yuan and Ming dynasties.
This study presents the political, cultural, scientific and religious aspects of
exchanges during the Middle Ages. This paper benefitted from the details of
Abdullah Al-Suhaari’s voyage and maritime trade in China.

Ying-Yai Sheng-Lang: Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores [1433] by Ma Huan,
translated by J .V. G. Mills and published in 1970 by the Hakluyt Society, Cambridge
University Press, London.
A translation and analytical study of the book The Comprehensive Survey of the
Shores of the Ocean by Ma Huan, who translated Zheng He’s journey to Dhofar and
Hormuz. It was edited and translated into English by the scholar, John V.G. Mills. The
book presents a description of the countries located in the West Sea, which was
visited by the Chinese fleet, and includes the political and economic situation at
the time, but the study lacks a method for comparing contemporary Arab sources
for these trips, such as Al-Dawla Al-Rasū liyya (by an unknown author). This paper
benefitted from the details of Hormuz and Dhofar mentioned by Ma Huan.
L’influence de l’ancienne conception chinoise de la terre sur les explorations
maritimes au long cours à l’époque des Ming [The impact of the ancient Chinese
concept of land on long-distance marine explorations during the Ming period] by
Chrystelle Maréchal in Proceedings of the international symposium ‘The Visual
World of China’ published in 2005 by Editions Langages Croisés, Paris, pp. 37–49.
French researcher Chrystelle Maréchal’s study is part of a special issue of the
International Symposium on the “Visible World of China”, which took place at the
Centre for East Asian Linguistic Research at the School for Advanced Studies in the
Social Sciences in Paris (CRLAO-EHESS).
CHALLENGES ENCOUNTERED
IN THE PRESENT STUDY
Among the most important difficulties encountered in the methodology is the lack
of detail in the Arab sources on Omani-Chinese relations as well as the scarcity of
modern Arab historical studies. In addition, modern Chinese sources and studies
also present linguistic obstacles as the early sources were written in the ancient
Chinese language. In order to overcome this linguistic barrier, the translation of
recent foreign studies has been relied upon, but this process has been costly.
PRELIMINARY FINDINGS IN THE PRESENT STUDY

In what way does Arab and Chinese historiography produce
the historical structure of the sea route?
Commercial navigation constituted the means of communication and commercial
trade between Oman and China as a result of the distance between the two regions.
Within the context of their commercial activity, commercial communication between
the Omanis and the Chinese ensued through this sea route, which was known
as the Maritime Silk Road. This communication and trade exchange during that
period is credited to the merchants of the two countries who contributed to the

trading of goods between the two countries in their respective markets. Omani
merchants transported precious goods to China, the most important of which were
frankincense, myrrh (Abdulrahman, 2021) and the Socotra dragon tree (Diyab, 2001).
Omani ships would return loaded with Chinese goods, which proved popular in
the markets scattered along the sea route that passed through India, Sindh (now
Pakistan) and the ports of the Persian Gulf. These goods included silk, porcelain,
musk and cinnamon (Ibrahim, 2017) and clay (Ibn Manzoor, 1996).
This sea route was characterized by its commercial importance, which benefitted
Oman and China as well as the countries through which it passed. Consequently,
interest in the trade route increased, making it necessary to secure the ports
along the way from the dangers of pirate attacks, natural disasters and other
dangers at sea. From this point of view, the research will focus on three questions:
In what way did Arab and Chinese historiography produce the historical structure
of the sea route? What were the landmarks and ports of this sea route and the
stations that were established along it? What were the dangers faced by sailors
and merchants travelling by sea?
Arabic and Chinese historiography on the sea route

Arab sources include narratives that chronicle relations between Oman and China
through the documentation of sea routes, ports and ships, or through Omani works
of jurisprudence, or through books of travellers who observed and inspected the
conditions of the Indian subcontinent and China. This includes The Journey of
Sulayman the Merchant, which dates from AH 237 / BCE 851 and is considered the
first Arabic book written about China.
The Chinese also talked about this sea route thanks to the book written by Chau
Ju-Kua Chinese and Arab Trade in the Second and Thirteenth Centuries AD who
collected information from the merchants and sailors he met along the way. The
same applies to the book by Jia Dan, which traces the sea route from China to
Oman.
Among the recent studies that covered the sea route between Oman and China is
the study of the Chinese researcher Wan Li who relied on the main Chinese books for
his research, as well as a study by the Chinese Nio Ban in which he spoke about the
Omani-Chinese relations during the era of the Tang dynasty, Song and Ming. Another
important study is by researcher Bryan Douglas entitled ‘From Siraaf to Sumatra:
Navigation and Spices in the Indian Ocean Region during the 9th -11th Centuries AD’.
THE SEA ROUTE BETWEEN OMAN AND CHINA

AS DESCRIBED BY CHINESE WRITERS
The sea route taken by Omani-Chinese merchant ships in both directions, back
and forth, was helped by natural navigational conditions, such as monsoons and
Indian Ocean currents. They were also aided by the experience of navigators and

traditional sailing techniques, which contributed to commercial activity across the
Maritime Silk Road, which begins from Basra to the port (Khanqu) in China, passing
through Siraaf and Muscat.
The Maritime Silk Road also shortened the long distances that merchants had to
travel compared to land routes. It had the advantage of being able to have ships
transport heavy loads at lesser cost than land convoys, which needed supplies
throughout the journey and with the possibility of loss or damage to the goods and
even the slaughter of animals used in transporting them. Many Arab geographers,
including Sulayman al-Taajir, Abu Zaid al-Siraafi and Ibn Khordadbeh, as well as Jia
Dan from China, described this sea route with some accuracy.
It can be concluded from written sources that the descriptions of the maritime route
linking Oman and China by Arab merchants and explorers appeared to be more
accurate than the Chinese descriptions as they relied on accurate information. For
example, the merchant Sulayman recorded his personal journey, whereas Chinese
writers tended to rely on accounts recounted by merchants.
PERILS OF THE SEA ROUTES

The sea route between Oman and China was not without danger, whether from
natural hazards, such as heavy rains, storms and shallow waters in some areas
between Basra and Oman, or from acts of piracy.
ABDULLAH AL-SUHAARI’S JOURNEY TO CHINA

Abdullah Al-Suhaari was one of the Omani merchants who was referred to by
Chinese sources as an Arab trader from Sohar who lived in the city of Quanzhou.
The translation of his name from Chinese is ‘Abdullah’ according to the Chinese
researcher Zhang Yan, who noted the name as Sheikh Abdullah. This reference was
found in the Chinese book Summary of Recording Various Important Matters in the
Song Dynasty. In a clear and explicit way, it is stated, “He is the envoy of the state
of Wuxiun (Sohar) affiliated with Tashi (the Arabs)” (Yan and Zhang, 1981) .
The Chinese writers Zhang Yan, Nio Ban and Wan Lei indicated that the area where
Abdullah Al-Suhaari settled was Quanzhou. Abdullah Al-Suhaari was the chief of the
Arabs as well as other foreigners residing in Quanzhou. The Chinese Emperor, Sun
Shen Zun (Muheriz, 2000) called him “the general of good morals”, and the famous
Chinese writer and politician, Su Shi, also chronicled him (Yan and Zhang, (1981).
According to Wang, Abdullah Al-Suhaari was a rich merchant from Mazoon (Suhaar)
who settled in China during the Xining period (1068–1077).

THE MOST IMPORTANT WORKS
OF ABDULLAH AL-SUHAARI
The merchant Abdullah Al-Suhaari proposed to the government of the Song
Dynasty to donate his money to restore the walls of the city of Guangzhou, but
the government did not agree to his proposal. Abdullah Al-Suhaari built the county
academy, which was started by Governor Zheng Shiming and Jiang Zeqi. Xin-ya-
tuo-luo donated money to the people of Guangzhou, and it is recorded in the local
lexicon ‘Xin-ya tuo-luo’ as Chief Fanfang Abdullah Al-Suhaari, in Chinese. When
Abdullah Al-Suhaari heard about the construction of the academy, he also donated
money to help. Thereafter, he sold the land to double his donation. He also built
another building to attract the foreign students who wished to study at the academy
(Wang, 2021).
TRACES OF ADMIRAL
ZHENG HE’S JOURNEY TO OMAN
Admiral Zheng He was a fleet commander during the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644) in
the first half of the fifteenth century, and one of the most powerful and influential
figures of his time for his historical and cultural significance. He led seven voyages
westward through the mightiest sea routes. He was given the name ‘Zheng He’ by
Emperor Yongle in 1403–1424 (Al-Hajri, 2020). Emperor Yongle decided to open up
China to the outside world and reopen the sea route, initiating seven voyages led by
Zheng He across the Indian Ocean.
Among the goals of the seven voyages, as mentioned in the ‘Ming Historical Records
– Zheng He Biography’, were the two main aims of Zheng He’s voyages: i) the search
for the missing Emperor ‘Jianwen’; and ii) exhibiting the material wealth and military
power of the Ming Dynasty to foreign countries.
ZHENG HE’S TRIP TO DHOFAR

According to Ma Huan (Zheng He’s Muslim interpreter) Zheng He led a fleet of 41 ships
and a large number of sailors and soldiers. The Chinese fleet arrived in Dhofar and
met its Sultan, Ali bin Omar, who then sent an envoy to China.
In 1431, Zheng He undertook his seventh voyage, during which he visited several
places, including Dhofar on his second visit to the region. Before the return of the
Chinese fleet, Sultan Abdullah bin Ali Al-Kuthayri (1428–1446) sent an official envoy
to China with the Chinese fleet. The envoy arrived in Beijing in 1433, carrying gifts
of local products to the Chinese emperor, including frankincense and ostriches.
Zheng He’s trip to Dhofar had informative value because it resulted in a wealth of
news and information on the economic and social situation of the Dhofar region,
which reflected its strategic importance. Although the author of the trip, Ma Huan,

did not explain the exact reasons for the visit, it is likely that the purpose was not
very different from the main aim of the fleet for this destination, that is, there were
many overlapping motives and reasons for the visit, mixing both economic and
diplomatic benefits.
ZHENG HE’S JOURNEY TO HORMUZ

Ma Huan wrote Ying-Yai Sheng-Lang: Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores [1433],
which is a detailed description of the economic conditions of Hormuz. For example,
he described the markets of Hormuz and its shops containing various types of
popular goods, except wine, which was forbidden. He referred to different types
of precious stones and the currency used, the dinar, and he gave an account of
the city’s agricultural wealth and animal stock. Social and religious customs, such
as marriage, burials, entertainment, were also mentioned, and he described the
population as rich and the fact that there were no poor families due to its strategic
location, which had become a commercial hub on the sea route linking China and
the Persian Gulf.
The description of Ma Huan was limited to the cities and tradesmen. The visitors,
who were companions of Zheng He, did not go deep into the countryside and valleys
where the situation might have been different. It is worth noting that Ma Huan was
most concerned about commercial activity and the types of goods that could be
readily traded. One of the most important goals of Zheng He’s voyages was to open
up the world to commercial exchange.
CONCLUSION
This study concluded with a number of potential areas of study, namely:
• The role of Arab travellers, geographers and Chinese writers in describing and
defining the Maritime Silk Road linking Oman with China, including the well-
known explorer, Sulayman Al-Taajir.
• The spread of many commercial ports on the coasts of the countries through
which the route passed, which positively affected the commercial traffic on the
sea route between Oman and China.
• The natural hazards along the Maritime Silk Road, such as strong winds, rain
and the huge waves, as well as human hazards such as pirates and war leaders
and their practice of theft.
• The impact of Chinese missions and embassies, especially during the Tang and
Song dynasties, in enhancing the economic movement between the Abbasid
Caliphate and its affiliated regions, including Oman.
• The position of Abdullah Al-Suhaari in assuming some administrative and judicial
powers in the Chinese imperial palace.

