Flynn Et Al. - The Unintended Consequences of Lack of Supervision Laws

Volume 36, Number 1 | 2023
Social Policy Report

The Unintended Consequences of “Lack of Supervision”
Child Neglect Laws: How Developmental Science Can Inform
Policies about Childhood Independence and Child Protection
Rachel M. Flynn , Department of Child & Adolescent Development, San Francisco State
University, San Francisco, California, USA
Nicholas J. Shaman , Department of Psychology, University of Houston—Clear Lake,
Houston, Texas, USA
Diane L. Redleaf , Principal, Family Defense Consulting, LLC, Oak Park, Illinois, USA
ABSTRACT
Policies and programs designed to serve children and families are sometimes misaligned
with developmental science research. Broad child neglect reporting laws, first adopted by
the United States in 1974, have led to families being prosecuted by child protection authori-
ties for allowing children to participate in everyday age-appropriate activities unsupervised. In
this report we describe the challenges of defining child neglect and outline the current land-
scape of neglect laws in the United States. We then provide a broad overview of some of
the developmental milestones children need to reach to participate in unsupervised activities
and the benefits of independent activities on child development. Children can often accom-
plish tasks at a much younger age than law, parents, and caregivers in the U.S. believe. We
then turn to the literature from across the world and argue that culture, not innate ability,
drives much of the variation in the age at which children can do things on their own. Finally,
we make recommendations to parents, caregivers, legislators, advocates, and developmental
scientists to better align practice with research. This is a social justice issue that should
resonate across party, racial, and class lines. Developmental scientists are needed as advo-
cates and advisors on policies impacting children and families, especially child neglect laws.
Keywords
child protection, childhood independence, supervisory neglect
Correspondence
Diane L. Redleaf ([email protected])
Social Policy Report | 1

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Social Policy Report FROM THE EDITOR
Volume 36, Number 1 | 2023 In this Social Policy Report, authors Rachel Flynn, Nicholas Shaman, and Diane Redleaf examine both U.S.
ISSN 1075-7031 and international policies regarding child neglect laws and the various definitions of what constitute child
neglect, parental supervisory neglect, and child protection. Through this comprehensive review, they draw
Social Policy Report our attention to the fact that more stringent child neglect laws, such as those common in most U.S. states,
is published three times a year may in fact be undermining children’s development.
by the Society for Research in
Child Development. Since the adoption of the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act of 1974 by the U.S. Congress, there has
been the adoption of the notion that children (especially those under 12) must be constantly supervised by
adults, even during free play, otherwise they can be deemed neglected and their parents subject to punitive
EDITORIAL TEAM consequences such as by Child Protection Services (CPS). The authors explain that each year more than
Lead Editor 7 million children are reported to CPS hotlines in the U.S. “These hotline calls result in two million cases
Ellen Wartella, PhD opened for investigation or a service response in the United States, with approximately 620,000 cases
[email protected] deemed to be “substantiated” (i.e., cases in which, upon investigation, some form of abuse or neglect is
deemed to have occurred). Sixty percent of these cases concern “neglect only” cases (i.e., the cases present
Associate Editor no claim of physical or sexual abuse).” As the authors go on to note, it is difficult to know how severe these
Fashina Aladé, PhD cases are and how many fall into the category of supervisory neglect for several reasons: (1) state laws,
[email protected] policies, and reports do not distinguish by type of neglect (e.g. emotional, medical, supervisory), (2) there is
little agreement on the definition of supervisory neglect since neglect refers to “omissions of care” rather
than specific harmful behaviors toward children, and (3) “child neglect is multidimensional and context-
Editorial Board
dependent, and it presents differently based upon the age of the child.”
P. Lindsay Chase-Lansdale, PhD
Sandra Waxman, PhD The authors point out that the laws and policies concerning child neglect are often misaligned with what
David Figlio, PhD developmental scientists know about child development—namely, that there is no one-size-fits-all approach,
Craig Garfield, MD and that the milestones of development are highly child-, context-, and culturally-dependent. Many states
Neil Jordan, PhD include a general age limit for when children can be left unsupervised, but these age limits likely lead to the
Terri Sabol, PhD overinclusion of children who are developmentally ready for more independence and the underinclusion of
David Uttal, PhD those who are not. The authors argue that in almost all of the U.S. laws and policies governing supervisory
Diane Schanzenbach, PhD neglect, there is inadequate attention to the physical, cognitive, and social developmental status of the children
Dedre Gentner, PhD involved, and they go on to outline the developmental trajectories of independence across those three areas.
Matthew M. Davis, MD After a review of the developmental literature, the authors go on to review various cultural perspectives on
Amelie Petitclerc, PhD what responsive parenting looks like, paying special attention to how Western culture differs from other
Rachel Flynn, PhD international perspectives. They cite several examples from cross-cultural research that demonstrate cultural
Onnie Rogers, PhD differences in how a society views the ability of children to act independently at different ages. For instance,
in many African societies it is deemed appropriate for children as young as 5 to be caretakers of younger
SRCD Policy Staff children, while U.S. middle class families would put the age of supervision at 10 or 12. The authors do not
Lindsay Trammell argue that any one cultural perspective is better than any other, but rather that the wide variations in child
independence and beliefs about neglect can be used to inform Western practices and policies.
Manager of Publications
Melissa Lutchkus The authors then go on to discuss the benefits of independence. They note that children need to act
independently for healthy developmental growth and that parenting behaviors have a significant influence
on children’s readiness for independence. Indeed, parents who underestimate their children’s capacities may
impede their development.
The authors conclude with a set of concrete and research-informed suggestions for parents and caregivers,
legislators and advocates, and developmental scientists. For parents, they argue that it is important to pay
attention to their child’s developing physical, cognitive, and emotional skills and talk to them about what
they feel capable of doing independently, such as walking to school. For legislators, they suggest looking
at new laws enacted in Colorado, Oklahoma, Texas, and Utah that have been amended to exclude from
neglect laws children’s independent activities, such as walking to school alone. Lastly, the authors call on
developmental scientists to not only conduct more research on this topic but also to advance policy in the
area and consult with nonpartisan advocacy agencies for coordination of policy activities.
This SPR offers a wide-ranging analysis of child neglect laws and practices covering both state and
international policy standards. Most importantly, it points out how neglect of children’s developmental
trajectories and their need for independence has led to poorly-informed social policies that may be impeding
children’s healthy development.

The Unintended Consequences of “Lack of Supervision” Child
Neglect Laws: How Developmental Science Can Inform Policies
about Childhood Independence and Child Protection
Policies and programs designed to serve children and families are built upon a
general understanding of child development. Developmental research has tried to
expand that understanding and determine the typical ages at which children acquire
certain skills and capabilities, while at the same time incorporating individual
differences and cultural variations in child development (Rogoff, 2003). Unfortunately,
cultural norms, and therefore, laws and policies, are sometimes misaligned with the
research evidence. This is particularly true for child protection law and policy,
including the understanding of when children can and should be allowed to be
unsupervised by adults in developmentally appropriate ways.
In recent decades in the United States, children's

unsupervised activities, long seen as a routine and
In recent decades in the United States, healthy part of child development, have been
increasingly scrutinized and labeled as unsafe or
children's unsupervised activities, long seen inappropriate by law enforcement and CPS
as a routine and healthy part of child agencies (Pimentel, 2015). For example, broad
child neglect reporting laws, first adopted by the
development, have been increasingly U.S. Congress in 1974 (Child Abuse Prevention
scrutinized and labeled as unsafe or and Treatment Act, 1974), have influenced the
idea that children must be constantly supervised
inappropriate. by adults, even during free play, because lack of
supervision may lead to a member of the public
calling a child neglect hotline (Pimentel, 2015;
Redleaf, 2022; Rutherford, 2011). In turn, the fear of such calls may influence parents'
decisions about what unsupervised activities they can or should allow (Pimentel, 2015;
Redleaf, 2022). These changes have contributed to a cultural shift in the U.S. where much
of children's time is structured and supervised by adults. This is even though different
children are ready for different challenges at different ages (Rogoff, 2003) and that
responsive caregiving should provide opportunities for independence that are
developmentally appropriate.
There are cases across the U.S. of governmental authorities investigating school-age
children for playing, walking home, or being alone without constant adult supervision as
indicative of neglectful parenting, and this treatment, in turn, has led to traumatic,
threatening, and punitive consequences for families (see Fuller & Redleaf, 2015; Haidt &
Skenazy, 2017; Redleaf, 2022). For example, cases on this topic include a village that
forbade children from using the library without an adult present if they are under the age
of 12, under threat of calling the authorities for violations (Skenazy, 2009a); a 7-year-old
who was stopped by police for running around the block in Colorado (Brown, 2022); and
an 8-year-old whose mother faced neglect charges for allowing her to walk the dog in
Illinois (Bevar, 2018). In all these cases children were participating in activities that their
parents had determined were appropriate. However, the laws in some states claim that

