Earth System Governance 6 (2020) 100065

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Earth System Governance

journal homepage: www.journals.elsevier.com/earth-system-governance

Planetary just transition? How inclusive and how just?

Dimitris Stevis a, *, Romain Felli b
a
Department of Political Science, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO, 80523-1782, USA
b
University of Geneva Currently on Leave, Switzerland

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Planetary justice (PJ) requires a profound planetary just transition (PJT). Recognizing the essentially
Received 27 November 2019 contested nature of just transition (JT) we propose an analytical scheme to better interpret and differ-
Received in revised form entiate amongst the growing number of JT proposals and, by extension, PJTs. After outlining the
6 July 2020
increasing association of JT proposals with global policy, as well as their proliferation, we employ scale to
Accepted 7 July 2020
Available online 21 September 2020
address their spatial and temporal inclusiveness and scope to address their social and ecological inclu-
siveness. Assuming that inclusion does not automatically translate into procedural or substantive justice
we then propose that JT proposals should also be evaluated in terms of their socioecological purpose,
Keywords:
Just transition
specifically social equality and standing for nature. We then argue that a full understanding of JT must
Planetary justice combine inclusiveness and justice and suggest ways in which we can advance the practice and study of
Geography of justice Planetary Just Transition .
Socioecological justice © 2020 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND
Planetary just transition license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
Labour environmentalism

Introduction fully recognize the essentially contested nature of JT,1 as well as of

the ‘planetary’ (Connelly, 2007; Gallie, 1955) and rather than
Since its inception over thirty years ago the Just Transition (JT) attempt a single definition we propose an analytical scheme to
strategy has aimed at ensuring that green transitions take place in a better interpret and differentiate amongst the various visions of JT
manner that is humane and equitable for those displaced by them. and, by extension, PJT, building on earlier work (Felli, 2014; Stevis
During the last several years it has emerged from a concept largely and Felli, 2015; Stevis and Felli, 2016). We start by outlining the
known and contested by labour unions to one that is now promoted trajectory of JT from its North American origins to becoming a
and contested by unions, environmentalists, governments, cities, global concept. This first part highlights the globalization/plane-
corporations, churches and others (Just Transition Research tarization of JT as it is increasingly connected to planetary issues
Collaborative (JTRC), 2018; Morena et al., 2020). Its inclusion in such as climate change, and outlines the variability of JT as a
the preamble of the 2015 Paris Accord signified its symbolic ascent growing and diverse number of social forces promote their own
to the heights of planetary politics and governance, to be followed versions. In the second part we explore the reach or breadth of JT.
by the 2018 Silesia Declaration on Solidarity and Just Transition. Here we employ scale to address the geographic and temporal
Tellingly, the Declaration was adopted in Poland with its strong inclusiveness of JT and scope to address its social and ecological
commitment to fossil fuels and its conservative political tilt, inclusiveness. How would JT look like from the vantage point of
underscoring that there are various uses (and abuses) of the term. different scales and scopes? What kinds of JT would bring us closer
Planetary Justice cannot take place without a massive and pro- to a PJT?
found transition that is socially and ecologically just at a level In the third part we explore the depth of JT proposals by
commensurate with its scale. The goal of this paper, therefore, is to focusing on the articulations of their environmental and social
reflect on the ingredients of a ‘planetary just transition’ (PJT). We priorities to capture whether and what approach to justice they
promote. To what degree and how does a JT extend standing to
nature? Does it only aim to make a green transition socially
* Corresponding author. equitable or does it embed a just green transition within nature?
E-mail addresses: [email protected] (D. Stevis), Romain.Felli@unige. Does a JT protect those adversely affected by a green transition or
ch (R. Felli). does it empower them? Does it also temper and reduce the power
1
For some important overviews and debates on justice see Olson (2008) Robeyns
(2003) Schlosberg (2013) Temper (2019) Biermann and Kalfagianni (2020).
of those responsible for injustice? How would our view of a PJT

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2589-8116/© 2020 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
2 D. Stevis, R. Felli / Earth System Governance 6 (2020) 100065

