Etymologizing in a Christian Context: the Techniques of Clement and Origen

Annewies van den Hoek, Harvard Divinity School

1. Preliminary remarks

It is widely known that the Christian Alexandrian writers Clement and Origen were well
acquainted with the works and the interpretative techniques of their Jewish predecessor
Philo. Almost nothing, on the other hand, is known about their relationships with
contemporary Jewish authors in Alexandria. The impression from Clement’s writing at
least is that his knowledge of Jewish theology and biblical hermeneutics came primarily
from literary sources and was rather bookish. In addition to the numerous quotations from
and allusions to Philo’s work, Clement collected various bits and pieces of earlier Jewish
authors writing in Greek. A century or so later, Eusebius was eager to incorporate and
add to these literary fragments, which now form the basis of most of our knowledge of
the Hellenistic Jewish authors leading up to Philo. Clement wrote a polemical treatise
entitled “Against the Judaizers,” but this work, of which only a fragment is preserved,
was probably not directed so much against Jews as against Christians with Judaizing
sympathies. As for Origen, his contacts with a living Jewish community are well attested;
particularly after moving to Caesarea, he had active communications with contemporary
rabbis. Compared to Clement he also had a more immediate interest in the language and
linguistic intricacies of the Hebrew Bible, studying the various Greek translations from
the Hebrew.
Like Philo, both Clement and Origen were well versed in contemporary Greek
culture and literature. Clement more than Origen displays his knowledge extensively (or
perhaps ostentatiously) when he seeds his writings with quotations from secular poetry
and prose, aligning the words of Homer with biblical texts, and particularly with those of
his hero, the apostle Paul. Clement equally comments on Greek philosophical wisdom
and tirelessly compares Hellenic insights with Christian knowledge and truth. Some
scholars have called this way of writing the “appropriation” of Greek rhetorical
techniques for scriptural interpretation.1 Perhaps a better term than “appropriation” would
be “application.” After all, this was the cultural language and rhetorical vocabulary in
which these authors were trained and in which they, as Christian philosophers, addressed
their audiences. Clement may well have expressed himself in a similar style before
converting to Christianity. As Clement indicated himself at the beginning of his
Stromateis, he shopped around for the right beliefs before landing in Alexandria.2
Although not much is known about Cement’s conversion, there are indications that he
might not always have felt comfortable with the text of the LXX. He sometimes used
Philo’s words for retelling a biblical story, as he did, for example, with the story of
1
Mark Amsler, Etymology and Grammatical Discourse in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages,
Amsterdam-Philadelphia, 1989, 82-100.
2
See Clement, Strom. I 11, 1-2
Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

Moses.3 In such cases Clement followed the narrative framework of the LXX but
substituted the biblical words with the words of Philo, which resulted in a kind of
Reader’s Digest version of the story.4 Origen, as we learn from Eusebius’ report, was
raised in a Christian household, so again his perspective was slightly different.5 His
knowledge of the biblical texts was something he grew up with and did not acquire at a
later age.

2. The use of etymologies as a rhetorical technique

Clement and Origen were well aware of the importance of rhetorical techniques and
grammatical discourse, of which etymology was a component.6 Both comment on the
theory of etymology; Clement does this in a hermeneutical and Origen in a polemical
context. Before discussing these passages, however, it is worth having a look at the
concept of etymologies in general. There is obviously a difference between modern and
ancient perception of etymology. In modern usage the word indicates the search for the
source and development of a word in a rather technical sense. The ancients were less
interested in comparative philology but more in questions of the origin and the meaning
of language. They were involved in questions such as whether words or sounds were a
matter of convention or whether a natural relationship existed between signs and things
signified.7 The fifth century Alexandrian grammarian Orion, who defined the concept on
his terms, expressed this as follows: Etumologiva ejsti; to; ejx aujth'" th'" tou'
pravgmato" ojnomasiva" euJrivskein th;n aujtou' eJrmhneivan: kai; to; dia; tiv ou{tw"
ojnomavzetai: ”an etymology is to discover from the very name of the thing its meaning,
and why it is so named.”
Applying rhetorical strategies, among them etymologies, puns, riddles, and other
kinds of circumlocutions, was a popular way to attract the attention of listeners in
Antiquity. Etymologies also served the higher purposes of educating the audience and
producing coherent readings in the case of obscure passages. They could be used to bring
up underlying meaning or clarify deep thought in poetic or philosophical writing. At the
basis was the idea that the words themselves contained some divinely wise or inspired
meaning, which had to be brought to the open and which was the main incentive for
using a rhetorical device. Related to the question of etymologies as a rhetorical technique
– and this also holds true for the use of allegories in general – is the way in which words

3
See Clement, Strom. I 150-157.
4
See also my, Clement of Alexandria and His Use of Philo in the Stromateis, Leiden, 1988, 67-68.
5
Eusebius, HE VI 1-5
6
For etymologies in Clement, see Otto Stählin, Register zu den “Teppichen” des Clemens von Alexandreia,
s.v. Etymologie, in BKV (zweite Reihe Bd XIX). Ursula Treu, “Etymology und Allegorie bei Klemens,” in
F. L. Cross (ed.), Studia Patristica (Vol. IV), Berlin, 1961, 191-211. W. den Boer, De allegorese in het
werk van Clemens Alexandrinus, Leiden, 1940. Claude Mondésert, Clément d’Alexandrie. Introduction à
l’étude de sa pensée religieuse à partir de l’écriture, Paris, 1944. Raoul Mortley, Connaissance religieuse et
herméneutique chez Clément d’Alexandrie, Leiden, 1973, 47-49; 197. For Origen, see R. P. C. Hanson,
“Interpretation of Hebrew Names in Origen, VigChr10 (1956), 103-123. Marin Irvine, “Interpretation and
the Semiotics of Allegory in Clement of Alexandria, Origen and Augustine,” Semiotica 63 (1987) 33-71.
7
See also OCD s.v. etymology.

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

and language were perceived. As mentioned above, there was an ongoing debate among
philosophical schools about the relationship between material reality and its
nomenclature, whether a name given to a being or an object reflected its real nature or
whether it was a collateral accident.
Plato may well have set the stage for questions related to this kind of discourse,
when in the Cratylus he has Socrates argue that proper names follow the natural order of
things. The context in which Plato discussed the issue was largely grammatical, since he
argued for the use of language to determine the correctness of the words and names. He
also raised the question how language could have meaning and how linguistic
understanding could be acquired.8 Roman rhetoricians, such as Quintillian, also
expressed the idea of proper meaning, maintaining that words have their natural meaning
when they signify that for which they were first designated. They are taken to a different
level and become metaphoric when they offer a sense different from their natural
meaning.9 It is not the place here to go further into the ideas of other Classical theorists,
of whom Varro may have been the most comprehensive. A few words, however, should
be said about the Stoics in a more general sense. Their influence was very noticeable on
the Alexandrian writers, particularly in promoting the use of etymology. For Stoics
linguistic analysis formed an integral part of their philosophical outlook. Language –
meaningful human speech that is as distinguished from mere sound – was natural and
reflected the truth of things. For this reason the analysis of language was directly linked
to the search for original forms and reality itself. The Stoic etymological system tried to
recreate a kind of purified language – rid of barbarisms and other impurities – in order to
produce a more proper representation of the order of things and the fundamental elements
of the world. Recovering the original meaning of words and names therefore meant
recovering the truth of things. Summarizing the Stoic system in this regard, Mark Amsler
wrote: “grammar and etymological analysis are part of the discourse about the world, the
basis for authoritative explanations of the logos, and the means for the production of
discourse and pedagogical authority.”10
Not only did the debate affect philosophical discourse internally; as Amsler
pointed out, its influence was much broader and influenced generations of students
through the authority of their teachers. Since the Alexandrian Christian philosophers were
primarily teachers and pedagogues – one of Clements’ works bears the very title
Pedagogue – it is worth exploring against the contemporary philosophical background
how they perceived their rhetorical strategies. Additional attention will be given to the
question how they apply their techniques in comparison with contemporary authors.
Because of the time constraints, most examples will come from the works of Clement,
but there will be occasional detours back to Philo and ahead to Origen.
In the Eclogae Propheticae, a relatively little-known treatise of Clement, the
author writes: “Pythagoras thought that not only the most learned but also the oldest of
the sages was considered to have put the names on the things. Therefore it is necessary
that those who search the Scriptures accurately – since it is agreed on that they express

8
Amsler, Etymology, 12; 20-21.
9
Quintillian, Inst. Orat. 1, 5, 71: Propria sunt verba cum id significant in quod primo denominata sunt;
translata, cum alium natura intellectum alium loco praebent, see Amsler, Etymology, 20 and footnote 2.
10
Amsler, Etymology, 23-25