these behaviors reflect neglectful parenting without consideration of the child's ability or
the context. These situations may contribute to the cultural shift away from allowing
children to engage in age-appropriate independent activities as parents may be worried
about the backlash.
Vague child neglect laws are another contributor to this cultural shift and the negative
consequences on families, particularly among communities of color (see Pimentel, 2019;
Redleaf, 2022). The vagueness of these laws leads to confusing child neglect with poverty
and contributes to disadvantaged communities' disproportionate intervention by law
enforcement and CPS (Gupta-Kagan, 2022; Roberts, 2022). Additionally, increasing hotline
calls and investigations of families places burdens on the limited resources of government
agencies responsible for safeguarding children, diluting the attention available-to children
in danger of serious abuse and neglect (Pimentel, 2015; Ruiz-Casares et al., 2012).
These factors illustrate the need for clearer policy defining appropriate child
supervision and healthy childhood independence versus harmful supervisory neglect.
Parents and policymakers can benefit from the knowledge and skills of
developmental scientists in determining these distinctions. For example, researchers
on supervisory neglect suggest that judgments of parents' behavior should be based
upon objective consideration of the frequency, chronicity, and extent of poor
supervision (Morrongiello & Cox, 2020). However, laws and policies do not generally
reflect these points. Developmental researchers can also contribute by discussing
topics such as what constitutes minimally acceptable care for a child and what level
of lack of supervision warrants intervention from government agencies.
This paper first discusses the legal and cultural landscape that has led to a
diminution of children's engagement in independent activities. We then turn to the
child development trajectories as well as perspectives beyond Western culture that
can inform the adoption of sound laws. We conclude with recommendations for
parents, legislators, and developmental science researchers to align law and policy
with child development research.
The Legal Landscape

Challenge of defining supervisory neglect
Every year, more than 7 million children are reported to CPS hotlines in the U.S. (U.S.
Department of Health & Human Services (HHS), 2022). These hotline calls result in two
million cases opened for investigation or a service response in the United States, with
approximately 620,000 cases deemed to be “substantiated” (i.e., cases in which, upon
investigation, some form of abuse or neglect is deemed to have occurred) (U.S.
Department of Health & Human Services (HHS), 2022). Sixty percent of these cases
concern “neglect only” cases (i.e., the cases present no claim of physical or sexual abuse)
(Pimentel, 2015; U.S. Department of Health & Human Services (HHS), 2022). However, it is
unclear how many neglect cases fall within the area of “supervisory neglect,” because
many states' laws, policies, and data reports do not distinguish between different forms of
neglect (Redleaf, 2022a, 2022b). For example, Arizona is a state that maintained
subcategorized data, meaning that it breaks neglect cases into categories such as

supervisory neglect, emotional neglect, physical neglect, or medical neglect. In Arizona,
the number of cases in the neglectful supervision category exceeded all other neglect
cases (Morrison Institute for Public Policy, 2017). Additionally, most of these supervisory
neglect cases were ultimately deemed “unfounded” (i.e., determined to be lacking in merit
upon investigation; unsubstantiated), which means that the resources spent in
investigating these matters drained the system′s resources to protect children suffering
from serious abuse (Morrison Institute for Public Policy, 2017; Pimentel, 2015; Redleaf,
2022). Similarly, research in Canada has established that the threshold for determining
supervisory neglect is too low; finding that 96% of cases resulted in no physical harm to
the child, and 74% of the cases did not involve any mental or emotional harm to the child
(Ruiz-Casares et al., 2012).
Universally agreed-upon definitions of supervisory neglect are hard to find in both the
legal and research landscape (American Law Institute (ALI), 2019; Morrongiello & Cox,
2020; Proctor & Dubowitz, 2014; Redleaf, 2022; Straus & Kantor, 2005). This is because
child neglect is multidimensional and context-dependent, and it presents differently based
on the age of the child (Proctor & Dubowitz, 2014). In addition, neglect is particularly wide-
ranging because, unlike abuse, it deals with omissions of care rather than specific actions
or behaviors (Morton & Salovitz, 2006). Broadly, developmental science treats neglectful
behavior as the failure to meet the developmental needs of a child (Straus & Kantor,
2005). However, there is great variation in children's developmental needs, and parenting
behaviors, and environmental risks (Morrongiello & Cox, 2020).
The difficulty of defining supervisory neglect contributes to the overly broad definitions
adopted in some Western countries. For example, the Australian government's Institute of
Family Studies identifies supervisory neglect as inadequate supervision that leads to
potentially serious harm to the child (Scott et al., 2012). U.S. legal definitions often set the
threshold lower, referencing merely a risk of unspecified harm (Coohey, 2003). Some state
laws define neglect as the lack of “proper” care or use the term “without supervision,”
implying that any child who is not constantly supervised by an adult could be determined
to be “neglected” (Gupta-Kagan, 2022; Pimentel, 2015; Redleaf, 2020b, 2022). These
definitions provide little guidance as to how potential harms may vary depending on the
age and abilities of the child (Dubowitz et al., 2022). Morrongiello and Cox (2020) note that
supervisory neglect exists along a continuum; there is not a clear “sufficient/insufficient
supervision” dichotomy. They suggest an appropriate assessment examines the parent's
supervisory capacity and the child's capabilities all within the context of the child′s
environment.
Moreover, the issue of properly defining

An overabundance of monitoring and control minimally adequate supervision also misses the
dangers of over-supervision. In other words,
can lead to other needs of the child not neglect policy runs into an Odyssean “Scylla
being met, while too little monitoring and vs. Charybdis” dilemma (e.g., the challenge of
charting a course between two equally
control can endanger children's safety. unacceptable options). In this case, an
overabundance of monitoring and control can
lead to other needs of the child not being met
(e.g., the need for independence), while too little monitoring and control can

endanger children's safety. Parents who engage in intensive or over-supervision,
colloquially known as “helicopter parents,” raise “cotton wool kids” (Bristow, 2014;
O'Malley, 2015; Pimentel, 2015). “Cotton wool kids” are children whose development
is hindered because of the lack of experiences and opportunities to develop their
independence. For example, research shows that children who are granted less
independent mobility, defined as children's ability to travel and play in public spaces
without adult supervision, engaged in less physical activity than children who have
more independent mobility (Stone et al., 2014). Parents who fail to provide their
children opportunities for physical and cognitive stimulation through independent
activities are potentially “neglecting” their children in those dimensions.
Another potential concern with opened-ended neglect laws is that they invite state
intervention into family life in a manner that is harmful and traumatic, as well as
racially disproportionate. Current statistics in the U.S. suggest that 37% of children
experience an investigation by child protective services in their childhood, and of
those children, a disproportionate percentage (53%) are Black children (Kim et al.,
2017). Roberts (2022) highlights the roots of child protection system's interventions to
separate families in the United States' legacy of slavery and racial segregation. In
addition, the author highlights the connection between “family policing” by the CPS
system and the carceral systems operated by police, prosecutors, and prisons.
Indeed, a parent who opens their doors to law enforcement or CPS investigators
during a home visit following a hotline call sometimes experience explosive, life-
altering ramifications. For example, Redleaf (2020c) and Roberts (2022) report the
neglect case against Vanessa Peoples, a mother who was investigated because her
child briefly wandered away from her in a park. This resulted in a hotline call and
misdemeanor charges which required routine checks of her home. Then during
one of these routine well-being checks, Peoples was literally hogtied by police in her
own home for not answering the door because she was in the basement
(Moriarpy, 2022). Advocates for racial and social justice increasingly call for
fundamental changes in CPS laws and policies that authorize such interventions in
the name of child protection (Roberts, 2022).
Part of the problem is that very little guidance is available to hotline responders
(i.e., social workers, CPS, police) who are responsible for investigating cases and
enforcing child neglect laws (Gupta-Kagan, 2022). As of 2022, there are 44 states that
have child neglect laws that were vague, defining neglect as “lack of supervision”
(Let Grow, n.d.a). In these cases, states make CPS caseworkers responsible for
deciding if a particular situation should be deemed neglectful (Redleaf, 2020a). This is
problematic because, as research using focus groups has found, CPS caseworkers
and other service providers do not always rely on their professional experience and
training when making judgments about children's supervision (Grégoire-Labrecque
et al., 2020). Instead, they rely on their personal experiences. This can be detrimental
because they may not use their training to reduce bias or use legal frameworks as
guidance when making decisions (Grégoire-Labrecque et al., 2020). It is especially
challenging to eliminate biased decision-making where laws, policies, and training
do not create a sufficiently clear and objective method for limiting biases. Some
celebrated cases have dramatized these concerns. In 2014, parents in Silver Spring,