proposal shift if we privilege different approaches to nature and Workers (OCAW, 1991; Mazzocchi, 1993). Rather than supporting
society? every mobilization to keep any jobs, the union programmatically
The discussions of inclusion and justice provide important in- chose to support a shift to less toxic products and production
sights on their own. However, as we point out in the fourth part, processes, with significant internal friction. Moreover, the broader
there can be significant divergences between the two in the sense strategy of the OCAW envisioned a robust green industrial policy
that a PJT proposal may not be necessarily more ambitious than for the USA, strong occupational, health and environmental rights
policies limited to particular places. Nor are local JT initiatives and standards, along with universal health care and the formation
necessarily more democratic, ecological and just compared to of an independent labour party (Wykle et al., 1991). This, in short,
planetary ones. In fact, a JT that may seem emancipatory at one was a democratic socialist strategy with a significant environ-
configuration of scale and scope can be exclusionary and unjust mental component, similar to the current Green New Deal pro-
when placed within its full historical context. In the fifth part we posals in the USA and the EU (US Congress 2018; European
suggest some ways forward in terms of empirical research. We Commission 2019).3 During the 1990s the OCAW promoted the
close with a recapitulation of our main points. strategy in collaboration with the environmental justice movement
(Young, 1998; Harvey, 2018) and through systematic discussions
between unions and environmentalists (Renner, 2000). However,
Just transition: The making and globalization of a contested concept after 2001 Just Transition fell of the agenda of US unions and en-
vironmentalists because of the resolute opposition of a number of
The major goal of this part is to set the stage for the rest of the unions, the absorption of OCAW by an anti-environmentalist union,
paper by highlighting two developments over the last several de- the election of an anti-environmentalist president in 2000 and the
cades. First, JT has become planetary, particularly through its nationalist aftermath of September 11, 2001 which was conducive
connection to climate policy and, increasingly, other planetary is- to green industrial strategies that promoted US primacy and avoi-
sues. Second, the proliferation of contending visions of just tran- ded questions of justice.
sition requires their systematic analysis. On that basis there are four The Globalization of Just Transition: The strategy did not
periods in the history of the explicit use of JT (Stevis and Felli, 2015; disappear because a couple of global union organizations had
Hampton, 2015; Just Transition Research Collaborative, 2018; Stevis become familiar with it and inserted it into their public statements,
et al., 2020; Rosemberg, 2020). While the term ‘just transition’ was including in global fora (Gereluk and Royer, 2001). But the primary
first used in 1995 it was part of an explicit strategy by unions and force behind the globalization of JT was a select group of national
environmental justice activists in the USA and Canada that can be unions which played a key role in globalizing Just Transition (Felli,
traced to the very late 1980s and which focused largely on toxics 2014; Hampton, 2015). A very important force was the Spanish
(OCAW, 1991). During the second period e from around 2001 up to Comisiones Obreras which had adopted a proactive approach to-
the Great Recession of 2008- it was abandoned by North American wards the environment and climate since the late 1980s and whose
unions but taken up by unions elsewhere, as well as global union environmentalism was institutionalized within the union's orga-
organizations, with increasing attention to climate change. These nization (Gil, 2013; Rosemberg, 2020). In 2004 it formed Sustain-
continued to play a key role during the third period e the Great labour, a labour environmentalist NGO which over its 12 year of
Recession e now joined by some IGOs which hoped that green existence played a critical role in the diffusion of labour environ-
growth would be the solution to the global crisis. The last period, mentalism at the global level and around the world (Sustainlabour
more or less since 2013, reflects the full planetarization of JT, and United National Environmental Programme, 2008; Murillo,
particularly with its inclusion in the Paris Agreement, and its 2013). One important step was the Trade Union Assembly on La-
adoption by many environmentalists, governments, business and bour and the Environment that took place in January 2006 (UNEP,
others. 2007) and brought together unions from around the world, as
The Origins of Just Transition: The aggregate employment well as the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC, 2009;
impacts of the environmental regulations adopted in the USA Stevis et al., 2020; Rosemberg, 2020). Global union organizations e
during the 1970s were not negative. However, they definitely particularly the ITUC - played an important role in the diffusion of
affected certain industries in manufacturing, toxics and nuclear the strategy. Its emerging significance was made apparent at the
power, which had to adjust to higher environmental standards. Bali COP (2007) which also attracted a broader delegation of US
Early on people like Tony Mazzocchi of the Oil, Chemical and unions, now supportive of JT at the global level. Processes initiated
Atomic Workers' Union (OCAW) realized that transitional policies at the 2009 COP led to the symbolic inclusion of JT in the COP
were necessary and that there were examples of successful tran- documents starting in 2010. This raised JT to the planetary level
sitional policies, such as the support offered to the veterans of and, equally importantly, allowed the collaboration of climate jus-
WWII (GI Bill) (Leopold, 2007). Mazzocchi's environmentalism was tice activists with labour environmentalists which, up to that time,
not an isolated case. The attitudes of US unions towards environ- were working on somewhat parallel trajectories (Roberts, 2007;
mental regulation during the 1960s and early 1970s were more Rosemberg, 2020; 46e48), even though the environmental justice,
diverse than often assumed (Dewey, 2019).2 During the 1970s, for labour environmentalist and just transition movements had close
instance, US labour unions and networks were amongst the earliest contacts as far back as the 1970s (Rector, 2018; Farrell, 2012).
advocates of environmental justice (Rector, 2018). Up to the Great Recession in 2008, unions were promoting just
During the 1980s the discussion of transitional strategies fell off transition as part of a labour strategy that balanced just and green
the OCAW's agenda but reemerged at the end of the decade. transitions. Once the Recession manifested itself, however, there
Drawing upon the federal Superfund policy, intended to clean up was a proliferation of proposals that promoted green transitions
polluted sites, the union developed a proposal for a Superfund for