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

themselves in parables – chase the meanings from the words. The Holy Spirit, which
takes hold of the meanings regarding the things, teaches them by molding – so to speak –
its own thought into the words, in order that the words spoken in multi-interpretable ways
may be disclosed to us when explored accurately and in order that what is hidden in the
many things that cover the object of examination and understanding be brought to light
and light up. For just as lead flows out to those who treat it (literally “rub it”) as a white
lead – white from what was dark – so also the gnosis pouring down splendor and
brightness over material things may be true divine wisdom, the pure light which
enlightens the undefiled people, just as the pupil of the eye with regard to the vision and
firm perception of the truth.”11
Clement does not contest the idea that the sages of old had put names on things.
He leaves this more or less in place as traditional wisdom and accepts without question
that underlying meanings existed and needed to be uncovered in order to perceive the true
sense of things.12 This way of thinking seems very much in line with the approach of the
Stoics. New here is the role of the Holy Spirit, which as the owner and manager of the
real meanings, molds the words and names and gives them a divine imprimatur. In the
allegorical interpretation at the end of the passage, Clement gives the divine truth or
perfect knowledge (gnosis) a surprising twist by comparing its operation to a
manufacturing process involving a chemical reaction. He alludes to the way in which
white lead, a material used until modern times as a pigment for paints, was produced out
of lead.13 The idea is that lead (a soft metal) was treated or rubbed with an acid (vinegar)
and put in a warm environment (manure). The lead was transformed into a very toxic
white material that then was mixed with oil. It is remarkable that in order to explain the
ultimate concept of divine wisdom Clement uses this earthly metaphor – but he may have
been carried away by the image of the contrasting light and dark substances. For
Clement, the distinctive Christian feature in the quest for the origin of words and their
meaning is the role of the Holy Spirit. The divine intervention will gradually be more
emphasized, and eventually the sole interpretive authority will be the logos or Christ.
Origen shows the interpretative role of the logos in a passage in which he
discusses John the Baptist as the precursor of Christ. Commenting on the difference
between “word” (lovgo~) and “voice” (fwnhv), Origen writes: “That is why John because

11
Clement, Ecl. 32, 1: Puqagovra" hjxivou mh; movnon logiwvtaton, ajlla; kai; presbuvtaton hJgei'sqai
tw'n sofw'n to;n qevmenon ta; ojnovmata toi'" pravgmasi. dei' toivnun ta;" grafa;" ajkribw'"
diereunwmevnou", ejpeidh; ejn parabolai'" eijrh'sqai ajnwmolovghntai, ajpo; tw'n ojnomavtwn qhra'sqai
ta;" dovxa", a}" to; a{gion pneu'ma peri; tw'n pragmavtwn e[con, eij" ta;" levxei" wJ" eijpei'n th;n auJtou'
diavnoian ejktupwsavmenon, didavskei, i{na hJmi'n ajkribw'" ejxetazovmena diaptuvsshtai me;n ta;
ojnovmata polushvmw" eijrhmevna, to; d∆ ejgkekrummevnon ejn polloi'" toi'" skevpousi yhlafwvmenon kai;
katamanqanovmenon ejkfaivnhtai kai; ajnalavmyh/. ªou{tºwJ" ga;r kai; oJ movlibdo" toi'" trivbousin
ejxanqei' leuko;n ejk mevlano", to; yimuvqion, ou{tw" kai; hJ gnw'si", fevggo" kai; lamprovthta
katacevousa tw'n pragmavtwn, hJ tw/' o[nti qeiva sofiva ei[h a[n, to; fw'" to; eijlikrinev", to; fwtivzon
tou;" kaqarou;" tw'n ajnqrwvpwn wJ" kovrhn ojfqalmou' eij" o[yin kai; katavlhyin th'" ajlhqeiva" bebaivan.
12
Elsewhere Clement agrees that the origin of language is given by nature and not accidental, see Strom. I
143.
13
Plutarch also comments on the production of this material using the same verb for the treatment: trivbw,
to rub; see Plutarch, Quaestiones convivales 691B: kai; mh;n o{ te movlibdo" tw'n fuvsei yucrw'n ejstin,
o{" ge tribovmeno" o[xei to; yuktikwvtaton tw'n qanasivmwn farmavkwn ejxanivhsi yimuvqion: “the lead
consists of material that is naturally cold, which when rubbed with vinegar pours forth white lead, the
coolest of the deadly paints/drugs.”

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

of (the time of) his birth is a little older than Jesus. We perceive the voice before the
word. John, however, also shows Christ, for the word has come through the voice. Christ
is also baptized by John, who concedes that he (John) should be baptized by him (Christ).
For the word is purified for humans by the voice, since the word naturally purifies all
sensible sound. Once and for all when John shows Christ, a human shows God and an
incorporeal savior, and a voice (shows) the word.” 14 In connecting the logos to language
and hermeneutics, Origen adapts for a Christian audience the principle of the Stoic
approach. As noted above, for the Stoics linguistic analysis was the basis for authoritative
explanations of the logos. Origen transforms the idea by creating a double concept, in
which the logos or Christ is perceived not only as the interpreter and guardian of the right
meaning but also as the one to be interpreted. The same principle plays out in a kind of
pun, in which Origen and the other Alexandrian writers including Philo use the word
logos in contrast to its opposite a-logos (with a privative alpha). This etymological play
not only accentuates the rhetorical quality of their words but also brings up the
underlying meaning of the all-pervasive logos in its educative and hermeneutical activity
over against ignorance and irrational behaviour.
In his polemic work against Celsus Origen also discussed another aspect of the
question of language and the nature of names. The passage is a rebuttal of Celsus’
argument that it does not matter with what name God is addressed. Indicating that Celsus
touched on a question which was both profound and obscure, Origen states: “We should
discuss…. whether the names, as Aristotle thinks, are determined arbitrarily, or as the
Stoics believe, by nature, the first sounds imitating the things, from which the names
come – according to which they also introduce certain etymological principles; or as
Epicurus teaches – he differs from the opinion of the Stoics – whether names exist
naturally, after the first men cried out certain sounds corresponding to the objects.”15
In this fashion Origen presents in a nutshell the various viewpoints. His own
position, like that of Clement, is that names, particularly divine names, were not given in
a random way and that it did matter how they were employed. He emphasizes the
enormous power that divine names have when evoked in a way natural to them. In this
context Origen not only refers to the name of the creator of the universe but also to the
names of powerful daemons. He warns his audience about the dangers that humans face
by misapplying names to the wrong things, stressing a mysterious and almost magical
connotation in the pronunciation of names. It is striking that on the one hand Origen puts
so much emphasis on the importance of divine names, while on the other he does not
show any interest in the names of the Greek gods. He differs greatly in this respect from

14
Origen, IoCom. 2, 195: Diovper kai; ojlivgw/ presbuvtero" kata; to; genna'sqai oJ ∆Iwavnnh" ejsti; tou'
Cristou': fwnh'" ga;r pro; lovgou ajntilambanovmeqa. ∆Alla; kai; deivknusi to;n Cristo;n oJ ∆Iwavnnh":
fwnh/' ga;r parivstatai oJ lovgo". ∆Alla; kai; baptivzetai uJpo; ∆Iwavnnou oJ Cristov", oJmologou'nto"
creivan e[cein uJp∆ aujtou' baptisqh'nai: ajnqrwvpoi" ga;r uJpo; fwnh'" kaqaivretai lovgo", th/' fuvsei tou'
lovgou kaqaivronto" pa'san th;n shmaivnousan fwnhvn. Kai; aJpaxaplw'" o{te ∆Iwavnnh" to;n Cristo;n
deivknusin, a[nqrwpo" qeo;n deivknusi kai; swth'ra to;n ajswvmaton, kai; fwnh; to;n lovgon.
15
Origen, CC I 24. Lektevon de; kai; pro;" tou'to o{ti õejmpivptei eij" to; prokeivmenon lovgo" baqu;" kai;
ajpovrrhto", oJ peri; fuvsew" ojnomavtwn: povteron, wJ" oi[etai ∆Aristotevlh", qevsei eijsi; ta; ojnovmata
h[, wJ" nomivzousin oiJ ajpo; th'" Stoa'", fuvsei, mimoumevnwn tw'n prwvtwn fwnw'n ta; pravgmata, kaq∆ w|n
ta; ojnovmata, kaqo; kai; stoicei'av tina th'" ejtumologiva" eijsavgousin, h[, wJ" didavskei ∆Epivkouro",
eJtevrw" h] wJ" oi[ontai oiJ ajpo; th'" Stoa'", fuvsei ejsti; ta; ojnovmata, ajporrhxavntwn tw'n prwvtwn
ajnqrwvpwn tina;" fwna;" kata; tw'n pragmavtwn.