• Zheng He’s travels to many areas in the Indian Ocean, thereby elucidating China’s
maritime activity and the emergence of its power in all its political and economic
dimensions, especially in the coastal cities in countries close to China where it
benefitted economically.
• The role of Zheng He in establishing political and diplomatic relations on his
travels to Dhofar and Hormuz. His journey, which he recorded with his companion
Ma Huan, is an intellectual addition to the historical writings on Omani-Chinese
relations.
REFERENCES
Abdulrahman, Abdul Aziz. 2021. Science and Arts of Ancient Egyptians. Arab Press
Agency.
Al-Hajri, Ali Ghanem. 2020. Zheng He, The Emperor of the Chinese Seas. Doha, Hamad
Bin Khalifa University House.
Chau Ju-Kua: His work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth
Centuries, Translated from Chinese by Hirth & Rockhill, New York, 1966.
Diyab, Kawkab. 2001. The Detailed Dictionary of Trees and Plants in Lisaan Al-Arab.
Beirut, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyya.
Huan, Ma. 1970. Ying-Yai Sheng-Lang: Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores [1433],
edition 1, New York.
Ibn Khordādhiba, Abu al-Qāsim Obaydullah bin Abdullah. 1889. Al-Masālik wal-
Mamālik. Leiden, Brill Press.
Ibrahim, Badr-aldin. 2017. Mufarrih Al-Nafs. Abdul-Fattah Abdul-Razzaq (eds). Beirut,

Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyyah.
Manzoor, Ibn. 1996. Lisan al-Arab. Beirut, Dar Sadir.
Muheriz, Abdulla Ahmad. 2000. The Great Chinese Travels to the Arab Sea. Aden
University Press.
Wang, Xiuli. 2021. The Arabs Living in Coastal China during the 10th-13th Centuries.
South China Normal University, pp. 207.
Zhang Yan, Zun Zhang. 1981. Mutual friendly contacts between China and Oman
throughout history. Muscat, Ministry of Heritage and Culture.

Raizel Pauline Albano
Raizel Pauline Albano is an applied anthropologist from the Philippines. Her

research, entitled “Trade, Credit, and Documentation: The Legacy of the Silk Roads
on Maritime Southeast Asia,” explores the impact of interactions between the
indigenous and global forms of trade, credit, and documentation in this maritime
region. Raizel has been involved in research projects with the International
Rice Research Institute, Papua New Guinea National Research Institute, three
UN agencies (UNDP, UNESCO, and UNICEF), and Euromonitor International. She
graduated with a B.A. in Anthropology from the University of the Philippines-
Diliman (Magna Cum Laude) and is completing her Juris Doctor degree.

12 Trade, Credit and
Documentation:
The Legacy of the Silk
Roads on Maritime
Southeast Asia

This research explores the impact of interactions between the indigenous and
global forms of trade, credit and documentation in maritime Southeast Asia to
better appreciate the legacy of the Silk Roads and provide a new perspective
in understanding and providing solutions to literacy, economic and social
issues in the region. This study starts with a review of the archaeological
and historical records found in and referring to the region up to the fifteenth
century to focus on local and regional interactions prior to the age of
exploration, to the ‘piercing of the veil’ of Southeast Asia’s self-sufficiency,
and how the region adapts to the needs and expectations of globalization.
This study shows that while the overland Silk Roads and the early maritime
trading networks became the first global forms of trade, economics and
documentation, maritime Southeast Asians had to teach themselves how
to use and adapt to these global systems. In many ways, the ‘indigenization’
of these global lessons defines the region to the present day, shaping its
trajectory alongside the rhythms and trends of globalization.
Keywords: economic anthropology, maritime Southeast Asia, political

economy, Silk Roads
Author: Raizel Pauline Albano is an applied anthropologist from the Philippines.
Translators: Arpah Ita (Bahasa Indonesia), Nur Hidayah Woon (Bahasa Melayu
and Chinese), Gieanne Pestaño (Filipino).
Disclaimer: While I conducted this research under the UNESCO Silk Roads
Programme and have included all pertinent references used throughout this
study, all remaining errors are my own. For queries, you may reach me at
[email protected].

MARITIME SOUTHEAST ASIA
IN THE SILK ROADS STORY
Key takeaway: This chapter shows that in exploring the impact of
interactions between the indigenous and global forms of trade, credit
and documentation, maritime Southeast Asians’ transition to global
trade and modern finance was far from easy.
Demonstrating maritime Southeast Asia’s place in the Silk Roads story begins with
replacing ‘silk’ with other traded items that are commonly found in the region, such
as beads, shells, cloth, coins, pottery or ceramics. Silk may have had an impact in
mainland Southeast Asia, but this was not the case in maritime Southeast Asia.
Early coastal peoples preferred wrap-arounds or sarongs for their lower bodies
and, occasionally, for their heads, wearing nothing on their torsos (Reid, 2015). Those
from the hinterlands preferred colourful cloths, woven by women, and based on
patterns inspired by nature, spirits and dreams. People had to use clothing that
was sturdy enough to weather the strong winds, tides, rains and heat that were
constant features of the region. Silk, a delicate cloth, therefore had no place in the
maritime Southeast Asian landscape.
The use of ‘maritime Silk Road’ in the context of maritime Southeast Asia can be
misleading (R. Griffiths, 2020) when used only to emphasize China’s role in the early
trading patterns of maritime Southeast Asia. China’s early role was significant, but
a more accurate term in place of ‘silk’ would be ‘ceramics’.
The aim of this research

This research explores the impact
of interac tions between the
indigenous and global forms of
trade, credit and documentation
in maritime Southeast Asia to
better appreciate the legacy of
the Silk Roads and provide a new
perspective in understanding and
providing solutions to literacy,
economic and social issues in the
region. This study covers present-
day Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia,
Singapore and the Philippines.
Figure 1. Map of present-day Southeast Asia.
UNESCO Silk Roads Map.

The premise of this study starts with a review of archaeological and historical
records found in and referring to the region up to the fifteenth century to focus on
local and regional interactions prior to the age of exploration, to the ‘piercing of the
veil’ of Southeast Asia’s self-sufficiency, and to the many ways the region is adapting
(and maladapting) to the needs and expectations of globalization.
LIVING THE ISLAND LIFE DREAM: EVERYDAY

STAYCATION IN EARLY SOUTHEAST ASIA
Key takeaway: While early Southeast Asians enjoyed the perfect
climate for growing flora and fauna, they were no strangers to frequent
geological and climatic changes, such as earthquakes, volcanic
eruptions, tsunamis, typhoons, and the influx of water-borne diseases.
Hence, they built their lives around nature’s rhythms.
For early Southeast Asians, they did not have to imagine the dream of island life –
they were already living it.
The geography of the region speaks for itself. Situated along the Pacific Ocean
basin (Finlayson, 2019) with waters flowing around and between the continents
and islands, it comes as no surprise that early Southeast Asians breathed and
lived water, together with all the living beings that flowed through and enveloped
it, such as the plants, animals, the earth and the skies. To understand the history
of Southeast Asians means understanding the relationship they had built and
developed with nature over time.
The vocabulary and practices of Southeast Asians are rich in describing the primacy
of water in their lives, for example, how water bodies and fishing tools were named
after stars and constellations (Ambrosio, 2010), how water is central to rituals
connected to healing, renewal and the journey to the afterlife (Nimmo, 1972, 1990;
Abrera, 2007), as well as the general role of water in developing the region’s history
(Sather, 2006; Sutherland, 2007).
In exploring their world, they did not need to depend on formal instruments as they
tapped into memories, experiences and lessons passed on through generations
to navigate the high seas. All they needed for guidance already surrounded them:
their physical bodies (for example, using parts of their body for measurement and
navigation), celestial bodies, wind directions, waves and swells, and the smell, sight
and sounds of the plants and creatures around them (de Guzman, 2020).
Asking for permission

The primacy of water among early Southeast Asians is such that they ask the sea
for permission before undertaking a fishing hunt, paddling their boat to sea or

even dipping their toes in the water, which is still the case today in many maritime
communities. Migration to cities may have diminished these practices but they are
not lost completely.
The way people ask for permission from the sea to enter its realm varies among
communities. Permission is asked not only to enter but also for a safe exit. This
intimate relationship continues even in death with burial jars sculpted with an
image of a canoe paddling out into the unknown sea, such as seen in the Philippines’
Manunggul Jar (Figure 2) (Fox, 1970), Indonesia’s Mandu (Duli, 2013), and other similar
boat coffins found in Southeast Asia (Tenazas, 1973).
Permission to fish is even more elaborate, with rituals conducted in which spiritual
leaders intervene to ask the deities for signs and guidance. Even in seemingly calm
weather, a fishing expedition will not set out unless the deities allow it. It would
otherwise prove too risky to continue. In addition to asking spiritual leaders for
guidance, maritime communities have also formed rules and laws to follow the
seasons, to allow people to take turns in fishing, and to prohibit overfishing and
catching rare species of fish (Mangahas, 2008).
Asking for protection