2 3
It is important to note that we are not suggesting that labour environmentalism Democratic socialism refers to policies that promote a larger and more demo-
or initiatives that may well be considered as squarely within JT were limited to the cratic social welfare state. The differences between democratic socialism and social
USA. According to a number of scholars and activists the 1970s Lucas experiment in democracy are the subject of debate (McCarthy, 2018; Meyer, 2018). Analysts have
the UK, and the vision behind it, can be considered one of the pioneering examples increasingly made the case for an eco-social welfare state (Koch and Fritz, 2014;
of labour environmentalism and just transition (Ra €thzel, Uzzell and Elliott 2010). Jakobsson et al. 2017)
 D. Stevis, R. Felli / Earth System Governance 6 (2020) 100065 3

centered around green growth and green capitalism and in which Hopwood et al., 2005; Connelly, 2007; Clapp and Dauvergne, 2011;
just transition was a secondary factor, if at all (Jacobs, 2012; Jacobs, 2012; Tienhaara, 2014; Felli, 2014).We employ scale and
Tienhaara, 2014; Rosemberg, 2020). The 2009e2014 Green Jobs scope to capture the breadth or inclusiveness4 of JT e or for that
Initiative, a collaboration between the ILO, UNEP and the ITUC, matter democracy, justice or power. Scale refers to the spatial and
increasingly reflected that approach. Just Transition, while temporal reach of a particular proposal or policy. Spatially a policy
mentioned, was reduced to a secondary component. In fact none of or practice may range from local to planetary but the spatial scale of
the various Green New Deal proposals that appeared during that a policy cannot be determined according to some fixed version of
period fully addressed Just Transition e largely placing their hopes jurisdictional boundaries. A national policy to raise US interest
in more green growth and green jobs (Stevis et al., 2020: 17e18). rates, for instance, has global implications. The carbon accounting
Just Transition for and from Everyone: During 2013 JT found an provisions adopted by a city reverberate beyond its boundaries in
additional place in global politics when the Governing Board the form of trade and investment choices. As social geographers
included it on the ILO's annual conference agenda. Global climate have argued spatiality is the product of contestations and politics e
justice activists started seeing value in the concept and some of rather than a purely physical or legal artifact (Hollifield, Porter and
them transferred it back to their national movements (Rosemberg, Walker, 2009; Bridge et al., 2013).
2020). The ILO adopted its JT guidelines in 2015 (ILO, 2015; Like spatiality, the temporal scale of a policy is also the product
Galgo czi, 2018). The ITUC's Just Transition Centre, with a decidedly of contestations and politics with different people and places sha-
more collaborative approach towards capital, was launched in 2016 ped by and affected differentially by the way timescapes are pro-
(Just Transition Centre, 2017; Moussu, 2020). This mainstreaming duced (Adam, 1998; Nixon, 2011). As a number of analysts have
did not come without changes. In 2016 Sustainlabour, with its argued space and time are the product of common social processes
primary focus on unions and workers, closed its operations as its that shape the interfaces of humanity and nature (Cronon, 1996;
approach became less popular at the level of IGOs and the ITUC. In Mann, 2011).
2018 The B Team, a business coalition, produced its Just Transition These interfaces are inscribed in the history and characteristics
guidelines for employers in collaboration with the ITUC (Just of jurisdictional boundaries whose permeability depends on a
Transition Centre and The B Team, 2018; Just Transition Research place's position in the global political economy (Sassen, 2005;
Collaborative, 2018), followed shortly thereafter by statements in Bridge et al. 2013; Mezzadra and Neilson, 2012). Countries are the
favor of JT by other business coalitions and networks. The World products of historical processes, whether imperialism or other
Bank (2018) produced a report examining its practices with forms of geopolitics, as well as domestic contestations (Frank, 1965;
respect to coal transitions from the angle of JT. Other IGOs and Grove, 1994; Marks, 2015). One of the characteristics of imperial
actors have also engaged the topic, sometimes using the term ‘in- countries is that they are better able to control their boundaries,
clusive transition’. More recently, JT has been associated with compared to their formal or informal colonial spheres. Cities and
foreign policy and the need to prevent destabilizing forces around subnational units are formally subject to domestic rules and politics
the world (Ranft et al., 2019). In addition to various proposals, JT but they are also differentially integrated into the world political
policies have also been adopted by countries, such as Canada and economy (Bulkeley and Schroeder, 2011; Dicken, 2015; Lenschow et
Spain, as well as subnational units, such as Colorado and Scotland al., 2016).
(see Just Transition Centre, 2017; Galgo czi, 2018; and Just Transition These same historical relations obtain, much more explicitly,
Research Collaborative, 2018 for examples). The European Union with respect to the second dimension e scope. An account that fully
has recently adopted a Just Transition Funding Mechanism as part maps the scale of an activity may do so only with respect to
of its massive Green Deal (European Commission, 2019). particular stakeholders, processes and products (Gaventa, 1980; I.
It would be hard to claim that all of these entities share the same Young, 2000, 2006; Fraser, 2005). Focusing only on production or
visions of inclusiveness (scale and scope) and justice (social consumption, but not their historical articulations, highlights some
equality and environmental quality) (on tensions that emerge see elements of the political economy over others (Wiedmann et al.,
Ciplet and Harrison, 2020). Some JT proposals are much more local 2020). Electric and hybrid cars, for instance, are only a small
or limited to particular practices while others are planetary, both in portion of car production compared to sport utility vehicles. Tran-
terms of their scale and in terms of their scope, as discussed below. sition plans that cover only some affected people or places fall in
As the universe of proponents and proposals has expanded it is also that category. Compensation or retraining may alleviate the distress
not surprising that the ambition of JT ranges from conventional of laid off workers but they may not extend to the community in
forms of CSR to profound transformational proposals that challenge which these workers are embedded (Mertins-Kirkwood and
capitalism, whether neoliberal, developmentalist or nativist (Just Deshpande, 2019). Or they may address the concerns of strategi-
Transition Research Collaborative, 2018; Mousu, 2020). A neces- cally placed workers and communities but not those in less stra-
sary step, therefore, is to reflect on the inclusiveness and justice of tegic positions within the same global production network.
JT, as we should on democracy or justice, lest the term becomes an But our examination of scope should not be limited to those
empty signifier. We now turn to that task. most vulnerable. It should also include those most powerful and
responsible for the policies and practices that require a Just Tran-
sition (on limits to wealth see Robeyns, 2019; on consumption of
Inclusiveness of planetary just transition
the affluent see Wiedmann et al., 2020). A common corporate
strategy, relying on structural power, has been the refusal to engage
Scale and Scope. Given the proliferation of JT proposals it stands
in policy debates until and unless the parameters of those debates
to reason that we need some analytical tools to differentiate
have shifted in the direction capital prefers, as is the case with
amongst them e in the same sense that analysts have done with
private regulation. The mere presence of those powerful and
respect to sustainable development and the green economy (e.g.,
responsible is meaningless if their structural power is left unex-
amined and unregulated (Shamir, 2010, 2011; Moussu, 2020).
4
The discussion of scale and scope raises the question of what
Inclusiveness generally conveys a positive message. We feel that inclusion e in
the form of recognition or participation-is variable, as are its outputs. Accordingly
does the ‘planetary’ mean? Some analysts have suggested that it is
breadth, as used here, largely refers to inclusiveness as the ‘coverage’ of a just different from the ‘global’ while others would consider using the
transition. Depth, in turn, refers to the degree or kind of justice envisioned by a JT. two interchangeably (Pedersen, 2020; Biermann and Kalfagianni,
4 D. Stevis, R. Felli / Earth System Governance 6 (2020) 100065

