ISSN: 2581-5741

Editor’s report

April 2024

It is my pleasure to present the 16th issue of Explorations. The present issue

consists of ten papers published under the 'Articles' category, one conversation
and one book review.

The first paper, titled “Family, Digital Resources, and Education of Girls among
Meo Muslims in Mewat Region of Haryana,” by Saheed Meo & Rajshree
Chanchal, attempts to understand the complex interaction between family, access
to digital resources, and online education during Covid-19 with reference to the
Meo Muslim girls in the Mewat region of Haryana. The study found that digital
deprivation, skewed allocation of familial resources, lack of leisure time, and the
state apathy intertwined with pandemic-induced school closure had adversely
affected the education of Meo girls and pushed the educational futures of many to
the brink of collapse.

The second paper titled “Women’s Political Participation and Representation in

India” by Pratyusna Patnaik examines the political representation of women in
the Indian Parliament and explores the determinants of women’s inclusion and
presence in institutions of democratic politics. The paper critiques the state
policies and cultural politics responsible for preventing the active participation of
women in politics. The paper argues that higher political presence for women in
institutional politics is an assured opportunity and support for women to come
forward to contest electoral politics.

The third paper titled ‘Prasad’ and its Discourses: Translation of Food Identity in
Rajbanshi Community of North Bengal” by Pragya Sengupta and Sriparna Das
aims to critically engages with construction of Prasad, and its socio-cultural and
linguistics significance among the Rajbanshis of North Bengal. The paper argues
that the discourses of the community’s identity are successfully translated through
their consumption of food, food practices, and through their concepts of inclusion
and exclusion.

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The fourth paper, titled “Hashtag Student Politics: A Digital Ethnography of
Digital Activism Amid the Covid-19 Pandemic” by Soumodip Sinhas, discussed
the significance of digital ethnography. Based on content analysis of online
material he argues that the virtual field has not only become a field of competition
in the Bourdieusian sense but also a principal site for doing fieldwork. The paper
concludes with two ideas: one, that hybrid methods of campus activism can lead
to the formation of political capital for student organizations or their activists; and
two, that hybrid methods of doing ethnography can prove useful in
communicating research, especially in extraordinarily uncertain times, forging
pathways for doing research in the ‘new normal’.

The fifth paper titled “Stigma and covid-19: contextualising Goffman’s ideas” by
Corrine Rita War & Prof. D. V. Kumar’s discusses, sociology of stigma in
explaining the experiences of diverse social groups during the COVID-19. Using
Goffman’s conceptualization the authors argues that , ignorance is one of the
main factors causing stigma in the context of COVID-19 where myths reigned
supremely, stigmatising helpless patients who were afflicted with the coronavirus
disease.

The sixth paper titled ‘Urbanising’ a River: Twin tales of Yamuna and Delhi” by
Reema Bhatia & Meeta Kumar’argues for the holistic river management for
optimal utilizaion of the water channels. The paper used insights from the
commons literature to review the changing equation of the river and the city.

The seventh paper, titled “Market Economy and Farmers' Movement in India:
Contextualizing Farmers' Resistance of 2020-21 by Venkatesh Vaditya examine
the social contestations peoples aspirations and the amking of protest movements
by diverse sections of the society in in democratic countries like India. The article
seeks to understand the current farmers’ agitation and its contradictions in the
larger context of structural changes that have taken place in the Indian economy
since India adopted a neoliberal economic model of development.

The eighth paper, titled “Preparing for Future: The Influence of Coaching
Institutes in Hyderabad on Global Higher Education,” by Rajender Bugga
submits that the international education coaching centres play a significant role in
choosing a country and selecting a university. These centres also guide the
students in exploring funding opportunities, selecting courses, and becoming
familiar with the cultural practices of the host country. The coaching centres also
play a significant role in training students to clear the competitive international
entrance exams and visa process.

The ninth paper titled “The Problems of Elderly: A Sociological Study of the Aged
in Cuttack City of Odisha” by Harapriya Barik & Dinabandhu Sahoo analysed the
problems of elderly people in Cuttack city, Odisha in general, and India in
particular. The study assesses the socio-economic problems, health problems,
psychological disturbances, abuse, and neglect of elderly members in Cuttack
city, Odisha. The study observed that elderly people often lack interaction with

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their family members. The marriage and education of their children, debt, and
medical treatment are the main neglected tasks of the elderly. The study also
highlights societal issues affecting elders, financial crises, psychological
wellbeing, and abuse and neglect by family members and caretakers.

The tenth paper titled “Does School Choice Exist? Insights from an Urban Slum
in Delhi” by Bhuvaneshwari Subramanian examined the various international and
national debates surrounding the issue of school choice and analyse how school
choice is understood in the Indian context. The paper shows that despite the vast
expansion of schooling options in India, the urban poor do not actually have much
of a ‘choice’ when it comes to selecting a school for their children. The study
argues that due to the prevalence of caste-based discrimination in some schools,
lower caste parents consciously opt out from taking the advantage of government
policies that can get their children admission in well-resourced private schools.

This issue of the journal also includes an interview of Professor B. K Nagla a

noted Indian sociologist, shared his life academic experiences with teaching and
research which is great learning experience for the young generation of
sociologists in India.

This issue of the journal also includes one book review by Kalla Naga Aditya.

Explorations invite your contributions to future issues of the journal. We will

appreciate your feedback or suggestions on the journal.

All the articles reflect diverse sociological interpretations of social facts across the
states in India. I sincerely thank all the authors for choosing the explorations for
publishing their articles. I am sure that the explorations enrich scholars'
sociological imaginations across India's states.

Thanks & Best Wishes

Prof Nagaraju Gundemeda

Department of Sociology,

University of Hyderabad,

Editor, Explorations

Email: [email protected]

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Article: Family, Digital Resources and Education of Girls

among Meo Muslims in Mewat Region of Haryana

Author(s): Saheed Meo & Rajshree Chanchal

Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp. 4-

30

Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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Family, Digital Resources and Education of Girls among Meo

Muslims in Mewat Region of Haryana

--Saheed Meo & Rajshree Chanchal

Abstract

This paper is based on an empirical study that attempts to understand the

complex interaction between family, access to digital resources, and online
education during Covid-19 induced school closure and its impact on the
education of Meo Muslim girls in Mewat region of Haryana. The study
employs 'Time Use Survey' framework to understand how school-going girls
utilise their time during the day and their ability to access smartphone and
internet data-packs for attending online classes or receiving 'homework' via
WhatsApp and self-study. Taking Covid-19 as an immediate frame of
reference, this study seeks to understand prevailing socio-economic causes
and systemic bottlenecks that may put the educational journey of girls at stake.
The study has found that the digital deprivation, skewed allocation of familial
resources, lack of leisure time, and system's apathy intertwined with
pandemic-induced school closure have adversely affected the education of
Meo girls and pushed the educational future of many to the brink of collapse.

Keywords: Gender inequalities, Family, Digital deprivation, Online

education, Schooling

Introduction

A number of studies have focused on the widening digital divide in rural and
urban India, schooling and socio-economic disparities during Covid-19
induced school closures in the year 2020-21 (Reddy et al., 2020; Rahman,
2020; Meo and Chanchal, 2021; UNICEF, 2021; ASER, 2022). The Covid-19
pandemic induced lockdown and the closure of educational institutions for one
and a half years from 2020 have brought many phenomenal changes in the
lives of students and parents. First, moving towards an online mode of
educational dissemination has put the family at the center as parents are
required to arrange necessary digital devices and internet connection to

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facilitate children's online learning. This shift has rather put family not only at
the forefront but in an unusual quandary where parental preferences, values,
control and power dynamics play a crucial role in deciding whether the son or
daughter can get the digital devices to access online classes/learning material.
Second, given the patriarchal nature of society, girls' access to digital and non-
digital family resources remains skewed. Boys are often prioritized over girls
in terms of ensuring better schooling, attaining higher education, choice of
occupations, and procuring resources required for future opportunities in the
job market. Quite often, the elder siblings or the girls are asked to compromise
and/or allow their [younger/brother] siblings to get education-related extra
support in the form of resources to be spent on leisure time activities and
attending private school, coaching/tuition. Constraints are put on girls in terms
of 'time-use' due to familial expectations that the girls should help with the
household chores as they don't have to go to school. Some research studies
(Cofey et al., 2020; Kabeer et al., 2021; Meo and Chanchal, 2021) suggest that
during the lockdown, the burden of unpaid work on women and girls
increased, and they had minimal time for leisure to engage in learning,
recreational and self-enriching activities.

Hence, for the girls, in the context of Covid-19, the time spent on educational
activities is also an essential and decisive resource that predicts their future
educational pathways. The present paper, based on an empirical study of a
school in rural Haryana, has used the Time Use Survey (TUS) to examine the
complex interaction between family, access to digital resources, and online
education and its impact on the education of Meo Muslims girls.

Muslim Minorities and Girls' Education: The Context

Research on gender, family relations, and strategies around the schooling of

girls and boys in India has revealed that the parental decisions about the
schooling of their daughters and sons differ in terms of choice of school,
duration of schooling, and the socio-cultural location such as urban, rural

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[agrarian landowning and landless] (Chopra, 2005; Harma, 2012). Apart from
the family's economic status, the socio-demographic factors also constitute the
basis of differential treatment. The number of children in the family and their
sex, age, and birth order influence and shape parental decision-making and
resource allocation. In a rapidly privatised and marketised educational context,
parents prefer to send their girls to government schools while boys are
enrolled in private schools (Srivastava, 2007; Hill, Samson, and Dasgupta,
2011; Harma, 2011; Ramachandran, 2018). Chopra (2005) has emphasized
that it is essential to consider gender, age, and status to understand the social
aspects of schooling choices. Family, being the primary institution, influences
the educational pathways of boys and girls proceeding with the available
resources and capital at its disposal. Besides the resources, the families'
schooling decisions are also influenced by the norms and values of the larger
community (Chanana, 2001; Farooqi, 2020; Meo, 2023; Chanchal and Lenka,
2023).

Scholars highlight that Muslims in general and Muslim girls in particular

remain underrepresented in educational institutions in India. Sachar
Committee report (2006) has underscored the miserable state of education
among Muslims. Poor academic attainment levels, higher dropout rates, and
inaccessibility to quality education institutions are some of the serious
concerns, the report raised. Further, demystifying the prevalence of Muslim
parent's aversion to girl's education and the higher dropout rate due to early
marriage in the community as the main causes of Muslim women's educational
backwardness, the report especially emphasized that 'the problem lies in the
non-availability of schools within easy reach of girls at lower levels of
education, absence of girls hostels, absence of female teachers and availability
of scholarships as they [girls] move up the education ladder' (p. 85). Alam
(2021, pp.75-78), in an ethnographic study of a government-aided school in
old Delhi, notes that the Muslim communities, grappling with miserable socio-
economic conditions, systemic discrimination, and a sense of insecurity, often

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consider the government school located within their vicinity as 'last resort'
which reflects their 'ghettoized aspirations'. Jeffery et al. (2007) in their study
on the education of Muslims in the Bijnor district of Uttar Pradesh reported
that though there is a general increase in the number of government primary
schools in the district, the geographical location of such schools makes them
relatively less accessible to the Muslim children. This relative exclusion of
Muslim children from primary schools is also responsible for their lesser
number at the Secondary level of education in the rural areas. It is widely
presumed that Muslims mainly attend Madrasas and similar traditional
educational institutions. Jeffery et al. (2007) argue that Muslims viewed
Madrasas as a viable option for their children's education because these are
seen as places that besides giving general education also impart religious
education and cultural ethos among the community's children. Many scholars
argue that socialisation in Madrasas plays an important role in the identity
formation of the Muslim youth (Jeffery et al., 2007; Gupta, 2015).
Nonetheless, the Sachar Committee report (2006) forthrightly demystified the
prevailing assumptions of Madrasas being the most sought-after choice for
Muslim parents, rather, the report revealed the fact that only a minuscule
percentage of Muslims (4 %) cater to these institutions. Gupta's study (2015,
p.152) on the education of Muslim girls in Delhi tries to understand the life of
girls in the context of religious-cultural ethos of family and school and how
this context affects identity formation of young Muslim girls.

Feminist scholars have voiced concerns about the nature of education offered
to women. As far as women's education in India is concerned, it remains
entangled in the tradition versus modernity debate. The socio-cultural norms
govern the education of women. Chanana (2001) asserts that cultural
formations are imbued by communal formations and influence the responses
of religious communities towards women's education. She illustrates that in
the states such as Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan female seclusion
is prevalent in all the religious communities which influences their response

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toward women’s education. Society can't neglect the demand for the education
of women. Still, at the same time, it tends to strike a balance and educate
women in such a way that they remain dutiful towards their feminine roles and
responsibilities (Chanana, 1990, cited in Chanana, 2001). Karlekar (1988)
argues that the male-dominated society actively tries to limit the educational
choices available to women and restricts the emancipatory role of education in
their lives. Indian family life is organized on gender-based segregation of the
tasks, and the gender attitudes explain the uneven distribution of chores
between male and female members where mothers and daughters are
disproportionately burdened with household responsibilities such as cooking
and cleaning (Manjrekar, 2020). Gupta (2015, p. 152) argued that prevailing
socio-religious and miserable economic conditions coupled with systemic
shortcomings such as shortage of teachers, lack of infrastructure, and
unavailability of teaching-learning material conjointly 'constrained the school's
institutional effectiveness’. Hence, the 'school does little help in breaking the
gendering process and the binary of 'home- outside' in the life of girls'(ibid).

Family, Resources and Girl's Education: Understanding the Linkages

Access to family resources is gender-biased. Patriarchal ideology, embedding

almost every institution in society, dictates education decision-making and
controls girls' education in terms of accessibility, duration, and type of
schooling (government or private). Family as a primary unit of socialisation
provides the ideological ground for gender-based discrimination and
inequality, further reflected in material inequality and access to education
where women belonging to marginalized sections are segregated at the lower-
end educational institutions, whether government or private (Chanana, 2001).
The notion of resources is not limited to economic resources but includes a
wide array of social, cultural, and emotional resources that families have
access to. As far as access to property/land is concerned, the women in the
family are hardly given any legitimate ownership rights. Kabir (1999)
highlights the complex inheritance rules prevalent amongst the Muslims and

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Hindus in north India. Among the Hindus, the patrilineal principles of descent
and inheritance govern access to land. Women can also legally claim equal
inheritance rights at par with their male counterparts. In contrast, Muslim
women have the right to inherit property. She further elaborates that this
doesn't mean Muslim women have relatively better access to resources.
Women are encouraged to waive their rights to patrilineal property, favouring
their brothers. Most women effectively do not have any right over family
resources and income, which renders them dependent on the males for their
sustenance (Kabir, 1999). The critical interplay of religion, gender, and socio-
economic conditions construe women's lopsided identity and status.

Though girls are sent to schools, the prevailing gendered socialisation

reinforces them toward ‘feminine’ activities such as household chores. In this
context, 'time' is an important resource for girls as they are expected to
shoulder domestic chores with their mothers, which controls the amount of
time they would likely spend on studies at home. Women often spend most of
their time doing unpaid domestic work and caring for others; thus, they hardly
have any leisure time. In the words of Veblen (1899, p. 33), leisure is the
“non-productive consumption of time”. It is thus inferred as a moment of
personal relaxation, enjoyment, and quality enrichment of oneself. Women's
leisure experiences relate to household duties, chores, and family
responsibilities (Srivastava, 2021). Her personal needs and time required for
learning and enrichment become secondary to enforced familial
responsibilities. This prevailing scenario adversely impacts girls’ schooling
and their studies at home. The situation is further complicated due to online
modes of educational dissemination during the Covid-19 pandemic. The
online education has blurred the boundaries of space and time, and has rather
constrained the time girls could spend on educational activities at home.
Children attend classes from home or access learning material through online
mode and have the liberty to do it at their ease. However, this ‘ease’ appears
incredibly difficult for the females as they are often asked to help with the

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household work instead of investing time in studies. Besides, there is

competition among the siblings to access compatible digital devices, internet
data packs, and the time devoted to catching up with online instructions in
synchronous and asynchronous modes. Scholars have reported that within the
household, the mother or father also ensures control over the assertion of girls,
and there is a subtle ‘tension’ between her ability to enforce her rights to
acquire knowledge and denying help in domestic chores (Chanana, 2001;
Kumar, 2010; Lahiri-Dutt and Sil, 2014; Srivastava, 2021). Girls found
themselves 'torn between their personal needs of enrichment and relaxation
and the 'care ethic' of family, plunging their educational futures down to the
brink of collapse (Srivastava 2021, p. 34).

Methods and Field Setting

The purpose of this qualitative exploratory study is to understand the complex

interaction between family, access to digital resources, and online education
and its impact on the education of girls of Meo Muslim community
[minorities] in Nuh district of Mewat region in Haryana. The study attempts
to address a few specific questions such as how did the school-going girls
utilise their time at home during Covid-19 induced [intermittent] lockdown
measures and imposition of restrictions in 2020-21? How did family
resources, parental support and societal norms factor into the educational
pathways of the girls? Lastly, while looking into the lived experiences of the
girls related to their education and familial responsibilities, we seek to analyse
the prevailing socio-economic and systemic bottlenecks that may put the
educational journey of girls at stake during the pandemic and afterwards when
the schools started reopening.

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The Field

The study is conducted in a government school located in a village of Nuhi

district (earlier known as Mewat) of Haryana state in India. It is argued that
Haryana has reaped the benefits of the green revolution but is marked by stark
socio-economic disparities. Mahajan (2004) emphasized that the lack of social
movement, which is not being in sync with the growing state’s economic
prosperity, has rather adversely affected the state's women. The dismal status
of women can be understood by the sex ratio of 879 and the female literacy
rate of 65 percent in the state. Mewat region, however, is slightly better in sex
ratio statistics, yet it is educationally one of most backward regions in the state
of Haryana. Mewat has about 80 percent population of Meo Muslims. It has
all Hindu caste groups, sparsely inhabited in the region. Meo Muslims are
categorised under Backward Castes (BCs) by the State Government and Other
Backward Classes (OBCs) under the Central List by the Government of India
to avail policies for positive discrimination in education and employment.
However a large chunk of Muslim population depends on agriculture, animal
husbandry, and non-agricultural daily wage work for livelihood.

According to the district website, Nuh has 79 percent of the Meo Muslim
population. About 88 percent of the population lives in rural areas. According
to National Institution for Transforming India (NITI) Aayog (2018) Nuh is
one of the most backward districts. It is part of the central government's
'Transformation of Aspirational Districts' programmeii. Nuh stands lasts in
terms of literacy rate with only 54 percent of literates, where male and female
literacy rate is 69 and 36 percent respectively, in the state. Education is one
such area where the Nuh district performs poorly. The high dropout rate, acute
shortage of teachers, and the lack of resources such as electricity, internet and
electronic devices to access/attend online classes during Covid-19 added
further woes to girl’s education (Saini, 2020; Meo and Chanchal, 2021;
Chanchal and Lenka, 2023). The intertwining of Covid-19 with the existing
educational backwardness makes it essential to pay attention to certain aspects

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of phenomenal developments in education delivery such as the use of online

modes of learning, digital divide, lack of resources, and the recurring
marginalisation of girls among the Meo Muslims.

Sampling and Respondents

We used purposive sampling method to select the school and the participants.
We selected a Government Girls Senior Secondary School in Shikran village
of Nuh district to understand the everyday experiences of girls before and after
the opening of schools since Covid-19 crisis. The data is collected using semi-
structured interview and self-reported time use questionnaire. The sample
consists of 33 female students enrolled in class IX and X (secondary level), 12
parents, five school teachers, and one school principal. A total of 18 semi-
structured interviews were conducted with parents, teachers and the school
principal during February-May 2022 to understand their perspective regarding
girl’s education, and allocation of resources to boys and girls. A questionnaire
containing close-ended and open-ended questions and a ‘self-reported time use
table’ were used to collect data from the students. They were also asked to
write a brief note on their lived experiences related to schooling during the
pandemic. Prior permission and the consent were taken both from the parents
and the school principal for the data collection. As per the Census (2011), the
population of Shikran village is 8,544 with 1,176 households. Its sex ratio of
927 is better than that of the state and district averages. However, Shikran
remains educationally backward with a total literacy rate of only 56 percent
(74 percent for males and 36 percent for females). The village has four
government schools, namely, Girls Senior Secondary Schools, Girls Primary
School, Boys Senior Secondary Schools, and Model Sanskriti Primary School,
and five private schools catering to Shikran and nearby villages. Pseudonyms
are used in the study to protect the identity of the respondents.

Studying ‘Time’ in Gender Context

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Feminist scholars assert that the ‘time’ available and used for various activities
is gendered. They advocate that time justice is essential for a gender-just
society where men and women have equitable disposable time to participate in
politics, be upright citizen, and attend to other leisure activities requisite for
personal growth and self-enrichment (Fraser, 2000). Bryon (2007, p. 82)
advocates that to achieve temporal justice for gender in feminist politics of
time, three aims should be perused; ‘to expose and challenge the distribution
of paid work, unpaid work and free time; to value and reward time spent on
care, rather than seeing this simply as negative constraint; and to ensure a
better balance between the natural temporal rhythms often required for
personal and caring activities and the rigid requirements of commodified clock
time’. Lister (2003, p.132) argues that ‘time’ as a ‘highly gendered commodity
impacts on and is mediated by the public-private divide' (cited in Bryon 2007,
p.74). In the larger patriarchal ideology, women are relegated to the private
sphere of home with duties of care and nurture of the family members. Lahiri-
Dutt and Sil (2014, p.390) argue that ‘household division of labour also leads
to the segregation of the private space within the home’. There is a significant
discernible difference between men's and women's time use, where most
women's time is spent in 'unpaid' work such as taking care of the children,
aged and doing household chores. In this context, many scholars use the Time
Use Survey to show and examine the gendered division of labour (Bryon,
2007; Rajivan, 1999; Lahiri-Dutt and Sil, 2014; Srivastava, 2021). This study
uses the 'Time Use' data approach wherein the primary data includes
information on how the school-going girl participants use their time during the
day, which is further related to their ability to access smartphones and internet
data-packs either to attend online classes or to receive the 'homework' through
WhatsApp. For this purpose, we have used the ‘open interval diary’
formulated by Lahiri-Dutt and Sil (2014). Measurement of time use by young
girls is pertinent for two reasons; first, to explore the effect of changes in the
mode of education delivery through online media, and second, to capture the
role of gender in accessing the resources available in the private domain of the

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home. As we used in this study, the time-use data require the respondents to
self-report how they spend a typical day in a week, divided into seven parts
beginning from five o'clock in the morning to nine o'clock in the night with
duration of three hours. The respondents were asked to fill the 'time use data
table' to describe their use of ‘time’ before and after the opening of the school.

Findings and Discussion

Schooling and Access to Digital Resources

Many studies have found that government schools, especially in the rural
areas, lack infrastructure, teachers and an optimal learning environment
(Rampal, 2004; RTE Forum, 2018; Tilak, 2019; Dhungana, 2020), which
adversely impact the fate of 'children belonging to socially and economically
disadvantaged sections of society, such as the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled
Tribes, and socio-religious minorities'. In such case, the girls tend to be the
most vulnerable and likely to experience marginalities severely (Nambissan
and Rao, 2013).The present study of a Government Senior Secondary Girl
School in Nuh district of Haryana corroborates with such evidences. The
pandemic context appears to exacerbate the existing gendered and other
inequalities (Tilak, 2019; UNICEF, 2021; Meo and Chanchal, 2021; Chanchal
and Lenka, 2023). Notably, the school under research was upgraded from
Middle level (Eighth grade) to Senior Secondary level (12th grade) before
Covid-19 pandemic in 2018. For first time, admissions in the ninth grade
started in the academic year 2018-19, and the admissions for the tenth grade
started in 2019-20. As per the school's records, 41 children were enrolled at
the secondary level in 2019-2020, the number increased to 72 children during
2020-2021. Notably, the pass percentage for tenth grade in 2020 was just 28
per cent close to the onset of pandemic. In absolute terms, only seven students
passed out of the total 25 candidates appeared for the Board examination.
However, subsequently in the year 2021, all the children were upgraded to
next class due to Covid-19 situation as per the decision of the Haryana state

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government. As per our discussions with the school principal, 'the reason for
dropout of girls from this particular school was the poor result in the past years
and involvement of girls in household chores during the pandemic, whereas
only a minuscule number of dropout cases were due to migration of families to
other states for work'.

It is informed that before the up-gradation and afterward, the school faced an
acute shortage of teaching staffiii. The situation has not changed much, even
after the recruitment drive in 2019. The principal however optimistically
remarked that 'the lack of teachers in the school may be addressed in the
upcoming special recruitment drive by the Haryana state government'. As per
the current record (March 2022), there is shortage of teachers to teach
secondary and senior secondary classes in the school. Except four subjects
namely Hindi, English (only one teacher posted against the sanctioned
positions for two), Geography and Chemistry, the school does not have
teachers for Mathematics, Urdu, Sanskrit, Biology, History, Political Science,
Physics, Economics and Physical Education. The lack of teachers in the school
has put girls at a considerable learning disadvantage. Parents hesitate to send
their daughters to the schools located at far off places or to any private school
in and around the village, leading to a brewing situation of learning crisis for
girls. Exceptions apart, our observations from the field and interactions with
parents suggest that the failure at secondary school level most likely put an
end to the educational journey of girls. Fear of engagement in domestic chores
and the early marriages loom large on their head.

Besides lack of teachers and other material resources, students of the rural
areas suffer from digital deprivation which has become stark during pandemic.
Studies have adequately highlighted the digital divide in urban and rural areas
(Bhattacharya, 2020; Reddy et. al., 2020; Rahman, 2020; Meo and Chanchal,
2021). The shift to online education makes it necessary to access compatible
electronic devices to attend the classes. The suitable electronic devices,
electricity supply, separate space to attend online class and completing the

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school work regularly is quintessential prerequisites. To cope with the Covid-

19 emergent situation and consequent school closure, the school attempted to
continue teaching-learning practices by using specific digital platforms like
WhatsApp based on directions issued by the state government. Programmes
like Mohalla Pathshala, E-Shiksha Mitra, etc., were run by the special efforts
of the district education office. However, the efficacy of such programmes
appeared to be marred by the lack of adequate and trained teaching staff, non-
participation of girls due to lack of time and parental concern of safety,
unavailability of digital devices and related infrastructure like electricity,
network connectivity, and space (Meo and Chanchal, 2021).

Unlike the school where girls had some learning space, in the private sphere of
a home there was hardly any separate place available for them to study.
Further, the girl's education is also less prioritized than boys in the family.
This discrimination permeates the access to online mode of education as
unprivileged parents tend to prioritize the education of [sons] boys. Hence,
boys have relatively better access to smartphones as compared to girls [in the
family] to attend online classes/educational material in synchronous as well as
asynchronous mode. Most of the girl in the study (27) said that they were able
to get electricity supply for four to five hours a day which is not sufficient to
complete their school-work at home. Being located in rural area none of the
sample households had broadband connection and desktop. Of all the
respondents, only one respondent said to have used laptop. Most of the
respondents said to have used phone (31), television (one) or both (three).
Most of the girls (22) responded that in the beginning of the lockdown in
March 2020 they did not have access to smartphone. They had to struggle to
access smartphone. They requested their father or brother to arrange for a
smartphone only when the school teachers started giving study related
homework through WhatsApp. The self-reported time-use data shows that the
girls were able to use the smartphone only for one or two hours in a day to
access homework given by the teachers.

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Many girls (20) reported that they borrowed the smartphone of their
father/brother, some from their relatives (eight) and in few cases (four) from
neighbour to access the work sent [online] by the school teacher. A few girls
also said that male members used to put a restriction on their mobile use and
allowed them to use the phone for a very limited time which disrupted their
studies at home during the lockdown. Most girls (23) said that they were
permitted to use phone for one hour only. Limited amount of mobile data and
slow internet speed further restricted their access to the learning material.
Moreover, when physical mobility restrictions relaxed as pandemic started
attenuating, people had to go outside the home for work further aggravated the
educational disruptions.

Individual and collective efforts were made to continue the schooling. One girl
mentioned that her father not only had to work hard to purchase a smartphone
but had to sell household items to facilitate her education and she was able to
attend the online classes and/or access the school-work. A very few girls
(three) reported that they use to study with their classmates who lived in the
neighbourhood. Though some girls were able to study using smartphones,
there were lot many gaps in their understating and learning of concepts as no
one was there to help them with the studies or clear their doubts. In its efforts,
the government of Haryana used Education Satellite (EDUSAT) via
televisions to impart education during Covid times, this however remain on
paper as most of underprivileged communities do not own television set with
cable connections (Meo and Chanchal, 2021). In Nuh district, only 17.4
percent of households have televisions which are the lowest in the state
(Census, 2011). One of the most probable reasons for this is that most Meo
families consider television as profane. It is thus undesirable to keep television
at home as it is likely to malign their cultural practices and religious
dispositions. Even if some families own television-set, the girl children in the
family are specifically often kept away from watching television programmes
so as to ensure their behaviour, morality and attitude remain within the bounds

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of prevailing social and religious norms. Manjrekar aptly notes that girls are
often considered tools for 'moral reproduction' (Manjrekar, 2018). The
movement and expectation of both girls and boys are discreetly shaped. While
many girl respondents informed that their male siblings were attending private
schools, none of the girls were going for private tuition even after the opening
of the school soon after the pandemic started attenuatingiv. Girls had to face
digital deprivation and social disadvantages in the social ecology where
gendered inequalities aggravated due to pandemic-induced inaccessibility to
resources, online instruction, and other socio-economic deprivations.

Schooling and the Domestic Chores

The study observed that all the girls used to engage in household chores while
they were at home during the Covid-19 lockdown when the schools were
closed. Poor socio-economic conditions of families and gendered perceptions
about work appear to force parents to engage their daughters in domestic
chores such as cleaning, washing clothes and utensils, cooking, fetching water,
agriculture work, livestock, and taking care of younger siblings and the aged.
Manjrekar (2020) aptly records consequential impact of this by arguing that
the opportunity costs for educating the girls is overwhelmingly high. Our
Time Use Survey data shows that majority of the girls had to spend a
substantial amount of time in completing the household chores which ranges
from an average of four to five hours a day. For most of the girls, their day
starts at five o'clock in the morning. Only a few girls shared that they offered
namaj (Islamic religions prayer) after waking up early in the morning. After
waking up, taking bath or finishing early morning essentials, they reported to
wash the utensils, sweep the floors and help their mother or female member in
cooking. After having the morning breakfast, some girls reported, they had to
go to the field and help parents in agricultural work and take care of the
livestock. Most of our respondents said that since schools were closed,
studying at home was not a priority or rather doing it with focus and
substantive engagement was almost an impossible task. They could sit to study

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only after completing the assigned household chores and other related
responsibilities. For instance in the words of one girl:

'While being at home, I have to do the household chores like cleaning,

washing utensils and helping my mother in all other kinds of work. It is only
after completion of such household chores, I am allowed to study' (Sofiya, 15
years old).