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

Clement by denigrating and even ridiculing the Olympian gods. Not only does he deny
them any significance, he denies them their very existence by calling them “so-called
gods.” This is a dramatic change since the names of the Olympians were traditionally of
great significance to Greek etymologists.
Origen was interested in human names as well. Both he and Clement gave
particular attention to etymologies of Jewish names in biblical stories. They regularly
interpreted many of the Hebrew or Aramaic names from the LXX. These etymologies are
often far-fetched from a modern perspective, but at times they do represent correct
translations from the Hebrew. Needless to say, in this etymological exercise Philo was a
major influence, although the Christian Alexandrians did not always follow the lead of
their Jewish predecessor. Some books of the New Testament as well as the LXX
provided material for their onomastic analyses. The function of these etymologies seems
to be twofold; it made the Hebrew or Aramaic words and names more accessible to a
Greek-speaking audience and at the same time accentuated the presumed deeper
meaning.
Interpretation of names is only one among several branches of ancient etymology,
and all of them flourished in the writings of Clement and Origen. A second branch
consists of compound words that are explained by deconstructing them into their
“original” components. A third group is formed by word derivations, and a fourth
associates words on the basis of their sound or meaning. This is, of course, a schematic
presentation of etymological techniques; the actual materials do not always fit these
categories neatly. Sometimes material flows over from one group to the next, or it may
have more than one denominator. The proposed groupings reflect an attempt to structure
this rather unwieldy mass of texts while staying within the traditional rhetorical
categories of interpretatio, compositio, derivatio, and expositio.16

3. Examples of etymologies

As expected, there is an almost endless number of etymologies, which makes it is easy to

miss one in the rich flow of words of the Alexandrian authors. Without aiming for
completeness, some examples of the above-mentioned categories will be presented. In the
realm of biblical etymologies, Origen distinguishes himself from Clement in showing an
even greater fondness for Hebrew etymologies. Like Clement, Origen is partly dependent
on Philo, but unlike Clement he presents many more Hebrew etymologies that do not turn
up in Philo. In an already old but still indispensable study on Onomastica Sacra, the
German scholar Franz Wutz has singled out a special group, which he terms the Origen
Group.17 Since this material is well documented,18 greater emphasis will be placed on

16
For the categories, see Amsler, Etymology, 23.
17
Franz Wutz, Onomastica Sacra. Untersuchungen sum Liber Interpretationis Nominum Hebraicorum des
hl. Hieronymus, 2 vols, Leipzig, 1914.
18
Treu, “Etymology,” 197-202; van den Hoek, Clement, passim; eadem, “Philo and Origen: A Descriptive
Catalogue of Their Relationship,” Studia Philonica Annual 12 (2000), 44-121. For etymologies in Philo,
see Lester L. Grabbe, Etymology in Early Jewish Interpretation. The Hebrew Names in Philo, Atlanta,
1988.

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

Clement’s Greek etymologies, most of which appear in an appendix at the end of this
paper.

a) Hebrew names:
Clement often refers to Hebrew names in a Philonic context. In a passage in which he
acknowledges his debt to Philo’s interpretation, Clement brings forward a series of such
etymologies:
Strom. I 31, 1-5: eJrmhneuvei de; oJ Fivlwn th;n me;n “Agar paroivkhsin (ejntau'qa ga;r ei[rhtai: mh;
polu;" i[sqi pro;" ajllotrivan), th;n Savran de; ajrchvn mou. e[nestin ou\n propaideuqevnta ejpi; th;n
ajrcikwtavthn sofivan ejlqei'n, ajf∆ h|" to; ∆Israhlitiko;n gevno" au[xetai. ejx w|n deivknutai didaktikh;n
ei\nai th;n sofivan. h}n meth'lqen ∆Abraavm, ejk th'" tw'n oujranivwn qeva" metiw;n eij" th;n kata; qeo;n
pivstin te kai; dikaiosuvnhn. ∆Isaa;k de; to; aujtomaqe;" ejndeivknutai… dio; kai; Cristou' tuvpo"
euJrivsketai. ou|to" mia'" gunaiko;" ajnh;r th'" Rebevkka", h}n uJpomonh;n metafravzousin. pleivosi de;
sunevrcesqai oJ ∆Iakw;b levgetai wJ" a]n ajskhth;" eJrmhneuovmeno" (dia; pleiovnwn de; kai; diaferovntwn
aiJ ajskhvsei" dogmavtwn), o{qen kai; ∆Israh;l ou|to" metonomavzetai oJ tw/' o[nti dioratiko;" wJ" a]n
poluvpeirov" te kai; ajskhtikov". ei[h d∆ a[n ti kai; a[llo dhlouvmenon dia; tw'n triw'n propatovrwn,
kurivan ei\nai th;n sfragi'da th'" gnwvsew", ejk fuvsew" kai; maqhvsew" kai; ajskhvsew" sunestw'san.19

Clement also may arrange his material with only a limited or perhaps no dependence on
Philo’s works:

Ped. I 21, 3-4: Egw; kai; to;n ∆Isaa;k eij" pai'da ajnafevrw: gevlw" eJrmhneuvetai oJ ∆Isaavk. Tou'ton
eJwvraken paivzonta meta; th'" gunaiko;" kai; bohqou', th'" ÔRebevkka", oJ perivergo" basileuv".
Basileuv" moi dokei', ∆Abimevlec o[noma aujtw/', sofiva ti" ei\nai uJperkovsmio", kataskopou'sa th'"
paidia'" to; musthvrion: ÔRebevkkan de; eJrmhneuvousin uJpomonhvn. ‘W th'" fronivmou paidia'", gevlw"
ªkai;º di∆ uJpomonh'" bohqouvmeno" kai; e[foro" oJ basileuv". ∆Agallia'tai to; pneu'ma tw'n ejn Cristw/'
paidivwn ejn uJpomonh/' politeuomevnwn kai; au{th hJ qeiva paidiav.20

At times Clement offers unique onomastic etymologies, such as that of Rebecca.

As seen above, her name may signify “patience” or “endurance” (uJpomonhv), but Clement
often allows more than one interpretation. In Str. IV 161, 2, he presents another
interpretation, in which Rebecca is called “glory of God” (qeou` dovxa). Clement even

19
Clement, Strom. I 31, 1-5: “Philo interprets Hagar as “sojourning.” For in this connection it is said “be
not much with a strange woman” (Prov. 5, 20). He interprets Sarah as “sovereignty over me.” The one now
who received previous training is able to come to the most sovereign wisdom, from which the Israelite
people grow. These things show that wisdom can be learned through instruction, to which Abraham
migrated, passing from the contemplation of heavenly things to the faith and righteousness of God. And
Isaac is shown to mean “self-taught”; therefore he is also found to be a type of Christ. He was the husband
of one wife Rebecca, whom they translate as “patience.” Jacob is said to have come together with several
(women?), his name being interpreted as “exerciser.” The (spiritual) practices come through many and
various teachings, whence he is also called “Israel,” the one who really sees clearly, having much
experience and being fit for exercise. Something else may also have been shown by the three patriarchs,
namely that the seal of knowledge which consists of nature, education and exercise is sovereign.”
20
Clement, Ped. I 21, 3-4: “I also offer Isaac as referring to a child. Isaac means “laughter.” The inquisitive
king saw him being playful with his wife and helpmate Rebecca. The king, whose name is Abimelech
seems to me to represent superterrestrial wisdom, which looks down on the mystery of childrens’ play.
They interpret Rebecca as “patience.” O wise play, with patience assisting laughter and the king being the
onlooker! Jubilant is the spirit of the children in Christ, who dwell in patience, and this is the divine play of
God.”

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

elaborates further on this etymology, claiming that “glory of God” is “incorruptibility.”

Since it does not occur in any other source, the etymology of Rebecca as “glory of God”
could be his own invention. Similarly in Str. I 31, 6, Clement presents Juda as someone
“fond of learning” (filomaqhv"), whose name can be interpreted as “powerful”
(dunatov").21 Philo had interpreted Juda as “confession” or “profession” (ejxomolovghsi"
or words of the same root).22 The etymology of dunatov" is not present in Philo but has
been inspired by the LXX itself, since the biblical text states that Juda was strong in
power (Iouda" dunato;" ijscuvi).23 Another unusual etymology occurs in a passage in
which Clement discusses the cosmic symbolism of the cherubim and the ark,
maintaining that the word ark (kibwtov~) comes from the Hebrew word in Greek
transcription qhbwqav and signifies “one instead of one of all places.”24 Clement is again
the sole transmitter of both the word qhbwqav (which originally may be Chaldean rather
than Hebrew) and of this peculiar etymology.25 In the subsequent lines Clement alludes to
the meaning of the etymology without committing himself too firmly to one explanation
or another: it either refers to the eighth region (ojgdoav") and the noetic cosmos or to God,
who is said to be all comprehensive, without shape, and invisible.
Thus in conjunction with Hebrew names or words, Clement offers a wide range of
etymologies that function as simple word explanations and that subsequently point to a
deeper meaning. Whether inspired by Philo or not, he always gives these etymologies a
twist by working them into his own argument. This strategy is particularly effective when
he engages in the etymologies of Hebrew names as typologies of Christ. Both Clement
and Origen make heavy use of the sacred names of the LXX as prefigurations of Christ.