Maryland faced a CPS neglect investigation when they allowed their two children,
ages 6 and 10 to walk home from a familiar park (Joyce, 2015). The parents had
prepared their children for the experience to ensure they were ready. Despite the
children's comfort with their own independence, the parents were threatened with
neglect charges; the children were detained by police when the parents allowed the
children to walk home a second time. This case was widely publicized through
popular media (see, for example, ABC News, 2015; St. George, 2015). Shortly after
the Maryland case, Chicago-area Latinx mother Natasha Felix's case also made
national news when she was cited for neglect for allowing her 5-, 9-, and 11-year-old
children to play in the park next to her apartment (CBS Chicago, 2015; Fuller &
Redleaf, 2015; St. George & Schulte, 2015). The neglect citation against Felix
precluded her from working in home health care, which impacted her family's income
and well-being during the 2-year period while her appeals were pending. Note: for an
extensive review of similar cases, and the media′s role in publicizing these examples,
see Pimentel (2015).
Status of supervisory neglect laws in the United States
Theoretically, the United States Constitution protects the right of parents in the first
instance to determine when and if their children are ready for independence, including by
engaging in activities that are not supervised by an adult or responsible older child (i.e.,
serving as a babysitter or monitor). This general principle is rooted in the First, Ninth, and
Fourteenth Amendments and has been repeatedly reinforced as “fundamental” by the
United States Supreme Court (Meyer v. Nebraska, n.d.; Troxel v. Granville, n.d.).
Nevertheless, these rights do not prevent parents from being subjected to investigations
and charged with child endangerment or neglect by law enforcement authorities or CPS.
This is because the rights of parents to the care and control of their children extend only
to “fit” parents, not those lawfully deemed abusive or neglectful (Troxel v. Granville, n.d.).
And the State has ultimate authority as “parens patriae” to care for children if the parents
are unfit, unwilling, and unable to do so (Longley, 2021). Under the guise of protecting
children from parents who are harming them, the overwhelming majority of states have
laws and policies that permit or encourage the treatment of unsupervised children as
neglected (Let Grow Maps Project, n.d.a).
Recently some states have made changes, however, to protect families from
overbroad neglect laws. In 2018, Utah (2018) redefined its neglect law to define
childhood independence stating, “Neglect does not include permitting a child who is
of sufficient age and maturity to avoid harm or unreasonable risk of harm, to engage
in independent activities, including: (A) traveling to and from school, including by
walking, running, or bicycling; (B) traveling to and from nearby commercial or
recreational facilities; (C) engaging in outdoor play; (D) remaining in a vehicle
unattended; (E) remaining at home unattended; or (F) engaging in a similar
independent activity.”
Oklahoma (Oklahoma House Bill 2565, 2021), Texas (Texas House Bill 567, 2021), and
Colorado (Colorado House Bill 22-1090, 2022) followed suit, passing laws explicitly
protecting children's reasonable independence (Let Grow Maps Project, n.d.a). For
example, Oklahoma's law (Oklahoma House Bill 2565, 2021) redefined neglect overall,

stating, “Neglect means …: (1) the failure or omission to provide supervision or
appropriate caretakers to protect the child from harm or threatened harm of which
any reasonable and prudent person responsible for the child's health, safety or
welfare would be aware, special care made necessary for the child's health and safety
by the physical or mental condition of the child.” The law also adds that neglect
“shall not mean a child who engages in independent activities, except if the person
responsible for the child's health, safety or welfare willfully disregards any harm or
threatened harm to the child, given the child′s level of maturity, physical condition or
mental abilities” and includes a similar listing of independent activities as Utah
(Oklahoma House Bill 2565, 2021). While these laws narrow neglect definitions, they
leave room for CPS agencies to determine that children are neglected if they can
show that the parents willfully disregarded a child's health, safety, or welfare, by
ignoring obvious dangers or allowing the child to engage in an activity that was
harmful considering their developmental abilities. Such laws are representative of the
greater specificity needed to distinguish between dangerous and healthy
unsupervised activities for children.
In addition to vague or punitive laws, 14 states

have laws and policies that include age limits
which may be untethered to child development
14 states have laws and policies that include principles for when children can be
age limits which may be untethered to child unsupervised (Let Grow, n.d.a; Washington
Post, n.d). This wide developmental age range
development principles for when children can demonstrates confusion and a lack of
be unsupervised. consensus about child development by
policymakers. For example, some states, such
as Maryland, have laws that children should
never be alone before the age of 12 (Let Grow,
n.d.a). On the other side of the spectrum, Kansas and Minnesota have much more
liberal policies, recognizing that children by six (Kansas Department for Children and
Families, 2012) or seven (Minnesota Department of Human Services, 2023) can be
unsupervised and neglect cases do not need to be opened in these circumstances.
The question of whether law and policy should specify age limits upon the ability of
children to engage in independent activities came up explicitly in the South Carolina
legislature in 2019. A state Senator introduced an amendment that would have
changed the law so it would be neglectful for children younger than 9 to be
unsupervised. (South Carolina House Bill 79, 2019). This amendment was defeated
after the Senate Judiciary Committee heard testimony from 9-year-old Blaise about
how this law would stop him from playing outside with his little brother (Skenazy,
n.d.a). Similar testimony was presented again in South Carolina in 2022 by a 6-year-
old girl who enjoyed playing in her neighborhood with her 5-year-old sister without
her mother constantly watching over them (Skenazy, n.d.b). (Let Grow, 2020; Let
Grow, n.d.b) It is shocking that it took testimony from children to convince lawmakers
that age restrictions are not necessary when child development research supports the
idea of developmentally appropriate opportunities for independence. There is a need
for more connections between research and policy.

These controversies and attempts to legislate standards that differentiate healthy
child development practices from neglectful parenting choices raise questions for
developmental scientists. At what ages can children safely walk to school by
themselves? When can a child be home alone? And how does a parent know that
their child is ready? For example, Colorado law adopted the “reasonable and prudent
parent” judgment standard that allowed parents to make judgments based on their
knowledge of their children′s “maturity, condition and abilities” (Colorado House Bill
22-1090, 2022). However, the law itself does not provide guidance to parents as to
how they should assess these qualities in their children. In the absence of knowing
the developmental research, well-intended legislators and policymakers sometimes
adopt their own theories (i.e., folk science). Developmental scientists know that the
question “When do children have the ability to be unsupervised?” does not have a
single straightforward answer. Instead, it is complicated and varies by historical
cohort, culture, and when, where, and for how long the child might be unsupervised.
In the following section, we discuss developmental capabilities related to
independent activities and how opportunities for independence are necessary for
healthy development.
Developmental Trajectories of Independence

Rogoff (2003) discusses how different cultures vary in what experiences are
developmentally appropriate or dangerous for children resulting in very different
childhood experiences by culture. But despite these differences, there are some
cross-cultural similarities in beliefs about developmental trajectories. Children′s roles
and responsibilities in their social setting often undergo a qualitative shift around
5–7 years old (Rogoff et al., 1975). Analyzing 50 cultures, Rogoff et al. (1975)
examined the age at which different cultures treated children as ready to have new
social responsibilities or be able to take on a new social role in the community. For
example, in many communities around the world, children as young as 5 years old
take responsibility for caring for younger children. Many of the cultures examined
had these shifts in the 5–7 age range.
Despite this and other research indicating new capabilities around this age, U.S.
middle-class families often believe that children are not capable of these skills until at
least 10 years old. For example, child protective authorities in Georgia recently
criminally charged a mother for allowing her 14-year-old daughter to babysit
(Skenazy, 2022), at odds with the Red Cross training babysitters starting at age
11 (Fuller & Redleaf, 2015). This contrast is another example of how the cultural
norms, laws, and policies regarding child supervision may vary. The disconnect
demonstrates a need for a comprehensive review of developmental trajectories of
childhood independence.
In our review, we focus on the capabilities that children have at age 5 and beyond
and focus more specifically on middle childhood, which we define as age 6 to
12 years old. Throughout this section, we will use the example of a child walking to
school to illustrate each of the developmental domains. We chose walking to school
because there is evidence that this experience has changed dramatically for children
over time, related to the changing legal and cultural landscape. Prior to the passage

of the federal “hotline law” (CAPTA, 1974), almost 50% of 5–14-year-old children
walked or biked to school on their own. As of 2018, only 13% of children did so
across the nation (Jamme et al., 2018).
In addition to reviewing the normative trajectories of the childhood independence

skills, we will also highlight some of the developmental variations. Based upon
biological, contextual, and cultural differences, children may be more or less ready
for independence (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). However, capturing all the
variations in development or providing extensive examples of independent activities
is beyond the scope of this paper. In a later section on cultural perspectives of
childhood independence, we address some parenting beliefs and practices that lead
to some of this variation.
Finally, for each domain, we discuss the importance of practice and experience in
reaching developmental milestones. The skills related to independence do not
emerge solely due to biological maturation, but
through the opportunities and experiences
The skills related to independence do not children have practicing these and related skills.
Development is an inherently social process,
emerge solely due to biological maturation, and children's engagement in everyday
but through the opportunities and experiences activities provides them with opportunities to
participate in the world that they would not
children have practicing these and related have on their own (Gauvain & Perez, 2007).
skills. Children go through qualitative changes in how
they think and behave because of these
experiences. As with variations in development,
covering all the developmental mechanisms for
childhood independence is beyond the scope of this paper, but certain factors will be
discussed.
Physical development
Motor skills and physical well-being are some of the primary capabilities needed for
children to participate in activities independently. Gross motor skills include movements
that require large muscles or muscle groups (e.g., running), while fine motor skills use
small muscles or muscle groups (e.g., writing with a pencil) (Payne et al., 2016). Skills
like walking, climbing, running, and jumping proficiently all contribute to the ability of
children to do activities independently. In addition, skills such as reaching items on
shelves, riding a bike, using tools (e.g., sweeping/raking/shoveling), using a phone, and
carrying objects require a level of physical capacity, including sophisticated motor skills
for children to be able to accomplish various tasks alone. In the U.S., by age 6 children
typically can ride tricycles, climb ladders, and throw, catch, and kick balls. Elementary
school-age children 7–12 years old can master any motor skill that does not require an
adult-size body (Payne et al., 2016). For example, by about age 9, children's running and
jumping skills are at the same level as adults.
Assessments of U.S. children's motor skills suggest significant variation due to

multiple factors, such as biological, motivational, cognitive, and social ones (Ulrich,