The question of availing leisure time and fulfilling one's desire becomes
critical in this context. Many studies have found that girls get the least amount
of leisure time in comparison to their male counterparts in the family (Kumar,
2007; Srivastava, 2021). The closure of school not only limited the access to
learning activities for girls but for many it has completely shut them off from
the outside world and restricted their physical mobility. As we span through
their lived experiences, many girl respondents complained of the
unavailability of free time, learning difficulties, suffocations and hectic
engagement in household duties. All the girls said that lack of regular contact
with the teachers and teaching learning activities has resulted in a learning
loss. Many respondents said that they feel very anxious because of the
learning lacuna, and think they will not be able to perform in the examination,
which will have severe repercussions for their future. One student said:

'Since the schools closed due to the Covid-19 pandemic, I am staying at home
all the time and have to do all types of work like washing utensils, cleaning,
etc. There is no time for studies at home as I have to do lot of domestic work.
Sometimes I get school lessons on our home phone, and sometimes I do not get
that at all. It seems whatever I had studied earlier I have forgotten totally. I
will face difficulties in writing examinations as I do not get time to study'
(Nusrat, 16 Years old).

It appeared that the pandemic and the subsequent school closure have
reinforced the gendered divisions and resources allocation within the family in

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rural areas where boys were allowed to study with ample free time. They were
given preference to hold on to the mobile phone to attend online classes,
permitted to go and play with their friends, whereas the girls were consistently
engaged in the household chores with their mothers and/or female siblings.
Thus the girls were denied the requisite leisure, playtime and an 'autonomous
space' (Kumar 2007, p.176). Forced absence from the school made girls easier
target of the families to bind them with household chores round the clock,
unlike when the schools were open in pre-Covid times. Leisure as an 'idea of
ownership of what one consumes' (Quaiser, 2018), be it freely gossiping,
playing, learning, and fulfilling one's desire for self-enrichment while away
from strictures of familial responsibilities, appeared missing for the girl
students during the pandemic. Notably, we also observed some change in their
everyday life when the school reopened after lockdown. For instance, a few
girls informed that the first thing they do after waking up is to prepare for
school, unlike earlier engaging with household chores. When the school
reopened, some form of learning routine restored to their life as most of the
girls said that they started for school at eight o'clock in the morning and
studied various subjects as per the school timetable, and returned home after
two o'clock in the afternoon. It is important to note that girls could engage in
learning activities after school reopened, but once they came back to home
they hardly got an hour in the evening to study or complete the school-work.
We observed that the long-prevailing cultural strictures, social taboos, and
keeping girls on edge became excruciatingly sharper and persisting during
Covid-19 pandemic. Such situation adequately indicated the lack of support to
girls in Muslim families for a sustained learning and dealing with pedagogical
difficulties, which we will discuss in the subsequent section.

Lack of Support, Resources and Pedagogical Difficulties

During telephonic interaction, the school teachers informed that since the
government did not do much to provide access to online education, the orders
were issued to open the school partially. The students were instructed to visit

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and meet teachers during school hours, in small groups of two or three or
alone, whichever was convenient, with their parent's permission. This partial
reopening of school however failed to attract the female students as our
interactions with parents and teachers suggest that parents were hesitant to
send their daughters to school in comparison to their sons. Many parents
candidly expressed their inability to send their daughters to the school as they
felt that the outside environment is unsafe for girls. They may become subject
to harassment and violence outside the home and/or on their way to the school.
The familial support for girls is often based on very shaky grounds. For
instance, any academic failure on the part of the girl is either due to lack of
facilities or due to any emergent situation like Covid-19, the policyv induced
bottlenecks, and/or reasons unknown, parents often unequivocally invoked the
notion of kismat (fate). The invocation of kismat appeared to be ready
reckoner at the parent's disposal to justify their side of lacunae or
shortcomings, which indicate a ‘weak habitus’ (Meo, 2023, p. 258).

Majority of the girls were found solely dependent on their elder male siblings
for smartphone to attend/access learning material/online class. Most said that
their father and/or brother used to support and help them in their studies by
providing smartphones. Unlike middle class mothers who are able to provide
‘concrete guidance’ (Panda, 2015) to children’s schooling, the girls in the
present study thought of their mothers mainly as partner in carrying out the
household chores and related responsibilities. Only in few cases, mother’s role
is invoked as a helper or a supporter in learning activities such as completing
the school homework. Furthermore, the resource crunch found to be a
recurring concern for the respondent families towards continuing the
schooling of their wards. While putting light on the condition of parental
capabilities and resources, the school Principal said:

'Only a very few families have smartphones which children can used to attend
the online classes. Out of total families having smartphone, only about 50
percent families recharge their phone with internet data-packs. One recharge

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with 2 GB internet data cost about 250 Rupees. Parents with meagre income
are not able to do all that. Further in most cases, a family had a single phone,
and there are many school going children in the family. It is thus very difficult
for a family to support and continue the education of all the wards through
online mode. In simple words, the online education system is not successful
here' (Ashraf Hussain, Government Girls Senior Secondary School).

Parents usually do not allow children, especially girls to have mobile phone
and watch television due to the prevailing taboos and the perceptions that they
would misuse the device, and likely to go astray from their cultural roots and
religious values. Parents were often seen scared that the girls may see some
unwanted pictures, movies, etc., in the phone or they may get in touch with
some unknown persons. Question of honour is thus invoked
unequivocallyvi.While reflecting on his fear of giving phone to his daughter, a
father said:

'I am illiterate. I do not know what children are doing with the phone. But I
am apprehensive of the fact that they may not get misled through this device. I
do often hear so many bad things that are taking place through devices like
smart mobile phones. I cannot put my child at risk' (Mehrun Khan, father of
Sana, a tenth grade student).

One of the implications of such apprehension was that girls were not given
phone for a longer duration while the ownership of phone was a rare
possibility. Many teachers informed about the instance of continuous
disconnection with female students for receiving lessons and getting back with
the completed school work. Further, as discussed elsewhere, girls were
allowed to use the phone for a very short duration (both by brother and father),
in most cases for an hour under the strict vigilant presence of the owner of the
phone, especially the brother, father, close male relative or neighbour. It can
be seen as ‘yet another male attempt to control women and nature via
technology’ by eco-feminists (Selwyn, 2011, p. 48). The ease of restrictions in

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the lockdown, between first and second waves of the pandemic, allowed
people to work. This situation created further problems for the children who
were attending classes or connecting with their teachers using the phone of
their father, male siblings or neighbours. In such emergent situation, most girls
faced severe learning loss and pedagogical difficulties due to discontinuities in
schooling, limited time for study or having no means to get in contact with
their teachers. Teachers also informed about high absent rate of girls in the
selected teaching sessions conducted during partial re-opening of the schools
as and when the pandemic attenuated. This had not only pushed the girls
towards bearing learning disadvantage, but some were forced to the risk of
dropping out from the school.

Parents appeared to sense the learning loss suffered by their wards during the
school closure. This situation was rather better described in the words of a
father, Arshad Khan, who sarcastically said, 'pade aur be-pade sab brabar
hoge' (educated and uneducated all have become equal). Parents took such a
stance based on observing children's behaviour and everyday engagements in
learning and other activities at home and outside. Interestingly, parent invoked
‘kismat’ and community values while speaking about girls' education and
justifying the incurred learning disadvantages (Meo, 2023). They contend, 'in
our community, we educate our girls only this much'. Secondly, parents often
argue, 'whatever is in girl's kismat, she will get. Her educational growth and
career depend on her kismat'. The invocation of the term kismat here may be
seen as an aspect of one's habitus and wussy disposition located in poor socio-
economic conditions and gendered social stratification (Sauder, 2020; Meo,
2023). It was observed that in comparison to boys, the notion of kismat is
overwhelmingly invoked for girls demonstrating the presence of a restricting
'field' (Bourdieu, 1984) as parental perceptions of girls' access to schooling,
retention, and achievements in education are squarely gendered and socially
restricted.

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Conclusion

The paper has argued that in the context of Covid-19 the restriction on
physical mobility, school closure and the lack of access to online modes of
education had incredibly adverse implications for the education of girls of
Meo Muslim in rural Haryana. The study attempts to capture how Covid-19
induced school closure and reopening of schools, after a year almost, curtailed
the leisure time and the time for the study of girls at home. Male dependency,
within familial and social milieu intertwined with Covid-induced restrictions
tends to limit educational opportunities for girls. Girls' access to technology to
continue schooling was sternly restricted under the constant male gaze and
vigilance. Girl's leisure time and learning is considered secondary to the
familial responsibilities, and consequently, the 'gendered' identity is
necessarily shaped in the framework of religious values and prevailing cultural
strictures. The combined impact of poverty, religion, and gender in tandem
with Covid-19 induced school closure further pushed girls to the margins. The
onus of the failure to perform well at secondary level examination(s) was put
on the girls alone without any consideration for the lack of access to resources,
absence of institutional support and the system's apathy. It can be concluded
that the traditional notions of izzat (honour) and kismat (fate) are invoked to
justify the restricted educational opportunities and minimal ‘resources’
allocated to girls in the family. The state has also failed to compensate for the
Covid-19 induced learning loss and provide equitable learning opportunities to
females of the most marginalised communities in the society. In nutshell, this
study has underscored the central role of the family in allocating resources to
the education of girls. Families effectively control the girls’ ‘time use’. It is
seen as a virtue for girls to prioritise household chores over study at home
which reinforces gendered societal norms and exacerbate gender-based
educational inequalities.

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Endnotes

i
[ ] Nuh, earlier known as Mewat, formed as a district in 2005 by curving out areas[blocks] from Gurugram
(earlier known as Gurgaon) and Faridabad by the Government of Haryana. It was later renamed in 2016 as
Nuh, a very small town and headquarter of the district.

ii
[ ] The Government of India through its policy think tank NITI Aayog developed the list of Aspirational districts
in the year 2018 for the purpose of addressing backwardness in the identified districts to accelerate the
growth trajectory of the country. With the release of NITI Aayog’s baseline report in March 2018, Nuh district
(earlier known as Mewat) hits the headlines of many National Dailies for being the most backward district of
the country (see Times of India, 29 March 2018; The Economic Times, 28 May 2018; The Hindu, 02 April 2018).

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iii
[ ] Large numbers of schools in Nuh face shortage of teachers. One of the main reasons for this is that the
teachers belonging to north and northwest parts of Haryana selected under ‘Mewat Cadre’ [or in other
categories] often get themselves transferred to their desirable [hometown] locations. Posting in Mewat is
often considered as ‘punishment’ (The Hindu, 01 November 2021). Hence, the considerable numbers of posts
of teachers, head teachers and/or principals remain vacant. Large number of schools in Nuh is run by single or
two teachers, and some even without teachers (see The Tribune, December 10 2021; The Hindu, November 01
2021).

iv
[ ] It was noticed that the private schools conducted online classes, whereas the government school hardly
done so. Government school in most cases relied on only WhatsApp for sending school home-work or related
instructions. No direct contact or one to one communication was made by teachers except on the occasions
when the lockdown was relaxed and students in small groups called for interactions, checking home-work and
consultations in the schools.

v
[ ] Lockdown, imposed in March 2020 to contain the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, resulted in sudden
cancelation of ongoing board examinations for 10th and 12th grades in Haryana. Examinations for few subjects
were conducted already; rests were to be done based on the formula adopted by the state government.
Subsequently the result was declared. Many teachers said that the formula was flawed. It actually put the
large of children at disadvantage by failing them. Girls were rather put on huge risk of dropout as parents often
do not prioritise their education as compare to their sons (Meo and Chanchal, 2021, p. 76).

vi
[ ] Parental perceptions were not however entirely unfounded. In two separate instances, police cases were
filed for sharing objectionable videos on WhatsApp groups formed for the educational purposes (Meo and
Chanchal, 2021).

Saheed Meo, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Maulana Azad

National Urdu

University, Hyderabad-500032, [email protected]

Rajshree Chanchal, Assistant Professor, School of Education Studies, Dr. B.

R. Ambedkar

University, Delhi-110006 [email protected]

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Article: Women’s Political Participation and Representation in

India

Author(s): Pratyusna Patnaik

Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp.

31-57

Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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Women’s Political Participation and Representation in India

--Pratyusna Patnaik

Abstract

The paper examines the political representation of women in the Indian

Parliament and explores the determinants of women’s inclusion and presence
in institutions of democratic politics by using secondary data from the Election
Commission of India (ECI). The findings of this study rejected two important
commonly held views that: (a) women’s increased political participation and
representation are associated with levels of socio-economic growth and
development, and (b) women have less potential of getting elected in electoral
politics, and hence are not recruited in sufficient numbers by political parties
as contestants. Instead, the paper argued that what is needed for a higher
political presence for women in institutional politics is an assured opportunity
and support to women to come forward to contest electoral politics.

Keywords: Participation, Representation, Women, Democracy, Institutional

Politics, Indian Parliament.

Introduction

The context of democracy advocates strengthening democratic values and

politics to achieve participatory, representative, and accountable governance
(UNDP, 2000). It is now affirmed that deepening democracy through citizens’
participation needs an equitable representation of all social groups in the
process of governance. Nevertheless, democratic systems in the developing
world increasingly face criticisms for their inability to ensure proportional
representation of various strata of society based on inequalities of gender,
class, caste and ethnicity. Although women constitute almost half of the

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world’s population, except for a few Scandinavian countries, women’s number

in formal political institutions in most democracies has continued to be
inadequate (Geissel and Hust, 2005). The underrepresentation of women in
democratic governments has made it clear that democracy, by itself, does not
ensure equal representation for all, albeit the principle of equal opportunity for
participation and representation.

A closer look at the gender composition of the Indian Parliament since

independence reaffirms the low representation of women in Indian political
institutions. During the last seven decades of independence, the Indian
Parliament has seen a nearly three-fold increase in women Members of
Parliament (MP), i.e. from only 22 women MPs in 1952-1957 to 78 women
MPs in the 2019 general election to the 17th Lok Sabha. However, the overall
representation of women in the Indian Parliament had remained below 10 per
cent until the 2009 parliament elections. Only during the last three Lok Sabhas
(2009, 2014 and 2019 Parliament elections), the proportion of women MPs
remained slightly more than 10 per cent. Against the background of the above
discussion, the present paper focuses on political representation and inclusion
of women in the Indian Parliament. The broad objective of the paper is to
analyse the political representation of women in the Indian Parliament and
explore the determinants of women’s representation. The paper aims to answer
two important research questions: (a) whether the level of development of a
state functions as a determinant of higher political representation of women in
institutions of democracy and (b) whether women have a lesser chance of
getting elected vis-à-vis men. The paper is based on secondary data accessed
from the Election Commission of India (ECI) to analyse women’s political
representation in institutional politics.

Review of Literature

Women’s Political (under) Representation

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Women's under-representation and inadequate participation raise a pertinent

question: why women are underrepresented in most democracies? Three
factors have been identified that elucidate women's limited presence in
institutionalised politics, operating at the individual and structural level
(Geissel and Hust 2005). The first factor emphasises personal intentions and
political goals as main variables. It argues that women due to their personal
choice prefer not to enter into the field of politics and thus are absent from
political arenas. Socio-economic variables such as access to finances and skills
constitute the second factor explaining women’s limited presence in politics.
Since political participation is an outcome of certain specific resources, which
women lack, their participation in politics has always remained unequal
compared to men (see also Fowlkes, 1992). The third factor emphasises
structural facets, such as the recruiting policies of political parties. This factor
argues that due to the recruiting policies of political parties, which usually
prefer male candidates, women lack representation in majority voting systems
(Geissel & Hust, 2005; Patnaik, 2014). Culturally constructed meanings and
symbols which produce stereotypical attitudes towards women also hinder
women’s presence in politics (Noris & Inglehart, 2001). Cultural deliberations
proclaim that women are hesitant to lead the political careers in traditional
societies as they would lack sufficient support to elections (see also Reynolds,
1999).

Several scholars associate women’s representation with levels of economic

growth, Christian religion and penetration of capitalism (see Rule &
Zimmerman, 1994; Kenworthy and Malami 1999; Reynolds, 1999). Some
other scholars also point out that since women lag behind men in access to
important resources such as education, skills, political background, they have
less chance of succeeding in elections, and thus, political parties, therefore
prefer male candidates over female candidates in their recruiting strategies
(Fowlkes, 1992; Leijenaar, 1996; Hoecker, 1998). The existing literature
identifies several factors to the question as to ‘what determines women’s

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(limited) presence in institutional politics’. Factors that are positively

correlated with women’s representation in institutional politics included:
access to education (Christy, 1987 and Matland, 1998); women’s presence and
position in outside institutional politics (Blumberg, 1984; Randal, 1987); and
participation of women in the labour force (Norris, 1985; Oakes and Almquist,
1993; Otunga 1997). Several other scholars have pointed towards the nature of
the political system as factors facilitating or hindering women’s
representation. Systemic factors facilitating women’s representation included a
multimember proportional representation system as opposed to the single-
member majority or plurality system (Norris, 1985; Rule, 1981, 1987; Matland
and Studlar, 1996); a democratic system with few but larger political parties
(Reynolds, 1999) and gender quotas in the electoral system ensuring assured
political representation (Jones, 1996; Jaquette, 1997; Ballington, 1998). In the
Indian context, setting up quotas or seat reservations for women to ensure
parity in political representation has been highlighted by several scholars
(Menon, 1997; 2000; Rai, 1999). In the case of local governments (i.e.
Panchayats), where such quotas do exist for women, scholars have identified
societal, institutional and individual constraints, which hindered women’s
engagement in institutional politics. (Ghosh, 2000; Bryld, 2001; Behar &
Kumar, 2002; Johnson et al., 2003).

Since this paper intends to inquire implications of economic development on

women’s representation in Indian parliament and women’s chances of getting
elected vis-à-vis men, it is appropriate to engage with a review of scholarly
literature on these two themes. Barring a few (e.g. Jayweera, 1997; Prihatini,
2019), the mainstream literature positively correlates socio-economic
development of a nation with the number of women in institutional politics.
Scholars claimed that socio-economic development and an increase in
urbanisation of a region leads to a decline of traditional values, conservative
attitudes towards women, women’s literacy and participation in the formal
sector; which in turn pave the way for women’s increased representation in

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formal political institutions (Togeby, 1994; Matland, 1998; Kenworthy &

Malami, 1999; Kunovich & Paxton, 2005; Paxton, 1997; Dubrow, 2006;
Stockemer & Byrne, 2011). Besides, economic development of a region also
leads to socio-cultural modernisation, leading to changes in women’s political
and economic roles, gender relations and patriarchal social order, quality of
life and development of ‘post-material’ values (Bell, 1974; Inglehart, 1990,
1997; Norris, 1985; Norris & Inglehart, 2001). Inquiring this issue, scholars
have identified a positive association between economic development, socio-
cultural modernisation and representation of women in national legislatures
(Hughes 2009; Rosen 2013; Stockemer & Sundstrom, 2014).

The second critical issue, which this paper empirically engages, pertains to
women’s chances of getting themselves elected vis-à-vis men. Scholarly
works on voters’ attitudes, preferences and acceptance of women candidates in
election – vis-à-vis men - suggest mixed findings on the issue. Several
scholars such as Darcy and Schramm (1977); Hills (198) and Kelley and
McAllister (1984) have indicated gender biases against women in electoral
outcomes; and have highlighted that male candidates tend to outpoll women
candidates in elections. However, recent studies on gender biases on
candidates’ chances of winning have highlighted fading of gender-based
discrepancies in winning elections. These studies have pointed towards equal
opportunities of winning elections for both men and women candidates
(Burrell, 2014; Fox, 2005; Gaddie & Bullock 2000; King & Leigh, 2010;
Thomsen 2020; Welch et al., 1987; Zipp & Plutzer, 1985). Schwarz &
Coppock (2021) in their compendium of 67 studies on the effects of gender on
candidate choice highlighted the representation of women in political
institutions and rejected voter preferences as a major factor explaining
minimal persistence of women in institutional politics.

Women’s Political Representation and Seat Reservation in India

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The history of women’s political participation in the public sphere in India is

invariably linked with their involvement in the freedom struggle and
nationalist movement. In 1909, under the Montague–Chelmsford reforms,
women obtained voting rights, and some of the eminent women like Radha
Bai Subharya, Renuka Roy, and Annu Swaminathan became the earliest
women who got into the central legislature (Kameswarmma, 1987). Women
associations such as Rashtriya Stree Sabha, Bombay, 1920; Mahila Rashtriya
Sangha, Bengal, 1928; and Nari Satyagraha Samiti, Calcutta, 1929, mobilised
women for political work (Forbes, 1998, p. 130).

The question of seat reservation for women in political institutions has long
been debated in India. For the first time, the question of separate political
reservations arose during the 1920s. It was opposed on the ground that it
deflected from the demand for the universal adult franchise and to stand for
elections on the same terms as men. Besides, it was felt that agreeing to it
would mean succumbing to the British strategy of “divide and rule” by
referring to divisions within the national movement. This opinion was
supported by the prominent and leading women’s organisations of the time,
such as All India Women’s Conference, the Women’s Indian Association and
National Council of Women in India and by the Home Rule League, the
Indian National Congress and the Muslim League (Raman, 2002). The issue of
women’s reservation had come up in the Constituent Assembly on the verge of
independence. Still, it was rejected by women representatives, as it was felt to
be unnecessary since working of democracy in the normal course would
ensure representation of all sections of society. It was also felt to
underestimate the strength of women to compete as equals with men (Menon,
2000).

The issue of women’s reservation came up once again after 25 years of

Independence, when the Committee of the Status of Women in India (CSWI)
noted that despite equal rights and universal adult suffrage guaranteed by the

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Indian Constitution, women’s presence in the state and central legislatures had
been declining steadily. While the Committee recorded arguments in favour of
reservations, many women activists and women legislators believed that
women’s reservation would be retrogressive, and would contradict the
principle of equality guaranteed in the Constitution (Raman, 2002). However,
it was agreed that rural women's experience and problems had remained
undervalued and invisible, and the CSWI therefore, unanimously
recommended the establishment of statutory women's panchayats (Menon,
2000). On the issue of reservations for women in parliament and state
legislatures, the debate took a shape, which is still ongoing today, with few
supporting it on the grounds of an increased number, new directions to debates
and policies; and others opposing it on the grounds of women not being a
homogeneous group and the caste-class intersections of gender. Finally, the
CSWI decided to uphold the position taken in the Constituent Assembly and
rejected the reservation of seats for women in parliament and state assemblies.
The recommendations of CSWI is also echoed in the National Perspectives
Plan, 1998 – 2000, which recommended for 30 per cent reservation of seats
for women in panchayats and Zilla Parishads (District Councils).

The significant under-representation of women in the Indian Parliament ever

since independence reiterates the important of quotas in bringing women to
political institutions. Though similar arguments were raised in the CSWI way
back in the mid-1970s, no concrete action was taken regarding assigning
reservation of seats for women to political institutions till the early 1990s,
when the Indian Parliament passed the 73rd Amendment to the Indian
Constitution with near unanimity in December 1992, which came into effect
from 24 April 1993. The purpose of this amendment was to revitalise the
decentralised local government institutions, which mandated a more
comprehensive representation for historically marginalised and excluded
groups like the scheduled castes, the scheduled tribes and women. Following
the amendment, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are now

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represented in proportion to their population in the Panchayati Raj Institutions,

and one-third of seats are reserved for women in all three tiers of PRIs. A few
states have gone a step ahead and have made provisions for the reservation of
half of the total seats (50 %) of decentralised local governments for women.
For enactment of a similar quota for women in the national Parliament, several
attempts were made during 1996 (The 81st Constitutional Amendment Bill),
1998 (The 84th Constitutional Amendment Bill) and 2000 (The 85th
Constitutional Amendment Bill), but without any success. The Women’s
Reservation Bill was again presented in the Indian Parliament as the 108th
Constitution Amendment Bill 2008, which was passed by the Rajya Sabha on
9th March 2010, but could not be tabled for discussion on Lok Sabha. Several
political parties (especially the Samajwadi and Bahujan Samjwadi Parties)
opposed the bill on the ground that quotas for women will bring upper caste
women to politics, undermining the interests of lower and backward castes.
The women’s quota bill was finally passed in Indian Parliament in September
2023 as Women’s Reservation Bill 2023 (The 106th Constitutional
Amendment Act), which now made provisions for 33 % reservation to women
in national Parliament and state Legislative Assemblies.

Methodology and Data

The paper attempts to test two hypotheses: (a) whether the level of economic
growth and development is associated with higher political participation and
representation of women in institutional politics, and (b) whether women have
a less chance of winning elections, vis-à-vis men. The paper uses secondary
data, accessed from the Election Commission of India (ECI), to analyse the
history and determinants of representation of women in the Indian Parliament.
To understand the association between participation and representation of
women in politics and economic growth, the following four indicators were
identified:

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(1) Percentage of Women contestants (to total contestants) in parliamentary

elections in different states and union territories for 2019, 2014 and 2009
parliamentary elections.
(2) Human Development Index (HDI) of major states and UTs.
(3) Gender Development Index (GDI) of major states and UTs.
(4) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) of major states and UTs.

The above development indicators provided a comprehensive vision of

inclusive development. The United Nations Development Programme’s
(UNDP) conceptualisation of development has witnessed a paradigm shift
from unidimensional income-based indicators for measuring development to
include non-income multidimensional indicators such as HDI, GDI, and GEM.
UNDP’s HDI is an average of three-dimensional development indices, which
considers life expectancy at birth, literacy rate and levels of economic growth
in terms of Purchasing Power Parity (PPP). Since 1995, UNDP introduced two
new indices, i.e. GDI and GEM, focusing on opportunities for women and
capturing gender-based political and economic inequalities. Following the
methods of UNDP, the Ministry of Women and Child Development (MWCD),
Government of India (GoI) has calculated the GDI and GEM for Indian states
and UTs in its publication Gendering Human Development Indices (MWCD,
2009).

Determinants of Women’s Representation: Results and

Findings

Women’s Representation in Indian Parliament since Independence

India started its democratic journey with only 22 women Members of

Parliament (MPs) in the 1st general election to India Parliament in 1952.
During the last seven and half decades of independence, our Parliament has
seen a nearly three-fold increase in women MPs. The present number of

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women MPs stands at 78 after the 2019 general election to the 17th Lok
Sabha. Nevertheless, the overall representation of women in the Indian
Parliament had remained below 10 per cent, until up to 2009 parliament
elections. Only during the last three Lok Sabhas (2009, 2014 and 2019
Parliament elections), women constituted 10.6 per cent, 11.42 per cent and
14.39 per cent respectively (see Table – 1). With such a low representation of
women, India is placed 149th out of the 193 countries for which data on
women’s representation in national legislature is available with Inter-
Parliamentary Union (IPU) (http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm).

Besides, lower women’s representation, there is a gender difference in voter

turnout, indicating less percentage of women casting their votes in elections
than man. However, as Table 1 indicates, the gender differences in voter
turnouts reduced substantially during the last decade. The difference between
the percentage of men and women voters was as wide as 17 percentage point
in the 1962 general election. The voter turnout differences between men and
women have remained up to 10 percentage point till 1991, which was radically
reduced to 1.46 percentage point during the 2014 general election. It was for
the first time in 2019 election, that women voters outnumbered men voters,
with voter turnout differences favouring women (see Table – 1). Such an
observation points towards greater political awareness, increasing political
interest and participation of women in recent times in India.

Table 1: Women’s Representation in Indian Parliaments (1951 – 2019)

Election Differences in voter turnout No. of Women Percentage of

Year percentage (Men – Women) representatives women
representatives
1952 - 22 4.4
1957 - 22 5.4
1962 17 31 6.7
1967 11.25 29 5.9
1971 10.98 28 4.2
1977 10.72 19 3.4
1980 10.94 29 5.1

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1984 10 43 7.9
1989 8.81 29 5.3
1991 10.23 39 7.9
1996 8.65 40 7.3
1998 7.74 43 7.9
1999 8.33 49 9.0
2004 8.36 45 8.2
2009 4.42 59 10.6
2014 1.46 62 11.42
2019 - 0.17 78 14.39
Source: Election Commission of India (https://eci.gov.in)

Levels of development and number of Women in formal political

institutions:

We examined the percentage of women candidates to total candidates in all the

29 major states and seven Union Territories (UTs) in India for the 2019, 2014
and 2009 general elections to examine the variations in different states
regarding the opportunity for women to come forward as contestants. To
establish any possible explanation for women’s involvement in electoral
politics, we tried to examine participation of women in electoral politics of
different states vis-à-vis levels of development of those specific states,
identified through three UNDP indices, i.e. HDI, GDI and GEM. The idea was
to see whether women’s participation in institutionalised politics in any way
related to the level of development of the state. For this purpose, we correlated
women’s participation in the last three general elections (% of women
candidates to total candidates) with the three above composite development
indicators.

Central to the question of women’s representation in Parliament and state

legislatures is the opportunity for women to contest elections, often against
male candidates. Hence, it is pertinent to examine data pertaining to women
candidates in general elections before observing elected women

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representatives in Parliament. Data presented in Table 2 revealed a significant

increase in women contesting the general elections in the country in terms of
absolute numbers. While there were only 45 women candidates in the 1957
general elections, their number has increased to 724 candidates in 2019. Even
though there has been more than 16 times increase in their absolute number
between the 1957 to 2019 general elections, their share to the total candidates
has just increased from 2.96 per cent to 9.02 per cent during the same period
(see Table 2).

Table 2: Women Candidates in Elections to Indian Parliaments (1957 – 2019)

Election Year Female candidates Total Candidates % of Female Candidates

1957 45 1519 2.96
1962 66 1985 3.32
1967 67 2369 2.83
1971 83 2784 2.98
1977 70 2439 2.87
1980 143 4629 3.09
1984 171 5492 3.11
1989 198 6160 3.21
1991 330 8749 3.77
1996 599 13952 4.29
1998 274 4750 5.77
1999 284 4648 6.11
2004 355 5435 6.53
2009 556 8070 6.89
2014 668 8251 8.10
2019 724 8026 9.02
Source: Election Commission of India (https://eci.gov.in)

Coming forward to contest the election as a candidate is central to ensure

women’s political representation in Parliament. Hence, to understand the
gendered nature of political contestations during the last decade in various
states and union territories of India, we observed the percentage of women

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candidates in the Parliamentary elections of 2009, 2014 and 2019. In the 2009
general election, more than one-fourth (27.27 %) of the candidates were
women in Meghalaya. It may also be observed from the table that UTs with a
lesser number of Parliamentary seats also witnessed less percentage of women
candidates than the major states of India. Further, no women candidates ever
contested in any of the Parliamentary elections in Nagaland and Lakshadweep.
For the 2019 general election, the maximum percentage of women candidates
were from Goa and Mizoram (16.67 % each), followed by Odisha (14.37 %).
There were no women candidates from Manipur and Nagaland and only 2.2
per cent from Himachal Pradesh in the 2019 general election. (see Table – 3).