Early Southeast Asians have developed a relationship with the sea that can be
construed as a form of ‘tough love’ – the sea will protect and provide but it will
teach a lesson if need be.
Many rituals among maritime communities consist of ‘washing away’ impurities

and negativities from one’s body and spirit. Assisted by a spiritual guide, people
wash their heads and bodies in the sea, stream or river following a death in
the family, menstruation, birth or healing from disease. They also wash in these
waters before marriage, when reaching certain age milestones or when embarking
on a new journey, such as migrating overseas (Mangahas, 2008). As many maritime
inhabitants have migrated to cities, tap water (although less potent but still better
than nothing) is now used to perform these rituals, as witnessed by the author
in the northern Philippines69 .
With the introduction of coins – considered scarce ‘exotic’ items collected from
faraway places – people tossed coins into the water as part of their ritual to
seek protection (i.e., it is not a casual, flippant act). Throwing coins is also seen
as an offering to the sea as a form of gratitude for answering one’s prayers
(Mangahas, 2008).
Disasters do not exist; they are part of the cycle of life

Early Southeast Asians were no strangers to geological and climatic changes, such
as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, tsunamis and typhoons. The region sits on

the Pacific Ring of Fire, an area along the rim of the Pacific Ocean known for its
high tectonic and volcanic activity, and where around 90 percent of the world’s
earthquakes occur (Finlayson, 2019).
Early settlers knew that by choosing to stay in this region, they also needed to adapt
to the landscape if they wished to stay. Instead of building the kind of settlements
they liked, they adapted them to the vagaries of nature. Instead of imposing their
needs on the surrounding environment, people built their lives around the needs
and demands of nature.
A dream life – only because they made it one

In addition to geological and climatic changes, early Southeast Asians had to learn
how to deal with the geographic isolation, making them vulnerable to piracy and
plundering (Reid, 2015). With no incentives to leave the region, thanks to their self-
sufficiency, people had to learn how to protect themselves from these attacks. They
formed groups, supported their leaders who earned their rank through merit, and
learned how to use tools to defend themselves.
They also had to learn how to live with the danger that was closer to home, and
which would cost the lives of both young and old: water-borne diseases. With its
lush forests and waters teeming with life, the region attracts the most well-adapted
mosquitoes in the world (Servadio et al., 2018). Mosquitoes arrived in this region
millions of years before the first humans. Early Southeast Asians therefore learned
how to live with them, but it is evident that these mosquitoes have evolved and
have adapted perfectly to the region. A single bite can kill a person, which is still
true today, even with the advent of modern medicine.
Even though we would like to think of Southeast Asia as a utopian paradise, early
Southeast Asians had to face these many challenges, but they persevered and
chose to stay. Rarely did people venture out (Henley, 2015), if only for a moment to
fish or trade informally. It was not until foreign empires and merchants ripped the
veil of this isolated and self-sufficient paradise that Southeast Asia opened up to
other worlds (Henley, 2015).
Early Southeast Asians understood and acknowledged that there was nothing more
they could ask from nature. They were indebted to nature their entire lives and all
they needed to know was their place in nature. Southeast Asia is a paradise because
Southeast Asians made it so.
If there was indeed a Garden of Eden, minus the apple70, Southeast Asia would have
been the most likely location.

Figure 2. The Philippines’ Manunggul Figure 3. Elders are obliged to call out
Jar features two human-shaped their child’s name before leaving any
figures, with one paddling the boat, body of water to ensure that the child’s
representing the journey of the soul to spirit will not get left behind. This was
the afterlife (890–711 BCE). what this grandparent did before he and
his grandchild left the beach.
Image source: © Philip Maise – Own work, CC BY-
SA 3.0: https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index. Image source: © Raizel Pauline Albano
php?curid=33685846
FROM FREE TO A FEE: THE SEA OF CHANGE IN

SOUTHEAST ASIAN MARITIME TRADING NETWORKS
Key takeaway: While trade provided the means by which Southeast
Asians gained entry into the globalized world, it came at the cost of
its abundant forests, flora, fauna, running water, clean air, and their
practices to safeguard nature.
For a long time, Southeast Asians did not have to venture far from their shores.
There was nothing better to see, eat and drink than what they already had at home.
If there was anything to trade, it was found within the region, where people from
the coast traded their salt and dried fish with the rice and tubers of those from the
hinterlands (Ota, 2019).
However, as maritime Southeast Asia held a strategic position through the Straits
of Malacca and Singapore, both situated within the Indian Ocean (Reid, 2015), it
was a natural stopover for foreign traders who would stay for a few hours to as
long as six months (Reid, 2015). Geography favoured maritime Southeast Asia for it
was lucky enough to welcome merchants and sailors from the West who intended

neither to conquer nor subordinate the communities with whom they interacted.
Locals were early witnesses to the peaceful interactions of people from different
cultures, languages and religions. The Indian Ocean maintained its peace for
centuries, becoming the favourite passageway of merchants, sailors, diplomats
and pilgrims (Graeber, 2011).
Networks with shifting centres

In early Southeast Asian history, trading centres shifted all the time, not only
because of climatic and geological changes, such as typhoons that wipe out newly
established centres, but because of shifting leadership in early Southeast Asian
polities. Consequently, leaders were unable to continuously maintain their social
position by simply earning people’s respect, as they always had to ensure that
they were worthy of that respect. People consistently shifted their alliances, and
they only supported leaders who could truly lead and protect them.
This makes sense. At that time, Southeast Asia was sparsely populated and,
although abundant in nature’s gifts, it was beset by geological and climatic impacts,
as well as health and human-induced challenges. Leaders had to rise to the needs
of others and they also had to know how to make good decisions that would
help their communities weather these storms. People rising to take the reins of
leadership is not new and can in fact be seen in our evolutionary history (Van
Vugt, 2006). Ultimately, effective leadership enabled the great maritime empires
of Funan (Coedès, 1968), Srivijaya (Wolters, 1970) and Majapahit (Pigeaud, 1960) to
thrive, leading to the ‘Golden Age of Commerce’ in Southeast Asia between 1000 to
1400 CE (Reid, 1988).
Tributary missions: a precursor to trade

What would constitute ‘trade’ in the region’s history from the eleventh century was
the sending of tributes by prominent and emerging polities to China in exchange
for recognition as one of the dynasty’s official trading partners. Prior to this era,
a tributary system for China may not have been essential because the protection
provided by local leaders would have been enough, as was the case for Brunei
sultans who laid their trust in the Majapahit empire for protection (Manggala, 2013).
The promotion of the Chinese trade and tribute system reached its peak in the early
fifteenth century under the Ming Dynasty with Admiral Zheng He, a Muslim from
China’s Yunnan Province, who made seven expeditions to Southeast Asia and the
surrounding regions (Dreyer, 2006; Wade, 2005; Tai et al., 2020). It is believed that the
success of his voyages was due to his ability to understand and appreciate cultures
and beliefs that were different from his own (Sen, 2016).

Interacting with systems
that are completely different from their own
Word eventually spread about the fabled spices from Southeast Asia, which China,
India and, increasingly, Europe had developed an appetite for. These spices travelled
great distances that even cloves, which were exclusively grown in Indonesia up
until the eighteenth century, found their way to Mesopotamia as early as 1700 BCE
(Reid, 2015).
Spices, especially clove, mace and pepper, were not the only goods Southeast Asia
had to offer. It was also home to a diverse array of products, such as fruits, rice,
salt and tubers (Hall, 1985), which stirred up excitement in people who tasted them
for the first time. Many of these foods and spices travelled the Indian Ocean, and
the more highly prized the good, the more it took on its Sanskrit namesake, such
as sandalwood (candana) and Java long pepper (cavya). This reflects how Sanskrit
preserved its high status, a language that was initially reserved for the gods
and the high castes but was now extended to items that enjoy high social status
(Hoogervorst, 2014).
Women
While trading was a profession dominated by men in many parts of the world,
Southeast Asia was an exception in that women took on key roles, not just in trading
but also in social and religious spheres (Reid, 2015). The role of women as cultural
mediators, between their groups and foreigners and other groups, may have been
based on their role as religious mediators with nature, aptly regarded, like them,
as ‘mother’71.
Documentation
While foreign merchants, especially the Chinese, kept extensive records of their
trades, most maritime Southeast Asians, who leaned on oral traditions, rarely kept
any trace of their transactions (Reid, 2015). For early Southeast Asians, the absence
of written records did not pose a problem. Apart from having no obligations to
send reports, transactions were considered closed as soon as they had been
entered into.
Tribute missions therefore brought with them an innovative way to unite cultures
with different languages and communication practices: the use of tallies. As written
documentation was absent in many regions in which China interacted, a tally system
was used. It consisted of a ‘contract’, usually in the form of a bamboo stick, that was
split in half, with one half kept in the Southeast Asian port and the other brought
back to the dynastic court (Reid, 2015).

Figure 4. Present-day Port Klang/ Pelabuhan Figure 5. Fishing villages: a legacy of maritime
Klang, the largest port in Malaysia. traditions in Malaysia. These show the stark
contrast in scale and, most importantly, the
essence of these trading areas.
Image sources: © Hafiz343 – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0,

https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=3288132;
© Sheba Also 43,000 photos – https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=72967011
The use of currency

Early Southeast Asians were confronted with the immense surprise when, for the
first time, a price tag was added to the food they ate, the water they drank, the
plants that provided their healing and shelter, and even the rocks that helped them
make tools. Spices, fruits, rice, salt, tubers and wood could suddenly be bought and
sold for a fixed number of coins, shells, beads, grains or cloth (Hall, 1985; Reid, 2015).
Foreign merchants did not need to conduct rituals and offer sacrifices to ask nature
for permission, for all they needed to possess these goods was to offer metal coins.
The use of money, and also the idea of possessing nature’s gifts, was seen as an
abomination to the Southeast Asian psyche of eternal respect and indebtedness
towards nature.
Surplus: counterintuitive to nature’s systems

Trade brought in surplus wealth to early Southeast Asians and foreign merchants
thanks to the growing value and use of money and the nature of things that were
now being traded, which also included non-consumables.
Early leaders redistributed wealth in times of trade surplus, and it may have been
an attractive position for early Southeast Asians to experience surplus wealth in
this highly vulnerable region of the world. Such was the allure of wealth that some
early Southeast Asian polities even sent tributes to Chinese emperors in exchange
for favours as a trading partner (Hall, 1985).
As surplus and wealth continued to grow, as shown in evolutionary history, political,

social and economic systems became even more complex (Ryan, 2019). From
people’s excitement about the creation and distribution of surplus, it increasingly
became a marker of wealth and, eventually, caused more division than harmony.