21
Clement, Strom. I 31, 6: e[coi" d∆ a]n kai; a[llhn eijkovna tw'n eijrhmevnwn th;n Qavmar ejpi; triovdou
kaqesqei'san kai; povrnh" dovxan parascou'san, h}n oJ filomaqh;" ∆Iouvda" (dunato;" de; eJrmhneuvetai)
oJ mhde;n a[skepton kai; ajdiereuvnhton katalipw;n ejpeskevyato kai; Æpro;" aujth;n ejxevklinenÆ, sw/vzwn
th;n pro;" to;n qeo;n oJmologivan. ”You may also have another image of the words in Thamar sitting at the
cross-roads and appearing as a harlot; the studious Judah (whose name means “powerful”), who left
nothing unexamined and uninvestigated, looked at her and turned aside toward her, preserving his
confession to God.
22
Philo, Plant. 134: kalei'tai de; ∆Iouvda", o}" eJrmhneuvetai kurivw/ ejxomolovghsi", and passim. “His
name is Judah, which means confession to the Lord.”
23
Chron. 5, 2: Kai; uiJoi; Roubhn prwtotovkou Israhl, o{ti ou|to" oJ prwtovtoko", kai; ejn tw/' ajnabh'nai
ejpi; th;n koivthn tou' patro;" aujtou' e[dwken eujlogivan aujtou' tw/' uiJw/' aujtou' Iwshf uiJw/' Israhl, kai;
oujk ejgenealoghvqh eij" prwtotovkia: o{ti Iouda" dunato;" ijscuvi kai; ejn toi'" ajdelfoi'" aujtou' kai; eij"
hJgouvmenon ejx aujtou', kai; hJ eujlogiva tou' Iwshf. “And the sons of Ruben, the first-born of Israel, for he
was born first but, since he mounted his father’s bed, he gave his blessing to his son Joseph, the son of
Israel, and he (Ruben) was not enlisted in the genealogy as first-born. Judah was strong in power both
among his brothers and with regard to his leadership, even though the blessing was bestowed on Joseph.”
24
Clement, Strom. V 36, 3: a[meinon d∆ hJgou'mai th;n kibwto;n ejk tou' ÔEbrai>kou' ojnovmato" qhbwqa;
kaloumevnhn a[llo ti shmaivnein. eJrmhneuvetai me;n e}n ajnq∆ eJno;" pavntwn tovpwn. ei[t∆ ou\n ojgdoa;" kai;
oJ nohto;" kovsmo" ei[te kai; oJ ªperi;º pavntwn periektiko;" ajschmavtistov" te kai; ajovrato" dhlou'tai
qeov", ta; nu'n uJperkeivsqw levgein: plh;n ajnavpausin mhnuvei th;n meta; tw'n doxolovgwn pneumavtwn, a}
aijnivssetai Ceroubivm: “I think that it is even preferable that the ark which is called “thebota” in Hebrew
means something else. It is translated as “one instead of one of all places.” Whether it means the eighth
region and the intelligible world or God, who contains all and is without shape and invisible, we should
postpone for now to discuss. Only that it indicates the eternal rest that accompanies the glorifying spirits,
which are hinted at as Cherubim.”
25
See Alain Le Boulluec, SC 279, 148-149.

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

b) Compound words
Clement offers a small group of etymologies that are based on compound words; an
example of this occurs in Ped. II 12, 1:
ÔH gou'n ojyofagiva oujde;n e{terovn ejstin h] ajmetriva peri; crh'sin o[you, kai; hJ laimargiva maniva
peri; to;n laimovn, kai; hJ gastrimargiva ajkrasiva peri; th;n trofhvn, wJ" de; kai; tou[noma perievcei,
maniva peri; gastevra, ejpei; mavrgo" oJ memhnwv".26

Stating that excess is an evil in itself, Clement maintains that it is particularly

reprehensible when it comes to food. To prove his point, he offers a number of words that
are all associated with gluttony. Unfortunately these puns hardly work in a language other
than Greek and tend to get lost in translation: ojyofagiva (“gourmandise,” gluttony) is
nothing else than excessive use of o[yon (delicacy); laimargiva (“gulleting,” gluttony) a
frenzy of the laimov~ (gullet); gastrimargiva (“belly rage,” gluttony) a madness of the
gasthvr (belly). Clement explains that the one who is raging (memhnwv~) is a madman
(mavrgo");, blending together two words from different roots for “raging”: margavw/
mavrgo~ and maivnomai/maniva. Clement hardly was the inventor of these culinary
etymologies, nor of the kind of banquet literature in which they belong. The same
examples (at times word for word) can be found in the works of moralists such as
Musonius Rufus, or in writings such as Deipnosophistes of Athenaeus, the chronicle of
the food fads of Antiquity.

c) Derivations
A large group of etymologies has to do with the derivations of words from root words.
These etymologies frequently represent Platonic or Stoic commonplaces, and most of
them can be found in other authors as well; see for example the etymology of ejpisthvmh
- pivsti~. In Strom. IV 143, 2-3, Clement discusses the theme of purity and righteousness
in connection with the stability of the soul. For the contrasting notions of mobility and
stability a Platonic background is to be expected. So not surprisingly for etymologies
dealing with this theme, Clement borrows from Plato’s Cratylus, which is a rich source
for him (as for many other authors). In a play on words Clement writes:

eij gou'n th;n ejpisthvmhn ejtumologei'n crh; kai; ajpo; th'" stavsew" th;n ejpibolh;n aujth'" lhptevon,
Æo{ti i{sthsin hJmw'n ejn toi'" pravgmasi th;n yuchvnÆ, a[llote a[llw" provteron feromevnhn, wJsauvtw"
kai; th;n pivstin ejtumologhtevon th;n peri; to; o]n stavsin th'" yuch'" hJmw'n. hJmei'" de; to;n ajei; kai; ejn
pa'si divkaion poqou'men maqei'n, o}" mhvte th;n ejk tou' novmou dediw;" kovlasin mhvte th;n tw'n
sunovntwn kai; ejpexiovntwn toi'" plhmmelhqei'si misoponhrivan eujlabouvmeno" mhvte to;n ejx aujtw'n
tw'n ajdikoumevnwn kivndunon uJforwvmeno" diamevnei divkaio":27

26
Clement, Ped. II 12, 1: “Glutteny then is nothing else than the excessive use of delicacies, “gulleting” is a
frenzy of the gullet, and belly-rage an intemperance with regard to food, or, as the name indicates, a
madness of the belly, since the one who rages is a madman.”
27
Clement, Strom. IV 143, 2-4: “If we are to explain the word ejpisthvmh (“professional knowledge”)
etymologically, we should take its overlaying meaning from the word stavsi~ (“standing still”), since
knowledge gives our soul, which before was carried this way and that, a fixed position in things. In the
same way we also should explain etymologically the word pivsti~ (faith) as the fixed position of our soul
with regard to “that which is.” We long to get to know the one who is always and in everything righteous;
who does not fear punishment from the law nor is cautious toward the wickedness of those with him and

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

Like Plato, Clement derives both ejpisthvmh and pivsti~ from i{sthmi/stavsi~.
For Plato the main theme was the cessation of motion, which meant rest for the soul. He
implied that the soul could acquire knowledge from a position of rest and stability.
Clement takes up the Platonic theme via a truncated (and rather clumsy) quotation
followed by a paraphrase, after which he takes the etymology a step further. He relates
pivsti~ and stavsi~, the stable position of the soul, to the concept of God – which he
phrases in a philosophical way as “that which is” (to; o]n). Ultimately he amplifies the
Platonic etymologies with ethical connotations of just behavior. In spite of the echos,
Clement flexes the Platonic theme and subjects it to his own agenda.28
Another favorite is the derivation of qeov". Clement offers multiple
interpretations, one of which is: qeov" - qevw. In Protr. II 26, 1 he writes:

Oi} me;n ga;r eujqevw" ajmfi; th;n oujranou' qevan ajpatwvmenoi kai; o[yei movnh/ pepisteukovte" tw'n
ajstevrwn ta;" kinhvsei" ejpiqewvmenoi ejqauvmasavn te kai; ejxeqeivasan, qeou;" ejk tou' qei'n
ojnomavsante" tou;" ajstevra", kai; prosekuvnhsan h{lion, wJ" ∆Indoiv, kai; selhvnhn, wJ" Fruvge":29

The etymology which connects the Greek word for god(s) with the verb to “run” appears
in Plato’s Cratylus, 397c-d:
faivnontaiv moi oiJ prw'toi tw'n ajnqrwvpwn tw'n peri; th;n ÔEllavda touvtou" movnou" ªtou;" qeou;"º
hJgei'sqai ou{sper nu'n polloi; tw'n barbavrwn, h{lion kai; selhvnhn kai; gh'n kai; a[stra kai; oujranovn:
a{te ou\n aujta; oJrw'nte" pavnta ajei; ijovnta drovmw/ kai; qevonta, ajpo; tauvth" th'" fuvsew" th'" tou' qei'n
Æqeou;"Æ aujtou;" ejponomavsai: u{steron de; katanoou'nte" tou;" a[llou" pavnta" h[dh touvtw/ tw/'
ojnovmati prosagoreuvein.30

In the context of Plato’s discourse, Socrates explains that in earlier times in Greece and
still in his day outside Greece the sun, moon, earth, stars, and heaven were considered
gods. Since they were always moving and running, they were called “gods” or “runners”
after their very nature. Plato explains that later on the same name continued to be applied
to other gods as well. Most commentators, such as Theodoretus Cyrrhensis and Johannes
Philoponos, or Medieval Lexica attribute the etymology to Plato, but some Lexica
mention the grammarian Apollodorus (2 BCE, Athens) as the origin. Apollodorus
presents the additional etymology of qea'sqai. Equally well known are the other
derivations which Clement mentions: qeov" - qevsi~/ and qeov" - qesmov~ (see the
Appendix).

those retaliating for things that went wrong; who without suspecting danger from the very people who do
wrong, remains righteous.”
28
The etymologies from this passage in Plato’s Cratylus have been cited until late Antiquity, see our SC
463, 295, note 3.
29
Clement, Protr. II 26, 1: “For some people deceived by gazing at the heavens and trusting only in sight, in
surveying the movements of the stars, straightaway marveled and deified them, calling the stars gods
because of their “running” motion; they also worshipped the sun, as the Indians, and the moon as the
Phrygians do.”
30
Plato, Cratylus 397c-d: “It seems to me that the original Greeks considered sun, moon, stars and heaven
the only gods, which many of the barbarians still do. Since they saw that they were always on the run and
running, they called them gods or runners because of that nature of running; later when they got to know
the other gods, they then applied the same name to all of them.”