Table 3: Development Indicators and Percentage of Women Contestants

(WC) in General Election

States Total % of % of % of
HDI GDI GEM
LS WC WC WC
seats 2019 2014 2009
Andhra 25 8.46 7.19 6.85 0.650 0.574 0.547
Pradesh
Arunachal 2 8.33 0.00 0.00 0.660 0.642 0.469
Pradesh
Assam 14 9.66 9.88 6.96 0.614 0.585 0.417
Bihar 40 8.95 7.74 6.85 0.576 0.479 0.379
Goa 2 16.67 10.53 11.11 0.761 0.747 0.551
Gujarat 26 7.55 4.79 7.24 0.672 0.624 0.485
Haryana 10 4.93 4.78 6.67 0.708 0.632 0.532
Himachal
4 2.22 13.16 3.23 0.725 0.664 0.540
Pradesh
Jammu & 6 3.80 3.90 7.41 0.688 0.568 0.355
Kashmir
Karnataka 28 5.65 4.61 4.45 0.682 0.611 0.526
Kerala 20 10.57 10.04 6.91 0.779 0.745 0.525
Madhya 29 9.13 9.79 6.76 0.606 0.516 0.463
Pradesh
Maharashtra 48 9.11 7.69 6.72 0.696 0.677 0.516

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Manipur 2 0.00 11.11 18.75 0.696 0.699 0.418

Meghalaya 2 11.11 10.00 27.27 0.656 0.624 0.346
Mizoram 1 16.67 0.00 0.00 0.705 0.687 0.374
Nagaland 1 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.679 0.697 0.289
Odisha 21 14.37 7.95 5.73 0.606 0.524 0.393
Punjab 13 8.99 7.87 5.96 0.723 0.663 0.514
Rajasthan 25 9.24 7.19 8.96 0.629 0.526 0.442
Sikkim 1 9.09 0.00 0.00 0.716 0.659 0.447
Tamil Nadu 38 7.91 6.51 5.83 0.708 0.655 0.498
Tripura 2 13.04 12.00 5.26 0.658 0.626 0.382
Uttar Pradesh 80 10.83 9.78 7.31 0.596 0.509 0.452
West Bengal 42 11.59 10.81 7.88 0.641 0.622 0.435
Chhattisgarh 11 13.86 9.95 8.43 0.613 0.542 0.464
Jharkhand 14 10.92 7.50 5.62 0.599 0.558 0.435
Uttarakhand 5 9.62 9.46 9.21 0.684 0.647 0.466
Telangana 17 5.64 - - 0.669 - -
Andaman &
Nicobar 1 6.67 13.33 9.09 0.739 0.692 0.560
Islands
Chandigarh 1 25.00 29.41 7.14 0.775 0.763 0.500
Dadra &
1 9.09 9.09 0.00 0.663 0.673 0.479
Nagar Haveli
Daman & Diu 1 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.708 0.677 0.503
NCT OF
7 9.76 8.67 11.25 0.746 0.701 0.564
Delhi
Lakshadweep 1 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.750 0.635 0.463
Puducherry 1 11.11 10.00 0.00 0.738 0.706 0.558
Total 542 9.02 8.03 6.89 0.647 0.59 0.497
Source: Election Commission of India (https://eci.gov.in) and MWCD (2009)

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Based on data available for the percentage of women candidates (to total
candidates) for the last three Parliamentary elections (2019, 2014 and 2009),
we calculated the average percentage of women candidates for all Indian
states. Data presented in Figure 1 reveal that over the decade, the highest
percentage (16.13 %) of women candidates were from Meghalaya, followed
by Goa (12.77 %) and Chhattisgarh (10.74 %). Further, only five states in
India, i.e. Meghalaya, Goa, Chhattisgarh, Tripura and West Bengal had on an
average more than 1 women in every 10 candidates (> 10 %) in Parliamentary
elections. On the contrary, states like Karnataka, Sikkim and Arunachal
Pradesh had less than five per cent of women candidates in Parliamentary
elections (see Figure 1).

Figure 1: Computed Average Percentage of Women Contestants and

Development Indicators

Average Development Indicators

Average % of WC Average of Dev Indicators 0.700
16.0
14.0 0.650
Average % of WC

12.0
10.0 0.600
8.0
0.550
6.0
4.0 0.500
2.0
0.0 0.450

Source: Election Commission of India (https://eci.gov.in) and MWCD (2009)

To comprehend the association between representation of women and levels of

development, a Person product-moment correlation was run in SPSS using the

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above data. It was interesting to observe that no statistically significant

positive correlation existed between the percentage of women candidates (in
all the three general elections) and the development indicators (p > 0.05). The
development indicators (HDI, GDI and GEM) are perfectly correlated with
each other (correlation significant at 0.01 level, p < 0.01) across the Indian
states. Likewise, the percentage of women contestants across the last three
Parliamentary elections (2019, 2014 and 2009) are also positively correlated
with each other (p < 0.05). However, no statistically significant correlation
was observed between the three development indicators and the percentage of
women candidates in the last three elections (p > 0.05). The data, therefore,
suggest that levels of development do not in any way influence women’s
engagement with institutional politics, manifested in terms of the percentage
of women contestants in Parliamentary elections (see Table – 4).

Table 4: Correlation between Percentage of Women Contestants (WC) and

Development Indicators

Variables N M 1 2 3 4 5 6
1. Percentage of WC 2019 37 8.88 —
2. Percentage of WC 2014 36 7.85 .571** —
3. Percentage of WC 2009 36 6.43 .127 .400* —
4. Human Development -
37 0.68 -.025 .125 —
Index (HDI) .101
5. Gender Development -
36 0.63 .057 .178 .889** —
Index (GDI) .069
6. Gender Empowerment -
Measures (GEM) 36 0.46 .055 .248 .110 .495** .358* —
n = Number of states and UTs of India
** Correlation is significant at 0.01 level (p < 0.01)
* Correlation is significant at 0.05 level (p < 0.05)

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Gender Differences in Chances of Getting Elected

To understand gender differences in chances of getting elected to institutional

politics, we compared the success rate of women candidates to Indian
Parliament for all general elections to that of the success rate of male
candidates. We calculated the success rate by looking at the percentage of
winning contestants to the total contestants in several general elections among
men and women. To gain more in-depth insight, we bifurcated the success rate
of both male and female into National Parties, State Parties, Registered
Unrecognised Parties (RUP), and independent candidates.

Data presented in Table 5 revealed that for National Parties, except for two
general elections to Indian Parliament (1989 and 1977), the success rate of
candidates in all general elections was higher for women. For instance, in the
2019 general election, while one-third (33.91 %) of the women candidates
won the elections, out of the total male candidates, 26.43 per cent of men won
the election. In the 1984 general election, as many as 61.9 per cent of women
contestants came out as winners. The mean rate of success for women
candidates in all general elections in the National Parties remained at 38.21
per cent, in contrast to 30.32 per cent for men. Similarly, in the State Parties
also, the overall success rate for women was higher for women than men. In
the case of contestants from RUP as well as for independent contestants,
women performed at par with men (see Table – 5).

Table 5: Gender Differences in Chances of Getting Elected (% of Winning

Contestants to Total Contestants)

Election National party State Party RUP Independent

Year Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men
2019 33.91 26.42 29.82 40.97 0.37 0.19 0.88 0.06

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2014 24.30 21.21 15.33 40.36 1.84 3.02 0.00 0.09

2009 32.09 22.36 55.56 35.69 0.53 0.341 0.00 0.25
2004 27.27 26.91 21.21 19.73 1.61 1.675 0.00 0.22
1999 33.65 27.95 23.64 20.86 0.00 1.647 1.28 0.27
1998 28.97 25.69 23.08 21.35 7.81 5.452 1.30 0.27
1996 28.80 21.69 18.18 16.91 0.00 0.282 0.00 0.09
1991 29.41 25.31 9.09 10.26 0.00 0.493 0.00 0.02
1989 29.89 34.47 0.00 19.29 11.54 1.778 0.00 0.33
1984 61.90 34.89 75.00 37.41 0.00 0.000 0.00 0.14
1980 35.06 31.28 25.00 32.35 0.00 0.645 0.00 0.33
1977 41.46 45.53 100.00 56.63 0.00 4.478 0.00 0.75
1971 - - - - - - - -
1967 48.00 32.20 40.00 28.67 50.00 9.091 20.00 3.86
1962 59.62 33.61 0.00 12.90 0.00 42.857 0.00 4.25
1957 58.82 45.31 2.00 24.79 0.00 - 0.00 8.90
Mean 38.21 30.32 29.19 27.87 4.91 5.13 1.56 1.32
Mean + 7.89 for Women + 1.32 for Women - 0.22 for Women + 0.24 for Women
difference
t value 2.060 0.166 - 0.050 0.165
Sig. 0.049 0.871 0.960 0.871

Source: Election Commission of India (https://eci.gov.in)

To examine the gender differences in getting elected to the Indian Parliament

across several Parliamentary elections and political parties, an independent-
sample t-test was conducted in SPSS to compare the percentage of winning
contestants to total contestants among men and women in various general
elections and across political parties. Test results presented in last row of
Table 4 revealed no statistically significant difference in winning potential
(percentage of winners to contestants) between men and women in State
Parties (t = 0.166, p > 0.05), RUP (t = - 0.05, p > 0.05), and independent

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contestants (t = 0.165, p > 0.05). On the contrary, in National Parties, there

was a difference (favouring women) in the percentage of winners to total
contestants for men (M=38.21) and women (M=30.32), which was statistically
significant (t = 2.060, p < 0.05) (refer Table – 5).

Two crucial findings come out from the data presented in Table 5. First,
Women do not have less chance of getting elected to institutional politics than
men, if given an opportunity to contest elections. Instead, the data reveal that
the success rate of women candidates in getting elected to the Indian
Parliament has remained relatively higher than men in most of the general
elections. Second, women’s chances of getting elected to Parliament were
higher when they contested from a political party (especially from a National
Party), rather than contesting as independent candidates or from Registered
Unrecognised Parties (RUP). We may, therefore, deduce that with access to
Political Parties, networks and other resources, women have the equal (or even
more) capacity of winning elections like their men counterparts, and they do
not exhibit fewer chances of getting elected to institutional politics. Hence,
lesser chances of getting elected or lesser winning potential may not be
considered as a determinant of representation and participation of women in
institutional politics.

The data also revealed that rather than gender, access to a political party
(which makes women part of a larger political network and provide them with
resources to build their own agency) matters in getting elected to politics.
While women’s success rate in getting elected remained quite higher in both
National and State Parties, it remained substantially low for women candidates
from Registered Unrecognised Parties (RUP) and independent women
candidates (See Table – 6). To compare the percentage of winners to total
contestants among women candidates from political parties (national and

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state) and non-parties, an independent sample t-test was conducted using

SPSS. Test results presented in the last row of Table 5 reveal that there was a
statistically significant difference in success rate for women candidates in
(national and state) Political Party (M=33.70) and Non-Political Parties
(M=3.23), including RUP and independent contestants (t = 6.911, p < 0.01).

Table 6: Women’s Chances of Getting Elected in Party and Non-Party

(RUP & Independent)

Election Party Non-Party

Year National Party State Party RUP Independent
2019 33.91 29.82 0.37 0.88
2014 24.30 15.33 1.84 0.00
2009 32.09 55.56 0.53 0.00
2004 27.27 21.21 1.61 0.00
1999 33.65 23.64 0.00 1.28
1998 28.97 23.08 7.81 1.30
1996 28.80 18.18 0.00 0.00
1991 29.41 9.09 0.00 0.00
1989 29.89 0.00 11.54 0.00
1984 61.90 75.00 0.00 0.00
1980 35.06 25.00 0.00 0.00
1977 41.46 100.00 0.00 0.00
1971 - - - -
1967 48.00 40.00 50.00 20.00

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1962 59.62 0.00 0.00 0.00

1957 58.82 2.00 0.00 0.00
Combined 33.70 3.23
Mean
Combined 30.46
Mean
difference
t value 6.911
Sig. 0.000
Source: Election Commission of India (https://eci.gov.in)

Conclusion

The results of the present study make one thing amply clear: given an
opportunity, women’s potential to become elected representatives in
Parliament and state legislatures in no way differs from that of men. The
findings of this study rejected two important commonly held views that (a)
women’s increased political participation and representation are associated
with levels of socio-economic growth and development, and (b) women have
less potential of getting elected in electoral politics, and hence are not
recruited in sufficient numbers by political parties as contestants. Instead, what
is needed for a higher political presence for women in institutional politics is
an assured opportunity and support to women to contest electoral politics.
Such findings reiterate the importance of affirmative action policies in the
context of the debate over equitable representation to institutional politics. In a
hierarchical society like India, where archaic institutions of patriarchy curtail
women’s presence in the public sphere; factors such as education and critical
resources; protective/positive discrimination policies and seat reservation for

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women in electoral politics would function as an equaliser balancing gender

imbalances in political structures. Similar strategies of affirmative action in
the form of quotas for women in decentralised local governments (through the
73rd amendment to the Indian Constitution, 1993) have helped in bringing
rural women to institutional politics, thereby creating a critical mass of
women, which in turn is expected to lead to their empowerment in grassroots
politics. Likewise, the recent enactment of the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam
(Women’s Reservation Bill) through the 106th Constitutional Amendment
Act, 2023 certainly holds great potential to ensure women’s effective and
enhanced political representation and participation in institutions of
democracy.

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Email: [email protected]

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Article: ‘Prasad’ and its Discourses: Translation of Food

Identity in Rajbanshi Community of North Bengal

Author(s): Pragya Sengupta and Sriparna Das

Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp.

58-92

Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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‘Prasad’ and its Discourses: Translation of Food Identity

in Rajbanshi Community of North Bengal

--Pragya Sengupta and Sriparna Das

Abstract

This paper aims to critically read into the varying constituents of Prasad –
from making to the distribution and the beliefs, and the language/s associated
with them among the Rajbanshis, an indigenous community of North Bengal.
Further, the researchers aim to read into the community’s discourses of
identity, purity, and pollution through specific food narratives, in this case, the
prasads used in different rituals. Finally, using the understanding of translation
as ‘critical reading’, this paper would argue that the discourses of the
community’s identity are successfully translated through their consumption of
food, food practices, and through their concepts of inclusion and exclusion.
Additionally, the paper also enquires if the changing pattern of Prasad is a
result of changes in the food pattern of the community as well as socio-
economic variations in the production of crops. The Rajbanshi community’s
traditions have gone through phases of Hinduisation and Sanskritization due to
which their rituals in the contemporary period observe a lot of similarity with
Hindu traditions. ‘Prasad’ or sacred offerings to Gods, is associated with a
dominance of vegetarianism in mainstream Hindu (Indian) cultures. The
distinct identity of ‘Prasads’ in Rajbanshi rituals signifies an individuality of
their own traditions though they are influenced by the mainstream Hindus
culture. ‘Prasad’ here is a part of the community’s identity and a prism of their
beliefs and worldviews. This paper attempts to arrive at this aforementioned
conclusion through the critical analysis of Rajbanshi food practices in select
rituals through the lens of translation.

Keywords: Culture; food narratives; prasad; sacred food; Rajbanshi;

indigenous communities; identity; purity and pollution; rituals; translation

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Introduction:

‘Prasad’ or Prasada is the sacred offerings made in Hindu culture during the

process of worshipping a deity. According to Linda Hess, Prasad is defined as,

“any physical item that has been blessed by contact with the deities. It can be

flower garlands, sweets, fruits, sacred basil1 leaves” (Hess, 2006, p.117).

Prasad is the manifestation of interconnection between food and worship. As

Chitrita Banerji writes,

“Food and worship have been interconnected in Hindu thinking from ancient

times… In the early creation myths, the first offspring of Brahma the creator is

Agni (fire), who emerges from his mouth and is therefore an ‘eater of food’.

And it is in order to meet Agni’s ravenous hunger that Brahma rubs his palms

to produce the very offspring of milk and butter. That was the origin of the

Vedic practice of pouring oblations into the fire in order to ensure the birth of

one’s own progeny.” (Banerji, 2015, p.15)

The consumption of food by the deities, thus, establishes the sanctity

associated with Prasad. As observed, its concept has been derived from the

Vedic traditions of eating food, which is predominantly vegetarian as

understood from the composition of making as well as the exclusiveness of the

people who are engaged in the process of making. As Dina Simoes Guha

observes, the food in Vedic traditions are divided into three categories:

Sattvic, Rajasic and Tamasic. While the Sattvic food consists of mainly milk

or milk products, fruits, cereals, vegetables, mild herbs and spices, the Rajasic

1
Tulsi, the local variety of Basil is considered to be an auspicious plant in Hindu culture. The leaves of Tulsi
plant are included in the offerings to make them sacred for the deities.

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food consisted of non-vegetarian items like fish, eggs, meat from goat, sheep

and chicken and the Tamasic food included pork, beef, non-scaly fish, strong

brews etc (Guha, 1985, pp. 147-148). The differences between the food items

created a clear distinction between the communities, their physical attributes,

their means of sustenance, occupations etc., and also created their worldviews.

The Rajbanshi community of North Bengal have their own ethnic ways of

making Prasad and distributing them among the devotees. This paper will

identify the ingredients of Prasad in Rajbanshi rituals and observe how they

are different from the surrounding Hindu Bengalis. Chitrita Banerji’s note on

Prasad as the “sanctified vegetarian offering” also imbibe the notion of

conventional Hindu practices in Bengali community (Banerji, 2015, p.14). The

author belongs to upper-caste Hindu Bengali society which believes in purity

of food offered while worshipping. The caste hierarchy based on the varna-

system had further strengthened the notions of purity and pollution in the food

habits of mainstream Hindu Bengalis. They limited their dietary components

to Sattvic and Rajasic food. However, their ritual spaces were mostly devoid

of Rajasic food as well, except in few cases where the tradition of animal

sacrifice like that of goats or buffaloes persisted in temples of female deities

like Kali, Durga etc. The Rajbanshis, on the other hand, though abstain from

Tamasic food like the mainstream but their rituals are inclusive of Rajasic

food as well. In this paper, the researchers aim to observe and read through the

ritual narratives of Rajbanshis and interpret the meaning of every food item

involved in those narratives. The significance of reading these food narratives

is to comprehend the differences between the cultural dimensions of the

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Rajbanshis and the mainstream Bengalis. In this paper, the researchers are

looking into the data collected on Rajbanshi ritual practices and the sacred

food or Prasad associated with them. The rituals and the narratives on Prasad

have been selected on the basis of their ingredients and functions. The

dichotomy of sacred vs non-sacred, pure vs impure, Rajbanshi vs mainstream

Hindu Bengalis in the readings of food literature with specific reference to

Prasad is seen only in the context of North Bengal.2

The ritual narratives and their associated Prasad allows us to read them as a

store-house of cultural knowledge. The Rajbanshi rituals consist of their ethnic

knowledge, their lifestyle, their worldviews which are undergoing changes due

to close contact with other communities and these changes can be reflected in

the selection of food items, too. Time and space are two major factors that

contribute to this changing knowledge structure. Translation operates here as a

tool of tracing the changes, and finding a shift in the knowledge structure. This

shift, which is gradually distancing the community from their natural

surroundings, is also a product of modernization and urbanization. Therefore,

the concept of translation is seen here as a process of transferring the

knowledge and also preserving the knowledge. The working definition of

translation in this paper is twofold: it is a metaphor where reading itself is seen

as an act of translation and simultaneously, it is a process of experiences being

converted into community’s collective memory as knowledge. The narratives

of Prasad available in secondary texts and observed in the ritual practices of

2
Though Rajbanshis are spread across different states, for the purpose of this paper, the researchers have tried to
focus on specific locations. Though there is a shared culture of food practices, particularly during rituals, among
the Hindus in pan-Indian context, in this paper only North Bengal, the northern part of West Bengal is being
studied.

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Rajbanshi community are read from the perspective of the observant who are

outside the community. The researchers also belong to the mainstream Hindu

culture, but their interpretation of the narratives are based on objective study

of the data using ethnographic research of translation queries (Saldanha, 2014,

p. 208). The researchers are also translators here, since they are documenting

the primary data from their observation of the rituals. From the ethnographic

point of view, the data collected falls in the regiment of anthropology or the

study of human sciences. However, the analytical mode the researcher has

borrowed from Translation Studies and moreover, the transfer of knowledge

within human beings categorically falls under the practices of translation. The

food objects and other cultural terms included in Prasad have been translated

and explained in English in the form of footnotes. The researchers have

inquired the meanings of these terms from the informants, verified them with

secondary resources, and also, studied their etymological sources to

understand and explain them in the paper. Their acquaintance with Rajbanshi

language is limited, but most of the informants are familiar with Bengali and

Rajbanshi which enabled the researchers to decipher the meaning of the

Rajbanshi words. It is also interesting to note that most of the informants were

proficient in Bengali, compared to Rajbanshi. Hence, the Bengali linguistic

identity of the researchers has supported them in analysing the data.

Data Collection

The primary data used in this paper has been collected from the Rajbanshis

residing in the villages of Jalpaiguri district in West Bengal. The town of

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Mainaguri, which is about 10 km northeast of Jalpaiguri, and its surrounding

villages (Dakshin Mouamari and Nirendrapur) are the primary locations for

collecting the data. The residents of these villages consider themselves as

Bengali Rajbanshis and they follow the rituals and traditions of both Rajbanshi

community and mainstream Hindu Bengalis. the data has been collected by the

researchers not only from translated secondary resources but also by directly

communicating with the primary informants and simultaneously, reaching out

to a larger section of the community through the primary informants. In this

process, the researchers conducted unstructured interviews, starting with the

schedule of the rituals and the people who conduct them. The devotees and the

priests were asked a few questions regarding the ingredients of the Prasad, the

names of the deities, the frequency of offering the Prasads in the rituals etc.

Photography and videography of the rituals were done along with audio

recordings to document the ethnic components.

The narratives of the rituals have been collected from the various Rajbanshi

families. Mecheni Puja narratives have been collected from Ms. Fukun Ray

and Ms. Dinobala Devi belonging to Dakshin Mouamari village and Ms.

Budheshwari Devi of Nirendrapur village. Ms. Buddheshwari Devi also

hosted three other rituals, namely Panchapuja, and Noya Khoya and Boroma

Shanti. Dharam Puja has been observed in the household of Ms. Sushila Ray

from Nirendrapur village. The information on Bhandani Puja has been given

by Mr. Bhabendranath Mallik from Dakshin Ulladabri village in Maynaguri.

The Bishua Sankranti has been observed in multiple places of Dakshin

Mouamari, including the houses of Ms. Rupeswari Devi, Ms. Dinobala Devi,

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and Mr. Manik Ray. The narratives collected from these informants have been

verified with scholars like Mr. Dinesh Ray and Mr. Naresh Ray, who have

been working on the rituals of Rajbanshis in Jalpaiguri-Moynaguri area for

many years.

The rituals selected for this paper are: Mecheni Puja, Panchapuja, Dharam

Puja, Bishua, Noya Khoya and Barama Shanti, and Bhandani Puja. The food

offered in the form of Prasad and the food used in ethnic performances in each

of this ritual will be described and analysed in this paper. Both ethnographic

and narrative methodologies are applied in order to explore and interpret the

cultural aspects of Rajbanshi community by reading their narratives on sacred

food or Prasad. This paper incorporates the lived experiences of the ritual

performers and followers in Rajbanshi community. Apart from this, the

documentation of Rajbanshi rituals in the secondary texts like Charu Chandra

Sanyal’s the Rajbansis of North Bengal, and Girijashankar Roy’s Uttarbanger

Rajbanshi Kshatriya Jatir Puja-Parvana have served as supplementary to the

reading and analysis of Rajbanshi rituals and Rajbanshi Prasad.

Identity of Rajbanshi Community

The Rajbanshis are not a homogeneous community. Professor Suniti Kumar

Chatterjee’s observations on Koch tribe and Rajbanshi community is

intriguing as it establishes the linguistic transformation among them. He writes

that the Kochs are

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“Hinduised or Semi-Hinduised Bodo who have abandoned their original

Tibeto-Burman speech and have adopted the Northern dialect of Bengali

(which has a close affinity with Assamese): and when they are a little too

conscious of their Hindu religion and culture and retain at the same time some

vague memory of the glories of their people, particularly the days of Viśva

Siṃha and Nara-nārāyaṇa, they are proud to call themselves Rāj-baṃśīs and to

claim to be called Kshatriyas” (Chatterji, 1951, p.112).

The heterogeneity of the Rajbanshis is also evident in the researches of Dr.

Dwijendranath Bhakat. He has noted that Rajbanshis got divided into seven

different royal families. They are Coochbehar Rajbanshi (Coochbehar),

Raykat Rajbanshi (Jalpaiguri), Pangar Rajbanshi (Rangpur, Bangladesh),

Kachar Rajbanshi, Darang Rajbanshi, Bijani Rajbanshi, Beltala Rajbanshi

(Guwahati) (Bhakat, 34). The Rajbanshis residing in Jalpaiguri Maynaguri

area identify themselves as Hindu Rajbanshis. They do not recognise their

community as a part of the Koch lineage. Charu Chandra Sanyal writes in his

book,

“It appears from the study of the Kochs of North Bengal preferred to be

classed as Rajbansis and the census of 1872 recorded the Rajbansis as a

special class of Koch. But in 1881 census such a difference was not recorded

and Koch, Rajbansi, Paliya etc., were shown as one unit under the general

head Koch. At the census of 1891 many of the Rajbansis recorded themselves

as Bratya Kshattriyas as revealed in the break up of Koch figures that year…

In 1901 all sub-sections of Koch were recorded as Rajbansis… Between 1921

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and 1931 many Rajbansis took the sacred thread and recorded themselves as

Kshattriyas and so a fall in number of Rajbansis in some districts of North

Bengal was observed.” (Sanyal, 1965, p.16)

From the above statements it can be observed that the trend of being uplifted

in order to get accommodated in the caste structure of Hinduism has been an

old practice among the Rajbanshis.

Apart from Sanyal’s documentation, another historical factor that foregrounds

the Hindu Kshatriya identity of Rajbanshis is the social movement that was

initiated by Ray Saheb Panchanan Berma. In the beginning of twentieth

century, social reformer and leader of Rajbanshi Kshatriya community, Ray

Saheb Panchanan Berma had begun a movement for the upliftment of the

community in social order of caste system. During this movement, the

kshatriya identity of the community was foregrounded, shielding the Koch

lineage. Rajbanshi community has not only gone through this transition from

Koch tribe to Hinduisation, but consequently they adopted other religions as

well. As George Grierson reports,

“Those Kōch, who are now Hindūs, are primarily known under the name of

Rājbangśī. But large numbers of them have become Musalmāns, so that the

mere number of people of the Rājbangśī tribe affords no idea of the number of

people of Kōch extraction in the country” (Grierson, 1903, p.163).

The researchers have found that the cultural impact of Hindu Bengalis are

observable in many spheres of Rajbanshi livelihood. Their integration is well

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understood in their language practices, their cultural aspects, their rituals, as

well as the forms of their deities. For example, the traditional Rajbanshi

thaans, which used to be made of mud or stone, are getting replaced with

idols. However, they have not been able to eliminate the markers of their Koch

traditions entirely. For instance, the ritual of Mecheni and the inclusion of

eggs in the Prasad of the ritual serve as a potential symbol of their association

with the Koch ancestry.

Prasad in Rajbanshi rituals:

The Rajbanshi rituals discussed in this paper include Mecheni Puja,

Panchapuja, Bishua, Barama Shanti, Noya Khoya and Bhandani. These rituals

consist of diverse narratives of Prasad, including vegetarian and non-

vegetarian items. They also include raw and cooked food in the composition

as well as distribution. Not all Prasad are consumed by the devotees, and

hence, it is interesting to note the culminations of the offerings made to the

deities.

Though the researchers have observed many other rituals of Rajbanshis (like

Katham Puja, Bonni Puja, Kali Puja, Akashbati, and Jatra Puja), the rituals

discussed in this paper have been selected because the researchers have been

able to document the Prasad or offerings during these rituals. Hence, the

availability of primary sources of information is the first criteria of the

selection. Secondly, these rituals engaged a group of people who actively

participate in the making, offering, and distribution of Prasad. Hence, the

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engagement of more than one individual fosters the community bond, which is

an interesting fact in an ethnographic study.

The Prasad in Rajbanshi rituals are not random selection of food items. In

India, the concept of ‘Prasad’ itself imbibes many social factors. Gabriella

Eichinger Ferro-Luzzi lists out some of these factors as tradition (written or

oral), availability, financial possibilities, local cuisine, convenience of

preparation, preservability, season, origin of Gods and cults, and characters of

Gods and foods. She also writes that the requirement of Gods resembles the

human requirement in terms of food (Luzzi, 553). Hence the choices of food

for making the Prasad are a complex web of human requirements and

fulfilments. Simultaneously, the ingredients of Prasad also reflect the type

food produced and consumed by a community. For example, the ritual of

Noya-Khoya is celebrated to offer the first harvest of the Kharif crops in

winter. As the demand of the crops in market changes, the production also

differs, and hence the content of Prasad also takes inevitable turns in history.

The agricultural and spiritual cycles are interconnected and the spiritual beliefs

and practices of indigenous communities play a vital role in “protecting and

contributing to biocultural diversity in sustainable food systems” (Castagnetti

et al., 2021, p.2). The changing pattern of agriculture will, therefore, change

the type of Prasad too.

Apart from this, the idea of Prasad also imbibes a role of community bonding.

R.S. Khare suggests that “The social function of prasād is mainly to produce a

bond of social cohesiveness among the devotees across the caste and class

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differentials” (Khare, 1991, p.99). This factor could be observed during the

rituals as well as the Prasad distribution and consumption as the community

functions as a group in most of the rituals. Carol Breckenridge’s also states

that “in India, feeding the Gods is a special route by which humans feed each

other” (Breckenridge, 1986, p.21). Feeding each other is a sign of expressing

love, care, devotion, and togetherness which is a resultant effect of the Prasad.

The shared emotion and understanding towards the Prasad transcends the class

divisions or internal diversity within the community.

Prasad in Mecheni Puja

The ritual of Mecheni consists of Mecheni Khela3 and Mecheni Puja. While

the first part is a collective ritual act of the Rajbanshi women where a prime

devotee or Mareyani4, goes around the village with a group of women to

collect alms. An umbrella, known as Mecheni’s Chhati5, is the primary symbol

of the ritual and it is garlanded with flowers, tel-sindur6, and near the top

spring of the umbrella, a cloth containing grains of rice is tied. This chhati is

carried by the Mareyani every day for a month until they collect alms from

each household in the village. In return of the alms collected, the Mareyani

offers a few grains of rice from the cloth tied to the umbrella as Prasad to the

households.