2020; Kaldor and Selchow, 2020). This is not the question that we and for the largest swath of people and nature. But it also should
want to adjudicate. Rather we are asking whether planetary justice not deny that other environmental or social harms may be the most
and injustice are subject to some kind of universalist (Malm and immediate and existential for specific and large swaths of people
Warlenius, 2019) or aggregate forces, independent of social po- and nature. Putting those transitions on the back burner is certain
wer and historical divisions of labour (Stevis and Assetto, 2001). to breed opposition to urgently needed climate transition.
Our view is that the planetary is historical, and that this requires For historical reasons JT has been associated with the environ-
the identification of the forces that shape it one way or another mental transition but the need for it is not limited to the environ-
(Moore, 2019). Our approach is analogous to that which argues for a ment. Wars, migration, slavery, patriarchy, colonization, uneven
more historical and social examination of the Anthropocene (e.g., development, innovations, automation, longer lives, and capital-
Lo€vbrand et al. 2015; Luke, 2015). Adopting such a relational intensive production, have also caused profound transitions. A to-
strategy allows us to explore planetary justice and just transition tal politics of planetary justice would have to consider just transi-
more fully, something that is not possible if one adopts a univer- tion in all realms of life. Such a focus is necessary both in itself and
salist view that hesitates to allocate differential responsibility and for the sake of planetary environmental transition. A prominent
obligation (on the differences between relational and gradational Green New Deal proposed in the USA, for instance, promotes a
analyses see Wright, 2016). green industrial policy along with universal health care (US
Just Transition for All. With the above clarifications in mind Congress 2018). In the absence of a just transition for workers in
what should a planetary just transition include? A great deal of the the health sector it is not likely that there will be enough support
discussion and practice of Just Transition in recent years has for its green component e particularly since some of the strongest
focused on coal. Canada, for instance, has created a national task supporters of the GND are unions in the health sector.
force to deal with the transition from coal in the whole of the In recapitulating, it is possible to envision a range of configu-
country (Mertins-Kirkwood and Deshpande, 2019). Colorado has rations of scale and scope (see Fig. 1). These configurations are not
decided to set up a Just Transition Office to also transition from coal technical choices nor historical accidents. Rather, they reflect po-
(Cohen, 2019). In both cases the policies leave out the major fossil litical conjunctures and contestations. For example, a decision to
fuel sources of energy e natural gas in Colorado and tar sands in initiate a JT for coal workers e but not other fossil fuel workers e
Canada. At a time when coal seems to be losing ground in the USA, reflects the considerable power of the oil and natural gas in-
despite Trump's promises, natural gas is consolidating its domi- dustries. A PJT is not one that has planetary scale and scope from its
nance (Plumer, 2019). Just transition policies that do not address very inception. That would certainly lead to immobilization in light
the whole energy sector, including energy users, are incomplete of the range of tensions involved (Ciplet and Harrison, 2020).
(for a study of JT that includes automobiles see Galgo  czi (2019). Rather, a PJT is one that opens, rather than closes, avenues towards
A PJT should also cover the renewable energy economy for at more inclusion. JT from coal, for example, is more planetary if it
least three reasons. First, the renewable energy industry is not well addresses coal around the world e with the obligations that this
known for its friendly approach towards workers while its siting implies for global policy and the North-South divide- and does
practices often purposefully divide communities leaving those with not limit JT to coal. The key point here is that we should not assume
less land and political access unable to influence siting (Cass et al., that planetary scale is the same as planetary scope. Nor should we
2010; for a broader overview see Burke and Stephens, 2018). Sec- assume that a planetary transition that is broad in scope and
ond, the life cycle of the renewable industry raises major social and scale is necessarily deep or ambitious. We now turn to that
environmental concerns. Wind turbines are large industrial in- dimension.
stallations at the apex of extensive production networks that
include mining, transportation, refining, manufacturing, installa-
tion and maintenance. There is no evidence that the mining of the
minerals needed for wind turbines is taking place under better
social and environmental conditions than does the extraction of
fossil fuels nor is there evidence of any planning for properly
completing their life cycle. The production of certain solar panels,
for instance, presents serious occupational and health hazards
while most solar panels have to be disposed as hazardous materials
(Mulvaney, 2014). Finally, renewable energy is very much the
subject of market dynamics, as well as geopolitical dynamics when
treated as a strategic sector. Individual rationality breeds collective
irrationality and, thus, overproduction and overconsumption -
what some call the Jevon's paradox or the rebound effect (Polimeni
et al., 2008).
The strong association of JT with climate policy also raises
profound issues of scope. A planetary just transition should address
the total environment. A significant range of practices and policies
with immediate and massive impacts on workers and communities
are not related to climate change. Their legitimation in terms of
climate change e rather than as important issues in their own right
e devalues the life concerns of both the humans as well as the
ecosystems affected. For instance, nitrogen cycle disruption, ocean
acidification, loss of biodiversity, plastics, toxics or urban pollution
are all problems that affect humanity and nature across the globe
(e.g., Biermann et al., 2016; Bennett et al., 2019). A planetary just
transition that addresses the whole environment does not reject
that specific challenges are more pressing at particular moments Fig. 1. Configurations of scale and scope: Degrees of inclusion.
 D. Stevis, R. Felli / Earth System Governance 6 (2020) 100065 5