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

Like other authors before him, particularly Plutarch and Cornutus, Clement
frequently engages in etymologies of the names of Greek gods: Apollo, Artemis, Ares,
Atlas, Athena, Adrasteia, Isis, Pallas, and Poseidon. Like the others, Clement finds a
particular etymological attraction in names starting with alpha; they enjoy interpreting
this letter as alpha privans, as can be seen from the names of Apollo, Aphodite, Atlas,
Adrasteia. At first sight it may not always be clear what Clement has in mind, but it may
have been apparent to his cultivated Greek audience. In his interpretion of Atlas, for
example, Clement writes in Strom. V 36, 2: “Atla" de; oJ mh; pavscwn povlo" duvnatai
me;n ei\nai kai; hJ ajplanh;" sfai'ra, bevltion de; i[sw~ aijw`na ajkivnhton noei`sqai.31
This is a cryptic play on words with a privative alpha, in which the word breaks down
into a - tla`n (= to suffer). Clement, however, takes the extra step of replacing the verb
tlavw with the synynomous verb pavscw. The etymology occurs more explicitly in the
Etymologium Magnum, Kallierges, p. 161, 54: kai; a[tla", oJ mh; dunavmeno" tlh'nai.32
Compare also with Hesychius, Lexikon, s.v. a[tla", who connects the name with the
adiective ajpaqhv"
Another example comes from the Protrepticus, a work filled with names of Greek
divinities. In Protr. 18, 1 Clement offers the following etymology: ∆Aqhna' me;n ou\n th;n
kardivan tou' Dionuvsou uJfelomevnh Palla;" ejk tou' pavllein th;n kardivan
proshgoreuvqh:33 Clement tries to show that the name Pallav~ is derived from the verb
pavllw : to sway, shake, vibrate – (m/p) swing, leap, quiver. The etymology here refers to
Athena who snatched away the heart of Dionysus; she was called Pallas because of the
beating of the heart. Plato in the Cratylus 406de had linked the name Pallas to the
gestures in the dance, and Cornutus (Nat. Deor. p. 38) offers yet another interpretation

Palla;" de; levgetai dia; th;n memuqeumevnhn peri; aujth;n neovthta, ajf∆ ou| kai; oiJ pavllhke" kai;
pallakai; prosagoreuvontai: skirthtiko;n ga;r kai; pallovmenon to; nevon. i{druntai de; aujth;n ejn
tai'" ajkropovlesi mavlista, to; duskatagwvniston kai; duspoliovrkhton ejmfh'nai qevlonte" h] to;
a[nwqen ejfora'n tou;" prospefeugovta" aujth/' h] th;n metewrovthta paristavnte" tou' kaq∆ o} mevro"
ejsti; th'" fuvsew" hJ ∆Aqhna'.34

Most commentators, particularly those of Homer, relate the word to the “swaying” of the
spear and the killing of “Pallas,” the name of one of the Giants. The example of Pallav~
shows that though based on the same etymology a variety of explanations can be given.
Medieval commentaries usually present a multiplicity of them (see Appendix).
As mentioned above, in the discussion of mythological figures and pagan gods a
significant difference exists between the intentions of Clement on the one hand and of
Philo and Origen on the other. The latter two are not inclined to discuss mythological

31
Clement, Strom. V 36, 2: “Atlas can be the impassible pole and the fixed sphere, but it is perhaps better
to consider him an immovable aion (eternity).”
32
Etymologium Magnum, Kallierges, p. 161, 54: “and Atlas, the one who is unable to suffer.”
33
Clement, Protr. 18, 1: “Athena then who snatched away the heart of Dionysus has been called Pallas
because of the beating of the heart.”
34
Cornutus, Natura Deorum p. 38: “The name Pallas is used because of her youthful spirit related in
mythology, from which both young girls (Pallekes) and concubines (Pallakai) take their name; for young
creatures are bouncy and dashing. They situate her particularly on citadels, wishing to show that the place
is hard to overcome and hard to besiege, either to observe from above those who have fled to her for refuge
or to show the sublime and elevated position of which Athena is naturally part (??).”

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

figures and pagan gods in the way Clement does. Origen seems consciously hostile the
subject. He knows, for example, about the myths of Isis and Osiris, but explicitly refuses
to discuss them.35 Philo is equally critical of the use of mythological names.36 Apparently
their skills remain on the etymological high ground of interpreting biblical words and
names.

d. Associations
A final group is formed by associations of words on the basis of their sound or supposed
meanings. Again most of these etymologies are known from other Greek authors as well,
but there some exceptions. A well-known example is the famous dictum sw`ma - sh`ma,
attributed by Plato in Cratylus 400bc to Orpheus. It is one of the etymologies that
Clement reproduces as well in Strom. III 16, 3-4. A much more unusual example exists
in Clement’s discussion of the name of Eve and its etymological associations as Eu[a -
Eujav -”Euia in Protr. II 12, 2:
Diovnuson mainovlhn ojrgiavzousi Bavkcoi wjmofagiva/ th;n iJeromanivan a[gonte" kai; telivskousi ta;"
kreonomiva" tw'n fovnwn ajnestemmevnoi toi'" o[fesin, ejpololuvzonte" Eujavn, Eu[an ejkeivnhn, di∆ h}n hJ
plavnh parhkolouvqhsen: kai; shmei'on ojrgivwn bakcikw'n o[fi" ejsti; tetelesmevno". Aujtivka gou'n
kata; th;n ajkribh' tw'n ÔEbraivwn fwnh;n o[noma to; ”Euia dasunovmenon eJrmhneuvetai o[fi" hJ qhvleia:37

Differently in Strom. III 80, 2…wJ" oJ o[fi" ejxhpavthsen Eu[anÆ, th;n legomevnhn ÆzwhvnÆ..., see
also Strom. III 65, 1.38

Clement associates the name of Eu[a (Eve) with the cry of the Bacchoi eujav, a sound
which like eujoi' is attested in both theater plays and magical papyri; see for example
Euripides, Troiades, l. 326. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, l.1294. Preisendanz, Papyri
magicae, 2 l. 134; 13, 950; 16, 26 (in the cult of Apollo: ihea: ih: iw: iu: ie: iwa: iha:
eua: wea: euha: weua: euwa: euie: euiae:eue: euh: euie: euw: i>euae: euhae:
uJmnhvsw. Clement mentions that the followers of Dionysus are wreathed with snakes,
which leads him to the etymology. He also maintains that the word ”Euia with rough
breathing stands for the Hebrew word for “snake.” According to the Hebrew dictionary of
Koehler-Baumgartner this interpretation has some validity, since the Aramaic word for
serpent in Midrash texts is )ywx, sound equivalent to the Greek ”Euia. In Strom. III 80, 2
and III 65, 1 Clement follows a more conventional interpretation for the name of Eve as
“life,” reflecting the Hebrew hwx. Be this as it may, Clement shows his linguistic and
cultural skills by not only producing a Greek cultic cry from the world of the Corybants
and Bacchantes but also by making connections with a transcribed Aramaic word. It is

35
See Origen, CC V 34. 37-38.
36
See Philo, Decal. 54-55; Contempl. 3, and Marguerite Harl, Heres, 275, note 3.
37
Clement, Protr. II 12, 2: “The Bachants worship the raving Dionysus with orgies, conducting their holy
frenzy by eating raw flesh, and wreathed with snakes they perform the distribution of the meat of their
murdered victims, while shrieking out Evá, that Eva through whose actions deceit followed closely. A
consecrated snake is the hallmark of the Bacchic orgies. In fact according to the accurate pronunciation of
the Hebrews, the word Hevia with rough breathing means “female snake.”
38
Clement, Strom. III 80, 2: ”…just as the snake deceived Eva, whose name means “life” …”