2000). The age at which children master certain locomotive skills can vary
significantly. Approximately 40% of 3-year-olds have mastery of running, but 80%
of 7-year-olds do. Only 10% of 3-year-olds demonstrate mastery of performing a
horizontal jump, but 45% of 10-year-olds do (Ulrich, 2000). The variation exists for
fine motor control as well. As few as 1% of 3-year-olds demonstrate mastery of
catching a ball, but 72% of 8-year-olds do (Ulrich, 2000).
Children need a certain set of physical skills and abilities to walk to school on their
own. The child needs to physically transport themselves (e.g., motor skills such as
walking, running, wheeling their wheelchair, or riding their bicycle), the physical
coordination of those skills needed to traverse their environment (e.g., coordination
needed to balance their bicycle or not frequently trip and fall when walking), and the
physical fitness to get there (e.g., having the strength and endurance to travel the
distance to school). From a physical development perspective, most 6- or 7-year-olds
have the skills needed to walk alone to school.
There are a host of factors that contribute to the development of children's motor
skills (Adolph & Hoch, 2019; Foulkes et al., 2015). But a primary contributor is
children's experience with physical activity (Ali et al., 2017; Fisher et al., 2005). The
more that children engage in physical activity, the more their motor skills will
improve. Beyond just the opportunity, children require instruction and practice to
demonstrate mastery of fundamental movement skills. Walking to school and other
independent activities have been shown to be related to children's physical
development. Children who have more independent mobility have greater physical
activity profiles, which in turn leads to healthier overall development (Stone
et al., 2014).
Cognitive development
Cognition includes the mental activities that allow humans to examine, use,
remember, and communicate information (Bjorklund, 2022; Gauvain, 2022). Infancy
and early childhood are periods of especially rapid cognitive growth, which is then
refined throughout middle childhood (6–12 years old), resulting in a high level of skill
that allows them to understand and participate in the world in complex ways
(Gauvain, 2022). Cognitive abilities, such as perception, attention, inhibition, memory,
decision-making, and problem-solving, all improve greatly between 4- and 7-years old
(Best & Miller, 2010; Blair & Raver, 2015; Zelazo, 2015). These skills help children
attend to relevant information and ignore distraction, which are helpful and necessary
for formal schooling and independent activities.
In addition, children's language abilities, both receptive (i.e., ability to understand)

and expressive (i.e., ability to produce) are key skills needed to understand rules,
ask questions and explain themselves (Bjorklund, 2022; Gleitman et al., 2019).
Children learn the social patterns of speech, including how to listen and respond
appropriately, by age 4 (Gauvain, 2022; Gleitman et al., 2019). Language skills are
often tied to literacy skills, which can be important if reading signs or following
instructions are part of a child's independent activity (Bjorklund, 2022; Connor et al.,
2006). However, proficient reading is not a pre-requisite for independence,

depending on the task. For example, even prior to learning to read children can
help with cooking, make a sandwich for themselves, or can learn how to use a
microwave by themselves; but following a written recipe would require higher
literacy skills, which develop and increase in complexity throughout childhood
(Bjorklund, 2022).
Spatial abilities, including thinking about locations, the relationships between

locations, and remembering locations (Pruden et al., 2019), are additional cognitive
skills related to independent activities. For example, if children are walking to school
or somewhere in their community, spatial skills will help them to not get lost and to
remember the route home. Spatial thinking, including the ability to understand
directions and maps, improves over childhood (Uttal & Wellman, 1989; Uttal et al.,
2006). Four- and 5-year-olds can learn to understand what a map represents and how
to use it, and 10-year-olds can create mental models of maps nearly at adult levels
(Uttal & Wellman, 1989; Uttal et al., 2006). Like many areas of development, spatial
skills can be improved with practice (Uttal et al., 2013). Research by Jamme et al.
(2018) found that elementary school students who walked to school were able to
draw community and street maps from a birds-eye view with a level of skill similar to
adult representations.
Imagine all the cognitive abilities that apply to the actions involved in a child's walk
to school on their own. The child needs to remember the route (memory and spatial
skills), attend to where they are going (attention), be flexible in their thinking in case
something about their route has changed (cognitive flexibility), and they need to
solve problems they might encounter on the way (decision-making and problem-
solving). In addition, they need the language skills to be able to ask for help from
people if they need it and to understand what they are being told. This complex set
of skills may seem advanced, however, as we have reviewed by age 8 (and younger
depending on experience and context; see Section III), most children are at an
adequate developmental level and could walk to school depending on the location
and distance.
The development of children's cognitive abilities and their use in independent

activities is influenced by many social and contextual factors (Best & Miller, 2010;
Blair & Raver, 2015; Gauvain, 2022). Socio-cultural theory suggests that children's
cognitive development emerges as they participate in difficult culturally organized
practices (Gauvain & Perez, 2007). Traveling to school is one such practice. As
children walk to school independently, they are using their decision-making, problem-
solving, responsibility, and independence skills. These skills would not be practiced if
an accompanying parent took charge of those activities. Cross-cultural research
shows that, depending upon the environment, children as young as 5 or 6 years old
could walk to school alone, if they have practiced it previously with an adult (Shaw
et al., 2015). The most important factor (regardless of age) is if they have walked to
school before, practiced it, and discussed their plan with an adult, because children's
cognition develops through their experiences and gets strengthened through routines
(Best & Miller, 2010; Gauvain, 2022).

Social-emotional development
Social and emotional skills are key developmental milestones for school readiness,
and highly related to children's ability to be independent. These include self-
awareness, self-management, social awareness, relationship skills, and responsible
decision-making (see Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning
(CASEL), n.d; Payton et al., 2000). Developing these skills allows children to manage
emotions, cope with frustrations, control impulses, interact with adults and peers,
and respond to environmental changes. Social and emotional development begins in
infancy and continues through adolescence (Denham, 1998, 2019; Denham
et al., 2003).
Social development refers to children's understanding of their social worlds and the
kinds of social interactions they can have with others (CASEL, n.d; Denham, 2019).
The development of social cognition and social awareness is well-established by
middle childhood (Eisenberg et al., 2015). These skills help children interpret their
family situation as well as the world around them. Children have the ability to
process and interpret cues in social situations, arrive at competent decisions, and
behave accordingly (Arsenio & Lemerise, 2004; Crick & Dodge, 1994). A major vehicle
for children's development of social skills is their play with other children,
independent of adult control. To play together, children must decide together what
and how to play, reinforce the rules or boundaries with one another as they play, and
attend actively to one another's needs (Frost et al., 2012; Furth, 1996; Gray, 2013).
Theory of Mind is children's ability to think about one's own and others' mental
states, including thoughts, desires, beliefs, and feelings (Wellman, 2014; Wellman &
Lagattuta, 2000; Wellman et al., 2001). Theory of mind also includes children's
understanding of others' intentions, a potentially important aspect of childhood
independence if the independent child is playing outside, interacting with others, or
running an errand (Wellman, 2014). Theory of Mind is typically well developed by age
4 (Wellman, 2014). Though a child's understanding of mental states continues to
develop, by 8 years old children understand more complex reasoning, and by 9 years
old they can even fully understand irony and sarcasm (Glenwright & Pexman, 2010).
Theory of Mind is advanced through children's social interactions with other children
and adults (Flavell, 2004). Research also examines the development of whom children
endorse as trustworthy. For example, 4- and 5-year-olds trust their mother more than
a stranger, but even at that age, they can update their views of people's
trustworthiness based on new information (Corriveau et al., 2009; Gauvain, 2022;
Ronfard & Lane, 2018). This developmental skill is important if a child is to participate
in independent activities in which they might encounter strangers (e.g., going to the
grocery store for bread, playing at the playground).
Emotional development includes children's ability to understand their own and

others' feelings and express their own feelings and emotions appropriately (Dehham,
1998; Eisenberg, 2000). By 5 or 6 years old, children understand their own expression
of basic emotions, such as happiness, sadness, and fear, and self-conscious
emotions, including guilt, jealousy, pride, and embarrassment (Lagattuta &
Thompson, 2007; Wellman & Lagattuta, 2000). Throughout middle childhood and into

adolescence children continue to develop the ability to understand these emotions in
others, the complexity of feeling one emotion, but displaying another (e.g., being sad
on the inside, but smiling on the outside), and the causes and consequences of
feeling emotions (Harris et al., 1986).
The development of self-regulation, defined as the ability to manage states, thoughts,