The justice of planetary just transition ecocentric turn? We do not think that this connection is self-
evident. While these approaches see the planet as a system that
A planetary just transition may aim at fairness within the pa- can collapse under the strain of human intervention this does not
rameters of neoliberal capitalism or compensatory policies and necessarily extend intrinsic value to nature. Rather, they may reflect
capabilities under social liberalism (Piggot et al., 2019). Or it can alarm with the social and economic impacts of environmental
aim at the structural reform (see Bond, 2008) or the transformation collapse (Stern, 2006; Keith, 2013). Planetary justice, and PJT in our
of the existing order (Sweeney and Treat, 2018). Stated differently, case, can very well be limited to the social injustices that planetary
PJT views can vary not only in terms of their breadth or inclusive- collapse or rapid change may engender, including the maldistri-
ness but, also, with respect to the depth of their justice claims (for bution of environmental harms and benefits amongst humans.
an overview see Biermann and Kalfagianni, 2020). We examine the From Inegalitarianism to Egalitarianism. Strong egalitarian
latter by focusing on how they balance justice between humans approaches e at the level of ideologies and world views e allow for
and justice between humanity and nature (Hopwood et al., 2005). the recognition and participation (voice) of all involved and
From Anthropocentrism to Ecocentrism. We start by asserting, affected, including those speaking for nature (Young, 2006). They
along with many others, that humanity and nature are part of the also argue for the structural reform or transformation of existing
same ontological totality (Grove, 1994; Cronon, 1996; Hornborg, power structures and institutions that privilege certain voices and
1998). Humanity does not simply affect nature, as if it were an certain choices (Just Transition Research Collaborative, 2018). It is
external force, but it is part of nature. As a result, every human one thing to go into a process that recognizes and includes all
activity, including activities that we do not normally consider as affected and all responsible, knowing that you can establish upper
having an environmental impact, reshape socioecological systems. limits to the benefits and power of capital, and another to solely
But this assertion does not tell us enough about how humans deal focus on crafting a compensatory safety net that does not temper
with nature, a subject matter central to political ecology and and reduce its power.
environmental politics. As with other ‘internal relations’ (Ollman, Inegalitarian approaches, on the other hand, normalize unequal
1976; Stevis and Assetto 2001; Moore, 2015) in which parts are power relations. Political economies that give discretion to a
not conceivable independent of the relationship e such as benevolent leader are evidently inegalitarian. Similarly, political
employer and employee, parents and children, individuals and economies that extend broad but limited distribution, recognition
societies, Global North and Global South e there is a great deal of and participation e such as the market e are also inegalitarian
historical variability and asymmetry in the dynamics of these re- because core choices are beyond deliberation. The reasoning for
lationships. To simply point out that society and nature are supporting inegalitarian views may range from fully racist or bio-
constituted within an internal relationship is to leave the impres- logical criteria to a libertarian evocation of the ‘freedom’ of in-
sion that they both have equal agency (Stevis, 2000). This is not to dividuals to accumulate power well above that of others
say that nature is a ‘passive’ component of the society-nature nexus (Beckerman and Pasek, 2001; on libertarianism and planetary
(Bennett, 2010; also Colle and Frost, 2010). It is to say, however that, justice see Biermann and Kalfagianni, 2020). Where inegalitarian
as with some ecocentrists and biocentrists, erasing the differences worldviews support environmental or ecological policies they are
between human and natural agency colonizes and anthropomor- likely to do so via pricing mechanisms, including those of envi-
phizes nature and may well distract from the proper allocation of ronmental services (see Lohman, 2009) or via exclusionary pres-
responsibility and obligation. ervationism, as has been the case with national parks and
With that in mind a conventional means to capture the histor- preservation in much of the world (Macekura, 2015). On the other
ical relations and attitudes towards nature, implicit or explicit, is in hand, more distributionally egalitarian societies, such as the USSR
terms of where they fall in the anthropocentrism-ecocentrism during parts of its history (Novokmet et al., 2017), are not neces-
continuum (Low and Gleeson, 1998; Shrader-Frechette, 2002; sarily more environmentalist.
Hopwood et al., 2005; Clapp and Dauvergne, 2011; Schlosberg, The two dimensions of depth can help us produce a range of
2013). At one extreme we can place approaches that see nature as configurations of PJT views, with a number of similar views clus-
a resource to be used until its depletion. Further along conserva- tering together (see Fig. 2). Inegalitarian and anthropocentric views
tionists seek to replenish natural resources, whether for hunting or are likely to produce planetary environmental injustice while
fishing, or other forms of extraction, such as logging. Once con- egalitarian anthropocentric views are likely to produce conven-
fronted with non-renewable resources, conservationists are likely tional planetary environmental justice e seen in terms of the dis-
to diversify and/or place their hopes in technological innovation. tribution of environmental harms and benefits. Inegalitarian views
Weaker forms of ecological modernization share strong affinities that privilege nature e whether deep ecology, biocentrism or
with conservation around their shared belief in technological preservationism e will produce planetary ecological injustice, as
innovation. Stronger forms of ecological modernization introduce would be the case with natural parks around the world, while
additional concerns, such as equity and some standing for nature egalitarian and ecocentric views are more likely to produce plan-
(see Christoff, 1996; Jaenicke and Lindemann, 2010; but see Warner, etary ecological justice. Each configuration reflects particular con-
2010). Ecocentric approaches extend intrinsic value to nature testations and power relations rather than a technical fusion of
although there are differences in how this takes place. Deep ecol- depth and breadth. As we suggested at the end of the previous part,
ogists may do so by downgrading the standing of humanity while a planetary just transition will not emerge fully formed, if at all. Our
social ecologists seek a synthesis of society and nature, allowing for challenge, therefore, is to differentiate a JT that opens opportunities
an exploration of the interfaces between social and ecological towards more social and ecological justice, from a JT that affirms
criteria and values (for brief overviews see Clapp and Dauvergne, the existing political economy and/or seeks to manage a crisis.
2011 and Hopwood et al., 2005).
Since the 1970s a line of thought has been deeply concerned Bringing inclusion and justice together
about planetary stress, best expressed in The Limits to Growth
(Meadows et al., 2004). Currently, the narratives of the Anthro- Many of the debates over democracy or justice center around
pocene (e.g., Lo€vbrand et al., 2015) and planetary limits are central the existence of communities of faith and belonging (O'Neil, 2000;
to global policy debates (Rockstro € m et al. 2009; Rockstro €m, 2015; Robeyns, 2003; Fraser, 2005; Young, 2006; Olson, 2008; Dryzek et
Raworth, 2012). Are these concerns evidence of a decisive al., 2019; Biermann and Kalfagianni, 2020). Communitarians argue
6 D. Stevis, R. Felli / Earth System Governance 6 (2020) 100065