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

remarkable how he is able to bring these diverse ingredients together into a more or less
coherent argument.
This last example, and in particular the exclamatory part, brings out an almost
magical aspect of these etymologies. It may well be that Origen referred to this magical
element when he warned his audience to be careful with the pronunciation of divine
names.39 Speaking about symbolic language Clement offers a group of words, whose
etymologies and meaning he explains briefly with the help of quotations from various
poets and philosophers. The symbolic language consists mostly of foreign words, some
of which seem hard to pronounce and sound like magical incantations40: bevdu, zavy,
cqwvn, plh'ktron, sfivgx, knaxzbivc, quvpth", flegmov, drwvy, mavrpte, klwvy,
zbucqhdovn.41 The appearance of the word sfivgx in this list is the case in point that the
audience may expect something mysterious, although Clement only explains the word
linguistically from sfivggw: to bind tight. He gives multiple interpretations; “sfivgx
may be the tension of the spirit, which pervades and holds the universe together; or it
may represent the ether, which holds and ties everything together.” Some of these words
are pejorative and have a threatening quality: “knaxzbi;c is a disease by derivation from
its gnawing (knaivein) and destroying (diafqeivrein), and qu'yai is to consume by the
thunderbolt.” “zbucqhdo;n indicates difficulty.” Other words are mysterious but have
positive connotations: “drw;y is the the active logos,” and “klw;y means both the hidden
gnosis and the hidden day of the lord.”

4. Conclusions

Some seventy etymologies mostly of Greek origin from the works of Clement have been
collected in the appendix. Since the etymologies of Hebrew names are well documented,
greater emphasis has been placed in this paper on Clement’s Greek etymologies.
Although this is by no means a complete catalogue, they probably offer a fair basis for
assessing the role of this literary device in Clement’s thinking. The etymologies are
divided in proper names (of gods or mythological figures) and in regular words (nouns,
adjectives, and verbs). In his selection of material Clement displays a close connection
with other contemporary or earlier Greek authors. He rarely presents an unknown
etymology, and even if he is the sole transmitter, he often indicates a source from which
he took the etymology. If no ancient parallels are extant, the particular etymologies may
turn up in medieval lexicographic compendia, which are great resources in the search for
parallels. These compendia make it likely that there was a broader etymological tradition.
Plato’s Cratylus was apparently the most important model for Clement both in
terms of divine names and regular words. Stoic definitions come in strong second. As von
Arnim has seen, Clement is a great resource for of all kind of Stoic material: in particular,
words of Chrysippus. Etymologies played an important role in the various definitions

39
See above; Origen, CC I 25
40
See John G. Gager (ed.), Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World, New York, 1992. C.
Bonner, Studies in Magical Amulets, Ann Arbor, 1950. Karl Preisendanz and Albert Henrichs, Papyri
graecae magicae / Die griechischen Zauberpapyri (2 ed.), Stuttgart, 1973.
41
Clement, Strom. V 46-48.

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

and dicta of the Stoics. Later Stoic philosophers and rhetoricians, such as Anneaus
Cornutus, gave special weight to the approach as they attempted to derive philosophical
insights from divine names and myths through etymology or allegory. The Christian
Clement often approximates the Stoic Cornutus in his treatment of names and myths.
Cornutus’ contemporary Plutarch, whose seminal works contain such a rich
harvest of materials – etymologies among them –, also provides frequent parallels for the
etymologies in Clement. In a way Plutarch, being a Platonist and a teacher of popular
moral philosophy, has interests that are especially comparable to those of Clement. He
wrote a series of polemical treatises against the Stoics and Epicureans, and like Clement
was concerned with religious customs and tales. They both have a taste for compiling
materials and for numerous quotations, but obviously Plutarch’s works were more
voluminous and far more popular throughout Antiquity, which may have been the reason
for their preservation.
As noted above, Clement has much in common with Origen; they both find their
model in Philo with regard to the inclusion and interpretation of biblical names. Origen
shows more independence from Philo, but he is also more interested in the question of the
Hebrew language and the translation from Hebrew into Greek. Origen and Clement differ
greatly in their attitude toward Greek deities and mythological figures. Origen does not
share Clement’s interest in Greek religious customs and rites or in endless mythological
tales. Clement’s preoccupation with these subjects may have been apologetic and for the
purpose of refutation, but Origen succeeds in avoiding them. The closest Origen comes
is in his refutation of the work of Celsus; there he is obviously provoked by the words
and opinions of his literary opponent, and he mentions the subject of divine names and
myths but only in refusing to deal with them.
The function of etymologies in the works of the Alexandrian authors may be more
diverse than previously recongnized. Some scholars have seen the use of etymologies as
a part of allegorical practices, but others have left the question of function open.42
Etymology and allegory can be viewed as related in the sense that both are used as tools
to uncover some hidden or deeper meaning, but they also can be seen as independent
rhetorical tools. In the various genres of Early Christian theological writing, etymologies
may have different functions according to their contexts. As far the examples in Clement
go, he obviously addressed himself to an audience that had a taste for his etymologies and
could appreciate their effect. In that sense Clement participated in the literary customs of
his time and wrote in a way pleasing to his audience. The examples that he presents can
be frivolous and trivial, they can refer to a pun or a riddle, or they can, as we have seen,
evoke some magical incantations. The rhetorical embellishment can function as a simple
elucidation of words or unknown concepts. His more serious aim, however, is to recover
the deeper meaning and to regain the hidden truth. At times Clement starts his arguments
with a Greek rhetorical device, such as an allegory or etymology, ultimately returning to
biblical texts – as if they were his last resort when it really mattered. Whatever he does to
bring up the underlying meaning, the divine logos is the ultimate guardian of and for the
right interpretation, the guarantee against irrationality and ignorance. This is not only an

42
Treu, “Etymology,” 191: “In der Antike liegen Etymologie und Allegorie dicht beieinander.” Mortley,
Connaissance, 48: Il s’agit donc d’une forme de l’allégorisme, par laquelle on trouve dans les noms les
signes de sa signification.” Den Boer, Allegorese, 74, speaks about “etymological allegories.”

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

intellectual or spiritual concept but also a practical reality that saveguards the human soul
from going astray.
Whether the context is hermeneutical, apologetical, or pedagogical, Clement
showed an amazing ability to incorporate a great variety of etymologies into the flow of
his words and thoughts. We should be grateful to him for having provided his readers,
ancient and modern, with such interesting and at times bizarre specimens.

===

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

Appendix of Greek etymologies in Clement

a. Names

∆Adravsteia - didravskw
Strom. VII 20, 8
au{th pou hJ ∆Adravsteia, kaq∆ h}n oujk e[sti diadra'nai to;n qeovn.

Etymology with privative alpha of the name of Adrasteia. See also Cornutus, De Natura Deorum, p. 13:
au{th dev ejsti kai; ∆Adravsteia, h[toi para; to; ajnevkfeukto" kai; ajnapovdrasto" ei\nai wjnomasmevnh h]
para; to; ajei; dra'n ta; kaq∆ auJthvn, wJsa;n ajeidravsteia ou\sa, h] tou' sterhtikou' morivou plh'qo" nu'n
ajpodhlou'nto" wJ" ejn th/' Æajxuvlw/ u{lh/Æ: Aelius Dionysius (2 CE), ∆Attika; ojnovmata N 5: e{teroi de; th;n
Nevmesin ∆Adravsteian ei\pon kalei'sqai dia; to; th'" qeiva" divkh" ajnapovdraston.

∆Apovllwn
Strom. I 164, 3
∆Apovllwn mevntoi mustikw'" kata; stevrhsin tw'n pollw'n noouvmeno" oJ ei|" ejsti
qeov".

Etymology with privative alpha of the name of Apollo. See also the Alexandrian philosopher Hermias (5
CE), In Platonis Phaedrum scholia, p. 89: dio; kai; ∆Apovllwn ei[rhtai wJ" ajpo; tw'n pollw'n ejpi; to; e}n
ejpanavgwn th;n yuchvn, and the anonymous Alexandrian commentator on Plato (post 6 CE), Prolegomena
philosophiae Platonicae I, l. 40: Apovllwn ga;r dhloi' oJ kecwrismevno" tw'n pollw'n, to; ga;r a
sterhtikovn ejstin movrion. Lydus (6 CE), De Mensibus 2, 4: toutevstin eij" to;n e{na ”Hlion, o}"
∆Apovllwn levgetai dia; to; a[pwqen ei[nai tw'n pollw'n (also 2, 15). Hesychius (5-6 CE), Lexicon A 6511:
∆Apovllwn: oJ tw'n ÔEllhvnwn qeov". ejtumologei'tai de; oJ mh; meta; pollw'n sunariqmouvmeno".
Differently in Cornutus, De Natura Deorum, p. 65: tavca d∆ a]n kai; ajpo; tou' aJplou'n kai; luvein to;
sunesto;" th'" oujsiva" h] kai; to; skovto" wJsa;n aJplw'n eijrhmevno" ei[h. For the etymology of Apollo as
aJplou'~, see Plato, Cratylus 405-406.