Maintaining a surplus, however, runs counter to the laws of nature where goods need
to be produced in balance, not more than they are used. Not only does nature set
its limitations, but people’s customs, traditions and daily activities are all created
to align with nature’s cycles.
Writing through thinking, feeling and believing:

Early documentation in maritime Southeast Asia
Key takeaway: This chapter shows that maritime Southeast Asians’ first
lesson was understanding nature’s language. Writing as an extension
of thought, rather than of feelings and senses, is a recent phenomenon
in the thousands of years of human history in the region.
Why do you need to write when you remember everything?

Early Southeast Asians shaped their lives around nature. For millions of years, they
created maps etched not only in their memories but also in their feelings and
physical senses that allowed them to navigate the challenging landscapes of their
maritime home.
Finding their place in the world as their first lesson

Understanding nature’s language became their first lesson. People learned many
important things from their environment: how to read the skies, sun, moon and
stars, the movements and calls of the birds, sea and land creatures, the waves
of the seas, the breeze of the wind, the genius of plants, and the beckoning of
the soil. To this day, indigenous communities, such as Brunei’s Dayak, Kenyah and
Kajang72 (Minority Rights Group International, 2020); Indonesia’s Acehnese, Balinese,
Batak, Dayak, Minangkabau and Papuan73; Malaysia’s Orang Asli, Orang Ulu and Anak
Negeri74 (Berger, 2019, pp. 275–282); and the Philippines’ Aeta, Ati and Tumanduk,
Caraballo groups, Dumagat, Igorot, Lumad, Mangyan and Palawan groups (Cariño,
2012), consciously choose to be isolated in varying degrees from the growing
urban communities. They know the uses and nature of thousands of forest plants,
understand the physical and spiritual significance of birds, sea and land creatures,
and know how to read the skies and the celestial bodies that reside in them. In
maritime communities, they know how to read the language of the sea.
The impact of great writing traditions

It is widely accepted that maritime Southeast Asian scripts were influenced by
Indian writing traditions (Reid, 2015). Several reasons support this, which include
similarities in letter shapes and spelling systems (Gardner, 1943; Miller, 2010) and
the inclusion of Sanskrit terms on inscriptions that have been discovered, such as
the use of Shaka dating that was once popularly used in Hindu calendars (Freed
and Freed, 1964), the use of Indian honorifics like mahajara (Richards, 1981; Wade,
1993), and the use of gold inscriptions (Wade, 1993). Religion and trade brought

these writing traditions to the region, as shown by inscriptions found in Aceh and
Kedah left by Tamil merchants (Karashima and Subbarayalu, 2009; Foo, 2018b), and
inscriptions that reveal Buddhist and Hindu influences (Kuipers, 2003).
Arabic followed Sanskrit centuries later around the late fourteenth century, with
the earliest evidence of Arabic funerary stone epigraphy found in north Sumatra
(Lambourn, 2004; Gallop et al. 2015) along with the arrival of Islam. South Sumatran
scripts, in Indonesia’s Lampung (or Surat Lampung) and Rejang Kaganga, show
similarities with Arabic scripts, such as in the use of diacritics above and below the
character (Kuipers, 2003).
Jawi script is used for writing several Southeast Asian languages, such as Acehnese,
Maguindanao, Minangkabau and Tausug. It was also derived from the Arabic script
but with the addition of phonemes to accommodate these local languages (Donoso,
2018). With the use of the Arabic script, which is also used in Islam’s Quran, Jawi
became the region’s gateway to the Islamic faith.
How Islam adapted to the region is an interesting case. If you ask anyone from
Indonesia, Malaysia or the Philippines about Islamic art, the first thing they will
mention is a bird (the hornbill for Indonesia and Malaysia, and the sarimanok for
the Philippines). While orthodox Islam forbids the creation and use of images, as
doing so is tantamount to idolatry, animal imagery and symbolisms and other
figures abound in Islamic art found in maritime Southeast Asia (Majul, 1973;
Ambrosio, 2010). This shows not only the intersection between indigenous and
Islamic faiths in the region, but also the cosmopolitanism of early Southeast
Asian society in which people showed respect and openness to new cultures and
traditions that were completely different from their own.
Finally, the influence of Cham (in present day Viet Nam and Cambodia) can be
gleaned from scripts and historical accounts. Its influence is mostly apparent in the
Philippines, where consonants such as ‘ga’, ‘ma’, ‘nga’, ‘pa’, ‘sa’ and ‘ya’ reveal their
Cham origin (Wade, 1993), as seen in the words gabayan (to guide), malaya (free),
ngayon (now), paano (how), sagisag (symbol) and kayamanan (wealth).
These writing traditions maintained their elitism through their isolation within the
spheres of literacy and religion, and this elitism was also transported to the region.
In Java – one of the most stratified societies in the ancient world – special characters
were even used to clearly divide social ranks: the pada-andhap character was used
for people of lower rank, the pada-madya character for people of equal rank, and
the padaluhur character for people of higher rank (Kuipers, 2003).

When foreign and indigenous forms collide
The oldest inscriptions discovered in maritime Southeast Asia are from Kutai in
West Kalimantan (fourth century CE) and Ci Aruten in West Java (fifth century CE),
both of which were written in Sanskrit in the Pallava script (Kozok, 1999; Kuipers,
2003). Both examples also confirm the early arrival of Indian influence in the region.
Scripts found in the region showcase several unique features. They are written
from top to bottom and are simplified compared to mainland Southeast Asian
scripts, mainly due to the writing surfaces used, such as bamboo, bark cloth,
buffalo horn, copper, earthenware, leaf and silver (Kuipers, 2003). They also follow
the alphasyllabic writing system where consonant-vowel sequences are written as
one unit, owing to the strong oral traditions in the region, and where scripts are
written as they are spoken.
The spirituality of any activity conducted in the region extended to writing. The use
of a pamada symbol (Figure 6) in Indonesian scripts is crucial to note as this shows
a visual and textual separation between the realms of the human and spiritual
(Brookes, 2021). Mantras also had to be recited before the act of writing and when
crossing out lines of writing, without which the writer and witnesses may suffer
catastrophic consequences.
Scripts of the maritime Southeast Asian region are marginal compared with
mainland Southeast Asian scripts, which is mainly due to the region’s relative
isolation. The region’s scripts, although bearing the legacy of their Sanskrit, Arabic
and Cham origins, are therefore transformed into forms that are uniquely their own.
Recurring themes: establishing legitimacy and expression

Early inscriptions found in Brunei (Christie, 1995; Druce, 2016), Indonesia (de
Casparis, 1956; Jaspan, 1964; Barrett, 1968; Wolters, 1970; Pelras, 1996; Kuipers, 2003;
Christie, 2015; Perdana and Nurwansah, 2020), Malaysia (Allen, 1986), the Philippines
(Postma, 1992; Barretto-Tesoro, 2013; Orlina, 2018; Perdana and Nurwansah, 2020),
and Singapore (Colless, 1969; Miksic, 1986; Pelras, 1996) took on various topics,
including: the adoption of Buddhism and Islam, ancestor veneration, animism,
contracts, customary laws, divination, the establishment and recurring reminder
of the legitimacy of empires, kingdoms, polities, states, epics, genealogies, internal
records, prayers, punishment, indebtedness towards authority figures, tax figures
and, interestingly, love lamentations. Grouping these topics would lead to two
overarching themes: the establishment of legitimacy and expression.
While we know about what was written on these inscriptions, little is known about
the creators. What we can glean from these inscriptions is that, in many ways,
they aimed to codify an element that is unique to the Southeast Asian psyche:
indebtedness. These inscriptions expressed gratitude towards religious and
political leaders, who were one and the same in early Southeast Asia, and for their
interventions between people and nature (Reid, 2015).

Writing as a tool for recording exchange
As trade between Indian, Chinese and Muslim merchants and Southeast Asians
flourished, writing thus became an indispensable way to record transactions and
exchanges in response to the growing trade.
Documentation through writing became a medium that would complement what the
human memory could not achieve, that is, to record excesses, with which people
were unfamiliar or had not experienced first-hand. For the first time, Southeast
Asians had to learn how to write as an extension of thought rather than of feelings
and senses, which is a recent phenomenon in the thousands of years of human
history in the region.
Figure 6. Indonesia’s pamada alerts the Figure 7. An elder from an indigenous

reader that what follows is sacred text. community showing the boundaries of his
group’s ancestral domain delineated through
highly specific descriptions of rocks and trees.
Image sources: © Made Adiputra – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0

https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=3934655;
© Raizel Pauline Albano
LUBOG SA UTANG75: SOUTHEAST ASIAN

SOCIETY AS BUILT ON DEBT
Key takeaway: This chapter shows that eternal respect and indebtedness
towards nature have always been central to Southeast Asian society. It
took a long time before money took root in the region as it would have
seemed implausible, even preposterous, to use early money in the form
of coins, shells, beads, rice grains and cloth to pay for nature’s bounty. In
time, this indebtedness also extended towards other forms of deities and
people. It is therefore not coincidental that indebtedness was a common
theme found in the earliest forms of writing in the region.

The pre-colonial presence of debt and credit in the region was confirmed through
the discovery of the Laguna Copperplate Inscription in the Philippines (dated around
900 CE) (Postma, 1992), the Dieng Plateau Stone (also dated around 900 CE) and the
Mpu Mano Inscription in Indonesia (dated in 966 CE) (A. Griffiths, 2020). Scholars
have yet to decipher the Singapore Stone (dated around 1000 CE), but it would not
be surprising if it also turns out to reflect the tenor of ‘indebtedness’ as with other
inscriptions found in the region around this time.
While these early inscriptions show that debt is nothing new to society, the concept
of indebtedness (or the need to pay back a debt), has been a feature of Southeast
Asian society for a very long time.
Indebtedness towards nature

Nature is central to Southeast Asian society and he/she76 has always been
embedded in its life, culture, traditions and history. It therefore goes without
saying that the sense of indebtedness towards nature was deeply embedded
among early Southeast Asians. They show their respect for nature through rituals
and offerings before and after planting, fishing, harvesting, marriage, initiations,
alliances and death (Ambrosio, 2010).
This indebtedness was channelled through the deities that became intermediaries
between the known and unknown, and the touchable and untouchable worlds.
Permission was asked for every item that was taken, and indigenous communities
set restrictions on what could and could not be hunted and gathered, including
populations of fauna that were young, scarce or expectant (Mangahas, 2008;
Ambrosio, 2010).
Indebtedness not only meant the conduct of rituals and the offering of produce,
animals and special items such as beads, shells and coins, it was also customary for
Srivijayan rajas (‘kings’) to throw gold bricks into the sea to express their debt to it
(Reid, 2015).
Quantifying indebtedness
Social dynamics gradually started to change as Southeast Asia opened its
islands and waters to other communities who had their own beliefs, cultures
and traditions. Instead of making ritual offerings and sacrifices to pay back
nature, money (in the form of coins, shells, beads and cloth) began circulating in
Southeast Asian society through trade with foreign merchants who introduced the
use of money for payment (Wicks, 1992; Miksic and Goh, 2017) along the overland
Silk Roads.
The earliest coins in maritime Southeast Asia were dated between the late eighth
to mid-ninth century and were of two types: ‘piloncito’ coins (shaped like a dice or
globe and made of gold) and those with ‘sandalwood flower’ patterns (round in
shape and made of gold, electrum, silver, or silver alloy) (Christie, 1996). Eventually,