3
Mechenikhela: The ritual of collecting offerings while singing and dancing by Rajbanshi women for
worshipping Mecheni
4
Mareyani: a woman who vows a ritual to a deity
5
Chhati: an umbrella used in Mecheni ritual
6
Tel-Sindur: a mixture of Mustard oil and vermillion powder, used as an auspicious sign in both Hindu and
Rajbanshi rituals

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Mecheni Puja is performed on the last day of Baishakh7, when they take the

Chhati to the Jalpesh temple8 and worship Lord Shiva9. In the temple ground,

the Mareyani and her team make a Donga10, a small alter shaped structure with

plantain stems and mark it with Tel- Sindur. They place a bunch of bananas, a

pair of eggs, flowers and sweets on that Donga and keep it under the Chhati as

an offering to Tista Buri11. The Mareyani prays to the sun god and immerses

the Donga in the water and takes a dip in the pond. The flowers and rice bag

on the Chhati are also immersed in the water.

In this ritual, Prasad has multiple ingredients. Firstly, the rice, which is tied in

a cloth bag and given to the devotees as a blessing of Tista Buri, is a sacred

constituent of the ritual. It is believed by the Rajbanshis that this rice as Prasad

has the potential to solve the problems when consumed. Though it is

uncooked, yet it is consumed without any inhibition since it is considered

sacred. The second type of Prasad in this ritual are the items which are offered

to Tista buri in the Donga. Those items are not consumed by the devotees,

rather they are immersed in the water.

Prasad in Panchapuja

Panchadebata12 Puja or Panchapuja is a ritual where four other deities along

with Mecheni are worshipped. The Puja of Panchadebata takes place few days

7
Baishakh: the first month in Bengali Hindu calendar when the Mecheni Khela is performed
8
A Shiva temple located in Moynaguri town of Jalpaiguri district of West Bengal
9
Shiva: The God of creation and destruction in Hindu mythology
10
Donga: a small alter shape structure made with plantain stems
11
Tista buri: the deity attributed to Tista River, a Himalayan river which flows through North Bengal
12
Panchapuja: a ritual of worshipping five deities including Mecheni; performed after a few days of Mecheni
puja. The five deities are Mecheni, Kuchuni, Natkiburi, Dhola and Shib

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after the immersion of Mecheni separate mandap13 outside Mareyani’s house.

where the priest places Prasad or offerings for the five gods (Panchadebata).

This Prasad consists of a bunch of bananas, a pair of beetle nuts, beetle leaves,

flowers, and sweets on a plantain leaf. Mareyani and other women devotees

also make a donga with plantain stems and keep a bunch of bananas along

with a pair of beetle nits and two pairs of eggs. They place this donga under

Tistaburi’s Chhati. In a separate plate, they put sweets and rice flakes, and a

bowl of milk. They also keep a pair of hens in a bamboo cage near the Chhati.

While performing the ritual, the priest is said to be possessed with the divine

spirit and he offers solutions to the problems of the devotees. He also offers

them a pinch of soil and flowers as Prasad. The devotees consume that pinch

of soil considering it as the blessing of the God.

As we read the ritual of Panchapuja, there are different types of Prasads

offered in it, including edible and inedible. The edible Prasad includes

bananas, beetle nuts, beetle leaves, sweets, rice flakes, milk, eggs and hens.

Though the last two items are not consumed by the devotees, yet their

sanctification and offering to the deities categorise them as Prasad. The rest of

the items are distributed among the devotees after the Puja for consumption.

The inedible items include flowers and soil which are partially consumed by

the devotees.

Prasad in Dharam Puja

13
Mandap: a sacred place constructed outside the house for doing puja

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The ritual of Dharam14 puja in Rajbanshi community is performed by women.

As Girajashankar Roy observes, the women take a bath early morning to

perform the Puja. The ritual of Dharam Puja is performed for worshipping the

Sun-God and hence, it is performed either early morning before the sun rises

or in the evening before it sets. In this Puja, a duck is required to sacrifice

which is released by the devotee while performing the ritual.

The Prasad in this ritual include dozen of banana is placed in a Kula15 along

with some flowers on a plantain leaf. An offering of Noibedyo16 is made in

three small pieces of a plantain leaf. After worshipping the Sun, the devotee

sets the duck free and one of the family member catches it for feasting on it

later.

In this ritual, the Noibedyo is served as a Prasad to the devotees who are

performing and observing the Puja. Though the duck offered to the deity is

also a Prasad in this ritual, but it is not consumed by the ritual performers. The

family member who catches it, may feast on it with others but the women who

follow the ritual do not eat it. Dharam Puja is an exemplary ritual where the

non-vegetarian items in Prasad are included for human consumption.

Prasad in Bishua

On the day of Bishua17, the Rajbanshis avoid eating rice during lunch. Instead

they practice the eating of Bhajabhuja18. The Bhajabhuja is made of beaten-

14
Dharam Puja: worshipping the Sun-God
15
Kula: a winnowing tray which is also used in the rituals
16
Noibedyo: offering of rice, banana and sweets made to deities
17
Bishua, the Rajbanshi ritual celebrated on last date of Chaitra

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rice, grams, peas, moong, lentils fried in oil or ghee. The children follow the

practice of gathering in a group and hunting on this day. Earlier the hunted

animal was sacrificed and feasted upon but nowadays the animal or the bird is

released after being trapped. The Rajbanshis prepare rice at night and some

leftover rice are kept to be eaten on the next day, i.e. the first day of the New

Year. The phrase used for this practice is called ‘͜Choitrer Ponta boishakhe

khay, which literally means “eating the stale rice of month Chaitra19 in the

month of Baishakh”.

The Prasad in Bishua is also inclusive of fruits and Noibedyos. A puja is

conducted for the household deities. But the significance of this ritual lies on

the tradition of eating Bhajabhuja on the day of Bishua and eating the stale

rice on the next day. However, feasting on the hunted animal has become

obsolete now since the act of hunting has been prohibited.

Prasad in Barama Shanti20:

The ritual is performed at the day time in the temple space of the household.

The particular household in which the researcher observed Noya Khoya 21 and

Barama Shanti22 consisted of the thaans23 of Baidyanath and Tulsi Debi.

Noibedyos are offered in plantain leaves. Guwapaan24 is also offered to the

18
Bhajabhuja: a snack made of beaten rice, grams, peas, lentil, dal
19
The last month in Bengali Hindu calendar
20
Barama Shanti: Barama Shanti is the colloquial term for Brahma Shanti. Brahma is the creator God in
Hinduism. Brahma Shanti is a ritual to pacify Brahma and pray him for a better harvest.
21
Noya Khoya: the ritual of celebrating with the harvesting of new rice and other crops
22
Baroma Shanti: a ritual dedicated to Lord Brahma
23
Thaan: a sacred place in village or within home for worshipping
24
GuwaPaan: a variety of betel leaves

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deities in a separate plate. The Adhikari performs a Yajna25 in this ritual where

he offers the Noibedyo in the fire, praying to Agni, i.e, the fire and the sky.

The devotee serves Prasad to the guests or attendees of the ritual.

The ritual of Barama Shanti is performed by the Rajbanshis to satisfy the deity

Barama or Brahma, who is believed to be the creator God in Hinduism. The

representation of Brahma/ Barama is the sky and the Yajna is performed to

devote the offerings to Him by putting them on the Yajna fire. The ingredients

offered in Yajna fire are Sattvic, which hints the inclusion of mainstream

Hinduism in the community’s cultural practices.

Prasad in Noya Khoya26:

The women in Rajbanshi household cook and offer the first crops of the

season to the deities. The crops include green leafy vegetables and dal. Once

the food is cooked, the devotee places the food in seven separate dongas, five

of which are kept on a kula along with an earthen lamp and the rest of the two

are left on the ground. The first five dongaas are offered to Panchadebata,

while the other two are offered to Mahabari27. The devotees who have kept

fast during the entire day have their first meal only after this and they feast on

the new rice and other vegetables grown in their own farms.

The ritual of Noya Khoya is performed to celebrate the first yield of the season

in the month of November. In this ritual, the food offering or Prasad is meant

25
Yajna: a religious sacrifice by burning the offerings
26
Noya Knoya is the festival of eating the new harvest. Noya in Rajbanshi means new and khoya is the term
used for eating.
27
Mahabari: owl/a bird which is offered food on the day of Noya Khoya

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for the animals. Once they are kept in the open space, they are not consumed

again by human beings. The tradition of Noya Khoya derives its conception of

returning a part of harvest to the nature from where it has been yielded. There

are no animal sacrifices or animal products in this ritual.

Prasad in Bhandani Puja

The custom of sacrificing animals like goat or pigeon is still prevalent in this

ritual. Bhandani28puja is usually performed by a Deusi29, who fasts the entire

day and eats only curd and flaked rice after the puja gets completed. The

devotees offer fruits, sweets etc. in a plate to the deity and the priest keeps a

part of it in the temple and returns the rest. He also provides the devotee with

some Prasad, i.e., some flowers, wood-apple leaves, rice grains, sweets etc. as

a blessing from the alter which the devotee keeps under his/her bed or pillow

for three days and each of those days eats a part of it before having anything

else in the morning.

The Prasad in Bhandani Puja includes both vegetarian and non-vegetarian

products as understood from the ritual description. Bhandani is considered as

the goddess of jungle as well as the protector of the crops by the Rajbanshis.

Observations and Analysis

Having read the primary and secondary sources, the researchers have made

observation on the tendency of the people who belonged to Rajbanshi

community to be a part of mainstream Hindu Bengalis. According to their

28
Bhandani: the deity attributed to the protector of forests as well as granary.
29
Deusi: a Rajbanshi priest

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observation, this tendency is a manifestation of the ‘othering’ of Rajbanshis

that was practiced by mainstream Hindus.

Bengali Hindu rituals are more dominant in North Bengal. At such

circumstances, the inclusion of non-vegetarian items in the Prasad establishes

an identity of Rajbanshi community. The practice of their indigenous habits in

Rajbanshi rituals and their belief-system and life style find a limited space in

the households and community gatherings.

An interesting fact to observe in the ritual spaces are the transformation of

common objects into holy entities by marking them with tel-sindur, i.e., oil

and vermillion paste. It includes the food items as well, like the sacrificial

duck in Dharam Puja or the eggs in Mecheni Puja. This transformation

separates them from the similar items which are not sacred. The discourse of

Prasad hence depends on the purification of the items, and their inclusion in

the ritual spaces. Anything within the boundaries of sacred space are either

made sacred by marking them or they are disallowed since they do not

correspond to the equal magnitude of purity. This shows that the concept of

sacredness or purity itself is a relative term. In the Rajbanshi rituals, egg is not

only seen as an animal product. It is also a symbol of procreation. The prayers

in Dharam Puja and Mecheni Puja are for fertility which transcends from

nature and simultaneously perceived through human needs.

However, in the spectrum of cultural studies, the acceptance of egg in the

ritual space is a way of refuting the mainstream Hindu practices. This not only

presents the indigenous culture of Rajbanshi but also questions the concept of

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purity and pollution imposed on them by Hinduism. According to Dina

Simoes Guha, the concept of food imbibes in it both the properties of food

being sacred and social (Guha, 1985). The discourse of sacred is also not

static, therefore. It changes according to the society that it caters to. The

Rajbanshis, until the conversion into Hinduism, were a part of the Koch tribe.

It is worthwhile to see how a major Rajbanshi population adopted Hinduism.

According to Charu Chandra Sanyal (1965), who takes his idea from Hunter’s

document, Visva-Sinha who was the grandson of fifteenth century Koch King

Hajo, had adopted Hinduism along with his officers and his people. However,

as Sanyal observes:

Their religious practices are in common, in a great measure, with those of the

Upper-Caste Hindus in East and North Bengal, the Kacharis, the Mechs, and

the Anams. The more and backward illiterate members of the Rajbanshi caste

still maintain practices inconsistent with orthodox Hindu beliefs (Sanyal,

1965, p. 134).

Similar observations regarding the fluidity of pure and impure food can be

found in the tribal and Hindu mainstream contact zones in India. As Gabriella

Eichinger Ferro-Luzzi observes (1975), the tribes and the caste-Hindu enter

into agreements on what food needs to be accepted and avoided. According to

him,

Differences usually only appear when deciding what item should be included

in the disgusting and impure category and what item might still be tolerated as

food. Often such differences of opinion divide the stricter and the laxer

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sections of a community, the stricter usually agreeing with the Hindus. (Ferro-

Luzzi, 1975, p.401)

Though the status of Rajbanshis is not restricted to a tribe in the social

structure, yet an association of their lineage to the Koch tribe is dominant in

many places. Also, as a community, they are not socially uplifted to a strong

dominant position. Hence, a general tendency of this community is likely to

follow the practices of mainstream culture and follow their rules. Thus, many

ritual practices like hunting or sacrificing has become obsolete in their culture

nowadays.

The boundaries of purity and pollution are stricter in the mainstream Hindu

communities of Bengal if compared to the Rajbanshis. The mainstream Hindu

Bengali rituals follow the gunas or virtues attributed to the food items and

marked the purity of the food.

“The triple attributes of food took on a magico-religious concept in the

intricate hierarchies of Vedic society. The gunas soon produced a psychology

of purity and pollution. The laws that governed what was polluted were not

rational, even though food and water had the magical health-giving sustenance

qualities. What made them pollution-prone was governed by status, as

understood by the higher castes of the Vedic hide-bound structure. This

dimension of social attitudes went against the feelings of general hospitality.

Taboos were erected, so that lower castes or outcastes by virtue of heredity

and occupation became pollutants. Their presence, their shadow or touch on

cooked foods, or use of water source was held to be contaminated. Hence it

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was easier for the high-caste Hindu Brahmins to receive only perhaps the

uncooked foods, such as grains, vegetables and fruits, or in clay cooking

vessels made by the outcaste potters or sold by the vendors, but never food

once it was "cooked". Cooking over fire always purified and dispelled the

contamination. The mind of the high-caste Hindus actually believed that the

laws of karma chose to give people birth in the outcaste structures of society”

(Guha, 1985, pp. 148-149).

The concept of non-vegetarian items, thus, derives its impurity from the

structure of the Vedic society that has continued to spread in Bengal. The

influence of Vaishnavism was an added reformatory change that contributed

largely to this practice. The animal sacrifices were limited to the Shaktas or

the worshippers of Shakti or Kali. The animals sacrificed mostly include goats

or buffaloes. Sacrificing birds or bird products are not popularly observed in

such cases. Hence, the ritual practices of Rajbanshis signify that their rituals

are not same with the mainstream Hindu rituals. The ritual texts, in a sense,

construct an identity for the Rajbanshi community. Their rituals on the one

hand projects their belief systems and cultural values which are different from

the mainstream communities.

The animal sacrifices in the above mentioned Rajbanshi rituals also mark the

intersection of sects in Hinduism. The animal sacrifices are more evident in

Tantrism, and therefore the rituals which are inspired or derived from

Tantrism include the animal sacrifices. On the other hand, the rituals which

have closer association with Vaishnavism abstain from inclusion of any non-

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vegetarian items in the ritual spaces. The intersection of these two beliefs in

the community’s socio-religious identity posit a hybrid worldview. While they

are still observing the practice of offering eggs, or duck in the Pujas, yet the

consumption is limited to only a few rituals. Prasad hence becomes an entity

of juxtaposition of these two belief-system, two worldviews and two religious

traditions.

Modernism had its own effect in the food culture of Bengal and as observed

by Utsa Ray (2012), from nineteenth century onwards, Bengal was also

creating its own discourse of taste, which was predominantly regional, but also

liberal and cosmopolitan. However, the identification of food on the basis of

purity was simultaneously existing in Bengal, which derived its stimulus from

the caste identity within the Bengali community. The caste divisions were

apparent and as Ray observes in the writing of Jogendrakumar Chattopadhyay,

“Shudras considered rice served at a Brahmin's place as Prasad (sacred food

that is offered to the gods) and not merely food. Caste thus became an element

of the past that was to be cherished.” (Ray, 2012, p. 720). Therefore, the

inclusion and exclusion within the Hindu community of Bengal was already

existing, and their reflections were visible in the food practices. At this

backdrop, the definition of Prasad also does not remain static. It is no longer

associated only with deities, but also the assumption of power by certain

castes, or individuals belonging to certain castes, who are dominant. The

priests in Bengali Hindu community belong to the Brahmin caste and the food

touched by them are believed to be sacred, possessing the qualities of Prasad.

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Similarly, the food touched by Adhikaris in Rajbanshi rituals, like Pancha Puja

and Bhandani Puja, are also bestowed with such power.

The changing ingredients of Prasad in Rajbanshi rituals are signs of their

ethnographic changes as well. The exclusion of non-vegetarian items on the

ritual days, withdrawal from ritualistic hunting and setting the animal free, and

abstaining from eating non-vegetarian items as Prasad by the devotees are the

markers of their cultural transformation. It also establishes the political

homogenization of the communities as a larger Hindu Bengali group,

eliminating the differences between mainstream Hindu practices and

peripheral Rajbanshi practices. However, it is also asserts a calculative

inclusion within the larger Hindu community where the Hindu hierarchy still

remains and Rajbanshis are given a subordinate status. Though the process of

unification by homogenizing the Prasad in the rituals allows the Rajbanshi to

experience the position of being a part of the Bengali Hindu community, yet

the changing components of the Prasad ingredients also reduce the impact of

their traditional items, and thereby, also question the significance of their

rituals. As observed by the researchers, many of the Rajbanshi rituals have

become extinct now due to the assimilation of the community with the

mainstream. The changing pattern of Prasad also reassures the changes in the

rituals and thereby, a major shift in their ethnographic identity also gets

demonstrated.

The altering ingredients of Prasad, rituals and food practices in Rajbanshi

community can be categorised as the cultural foreignization. This

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transformation, unlike a conflict, is not direct but occurs in a slow and subtle

manner. Abstaining from hunting, for example, is not only excluding meat

from Prasad but also ascertaining a philosophy of vegetarianism in their

world-view. It is unfeasible to alter the practice of non-hunting and reverting

back to previous tradition now. The concept of understanding the world in the

mainstream way seizes their thoughts and assists in creation of new memories.

Since the ritual practices of the community primarily relied on listening and

performing, it is not very difficult to include new beliefs and change the

forthcoming memory of the community. The ritual performers embody the

new changes and transfer them to their successors who would carry them

further. Hence, a set of beliefs once created are carried on unless there are

stronger resistance or attempts of assimilation by further superior community.

Thus, the identity of Prasad is susceptible to further modifications even if the

Rajbanshi community assimilate completely into the mainstream Hindu

Bengali culture.

Significance of Translation in this Project:

Translation in this project is threefold. Firstly, it looks into the narratives of

‘Prasad’ as an act of translation. The narratives of Prasad tell us the story of a

community’s beliefs, worldviews, changes, acceptance of other communities

etc. The narratives of the ‘Prasad’ are formed due to the repetition of sacred

practices which the community learns through generations of oral and

performative tradition. The memorization is done by the members of the

community, including the devotees and the priests, orally. And as Ong writes,

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“Oral memorization is subject to variation from direct social pressure… When

the market for an oral genealogy disappears, so does the genealogy itself,

utterly” (Ong, 2002, p.65). Therefore, through this process of translation, a

reader can track how the community is sustaining their tradition of Prasad and

if they are incorporating any changes. As we can observe in case of Bishua,

the social pressure has changed the tradition of hunting animals and offering

them to the deities for Prasad. The oral memorization of the community in the

last four to five decades have included the fact the animals should not be

hunted and killed for offering to the deities. Similarly, in case of an economic

pressure from a dominant culture to change the variety of crops they yield, the

narratives of the Prasad will also alter.

Secondly, it is seen as the changes that occur within the narratives due to time,

space and other contextual factors. For example, the tradition of Naya Khaya

documented by Charu Chandra Sanyal says that, in this ritual “some new

paddy is husked and the new rice eaten… some rice is boiled and offered to

the sacred basil, and then all the members of the house eat the new rice”

(Sanyal, 1965, p.143). The researchers have observed in their field work that

the rice is not boiled with milk. They are boiled and offered with some saag or

green leafy vegetables grown in their farmlands. The rice and saag are offered

to the animals like Mahabarik, foxes and dogs. The later documentation

suggests a close relationship that the community has built with the nature in

the past and have carried them in their memories. The difference in the two

narratives also postulate a probability of availability of milk in the first case

(which probably could have been a household that owned cows). The

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ownership of cows also indicates a sign of wealth. According to the

researchers’ field study, very few Rajbanshi families owned cows in the area

that was surveyed, and the household where they documented the ritual of

Noya Khoya, had no cattle.

Lastly, the work of documentation is itself seen as a part of translation. G N

Devy conceptualizes translation as “an attempted revitalisation of the original

in another verbal space and temporal span” (Devy, 2009, p.166). Here, too, the

work of documentation enables the readers to know the tradition of Prasad in

Rajbanshi community in another verbal space and temporal span.

Ethnography as translation:

Christian J. Churchill (2005) suggests three levels of ethnographic translation.

The direct communication between the researcher and the primary informant

occur at the first level. In the second level, the researcher socializes with rest

of the community through the primary informant. And lastly, the researcher

connects with the reader through translation of the data (Churchill, 2005,

pp.14-16). In this paper, the data has been collected by the researchers not

only from translated secondary resources but also by directly communicating

with the primary informants and simultaneously, reaching out to a larger

section of the community through the primary informants.

The documentation of ‘Prasad’ in Rajbanshi rituals is attempted through the

reading of narratives. The narratives of Prasad in Rajbanshi rituals discussed

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in this paper are oral and performative. Therefore, the knowledge associated

with are also oral and performative in nature. The purification of Prasad, for

example, is not just limited to the ingredients but also in the act of chanting the

mantras on those ingredients by the priests. Hence, the object of Prasad before

and after chanting the mantras do not remain the same. Its relevance,

significance, sanctity etc. go through a transformation. The identity of the food

itself undergoes a change in its semantic form. For example, the duck before

its sacrifice to the deity is a bird whose meat is consumable for everyone. But

after it has been offered to the God, it becomes a sacred animal, and its meat

cannot be consumed by the devotees. This change of meaning is embedded in

the beliefs or worldviews perceived by the Rajbanshi community. The

meaning itself becomes a contextual understanding of cultural differences and

hence the definition of meaning posited by J.R. Firth finds its relevance here.

“Firth defines meaning as ‘a complex of relations of various kinds between the

component terms of a context of situation’” (Bassnett, 2002, p. 29).

Transformation of Narratives:

In this paper, translation is also understood “as a form of re-narration” (Baker,

2014, p. 159) because it helps in construction of a world-view of the Rajbanshi

community. The ritual performers, who are engaged in the making,

distribution and consumption of the Prasad also act as translators who transfer

this world view, and as Mona Baker (2014) writes, “they are embedded in the

narratives that circulate in the context in which they produce a translation and

simultaneously contribute to the elaboration, mutation, transformation and

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dissemination of these narratives through their translation choices” (Baker,

2014, p. 159). As mentioned earlier, the narratives are oral and performative in

nature and as a result of this, they are susceptible to changes with time. The

concept of hunting, for example, in Bishua ritual has changed. While the meat

of the hunted animal was consumed earlier, nowadays it is released. Hence,

the narrative of Parashurama30 is not foregrounded anymore and it is replaced

by a joyful hunting experience enjoyed by the children. Except for older

generation, the narrative of Parashurama has almost been forgotten and

memory of hunting is being reconstructed here as a new form of narrative.

Documentation of the narratives of Prasad as an ethnographic work:

The work of documentation itself is a process of translation. Firstly, it engages

the researchers into translation the key terms of Rjabanshi rituals into English

and thereby, encoding the cultural nuances of Rajbanshi rituals in English.

This entails a delimitation of knowledge from Rajbanshi to English, thereby,

increasing the readership and placing it in a global context of cultural studies.

Secondly, it also ensures a linguistic transfer of the words from Rajbanshi to

English. This process also incorporates the translators’ subjective politics of

choosing a piece of information, interpreting it and keeping a record of it

comes into visibility. The act of documentation also faces the challenges of

30
The Rajbanshis believe that being Kshatriyas, they had fled from the wrath of Parasurama and migrated to
different places. The act of hunting is a symbol of protecting themselves from any external danger like
assassination of the community by Parasurama.

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choosing the appropriate or closely related terms to convey the meanings

properly.

Conclusion:

This paper is an informed reading of an indigenous community’s identity

through the lens of food items they offer to the deities in the rituals. The

reading is done by the researchers from a multilingual and multicultural

perspective where they are observing the data on Rajbanshi Prasad, comparing

them to the Prasad in mainstream Hindu culture and also bringing them in a

larger space through documentation. This is a microstudy of a minor South

Asian community from the angle of cultural translation and it is also an

opportunity to understand the worldview of a community. The attempt of the

researchers has been to bring forward the cultural nuances of Rajbanshis to the

mainstream world and thereby, making an ‘othered’ community visible and

heard. Translation is an act of reading from the memories, re-constructing

them and also documenting them.

Prasad is not merely a collection of food items offered to the deities for their

blessings. It entails a deeper sense of community’s world-views, position,

acceptance towards other culture, and therefore, a spectacle of the societal

norms. The Rajbanshi community is an indigenous community which had

sustained their ritual practices along with their traditional offerings to deities

for a considerable period of time. Though the knowledge of Prasad ingredients

and the method of offering were transferred through oral speeches and

performances, a consistency could be found in their tradition of food eating

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and offering. The line of difference between vegetarian items as pure and non-

vegetarian items as impure did not exist until they came in close contact with

mainstream Bengali Hindus.

The hierarchy in terms of food and Prasad found in mainstream Hindu

Bengalis have extensively changed the cultural markers of Rajbanshi

community as well. The Rajbanshis have slowly started the offering of Prasad

similar to that of mainstream Hindu Bengalis. Not only this, they have also

started including the Hindu deities in their rituals, thereby, slowly replacing

their conventional practices. With the inclusion of Hindu deities, the norms of

making and offering Prasad are also varying.

The changing identity of Prasad posits a question of future existence of the

community since the trend is more directive towards assimilation of the entire

community within larger Bengali Hindu culture. A cultural map of the

Rajbanshi community’s changes on the basis of their eating habits and ritual

practices can be traced through the Prasad offered to their deities along the

time-space dimension. Further studies can also be made on the same

parameters for understanding the relations between communities and their

adaptation. Critical cultural readings on food studies can be done further to

access knowledge on different communities like Rajbanshis. This study is

relevant for endangered communities who have accumulated the traditions of

hierarchy and gradually forgotten their own rituals.

This paper outlines a possibility of knowledge enhancement through

documentation of sacred food practices in Rajbanshi community. Translation

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is seen here as documentation through memory keeping. The paper opens up

an opportunity for the readers to access the knowledge of a minor community

in one of the remotest corner of the world. The convergence of cultures and

their worldviews is a consequence of the globalization and shrinking of the

world. The cultural assimilation also necessitates the documentation of food

practices and the essentiality of translating them. However, the documentation

done in this paper is only a tip of the lingua-cultural iceberg. The fluid

societies, in a diverse multilingual country like India, have blurred borders.

Therefore, their cultural documentation also includes the influence of different

cultures. Hence the cultural components like food, sacred food, food offered in

religious practices, beliefs associated with the foods etc. also construct/ re-

construct the identity of the communities they belong to. The writings on such

practices of food contribute to the chronicles of food history. They establish a

foodscape for the community and also traces the changes in language. Food

does not remain an edible product but a structured sign which implies choices

that are beyond their pre-conceived meanings. These writings also develop a

conceptual meaning between food and language on the one hand, and societies

and culture on the other. The paper is also a political statement on keeping a

minority community in the forefront, thereby, making their unheard narratives

known to the world.

References:

Baker, M. (2014). “Translation as Re-narration.” In J. House (Ed.)

Translation: A Multidisciplinary Approach (pp158-177). Palgrave Macmillan

Banerji, C. (2015). Feeding the Gods: Memories of Food and Culture in

Bengal. London: Seagull

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Breckenridge, C. A. (1986). “Food politics and pilgrimage in South India
1350--1650 A.D.” In R. S. Khare and M. S. A. Rao (Eds), Food, Society and
Culture (pp. 21-53). Durham, N.C.: Carolina Academic Press.

Castagnetti, F., Bhatta, J., Greene, A. (2021). ‘An Offering of Grain: The
Agricultural and Spiritual Cycle of a Food System in the Kailash Sacred
Landscape, Darchula, Far Western Nepal’. In Frontiers in Sustainable Food
Systems, 5, 1-21. doi: 10.3389/fsufs.2021.646719

Chatterji, S. K. (1951). Kirata Jana Krti: The Indo-Mongoloids. Kolkata: The

Asiatic Society.

Churchill, C. J. Jr. (2005). Ethnography as Translation. Qualitative Sociology,

28(1), 3-34. doi:10.1007/s11133-005-2628-9.

Devy, G. N. (2009). Of Many Heroes. Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan,

Ferro-Luzzi, G. E. (1977). The Logic of South Indian Food Offerings.

Anthropos, 72 (3/4), 529–56. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40459138.

Ferro-Luzzi, G. E. (1975). Food Avoidances of Indian Tribes. Anthropos, 70(

¾), 385-427. JSTOR. URL: www.jstor.org/stable/40458770.

Githire, N. (2014). Cannibal Writes. Illinois: University of Illinois Press

Guha, D. S. (1985). Food in the Vedic Tradition. India International Centre

Quarterly, 12(2), 141-152. JSTOR. URL: www.jstor.org/stable/23001541.

Grierson, G. A. (1903). Linguistic Survey of India: Vol. V, Indo Aryan Family

Eastern Group Part 1. Motilal Banarsidass

Hess, L. (2006). An Open-Air Ramayana: Ramlila, the Audience Experience.

In J. S. Hawley and V. Narayanan (Eds), The Life of Hinduism (pp.115-139).
Berkeley: University of California Press

Khare, R.S. (1992). Culture and Reality: Essays on the Hindu System of
Managing Food. Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Studies

Pandya, V. (1997). Sacrifice and Escape as Counter-Hegemonic Rituals: A

Structural Essay on an Aspect of Andamanese History. Social Analysis: The
International Journal of Anthropology, 41(2), 66-98. JSTOR, URL:
www.jstor.org/stable/23171721.