“Arh" - a[rsi" - ajnaivresi"

Protr. V 64, 4-5
“w{sper ajmevlei oJ polevmio" “Arh" ajpo; th'" a[rsew" kai; ajnairevsew" keklhmevno".

Etymology of the name of Ares, which Plutarch (Amatorius 757b) ascribes to Chrysippus (Arnim, SVF II
1094): ÔO de; Cruvsippo" ejxhgouvmeno" tou[noma tou' qeou' kathgorivan poiei' kai; diabolhvn: ∆Anaivrhn
ga;r ei\nai to;n “Arhn fhsivn, ajrca;" didou;" toi'" to; machtiko;n ejn hJmi'n kai; diavforon kai; qumoeide;"
“Arhn keklh'sqai nomivzousin. See also Sophocles, Fragm. 724. Philo, Legatio ad Gaium 113. Cornutus,
Natura Deorum 40: “Arh" th;n ojnomasivan e[scen ajpo; tou' aiJrei'n kai; ajnairei'n h] ajpo; th'" ajrh'"...
also 41.

“Artemi" - ajerotovmo"
Strom. V 37, 1

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

dio; “Artemi" prov" tinwn ei[rhtai ajerotovmo" ti" ou\sa, zofero;" de; oJ ajhvr.
Etymology of the name Artemis as opposed to Hera (ajhvr).43 Although the word ajerotovmo" is a hapax
legomenon, a similar interpretation is offered by Porphyrius, Scholia In Homerum (D scholia, ed. Heyne),
Iliad book 20, verse 74 (line of scholion 27): ”Hra dev ejstin ajhvr. “Artemi" de; selhvnh, ajerovtemiv" ti"
ou\sa, kai; to;n ajevra tevmnousa, ejx ou| h[rthtai, kai; to; baruvnon aujth;n polevmion nenovmiken. ”Hra dev
ejstin ajhvr. “Artemi" de; selhvnh, ajerovtemiv" ti" ou\sa, kai; to;n ajevra tevmnousa, ejx ou| h[rthtai, kai;
to; baruvnon aujth;n polevmion nenovmiken.

“Atla"
Strom. V 36, 2: “Atla" de; oJ mh; pavscwn povlo" duvnatai me;n ei\nai kai; hJ ajplanh;"
sfai'ra.

Etymology with privative alpha of the name of Atlas. This is a hidden etymology: a (privative alpha) -
tla`n (= to suffer). Clement attributes the etymology to Critias. The etymology occurs more literally in the
Etymologium Magnum, Kallierges, p. 161, 54: kai; a[tla", oJ mh; dunavmeno" tlh'nai. Compare with
Hesychius, Lexikon, s.v. a[tla". Hesychius connects the name to ajpaqhv".

JAfrodivth - ajfrov~ (see also ajfrodivsiva)

Ped. I 48, 3
Tine;" de; kai; to; spevrma tou' zw/vou ajfro;n ei\nai tou' ai{mato" kat∆ oujsivan
uJpotivqentai, o} dh; th/' ejmfuvtw/ tou' a[rreno" qevrmh/ para; ta;" sumploka;"
ejktaracqe;n ejkripizovmenon ejxafrou'tai kajn tai'" spermativtisin parativqetai
fleyivn: ejnteu'qen ga;r oJ ∆Apollwniavth" Diogevnh" ta; ajfrodivsia keklh'sqai
bouvletai.

Etymology with privative alpha of the name of Aphrodite (and words of the same root) linking it ajfrov~
(foam); similar etymologies make the connection with ajfrosuvnh or a[frwn (thoughtless, foolish,
indecent); see Plato, Cratylus 406d: peri; de; ∆Afrodivth" oujk a[xion ÔHsiovdw/ ajntilevgein, ajlla;
sugcwrei'n o{ti dia; th;n ãejkà tou' ajfrou' gevnesin Æ∆AfrodivthÆ ejklhvqh. Euripides, Troiades, 989: ta;
mw'ra ga;r pavnt∆ ejsti;n ∆Afrodivth brotoi'", kai; tou[nom∆ ojrqw'" ajfrosuvnh" a[rcei qea'". Cornutus, De
Natura Deorum, p. 45: ∆Afrodivth dev ejstin hJ sunavgousa to; a[rren kai; to; qh'lu duvnami", tavca dia;
to; ajfrwvdh ta; spevrmata tw'n zwv/wn ei\nai tauvthn ejschkui'a th;n ojnomasivan h[, wJ" Eujripivdh"
uJpooei', dia; to; tou;" hJttwmevnou" aujth'" a[frona" ei\nai.

Eu[a - Eujav -”Euia

Protr. II 12, 2
Diovnuson mainovlhn ojrgiavzousi Bavkcoi wjmofagiva/ th;n iJeromanivan a[gonte" kai;
telivskousi ta;" kreonomiva" tw'n fovnwn ajnestemmevnoi toi'" o[fesin,
ejpololuvzonte" Eujavn, Eu[an ejkeivnhn, di∆ h}n hJ plavnh parhkolouvqhsen: kai; shmei'on
ojrgivwn bakcikw'n o[fi" ejsti; tetelesmevno". Aujtivka gou'n kata; th;n ajkribh' tw'n
ÔEbraivwn fwnh;n o[noma to; ”Euia dasunovmenon eJrmhneuvetai o[fi" hJ qhvleia: Dhw; de;
kai; Kovrh dra'ma h[dh ejgenevsqhn mustikovn, kai; th;n plavnhn kai; th;n aJrpagh;n kai;
to; pevnqo" aujtai'n ∆Eleusi;" da/doucei'.

Strom. III 80, 2

43
See also Le Boulluec, SC 297, 154.

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

…Æi{na mh; wJ" oJ o[fi" ejxhpavthsen Eu[anÆ, th;n legomevnhn ÆzwhvnÆ, kai; hJmei'" uJpo;
th'" kata; ta;" aiJrevsei" livcnou panourgiva" parabw'men ta;" ejntolav". cf. Strom. III
65, 1

Clement associates the name of Eu[a (Eve) with the cry of the Bacchoi eujav, a sound which like eujoi' is
attested in both theater plays and magical papyri; see f. e. Euripides, Troiades, l. 326. Aristophanes,
Lysistrata, l.1294. Preisendanz, Papyri magicae, 2 l. 134; 13, 950; 16, 26 (f. e. in the cult of Apollo: ihea:
ih: iw: iu: ie: iwa: iha: eua: wea: euha: weua: euwa: euie: euiae:eue: euh: euie: euw: i>euae: euhae:
uJmnhvsw). Clement mentions that the followers of Dionysus are wreathed with snakes, which leads him to
the following etymology, saying that the word ”Euia with rough breathing stands for the Hebrew word for
“snake.” Apparently this explanation is based on reality, since the Aramaic word for serpent (Midrash) is
)ywx, a sound echoed by the Greek ”Euia. In Strom. III 80, 2 and III 65, 1 Clement follows the more
common interpretation for the name of Eve as “life,” reflecting the Hebrew hwx. For both words, see
Koehler-Baumgartner, Lexicon, p. 280, s. v. hwx.

«Isi~ - ∆Iwv - ijevnai

Strom. I 106, 1
«Isin de; th;n kai; ∆Iwv fasin dia; to; ijevnai aujth;n dia; pavsh" th'" gh'" planwmevnhn.

Etymology of the names of Isis and Io. This passage from Clement is also quoted in Eusebius, PE 10, 12.
Otherwise the etymology survives primarily through medieval Lexica. It is attributed to Heriodianus in the
Etymologium Magnum, s.v. bouvbasi~: Eijw; th;n bou'n wjnovmase: th;n de; kwvmhn, Bouvbasin, ajpo; th'" tou'
boo;" bavsew". ”Wste kata; tou'ton to;n lovgon kai; dia; th'" EI difqovggou: dei' ga;r Eijwv. ÔO mevntoi
ÔHrwdiano;" fhsi; dia; tou' i, para; to; ijevnai schmatizovmenon: For the story but not the etymology, see
Ps-Apollodorus, Bibliotheca 2, 5. The Suida has a conflation of two etymologies relating to ijevnai and
qevein (for the latter, see below in this Appendix, s.v. qeov~ - qevw); Suida, letter alphaiota, 77:…u{steron de;
kai; Plavtwn, wJ" Plouvtarco" ejn toi'" Parallhvloi" fhsivn. ouj mh;n de; ajlla; kai; qeou;" Aijguvptioi
prw'toi to;n h{lion kai; th;n selhvnhn wjnovmasan kalevsante" to;n me;n h{lion “Osirin, th;n de; selhvnhn
“Isin, a{te oJrw'nte" aujtou;" drovmw/ ijovnta" kai; qevonta", qeouv" ejk tou' qevein kai; ijevnai.

Mwush`~ - mw`u
Strom. I 152, 3
ei\ta tivqetai tw/' paidivw/ o[noma hJ basili;" Mwush'n ejtuvmw" dia; to; ejx u{dato"
ajnelevsqai aujtov (to; ga;r u{dwr mw'u ojnomavzousin Aijguvptioi), eij" o} ejktevqeitai
teqnhxovmeno".