Islamic and, more widely, Chinese coins (Miksic and Goh, 2017) were used as a
medium of exchange. The significant number of Chinese coins recovered at Kota
Cina in Indonesia showed that it had become a major trading centre in the region
in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (McKinnon, 1977). Chinese coins were even
used as the official currency during the reign of the Majapahit empire (Miksic and
Hardiati, 1995; Foo, 2018a), the last Indianized kingdom in Indonesia.
In addition to coins, cowries (shells), the most popular of which were Monetaria
moneta and Monetaria annulus, were also used as money in early Southeast Asia
(Yang, 2019). Another item that was used for payments and exchange, particularly
in the Philippines, was rice grains (Manapat, 2011).
In the early Southeast Asian psyche, however, no amount of ritual or offering
could equal the full value of the elements taken from nature. If ritual offerings and
sacrifices were not enough, then one could never get close to paying one’s debts
towards nature irrespective of any coin, shell, bead or cloth.
This may explain why it had taken a long time for money to take root in maritime
Southeast Asia. It might have seemed implausible, even preposterous, to use
money to pay for a grain taken from the field, fruit from the tree, fish from the
sea or a tree from the forest. The use of money was inherently impersonal, a
360° turn from the deeply personal, almost magical relationship that Southeast
Asians have with nature.
Debt cancellation: From the great equalizer to eternal un-equalizer

Debt cancellations that happened often in the past were initially made in good
faith. Cancellations were seen as a part of life, a way of maintaining life’s balance.
In time, however, oaths entered into the dynamic of debt cancellation, with debtors
compelled not only to promise not to renege on their loan obligations but also
to promise allegiance to their politico-religious leaders as gratitude for their
humanitarian gestures (Graeber, 2011). Hence, the sealing of these promises (or early
contracts) through oaths made with the heavens and spirits, and religious leaders
as witnesses were hugely important in maintaining cohesion in early Southeast
Asian society.
The use of money in transition

Eventually, penalties were imposed on those who were unable to meet their
obligations, which were then paid through labour, objects or people (Reid, 2015).
However, it is striking to note that as much as debts were incurred, local leaders
regularly cancelled debts, especially as a result of unexpected events such as
tsunamis or volcanic eruptions, with which Southeast Asians were all too familiar.
Debts were pardoned, as seen in inscriptions on debt cancellation (Postma, 1992;
A. Griffiths, 2018, 2020), representing a different way of cancelling debt across
the globe with the smashing of tablets in ancient Mesopotamia and Babylon
(Graeber, 2011).

Hence, debt forgiveness in early Southeast Asian society might have seemed
righteous and humanitarian, however, in hindsight, it may have been the default
thing to do. There was simply nothing to lose for a local leader to forgive a borrower’s
debts. More importantly was to achieve balance in the Southeast Asian world order
and this continued to be a part of every contract and transaction. It could be said
that early local leaders were still very much in touch with the laws of nature.
Ancient indebtedness and the modern economy

Southeast Asian society was built on the wonders and magic of nature. Despite the
prevailing modern market economy, where money is primarily used for economic
transactions, the belief in nature’s magic and power continues to endure, whether
in the throwing of coins at the front door to bless a new home, or for the opening
of a new business or placing a coin on a part of a child’s body to guard against bad
spirits. There are also stories of snakes or other animals carrying a coin or stone
and delivering it to a traditional healer as one of his/her sources of power, people
keeping their ‘lucky’ coin or stone with them wherever they go, the inclusion of
coins in rituals and traditions, such as in baptisms, weddings or funerals77, or used
in cleaning rites among fisherfolk communities (Mangahas, 2008).
Entering the world of global trade and finance meant that Southeast Asians had to
adapt to the new systems even if it meant shifting their understanding of the role
of indebtedness in their lives.
Figure 8. The Philippines’ Laguna Figure 9. One stone inscription

Copperplate Inscription (900 CE), which (801 to 900 CE) on Indonesia’s Dieng
codifies debt cancellation. Plateau lists the offerings made to
the Hindu god Shiva/Siva.
Image sources: © Nordenx - Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=4437576;

© Philip Nalangan, https://commons.m.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Dieng_Plateau_Temple_Complex_
Indonesia_1.jpg

THE LEGACY OF THE SILK ROADS
ON MARITIME SOUTHEAST ASIA
Key takeaway: This chapter shows that the Silk Roads and the early
maritime trading networks became the first lessons of global forms of
trade, economics and documentation for maritime Southeast Asians.
The ‘indigenization’ of these global lessons is what defines the region
up to the present day. However, to accommodate the needs of the global
market, these adaptations were made to the detriment of local systems
already in place.
Local communities already had systems of trade, credit and documentation built
into and adapted within their spheres, but it took trade and contact with Chinese,
Indian, Arab and mainland Southeast Asian merchants (agents of the Silk Roads in
the region) to enable these maritime communities to prepare themselves for entry
into the global trade market.
The Silk Roads, and their early maritime trading networks, eventually became the
first lessons on global forms of trade, economics and documentation for maritime
Southeast Asians who had to teach themselves how to use and adapt to these global
systems. The ‘indigenization’ of these global lessons is what defines the region up
to the present day.
The costs of renewing this passport

The Silk Roads enabled local communities to modify the systems already in place and to
adapt to the needs of the international market. Using the global market and diplomacy
lens, foreign influence impacted how maritime Southeast Asian communities adapted
their ways and systems in order to become part of the international community of
nations. These modifications, while not entirely diminishing where they came from,
allowed these communities to become the nation states we know today.
However, to accommodate the needs of the global market, these adaptations were
made to the detriment of local systems already in place. Indigenous practices such
as swidden farming and open sea fishing that kept natural and social systems in
balance were eventually criminalized (Carmine et al., 2020; Dressler et al., 2021). This
is not to romanticize the systems that were already in place prior to contact with
Chinese, Indian and Arabs merchants, but rather attests that the introduction of
money, a tool that legitimizes political power and maintains the status quo, was
a game changer. Communities changed from a traditional system that legitimized
one’s power through a show of strength and genuine leadership to a system that
favoured the wealthiest and had the greatest influence.

Vesting political and economic power into a system that favoured the rich and
powerful over the local community is still apparent in the region in many ways
where landed elites and questionable business people continue to legitimize their
political and economic power through entry into key positions in the government,
either through election or appointment (Scott, 1972; Doronila, 1985; Quimpo, 2007;
Kreuzer, 2020; Schoeberlein, 2020), completing the cycle from where they gain
their power.
The introduction of a market economy also meant that cost value was now
measured by money, not on ecological or societal impact. As fate would have it,
Indonesia’s Moluccas (the infamous Spice Islands) and Malaysia’s Melaka, two of
the most prosperous trading sites during the European colonial period, are now
among the 10 poorest areas in their respective countries78. For Moluccas, this was
due to over-extraction, whereas for Melaka, this was due to its total dependence
on trade for its income. This only confirms what maritime Southeast Asians have
known for thousands of years: that nature must always be grounded in balance and
reciprocity to thrive and that “infinite desires in a finite world” (Graeber, 2011) will
always be an impossible life to live.
With the exception of Singapore, the majority of maritime Southeast Asia is

comprised of thousands of islands, each with their own communities, sets of
cultures and ways of living. Given this vast diversity, national policies rarely work
when applied to them (Prill-Brett, 1988; Albano, 2014). States may have good
intentions, but they also need to understand that not everyone in maritime
Southeast Asia lives in Manila, Jakarta or Kuala Lumpur. State laws and regulations
present a double whammy. Not only are they written in English or the major lingua
franca (notwithstanding that there are hundreds of languages in any given maritime
region) but they also derive from canon, civil and common law in the European
traditions (Steele, 1999; Prill-Brett, 2004), which are alien to maritime Southeast
Asia. Customary laws remain within the jurisdictions of their communities but have
limited applicability in the national context and, often, have power only on paper
(Prill-Brett and Wiber, 1988).
Indigenous Global
Communal use Ownership and

Figure 10. The conglomeration
Self-sufﬁciency property rights
Interdependence of these indigenous and
Impossible to Truly global forms is what brings us
quantify nature Maritime Possible to
quantify nature to a truly maritime Southeast
Rituals and Southeast Currency and
indebtedness Asian signature.
Asian credit systems
Diverse Image source:
Oral traditions Standard and uniform
Paper documentation © Raizel Pauline Albano
Customary law
State law

Globalization while being mindful
of our maritime Southeast Asian roots79
Instead of being consenting but unconvinced participants of globalization, could
Southeast Asians consider this ill-adaptation to global trends in trade, credit and
documentation in reverse, that is, what can we offer to globalization?
Documentation
We can consider changing the way we teach reading and writing skills given the
oral and spiritual orientation of our traditions, which are deeply embedded in our
culture. When trying to teach these skills, we can try evoking feelings, emotions
and experiences rather than simply teaching A as ‘apple’, for example, a fruit
that is not even grown in maritime Southeast Asia (Spengler, 2019). A group of
mathematicians in the Philippines has already explored the possibility of teaching
algebra through weaving patterns, gong music and kinship systems as suggested
curricula (Rapanut et al., 1996).
Another measure would be to put into good use the lessons brought to the region
through the Silk Roads: to make codification a regular part of every transaction. This
encourages us to ensure that we fully understand the significance of transactions,
while making every party accountable for actions that have been promised on paper.
Use of currency and credit

Regulating systems of payment and credit, with respect to regional differences,
can provide lasting solutions. These nuances can help understand why some
communities tend to borrow less when non-payment most likely results in social
discrimination, or they tend to borrow more when living in predominantly urban
settings where they are exposed to aspirational purchases and where informal
jobs and credit options are at their disposal. These considerations can provide
more comprehensive solutions in promoting financial literacy80.
Another pressing issue is the mounting debt of developing countries, of which