Ray, U. (2012). Eating 'Modernity': Changing dietary practices in colonial

Bengal. Modern Asian Studies, 46(3), 703-730. JSTOR, URL:
https://www.jstor.org/stable/41478327

Roy, G. S. (1999). Uttarbanger Rajbanshi Kshatriya Jaatir Pujaparbon [The

Religious Festivals of Rajbanshi Kshatriya Community in North Bengal].
Dibrugarh: National Library Publishers

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Saldanha, G. & O'Brien, S. (2014). Research Methodologies in Translation
Studies. Abingdon: Routledge

Sanyal, C. C. (1965). The Rajbansis of North Bengal. Kolkata: The Asiatic

Society

White, H. (1990). The Content of the Form. Baltimore: John Hopkins

University Press

Pragya Sengupta is an Assistant Professor of English in VIT-AP School of

Social Sciences and Humanities in VIT-AP University

E-mail: [email protected]

Sriparna Das is an Assistant Professor of Translation Studies in Centre of

Applied Linguistics and Translation Studies, University of Hyderabad

E-mail: [email protected]

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Soumodip Sinha

Article: Hashtag Student Politics: a Digital Ethnography of

Digital Activism amid the Covid-19 Pandemic

Author(s): Soumodip Sinha

Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp.

93-113

Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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Hashtag Student Politics: a Digital Ethnography of Digital Activism amid

the Covid-19 Pandemic

Soumodip Sinha

Abstract: Using cues from a study of student political activism that was
conducted in the University of Delhi (DU) amid the outbreak of the Covid-19
Pandemic in 2020, this paper examines the significance of digital ethnography.
By relying on content analysis of online material and semi-structured in-depth
interviews with student activists that were conducted between March 2020 and
July 2021, it shows that these activists preferred to operate in a hybrid mode
where digital activism harmonized with street activism. It further argues that
the virtual field has not only become a field of competition in the
Bourdieusian sense but also a principal site for doing fieldwork. The paper
concludes with two ideas: one, that hybrid methods of campus activism can
lead to the formations of political capital for student organizations or its
activists and, two, hybrid methods of doing ethnography can prove useful in
communicating research especially in extraordinarily uncertain times, forging
pathways for doing research in the ‘new normal’.

Keywords: Digital ethnography, Digital activism, Pierre Bourdieu, Social

media, Covid-19 pandemic, University of Delhi

Background and Approach

Every day, the world’s ethnographic archive increases, as everyone from

anthropology graduate students to field elders orchestrate interviews, write up notes
from a conversation or experience, photograph or video an encounter with a new
person, place, or thing, in any of thousands of places around the planet, concerning
anything from a virus to “neoliberalism” (Fortun et al., 2017: 15).

Social media, especially Facebook and Twitter has opened up interesting

possibilities and ‘exciting opportunities’ for researching political participation,

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leading to ‘opening up a new era’ of social science research (McCormick et

al., 2015: 2). Further, it is also argued that “the ability to aggregate vast
amounts of digital traces of human behaviour through social media platforms
represents a new data collection paradigm for social science research” (ibid.).

The power and potential of social media for student political activism in
University of Delhi (DU) as well as for doing research was realized with the
onset of the Covid-19 Pandemic. Strategies had to be altered by student parties
in relation to expressing dissent, petitioning demands to university authorities
or to institutions of the state at large. Online platforms became absolutely
necessary for the organizations to register protests; discuss issues of student
welfare that included examination patterns or promotions; showcase aid and
relief distribution and finally, construct public opinion by creating awareness
regarding the novel Coronavirus. As lockdowns, university shutdowns and
extraordinary laws were in effect—the virtual field not only became a field of
competition in the Bourdieusian sense but also helped in fostering visibility,
sustaining recognition and most importantly enabled the attainment of political
capital (Bourdieu, 1991; 2005).i

Scholars have argued that Bourdieu’s theoretical framework has offered and
can further offer several pathways to conceptualize social movements or
everyday politics (Ancelovici, 2019; Crossley, 2002). While Bourdieu has not
discussed much about democratic politics; his theoretical framework has
grown in prominence in such discussions (Jeffrey, 2012; Wacquant, 2005). It
has also been argued that Bourdieu’s framework carries significant potential
for studying youth socialities and sociabilities globally (Bessant et al., 2019).
Also, in gauging the importance of social networks as social capital or for
underlining the prominence of digital capital, digital habitus and digital field
in mapping digital inequalities—this approach has attained significance
(Ignatow and Robinson, 2017; Savage et al., 2004).ii

Talking about student activism using the Bourdieusian framework, Crossley

(2008: 33) has shown that campus networks and student circles enable a

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repertoire of collective activities enabling the formations of social capital and

mechanisms of mobilization, ‘unusual outside of it’. Along a similar vein, it
has also been argued that social media has been effectively used as a tool to
facilitate instantaneous communication—enabling access to cultural and social
capital and thereby moulding the political habitus of students (Loader et al.,
2015: 826).iii Therefore, social media has been understood to either create or
shape new kinds of communicative political action among young people via
the means of: broadcasting information; using it as a means to access
information via bypassing mainstream media; engaging in everyday political
discussions and doing politics online (Vromen et al., 2015: 90). Further, the
intersections between the fields of media and political participation have
witnessed the mushrooming of a multifaceted field of ‘hybrid research’ and
such a multidisciplinary scholarship explores the comparisons and contrasts
between older and newer media in order to better grasp the contemporary
dynamics of political participation (Treré, 2019: 34).

From the Street to Digital Ethnography

Lupton (2015: 43-44) has argued that techniques of ‘video-conferencing,

Skype, chat rooms, internet discussion groups and social media platforms can
be employed for conducting interviews or group discussions’. She has further
argued that ethnographers participate in reconfiguring the virtual ethnographic
place by following, recording and archiving or even contributing to social
media posts and updates of participants. However, she contends that the
ethnographic field of the digital is messy and constantly changing (ibid, 50-
51). Similarly, talking about cyber-ethnography, Hammersley and Atkinson
(2007) have also argued that,

Digital technology has expanded our very notion of what constitutes a ‘field’. Virtual
fields and virtual fieldwork are now possible, and are assuming increasing
significance in a social world that is simultaneously global and digital for some
populations (Hammersley and Atkinson, 2007: 137).

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However, such a methodological advancement has had its share of strengths as

well as its limitations. In her field of blogging in Lebanon, Jurkiewicz (2018)
has argued that conducting ethnography of the internet purely online entails
the risk of privileging the textual over other modes of analysis. Also, Pink et
al. (2016: 160-61) believe that the online-offline relationship needs to be re-
worked in a context wherein, “mobility becomes part of the research process
as the participants and the researcher might be involved in moving through
various material environments while engaging with social media”. Hence, akin
to qualitative methods, network research also places emphasis on contextuality
and embeddedness of social action and are appropriate in investigating
network perceptions and interpretations (Hollstein, 2014: 9-10). Such a form
of doing (digital urban) ethnography is also seen as a methodological upgrade
that can boost data quality in order to enhance accuracy of research (Lane,
2019: 170). It can have several takeaways for digital sociology wherein the
‘digital’ primarily refers to the phenomenon of social enquiry; the instruments
and methods used or the medium/platforms used to engage with informants
(Marres, 2017). Talking about the efficacy of digital platforms and tools for
ethnographers and for doing anthropology, Fortun et al. (2017) have argued
that,

Digital anthropology provides opportunities to reiterate and transform all of these

threads of the Writing Cultural Critique of ethnographic form, and thus extend the
tradition of experimentation they have engendered. The critical and experimental
promise of digital anthropology, in our view, lies largely in the potential to enable
more collaborative and open-ended ethnographic work/writing—across time, space,
generations, and “cultures” (Fortun et al. 2017: 13).

With the onset of the Covid-19 Pandemic and subsequent lockdowns that it
brought about, data collection for this research study was abruptly
discontinued. Since mobilization, movement and social gathering of people
had been restricted via the imposition of the Disaster Management Act, 2005
by the Union Government of India, this research work had to be continued via
altered mechanisms. Using these frames, data collection for this study ranged

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between March 2020 and July 2021 by closely observing, participating in as

well as analyzing content and online exchanges from social media forums
(Twitter accounts or Facebook pages) of various student organizations
operating in DU (Lobe et al., 2020; Tremblay et al. (2021). With time, tweets
were assembled; screenshots of posts taken and data was archived. In this
regard, Marzi (2021) has argued that,

The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted face-to-face research projects worldwide,

with restrictions on travel and social contact introduced to avoid further health risks.
Research using qualitative methodologies had to stop either immediately before or
during fieldwork activities, leaving researchers not knowing when they would be able
to resume their research………One solution in this new fieldwork landscape, and
which still permits the co-production of knowledge at a time of upheaval, is the use of
smartphones to collect and share audio and visual material as well as written data
(Marzi, 2021: 2).

It was followed up via in-depth interviews with student activists from those
groups. The interviews were conducted either via telephone, video
communication applications such as Zoom and Google Meet or even in-person
as and when lockdowns were relaxed and the situation deemed feasible for
doing so. In this context, Archibald et al. (2019) have argued that,

The possibility that VoIP technologies like Zoom can improve researchers’ and
participants’ experiences of qualitative data collection is yet to be validated. The
merits and shortcomings of VoIP technologies, as well as comparisons with in-person
data collection, are typically based on researchers’ subjective assessments of the
quality of interview data (Archibald et al. 2019, 2).

Media messenger applications such as WhatsApp also assisted activists’

pursuits in mediating aid, facilitating communication as well as enabled the
task of data collection. Inasmuch, digital ethnography was combined with
activists’ narratives and in doing so—the digital world was used as a site to
extend offline data collection and complement ethnographic research.iv The
idea was to triangulate data in a holistic sense and a balanced combination of
physical and digital ethnography was utilized in order to provide an array of
methods to tell social stories as well as de-marginalize the voice of
respondents (Murthy, 2008: 839).

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The paper thereby relies heavily on digital ethnography as a way of knowing

and uses the digital world as a place to extend offline data collection to
complement the on-ground ethnographic research. In fact, while the online
field substituted the physical field, it also became a forum to continue with the
same methods—observe student activists, occasionally participate with them
in online protests, take (field) notes and thereafter analyze textual as well as
visual content (images and videos). Rapport-building was mixed as a handful
of the informants were known from earlier (research) engagements in the
university prior to the entry into the digital field. As most of these individuals
and student parties were on social media and were keenly followed (with me
being a Top Fan of some of them on Facebook), active participant observation
within the virtual field was effected rather than merely lurking or passively
skimming through online content.v

Further, immersion within these online forums also helped in the process of
identifying new informants who were interviewed in due course via telephone,
online platforms or even face to face when it was possible. In the course of
this data gathering process, as and when I happened to come across these
activists unfamiliar to me—I connected with them on Facebook Messenger or
Twitter Direct Messenger; discussed my research topic and expressed my
desire to interview them; exchanged phone numbers, shared the interview
schedule and then got their interviews. In my case, people unknown to me
earlier either responded enthusiastically, have developed friendships over time
and have kept in touch. At the same time, many others did not respond,
refused to accept my invitation for an interview, or committed themselves on
WhatsApp but refused to take calls or meet at a later date. Further, with
Covid-19 related restrictions, there was little to no scope of following up with
respondents (in-person) on many occasions.

Thereon, content analysis of online exchanges became an useful mode of data

collection. Content ranged from Facebook posts on and about the Pandemic;
Twitterstorms against decisions and policies of the University; memes and
graphics that included information about the global response to the Virus;
photographs of activists aiding the needy on Instagram and even videos
carrying study material for the benefit of students that were prepared under the

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aegis of student organizations. A wealth of material began to float around and

I made it a point to download, note as well as archive all of them. Thus, the
first step was to collect the material and data online. The second step lay in
classifying and analysing the material. Nevertheless, digital methods of doing
research proved to be a useful approach especially at an extraordinary time
when student political activism itself went online and weighed heavily on
social media. That the accumulation of political capital is effectively induced
by social media activism in simultaneity with on-ground activism, is
empirically demonstrated in the following paragraphs.

Digital Mobilizations and Hashtag Activism

But it is as a social rather than physical space that the college or university campus
plays a critical role (Deshpande, 2020).

Since its inception, universities have not only been visualised as spaces of
critical thought and critical reflection; they have also been understood as
significant ‘political ecologies’. In the Indian context, recent times have
witnessed heightened levels of political activism within such spaces. Whether
such activism pertained to micro campus-based issues or macro issues of
national importance, student organizations have been pro-active in
highlighting the viability of those matters—appreciative, or critical of them, or
both at the same time. Over the years, the young have championed processes
of mobilization across the globe via the internet with informal, non-
institutionalized and non-hierarchical political participation with the aim of
changing existing power relations (Jenkins, 2016: 8–9). Such ‘redefined’
forms of participation have attributed in the making of ‘active’, ‘digital
citizens’ (Biju, 2017: 186).

Together with Twitter and Facebook, instant messenger applications such as

WhatsApp have also been extensively used by these parties in order to initiate
delivery of aid and service and thereby facilitate political communication.
While the ubiquitous nature of WhatsApp and its feature of relative anonymity
has been used ‘to spread inflammatory content and target social cohesion’

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(India Today, 2018); such attributes also make this application well suited for
politically oriented activities and is especially attractive to those perceiving
their views as extreme or minority and to those using these channels to
mobilize their networks for political activism which include demonstrations,
protests and boycotts leading to enhanced levels of conventional and activist
participation (Zúñiga et al., 2019).

Against this backdrop, this section highlights the trajectories that student
organizations adopted in the aftermath of the Pandemic in the case of DU and
how they continued to mobilize on matters concerning ‘chhatra hith’ (student
welfare)—first via hashtags online and thereon on-site, thereby aiding in the
makings of ‘hybrid activism’. All of the aforementioned student organizations
maintain active presence in social media, each one having their Facebook
pages or Twitter accounts.vi Instagram is attaining popularity among them too.

The onset of the Pandemic significantly disrupted normalcy and subsequent

lockdowns imposed by various agencies of the state brought life in the
University to a complete halt since the middle of March 2020. Strategies had
to be altered by one and all with regard to how to protest, petition or convey
their demands to the University administration or other state-led institutions.
While protests such as #BlackLivesMatter played out on the streets of the
United States of America (USA) involving violent clashes and demonstrations
between the people and state-led agencies; social media was also used to
channelize the protests. Such resonances were felt here too and at that
juncture, online activism appeared as the only viable alternative and reliance
on social media reached a different magnitude altogether.

Zeeshan is an activist from a prominent student organization in the University,

the National Students Union of India (NSUI). He asserts that after 2014 social
media has played a major role in national politics as well as campus students’
activism per se. He states, ‘the Modi government has precisely come to power
because social media has had a big role in it’. He thinks that whether it be their
IT cell, or their social media handlers–they organized such a campaign that

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even people who never had any faith in them, began to repose it. He further
states that,

If the students of today’s generation have an attachment for politics, then it is only
through the social media and due to the medium per se. If the social media pages that
one handles are good, s/he will be able to connect with students a lot. I am very active
on Twitter, so I saw that a few years ago BJP people had a lot of influence. But now
that unemployment or price rise has become big issues, the opposition is able to
capture more space for debates. Students have also played a big role here as now
NSUI also works very actively on Twitter (Zeeshan, interviewed on 14th July 2021).

Similarly, Robin, an independent activist in the Campus also apprises about

the vitality of Facebook Live. He tells me that if one looks at the Anna Hazare
movement, that too emerged through the medium of social networking. But he
feels that if on-site ground activism is prohibited and no matter how much one
gets it trending on the Twitter handle, the government will not bother. So, in
his experience, on-site gathering becomes very important and it is also
necessary to maintain a balance between the two. Talking about their protest,
he cites that,

When we were sitting in the morning raising our demands for protest, no one was
listening. Then we started going live on Facebook, tagging everyone on Twitter and
started tweeting and by then it was night, around 11-12 pm. The Dean of the Faculty
of Law felt that if this continues then the matter would blow out of proportion could
disturb the atmosphere in the campus too. So, she sent her representative who asked
us to retreat, talk in the morning and that our demands would be given a patient
hearing. But we said it doesn’t matter, you come in the morning itself, we will talk
but we will but not go home at midnight (Robin, interviewed on 21st July 2021).

In myriad ways, the internet has become the site for protest movements in
order to attain visibility and direct connect with supporters (Cammaerts et al.,
2013: 10). Further, group ties are arguably being replaced by ‘fluid social
networks’ that can operate through social media, furthering the emergence of
the less familiar logic of connective action as against the more familiar one of
collective action (Bennett and Segerberg, 2012). As a consequence, such a

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‘paradigmatically turbulent’, yet ‘interesting’ moment has also led to the

emergence of new categories and vocabularies in the study of social
movements, driven by new forms of communication and technology
(Bakardjieva, 2015: 983).

Praveen, an activist of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) is also

a member of its Delhi Unit social media team. He describes the ways in which
social media teams operate. Being a student of Delhi School of Journalism, he
feels that it certainly lends him an advantage. He has observed that
irrespective of the medium used—Facebook, Twitter or Instagram, the youth
are devoting a substantial amount of time on social media and argues that it is
because of such a shift from “paarampaarik roop” (customary form) to
“takneek” (modern technology) that student organizations have changed their
traditional modes of operating and have started drifting towards contemporary
and viable modes. Labelling the same as an integral ‘aayam’ (dimension) of
every student organization, he believes that he is doing his part for the
organization through the social media team. He further describes that,

We have our social media team via which we are connecting people with each and
every (college) unit. In doing so, we pass on information from the national level to
colleges and then to respective units and vice-versa......In today’s context, whenever
there is a particular event or issue, we trend the same on Twitter as social media has
become a medium to give an instant response on any matter (Praveen, interviewed on
17th June 2021).

Individual activists who belong to these groups are also very active in the
digital realm and are entrusted to like, share, retweet or repost their
organizational messages, effectively serving as facilitators of political
communication. Together, these organizations have also helmed on-ground
activism in the form of protest rallies, demonstrations, admission helpdesks or
other cultural activities.

When a Janata Curfew (public curfew) was announced by the Prime Minister
of India, members of the ABVP relayed the message extensively via social

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media—individually as well as via the organization’s Facebook page(s) or

Twitter account(s). On the contrary, when he made a few public addresses to
the people of the nation, ideologically oppositional organizations such as
NSUI made it a point to highlight the fallacies of governmental policies—
again via social media. For instance, one such tweet critical of the Government
read as follows:

BJP Government is still not taking the Corona threat seriously. PM Modi made a
moral science lecture while addressing the nation but said absolutely nothing about
the Govt’s plan to deal with the disease (Tweet dated 25th March 2020; retrieved from
@nsui).

Such verbal exchanges were commonplace during this phase. The initial
months also witnessed maximum digital activism—to waive off students’ fees;
students directing ire at the governments in power at the Centre or the state of
Delhi; on making contributions to the PM Cares Fund or even, a discussion on
the University Grants Commission (UGC) proposed revised academic
calendar. These were some of the issues deliberated (read trended) upon by the
aforementioned student organizations, who also made sincere attempts at
creating awareness on precautionary measures that were needed to be taken
from the Corona virus. Discussing the strategies of the same, Vivek, an
activist of the NSUI contends that,

Social media has a lot of importance and has had a huge impact in student politics
because one can only show the effect of convoy politics in the outer campus or South
campus via such a medium, even if it be through YouTube. People put up short video
clips, share it in their WhatsApp story, post in Facebook. There have been many
issues in the recent past which have gotten trended by our NSUI especially relating to
the ones affected by Covid-19. Now people could not agitate on the street, so they
raised their voice on social media. There have been many issues in the recent past
which have gotten trended by our NSUI especially relating to the ones affected by
Covid–19. So, the strategy is prepared in advance for trending and the content is also
decided; WhatsApp groups are created......so somehow or the other our voices reach
the government. If seen, this government has emerged via the medium of social
media and this is a government that operates on social media per se (Vivek,
interviewed on 25th July 2021).

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Webinars, Whatsapp Groups and Google Forms

‘Politics’ it has been said, ‘is a practical art’. In the early years of the 21st century, it
is also a technological one (Harvey, 2014: xxxiii).

One of the ways via which student outfits take forward the ideas and policies
of the regime is either by supporting or opposing governmental programmes,
especially the ones related to the field of education. A similar thing was
witnessed across quarters with the promulgation of the National Education
Policy 2020 (NEP, 2020) albeit largely in the virtual space or online medium.
The ABVP was quick enough to appreciate the components of the NEP and
deemed it as long overdue for the education system of the country. They
hailed its coming into effect via congratulatory and salutary messages on
social media, especially their Twitter handles and Facebook pages through
posts and messages. Many of these posts attempted at dissecting the contents
of the New Policy Document and they sought to take the message forward to
the public by demonstrating that such ‘newness’ was needed for the withering
system of education that existed so far.

On a routine basis, tweets containing snippets from the policy document

would be shared by respective ikaais (units) or zonal units of the ABVP for
the general information of the public, at least two weeks into its publication.
Furthermore, webinars and talks were organized by respective college units of
the ABVP in the University, wherein their mentors were invited to enlighten
the cadres and students with regard to the NEP. Regular sessions were held in
order to mobilize public opinion in this regard as well as seek some kind of
approval for the same from them. A webinar organized by the Delhi School of
Journalism (DU) on Facebook had a prominent office bearer of the ABVP as
the keynote speaker who had the following things to say: the discussion was in
Hindi. In a nutshell, the contents of his speech asserted that a major change
was going to come about in the country via the NEP and was opposed to

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colonial systems of education which according to them was embedded on

‘Lord Macaulay’s policy of making clerks’.

This was largely in contrast to the NSUI that even went up to protest in front
of the Ministry of Education (then MHRD) in August 2020 condemning the
policies laid out in the document as well as seeking fee waivers or fee
subsidies for the duration of the Pandemic. Opposition student organizations
kept directing their ire at respective governments. The NSUI remained
constantly critical of the BJP-led Government at the Union whereas, the
ABVP continued to be vocal in pressurising the AAP-led Delhi Government.
A ‘digital protest’ conducted by the ABVP against the Delhi State
Government where activists were asked to send an e-mail to the Chief
Minister and Deputy Chief Minister of Delhi, click a screenshot of the same
and upload it on various platforms of social media.

During this timeframe, a membership drive was also conducted by the ABVP
and it was done completely online unlike other years when on-ground
campaigns were more popular. It lasted for three days in the middle of
September 2020. One of my informants got in touch with me on WhatsApp.
He not only shared the details about the online membership process but also
shared a few videos which contained speeches by prominent leaders that
included—Venkaiah Naidu former Vice President of India and Yogi
Adityanath, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. The speeches (video clips) were
taken from ABVP conclaves and adhiveshans (conferences) held in the years
prior to the Pandemic. While Venkaiah Naidu’s clipping stated the difficulties
he faced in becoming what he is today and how being a member of the outfit
was instrumental for the same; the clipping that featured Yogi Adityanath
described the significant role played by the ABVP in their campaigns against
the Article 370 in the early 1990s in Kashmir and how it was abrogated due to
concerted efforts made by the student group.

All in all, these clippings were circulated in order to arouse sentiments of

nationalism and patriotism among new recruits and to woo them in order to

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join their clarion call for Rashtriya Punarnirman (nation building). In other
years, while the admission sessions to DU used to be very busy, hectic and
more importantly, crowded; since the process was transformed to a largely
online one, the numbers of people coming to the campus for counselling and
gathering information physically declined. However, Open Day sessions
organized by the University for the benefit of new entrants witnessed quite
significant numbers in the years following the online transition and this aspect
has been mentioned in this thesis earlier. This is one time when student
organizations make it a point to vocally address issues of recruitment into their
folds by attracting new entrants—either by wooing them via ideological
affiliations, forms of loyalties and identities or by offering pragmatic hopes
and aspirations. Nevertheless, it was quite effective in spite of that.

With the advent of the Pandemic in 2020 and with the process of new
admissions getting delayed, a lot of things were affected. There were little to
no people who frequented the University amid fear and anxiety over the
dreaded Coronavirus. While other years still witnessed people making it to the
Campus, this particular year witnessed the University remaining officially
closed till late September 2020. Not only did the organizations lose out on new
entrants and thereby members into their fold; the DUSU Elections—the
primary medium via which the expressions of politics are exhibited in the
University was delayed indefinitely and majorly cancelled. On account of the
Pandemic, it had not been held since 2019 and the existing body had continued
to operate. It was held after a gap of three years in 2023.

However, the efforts made by organizations and their activists doubled amid
such a crisis. For instance, some of the key informants for this study were
engaged in ‘Online Membership Drives’ on two occasions: one before heading
into the admission season and the other, during the admission process itself.
Leaders and members of the organization were tasked to gather as many new
members as possible and they did the process largely online. They used to
share messages for on WhatsApp (something that I kept receiving frequently)

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as well as on other social media platforms. Google Forms for purposes of

(student) party membership replaced pen and paper versions of the same.

During that timeline, I also received an electronic copy of a booklet, printed

by the ABVP (Delhi Unit), one that listed out its objectives and achievements
over the years, and was supposed to be forwarded as a “complete guide” for
freshers and entrants to the University. The idea, again, was to ensure that
aspiring students of the University also become aspirers of the student wing or
the party by stating aspects that the organization, “is the world’s largest
student organization and believes in the idea of Nation First”. It also stated
that the organization, “works with students on their campus throughout the
year” and that its activities are primarily social, cultural and struggle for
student rights–aimed at reconstruction of the nation (ABVP-DUSU Delhi
University Information Booklet, 2020). The booklet particularly laid out
information on the University and the eligibility criterion required for various
courses into the University. Significantly, it also mentioned, ‘to join ABVP
register at……...’, thereby attaching a link or uniform resource locator (URL).

Conclusion

With the onset of the Covid-19 Pandemic and subsequent lockdowns that it
brought about, impediments on mobility and mobilizations have been
witnessed across the globe. In a nutshell, the idea had become to live online—
work, teach-learn or even engage in multifarious forms of activism. That the
category ‘online’ had become an immensely intricate part and parcel of
everyday life to an extent much more than was prior to the Pandemic is what
is broadly represented here. This paper has largely relied on digital
ethnography to demonstrate that the virtual field has not only become a field
of competition among student groups in DU, but also a principal site for doing
fieldwork. It has broadly discussed the makings of political capital, the
significance of doing digital ethnography and the relevance of digital activism
for student politics in the University.

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The Covid-19 Pandemic has indeed been a game-changer. It has had a direct
bearing on the methods of doing research. With this global phenomenon, new
and interesting ways of collecting data have been complemented with the
traditional and existing ones. At the onset of its outbreak, conventional
methods of anthropological research that involve direct participation of the
researcher with their respondents and informants became insufficient, if not
completely redundant.

Researchers across the globe have pondered on the existing possibilities as

well as new innovations on the question of ‘how to do research amid the
Pandemic’. Within such uncertain and dilemmatic times, this paper has
explored the possibilities and limitations of incorporating of digital methods of
data collection; something that was not originally envisioned as intricate to the
original research project. The paper is a brief reflection on the strategies that
were used in order to complete the process of data collection and has made
attempts to discuss the possibilities for doing research that was abruptly halted
in the aftermath of the coronavirus pandemic.

i Here, field is understood not (only) as a physical field but as a site of actions
or reactions of social agents endowed with such dispositions (see Bourdieu,
2005: 30).

ii The Bourdieusian framework has much to offer to the field of ‘digital

sociology’, a terminology that can refer to the doing of research on the social
aspects and impacts of digital communication technologies as well as to the
application of digital technologies to research methodologies across the social
sciences (Ignatow and Robinson, 2017).

iii Loader et al. (2015: 821) also highlight that student societies have enabled
students to develop a ‘habitus of the young citizen’. However, it is also
pointed out that differential access to social and cultural capital is often used
to ensure unequal social distinctions between citizens and in the context of
growing social inequality, social networking may reinforce divisions that are
detrimental to democracy (Loader et al., 2014: 149).

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iv Only the interviews that fit into the ambit of this paper, have been
incorporated. They have been conducted both in Hindi and English. Names of
interviewees and public figures have been changed for purposes of
establishing and retaining anonymity.

v While Kozinets (2010: 56) has championed the idea of ‘netnography’

arguing that it is far less time consuming and resource intensive in terms of
spending time making choices about field-sites, rapport-building, travelling to
and from sites, transcribing interviews and handwritten fieldnote data; this
paper uses the frame of digital ethnography (not netnography) as it enabled for
an extension of these aforementioned activities undertaken prior to the
Pandemic.

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knowledge during the COVID-19 pandemic using smartphones’, Qualitative
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Article: Stigma and covid-19: contextualising Goffman’s ideas

Author(s): Corrine Rita War & D. V. Kumar

Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp.
114-126
Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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Stigma and covid-19: contextualising Goffman’s ideas

--Corrine Rita War & Prof. D. V. Kumar

Abstract:

One of the commonly experienced phenomena, stigma remains poorly

theorised with few exceptions. Of the few scholars who paid attention to
stigma in explaining its nature and dynamics was Erving Goffman. This paper,
using Goffman’s theory as well as secondary sources of data like newspaper
articles and journals seeks to make use of his understanding of stigma in
explaining the covid-related experiences. Covid- 19 which proved to be a
paradigmatic-changing event could be understood better using Goffman’s
conceptualisation of stigma. As he argued, ignorance is one of the main factors
causing stigma and this could be seen clearly in the context of covid – 19
where myths reigned supreme stigmatising helpless patients who were
afflicted with the Coronavirus disease.

Keywords: Stigma, covid-19, discredited, discreditable, social distance

Introduction:

Stigma despite being a powerful socio-psychological experience remains

relatively theoretically unexplored. It was Erving Goffman (1963) who gave
considerable attention to the phenomenon of stigma. What does he say about
stigma? To begin with, he made an important analytical distinction between
‘virtual social identity’ (what a person should be as per the societal standards
agreed upon) and ‘actual social identity’ (what a person really is). When there
is a gap between the two, the person gets stigmatised. For example, a
homosexual knows that the society expects people to be ‘normal’, that is
heterosexual, but s/he is not what the society expects her/him to be. S/He is
actually different from what s/he is expected to be by the society. In this
context, Goffman makes a distinction between ‘discredited stigma’ and
‘discreditable stigma’. The former refers to a situation where the actor knows
that the ‘audience members’ are aware of the difference (for example, the case
of a differently abled person). The latter is the situation where differences are
not immediately noticed or perceived by the ‘audience members’ (for
example, the case of a homosexual). Further, in the former case, the actor has
an enviable task of managing the tension produced by the knowledge of
‘audience members’ about the difference. A differently abled person has this
typical tension. In the latter case, the actor has an equally, perhaps even more,

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tedious task of hiding the information from the members. The homosexual, for
example, faces this challenge.