Etymology of the name of Moses as deriving from the Egyptian word for water: mw`u. In Coptic the word
moou
for “water” is still . For the same etymology, see Philo, VM I 17; Josephus, AJ II 228; C. Ap. I
287. Clement quotes from Philo’s VM in this passage.

Pallav~ - pavllw
Protr. 18, 1
∆Aqhna' me;n ou\n th;n kardivan tou' Dionuvsou uJfelomevnh Palla;" ejk tou' pavllein
th;n kardivan proshgoreuvqh:

Etymology of the name of Pallas (Athena) based on the verbs pavllein - pavllesqai: to sway, shake -
swing, leap, quiver. Clement refers to the godess as the one who snatched away the heart of Dionysus; she

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

was called Pallas because of the beating of the heart. Eusebius, PE 2, 3, 25 offers the same explanation; for
other references in early Christian authors, see Ps-Clement, Hom. 6, 8, 1 and Photius, Lexicon, s.v.
Pallav~. Plato linked the name Pallas to the gestures in the dance; Cratylus 406de: ÆPallavdaÆ pou
aujth;n kalou'men. … Tou'to me;n toivnun ajpo; th'" ejn toi'" o{ploi" ojrchvsew" hJgouvmenoi teqh'nai
ojrqw'" a[n, wJ" ejgw/\mai, hJgoivmeqa: to; gavr pou h] auJto;n h[ ti a[llo metewrivzein h] ajpo; th'" gh'" h] ejn
tai'" cersi;n “pavllein” te kai; “pavllesqai” kai; ojrcei'n kai; ojrcei'sqai kalou'men. A different
interpretation in Cornutus, De Natura Deorum, p. 38: Palla;" de; levgetai dia; th;n memuqeumevnhn peri;
aujth;n neovthta, ajf∆ ou| kai; oiJ pavllhke" kai; pallakai; prosagoreuvontai: skirthtiko;n ga;r kai;
pallovmenon to; nevon. i{druntai de; aujth;n ejn tai'" ajkropovlesi mavlista, to; duskatagwvniston kai;
duspoliovrkhton ejmfh'nai qevlonte" h] to; a[nwqen ejfora'n tou;" prospefeugovta" aujth/' h] th;n
metewrovthta paristavnte" tou' kaq∆ o} mevro" ejsti; th'" fuvsew" hJ ∆Aqhna'. Commentators of Homer
mostly relate the name to the “swaying” of the spear and the killing of “Pallas,” one of the Giants. The
sophist Apollonius (1-2 CE) referring to the grammarian Apion (1 CE) comments that some of the
interpretations are not Homer’s; Apollonius, Lexicon Homericum, p. 126: Pallav~ ejpivqeton i[dion
∆Aqhna'", wJ" me;n ∆Apivwn, ajpo; tou' paivein tou;" laouv", h] ajpo; tou' pavllein to; dovru, h] ajpo; tou'
pavllein kata; th;n hJlikivan: parqevno" gavr ejstin, o{qen kai; oJ pavllax wjnovmastai. e[nioi de; o{ti
Pavllanta ajnei'len e{na tw'n Gigavntwn: tou'to de; oujk a[n ti" ejx ÔOmhvrou parasthvseie. Most of the
interpretations are brought together in the Etymologium Magnum, Kallierges, 649: Pallav~. ÔH ∆Aqhna': h]
para; to; ajnapepavlqai ejk th'" kefalh'" tou' Diov": h] o{ti Pavllanta, e{na tw'n gigavntwn,
ajpevkteinen: h] para; to; ajei; pavllein kai; kradaivnein to; dovru: polemikh; ga;r hJ qeov". ‘H dia; to;
pallomevnhn th;n kardivan tou' Dionuvsou proskomivsai tw'/ Dii?.

Poseidw'n - povsi~
Protr. V 64, 4-5
“Aqeoi me;n dh; kai; ou|toi, sofiva/ tini; ajsovfw/ th;n u{lhn proskunhvsante" kai; livqou"
me;n h] xuvla ouj timhvsante", gh'n de; th;n touvtwn mhtevra ejkqeiavsante" kai;
Poseidw'na me;n oujk ajnaplavttonte", u{dwr de; aujto; prostrepovmenoi. Tiv gavr
ejstiv pote e{teron Poseidw'n h] uJgrav ti" oujsiva ejk th'" povsew" ojnomatopoioumevnh…
w{sper ajmevlei oJ polevmio" “Arh" ajpo; th'" a[rsew" kai; ajnairevsew" keklhmevno".

Etymology of “Poseidon” from “water” or “drink,” see also Philo, De Vita Contemplativa 3: to; de; u{dwr
Poseidw'na tavca pou dia; to; potovn... Cornutus, De Natura Deorum, p. 4: Dia; de; tauvthn th;n aijtivan
kai; to;n Poseidw'na e[fasan oiJ ajrcai'oi Krovnou kai; ÔReva" uiJo;n ei\nai: kai; ga;r to; u{dwr ejk th'"
eijrhmevnh" metabolh'" givnetai. Poseidw'n dev ejstin hJ ajpergastikh; tou' ejn th/' gh/' kai; peri; th;n gh'n
uJgrou' duvnami", ei[toun ajpo; th'" povsew" ou{tw klhqei'sa kai; tou' didovnai tauvthn, ei[te lovgo" kaq∆
o}n ijdivei hJ fuvsi" ªfusiidivwnº ejstivn, ei[q∆ oiJonei; pedoseivwn wjnovmastai kata; th;n
paradeicqhsomevnhn aujtou' ijdiovthta. Athenagoras, Legatio, 22, 4: Zeu;" hJ zevousa oujsiva kata; tou;"
Stwi>kouv", ”Hra oJ ajhvr, kai; tou' ojnovmato" eij aujto; auJtw/' ejpisunavptoito sunekfwnoumevnou,
Poseidw'n hJ povsi". a[lloi de; a[llw" fusiologou'sin. See also Ps.-Herodianus, Partitiones, p. 112.

Savrapi~ from ∆Osivri~ and “Api"

Protr. IV 48, 6
kai; tw/' ejk th'" ∆Osivrido" kai; tou' “Apio" khdeiva" uJpoleleimmevnw/ farmavkw/
furavsa" ta; pavnta dievplasen to;n Savrapin: ou| kai; tou[noma aijnivttetai th;n
koinwnivan th'" khdeiva" kai; th;n ejk th'" tafh'" dhmiourgivan, suvnqeton ajpov
te ∆Osivrido" kai; “Apio" genovmenon ∆Osivrapi".

Etymology that defines the word “Sarapis” as derived from ”Osiris” and “Apis.” See also Strom. I 106 5;
cf. Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride 28ff. Origen knows about the myths of Isis and Osiris, but refuses to
discuss them (!); see CC V 34. 37. 38.

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Annewies van den Hoek Etymologizing in a Christian Context

Farisaivoi - oiJ kata; ajpoch;n kakw'n dikaioumevnoi

Strom. VI 164, 2
eja;n mh; pleonavsh/ uJmw'n hJ dikaiosuvnh plei'on tw'n grammatevwn kai; Farisaivwn,
tw'n kata; ajpoch;n kakw'n dikaioumevnwn, ªsu;nº tw/' meta; th'" ejn touvtoi"
teleiwvsew" kai; ªtw/'º to;n plhsivon ajgapa'n kai; eujergetei'n duvnasqai oujk e[sesqe
basilikoiv.

Etymology of the name of Pharisee associating it with words for “division” or “seperation”; see the Hebrew
#$$rp: divide, separate and #$$wrp: Farisaivo~; Origen, IoCom VI 120: OiJ de; Farisai'oi, a{te kata; to;
o[noma o[nte" dih/rhmevnoi tine;" kai; stasiwvdei"; Idem, IoCom XIII 55, 380, and fragm. 34; MatCom
ser. 10. 20. 27).

Cristov~ - crhstov~
Strom. II 18, 3
aujtivka oiJ eij" to;n Cristo;n pepisteukovte" crhstoiv te eijsi; kai; levgontai, wJ" tw/'
o[nti basilikoi; oiJ basilei' memelhmevnoi. wJ" ga;r oiJ sofoi; sofiva/ eijsi; sofoi; kai; oiJ
novmimoi novmw/ novmimoi, ou{tw" oiJ Cristw/' basilei' basilei'" kai; oiJ Cristou'
Cristianoiv.

Etymologal play on words of the name of Christ. In Apol. 3, 5 Tertullian writes that people mistakenly use
the name Chrestianus for Christianus. In Greek crhstov~ is both a proper name and an adjective indicating
goodness or kindness. Like Clement Tertullian thought that the word appropriately described the moral
qualities of Christians. See also Eph. 4, 32; Acts of John 33; Clement, Protr. 12, 123, 1; Strom. II 91, 1.
Fuchs, VC 4 (1950) 71. In modern Greek the personal name Crh`sto~ still exists but with the accent on the
first syllable.

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