Fig. 2. Configurations of social and environmental worldiews: Varieties of (In)justice. Fig. 3. Configurations of breadth and depth: The geography of (Un)just transitions.

that only societies with a common core and mission can truly aim A planetary just transition can also hide and aggravate injustice
for democracy and justice and, thus, that cosmopolitan views are when it uses countries (or subnational units) as its metric of (in)
misdirected (Kukathas, 2006). Cosmopolitans envision a global justice without addressing internal inequalities and exclusions.
justice centered around individuals, regardless of nationality This can be done explicitly through JT policies that are limited to
(Dryzek, 2012; Held and Patomaki, 2006). Others have sought to citizens or to employment that is primarily male, e.g., coal miners
bridge this divide on the basis of a cosmopolitanism of democratic but not office personnel in coal companies, mostly female. Or it can
communities whereby the achievements of egalitarian societies be done implicitly by limiting policies to formal employment, thus
provide the foundation for global egalitarianism (Eckersley, 2007). leaving out women and workers in the ‘informal’ and ‘care’ econ-
Our point is not to take sides in these debates but, rather, to point omies, largely women, immigrants and people of color (Mertins-
out that a full evaluation of the democratic and justice content of PJ Kirkwood and Deshpande, 2019; Tollmann et al., 2018; WEDO,
would benefit by employing both breadth and depth variables to 2016). As a result, the arguments of Southern elites that are based
ensure that just practices with respect to one planetary issue are on national sovereignty may be useful in terms of pushing back
not purchased through injustice in other domains. The ree- against Northern imperialism but that does not make them just.
mergence of exclusionary nationalism (nativism), for instance, has When Brazil, for instance, calls for sovereignty over the Amazon it
highlighted how egalitarian policies, such as the social welfare employs a strong argument against Northern governments who
state, can be appropriated in the cause of unjust and punitive refuse to recognize the impacts of their continuing practices in
agendas against immigrants or citizens with certain ethnic attri- deforesting the earth. On the other hand, the strengthening of that
butes (Forchtner, 2020; for varieties of historical nationalism see ‘sovereignty’ also facilitates the exploitation of Brazilian small
Mazower, 2013). In a world that is constituted by enduring histor- farmers and indigenous people e many of them depending on
ical divisions of labour every local policy has translocal impacts and forest resources e by Brazilian capital (Leroy, 2017).
every translocal or global policy is mediated by these divisions of This does not mean that Global North-Global South dynamics
labour. should be dismissed. Some current Green New Deal proposals, for
We place the configurations of depth and breadth within these example, have been criticized as a form of neocolonialism because
parameters (see Fig. 3). At one extreme we can very well have a they do not address their impacts, if implemented, on the world
local just transition that is inclusive of all local stakeholders but political economy and within countries, particularly in the Global
which externalizes harm by exporting its coal, while importing the South (Rehman, 2019). Rather, a PJT requires that we address this
minerals required for renewable energy, from places with lower planetary divide in all of its complexity by promoting policies that
social and environmental standards. These negative externalities address inequalities from the global to the local levels. A Just
are likely to lead to the global lowering of standards as each locality Transition cannot move us in the direction of a PJT if it is limited to
is striving for advantage (downward harmonization). Alternatively, the Global North (Satgar, 2018a, b, ; Hirsch et al., 2017; Rodriguez-
a local JT that absorbs the costs of the transition, e.g., leaves coal in Labajos et al., 2019). The inclusion of the Global South, diverse as it
the ground and assists both the coal producers on which it is (Ciplet and Roberts 2017) requires not only assistance from the
depended as well as the producers of the minerals needed for Global North (Ranft et al., 2019) but a more profound reorganiza-
renewable energy, can lead to collaboration and higher translocal tion of the world political economy away from the global divisions
standards. of labour that reproduce North-South inequality. Such a
 D. Stevis, R. Felli / Earth System Governance 6 (2020) 100065 7

