Capitalism
Capitalism
The origin of capitalism can be traced back to 18th century England that
was undergoing the industrial revolution at that time. As there is no
government intervention in this type of economy, it is also known as a
free market economy.
Traditional economic theory advocates that free competition is a source of sound economic
development, maximum social welfare, innovation and equitable prices. Industrialised
nations are always in the position of trying to balance free competition and prevent
monopolies.
However, natural resources are often seen as one of the major problems of
inequality in developing countries. Having said that, if we have a closer look
at the effects of globalisation in developing countries it is noticeable
(especially in the 70s and 80s) that inequality in some regions of the global
south has decreased, but consequently it has increased in the global North,
reason being is that globalisation made it easier for unskilled labour in poor
countries to migrate without any problem, to developed countries. For
instance the USA has witnessed a widening of wage inequality due to this
phenomena. Unfortunately, according to Williamson (2000) it wasn’t the
same case for Latin America and East Asia as they experienced an
increase and not decline of wage inequality. Even though economic theory
suggest that a greater openness to the world trade in developing countries
will reduce inequality.
About Capitalism
As such, these organizations tend to prioritize maintaining wealth,
so they only pay those who have employment with them or those
who have high wealth. This leads to certain nations having higher
rates of poverty and joblessness, which negatively impacts their
economy, environment and population.
The results of this study indicate that, among advanced capitalist democracies, a laissez-faire
economic orientation produces a diminished quality of life, measured as an increase in social
costs. While each of the countries included in this project adheres to market principles, those
that seek to regulate economic activity for the sake of social objectives are less susceptible to
maladies resulting from market failure, such as poor health, low literacy, and high crime.
These findings lend credence to the arguments of the scholarly tradition critical of laissez-
faire capitalism, including authors such as Marx and Polanyi, and cast serious doubts on the
minimal-government assertions of neo-liberal advocates. At the very least, it is clear that
efficiency can mean different things, so that economic efficiency and social efficiency may
have two very different connotations. More to the point, a statistically significant negative
relationship between social costs and economic freedom would have validated the claims of
the proponents of neo-liberalism. Through its creation of economic winners and losers,
laissez-faire capitalism enhances the well-being of some, while leaving others behind
economically and socially. Returning to the distinction between wealth creation and wealth
distribution, neo-liberal advocates might scale back their argument by pointing out that
laissez-faire capitalism better society by increasing the size of the overall economic pie.
However, per capita indicators such as GDP may obscure the harsh effect that an unequal
distribution of that economic pie has on peoples’ lives, and there is little or no evidence that
the laissez-faire capitalist economies of the Liberal model perform significantly better than
the more regulated capitalist economies of the Social Democrat and Christian Democratic
models. As such, the neo-liberal ideology faces the danger of becoming little more than a
selfish and transparent justification for greed, privilege, and inequality. From a policy
standpoint, the results of this study imply a simple conclusion. It is not to suggest that market
economies should be eliminated in favor of planned economies, but the evidence produced in
this study does make it clear that, among prosperous and stable countries, governments
certainly have an important role to play in managing economic objectives within the context
of a larger societal perspective. For example, if George Bush (2000) really wants to ‘‘leave
no child behind,’’ privatizing the education system would seem not to be the answer, and
would in fact seem to be one way of insuring that some children will surely get left behind.
The answer would seem to be increasing the role of the federal government in funding public
education so that students in poor districts receive the same quality of education as those in
wealthy communities, rather than dismantling the public system in favor of privatization. If
one is serious about ridding one’s society of poverty, illiteracy, poor health, and crime, active
government programs are much more likely to be effective than an overreliance on market
solutions. In fact, these results indicate that market-based solutions to these problems are only
likely to make them worse. Though somewhat tangential and highly disputed, the effects of
globalization add a note of urgency to the continuing debate over liberalization, regulation,
and welfare programs. In essence, increasing economic interdependence hits modern societies
with a ‘‘double-whammy.’’ First, due to the increase in international business opportunities,
workers in advanced capitalist democracies are more likely than ever to be adversely affected
by market forces. Abundant cheap labor in developing countries draws manufacturing
operations away from developed states, fundamentally altering the nature of domestic labor
markets. At the same time, there is a noticeable trend toward a reduction or ‘‘retrenchment’’
in the types of social services which might aid those workers (see the edited volumes by
Kitschelt et al. 1999, or Pierson 2001). There are a couple of major (and related) explanations
for this decrease in welfare programs. On one hand, as Ruggie (1994) notes, the ‘‘embedded
liberal compromise’’ (p. 508) between states and citizens that resulted in extensive Keynesian
welfare programs was always expected to be limited in duration. Therefore, those taxpayers
whose contributions largely fund such projects are becoming increasingly hostile to them. On
the other hand, globalization itself may reduce the ability of states to provide social programs,
even if they’re ideologically inclined to do so (Strange 1996). According to this logic,
corporations have the ability to play governments against each other as they search for the
most business-friendly environment. In an effort to attract businesses, national governments
therefore may face pressures to engage in a ‘‘race to the bottom,’’ by reducing or eliminating
the corporate taxes that largely fund welfare services. To a lesser extent, the relationship
between governments and wealthy individuals follows the same pattern. The net result is that,
at a time when welfare services may be needed more than ever (due to the dislocation caused
by integration), states may be less willing and/or able to provide them. If this line of
reasoning is correct (and it is still an open issue), what does this trend portend for capitalist
democracies? In our efforts to achieve a true ‘‘science’’ of social interaction, an important
component of our work is the ability to predict (MacRae 1986). With this notion in mind, the
true value of this project lies in its ability to anticipate a future trend. Since social costs are
related to economic openness as the results generated herein confirm, then as the forces of
globalization (nurtured by U.S. hegemony) push other advanced capitalist democracies
toward economic liberalization, we should expect social costs of the type analyzed here to
rise in those countries. For example, European Union harmonization rules may force Social
Democratic members to scale back their traditionally generous government programs. The
results of this study suggest we should see a resulting rise in social costs should such policy
cutbacks be enacted. Future research resulting from this project should thus focus on 1)
tracking changes in social costs over time as states employ policy options which seek to
either disencumber or manage market forces and 2) measuring the effectiveness of various
methods of managing the market for the sake of social efficiency through their impact on
social costs. Given that there are different ways to implement capitalism and democracy, as
this small and homogenous sample of 18 states clearly shows, the major conclusion that can
be drawn from this study is that there is a heavy price to pay for excessive economic
liberalization. It is often said that it is possible to have too much of a good thing, and such is
the case with laissez-faire economic principles.
Capitalism In Education
This capitalist principle fails short when implementing it in any
educational environment. The American education system in both
primary and secondary schools focuses on students' ability to memorize
facts that in most cases is not applicable to their future career choices.
Rather, memorization is seen as a measuring tool for higher education,
and those that memorized a good deal are rewarded the most.
Consequently, for these students seeking higher education, this created
a tremendous amount of competition for colleges across the country that
offer better education and opportunities for their students. In this
environment that highlights competition between students over
collaboration just like the market economy has a significant long-lasting
impact on a student's life and future career.
Conclusion
It's undeniably that capitalism is at the core of the United States
economy and prosperity. Recognizing the fact that capitalism and a
capitalist economy encourage competition amongst different sectors
and parts of society which leads to innovation is certainly undoubtable.
However, when it comes to education at any level this module fails
miserably as it creates a competitive setting that students are measured
by how well and how much information they can memorize. This surely
discourages collaboration and group work which is very essential in the
development of students both personally and academically. Therefore
implementing intense competition in academia does not do good for
anyone especially for students.