Indonesia and the Philippines are no exception. While some debts were secured
by states in exchange for aid in times of crisis, as was recently seen at the height of
the COVID-19 pandemic, a large proportion of these debts are in fact illegitimate.81,82
It is most ironic and rather fatalistic that Indonesia, the Philippines and many
developing countries around the world find themselves in this situation. Devastated,
exploited and over-extracted by colonial conquests, they are now made to pay
for their colonizers’ destructive actions with no alternative but to borrow from
resources that were siphoned off from their own countries. It is therefore not
surprising that it is close to impossible for developing countries to ever recover
and, despite the physical absence of colonial powers, they continue to wield

power through economics and the law, enabling them to perpetuate the cycles of
exploitation and over-extraction. It is time to call on developed countries to cancel
these illegitimate debts.
Trade
One fundamental lesson that we can glean from the region’s history of the Silk
Roads is that the only time one must venture outside is when it is already strong
inside. This happened to the Srivijaya and Cham empires which, despite their
strong commercial ties with Chinese merchants, could not make up for the inherent
weaknesses of their internal states (Hall, 1985). Trade must not compensate for a
state’s weakness but rather complement its strengths.
Going back to our maritime Southeast Asian roots would mean knocking on nature’s
door and making ourselves worthy to have a place in nature’s rhythms once again.
At the very core, choosing to follow nature means standing up for practices that
we used to know as true, such as allowing for a long fallow period to give the land
sufficient time to nurture itself, and not expecting to have summer and winter fruits
and vegetables all year round.
While production has become more efficient, disposal systems have lagged far
behind. Although production is cheaper, “the costs and losses of destroying the Earth”
(Hawken, 2010, p.35) continue to be disregarded in market pricing systems. Economic
progress continues to proceed at the cost of ecological devastation, a situation that
both suppliers and consumers are willing to sanction and support.
What if we decide that we do not wish (or wish to limit) our exports of copper and tin
that produce ‘cartoon character’ ballpens? What if we decide to dictate the amount
of palm oil and the number of bananas, coconuts, mangoes and pineapples we
provide to the world? What if we start giving a voice to our maritime home for once?
The power of human experiments: in reverse

Deciding to revisit our maritime Southeast Asian heritage will certainly pose
challenges given the disruptions they will likely bring to the current diplomatic,
credit, financial and trade systems of our region and the world. But questioning the
status quo and claiming back the losses would not be a hopeless battle. Tapping
into our heritage is not only an option, but also now essential for our survival.
For now, we can start by looking at our current commitments. Just like the sea from
which our geography and our communities were formed, we can ebb and flow and
swim along the contours that continue to shape our lives. But, by getting in touch
with our maritime heritage, it is possible that we will produce more artists and
herbalists and fewer accountants and lawyers. Also, a future with less physical,
mental and emotional baggage, and more space. Is that really so bad? Is that not,
more than anything, an exciting possibility?

Thanks to the Silk Roads and its maritime networks, we finally have options.
FURTHER RESEARCH
Recommendations for further research:
Gender lens
One notable issue that came up during this research was gender. The stark
difference between the ‘world of men’ for foreign traders and the ‘world of women’
for maritime Southeast Asian traders can be seen from a review of historical
records. This gender interaction was initially examined by Reid (2015), but it could
be further explored on a more local level to find more specific examples of how this
interaction played a part in the trajectory of the region.
Educational materials, policies and programmes

Many maritime Southeast Asians are ill-adapted to Western-oriented and Western-
prepared educational materials. It is time that policymakers and educators
acknowledge the strengths of maritime Southeast Asians, both as a collective
and as individuals, to better align educational materials to their strengths. These
strengths include better oral than written communication skills, an aptitude to
putting theory into practice, and their strong connections with the spiritual world.
Indigenous economics
While there is active scholarship on documenting indigenous knowledge and
practices in the maritime Southeast Asian region, only a few studies explore
indigenous economics. Exploring this topic is important in understanding how
indigenous communities protect their reciprocity-oriented economic traditions and
how they continue to adapt (or choose not to adapt) to global economics. Exploring
this topic helps us to learn from indigenous wisdom.
This can be seen in communities still living within their ancestral domains, or with
communities still carrying out activities with their signature maritime heritage, such
as informal trade. It would also be useful to explore indigenous economics among
Pacific Island societies given their shared history.
State policies, programmes

and implementing rules and regulations
To better appreciate the legacy of the Silk Roads on trade, credit and documentation
in maritime Southeast Asia, it is best to consider the impact of these legacies when
establishing and improving state policies and programmes so that they are better
adapted to the region and could foster development that is as inclusive as possible.
Understanding the impact of these interactions is timely given the unprecedented

expansion of interconnectedness in the region among its neighbours. The region
needs to be both its own advocate as well as its own diplomat.

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SCIENTIFIC PANEL BIOGRAPHIES
Xia Chen
Xia Chen is a Research Fellow at the Institute of
Philosophy and Director of the Editorial Department
for the Journal of Philosophical Trends and Chinese
Philosophical Almanac at the Chinese Academy of
Social Sciences (CASS), Beijing. Specializing in Chinese
Philosophy and Religions, particularly Daoism. She
has been a visiting scholar at Harvard, SOAS, the
University of Missouri-St. Louis, Science Po Bordeaux,
and a Fulbright Scholar at Brown University. She is a
Member of the Executive Committee of the International Council of Philosophy and
Human Sciences (CIPSH), 2022-2023 Berggruen Fellow at the Berggruen Institute
China Center (BICC). She served as the chairperson for the section of Daoist
philosophy at the 24th WCP in Beijing. She is the author of several works and has
contributed many articles to several journals in Chinese and English.
Peter Frankopan
Professor Peter Frankopan is a historian, author, and
Professor of Global History at Oxford University and
a UNESCO Professor of Silk Roads Studies at King’s
College, Cambridge, UK. He specializes in the histories
of the peoples, places, cultures, and ecologies of
the Silk Roads, from antiquity to the present day.
His numerous books include “The Silk Roads: A New
History of the World” (2015), The New Silk Roads: The
Present and Future of the World (2018), and The Earth
Transformed: An Untold History (2023).

Meenakshi Bharat
Professor Meenakshi Bharat, a published writer,
translator, reviewer, and cultural theorist, teaches
at the University of Delhi, India. She has published
translations and authored academic works and short
fiction for children and adults. She has held several
positions within international organizations, including
President of the International Federation of Modern
Languages and Literatures (FILLM, UNESCO) and Bureau
Member of the International Council for Philosophy
and Human Sciences (CIPSH, UNESCO) 2014-2017.
Badarch Dendev
Mr. Badarch is a higher education specialist with over
40 years of experience in the sector. Having joined
UNESCO as an education specialist at the Moscow
Office, he would also serve as the Director of the
UNESCO Moscow Office and the Acting Director of
the UNESCO Institute for Information Technologies.
Following this, he would serve as the Director of the
Division for Social Transformation and Intercultural
Dialogue at UNESCO Headquarters in Paris and as the
Director of the UNESCO Tashkent Office. Before joining UNESCO, he was the rector of
the Mongolian University of Science and Technology and was appointed the Rector
of the National University of Mongolia in 2022. A preeminent education specialist in
Mongolia, he has served as an expert in numerous ADB, UNICEF, and other projects
in Mongolia. Mr. Badarch is also well-published in the areas of Higher Education
Policy, learning, and system thinking.
SCIENTIFIC PANEL BIOGRAPHIES 271

Aijarkyn Kojobekova
Aijarkyn Kojobekova, a PhD holder and Associate
Professor in Philosophy, is the Director of the
Civil Society Initiative at the Graduate School of
Development, University of Central Asia. She is the
Focal Point of Kyrgyzstan for the UNESCO Silk Roads
Programme, and a member of the Scientific Panel of
the Silk Roads Youth Research Grant.
Her research covers Civil Society studies, Social/

Cultural Memory studies, Nationalism, Gender
issues, and the Political implications of religion and the sacred. With extensive
experience, including a 2-year Postdoc Fellowship in Germany, three years in
PVE/CVE, and collaborations with organizations like UNDP, UNESCO, and Soros-
Kyrgyzstan Foundation, she also has 15 years of social research expertise and 19
years of teaching experience in social sciences.
Jacques Legrand
Jacques Legrand, born June 29, 1946, former Professor
at the Institut National des Langues et Civilisations
Orientales (Paris).
1969-2015, teaching of Mongolian language, literature,

and civilization at INALCO; education of Mongolian
language (French as a Foreign Language, (University
of Rouen, 1981-1989) and anthropology of Mongolian
nomadic pastoralism (University of Paris 8, 1990-2005).
1980-2014 Member of the Scientific and Administrative Councils of INALCO; 2001-
2005 Director of the Service Commun de la Formation Continue of INALCO; 2005-2013
President of INALCO.
In 1992, he was a member of the expedition «Route of the Nomads» in the framework
of the UNESCO program «Integral Study of the Silk Roads – Roads of Dialogue» and
General Reporter of its final symposium. 1995-1997, realization for UNESCO of the
feasibility study for the creation of an international research center in Ulaanbaatar
on pastoral nomadic cultures. In 1998, he founded the International Institute for
the Study of Nomadic Civilizations (IISNC) under the auspices of UNESCO. He was
the president of the Academic Council of this Institute from 1998 to 2021. Knight of
the Légion d’honneur, holder of the Altan Gadas order (Mongolia).