reorganization cannot take place by itself but requires that unions, by focusing on its properties once delivered, while obscuring the
environmentalists and all egalitarian social forces, North and South, associated production process, is an example of methodological
learn from each other and develop a politics of planetary solidarity. nationalism.
Our approach to PJT is not intended to suggest that only the Serious crises and transitions e whether ‘social’, such as the end
most inclusive and socioecologically just PJT is acceptable while of the Cold War, the Great Recession, the rise of nativism or the
every other JT falls short. Rather, it serves a dual purpose. First, to current pandemic, or ‘natural’, such as climate change, the prolif-
provide an analytical scheme that allows us to interpret and eration of plastics or the impacts of monocultures e remind us that
compare JT practices as taking place within translocal, global or the most promising approaches are those that integrate macro and
planetary social divisions of labour e rather than as isolated prac- micro levels of analysis. One does not need to adopt a historical
tices involving localities, products, or firms. Second, it requires us to materialist approach to recognize that the depth and breadth of
ask whether a particular JT affirms, manages, challenges or trans- human activities are taking place within global social divisions of
forms our world in the direction of a comprehensive planetary just labour that change much more slowly than changes within them
transition (Hampton, 2015; Sweeney and Treat, 2018; Just (Stephen, 2014; Nayyar, 2016; also Muradian et al., 2012). An
Transition Research Collaborative, 2018). The criterion here is not evidence-based approach to the study of planetary just transition,
whether a JT is ab initio planetary but whether it contributes to or planetary governance, justice or power, will be well-served by
building a PJT and, more importantly, what kinds of a PJT, a question differentiating between these two types of changes, however those
to which we now turn. may be operationalized. We believe that systematic research has
made enormous strides since the 1960s and here we briefly outline
promising research approaches while pointing out what we
The study and promotion of PJT
consider to be possible problems.
We agree that totalities, such as planetary politics or world-
In light of the above how do we promote and study planetary
systems, have to be studied at that level. Global capitalism,
justice and PJT? Can a planetary just transition be advanced solely
geopolitics or global governance do have their own dynamics. A
through planetary policies or can it also be advanced via sub-
myriad studies of corporations, national strategies or regimes will
planetary ones? And should planetary just transition proposals be
not add up to an understanding of the totality's dynamics, as re-
studied at the level of the whole planet or do we have tools that
searchers recognize (Martinez-Alier et al., 2016; Loorbach et al.,
allow us to bridge and local and the planetary through systematic
2017; Temper et al., 2018). In our view the most promising ana-
research e in the process evaluating the purpose of various
lyses are those that allow us to foreground power relations as well
policies?
as historicize that totality. Capitalism, geopolitics, global gover-
Sub-planetary policies can very well advance and contribute to
nance have histories e they are not ahistorical mechanical pro-
planetary (in)justice. In the same way that some local practices can
cesses. Socio-ecological and sociotechnical systems analyses, for
lead to downward harmonization, by encouraging countries and
instance, recognize that we exist within totalities but have been
subnational units to compete for capital by lowering their stan-
slower in examining these totalities as the historical product of
dards, other practices can lead to upward harmonization, by using
social power and contestation (Betsill and Stevis, 2016; Healy and
local policies to promote higher translocal standards (Vogel, 1995;
Barry, 2017; Jenkins et al., 2018). This can also be the problem
Doorey, 2010).5 Such strategies of extraterritorial unilateralism are
with some world-systemic research or neorealism in international
not without their risks because they are often based on a misguided
relations when they omit the role of human agency and historical
nationalism that glorifies real or imagined national accomplish-
contingency (for efforts to bridge the two see Giddens, 1984; Cox,
ments while employing methodological nationalism in the midst of
1981). A promising strategy, in our view, is macrohistorical
constitutive historical divisions of labour (Wimmer and Schiller,
research that employs explicit socioecological criteria to trace the
2002). What we are suggesting here is that local and national
creation, persistence and modification of global socioecological
policies are policies within the world political economy rather than
divisions of labour (Bunker, 1985; Grove, 1994; Cronon, 1996;
separate from it.
Hornborg, 1998, 2007; Marks, 2015; Malm, 2013; Moore, 2015).
How, and which, local or national policies can in fact lead to
Such research is particularly necessary during this era of planetary
upward harmonization is one of the most fruitful and demanding
and anthropocenic imaginaries, compounded by another cosmo-
areas of planetary democracy and justice research. What kinds of
historical pandemic (Conniff, 2020).
subplanetary policies can contribute to planetary justice in light of
Necessary as research on totalities may be, it is also partial. The
the claim that all policies e even the most local e are affected by
global or the planetary does not operate in some ethereal space
and take place within the world-political economy. There is no
but, rather, through the landing in and the shaping of localities e
guaranty that a well-meaning national or local policy will
at the same time that those localities shape the global or planetary
contribute to collective rationality nationally or globally. But we can
(Dicken, 2015; Mann, 2011; Stavrianos, 1981; Frank, 1965). Over
argue that some policies are more likely to do so than others (Vogel,
the last several decades social scientists have developed many
1995; Barrientos et al., 2011; Selwyn, 2013) and that this is a fruitful
analytical tools to study the micro and meso levels of the world
research agenda. However, we need to underline that we recom-
political economy as integral parts of this totality. Micro level tools
mend case studies whose analysis is embedded in and mindful of
include life cycle analyses that can provide us with granular
the historical and social contexts in which they take place
tracing of particular products but often leave out social and
(Muradian, O'Connor and Martinez-Alier, 2002; Cumbers et al.,
environmental politics (Scientific Applications International
2008; Coe et al., 2008; Gough, 2010; Rodriguez-Labajos et al.
Corporation, 2006) and commodity chain analysis, even though
2016; Givens et al., 2019). An analysis of the best decarbonization
it has been criticized for abandoning its early promise to help us
strategy that stops at the edge of a jurisdiction is not the kind of
map world-systems (Bair, 2009). Value chain analysis, when it
research that we are calling for. Certifying the quality of a product
moves beyond the capturing of economic value to examine the
politics associated with it, can move us towards a meso level
5
For example, higher emission standards in California forced car companies to
(Gereffi, 2014) while global production networks cover a broader
improve their emission standards across their fleets.This has been called the ‘Cal- scale and scope and clearly address meso level dynamics (Dicken,
ifornia effect’ (Vogel, 1995). 2015). In general, proponents of GPNs are more aware of the
8 D. Stevis, R. Felli / Earth System Governance 6 (2020) 100065