and behavior, is also an important aspect of children's school-readiness and capacity
for independence (Blair & Raver, 2015; Eisenberg et al., 2006; Kochanska et al., 2001).
Self-regulation helps with goal-directed behaviors contributing to independence
through remembering and following rules, and understanding consequences
(Kochanska et al., 2001). These skills develop throughout childhood, with a focus in
preschool to teach and practice these skills. By the age of 5, most children will be
ready for formal education, which requires the ability to self-regulate so that they can
follow instructions, wait rather than immediately act on their impulses, remember
what they are told, interact reasonably well with others, and control themselves most
of the time. By elementary school, most children have mastered most of the self-
regulation skills they will need in a wide variety of settings (Markus & Nurius, 1984).
We can apply the social perspective to the same example of a child being ready to
walk to school. Children need to have enough self-regulation to know they need to
stop at a stop sign, look both ways, and then cross the street. During their walk, they
may need to interpret social situations, such as if they encounter a group of rowdy
teenagers. If they have seen this situation before and it made them uncomfortable,
they may choose to cross the street to avoid it (social processing skills). They need
Theory of Mind to understand who might be trustworthy and to adapt their belief
about that person if needed. Finally, the child needs to know how to seek help if a
problem emerges en route. Most of these skills are well-developed by the time
children enter elementary school. However, variations exist based on experiences
that children have as social-emotional skills develop and grow through practice (Blair
& Raver, 2015; Markus & Nurius, 1984). Therefore, independent experiences allow
children to improve their social-emotional skills in healthy and productive ways.
Summary of developmental trajectories
In summary, children need certain physical, cognitive, and social skills to engage in
unsupervised or independent activities. We have provided one example, walking to
school, however, the developmental skills needed will be similar for many activities.
The literature on children's ability to be “school ready” in the domains of physical
well-being and motor development, cognition and language and literacy, and social
and emotional development provides a good framework for considering childhood
independence (Kagan et al., 1995). While many of the developmental trajectories
continue to develop throughout middle childhood, many of them are at adequate
levels for entering formal schooling at the age of 5 or 6.
In addition, research supports the idea that child development (and independence) is
influenced by children's experiences and their families, and the communities in which
they are raised (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Ghandour et al., 2019; Maxwell &
Clifford, 2004). Therefore, children who have certain experiences (e.g., watching a

younger sibling or helping care for their grandmother) will be more ready for more
challenging or complex opportunities at an earlier age than those who do not have
those experiences. This leads to variations in experiences meaning variations in the
age in which children can accomplish a task.
Parenting behaviors are a significant influence on children's readiness for independence.

Sunarty and Dirawan (2015) explained that parents hinder their child's development of
independence by treating them in ways that are below their developmental level, which
includes constraining their activities. This speaks to the idea that adults who
underestimate children's capacities prevent them from developing their full potential.
Gopnik (2016) explained that there has been a shift where adults have forgotten how
capable school-age children can be in managing seemingly adult activities safely and
productively. Our example of the abilities that children need to walk to school alone may
seem complicated at first glance, but we know that children significantly younger than 8
years old once were widely considered fully capable of getting to school and home. And
around the world, by age 6 or 7, children contribute extensively to their family's
economic well-being (Gopnick, 2016). Parents who do not give children opportunities to
build independent skills may underestimate what children can do at surprisingly young
ages, as our discussion in the next section shows.
Cultural Perspectives
Responsive caregiving includes providing developmentally appropriate challenges,
which is sometimes at odds with current child neglect policies in the United States. In
fact, allowing children to have challenges, risks, and opportunities for independence
is important for development. Because the research and laws related to supervisory
neglect were developed within a Western cultural perspective it is important to
understand how culture is influencing parents, families, educators, and lawmakers in
regard to childhood independence.
In this section, we examine how Western cultural perspective (and laws) may differ
from those around the world. We examine different cultural parenting beliefs and
attitudes toward childcare in order to demonstrate that abilities are often culturally
determined and experience-driven rather than
innate. Childhood independence across the
world varies greatly, and much of this variation
Childhood independence across the world is due to the beliefs of parents about their
varies greatly, and much of this variation is child′s development. These beliefs are rooted
in cultural differences. We draw from the
due to the beliefs of parents about their theoretical perspectives of Harkness et al.
child′s development. (2013) and Super and Harkness (1986) on
parental ethnotheories which are defined as
“culturally constructed ideas about children's
development, the family, and parenting”
(Harkness et al., 2013, p. 148). In this section we first discuss cultural difference in
understanding children's developmental capabilities, including their ability to be
unsupervised; we then discuss how parents' goals for childrearing may vary by
culture; finally we explore the cross-cultural research on children's independent

activities. The examination of other cultures' beliefs about child development can
inform how the United States can better understand supervisory neglect and
childhood independence (Harkness et al., 2013).
Cultural beliefs about children's developmental capacities
A specific parental belief that varies by culture is about the nature of child
development. Most parental beliefs about children's developmental abilities are
handed down from generation to generation, shared among the members of the
community, and often are not explicit. Each cultural group has its own set of beliefs
about children's developmental trajectories, and those beliefs contribute to their
decisions on how and when to supervise children or give them independence (Miconi
et al., 2018). Parents from English-speaking countries generally expect children to
have the capability to be unsupervised around 9- or 10-years-old, but Japanese and
Kenyan parents expect children to have such capabilities by 5 or 6 years of age
(Brown et al., 2008; Goodnow et al., 1984; Joshi & Maclean, 1997; Kyttä et al., 2018;
Schoeppe et al., 2016; Super & Harkness, 1986; Tranter & Pawson, 2001).
The differences in beliefs about development do not just influence the decisions that
parents make, but also children's developmental outcomes. Just looking at motor
skill development, incredible diversity exists between cultures (Karasik et al., 2010).
Children in Cameroon can sit unsupported at 4-months-old, a full 2 months earlier
than most U.S. children. Mothers in Cameroon even leave their 5-month-old infants
unattended on high stools for over 20 min (Karasik et al., 2010). In fact, the
U.S. Center for Disease Control and Prevention had to revise their growth charts to
account for some of these cross-cultural differences in developmental trajectories
(Kuczmarski et al., 2000). These differences in skill acquisition are not due to genetics,
but due to parenting practices and experiences.
Cultural beliefs about parental goals
Parents in different cultures also have very different goals for their children. In her
memoir, Yale Law professor Amy Chua described her childrearing philosophy as “tiger
parenting” (Chua, 2011). She focused almost exclusively on her children's academic
achievement at the expense of their happiness and self-esteem. Her view on parenting
created heated debates in the U.S. with many criticizing her parenting attitudes and
behaviors. Even the American Psychological Association's Developmental Psychology
division weighed in, discussing how tiger parenting is not successful (Kim, 2013). The
real issue many had with Chua was not how she raised her children or the outcomes it
had, but what her underlying goals of parenting were. Many believed her job as a parent
was to raise a happy and healthy child, not a hyper-achieving one.
Similarly, questions about the appropriate level of supervision of children are

informed by parental goals, and evaluations of supervision behaviors are seen as
either positive or negative depending upon the culture's beliefs about those goals
(Miconi et al., 2018). For example, in collectivistic cultures, supervision is seen not as
just a way to physically protect the child, but as a way to foster interdependence and
social relationships (Miconi et al., 2018). In individualistic cultures, supervision can

be viewed as an arrangement that detracts from the development of the
child's self-reliance and self-esteem (Gopnik, 2016; Miconi et al., 2018). While there
are many childrearing goals that parents have, the value of self-reliance is most
connected to supervisory and independence-granting behaviors.
Self-reliance is the child's ability to self-initiate and self-regulate their behavior (Edwards
& Liu, 2002). It is a developmental competency that is necessary for becoming a
successful adult in society and highly valued in certain cultures, but this also varies
widely. For example, African- and Mexican-American parents reportedly assign greater
importance to autonomy than Chinese and European-American parents (Suizzo, 2007).
Many studies of Indigenous communities in the U.S. also show a high value placed on
self-reliance. In these communities, children are integrated into “adult” daily tasks, such
as household work, food preparation, and childcare (Coppens et al., 2016). As a result,
children develop self-reliance at an earlier age compared to other Western populations.
This parenting behavior is not because of the socio-economic need of the family, but the
parental view that this integration and early self-reliance is essential to children's
development as human beings (Coppens et al., 2016). Children's autonomy and initiative
are supported and encouraged by parents in these communities.
Self-reliance and autonomy are highly valued in other cultures as well. Self-sufficiency
is highly valued among the Matsigenka people of the Peruvian Amazon, and a common
childrearing technique is to allow children to learn through trial and error, rather than
preventing and intervening in harmful situations (Ochs & Izquierdo, 2009). Parents in
Norway are also considered generally less risk-averse than parents in other developed
countries and view their role as parents as preparing children to be independent and
meet the challenges of life (Obee et al., 2021). They see risk as a natural part of
children's lives that affords children the opportunity to learn through mistakes, develop
self-confidence and toughness, and learn how to properly assess risk on their own.
Cross-cultural research on independent activities
The differences in how parents understand children's developmental capabilities paired