Shahin Mustafayev
Shahin Mustafayev (born February 1962) is a professor,
historian, and author. He received his PhD in history
from the Institute of Asian and African Countries at
the Moscow State University in 1990. He was awarded
the UNESCO Hirayama-Silk Road Fellowship. In 2005-
2006, he was a visiting scholar at Indiana University
and researched the history of Anatolia in the 11th-15th
centuries. From 2008-2013, he served as a director of
the International Institute for Central Asian Studies
(Samarkand, Uzbekistan), which enjoyed the status of UNESCO category two center.
His principal areas of research interest include the medieval history of Turkey,
Azerbaijan, and Iran’s historical and cultural heritage of Central Asian people, and
he is an author of numerous academic books and articles on these topics. Shahin
Mustafayev is an honorary member of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences.
Darina Saliba Abi Chedid

Dr. Darina Saliba Abi Chedid is the Director of the
International Center for Human Sciences (CISH–
UNESCO) in Byblos, Lebanon. She is a part-time faculty
member in Political Science and International Law at
the Lebanese American University and the Military
Academy in Lebanon. She launched in 2022 the first
“Historical Archeological Eco-friendly Center” in the
Arab region. Dr. Saliba is the author and co-author
of multiple books, articles, and publications, such as
« Middle Eastern Minorities and the Arab Spring: Identity and Community in the
Twenty-First Century », Gorgias Press, UK, 2017; « Guide for International Judicial
Cooperation », EUROAID, EU ed., 2015; and « Conventional Terms and Legal Guide
for Youth », CISH-UNESCO Publications, 2021.
Hania Sholkamy
She is an Egyptian anthropologist whose work has
focused on gender, health, social policy, and culture.
She is an associate research professor at the American
University in Cairo. She has held academic and visiting
positions at Oxford University, Yale University, and the
Arab Gulf University in Bahrain. She is also a member
of the UNESCO MOST Scientific Advisory Committee.
SCIENTIFIC PANEL BIOGRAPHIES 273

Endnotes
1 In these endeavours, I have followed in the footsteps of Reinhard Wenskus and his “kernel of
tradition” applied in his case to the Germanic tribes of the Migration Period.
2 Since the Golden Horde’s state finances were almost entirely dependent on the intensified trade
under pax Mongolica, these unprecedented ‘steppe cities’ were something of a necessity for the
Golden Horde rulers. Two significant trade routes passed through the lower Volga area, including the
centuries-old caravan route on the Volga itself. The overland route (Urgench-Saray-Caffa) reached
into the strategic Crimean Peninsula and Black Sea region, thereby facilitating trade with Europe.
3 Kramarovsky has made the case that the manufacture of the piece itself might be Jurchen, whereas
James Watt has argued in favour of its Chinese origins. Neither hypothesis precludes the possibility
that the design pattern and tropes might actually go even further back to a time when the northern
Chinese frontier was occupied by a branch of the Xianbei nomads.
4 For a commentary, see Guowei Wang’s edition Mengda beilu jianzheng. Note that Christopher
Atwood’s recent annotated translation of five Mongol-era Chinese sources covers Mengda beilu.
5 A partial translation of the al-Umari chronicle, including his account of the Golden Horde, is available
in German. See Ibn Fadḷ Allāh al-ʻUmarī (1968).
6 Jonathon M. Bloom. ‘Silk road or paper road?’ The Silkroad Foundation Newsletter. Retrieved on 19
July 2023 from http://www.silkroadfoundation.org/newsletter/vol3num2/5_bloom.php.
7 See ‘Oral traditions and expressions including language as a vehicle of the intangible cultural
heritage’ at https://ich.unesco.org/en/oral-traditions-and-expressions-00053
8 James J. Hoffman. ‘The spread of papermaking technology into Europe’, Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved
on 19 July 2023 from https://www.encyclopedia.com/science/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-
and-maps/spread-papermaking-technology-europe
9 Jeremy Norman. ‘Frederick II of Sicily bans the use of paper for legal documents’, HistoryofInformation.
com. Retrieved on 19 July from https://www.historyofinformation.com/detail.php?id=242
10 ‘Paper-making: a Chinese secret’, 6 February 2018, Stevens & Stevens. Retrieved 16 July 2023 from
https://www.ssbrm.com/paper-making-chinese-secret/
11 ‘Did you know? The importance of paper making technology in cultural exchange along the Silk
Roads’. UNESCO, Silk Roads Programme. Retrieved on 19 July 2023 from https://en.unesco.org/
silkroad/content/did-you-know-importance-paper-making-technology-cultural-exchange-along-
silk-roads
12 ‘G7 launches $600 bn infrastructure plan to counter China’, 27 June 2022, Al Jazeera News. Retrieved
on at https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/6/27/g7-pledges-600bn-infrastructure-plan-to-
counter-china
13 Sir Gawain and the Green Knight Pearl, and Sir Orfeo. (translated by J.R.R. Tolkien). London, Allen &
Unwin, 1975.
14 Judith A. Lerner and Thomas Wide. Who were the Sodians? Freer Sackler, Smithsonian. Retrieved
on 16 July 2023 from https://sogdians.si.edu/introduction/
15 P. Andrew Karam. ‘Islamic mathematics in the medieval period’, Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved on 19
July 2023 from https://www.encyclopedia.com/science/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-
maps/islamic-mathematics-medieval-period
16 ‘Cryptology’, Loyola Marymount University. Retrieved on 19 July 2023 from https://cs.lmu.edu/~ray/
notes/cryptology/
17 ‘What is cryptography? The importance of cryptography. Eye on Tech, YouTube. Retrieved on 19 July
2023 from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aOdxWtqibCI

18 ‘Digital revolution: the evolution of Hindu-Arabic numerals’, 30 July 2021, History Extra. Retrieved on
30 July 2021 from https://www.historyextra.com/period/medieval/hindu-arabic-numerals-history-
evolution-mathematics/
19 Especially in the regions of Khorasan and Kerman.
20 For descriptions of the Nishapur mines, see: Cоседко (1932), Eichholz (1967), Weisgerber (2004a).
21 Noteworthy exceptions include the discussions in Tosi (1974) and, more recently, consistent refe-
rences to Uzbek deposits in a volume by Lyonnet and Dubova (2020).
22 Others include Shaanxi Baihe (陕西白河), Henan Xichuan (河南浙川), Anhui Ma’anshan (安徽马鞍
山), Yunnan Kunming Anning (云南昆明安宁), Qinghai (青海), Xinjiang Hami (新疆哈密), among other
places. In Tibet, Walker-Watson says: “There are four sources of Turquoise in Tibet; the most im-
portant is in the region between Lhasa and the China-Tibetan border particularly in the vicinity
of Lhasa and near Chamdo, a small town of eastern Tibet about 400 miles north-east of Lhasa.
The finest material comes from an area in the Gangschan Mountains of Ngari-Khorsum in Western
Tibet. There is another location at Draya to the west of Bathang, and the fourth area is in the
mountains of the state of Derge in Eastern Tibet.” Walker-Watson (1983).
23 See: Qin (2016) for general considerations about turquoise decoration in ancient China; Tao (2018)
for mining and state formation; and Qin et al. (2015). for chemical correlation between turquoise
artefacts and East Asian mines. See also Kostov (2019).
24 Zyryanovsk mine of the Rudno Altay, and Zhilandy in the Pavlodar region. See: https://webmineral.
ru/deposits/item.php?id=966
25 In the preface, Laufer writes: “It was originally intended that the following notes should be em-
bodied in the form of an appendix in Dr. Pogue’s. proposed work… It should be understood that
only the exhaustive monograph of Dr. Pogue will lend these notes their proper background and
perspective.”
26 Ibid. p.i.
27 Ibid. p.i.: “The orientalist needs the naturalist as much as the latter, when his inclinations carry
him to Asia, may profit from the stimulus of the former, in that he can suggest and encourage
problems, the solution of which will turn out to be of vital significance to archaeology. Our mi-
neralogical knowledge of Eastern and Central Asia is in a very unsatisfactory condition, and it is
desirable that the horizon of our mineralogists should no longer be bordered by the Panama and
Suez canals. There is a great and promising field open between the two, and a plan which a mine-
ralogist should follow in aiding the cause of archaeology in Asia is briefly indicated on p. 54.”
28 For ancient jewelry in Central Asia featuring turquoise, see Pugachenkova (1978) and Cарианиди
(1989).
29 The major industrial enterprises are: НГМК (Navoi Mining and Smelting Complex) and the Uzbek
U.S.A. Joint Venture ‘Zarafshan-Newmont’.
30 Detailed geological and geographic information can be found in Виноградов and Мамедов (1975).
31 Обследованием Партии карты древней горной деятельности Ревизионно-тематической
экспедиции Главгеологии УзССР.
32 For limited discussions see: Адылов (2006) and Sverchkov (2009).
33 Sverchkov personal communication (September 2022).
34 See also unpublished essay of Alexis Manaster Ramer about the etymology of “NA4] UGU.AŠ.GÌ.GÌ
and [NA4] AŠ.GÌ.GÌ”. Retrieved on 6 July 2023 from https://www.academia.edu/41283573/
35 Such as optical and scanning electron microscopy (OM and SEM), energy and wavelength disper-
sive spectroscopy (EDS-WDS), X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (XRF) and X-ray diffractometry
(XRD).
36 Lumivero (2018) NVivo (version 12) www.lumivero.com
ENDNOTES 275
37 The World Bank. ‘Afghanistan: Province dashboard’, 1 August 2019. Retrieved on 25 July 2023 from
https://www.worldbank.org/en/data/interactive/2019/08/01/afghanistan-interactive-province-
level-visualization
38 ‘Kyrgyzstan between religion and secularism: interview’, 12 November 2020, CAA Network. Retreived
on16 July 2023 at https://www.caa-network.org/archives/21022 (In Russian.)
39 ‘The defense council decided’, 5 February 2014, Slovo Kyrgyzstana. Retrieved on 16 July 2023 from
https://archive.slovo.kg/?p=29950 (In Russian.)
40 Tengrism is an ethnic and ancient Turko-Mongolic religion that originated in the Eurasian steppes.
It is based on folk shamanism and animism, and it is generally centred around the titular sky god
Tengri.
41 Kadyr Malikov, ‘Understanding the term “traditional Islam” for Kyrgyzstan’, 13 September 2021,
Akipress. Retrieved 16 July 2023 at http://mnenie.akipress.org/unews/un_post:22900 (In Russian.)
42 Ibid
43 This is the name of an herb (Peganum harmala) that grows in mountainous areas, it is specially
collected and kindled during ceremonies and rituals, and there is a belief that it has the ability to
expel evil spirits. At https://uses.plantnet-project.org/en/Peganum_harmala_(Gintzburger_et_
al.,_2003)
44 The term ‘silk routes’ will henceforth be used in this paper to reflect the multiplicity of the routes
that connected the early medieval world.
45 Filial piety, particularly towards one’s mother, was considered an important attribute of
righteousness. For an example, see the Qur’anic verses 17:24 and 31:14, which al-Qasrī was likely
aware of.
46 al-Ṭabarī, 1967, 9:107–110; Taqiya is the act of abstaining from religious practices out of self-
preservation.
47 Kister, 1994, pp. 27–28.
48 Khaydar was alleged to have frequently sent money and gifts to the people of Ashrūsana (al-Ṭabarī,
1967, Vol. 9, p. 104).
49 This has largely gone unchecked and remains a fact that is taken to be accurate. See Kennedy, 2005,
p. 262.
50 Cheikh, N. and C.E. Bosworth, Rūm. P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W.P.
Heinrichs (Eds). Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd Ed. 8, p. 600.
51 ibn ʿAbd Rabbih. 1983. Mufīd Qamīḥah (ed.). al-ʿIqd al-Farīd. 9 vols. Beirut, Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiya,
5:379.
52 Muslim ibn al-Ḥajjāj, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, Book 4, Ḥadīth 2116.
53 Muḥammad ibn Ismāʿīl al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ Bukhārī, Vol. 1, Book 8, Ḥadīth 426. Both ḥadīths were
codified before al-Ṭabarī’s death in 923 by al-Ṭabarī’s contemporaries, al-Bukhārī (d. 870) and Muslim
ibn al-Ḥajjāj (d. 875), both of whom were renowned ḥadīth compilers. The isnāds have been omitted
from the foregoing ḥadīths.
54 al-Ṭabarī, Tārīkh, Vol. 9, p. 390.
55 See Allen (1983, p. 430). Only the mothers of three Abbasid caliphs were Arab. See al-Tanūkhī. 1971.
ʿAbbūd al-Shāljī (ed.), Nishwār al-Muḥāḍara wa-Akhbār al-Mudhākara, 8 vols. Beirut, Dār al-Ṣādir,
Vol. 5, p.12. In addition, al-Ṭabarī reports the continued religious practice of Christian concubines
in the Caliphal Palace (see al-Ṭabarī, 1967, Vol. 8, pp. 184–85).
56 Indiiskii chai v tashkente [Indian tea in Tashkent], Moskovekie Vedomosti, 1869, No. 131. Turkestanskii
sbornik [The Turkestan Collection], Vol. 27, p.151.
57 O dopushchenii besposhlinnogo potrebleniia v Turkestanskom general-gubernatorstve chaia,
privozimogo iz Kiakhty [On the admission of duty-free consumption in the Turkestan Governor-
Generalship of tea brought from Kiakhta]. Torgovyi sbornik, 1869, No. 4 in Turkestanskii sbornik [The
Turkestan Collection], Vol. 26, p.99.