historical divisions of labour and the significance of politics, On these grounds we argue that a Planetary Just Transition must
although they admit that they need to do more with respect to be inclusive in terms of breadth and that it must be just to nature
contestation and politics (Levy, 2008). The promising approach of and society e not in an additive way but by recognizing the his-
telecoupling (Lenschow et al., 2016) e whereby two places in the torical and ontological connections between the two. In that spirit,
world are intimately connected- would be enriched if informed by any PJT policies and practices that do not temper and eradicate
GPN and global division of labour insights. Finally, perhaps the social power relations cannot be just to either nature or humanity.
circular economy approach, if it integrates politics, power and We do not think that social egalitarianism will automatically
justice can provide another meso scale analytical tool. It is not include nature. But it does reduce the ability of some to have more
possible for every case study to explore all connections to the of a voice and choice in those debates by virtue of normalized
broader political economy. At the very least, however, it must structures of power. This is not solely a normative research priority
reflect on the kinds of additional research that is needed to do so. nor is it more normative than any other angle from which to
This approach can very much be applied to the study of plane- explore PJT. Research that is attentive to how structures of power
tary justice and just transition. For example, before inferring that obscure alternative views and dynamics is more empirically
the proliferation of planetary justice policies with respect to grounded and is less likely to be surprised, whether by the collapse
particular sectors or problems is evidence of an overall march to- of the Soviet Union, the reemergence of the political right, or the
wards planetary justice it would be preferable to explore the va- social intensity of the pandemic.
rieties of justice at play (Biermann and Kalfagianni, 2020). Similarly,
national and subnational just transition policies may be evidence CRediT authorship contribution statement
towards a planetary just transition but may also be evidence of
what Williams (1989) called ‘militant particularism’ when every Dimitris Stevis: Conceptualization, Methodology, Visualization,
place fights for its own justice, regardless of its translocal impacts. It Writing - original draft. Romain Felli: Conceptualization, Meth-
is for this reason that research on planetary just transitions - and odology, Visualization, Writing - review & editing.
planetary justice, in general - must pay attention to social relations
across boundaries. It is not enough to demonstrate that people are Declaration of Competing Interest
connected by commodity chains or production networks. Such
connections can well aggravate competition and predatory The authors declare that they have no known competing
behavior. Thus, a research agenda that should be part and parcel of financial interests or personal relationships that could have
what we have discussed in this part is how social forces, particu- appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.
larly unions and egalitarian social movements, can foster strategies
of planetary solidarity around a political agenda that promotes References
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