To further understand the difference between ‘discredited’ and ‘discreditable’

individuals, examples from Goffman’s Stigma may be illustrated; the
discredited, for instance may experience feelings of insecurity and inferiority,
as in this case:

‘Before her disfigurement [amputation of the distal half of her nose] Mrs
Dover, who lived with one of her two married daughters, had been an
independent, warm, and friendly woman who enjoyed travelling, shopping,
and visiting her many relatives. The disfigurement of her face, however,
resulted in a definite alteration in her way of living. The first two or three
years she seldom left her daughter's home, preferring to remain in her room or
to sit in the backyard. `I was heartsick,' she said, `the door had been shut on
my life.’ (Goffman, 1986, p.23)

While a person who is deemed ‘discreditable’ may go through similar

situations like so:

‘Although it is usual for a homosexual to protest that his deviation is not a

disease, it is noteworthy that if he consults anyone at all, it is more likely to
be a doctor than anyone else. But it is not likely to be his own family
doctor. Most of the contacts were anxious to keep their homosexuality
hidden from their family. Even some of those who behave fairly openly in
public are most careful to avoid arousing suspicions in the family circle.’
(Goffman, 1986, p. 71)

Goffman (1963) argues that stigma is an almost universal experience as most

of us have to face this in one situation or the other at one point of time in our
life. He defines stigma as ‘bodily signs designed to expose something unusual
and bad about the moral status of the signifier.’ (Goffman, 1963, p. 11)

When human beings interact with one another, first impressions are key to
establishing one’s understanding of how and where they rank among the group
they may be interacting with. This rank subsequently determines the
individuals’ next steps and how they converse with the people around them.
Imagine a situation where individuals are constantly made to feel that they are
devalued, ignored, and excluded – ‘they may have difficulty establishing an
accurate, stable and clear self-concept, especially with regard to domains that
are relevant to stereotypes about their group.’ (Levin & Laar, 2004 p. 2) All
their life, they may be made to feel inferior to those around them and this too,
would have an impact on their children’s generations to come and when

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repeated instances of stigmatised behaviour occur, they begin to associate with

those feelings and treat them as naturally occurring.

In the past, sociology as a subject dealt with stigma only in the form of
diseases and mental health issues, over the years however, ‘those lines have
blurred and now the studies on social stigma have broadened to so many other
aspects.’ (Link & Phelan, 2001 p. 365). Studies on stigma now focus on jobs,
relationships people have, their sexual orientation and also marriages, divorce,
and the effects they have on families. Slowly, but surely, ‘stigma has become a
way of seeing, describing and understanding a vast array of discriminatory
social attitudes and practices.’ (Tyler, 2020 p. 242)

Social identities are revealed by signs and certain marks that set individuals
apart from one another. These marks and qualities also determined an
individual’s rank in society – how beautiful, charismatic, or even wealthy they
may be. In his book, Goffman (1963) denotes three types of frameworks –
public identities which are the way one conducts oneself with others, personal
identities, or the signs or symbols tied to one’s biography and ego identities,
which refer to the way in which an individual sees themselves as a result of
various past experiences.

The stigma process is never stagnant, as individuals go through life, there may
be situations where they go through certain experiences together – as people
may share these experiences over time, they tend to accumulate and may even
have a detrimental effect on their mental capacity. It may be mentioned here
that those individuals who have had those same experiences may even have
shared traumas. Stigma can never be singular. Have we ever considered the
possibility that stigma may be on multiple levels, a so-called, multi-level
stigma, and this too can have negative effects? For instance, consider a
situation where person ‘A’ may be a drug addict, this is already something that
is deemed as stigmatic, yet over and above this he may have been diagnosed
with HIV/AIDS which, once again people are still fighting to de-stigmatise,
the person who is harbouring these two stigma signs then would weigh very
heavily on their mental capacity. The level of devaluation that the individual
would have to face would be quite high – unless of course, he has a strong
connection with his in-group or people who are in the same condition as him
and seeking recovery. In many cases however, these individuals do not seek
help and ultimately circle around the same behaviour, as there may be seldom
any support from ‘normals’, as termed by Goffman who are people who have
no such stigma attached to them.

Features and examples of stigma:

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As a concept, one may associate a few characteristics with the term stigma, as
mentioned by Link & Phelan (2006 p. 367):

i) Distinguishing features – something that may be regarded as visible or

obvious to the naked eye.
ii) Associating human features to negative attributes or stereotypes – if a certain
feature is looked at as displeasing or unacceptable to the ‘normals’
iii) Separating ‘us’ from ‘them’ – or ‘normal’ from ‘abnormal’
iv) Experiencing status loss or discrimination

As a phenomenon, stigma has always been associated with humans, we see or

hear of people being shunned out or ostracised from a community due to
certain actions of theirs. There may even be a situation, where, through no
fault of the individual involved, they may be treated with some form of
stigmatised behaviour by the ‘normals’. This may be referred to as courtesy
stigma (Goffman, 1963 p. 44) or stigma by association. For instance, an
individual who volunteers to help at a hospital where the patients harbour an
infectious disease, although the volunteer may exercise precaution when
within the hospital premises, yet the mere fact that they work at such an
institution gives them that label of being associated with the stigmatised.
There are, however, certain distinguishing features that people have, either
through congenital or permanent means that may be overlooked by others, but
there are other features that are immediately noticed and hence become a
source of stigma. Humans, thus decide what is deemed stigma-worthy and
what is not from person to person based on certain social situations, ‘the
meaning of stigma is often difficult to pin down, because what is stigmatised
is bound by culture and epoch.’ (Ainlay, Becker & Coleman 1986 p. 3)

Where, then, the question arises, did the concept of stigma originate from?
‘The modern word ‘stigma’ originates in a clutch of ancient Greek words,
derived from the root stig-, meaning to prick or to puncture.’ (Tyler, 2020 p.
34). Stigma may or may not arise from a person’s ignorance over something.
In situations where the individual might have some idea about an illness or
behaviour, but not entirely so, may warp their notion about the signifier and
thus come to rash conclusions about the subject. Even in situations where the
ailment may be treatable, people tend to have a negative outlook on the
individual who suffers from the illness. A classic example of this is a person
who is diagnosed with HIV, although there is no absolute cure for the disease
yet, there are various medications that keep the viral load in control, therefore
protecting the individual and their family. Yet, we still find awareness

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programmes being conducted to educate the ‘others’ or as Goffman calls them,

the ‘normals’ about the disease and those who carry it.

If one considers young children however, the possibility of curiosity and

inquisitiveness about stigmatising features arises. There is evidence,
moreover, indicating that young children are curious about human differences
and often stare at novel stimuli (Brooks & Lewis, 1976 p. 323). The
predisposition to stigmatise is passed from one generation to the next through
social learning (Martin, 1984 p. 20) or possibly even through the very process
of socialisation, therefore, if children are never exposed to the idea that
someone may be ‘lesser’ than them, then one may even wonder whether the
whole concept of stigma would ever even exist.

A left-handed individual in today’s world, for instance need not have to worry
about the stigma attached to him or her using their left hand to write, whereas
in earlier centuries, they were looked upon as evil beings that needed
correction. Due to the fact that many cultures believed that the left hand was
used for personal hygiene and the right – dominant hand was meant for social
interaction and eating, many left-handed individuals were encouraged, or
rather forced to use their right hand. There were even stigmas attached to
one’s skin colour subsequently determining who was allowed to converse with
who as the blacks were deemed as inferior to whites, as there was a reluctance
of the majority groups from interacting with members of a devalued racial or
ethnic group. (Bogardus, 1959) It is even more interesting to note that at one
point of time, homosexuals were referred to as ‘left-handed’ individuals.

Today, the notion of online dating is now becoming an acceptable norm

among millennials. However, in the past, if two individuals met online, they
would not mention this as it was never regarded as the ‘acceptable’ way of
meeting your soul mate. People of the LGBTQ community are no strangers to
stigmata, for as a community of people they have always been subject to
treatment that made them feel discriminated from the ‘normals’.

Stigma and covid – 19:

The onset of covid – 19 in the early part of 2020 in India brought with it many
changes and what we once thought of as normal ceased to be so. Covid-19 or
the coronavirus disease is an infectious disease that is caused by the SARS-
CoV-2 virus. Infection by the virus led people to have flu like symptoms and
mild to moderate respiratory illnesses. Because the disease is highly
communicable, people were made to wear masks and frequently sanitise their
hands in an attempt to limit the spread of the virus which could be passed on
through an infected individual’s cough, sneeze or breath.

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Staying negative was the most encouraged trend of 2020. By doing so, people
were able to not only save themselves, but those they loved. Everything once
thought to be normal prior to that changed once and for all. It was a case of
staying six feet apart or the fear of going six feet under. Stigma, much like
social change, is a dynamic phenomenon. What may have been looked at as
something stigmatic in the past may well be an accepted feature of today’s
world, once again, we can recall the example of stigma attached to left-handed
individuals at one point in time – now, however, it is simply overlooked. With
human nature, what may be deemed ‘discriminatable’ changes over time.

The interesting thing about covid-19 however, was that the stigma attached to
this disease could not be placed into any of the two categories mentioned
earlier (discredited and discreditable) – if one had symptoms they could be the
‘discredited’ yet those who were asymptomatic, were part of the
‘discreditable’ so they would have had far more control over when, where and
to whom they could reveal this ailment to. There were also cases where the
‘distinguishing features’ as Link & Phelan (2006) mention were not quite
blatant, as not all who had covid showed symptoms of the same. This may
have some benefits to it, yet after initial interaction with people, there comes a
point in time where they may have to disclose the stigma. ‘If revealed too
soon, the stigmatised person may worry and be concerned that the other
person will break the confidentiality around the stigma.’ (Levin & Laar, 2004
p. 84) and yet, if revealed much later in the relationship, the relationship may
suffer a break as the individual may be deemed dishonest which once again,
brings us back to Link & Phelan’s characteristics of stigma – leads to a ‘loss
of status or discrimination’ subsequently labelling them as ‘abnormal’ from
the undiagnosed ‘normals’.

For many, the idea of ‘catching covid’ was out of the question, every country
went into lockdown and stringent quarantine measures were brought into place
to keep the disease and those infected at bay. Media blew everything out of
proportion and soon the anticipation of catching covid and subsequently being
stigmatised among fellow beings was the new horror for citizens. In smaller
towns, where word spread fast, people were talking about who caught the
disease and who they were to keep ‘social distance’ from. The fear of
anticipated stigma began doing the rounds, where individuals were consumed
by multiple ‘what ifs’ with ‘expectations that others will devalue and
discriminate against them.’’ (Pecosolido & Martin, 2015 p. 94)

For those of us who have had and survived covid, many a time we would have
faced a situation where we were confronted with the ‘disclosure carryover’
(Pecosolido & Martin, 2015 p. 98) – would it have been better, perhaps to

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inform people about the disease, or as many people did, back then in fear -
stay silent on the matter and let the disease pass? The stigma that the disease
carried with it, made so many individuals afraid of revealing when they tested
positive, they would simply lock themselves up at home and remain under
quarantine, as there was a fear of having people treat them and their near and
dear ones with the same respect as one. ‘The problems faced by stigmatised
persons spread out in waves, but of diminishing intensity.’ (Goffman, 1963 p.
43) This sentence breathes truth in the era of covid, the virus brought with it a
world of unexpected trials and tribulations. As the famous saying goes, when
it rains – it pours. Many people found themselves not only ill but having to
mourn the loss of their near and dear ones alone. Something no one should
ever have to go through.

The use of the term ‘social distance’ was in fact, a very wrong use of the
terminology. According to Merriam- Webster, ‘social distance may be defined
as the degree of acceptance or rejection of social interaction between
individuals and especially those belonging to different social groups (such as
those based on race, ethnicity, class, or gender).’ According to Kumar, ‘Two
persons could be within the distance of one metre (this is what is to be
avoided) and yet maintain social distance. Conversely, two persons could be
miles away from each other and yet do not maintain any social distance. For
example, a Tamil and a Mizo, for all we know, could be within the distance of
one metre and yet differ drastically on a number of issues such as food habits,
which is what could be called social distancing. Similarly, two Tamils could
be miles away from each other and yet share a number of things which
amounts to the absence of any social distancing. It is remarkable how the
world has come to use this term so uncritically. Perhaps the only explanation
for this semantic confusion is that social distancing is a more respectable term
than physical distancing.’ (Kumar, 2020 p.6) Why then was the same
terminology used to encourage people to stay six feet apart from one another?
The correct use of term, technically, should have been physical distance, and
not social.

In order to make effective the plans to maintain six feet of physical distance,
those who were infected by the disease, were made to quarantine for twenty-
eight days to ensure that the virus completely left them before they were
allowed to socialise once again. Thus, homes and several institutions which
were once used for educational and training purposes were now made into
containment zones, and in the process turned into ‘total institutions’. To
Goffman, a total institution may be defined as ‘a place of residence or work
where a large number of like-situated individuals, cut off from the larger

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society for an appreciable period of time, together lead an enclosed, formally

administered round of life.’ (Goffman, 1961 p.11)

It may be mentioned here that total institutions have four distinctive elements:

1) Where all aspects of life are conducted under a single authority;

2) Activities are conducted in the company of a batch of others, all of whom are
treated alike;
3) There is a rigid timetable of events;
4) All activities are designed to fulfil the overall, official aims of the institution.
(Goffman, 1961, pp. 5-6)

Although Goffman does specifically mention boarding schools, monasteries

and mental hospitals as examples of total institutions, with the pandemic, each
‘inmate’ or infected individual was subjected to strict monitoring measures for
their safety. Their social life as they knew it to exist prior to infection was
snatched away in totality for the containment period, the patient is treated
almost like a convict in jail, whereby all his rights and freedoms are now taken
away from him and he is treated as an outcast. ’Extrusion from the wider
society also means inclusion in a stable community composed of abnormals’.
(Burns, 1992 p.169) During this period of ‘extrusion’ doctors or health-care
givers would frequently visit and monitor the ailing individual. The treatment
and management of physically ill or injured patient is seen by doctors typically
as a matter of repairing a damaged part, correcting some malfunction, or
expelling some organic invasion. This ’service-relationship’, as Goffman
labels it, is reflected not only in the physician’s approach but in the patient’s
attitude too; the illness, the injured part, or the malfunction tends to be referred
to as extrinsic to the inner, the real, self. (Burns, 1992 p. 169)

The question then arises, how does one treat a discredited person? Is the
correct way of behaving that of rightly acknowledging their shortcomings or
by ignoring it and treating them the same way we treat ‘normals’? Many of the
discredited go through these situations on a daily basis, if their signs are not
immediately apparent, it’s a question of ‘to display or not to display, tell or not
to tell…and in each case, to whom, how, when or where.’ (Goffman, 1963
p.57)

Readers of Goffman would know that his work deals mostly with social
interaction and how individuals handle social situations and the way they put
themselves out for the world to see. In this regard, the author talks about how
one’s social identity may be determined by preconceived notions that

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individuals may have of each other. There may be individuals who are
knowing or unknowing of the social actor, and as is the case with human
nature, many individuals who are in the know, may have some ill-fated
knowledge of the person without having met them personally. This may lead
to a special form of stigmatisation, ‘those with whom the individual has
routine dealings is likely to be dwarfed and spoiled.’ (Goffman, 1963 p. 91)
For anyone who has faced discrimination in society, or even have connections
with those who are discredited will be able to empathise with this point made
by Goffman. Individuals, through conversation with each other are made
aware of many shortcomings of people and this may lead to a biased or tainted
opinion on the individual.

What was once regarded as something of no meaning prior to the pandemic

may now carry a double meaning, for instance, when coughing or sneezing.
How many times would a person sneeze or cough earlier to 2020 and no one
would bat an eye, but with the coming of the pandemic, if a person were to
sneeze or cough, the sign was taken to mean that the individual was carrying
something deadly and could infect those around him. Thereby further
reinforcing the prior statement that stigmas are determined based on social
situations and changing times. An interesting concept introduced by Inzlicht &
Good (2004) in the context of stigma is that of threatening environments –
described as settings where a stigmatised person would feel devalued or
unwelcomed in. This type of environment brings to light all that may be wrong
in an individual and encouraging a negative sense of feeling for them. For the
most part of 2020-2021 if one were to display symptoms similar to that of
covid, but even if it was not, were never allowed to enter a public place. Soon,
people who displayed any symptoms like a cold, cough or even a common flu
were looked at a possible carrier of the virus and made to feel as though they
were infecting others. What may have been a normal common cold, in that
‘threatening environment’ was made to look like a deadly disease.

Within India itself, people on the frontline were beginning to face a lot of
hatred and fear among the local people that they tried to assist. Even though
they were recognised as ‘covid warriors’, yet many people believed them to be
the carriers and ‘super-spreaders’ of the virus. For instance, this doctor stated:

‘They recognise us with our lab coats and stethoscopes. Many doctors have
been asked to vacate their rented homes by their landlords as they believe that
doctors staying at their houses may make them more susceptible to Covid-19.’
(Sharma, 2020)

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The story of migrant workers walking hundreds of kilometres is a poignant

story. Before the lockdown was announced on 23rd March, 2020, many
workers were present in different parts of the country and were forced to travel
back home since they could no longer continue their work. This migrant
worker speaks of his predicament:

‘All of us got tested multiple times before reaching here. I got tested thrice…I
can’t move freely or walk freely. However, the villagers are scared. They
think that I have brought the virus along with me. I am telling them that I have
been tested three times, but they won’t listen. Just moments ago, as I stepped
out of the house to speak with you, at least 15 people surrounded me and
asked me to get a check-up. Won’t they get the virus if they stand so close to
one other?... This feels like life imprisonment…’ (Ghosh, 2020)

Once again, the case of a multi-level stigma arises – with those who are
unvaccinated and may have then caught the disease, being now looked at as
those who could have potentially spreaders of the virus that gripped multiple
people in fear.

Conclusion:

A couple of concluding remarks may be made in this context.

First, stigma as a social fact continues to be present in modern society, as we

have experienced and continue to experience in the wake of the covid -19
outbreak. Ignorance or possibly a lack of proper knowledge on a particular
subject tends to lead to misconceived notions. Media does play a role in
accentuating such misconceived notions. McGinty, Kennedy-Hendricks &
Barry (2019) state that the primary way in which media content can influence
the attitudes of public on various stigmatised behaviour is through a process
called agenda setting – ‘topics receiving high levels of attention in the media
are likely to be perceived by the public as priorities for intervention.’
(McGinty et.al, 2019 p. 202). Therefore, because more coverage is made on
illicit drug use rather than alcohol and tobacco, viewers are made to believe
that illicit drug use is a more pressing matter than the former. While framing
‘emphasises certain aspects of an issue over others can influence how the
public views that issue.’ (McGinty et. al, 2019 p. 203). In a similar way, the
fourth estate, using this agenda sensationalised covid-19 and drilled the idea
into their viewer’s minds about the impact of the virus. Due to the
overreporting, viewers were left fatigued on the figures of those affected by
the same. What started off as a health issue and concern left a bitter taste in the
mouth of many as it ultimately became a politicised affair.

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Secondly, it may seem prescriptive, by the need of the hour is that members of
stigmatised groups may be encouraged to speak out against their unjust
treatment. By not speaking out, we are only encouraging an environment
where people are made to believe that what they are doing is not wrong. As we
all witnessed over the years, even more so recently with the pandemic, there is
no solution in segregating and belittling people for harbouring a disease or any
trauma – encouraging voices from those voiceless is key, this form of
encouragement may then also help to reduce the secrecy around those
diagnosed with any disease, let alone covid-19. The stigma that surrounded
those infected with the virus was at its worst when individuals knew very little
about it. Eventually, however, through the proper use of media as a means to
sensitise people and going about preventing the disease in a civilised manner,
the stigma that was once attached to covid began to fade away. It would be
reasonable to suppose that the intensity of stigma would vary depending on the
intensity of the consequences of the pandemic. It only begs the question, if the
government, media, and the citizens handled the outbreak in a better manner,
would the figures have been as alarming as they were when the virus was at its
peak? One can perhaps learn from these mistakes.

To sum it up, the article aims to critically engage with Goffman’s work on
stigma in the context of covid-19 which wreaked havoc in the lives of people
around the world. Stigma which is essentially a product of ignorance among
individuals would increasingly become weaker with growing awareness and
education, as Erving Goffman would have argued. This is what the article
focuses on. Though the article is largely concerned with experiences in India,
it would not be wrong to conclude that they would also hold true across
different societies. However, confirmation of the same is required through
further studies by more competent scholars.

References:

Ainlay, S.C., Becker, G. & Coleman, L.M. (1986). The Dilemma of

Difference, New York: Plenum Press.

Avery, J.D. & Avery, J.J., (2019). The Stigma Of Addiction: An Essential
Guide, Cham: Springer International Publishing.

Bogardus, E.S. (1959). Social Distance, OH: Antioch Press

Brooks. J.. & Lewis. M. (1976). Infants' responses to strangers: Midget.

adult. and child. Child Development. 47. 323-332.

Burns, T. (1992). Erving Goffman. London: Routledge.

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Ghosh D (2020) Coronavirus: Migrant worker who walked two days to get
home now faces stigma, uncertain future. Scroll.in, 1 April. Retrieved from
https://scroll.in/article/957657/coronavirus-migrant-worker-who-walked-two-
days-to-get-home-now-faces-stigma-uncertain-future

Goffman, E. (1961). Asylums. Middlesex: Anchor Books.

Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the management of spoiled identity.

Alexandria, VA: Alexander Street Press.

Green, G., (2009). The End Of Stigma? Changes In The Social Experience Of
Long-Term Illness, London: Routledge.

Kumar, D.V (2020). The Sociology of Covid. The Shillong Times Newspaper,
Shillong, Meghalaya.

Levin, S. & Laar, C.van, (2004). Stigma And Group Inequality: Social
Psychological Perspectives, Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates, Inc., Publishers.

Link BG, Phelan JC, (2001). Conceptualizing Stigma, Annv Rev. Sociol,
27:363-85

Link BG, Phelan JC, (2006). Stigma and its Public Health Implications.
Lancet. 367:528-29

Martin. L. G. (1984). Adult high school noncompleters: Toward a typology of

psychosocial development. Adult Literacy and Basic Education. 8. 1-20.

Pescosolido, B. A., & Martin, J. K. (2015). The Stigma Complex. Annual

Review of Sociology, 41, 87–116.

Sharma, N., (2020) Stigma: the other enemy India’s overworked doctors face
in the battle against covid-19, Quartz India

Tyler, I., 2020. Stigma: The Machinery Of Inequality, London: Zed Books.

Corrine Rita War, Research Scholar, Dept. of Sociology, North-Eastern Hill

University, Shillong

[email protected]

D. V. Kumar, Professor, Dept. of Sociology, North-Eastern Hill University,

Shillong

[email protected]

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Article: ‘Urbanising’ a River: Twin tales of Yamuna and Delhi

Author(s): Reema Bhatia & Meeta Kumar

Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp.

127-158
Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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‘Urbanising’ a River: Twin tales of Yamuna and Delhi

--Reema Bhatia & Meeta Kumar

Abstract

The plight of the Yamuna in Delhi is not independent of the narrative that
frames the city itself. The river has, very aptly, been described as a ‘non-place’
(Baviskar, 2011). Within the city it remains an urban common, albeit without
common access. The 200-odd kilometers that the river traverses before it
enters Delhi alters its anatomy as much as its journey through Delhi does.
Equally undeniably, the survival of Delhi as a megacity is contingent on the
survival of the river. We use insights from the commons literature to review
the changing equation of the river and the city. While there are several
institutions involved in the administration of the Yamuna, there is a paucity of
institutional structures that can manage the river sustainably- in the National
Capital Territory (NCT) Delhi and at the national level. We view this paucity
using a historical lens and how it has impacted the communities that
traditionally transacted with the river. Governance structures that prioritised
the rights of the individual over the community have led to the
commodification of the floodplains and the distancing of riparian communities
from the river (Bhatia and Kumar, 2016). In this paper, we focus on the forces
that vex the ‘supply’ of suitable policies. We argue that river management
needs to be reinvented with a holistic view of the river that includes the water
channels, the floodplains, and the riparian communities.

Keywords: Riparian communities, Urbanisation, Commons, River, Yamuna,

Delhi

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Introduction

Can a tropical river be tamed to fit an urban milieu? The plight of rivers that
flow through metropolises in South Asia suggests that there is a pattern to the
interaction between large cities and their rivers. The Yamuna in Delhi, the
Ganga in Kanpur, the Bagmati in Kathmandu, or the Raavi in Lahore, all leave
these cities severely depleted and polluted. While governments are cognisant
of the problem, and policy actively addresses the issue (at least in India: the
‘Namami Gange’i project is a case in point), our rivers continue to flow much
abated. In this paper we attempt to unpack the reasons for the limited success
in sustaining rivers through large cities by focusing on the Yamuna in Delhi.
We do so using an institutional approach, and a historical perspective.

Environmental policy is typically governed by national political processes,

which are in turn shaped by the international approach to the environment.
Changes in environmental policy necessarily impact the management of
natural resources, including rivers. During the last couple of centuries, the
process of policy implementation has often disrupted long established local-
based resource management practices. The impact of development on the
environment has been shaped by these policies - and in so far as urbanisation
is an intrinsic part of development, this has informed the interaction between
cities and their rivers.

Well into the twentieth century, the approach to the environment was
instrumentalist - i.e. the environment was viewed as an instrument in
development. Thus the first five-year plan (1951 to 1956) in India emphasised
the need to harness unexplored natural resources for the country’s growth
(D’Souza, 2012). .

The question of nature and development began to be reviewed in the 1970s.

The realisation that nature needed to be preserved and conserved gained
traction. The Club of Rome Report, published in 1972, The Limits to Growth
(Meadows et.al, 1972) is an example of this view. Development, it argued,

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could not be at the cost of nature, rather it had to be in tandem with

preservation of nature, and keep in mind ecological vulnerabilities.
Simultaneously, industrial agriculture and modern urbanisation also began to
be critiqued as development strategies. At the heart of this debate was the
question of development itself on the one hand, and on the other, the optimism
that development, done right, could be sustainable. The idea of sustainability
was first presented at the World Conservation Strategy (IUCN, 1980).
Development was now seen as a plausible means for conservation of the
environment, as much as it had been a cause of environmental degradation.
The Brundtland Report of 1987, also known as the World Commission on
Environment and Development Report, detailed the idea of sustainability, and
the role that development could play therein (WCED, 1987).

These changes found an echo in India, where the 1970s were the heyday of the
Green Revolution. Food production and consequently the availability of food
per capita went up. However, the Green Revolution also began to be
recognised as the cause for environmental pollution and degradation (Shiva,
1991; 2015). The impact of environmental degradation on specific
communities began to draw increasing attention as well. The Centre for
Science and Environment (Agarwal & Narain, 1996 (1985)) brought out a
report which argued that environment transformations directly impacted
people who lived on sites close to nature. By the 1990s developmental policies
and their impact on the environment were being re-evaluated in a historical
perspective (see for instance Guha, 1988; Escobar 1995). In particular,
Escobar (1995) argued that development and modernisation were understood
in a hegemonic western context, thereby eliminating all indigenous narratives
and approaches towards the environment, thus marginalising the community.
In the Indian context, a growing unease with the invisibility (even
suppression) of alternative voices and narratives has generated a large
literature that critiques colonial policies and their impact on the environment
(for instance Guha, 1988; Rangarajan, 1996; Singh, 1988; Saberwal, 1999;
Vasan 2006; Saikia 2011).

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Colonial structures and institutions were created by processes that largely

disregarded the human ecology of India, and as we discuss in the succeeding
sections, Imperial Delhi is a manifestation of this. These processes were set in
a discourse that viewed man as a being superior to nature. Thus, nature was
viewed as a force to be tamed to the will of man, placing technology on a high
altar (Latour, 1993, 2017; Höfele, P., Müller, O., & Hühn, L. 2022).

However, ‘nature’ and ‘technology’ are not stable categories, and the
categorisation has often been contested and debated nationally and
internationally (see for example D’Souza, 2012; Latour, 1993, 2017; Schatzki,
2003). This paper focuses on how the macro-level discourse on policy and its
outcomes shaped resource management at the level of the community (and
vice versa), to understand the twin tales of ‘development’ of the river Yamuna
and the city of Delhi from the pre-British era to the present.

Theoretical Framework

We situate our analysis in the literature on the commons. A river may be

considered a common pool resource because the ‘consumption’ of the river is
rival, but (generally) non-excludable. It is rival in the following sense: the
draining of water into irrigation canals by upstream users leaves less water for
downstream users; fishing by some will leave less fish available for others;
pollution by upstream users reduces the capacity of the river to act as an
environmental sink downstream; and so on. However, it is difficult to limit
access to a river given its very nature. Even where access is restricted (for
example by mandate or by barricading) implementation and monitoring are
too expensive to enforce these restrictions. Once we accept this
characterisation of the river, sustaining the river becomes a matter of
preventing the tragedy of the commons from occurring.

In the fifty-odd years that have elapsed since Hardin (1968, 1978) drew
attention to the inevitable over-exploitation of commonly held property, the
literature has evolved to understand that the tragedy can, in fact, be averted

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under specific conditions. Hardin’s own solution to the aversion of the tragedy
was a partitioning of the commons into private property, where possible.
Clearly in the case of a river, establishing private property is neither feasible
nor desirable. In such a case, Hardin advocated ‘a coercive force…a
Leviathan’ (Hardin, 1978, 314).

Underpinning Hardin’s characterisation of the (over)use of the commons is a

one-shot prisoner’s dilemma game (See Appendix 1). As is well known,
players acting in their own best interest in such a game, end up with a
collectively inferior outcome. The seminal contribution made by Elinor
Ostrom to this literature was twofold. Firstly, she showed that in the presence
of imperfect information, a central authority (the Leviathan) could as easily
perpetrate a tragedy of the commons as no authority. Secondly, she showed
that in the real world, human interactions could approximate an infinitely
repeated game - in which case the theoretically predicted outcome is one
where agents will cooperate to protect and sustain the commons rather than
plunder them (Ostrom, 1990). This became the basis for the Institutional
Analysis and Development framework (IAD) developed by Ostrom and later
extended by Robert Hoffman and Derek Ireland (Hoffman and Ireland, 2013)
and Agarwal (Agarwal, A., 2015). A key insight from this literature is that
multi-layered polycentric governance systems afford a flexible and adaptable
system that works better for common property resources like rivers which
have a shifting boundary and that exists on a large spatial scale and have
heterogeneous communities that live on the banks.

Cooperation among stakeholders is fundamental to the sustenance of common

property. What would induce individuals to prioritise community interest over
self-interest? Will individuals with a common interest always cooperate to
further that interest? An early contribution to this literature was Olson (1965).
Olson showed that such cooperation was by no means automatic. Insights
from game theory (See Appendix 1), tell us that cooperation is likely to occur
if the number of players is small enough to allow monitoring at relatively low

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costs, and if deviance from cooperative agreements can be easily detected and
punished. In the real world, trust and norms are important determinants of how
people interact mutually. Baland and Platteau (1997) model the tragedy of the
commons as a Coordination game rather than a Prisoner’s Dilemma. In this
class of games, actions of an individual depend on how many others behave in
a particular way. In short, people like to do what others are doing. In the
context of the commons, these games predict that people will cooperate to
conserve, provided a sufficiently large number of others do so (or vice versa!).