58 Soobshchenie Turkest. ved. o provoze anglichanami kitaiskikh i indiiskikh chaiev s Turkestanskoi
granitsy, Golos, 1882, No. 273 in TS, vol. 328, p. 56; M. M. Virskii, 1907. Peremeshchenie tsentra
chainoi torgovli v sredney azii [Relocation of the centre of tea trade in Central Asia], Turkestanskie
Vedomosti, No. 19 in TS, Vol. 435, pp. 50–53.
59 M.M. Virskii, Peremeshchenie, 53.
60 Zelenyi chai v srednei azii. Strana trezvosti [Green tea in Central Asia. Country of sobriety].
Turkestankie vedemosti, 1909, No. 152&155 in TS, Vol. 511, pp. 26–30.
61 One photo in the Turkestanskii al’bum also uses the word ‘chainaya samovarchigi’ for teahouses
(see Figure 3).
62 “The teas were of the following kinds: (1) Kyrkma. (2) Akhbar. (3) Ak Kuyruk. These kinds, rarely seen
in Central Asia and in China, are more used in Russia, Persia, and Europe. (4) Kara Tchaj. (5) Sepet
Tchaj. These two, sold like Chinese Kynaster, pressed into the form of a brick, are drunk only in the
morning with cream and salt, and are very stimulating. (6) Shibaglu. (7) Gore Shibaglu. (8) Shivin. (9)
It Kellesi. (10) Bonge. (11) Poshun. (12) Pu-Tchay. (13) Tun tey. (14) Gulbuy. (15) Mishk-goz. (16) Lonka.
These are all green teas, none others are in favour in the north of China and in Central Asia. The
last-named (Lonka) is regarded as the most precious, a single leaf suffices for a cup which equals
two of ours.”
63 “Zelenyi chai v srednii azii” [Green tea in Central Asia].
64 Chaynama from the Institute of Oriental Manuscript, Russian Academy of Sciences (IOM RAS), C177,
119a-119b. See: Sobranie vostochnyh rukopisei akademii nauk yzbekskoi SSR [Collection of Oriental
Manuscripts of the Academy of Uzbek SSR] (Tashkent: 1954), T.II, 340. I would like to thank Eric
Schluessel for his generous help in transliterating and translating this manuscript.
65 Batik developed on two levels in Java, one as a ‘court art’ in the palaces of Java where it was an
extension of refined philosophy, and second as a ‘folk art’ principally in the northern coastal areas
where its technical and decorative potential were thoroughly explored. See Tirta (2009).
66 Also known as tjanting.
67 According to the Mahavamsa, when prince Vijaya arrived in Sri Lanka, Kuveni had been spinning
cotton.
68 There is also evidence that Malays had escaped the colonial forces and fled to Kandy. See Nordhoff
(2009).
69 Based on personal observation and interviews in Laoag City, Ilocos Norte, August 2021.
70 Traditionally, apples did not grow in the tropics, such as in Southeast Asia; only in temperate zones.
See: Spengler, 2019.
71 In maritime Southeast Asia, the sun is considered a ‘father’ and the moon is considered a ‘mother’
(Ambrosio, 2010).
72 Minority Rights Group International. 2020. Brunei Darussalam: Dusun, Murut, Kedayan, Iban, Tutong,
Penan. World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples (blog), May 2020.
73 Minority Rights Group International. 2018. Indonesia. World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous
Peoples (blog), January 2018 at https://minorityrights.org/country/indonesia/
74 International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA). 2019. Indigenous World 2019: Malaysia,
April 24, 2019 at https://www.iwgia.org/en/malaysia/3429-iw2019-malaysia.html
75 Filipino phrase for “drowned in debt.”
76 Throughout this text, he/she/him/her is used as pronouns to refer to nature because he/she is
viewed as a breathing, living being in maritime Southeast Asia.
77 Based on personal observation and interviews in Cabanatuan City, Nueva Ecija; Laoag City, Ilocos
Norte; San Fernando, Pampanga; Taguig City, Metro Manila, Philippines: April–August 2022.
ENDNOTES 277
78 Indonesia Investments. 2017. ‘Poverty in Indonesia. Indonesia Investments’ (blog), 12 January 2017.
Retrieved on 24 July 2023 at https://www.indonesia-investments.com/finance/macroeconomic-
indicators/poverty/item301; and Statista. ‘Poverty Rate in Malaysia in 2020, by State’, 5 October
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audit-and

Section Photos
COVER
Green and Labor © Mirkan Tunç / UNESCO Youth Eyes on the Silk Roads
NOMADIC ART
The Stones Will Speak Again © Amalia Tsvetkova / UNESCO Youth Eyes on
the Silk Roads
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

Fisherman at Inle © Yinzhi Pan / UNESCO Youth Eyes on the Silk Roads
FAITH AND SPIRITUALITIES

Culture © Anushka Kesarwani / UNESCO Youth Eyes on the Silk Roads

Feast of the Khan © Andrea Van Acker / UNESCO Youth Eyes on the Silk Roads
TEXTILES AND CLOTHING

The Power of the Silk Roads © Symbat Zhamalbay / UNESCO Youth Eyes on
the Silk Roads
MARITIME EXCHANGES
Traditional Fishing Culture © Pyae Phyo Thet Paing / UNESCO Youth Eyes on
the Silk Roads
SILK ROADS
PAPERS 1st edition
This collection of research papers breathes life into the heritage of the Silk Roads. As the
first of a series, it presents 12 research projects from the Silk Roads Youth Research Grant
initiative, bringing new perspectives to lights and contributing to a deeper understanding of the
interactions and exchanges along the Silk Roads.
Launched by UNESCO, with the support of the National Commission of the People's Republic of
China for UNESCO, this grant has inspired more than 2,500 young researchers since its launch
in 2021. This initiative is part of the UNESCO Silk Road's Programme's ongoing work to better
understand the rich history and shared legacy and spirit of the Silk Roads.
Guided by our young scholars, this expedition promises to deepen

your understanding of the Silk Roads' legacy, ensuring their historical
importance remains vivid in our shared human story.

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SILK ROADS YOUTH RESEARCH GRANT

This publication is available in Open Access under

Discover the rich heritage of the Silk Roads

Over half of today’s 1.8 billion youth reside in regions where

Recognizing the importance of strengthening channels for intercultural

As a UNESCO flagship initiative in social and

Join UNESCO’s ground-breaking scholarly expedition into this

‘Since wars begin in the minds of men

UNESCO defends the recognition and

4 SILK ROADS PAPERS

Textile-related research papers uncover direct influences between traditional

SILK ROADS PAPERS 5

6 SILK ROADS PAPERS

SILK ROADS PAPERS 7

Unsurprisingly, the announcement of the award attracted an extraordinary response

Mariana Castro introduces the latest research on turquoise stones, reflecting

Aibek Baiymbetov presents a comparative analysis of Islam and pre-Islamic belief

8 SILK ROADS PAPERS

Jinfang Li (guided by Feng Zhao) discusses the evolution and transmission of

SILK ROADS PAPERS 9

SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

Ms Mariana Castro (Portugal)

Ms Asma Bachikh (Morocco) and Mr Mohammad Daud Hamidi (Afghanistan)

FAITH AND SPIRITUALITIES

Ms Safia Hassan (United Kingdom)

10 SILK ROADS PAPERS

Ms Nomin-Erdene Ulambayar (Mongolia)

TEXTILES AND CLOTHING

Mr Hashan Wijesinghe (Sri Lanka)

Ms Raizel Pauline S. Albano-Palon (Philippines)

Scientific Panel Biographies 270

SILK ROADS PAPERS 11

Prague Krakow Kiev

12 SILK ROADS PAPERS

MONGOLIAN STEPPES Shanh-du

Karachi ma CHINA (Fuzhou)

Bandar Seri Begawan

SILK ROADS PAPERS 13

Petya Andreeva is an Assistant Professor of Asian Art and Design History at

16 SILK ROADS PAPERS

18 SILK ROADS PAPERS

LATER DEVELOPMENTS: THE XIANBEI PERIOD

20 SILK ROADS PAPERS

AN IRON AGE AESTHETIC

22 SILK ROADS PAPERS

Figure 5. Belt buckle, Olen’ Kolodez’ burial

Figure 6. Pommel with coined animals.

24 SILK ROADS PAPERS

26 SILK ROADS PAPERS

28 SILK ROADS PAPERS

30 SILK ROADS PAPERS

SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY 33

Akinkunmi Ibrahim Oseni received a bachelor’s degree in English at the University

34 SILK ROADS PAPERS

SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY 35

36 SILK ROADS PAPERS

SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY 37

THE SILK ROADS, CHINESE PAPER, SCIENCES AND

38 SILK ROADS PAPERS