with their goals for their children leads to very different parenting practices related to
childhood independence. Internationally, there is wide variation in how much parents
choose to monitor or supervise their children. In an examination of the wide variability in
child independence, Ruiz-Casares et al. (2018) analyzed UNICEF data from 61 low- and
middle-income countries on how often parents left their under-5-year-old child home
alone (i.e., unsupervised by any other children or adults). Great variation existed, ranging
from Serbia, where 0.1% of respondents left their child home alone, to Chad, where 35.3%
of respondents left their child home alone. In general, countries in the West and Central
Africa region and the South Asia region had the highest rates of leaving children alone.
Many cultures view care of younger siblings to be a crucial task for children. In many
African communities, care for a younger sibling is common by 8- or 9-years of age (Laird,
2016; Super & Harkness, 1986). Parents in Botswana, Mexico, and Vietnam leave their
children unsupervised and under the care of siblings, aware of both the risks and benefits
of such decisions (Ruiz-Casares & Heymann, 2009). Immigrant parents in the U.S.
generally view children's need for supervision similarly to U.S.-born parents, but they are
much more likely to leave an older sibling caring for a younger one during unsupervised

time (Greene et al., 2011). Many collectivistic cultures utilize indirect supervision, where
community members or older siblings are used for child-care (Caldwell & Sinha, 2020;
Coppens et al., 2016; Greene et al., 2011; Joshi & Maclean, 1997; Laird, 2016;
Suizzo, 2007).
Differences in cultural beliefs are also evident in an examination of children's independent

mobility. Children's independent mobility is a specific form of unsupervised time where
parents allow their children to travel without them. A comparative analysis of South
Africa, Tanzania, Japan, and Australia showed that Japanese children have the most
independence overall and Australian children have the least overall (Malone & Rudner,
2011). Childhood independence in Japan can be seen firsthand on Old Enough!, a reality
television show that features unsupervised toddlers running errands for their parents (Fry,
2022). There is also wide variation in the age and distance that children are allowed to
travel. A study of 16 countries found that children from France, Israel, and Sri Lanka are
afforded the lowest levels of independence in traveling and playing in their neighborhood
without adult supervision. For example, only 15% of French parents allowed their 7-year-
olds to cross main roads alone. On the other end of the spectrum, children from Finland,
Germany, Norway, Sweden, Japan, and Denmark had high levels of independent mobility.
Independent mobility in Finland was dramatically higher than any other nation; where
approximately 40% of Finnish parents allowed their 7-year-olds to cross main roads alone
(Shaw et al., 2015). In general, Finland is an outlier in how much parents allow their
children to go unsupervised (Fyhri et al., 2011; Kyttä et al., 2015, 2018; Shaw et al., 2015).
Finnish parents give their children substantial opportunities for independent mobility. Not
only this, but Finnish children's independent time is qualitatively different as they spend
more unstructured and unsupervised time with friends (Kyttä et al., 2018). These parenting
practices are due to Scandinavian parents believing children need to be independent and
able to meet the challenges of life on their own (Obee et al., 2021). This is in contrast to
places like Japan, an outlier in independent mobility, where children spend much of their
independent time in highly structured routines.
Around the world, young children are also given “adult” work either due to necessity or
the cultural belief that it is good for their development. U.S. parents who operate a
family farm often include their children in the work at an early age (Neufeld et al., 2002).
Supervision occurred while training the children, but once sufficient mastery was in
place, children would perform the work unsupervised. Neufeld et al. (2002) found
children younger than 8-years-old are helping with minor tasks such as repair work and
cleaning, while 12-year-olds are operating heavy farm machinery with infrequent
supervision. Tsimane (a Bolivian Amazonian indigenous group) parents allow their 6-
year-old children to travel approximately 5 km (3.1 m) from the village unsupervised
(Davis & Cashdan, 2020). While these parents do not know where their children are at
any given time, they feel confident they know where their children are not, because they
taught their children not to travel to high-risk areas, such as the river or forest. Another
example, perhaps shocking to Western parents, is that independent child migrants are a
common phenomenon in Ghana. Children, usually young adolescents but sometimes
younger, migrate to other parts of the country without their parents (Amoah, 2020). But
this is not due to child neglect. Children are often traveling to live under the care of

extended family in other parts of the country. The migratory experience is seen as
beneficial for the child, allowing them to be socialized into the culture.
Cultural beliefs about defining neglect
While beliefs about childhood independence and supervision vary greatly between
countries and cultures, interestingly, not as many differences exist in what constitutes
severe child neglect (Lansford et al., 2015). In the Republic of Palau, an island country
in the Pacific, severe forms of child maltreatment are judged very similarly to
international standards (Futterman Collier et al., 1999). However, many situations that
could constitute supervisory neglect in Western countries are viewed as common
parenting practices in Palau. As long as the child is in the presence of an adult in the
community, Palauan parents consider the child to be under supervision. The cultural
belief is that the whole community is involved in caring for the child, so the parent
does not need to maintain direct supervision all the time.
In an examination of child neglect in nine countries (China, Colombia, Italy, Jordan,

Kenya, Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, and the United States), the acceptance of corporal
punishment, but not the acceptance of child neglect, was a significant predictor of
differences between cultures. Parents from all nine countries also reported low levels of
neglect of their children (Putnick et al., 2012). American Indian and Alaskan Native
parents in the U.S. perceive a significant lack of supervision as a serious form of neglect
(Evans-Campbell, 2008). South Asian parents who recently immigrated to Canada
demonstrate relatively similar ideas about supervisory neglect as European-descended
Canadians (Maiter et al., 2004). These variations highlight that child neglect can be
defined in ways that do not include age- and culturally-appropriate independent activities.
Summary of cultural perspectives
In summary, examining cultural beliefs and practices across the world demonstrates
wide variations childhood independence and self-reliance, which can be drawn upon
when considering Western practices. In the next section we discuss some of the
specific benefits that independence has on developmental outcomes.
Benefits of Independence
The review of developmental trajectories and cultural differences affecting
children's independence demonstrates that children are capable of exercising
independence in ways most current U.S.
neglect laws do not allow. Moreover, there are
Children who have little opportunity for many positive benefits to independence. By
the same token, children who have little
independence may lag in developing the opportunity for independence may lag in
essential skills they need to succeed in life developing the essential skills they need to
succeed in life and experience more mental
and experience more mental health health challenges (Gray et al., 2023). For
challenges. example, children need opportunities for
exploration, unsupervised play, and self-
discovery to learn how to self-regulate, make

decisions, and solve problems. While there is a link between parental inattention
and negative outcomes (Andrews et al., 2021; Lawrence et al., 2015), there is also
emerging research showing a relationship between a lack of childhood
independence and negative outcomes (Gray, 2011; Gray et al., 2023). By contrast,
children demonstrate positive outcomes when their parents have a good working
knowledge of what their children are able to do and let them do it (National
Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2016). Doucleff (2021) discusses
that positive outcomes do not emerge when parents (including herself) constantly
intervene and redirect their children. Instead, through observations of other cultural
practices, Doucleff (2021) learned that less parental intervention, led to greater
confidence, happiness, helpfulness, and fewer tantrums in the children she
observed. Gray et al. (2023) review the research on the relationship between
participation in independent activities and children's positive mental health
outcomes. Research shows that children have more anxiety and depression when
they feel they have little control over their lives (i.e., a lower internal locus of
control) (Gray et al., 2023). On the flip side, there are positive relationships between
independence and development where more time spent in unstructured
independent activities leads to better cognitive, behavioral, and social outcomes
(Gray et al., 2023). We briefly review two areas of research that have extensive
literature demonstrating the benefits of children's independent activities, play and
mobility.
Benefits of independent play
There are links between independent play and childhood developmental outcomes
(Gray, 2011; Gray et al., 2023). Children explore and have opportunities to be creative
and learn about themselves and others through unstructured independent play
without adults present (Gopnik, 2016; Gray, 2011; Gray et al., 2023). Play promotes
problem solving skills, creativity, and conflict resolution, all in the relative safety of a
game or imagined setting. Independent play has benefits for social skills as it allows
children to create a sense of community (Gray, 2013; Hooper et al., 2015). For
example, in Italy, children who engage in more independent play also spend more
time engaged in peer activities (Prezza et al., 2001). Other research found that
children's unsupervised play in the neighborhood fostered a greater sense of
community, belonging, and social connection, which had a positive impact on their
well-being as adults (Hooper et al., 2015; Rogers, 2012). Research has found a direct
relationship between early play and later social competence. Children who engaged
in rough and tumble play showed higher degrees of social competence later while
children deprived of opportunities to play show less flexibility later (Gopnick, 2016).
Outdoor play that might be risky, such as climbing a tree, is overall beneficial for
children's development as well (Brussoni et al., 2015; Harper, 2017, 2018). In addition,
according to Gopnick (2016) there is a bidirectional relationship between stress and
play where stress diminishes children's ability to play, and play diminishes children's
susceptibility to stress.
One contributor to the decrease in unsupervised play time for middle- and upper-class
children is an increase in structured and scheduled activities (Lareau, 2002). Many