A survey of the empirical evidence on commons management emphasises the

role of monitoring, leadership and clearly defined rules backed by social
sanction against rule breaking (Agarwal, 2002). Ostrom (Ostrom et al., 2003)
gives a summary of the various issues that affect the management of the
commons. We use insights from this literature to understand the interaction
between the Yamuna and Delhi.

Methodology

We situate the Yamuna in the commons. We use secondary literature to

analyse the historical institutions that encouraged the sustainable use of
common property resources, including water and riverine floodplains, in North
India. We discuss how modernity and development altered or replaced these
institutions, particularly in Delhi. These changes are discussed from the
commons perspective. Specifically, we examine whether or not the new
institutional arrangements facilitated the cooperation between stakeholders,
that is key to the successful management of a common property resource.

Accordingly, this paper has three main sections that follow. Section 4 outlines
the changes in the communities that managed the river as a common resource.
Section 5 deals with the implications of these changes for the river. Section 6
situates these changes in the ‘modern’ imagining of the river and the city.

Tales of Delhi

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It may be argued that agriculture in pre-British North India conformed to a

large-scale system that, in the words of Elinor Ostrom, 'facilitated the
sustainable use of environmental resources under specific conditions.’
(Ostrom, 2008). Resource use regulation and contract enforcement was
conducted through systems of customary rights. In the hinterlands of Delhi,
these rights were based on cooperation and reciprocity that allowed for the
sustainable use of natural resources: land, forests, and rivers (Sharan, 2016).
They governed the use of resources, leaving the questions of ownership
largely undefined (and debated) (Chaudhry, 2016).

Uncertainty was a prominent feature of this system. Geographically it was

dependent on rivers that drained the area and formed part of a river system.
These tropical rivers, including the Yamuna, are fed by glacier-melt in the
Himalaya and the runoff that drains into them in their catchment areas. This
gives the rivers a seasonal character with peak monsoonal discharges being
40-50 times greater than the non-monsoon months. (Latrubesse, Stevax &
Sinha 2005). The monsoon greatly amplifies this inherent
uncertainty. Politically, communities indigenous to this part of the
subcontinent had to negotiate potentially disruptive regime changes whenever
extant state power atrophied. Thus, uncertainty arose from multiple sources.

At the heart of this system was the village. The traditional land holding pattern
in Delhi, as in much of Punjab, both East and West (before the Partition in
1947), was coparcenary. These coparcenary property rights were recognized
by successive political regimes that ruled the Doab - including the Mughals,
Sikhs, and later the British. Coparcenary ownership was central to the system
of risk pooling over the community, which may be viewed as an institutional
response to the uncertainty that marked the ecology of these villages. It was
also fundamental to systems of reciprocity and cooperation for political and
social resilience in an uncertain socio-political environment. Coparceners
belonged to the same caste, and often claimed descent from a common
ancestor. Local kinship was reinforced by notions of ‘bhaichara’

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(brotherhood) and ‘bhumibhai’ (earth brothers). Cooperation was strengthened

by pooling other resources as well: pastures, residential sites, water bodies and
forests. (Chakravorty-Kaul, 2015).

The sustainable use of these common property resources was governed by

customary rules.ii Collective decisions were based on consensus, rather than
majority. Custom also limited access to the commons by specifying user rights
over them for different communities. While cultivable land was collectively
held, cultivation was individual in these villages. This prevented the free-
riding inherent in systems of collective production. Cultivation was carried out
on scattered, non-contiguous open fields. Residences, on the other hand, were
densely packed into a (commonly held) area called the abadi-deh. This made
mutual monitoring easy and low cost (Chakravorty-Kaul, 2015).

The right to mete out punitive action was vested in the ‘elders’ of the village.
Social sanctions would bite if exclusion in any form from the kin-group left an
agent substantially worse off and acted as a deterrent to deviant behaviour.
Thus, social conformity was essential and was an important ingredient in the
economic management of village life. This intertwining of the social and the
economic had a predictably pervasive impact on the structure of village
society. Chakravorty-Kaul (1996, 2015) has shown how this set-up allowed a
sustainable ‘management’ of the commons in much of north India, including
Delhi. It also allowed for a symbiotic relationship between nomadic herding
communities (such as the Gaddis) and sedentarised agrarian communities
(such as the Jats) until the early 20th century.

In the terminology of Eleanor Ostrom discussed above, this was a community

that managed its commons without recourse to either their partitioning into
private property or recourse to ‘the Leviathan’. The community’s existence
allowed for equity in resource use over space (upstream users of river-water
vis-à-vis downstream users) and over time (wet season and dry; also, over
generations). This was also a system that, by and large, satisfied the list of
conditions for sustainable resource management and use drawn up in Ostrom

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et.al (2003). To paraphrase, the rates at which resources change, resource-user

populations, technology, and economic and social conditions were moderate.
Communities did maintain frequent face-to-face communication, through
dense social networks, that increased the likelihood for trust, allowed people
to express and see emotional reactions to distrust, and lowered the cost of
monitoring behaviour and inducing rule compliance. Outsiders could be
excluded at relatively low cost from using the resource. (Laws of inheritance,
for example, were designed to exclude outsiders). Users supported effective
monitoring and rule enforcement (Chakravorty-Kaul, 1996).

Pre-British administrations were largely dependent on the surpluses generated

by the agrarian economy to sustain themselves. Therefore, they had little
incentive to disrupt the very systems that generated these surpluses. Delhi was
located firmly within this system in more ways than one. Socially,
communities that inhabited Delhi ‘indigenously’ were part of the agrarian
networks of North India that formed its human ecology (Sharan, 2016).

Geographically, Delhi lies in a hollow just below the Ridge. This gave Delhi
strategic and locational advantages. For a long time, the Yamuna was an
eastern boundary to the city. The Ridge was a porous area that allowed
groundwater recharge during brief Indian monsoons, and surface run-off could
naturally drain into the Yamuna through several stormwater drains. Mediaeval
rulers of Delhi took advantage of these hydrological features to urbanise the
area sustainably.: During the Tughlaq period, surface runoff during the brief
North Indian monsoon was effectively collected into catchment areas by a
network of embankments along the Central and South-Central Ridge, and
eventually drained into the Yamuna through a hierarchical network of bandh-
hauz-qasr-bagh-shahr (dam-lake-fortified village-orchard-city) (Suri and
Janu, 2012).

The Mughals shifted the hub of the city from the Ridge to the riverfront when
they built the Red Fort on the western bank of the Yamuna. High walls of
enclosed gardens ‘separated’ the riverfront from the city, even as the elite

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claimed it for imperial spectacle. The river, however, remained an important

transportation artery. ‘Nullahs’ and rivulets from the ridge continued to drain
into the Yamuna. The Mughals built masonry bridges over these - one of
which (the ‘athpullah’ meaning a bridge with eight piers) can still be found in
the Lodhi Gardens in New Delhi.

The creation of New Delhi as the Imperial capital started the process of
rupture in the geomorphology and the human ecology of the area. Several of
the streams and rivulets that had drained run-off from the Ridge into the river
were built over to create the grand tree-lined avenues of central Delhi. Many
of the ‘nullahs’ that drained runoff into the river would eventually turn into
sewers. The river became largely a sink for sewage. (Suri and Janu, 2012).

New Delhi's expansion has been a saga of acquired agricultural land converted
to non-agricultural uses.iii Imperial Delhi was created by ‘acquiring’ 150
villages. The best known of these are perhaps Raisina, where the Rashtrapati
Bhavan stands, and Malcha, where the Diplomatic Enclave is located. During
the initial acquisitions, village populations were dislocated. (Sing &
Islamuddin, 2018, 158). Currently, ‘urban’ villages comprise largely the lal-
dora iv areas of villages whose land have been acquired to create ‘New’ Delhi.
Urban Delhi is fringed by several ‘rural’ villages whose mainstay continues to
be agriculture and/or animal husbandry. An ‘urban’ village may sound as
oxymoronic as a ‘rural’ village in a megacity, but therein lies the essential
nature of the city. The interplay of change and continuity in Delhi’s village
set-up makes interesting telling in the context of urbanisation. Post-
Independence, certain fundamental changes were introduced by the
government. First, under the East Punjab Holdings (Consolidation and
Prevention of Fragmentation) Act, 1948, the scattering of cultivated strips was
sought to be consolidated under ‘chakbandi’. Among other things, chakbandi
made the mutual monitoring of resource use, particularly water, more difficult.
Effectively, it also allocated superior rights to those nearer the water source
than those further away.

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Secondly, the rights of the village proprietary body, particularly over the
commons, were seriously challenged when the ‘village body’ or the Gaon
Sabha was legally defined as all voters registered in the electoral rolls as
residents of the village, (i.e., extended to non-cultivating communities in the
village) as per the Delhi Panchayati Raj Act of 1954. Customary restrictions
on access to these commons became ineffective as the structures of power that
could enforce these customs and penalise their breach became weaker. This
rendered the village commons, perhaps except for the abadi-deh, open access,
and therefore subject to the tragedy of the commons. However, common
property (again except for the abadi-deh) became ‘public’ property.
Ownership was appropriated by the state. By doing so, the state also claimed
the right to determine the use of these resources (Chakravorty-Kaul, 2015).

In 1989, all panchayats in Delhi were dissolved, and all villages were brought
under the ambit of the Municipal Council of Delhi. In the urban reading, the
commons became ‘waste’ that could be put to other uses and were no longer
being effectively managed by the village. The commons became grazing lands
redistributed among the ‘landless’ or acquired to settle displaced squatters.
Johads (ponds) and jheels (lakes) that were a part of the commons became
garbage dumps or were filled to create real estate. Ironically the very
processes of democratic representation and the creation of the modern nation
state destroyed the institutional arrangements that had existed traditionally for
the management of the ecosystem (Chakravorty-Kaul, 2015).

The floodplains of the Yamuna have also become the location of informal
settlements by migrants to Delhi. The khadar or the floodplains along the
twenty-two-kilometre urban stretch from Wazirabad to Okhla were
traditionally cultivated by villages on the banks of the Yamuna. Jagatpur is
one such village (Bhatia and Kumar, 2016). They continue to be farmed today
but often by cultivators who are migrants. Some of these cultivators claim
hereditary occupancy status going back to 1857 but are de jure squatters on
public lands because these urban farming zones have been declared illegal as

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per the Master Plan of Delhi 2041 (Farooq, 2023). This zone has been
designated for recreation and biodiversity parks (PRC, 2022). Interestingly,
they live on the floodplains, and move their dwellings according to the ebb
and flow of the river, and thus may be said to constitute a riparian community.
But because they are squatters, they are constantly under threat with their
dwellings being demolished and their crops destroyed (Pradhan and Chetan,
2020).

We argue that the growth of New Delhi, physically, politically, and

metaphorically, was part of processes that disrupted the large-scale system that
sustained the ecology of North India. The plight of the Yamuna today cannot
be understood without understanding this disruption, or the role played in it by
New Delhi, physically and metaphorically.

Tales of the Yamuna

The Yamuna, the largest tributary of the Ganga originates from the Yamunotri
glacier near Bandar Punch (38̊ 59' N 78̊ 27' E). A little over three percent of
the river basin of the Yamuna lies in the Himalayan region. The catchment of
the river system cuts across the states of Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh (U.P.),
Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Delhi. For
approximately 200 kilometres, it travels through Himachal Pradesh and
Uttaranchal where it is fed by several streams (Misra, 2015). Once the river
enters the plains at Dak Pathar in Uttaranchal it is regulated through a barrage
and water is diverted into a canal for power generation. It then reaches
Hathnikund near Yamuna Nagar in Haryana. Here, the Tajewala barrage
(created in 1870) diverts Yamuna waters into the Western and Eastern
Yamuna Canal for irrigation. The flow of water downstream from this barrage
is severely restricted. Table 1 describes the abstraction of water from the
Yamuna (Rai, et.al., 2012).

Table 1: Water Abstraction from the Yamuna

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Locatio River Abstrac

n Water tion Use

Abstrac

tion

(MLD)

1 Hathnik 20,000 Irrigatio

. und n,

Drinking

Water

Use and

Others

2 Wazira 1,100 Drinking

. bad Water

Use

3 Wazira 5,000 Irrigatio

. bad to n and

Okhla Others

4 Okhla 400 Irrigatio

to n,

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Etawah Drinking

stretch Water

Use and

Others

5 Etawah 475 Irrigatio

. to n,

Allahab Drinking

ad Water

stretch Use and

Others

Source: Reproduced from Rai, Upadhyay and Ojha (2012). p. 21.

Contemporary river management regimes implicitly prioritise upstream users

over downstream ones. The Western and Eastern Yamuna Canals drain most
of the river water before it reaches Delhi. After travelling over 224 kilometres
across the northern part of India it enters Delhi near Palla village. Whatever
remains of the river water is barraged at Wazirabad, ITO and Okhla. The
major abstraction from the river in Delhi is between Wazirabad and Okhla
(approximately 6000 MLD). Abstractions downstream of Okhla are
comparatively very small. In dry seasons, what flows down from Wazirabad
is not river water, but mainly sewage that is fed into the river through the
Najafgarh drain, and thirty or so more drains that pour into the river
downstream from the Najafgarh drain (Dixit, 2019).

Several other hydraulic structures, such as bridges, barrages, weirs etc. exist
across the river. Of these, the Indraprastha Bridge, Nizamuddin Railway

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Bridge and Nizamuddin Road Bridge are closely located on the river, within
three kilometres of each other. The river flow between these structures is
confined to a width of 550 m.

In Delhi, Hardin’s Leviathan is like a multi-headed hydra, each head operating

with little regard for the other. The Yamuna Jiye Abhiyan lists more than
sixteen agencies involved in the management of Yamuna. These are listed in
Appendix 2. The administrative challenges of coordinating the decisions and
actions of multiple ‘authorities’ are virtually insurmountable.

We have already mentioned that river management is the responsibility of

several government agencies. The Delhi Development Authority (DDA) looks
after land use and enforces land use norms on the floodplains on the west bank
of the river. It also looks after the development of the riverside stretch
demarcated ‘Zone O’ under the Delhi Master Plan (DDA, 2006, 2020 a;
Yamuna Jiye Abhiyan, 2012 a). The east bank is under the jurisdiction of
Uttar Pradesh. The Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) is responsible for
testing and monitoring the water quality. The Irrigation & Flood Control
departments monitor water flow and flood control. The Industries Department
seeks to regulate the flow of industrial effluents into the river. The Delhi Jal
Board (DJB) manages domestic water and the use of raw water. Local bodies
Municipal Corporations of Delhi and the New Delhi Municipal Council
investigate the management of stormwater drains. The ITO barrage is under
the jurisdiction of the Government of Haryana. The Okhla Barrage is under
the jurisdiction of the Government of Uttar Pradesh. Each of these agencies
have their own priorities and constraints. So, the river becomes the
responsibility of many - and thus of none. This is the classic tragedy of the
commons. To add to the tragedy, since the 1970s the Delhi Development
Authority (DDA) and private developers have been channelising the river. The
Central government under section 12 (1) of the Delhi Development Act 1989
declared the riverbed as a development area which the DDA can legally
‘develop’ (Follman, 2015).

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The very fact that the river is managed by so many different authorities impart
inconsistency to the way that the river is managed. Follman (2015) argues that
the state follows an ‘informal’ approach to the river deliberately. This gives
the state the leeway to act arbitrarily or worse - in a rent-seeking manner.
Manoj Misra of the Yamuna Jiye Abhiyaan points out that thirty per cent of
the existing floodplains from Palla to Jaitpur are already rezoned. In 2016, the
World Cultural Festival 2016 was permitted on the floodplains of the riverbed.
The National Green Tribunal severely criticised the damage this caused to
biodiversity in the floodplains (Nagarajan, 2016).

The state’s approach to the river is ridden with contradictions. At one level, it
recognises the ecologically sensitive nature of the river and the riverbed. In
fact, the report submitted to the NGT makes several recommendations: the
restriction of use of chemicals in the agriculture on the banks of the river; the
restriction of the solid waste dumping, cattle farming and dumping of cow
dung on the active floodplains of Jagatpur; curtailing the proliferation of
nurseries (common in the Hiranki area) on the river banks as the use of
chemicals in the cultivation of plants is a source of pollution to the river (Press
Trust of India, 2023). The effective implementation of these recommendations
would require substantive monitoring by the state. Effective implementation of
these recommendations would also bring the state in conflict with village
communities such as those of Jagatpur and Hiranki.

The report submitted to the NGT suggests the removal of structures

constructed by the DDA like the Millennium Bus Depot and some residential
colonies, but the DDA is finding it impossible to relocate these structures
given the space crunch in Delhi. (Babu, et.al., 2013).

To further ‘cleanse’ the Yamuna, the High Court of Delhi from 2004-2006 had
ordered the demolition of the slums on the riverbanks. These slums, which had
been in existence for close to forty years, were deemed illegal since they were
on the riverbed and were ‘unplanned’. The slums were demolished, and the
people were evicted and relocated. Instead, a ‘planned’ and ‘legal’

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commonwealth games village was constructed (Baviskar, 2011).

Imagining the River and the City

We can view the impact of the growth of New Delhi on the Yamuna in two
ways. The first of these is the disruption the city has caused in a
geomorphological context. This is manifested in the disappearance of the
systems of bandh-hauz-qasr-bagh-shahr mentioned above, that allowed
rainwater to replenish the river. This has been replaced by nullahs that carry
untreated sewage into the river. The second is a set of broader socio-political
and institutional changes that have transformed communities in North India.
Villages in Delhi, especially those on the banks of the Yamuna, were very
much part of a larger system designed to pool risk and use natural resources
sustainably. The expansion of New Delhi swallowed several of these villages.
It transformed the remaining. The capacity of the community to manage the
river was completely eroded by the institutional changes outlined in section 4.
Bhatia and Kumar (2016) document the social and cultural distancing of these
communities from the Yamuna. The erosion of traditional management
structures over a time has left these communities with no memories of river
management practices. On the other hand, communities such as the migrant
farmers who cultivate the floodplains (albeit illegally) have a far more
intimate understanding of the river but have no political voice in the city. This
has weakened the demand for public action to sustain the river.

As far as the river is concerned, the state is at once custodian, user, appellate
authority. The framing of the river and the approach to the river is dominated
by the government and its various agencies. The state frames the river as a
public good that is shared with the public as a largesse of the state. This is
problematic at two levels. First, it ignores the common good nature of the
river, specifically rivalry in consumption. Second, the public is missing from
decisions regarding the public good. The voice that gets privileged is the
state’s. So, the Yamuna is lost from view. It becomes, depending upon the
perspective, an ‘in-between’ place, or worse, a no-place (for more see

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Agrawal, 2005; Sharan, 2016; Baviskar, 2011). In other words, the river is a
common resource appropriated by the state (ostensibly for common good).
Neither Supreme Court judgements, nor NGT pronouncements have seriously
contested ‘use’ of the river by the state.v

The state’s imagination of the river appears to be a single-channel current of

water, completely oblivious to the substantial seasonal variation in the volume
of water that flows in the channel. This is revealed by its focus on developing
the riverfront along the lines of rivers in Europe as an attempt to project Delhi
as a world class city. This imagination of the river by the state is
simultaneously threatening for both, the river as well as the city. It impacts the
solutions that are sought for the problems of both, the burgeoning city, and its
dying river. An example of this is the drinking-water supply to Delhi. Despite
being a city on the banks of one of North India’s largest rivers, Delhi has
insufficient drinking water; water from the Ganga is transported to Delhi
through pipelines. (The irony is inescapable – the Yamuna being the largest
tributary of the Ganga.) Another example is the highway on the floodplains of
the river, from Jaitpur to Maharani Bagh being constructed to decongest
Delhi’s roads. (The Hindustan Times, 2017).

A more serious problem lies in the model of management itself. Firstly, the
river is viewed in pieces both geographically and functionally. This fracture in
perspective is contrary to the very essence of the river and has grave
consequences. Thus, viewing the river as ‘divided’ between states results in
state governments competing for use of water, rather than cooperating to
conserve it. For example, there is an MOU signed in 1994 by the Chief
Ministers of Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and the
NCT Delhi to ensure that Delhi has an additional surface flow of 10 cmt/sec.
But this has not been possible in practice. (Yamuna Jiye Abhiyan, 2012 b).
Such contradictions abound. The Delhi Jal Board draws drinking water
upstream from a river (at Wazirabad) that it discharges sewage into
downstream; the DDA, hard-pressed to find space elsewhere in the city, builds

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roads and residential complexes in the floodplains of the river.

Taking cognizance of the inadequate management of the river, several

legislative measures around the right to life and a healthy environment have
been implemented at the behest of the Supreme Court of India. Not just the
Court but also several non-governmental organisations and activists have
staked a claim to the river. They in some ways constitute the new ‘riparian
communities’ of Delhi.

Conclusion

The traditional arrangements for sustainable and equitable use of common

resources, in particular land and water were disrupted by governance
structures based on private property that prioritised the rights of the individual
over those of the community. These very same processes resulted in the
commodification of land and the breakdown of communities that had managed
the commons. The Yamuna was transformed into a public good that the state
appropriated the right to allocate. Unfortunately, the state was unable to
‘allocate’ it in a socially optimal manner. For one the state, in its various
manifestations, has multiplied the agency issues involved in this allocation.
The state also lacks both the information and the resources required for an
allocation that would be optimal both spatially and over time, and result in a
sustainable use of the river. State policy towards the river, in treating it like a
public good, fails to accommodate its ‘commons’ nature, i.e., while
‘consumption’ of the river may be difficult to exclude, it is essentially rival.

Harking back to the days of yore is clearly not the solution to the problem. Our
contention is that any effective set of measures to revive the river must view it
as a whole system - one that includes the water channels, the floodplains and
drainage basin of the river. It also must accommodate the fact that the river
performs multiple functions. Success stories of revived rivers, like the Arvari

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in Rajasthan, recognise this fact (Rapid Transition Alliance, 2020). For a

‘large-scale’ river like the Yamuna this calls for a reinvention of river
management. The solutions offered to be effective must be synergistic and
consensual with the riparian states. Solutions will have to recognise the rights
of downstream users, as well as those of future generations and will have to go
beyond rhetoric. This is no small task. It will call into question existing rights
and responsibilities of states, for example, on irrigation.

In short, our contention is two-fold. First a tropical river cannot be

‘urbanised’. What works for the Thames in London cannot be a solution for
the Yamuna. Urban planning in Delhi will have to consider the seasonal ebb
and flow of water in the river. Second, the state of Yamuna in Delhi derives as
much from what happens before it reaches Wazirabad as much as it does from
what happens to it downstream from Wazirabad. Policies adopted so far have
not taken these basic aspects into account. The state of the Yamuna is
testimony to that. The river must be viewed as an organic whole. The river and
the riparian communities together must be treated as an ecosystem for any
solution to be effective. The approach of forcing alien solutions without the
involvement of the stakeholders living closest to the river will not work.
Urban planning for Delhi as a world class city with a developed and a
beautiful waterfront is bound to be environmentally short-sighted and short
term. Any such development of the river and the riverfront will only be
cosmetic. For a truly sustainable solution we must go beyond the rhetoric.

Appendix 1

Brief Note on Game Theory

Game theory seeks to understand human interactions. A central assumption in

Economics is that individuals when faced with a menu of choices, always pick

the one that gives them the maximum return (which could be satisfaction, or

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profits or whatever the menu is about). This rule for individual decision-

making is called rationality. All economics agents - be they consumers or

businesses or governments, are assumed to behave rationally. Traditional

economic analyses assume that when agents are rational, markets lead to

unique, efficient outcomes. Game theory demonstrates that, even with rational

behaviour, multiple outcomes are possible, some of which may be very poor

outcomes. Because it deals with human interactions, game theory has very

wide applications across social sciences, environmental sciences, and also

evolutionary biology.

A game has three elements. The first is the ‘players’ or ‘agents’. These could

be consumers, businesses, governments and so on. As mentioned above, all

that is required of them is that they be rational. Each player in the game has a

defined set of actions she may take: in the context of this paper, broadly

speaking, this could be to ‘conserve’ the environment, or ‘plunder’ it. (Players

can have several strategies - in fact, a continuum of strategies is possible). The

strategies available to the players are the second element of a game. The third

element is the ‘payoff’ - or the return to the player from choosing a particular

strategy. Each player's payoff depends not just on what she chooses, but also

what the other players choose. (An excellent, non-technical exposition is

Binmore (2007)

The Prisoner’s Dilemma is a two-player, non-cooperative game in which each

player has two strategies: to cooperate (i.e., to stick to an agreed-upon course

of action) or to default. Each player evaluates which choice would give her a

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higher payoff, given the strategy chosen by the other player and plays it. The

payoffs are ranked thus: if both choose to cooperate, the commons are

sustained; if both choose to default the commons get plundered. If one chooses

to cooperate, while the other chooses default, the returns to the defaulter are

greater. It turns out that each player, acting rationally, and deciding separately

from the other, will choose to default (See Ostrom,1990; Binmore, 2007).

The Prisoner’s Dilemma is a special kind of a game with a single outcome or

‘equilibrium’. Several games allow for more than one possible outcome, some

of which may be better than others. Players may have landed in a bad

equilibrium (for historic reasons, perhaps) - but they landed there because they

made rational decisions, each in their own self-interest, given what others

were deciding. The problem often is that switching from a ‘bad’ equilibrium to

a ‘good’ one is not easy. People behave in a particular way because others

behave that way. Left to themselves, no one will change their strategy unless

everyone else changes theirs. But everyone won’t change because no one (or

at least a minimum critical number) has changed! Coordination games are

widely used to analyse conventions and norms. (See Binmore, 2007).

Appendix 2

List of Government Agencies ‘Managing’ the Yamuna in Delhi

● Central Pollution Control Board, Govt. of India (http://cpcb.nic.in/)

● Delhi Jal Board, Govt. of Delhi (http://www.delhijalboard.nic.in)

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● Department of Environment, Govt. of NCT Delhi

(http://environment.delhigovt.nic.in)

● Department of Land & Building, Govt. of NCT Delhi

(http://land.delhigovt.nic.in)

● Department of Urban Development, Govt. of NCT Delhi

(http://delhigovt.nicin)

● Irrigation and Flood Control Department, Govt. of NCT Delhi

(http://ifc.delhigovt.nic.in)

● Ministry of Environment & Forests, Govt. of India

(http://envfor.nic.in)

● Ministry of Urban Development, Govt. of India

(http://www.urbanindia.nic.in)

● Ministry of Water Resources, Govt. of India (http://wrmin.nic.in)

● Central Ground Water Board, Govt. of India (http://cgwb.gov.in)

● Upper Yamuna River Board, Govt. of India (http://uyrb.nic.in)

● Delhi Development Authority, Govt. of India

● Central Water Commission, Govt. of India

● Governments of Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh,

Haryana, and Delhi

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Vasan, S. (2006). Living with diversity: Forestry institutions in the Western

Himalayas. Indian Institute of Advanced Studies.

WCED (World Commission on Environment and Development. (1987). Our

Common Future. Oxford University Press.

Yamuna Jiye Abhiyan. (2012 a). Participatory development of a Biosphere

Reserve in Delhi - ‘Out of the box’ initiative for Zone O (river Yamuna).
Retrieved from http://yamunajiyeabhiyaan.blogspot.in. Accessed August 8,

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2012.

Yamuna Jiye Abhiyan. (2012 b). Yamuna water unfit for drinking. Retrieved
from http://yamunajiyeabhiyaan.blogspot.in. Accessed August 8, 2012.

Yamuna Jiye Abhiyan. (2012 c). Suggestions on midterm (?) review of MPD
2021 and zonal plans made there under. Retrieved from.
http://yamunajiyeabhiyaan.blogspot. Accessed August 8, 2012.

Reema Bhatia, Associate Professor, Sociology, Miranda House, University of

Delhi, Delhi 110007

[email protected]

Meeta Kumar, Associate Professor, Economics, Miranda House, University

of Delhi, Delhi 110007

[email protected]

i
The Namami Gange programme is a Government of India Flagship programme started in

2014 to clean, conserve and rejuvenate the National River Ganga (NMCG, 2020).
ii
‘First, there were rules for equity by an open field system of two or three field rotations of

the long and short fallows for cultivation and grazing. Second, there were customs for

economy in water use in the villages: by intricate rules for the sharing and repairing of field

channels (dhanas) and grazing on the ridges or dhauls and by water harvesting through

collecting water in ponds (johads) and rules of conservation of well water and repair of small

channels (suas) in the semi-desert regions. Third, there were measures of risk-sharing brought

on by river action by rules of alluvion and diluvion (sailaba) in place for land thrown up by

rivers or washed away from villages. Fourth, there was a saving in transaction costs by

surrogate use of pasture outside the villages in the wetlands, like marshes known as chhambs

which were shared for pastoral purposes by the cattle of both settled and nomadic

communities, and similarly there were rules of water sharing between village communities

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for irrigation from hill torrents and from rivers like the wara-bandi and osra-bandi systems

(Chakravorty-Kaul, 2015).

iii
The rural area of Delhi has shrunk from 53.79 percent in 1991 to 24.9 percent in 2011 and

the urban area has gone up from 46.21 per cent to 62.35 per cent in these two decades

(Government of Delhi, 2022). Delhi Land Reforms Rules, 1954 lists 358 villages in the UT

of Delhi, the Tejendra Khanna Committee Report has put the number of villages at 362. In

2005-6, 135 of these villages were designated ‘urban’ villages and 227 remained ‘rural’

(Government of Delhi, 2007, p. 12).

iv
Traditionally, village residences (called the abadi-deh) were held in common and clustered

into an area marked on revenue maps in red ink – hence the name lal-dora. Common

ownership has resulted in these areas escaping several municipal byelaws. Laws and bylaws

predicated on private ownership either cannot be applied, or, more typically, are

administratively and politically difficult to enforce in these commonly owned lands. Political

and administrative convenience has ensured that enforcement of municipal rules and norms,

weak as it is in all parts of Delhi, is virtually absent from these areas. Equally, most lal-dora

areas have minimal civic amenities, but tend to be congested hubs of enterprise.

v
In any case, the judiciary can only push for implementation of existing laws. It is our

contention that laws based on fractured notions of the river are unlikely to be successful in

reviving it. For instance, in the case of the Commonwealth Games Village (CGV), the DDA

sanctioned the construction of a residential complex on the floodplains of the Yamuna next to

the already controversial Akshardham Temple complex. The Yamuna Jiye Abhiyan sought

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judicial intervention to prevent the DDA from doing so. Eventually the Supreme Court

allowed the construction of the CGV, mandating that the site of the CGV was no longer on

the floodplains after the construction of a new bund for the Akshardham Temple. A Supreme

Court mandate, however, was no protection against flooding, and the CGV site was flooded

that very year (Sharan, 2016). This suggests that the state is myopic at best and rent seeking

at worst. (See, for example, Mathur, 2004).

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Article: Market Economy and Farmers' Movement in India:

Contextualizing Farmers' Resistance of 2020-21

Author(s): VenkateshVaditya

Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp.