parents increasingly view children's leisure time as an opportunity for more adult-led
activities, rather than allowing their children unsupervised playtime, which is also
beneficial (Lareau, 2002; Schiffrin et al., 2015) and the lack of unstructured play may
decrease wellbeing (Gray et al., 2023). Overall, the benefits of independent free play on
child development far outweigh the potential risks, yet child neglect laws in most states
in the U.S. often do not expressively allow this even if a parent is making reasonable
and developmentally appropriate judgments about their child's ability.
Benefits of independent mobility
There is evidence that children's ability to be physically active and to maintain a

healthy weight may be related to independent activities (Stone et al., 2014). Children
in the U.S. are playing less outdoors, which limits physical activity (Carver et al.,
2008). Research also suggests a relationship between childhood obesity and the
decline of children's independent travel to school (i.e., active school travel by walking
or biking) (Carver et al., 2008). While there has been a decline in children's
independent mobility in the U.S., it often varies based on the location and the laws.
For example, research in a low-income dense city neighborhood in San Diego found
that 64% of 10 and 11-year-old participants on average walked almost half a mile to
school at least a few times a week (Jamme et al., 2018), which in some states would
be considered illegal. For example, in South Carolina, children were stopped from
walking to school alone even though they regularly walked the same path on
weekends (Skenazy, 2022).
In addition to the physical benefits of walking, research has found that independent
mobility has positive impact on other domains, including cognitive skills (Berasategi
et al., 2021; Cornell et al., 2001). For example, research has demonstrated that
children who walked to school developed a better understanding of their
environment and neighborhoods, improving spatial skills, and their sense of
community (Hooper et al., 2015; Jamme et al., 2018; Joshi et al., 1999; Rissotto &
Tonucci, 2002; Tranter & Pawson, 2001). Generally, children's ability to travel
unsupervised is itself a developmental outcome that is a result of a gradual process
of the child learning safety skills and having the chance to practice them (Crawford
et al., 2017). Being unsupervised is a necessary part of that practice and
developmental process. For healthy, positive development, children need a balance of
safety and adventure (Brendtro, 2016; Brendtro & Strother, 2007; Sandseter &
Kennair, 2011).
Balancing and Managing Risks in Parenting

A perennial challenge for parents is balancing the need to supervise their children and
provide them with opportunities for independence. The goal is to avoid the extremes of
neglect or overprotection. Complicating all this is the fact that children's ability to be
independent is always evolving, therefore parents need to adapt their expectations and
children's experiences in ways that are developmentally appropriate.
There has been a cultural shift in parenting in the U.S. where there is an increased
focus on children's safety at all costs and striving to minimize all risk (Pimentel, 2012,
2015). The cultural shifts regarding the supervision of children are also directly

related to judgments about morality (Thomas et al., 2016). These judgments are
made based on belief systems, rather than the actual level of risk (Thomas et al.,
2016). As discussed above, culture influences parents' understanding of neglect and
risk, just as much as it influences their beliefs about childhood and development
(Fontes, 2005). A review of the literature suggests that a balance between giving
independence and supervising activities is crucial for the development of children's
well-being (Miconi et al., 2018).
Research has shown that risk aversion leads parents to make decisions that are not
always rooted in facts or what might be best for their child developmentally. For
example, parents list “stranger danger” concerns just about on par with fears of
traffic, when it comes to allowing their child to walk to school, even though “stranger
dangers” are far less likely (Joshi & Maclean, 1995). In addition, the belief that
unsupervised children are at great risk of abduction causes inappropriate
assessments of risk. The reality is that children are much more likely to be harmed in
a car accident or from fires or smoke inhalation than be abducted (Cairns, 2009;
Pimentel, 2015; Wodda, 2018). More recent research found that parents often feel
conflicted in making decisions about things like letting their child travel to places on
their own, because they are concerned about safety, but at the same time, they
would like their child to have the opportunity to develop their independence (Fotel &
Thomsen, 2002).
Parenting, however, should not focus on risk aversion, but on risk management
(Pimentel, 2015). Parents can make this shift through habituation, the experience of
diminishing an emotional response through repeated exposure to an experience
(Cloutier et al., 2011). Parents are more likely to accept risk as they begin to allow
their children to have independent experiences. On the flip side, when parents spend
more time transporting and supervising their children, they have less of an
opportunity to become habituated to the risk associated with allowing their children
to be unsupervised (Cloutier et al., 2011). No action is free from risk. However,
attempting to protect a child from all risks prevents the child from learning how to
deal with them and perpetuates parents' fear-based beliefs.
Increasingly punitive and pervasive application of neglect laws and policies has likely
also created changes in children's experiences and parents' beliefs about what is
important developmentally. It is not surprising that parents might be hesitant to have
their children walk home alone if it could lead to neglect allegations or criminal
charges. Reported stories of children stopped from engaging in independent activities
can create a vicious cycle for parents as it reinforces the perception that walking to
school is dangerous and that only neglectful (or immoral) parents allow this (Jamme
et al., 2018). Similarly, policies that forbid children from using libraries on their own
until they are 10 or 12 years old (Skenazy, 2009b) would obviously deter parents and
children from the experience of children exploring their interests in books on their
own. Rules and practices like these have perpetuated the idea that children need
constant line-of-sight supervision from an adult until they reach teen years or young
adulthood but leave them increasingly unprepared for independence because they
have been denied practice (Haidt & Skeanzy, 2017).

How Developmental Research Can Inform Policies
Based on our review of the developmental science literature, there is reason to
believe most children benefit from some degree of independence by the time
they are 5–6 years old. By this age, children can and should begin to experience
independence through activities such as playing outside, riding bicycles, or
walking to school (at first with an adult or older siblings helping them to
prepare) so that they build the skills they will need for even more growth and
development. Laws, policies, and practices need to be amended so that parents
can make sound judgments about their own children's readiness for
independence. Particularly problematic are the laws that set age limits for
independent or unsupervised activities. Specific limits on the age a child can start
doing things on their own are likely to create a problem of over-inclusion of
children who are capable of independence and possible under-inclusion of
children who are not yet able to exercise independence. Moreover, an arbitrary
age determined by lawmakers may deter beneficial independence for children
whose parents know they are ready for it.
Indeed, allowing governmental authorities to
Allowing governmental authorities to enforce enforce “inadequate supervision” neglect
laws against families who are engaged in
“inadequate supervision” neglect laws against raising healthy and resilient children is
families who are engaged in raising healthy and stifling, not supporting children and family
health and well-being, and not protecting
resilient children is stifling, not supporting… children.
Laws should recognize that adult supervision is

only essential when the lack of it subjects
children to obvious, tangible, significant dangers that the child is not equipped to
navigate given their developmental abilities and experience. In the next section, we
discuss recommendations for parents and caregivers for determining when their child
can be unsupervised in certain activities. In addition, we suggest policy-centered
steps for legislators, legislative staff, program administrators and policymakers that
balance what is developmentally appropriate for children and supports sound
parenting judgments, while also protecting the children that may be at risk for harm.
We conclude with recommendations for our own cohort of developmental scientists
and the role they can play in aligning law and policy with research and
understanding of child development.
For parents and caregivers
There isn't one simple observation that parents and caregivers or CPS caseworkers
can make to test if a child is ready for independence. However, there are many things
that parents can do to prepare children for these opportunities and to work with
children to determine what they are ready to handle.
• Pay attention to children's developmental level including their evolving skills in the
physical, cognitive, and social-emotional spheres and work to allow experiences
that meet that level.

• Create safe opportunities for independent free play without an adult present. Create
opportunities for play with children of other ages. Allow older children to develop
skills by looking after and modeling for younger children.
• Allow children to contribute to their various communities through chores and helping.
• Engage in dialog with children where they can discuss what they feel ready to do,
listen to their opinions, and respect that they may be ready to do more things than
you expect.
• Teach your child who to contact in case of a problem.
• Before your child walks independently from one location to another, walk that route
with them discussing potential unsafe situations and what to do. Teach children
they can talk to anyone, but not go off with anyone. This reinforces the idea that
they can learn to seek help from people they don't know and develop their own
senses of trust or mistrust.
• Understand that child rearing constantly requires risk management, but that undue
risk aversion is not “risk free” for children. Work to balance concerns about risk
with the understanding of the benefits of independent experiences.
• Consider the benefits of an activity to children's physical, cognitive, and social growth.
• Utilize libraries, park districts, community centers and other places where children
enjoy activities. Advocate for steps that community settings (including libraries,
park districts, community centers, and parenting networks) can take to balance
supervision and independence and limit unnecessary restrictions on when children
can participate in activities without a parent. The parent or caregiver voice is crucial
in setting the agenda and policies in communities.
• Advocate for policies that support childhood independence. For example, bring the
concerns in this paper to the attention of professionals who care for children as
that will help promote cultural change that will better support parenting choices.
Use resources like parenting books or the non-profit organization Let Grow's
website (https://letgrow.org/) for ideas for independent activities your child can
engage in and information you can use in striking the right risk management
balance for your child and family.
For legislators and advocates
Legislators, legislative staff, and program administrators can take many steps to both
advance the ability of children to enjoy the independence that is developmentally
appropriate, and to protect the ability of parents to exercise of sound parenting
judgments about when children are capable of being unsupervised:
• Follow the lead of the states (at time of publication: Colorado, Oklahoma,
Texas, and Utah) that have amended their neglect laws to make explicit that
children's independent activities are expressly excluded from the definition of
neglect.
• Remove language in laws and policies that set age limits for independent activities.
• Review state policies and practices governing mandated reporting and reporter
education so that calls to the Hotlines do not have the effect of abridging children's
independence, absent genuine risk of harm.

• Support ongoing child development research to further clarify and support the
positive developmental trajectories and core developmental skills needed for
reasonable independence.
• Advance policy interpretations that support children's capacities for independence
based on scientific knowledge rather than presumptions about inabilities of children
due to age alone. Examine bias about childrearing practices through trainings on bias
toward parents, including respect for cultural and racial differences.
• Consult with nonpartisan advocacy agencies, such as Let Grow and other child and
family policy advocates, for coordination and oversight on passing amendments to
legislation.
• Provide funding for community-based programs that support childhood
independence. Ensure schools, parks, libraries, and community centers promote
policies and programs that give children more opportunities for exploration,
creativity and problem solving without adult supervision.
• Ensure that local and state policies do not limit children's access to programs
and activities based on unreasonable assumptions about children's
developmental level (e.g., library policies that forbid children under age 12 from
attending without an adult).
For developmental scientists
More developmental scientists are needed to inform laws and policies about the
research on child development. While social media has created a platform for
developmental scientists to explain research to the general public, our voices are still
often missing from the broader dialog. Our hope is that this manuscript will spur
further conversations on this topic and provide specific ways for developmentalists to
become involved.
• Conduct theoretical and empirical research related to defining and operationalizing

the distinction between severe neglect and benign activities that do not rise to the
level of requiring state intrusion or investigation so that policymakers and service
providers can devote resources to those children most in need of services and
intervention.
• Consider developing an assessment tool like a school-readiness measure to flag
when children are ready or not ready for independence.
• Adapt programs of future research that rigorously assess the benefits of childhood
independence on developmental outcomes.
• Continue to research parents' perceptions of risk and how these align with actual
risk, in order to use data to inform parents' risk management.
• Partner with advocacy organizations at a federal and state level to inform
legislation about developmental science research. A first step would be to look up
the laws in your state and testify when needed.
• Build community partnerships (e.g., libraries, museums, community centers,
schools) to reach and teach parents about these topics and to ensure that the
policies of community agencies align with fostering positive child development.
• Join allied professions (psychology, medicine health care, social work, and
education) to further robust research and policy development to clarify how make
decisions about when children are ready for independence.

Conclusion
This report aims to shed light on the unintended consequences of the laws and
policies that may be contributing to a lack of childhood independence, which in turn
may hinder development. There are efforts underway across the U.S. at the State
level to reform policies to protect children while allowing for reasonable
independence. Redleaf (2020a) pointed out that advocating for changing the laws that
limit children's independent activities is an issue of social justice that should resonate
across party, racial, and class lines. Civic engagement by developmental
psychologists and support for a strong, resilient, and competent next generation of
children may be increased and strengthened through the application of our
professional expertise. A more scientifically supported understanding of how healthy
childhood independence is different from neglect can inform current public debates
and play a key role in future policy advocacy and education.
Acknowledgments
The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments on an early draft of this paper
by Dr. Peter Gray, research professor, Boston College Psychology Department,
co-founding board member of Let Grow, and Lenore Skenazy, co-founding board
member and President of Let Grow. We would like to disclose that co-author Diane
Redleaf's employment at Family Defense Consulting includes a part-time position as
Legal Consultant to Let Grow, a national not-for-profit 501(c)(3) organization. Through
her affiliation with Let Grow, Ms. Redleaf has coordinated legislative drafting,
research, and strategic advocacy for the Colorado, Oklahoma, and Texas laws
discussed in this paper and has also developed the materials cited as the Let Grow
Maps Project and the Let Grow Toolkit. Her work on this paper and on the articles
cited as Redleaf (2022a, 2022b), were completed through her professional
employment with Let Grow.

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Author Bios
Rachel M. Flynn, PhD is an Assistant Professor of Child and Adolescent Development at San Francisco State
University. She received her BS in Biopsychology and Cognitive Science from the University of Michigan, her MA in
Clinical Psychology “Psychology in Education” from Columbia University, Teacher's College, and her PhD in
Developmental Psychology from the University of California, Riverside (UCR). She completed postdoctoral trainings at
New York University at the McSilver Institute for Poverty Policy and Research in the School of Social Work and in the
Department of Teaching and Learning at Steinhardt. Prior to her appointment at SFSU she was a Research Assistant
Professor in Medical Social Sciences at Northwestern University, and the Associate Director for the Institute for
Innovations in Developmental Sciences. Her dissertation was funded by UCR's Dissertation Year Program Fellowship and
Graduate Dean's Dissertation Research Grant, and the Foundation for Digital Games. In 2019, she received an Early
Career Fellowship in Middle Childhood Education & Development from the American Educational Research Association
and Society for Research in Child Development. Dr. Flynn also spent 10 years directing and managing youth
development programs for children living in poverty-impacted communities and attending under-resourced schools in
New York City.
Nicholas J. Shaman, PhD is an Assistant Professor of Psychology the University of Houston – Clear Lake. He received
is BA in Psychology and Religious Studies from Boston University and his PhD in Developmental Psychology from the
University of California, Riverside. He has received the Society for the Psychology of Religion and Spirituality's Research
Seed Grant and the UCR Graduate Dean's Dissertation Research Grant. Dr. Shaman has also worked on project funded
by the Social Science Research Council and Templeton Foundation on children's religious cognitions. Recently, he is a
guest editor for the journal Religions for a special issue on Religion and Child Development.
Diane L. Redleaf is an attorney and advocate for policies and practices that protect all families, including especially
families of color and families living in poverty whose lives are impacted by the child welfare system. Since she
graduated from Stanford Law School in 1979, she has led dozens of successful class action suits and major policy
reform, first as a legal services attorney and supervisor and as a partner in a public interest law firm, Lehrer and
Redleaf. In 2005 she founded the Chicago non-profit Family Defense Center where she served as Executive Director and
Legal Director of the Family Defense Center until 2017. Now the principal of Family Defense Consulting, Redleaf serves
as an expert witness, policy leader, author, and legal consultant to Let Grow. Redleaf has taught at the University of
Chicago Law School and Loyola Law School. She has won the Chicago Bar Association Alliance for Women's Founder's
Award and the Distinguished Alumni Achievement Award from her alma mater, Carleton College. She is the author of
They Took the Kids Last Night: How the Child Protection System Puts Families at Risk (ABC-Clio 2018), and numerous
articles, including in The Atlantic, The Washington Post, and Reason.com.

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Volume 36, Number 1 | 2023

Social Policy Report

Social Policy Report | 1

Social Policy Report | 2

In recent decades in the United States, children's

Social Policy Report | 3

The Legal Landscape

Social Policy Report | 4

Moreover, the issue of properly deﬁning

Social Policy Report | 5

Social Policy Report | 6

Status of supervisory neglect laws in the United States

Social Policy Report | 7

In addition to vague or punitive laws, 14 states

Social Policy Report | 8

Developmental Trajectories of Independence

Social Policy Report | 9

In addition to reviewing the normative trajectories of the childhood independence

Assessments of U.S. children's motor skills suggest signiﬁcant variation due to

Social Policy Report | 10

In addition, children's language abilities, both receptive (i.e., ability to understand)

Social Policy Report | 11

Spatial abilities, including thinking about locations, the relationships between

The development of children's cognitive abilities and their use in independent

Social Policy Report | 12

Emotional development includes children's ability to understand their own and

Social Policy Report | 13

The development of self-regulation, deﬁned as the ability to manage states, thoughts,

Summary of developmental trajectories

Social Policy Report | 14

Parenting behaviors are a signiﬁcant inﬂuence on children's readiness for independence.

Social Policy Report | 15

Cultural beliefs about children's developmental capacities

Cultural beliefs about parental goals

Similarly, questions about the appropriate level of supervision of children are

Social Policy Report | 16

Cross-cultural research on independent activities

The differences in how parents understand children's developmental capabilities paired

Social Policy Report | 17

Differences in cultural beliefs are also evident in an examination of children's independent

Social Policy Report | 18

Cultural beliefs about deﬁning neglect

In an examination of child neglect in nine countries (China, Colombia, Italy, Jordan,

Summary of cultural perspectives

Social Policy Report | 19

Beneﬁts of independent play

Social Policy Report | 20

Beneﬁts of independent mobility

There is evidence that children's ability to be physically active and to maintain a

Balancing and Managing Risks in Parenting

Social Policy Report | 21

Social Policy Report | 22

Laws should recognize that adult supervision is

For parents and caregivers

Social Policy Report | 23

For legislators and advocates

Social Policy Report | 24

For developmental scientists