159-183

Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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Market Economy and Farmers' Movement in India: Contextualizing

Farmers' Resistance of 2020-21

--VenkateshVaditya

Abstract

From the outset, various sections of society are expected to protest when their
grievances are left unheard. Such protest movements are a familiar occurrence
in any democratic nation. As the Indian state is built upon constitutional
governance and democratic principles, protests of all political nature are
justifiable. For, the political process in the democratic government is inclusive
of all such protests that abjure violence to achieve any popular demand. The
recent farmers' movement in India concerning farm bills serves as a prime
example. The farmers were pursuing comprehensive solutions to address the
prevailing issues and concerns faced by a large population. It was not a
spontaneous agitation, but a long-simmering dissatisfaction that has been
brewing since India chose the path of the neoliberal market economic model,
which has held the country in its grip since the 1990s. It was an agrarian
resurgence amid the backdrop of the marketization of the Indian economy. In
this background, the article seeks to understand the current farmers' agitation
and its contradictions in the larger context of structural changes that have
taken place in the Indian economy since India adopted the neoliberal
economic model of development.

Key Words: market economy, neoliberal reforms, farmer's movements,

farmer's bill, liberalization, agrarian distress

Introduction

The historic farmers' movement that persisted throughout the critical COVID-
19 pandemic in India between August 2020 to December 2021 has raised the
confidence level among farmers of all states at once. Despite its spread being
restricted to proximate areas of India's national capital Delhi, it has affected

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the erstwhile 'green revolution' areas like the Punjab, Haryana and Western
Uttar Pradesh. Started as a response to the deliberate move of the union
government on corporatizing the agriculture sector, and raising other demands,
several farmers' movements and groups had come together as part of the
SamyuktKisanMorcha (SKM). This protest highlighted the shift in regulatory
power and its resistance from states to the union government, and, farmers
rather than traders are forefront of the agitation (Krishnamurthy 2021). Having
faced the wrath of the union government and its paramilitary forces for months
since the Republic Day celebrations of 2020, the movement reached its climax
when Prime Minister NarendraModi made a regretting announcement on the
issue. He backtracked on it and thereby, withdrew the three farmer bills. The
Farm Laws Repeal Bill, 2021 was introduced on 29 November 2021 and
unanimously passed on the first day of the winter session of the Indian
Parliament. Despite the factors that led to Modi's change of direction, Indian
farmers experienced an unprecedented occurrence in recent political history.
In Jodhka's opinion (2021a: 15) there exists 'the 'Resurgent' Rural: Nearly 30
years after it began to recede from the national imagination'. After
independence in 1947, India faced severe food shortage, it was during the third
five-year plan (1961-66) that food grains were imported from the United
States of America (USA) but it came with some conditionalities. The import
of food grains not only strained foreign exchange but also felt humiliating as it
undermined the national goal of autarky. The government decided to adopt the
policy of self-sufficiency in terms of food production. The country had the
option to embrace the proliferation of high-yielding varieties (HYV) of wheat
and rice seeds, which were developed by the Consultative Group on
International Agricultural Research (CGIAR). Economists expressed concerns
about becoming dependent on commercial inputs supplied by multinational
companies. Despite these concerns, the government chose to import the HYV
seeds. At the same time, to establish a favourable pricing environment for
agricultural production, two new institutions were established: the
Commission on Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP) and the Food

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Corporation of India (FCI). Both institutions have played a prominent role in

India's food administration ever since (Chand, 2005, p. 2).

During this period, there was an increase in agriculture input subsidies. The
adoption of HYV technology and its remarkable success were celebrated as
'The Green Revolution'. Interestingly, the regions that experienced the most
impact from the green revolution are now at the forefront of agitation against
the new farm laws. This paper aims to explore the historical roots of various
aspects of the farmers' movement that culminated in farmers' resistance in
2020-21.

Market economy in the Indian agriculture sector

Postcolonial India wished to have a break with the inherited colonial economic
policy of Laissez-faire. With its colonial legacy of economic
underdevelopment, it chose economic nationalism to achieve both political
and economic sovereignty. In Nayar's (2001, p. 50) opinion, the planning was
an assertion of economic nationalism, ultimate control and direction of the
national economy. That is why it followed the import-substitute strategy over
the export-led growth. It has remarkably displayed resilience, adaptability and
finesse while moving away from import substitution to export-oriented
development (Shalendra, 2007). Rudolph and Rudolph's (1987, p.1)
formulation, also reflected India as a political and economic paradox: 'a rich-
poor nation with a weak strong state'. In Frankel's (2005, p.3) opinion, this
economic process 'sought to combine the goal of growth and reduction of
disparities, while avoiding the violence and regimentation of revolutionary
change'. At that time, agriculture was the predominant sector both in terms of
its contribution to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and in providing
agrarian employment. Agriculture has had approximately 55 per cent share of
the GDP and about 70 per cent share of the workforce. Therefore, the fortunes
of a large majority of people were linked with that of agriculture performance
(Bhalla, 2007, p.1). Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister, preferred the
strategic institutional approach in the agrarian sector as part of his

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commitment to equality, and socialism along with tackling the issue of

constraint in productivity (Bhalla, 2007, p. 15). Eventually, this approach was
abandoned when the green revolution strategy was adopted to raise
productivity, as this strategy was based on the technocratic approach. A
significant paradigm shift occurred when India decisively embraced the path
of a market economy through extensive economic reforms, starting in 1991.
The institutions of state and market have profoundly influenced in shaping the
trajectories in the modern world. The mutual interaction of state and market
creates a political economy. In other words, political economy is 'the
reciprocal and dynamic interaction ….of the pursuit of wealth and pursuit of
power' (Gilpin, 1987, p. 11). McNeil (1984) suggests that without a market,
capitalism forfeits its creativity and vitality. The market economy is one in
which goods and services are exchanged based on the principle of relative
price. In this scenario role of the state is to operate in the worst case of 'market
failure' (Olisan, 1965). The market economy was introduced in India to reduce
the role of the state in the process of economic development and to rely on
market forces.

Context of New Farmers’ Movement: Emergence of Rural Power

In the agriculture sector, the state attempted to circumvent the early

accumulation of capital during the initial decades after independence.
However, the withdrawal of state involvement became notably apparent with
the reduction of supportive structures following liberalization. Nonetheless,
state intervention remained crucial in various other aspects, including land
regulations, connecting local markets with the global market, and fostering a
prosperous peasantry capable of participating in capitalist development. The
latter case becomes an important reference point in the context of the
introduction of the green revolution strategy during the 1960s. With this
approach, the global market permeated India's agriculture sector, particularly
in the realm of agrarian inputs like seeds, fertilizers, and HYV crops.
Additionally, despite their limited success, land reforms gave rise to a fresh
segment of farmers from dominant Shudra castes who later exhibited a strong

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interest in expanding into agriculture through agrarian capitalism. In other

words, the green revolution strategy set forth a class, crop and area-biased path
of development (Assadi, 2006, p. 794). The process of globalization reshapes
the normative expectations of a state's fundamental responsibilities. The
"passive revolution" of corporate capital within the framework of electoral
democracy renders it unacceptable and illegitimate for the government to
continue marginalizing peasants, as doing so runs the risk of transforming
them into what is referred to as "the dangerous class" (Chatterjee 2008, p.62).
Even though farmer's movements in India have the potential to influence and
bring structural changes in the economy favouring the agriculture sector. It has
been greatly hampered, due to farmers' multiple identities and interests.

According to Jodhka's perspective (2021c, p. 6), the 1970s and 1980s

witnessed the rise of influential farmers' movements throughout the nation,
especially in areas where agriculture had undergone substantial progress since
the post-independence era. Besides, Punjab, such movements emerged in
Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka, Coastal Andhra, western Uttar Pradesh (UP)
and Haryana. Substantial landholders mostly led them from the locally
dominant castes. In the 1980s, the peasantry rallying behind the Bharat-India
divides rhetoric 'started flexing their political muscles' as part of the 'New
Farmers' Movements'. The rhetoric of 'suffering Bharat and shining India' was
invoked in the context of growing disparities between rural and urban India. It
was a result of the nationalization of rural politics and rural political
mobilization during the second half of the 1970s. This newly emerged
agrarianism was not only 'revolutionary' but also innovative because it was not
carried out by the landless-exploited labourers against the landlords, but it was
viewed more as a pressure interest on the government for more agrarian
subsidies, remunerative output prices, loan waiver and ultimately a better
rural-urban balance in resource allocation. These mobilizations were a
response to the exigencies of globalized neo-liberal capitalism (Brass 1995).
The protest march that was organized by the farmers demanding more
subsidies and higher output prices caught the imagination of the nation. The

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strength of peasants seemed invincible as reflecting the mood of peasants, in

1987, an editorial of the Times of India mentioned it as, 'a new spectre of
peasant power likely to haunt' the country for years to come (Varshney, 1995,
p. 11). This was the peak stage of the phenomenon of 'realization' of Indian
politics. This new agrarianism was based on populist ideology, captured by the
compelling imagery of the Bharat-India divide, propagated by political
leaders. Notable leaders of this new agrarianism were Sharad Joshi of
ShetkariSanghatan in Maharashtra and Mahender Singh Tikayat of
BharatiyaKisan Union (BKU) from Uttar Pradesh. They could transcend their
caste and class cleavages because the movement's appeal was sectoral
(Varshney, 1995, p. 18). In Lindberg’s opinion (1994, 95) this movement was
'to struggle for better economic conditions in an increasingly commoditized
agrarian economy' (Lindberg 1994, 95). Despite their lack of engagement in
electoral politics, all political parties found themselves obligated to create
policies and programs that aligned with their demands. The political action of
this class of farmers concerning the state was a result of the democratic system
introduced before a powerful industrial revolution, which led to a rise in
farmer's political power (Varshney, 1998). It is imperative to assess the role of
farmers' movements in this context; especially the appraisal of the political
legacy of the green revolution strategy that enabled the peasantry to further
their political power, by the mid-1960s, especially at the state level. Even this
strategy, which was based on a 'betting on the strong' approach steered the
new technology towards areas in which rich peasantry was dominant (like
Punjab, Haryana, Western Uttar Pradesh, Coastal Andhra etc.). It resulted in
further consolidation of rich peasantry both economically and politically
(Corbridge& Harris, 2000). The increase in the political power of the
peasantry was evident when ChaudhuryCharan Singh, a powerful rural
ideologue became a very important political player in the Janata Party
coalition in 1977 with his political party BharatiyaLok Dal. Their voice
entered directly into the higher strata of policy-making with Charan Singh in
power. The budget presented during his tenure was labelled a 'Kulak budget'.

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According to Varshney (1995, p.18), it was remarked to have a connection

with the people and a genuine essence of the land.

Instead of being limited to a narrow class of surplus-producing wealthy

peasants, 'the new farmers' could successfully garner support from all
segments of the landed peasantry. Hence, it cannot be argued that the capitalist
farmers are trying to build a hegemonic project, which includes some
consensus to a non-hegemonic fraction of the landed and agrarian labourers.
The class and caste question within the farming community further
deconstructs the rural universe. Marx remarked disparagingly on the collective
docility of peasants, by saying that they were like potatoes in a sack, too
heterogeneous to be able to organize politically for class action (Suri, 2006,
p.22). Rather than viewing private property as the foundation of exploitation,
the new farmers' movement has identified force and domination as the
underlying mechanisms for extracting surplus through exchange relations
(Omvedt 2008). This was the case with the Indian farmers' movement. Many
times, they may have united as a distinct class, yet an inevitable result within
the movement was a class that consistently advocated for its interests. For
example, the class within the movement always selectively promoted the rich
class's interest by selectively prioritizing demands like lower input prices,
higher food prices and demanding lower minimum agriculture wages for
agriculture labourers and a rise in rural development. These selective demands
within the larger farmers' movement blurred the universal claims of the
sectoral discourse of the movement.

Varshney (1995) argued that the rise of rural political power was not
completely transformed into a favourable situation because of countervailing
constraints in the economy that served as a limit to farmer's gains. It was not
converted into rising income ad infinitum because it would run against some
countervailing economic factors. If the momentum of technology significantly
influences crop yield, then the levelling off or plateauing of technological
advancements could serve as a restraint on farming profits. If the government
were to raise the prices of agricultural commodities to ensure higher

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agriculture returns to farmers, then the low purchasing power of the rural poor
would create a demand constraint as the state would have to keep agrarian
consumer prices low by keeping in mind the rural poor (Posani, 2009). This
rural power transformation would require a collective action; however, that
collectivity breaks down with the other competing identities among the
farmers. At the same time, the universality of the 'rise of rural power' may not
hold longer because the farmers' movement may have after all served the
interest of rich farmers. In addition to that, the marginalization of agrarian
policies since the 1990s happened because of the changing global political
economy that has shrunk the policy space of farmers. The electoral potency of
'agrarian interest' to influence the policy outcomes was curtailed in the country
with the rise of political discourses of religion and ethnicity. The voting
preferences of Indian farmers were influenced by heterogeneous identity
considerations. Over time, it became practically challenging to contend solely
with the 'economic exclusivist' perspective, as other factors came into play.
The determining factor is no longer solely the shared occupational identity of
being farmers. This changing social and political structure in the contemporary
rural society has weakened the rural identities of 'village' and 'farmers'.

In recent decades, India has taken right-wing turns, economically 'neoliberal'

and politically 'communal'. The right-wing does not prefer to even
acknowledge that 'rural' India is suffering due to a policy of neglect. Hasan
(1995) in her study of BKU in Western Uttar Pradesh found that the economic
interests of surplus-producing farmers dominated the movement and the
principal mobilizing factor was on caste and religious lines. According to her,
the dominant Jat farmers mobilized lower caste farmers by using Hindu
communal ideology. The caste contradictions erupted when the Jats backed
the anti-Mandal agitation and it alienated backward caste farmers from its
ranks. The decline is also owed to BKU's active affiliation with the Hindutva
politics that propagates Hindu supremacy. This ideology is central to the
current ruling party BharatiyaJanata Party (BJP) led by Prime Minister
NarendraModi since 2014. Marginal farmers supported these types of

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movements for non-economic reasons like the betterment of government

bureaucracy. In this way, the movement was progressive in a limited sense. It
is a problematic proposition to claim a singular rise of rural power. Further,
the post-green revolution economic change brought villages near urban areas.
Many farmers started sending their children to educational institutes and there
emerged a distinct salaried class straddled between rural and urban divide.
Farmers’ households are gradually becoming plural-active i.e. diversifying
their economic activities more and more in non-agriculture sectors.

Introduction of Market Economy and Farmer's Autonomy

Even though the farmers' movement was marked by several structural

constraints within and without the political class in the country felt its
presence. Such powerful rural political power came under pressure since the
1990s due to the economic reforms agenda that has been carried out in the
name of liberalization. Since then, the agrarian interest has been marginalized
in the national policy agenda. Contrary to Gandhian visualization of life in the
village as a superior alternative to Western materialistic life, there is
denunciation in the opinion of Jodhka (2021a, p. 13) 'much of its denunciation
in contemporary times has come from increasingly dominant and hegemonic
elite and the urban middle classes'. In Ghosh's (2005), opinion the policy
changes were brought on the presumptions of freeing agriculture markets and
liberalizing external trade in agriculture commodities that would provide price
incentives leading to enhanced investment and output in that sector. Thus,
since the 1990s, in Jodhka's opinion (2021a, p.15) 'the rural has increasingly
been marginalized in the national imagination'. The neoliberal economic
reforms affected rural society adversely. There was a decline in central
government revenue expenditure on rural development. There were cuts in
subsidies in the agriculture sector and an overall decline in per capita
government expenditure on rural areas. Besides, the decline in public
investment in agriculture, including extension, public infrastructure and
energy investment diminished irrigation in rural areas. The reduction of the
public distribution system (PDS) spread and rising prices of food items had

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affected rural household food consumption. The implementation of financial

liberalization measures led to a redefinition of lending priorities by banks,
resulting in a decreased availability of rural credit. Internal trade in agriculture
commodities was liberalized across the states within India. External trade in
agricultural commodities was liberalized and restrictions were removed. Many
scholars argued that the agrarian crisis in the country was rooted in the present
economic regime of liberalization. In the opinion of Patnaik (2005, p.246)
'Indian agrarian crisis is the product of misguided public policy, ill-thought-
out neo-liberal reforms induced the crisis by hitting farmers with the high
credit and input costs’.

Traditionally, agrarian capitalism has intensified the commercialization in the

agriculture sector, which demands heavy monetized inputs and investments. It
added technology and credit risks to the traditional weather risks that the
sector was already facing. To this, liberalization added market risks that were
accentuated by receding state support by the 1990s. Thus, everything has been
interlinked; change in one sector would affect all other sectors like a chain
reaction. With the changing market conditions, the farmers are increasingly
being exposed to the uncertainties of the product as well as factor markets
(Mishra, 2007). Agrarian liberalization is evident in key areas like agriculture
trade as India removed quantitative limits on 470 agriculture products and it
was further liberalized to 1400 agriculture products in 1999. It reflects the
inability of Indian farmers to compete with the agri-market controlled by
powerful foreign companies. For instance, ever since, the seeds input industry
was liberalized the farmers have been forced to depend upon the corporate
seeds (see for details Vamsi, 2005). Public expenditure in this sector has
significantly decreased over time. For instance, the overall allocation of
budget in this sector, in five-year plans has gone down. Five-year plans have
been a main characteristic of the Indian economy that envisaged a systemic
transformation. If one has a cursory look at the statistics of expenditure on
agriculture, one would see a declining trend over plans. In percentage terms,
during the first five-year plan, 37.0 per cent was allotted to this sector; it has

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declined to less than 16.5 during the tenth five-year plan (Bhalla, 2007, p. 46).
One of the extreme manifestations of these policy changes that have adversely
affected farmers is the farmers' suicides, which have plagued the country as an
epidemic since the early 1990s. This is due to policy changes that were
brought in areas like fiscal policy; financial reforms, external trade and
institutional development (see Vaditya, 2017). While studying farmers'
suicides phenomena in Maharashtra Mohanty (2005) observed that, the lower
middle caste peasants and smallholders in the state are caught trapped by the
green revolution strategies on one side and the reality of neo-liberalism on the
other side.

Diminishing Rural Political Power and Farmers’ Agitations

It seems that the farmers' movement in the post-liberalization period has lost
its earlier dynamism. The hegemonic hold of capitalist farmers was broken
with the emergence of identity politics during this period. Nevertheless, the
momentum was not lost completely as the agitation continued against the
unfavourable structural changes affecting the sector. There have been several
successful protests against the ongoing liberalization process and agriculture
corporatization. For instance, a huge protest march was witnessed in Delhi on
March 7, 1996, as the farmers gathered in New Delhi at KisanGhat a
"DeshBachao" (save the country) Mahapanchayat. The rally was organized
under the banner of BKU. It was attended by, BKU leader late Mahendra
Singh Tikait, Vineet Narayan and Vandana Shiva, a leading scientist. The
main agenda before the panchayat was to make a demand on the political class
through their own elected representatives while agitating simultaneously
outside of politics. In the proceedings, it was decided to have a political
committee of nine representatives of farmers' organizations to oversee the
political process, and to bring accountability in the political class. The
Panchayat condemned the government for its failure in land reforms and for
handing over the lands of poor and hapless farmers to the corporate agriculture
of the big agro-corporations. It was also decided to fight against the World
Bank's (WB) conditionality of privatization of water resources. It was declared

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that water rights are common rights and not market rights. In Jodhka's opinion
(2021b, p. 195) 'The growing size and power of the urban and corporate
economy marginalized its agrarian economy in the national imagination, the
effects of which began to be felt by those working in the sector'. The farmers
in India have been resisting corporatization and monopolization of the seeds
industry through Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) regimes. The farmers
committed themselves to fighting for their rights against any unjust laws
aimed at undermining their rights. They also announced the farmer's debt is
illegitimate since it was linked to a disproportionate increase in the cost of
agricultural commodities, by creating profits for agri-business. In the
Panchayat, the farmers' charter was issued and the charter condemned the
illegitimate debt burden imposed on the poor farmers through government
policies that favoured corporatization. It also criticized the government's lack
of will to carry out land reforms successfully and selling land to corporations
at throwaway prices. It condemned the privatization of water resources
through WB dictates. They gave one slogan in this regard "Save water-save
country." The interests of farmers were further marginalized when the current
BJP government passed three legislations without consulting the stakeholders
and farmers in 2020 during the coronavirus pandemic.

The movement against three farm bills: efforts to regain the lost power

The BJP government at the centre took the farmers for granted, as several
farmers' associations supported them in several previous elections. However,
the introduction of three farm bills in 2020 was viewed as authoritarian as
these organizations were not taken into confidence while formulating the bills.
The resistance against these bills came from three significant fronts. Initially,
it stemmed from farmers' organizations, concerned about their continued
existence and independence as a farming community, as these bills were
widely perceived to be benefiting agribusiness corporations. Subsequently,
various state governments voiced their opposition due to their apprehension
that the bills could undermine their autonomy, as the central government
appeared to encroach upon the states' rights concerning the agricultural sector.

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Moreover, regional political parties expressed their dissent, interpreting the

bills as an assault on their distinct regional identities and aspirations.
Interestingly these political parties owe their origin to farming and around
their regional identities (Singh 2020). Out of these three legislations, one
legislation was an amendment to the earlier existing legislation and the rest of
the two were newly drafted legislations. The first legislation was, 'The
Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act,
2020', which was formulated to liberalize agricultural output, especially food
grains. The initial and immediate concern raised was that this law could
weaken the current marketing structure that might enable trade beyond the
Agricultural Produce Marketing Committees (APMC) or the mandis.
Consequently, it was noted that the Minimum Support Price (MSP), which has
been a critical support for farmers' limited autonomy in the output market,
might potentially vanish. The second legislation, the 'Farmers (Empowerment
and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance, Farm Services Act, 2020',
provided a blueprint for contract farming. According to this legislation, now
the farmers can enter into a direct agreement with one or more buyers to
produce a specific crop at a prefixed prior determined rate. However, this
legislation did not say anything about the price security for the farmers. The
third legislation involved an amendment to the 'The Essential Commodities
(Amendment) Act, of 2020'. This amendment raised additional suspicion due
to its elimination of the existing storage limits for agricultural commodities.
Moreover, certain essential commodities were removed from the list, creating
the potential for stockpiling of agricultural commodities by entities that have
corporate-level storage facilities and resources. It was feared that this
amendment would expose farmers to the vagaries of market forces dominated
by big corporations. The suspicion arose when the Union government enacted
legislation related to the subject of 'farming', which falls under the 'state list',
using the 'ordinance route'. This was done without consulting stakeholders, all
during an ongoing pandemic situation. The main agenda of the BJP
government seems to be deepening the 'agribusiness capitalism' and increasing
centralized control of agriculture in the country (Singh 2020, 14). Whatever

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little autonomy Indian farmers had over marketing their output produce in the
form of MSP, the three legislations were perceived as an attack on their
autonomy as the corporate sector was given free hands in purchasing, storing,
and establishing contractual agreements with farmers as decisions primarily
made by the corporate business houses coercively. The immediate demand of
farmers was to offer legal surety to MSP and repeal the new legislation. The
protest was intense in states like Haryana and Punjab where government
agencies primarily procure farm produce at MSP (Ohlan, 2021). The farmers
in several parts of the country started to protest against these bills in late 2020.
According to Jodhka (2021b), this extensive and prolonged protest triggered
various analytical perspectives, including the concept of the 'moral economy'
struggle, which entails a demand for ongoing state support. Additionally, the
protest represented an assertion led by dominant rural castes who were
anxious about relinquishing their regional influence. Indian planners
envisaged in their agriculture policy formulations to make the tiller of soil also
the owner of holding. That means creating a large number of owner cultivators
and helping them in agriculture input on an institutional basis. As discussed
earlier, the land reforms assumed an important institutional change. However,
during the liberalization, the operative forces have changed. These forces tend
to treat smallholdings as unremunerative and advocate for converting small
farmers into tenants or agriculture labourers. The retreat of the state from
supporting the sector due to ideological reasons and resource limitations has
paved the way for the propagation of such arguments. Consequently, a distinct
trend has emerged in the sector that favours agri-business. Currently, private
investment is on the ascendency naturally leading to an increased demand for
a consistent supply of commodities, agricultural labour, and large land
holdings. In this context, agri-business companies are evolving into a new
kind of farmers. These enterprises are guaranteed sufficient credit flow,
benefiting from their scale, and employing manipulative strategies, in contrast
to the less educated small and marginal farmers in India (Krishnaswamy,
1994, p.70).

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The protest against these three farm laws was pan-Indian in nature; however, it
was concentrated in the north-Indian states of Punjab, Haryana, Parts of
Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh and mostly driven by Jat farmers who were
earlier referred to as capitalist farmers. Much of the growth-led development is
driven by private capital, and the social origin of it is in the institution of caste.
In the southern and western regions of the country, the influential castes that
own land have transitioned away from agriculture and adopted the role of
capitalists. Conversely, in northern India, agricultural capitalists have
struggled to transition into industrial capitalists. This dominant group
perceives themselves as being in a disadvantaged position compared to
industrial capitalism, which garners a significant portion of state policy focus
following the implementation of a market-driven economy (Damodaran,
2018). The opposition to the farms bill united the farmers in Punjab. However,
agriculture in Punjab is losing its importance as an all-encompassing way of
life and identity. The proportion of cultivators declined from 46.5 per cent in
1971 to 22.6 per cent by 2001. The state known for its vibrant agrarian
economy and the 'food basket of India', changed when the farmers ended their
lives in thousands. In Bosh's words(2000, p. 3375), ‘the glitter of the green
revolution has disappeared. There are cracks in Punjab’s prosperity’. Punjab is
passing through a phase of stagnation squeezing of agrarian economy due to
saturation in technology and low levels of yields. In Gill and Singh's opinion,
(2006, p. 2762) 'the agriculture sector in Punjab not only has been moving
towards stagnation of yields, but also a squeeze on income as well'. Much
celebrated so-called Punjabi ethos, including 'hard work on the farm, self-
dignity, pride in himself, the family izzat, the love for modernization, desire
for one-up etc. which made Punjabi farmers most dynamic in the country, is
crumbling down. The local dominant Jats, are particularly known for the pride
they take in their rural identities. The state still occupies the leading position in
several statistical indicators but it has been witnessing perpetual crisis. in
Jodhka's (2001) opinion, the Punjab crisis consists of the Khalistan militant
movement during the 1980s to cotton crop failure in the 1990s. This is a well-
documented trend where, in the aftermath of the green revolution, the

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attractiveness of agriculture as both an occupation and a means of livelihood

has been steadily declining from its earlier celebrated status. The success of
the green revolution approach in the state resulted in the modernization of
even the average farmer through the adoption of contemporary agricultural
inputs. Consequently, the status of farming communities experienced a
considerable enhancement. To assess one's status in society, owning a tractor
became an important symbol, it was because of the general prosperity
generated by the green revolution strategy and easy availability of credit. The
tractors were acquired through loans from scheduled banks or rural
cooperatives, often facilitated by paying a bribe of at least Rs. 10,000 to
officials, a practice that had become very common. After that, the farmer has
to throw a celebration party for the arrival of the tractor. In the present
situation, such celebrations in the backdrop of cotton crop failure became a
serious burden. When the farmer who had acquired the tractor is required to
repay the loan the following years, they may face challenges if the crop fails
due to factors like untimely rains, water logging, and increased moisture that
led to pest infestations. In such circumstances, the farmers are unable to meet
their loan obligations and default on this front. No institutional credit would be
available when the farmers become defaulters. Then they run to the 'aratiyas'
(commission agents) to run their household expenses and purchase fresh
agriculture inputs in the hope of having better crops next year. When the same
cycle repeats the following year; crop failure, again going for new loans etc.
debt piles up. This time the farmer is worried about the maintenance of the
family and the loss of 'izzat' (respect and prestige) in the society. He becomes
extremely depressed and then thinks about ending his life. They usually buy
some poison (mostly rat poison) and end their life (Jodhka, 2001). The
suicides are confined to some pockets of the state. Many farmers believe that
the root cause of crop failure is 'The HYV of 'American seeds' which was
replaced by the 'desi'(indigenous) seeds during the green revolution phase. The
causes of indebtedness in Punjab are the failure of cotton crops; high cost of
pesticides, overuse of pesticides and use of fake pesticides supplied by dealers
and over mechanization of agriculture like the needless purchase of tractors as

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a source of prestige. Presently in the state, a broader social alliance was

stitched against these farm laws. However, analyzing this struggle through a
class-caste perspective Lerche argued (2021, p. 1381) that ‘while the farm
laws struggle is indeed politically progressive, there is little space for the
radical interests of exploited and oppressed classes and groups who are part of
the present movement to shape its future’.

In Jodhka's opinion (2021c, p. 12) the farm leaders of the current movement,
who are still all from the dominant Jat community, have come to recognize
these divisions of caste and class while articulating their politics. The
satyagraha (peaceful agitation) was carried out under the banner of SKM, a
coalition of forty farmers' organizations that was formed on 7 November 2020.
In this agitation, BKU's RakeshTikait became the most articulate leader.
Earlier in 2013, Tikait mobilized Jats in various khap panchayat that bred the
communal polarization that helped the BJP electorally. This polarization broke
the unity among Jats and Muslims that helped the BJP to win considerable
LokSabha seats in the western part of UP. Afterwards, he extended support to
the BJP in the 2017 Assembly elections and 2019 LokSabha elections. The
stubborn and authoritarian attitude of the BJP government in retracting these
three farm laws made NareshTikait emerge as one of the prominent leaders.
Eventually, he realized the mistake that he committed by supporting the BJP.
He said,

It's a fact that the BKU supported the BJP in the 2014 LokSabha polls, the
2017 UP assembly polls, and the 2019 LokSabha polls. But we did not like
what came out of it. BJP didn't stand true to its promises and only exploited
the support of farmers for their politics. (The Quint, 2022)

The government of India withdrew the three bills; Prime Minister Modi
announced the repeal of three farm laws with an apology in a dramatically
televised live address to the farmers on 18 November 2021 a few months
before the assembly elections to the agitating states of Punjab and U P. He
said, 'I apologise to the people of the country with true and pure heart... we

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were not able to convince farmers. There must have been some deficiency in
our efforts that we could not convince some farmers (Datta, 2001).
Nonetheless, the initial request of farmers for institutional assistance to
enhance the profitability of agriculture is still being pursued, indicating a
potential resurgence of waning rural political influence. Farmers' agitation is a
long-drawn battle not only against the government but also against the system
that promotes such a market economy. In Jodhka's opinion (2021b, 203) 'The
movement is thus also a refusal and resistance to subjection and subjugation of
regional culture to a view of market-driven national culture'. Contemporary
India is marked by a fusion of communal politics and a neoliberal market
economy; in the coming days, this marriage of convenience might continue to
have repercussions in the form of an attack on the rights of marginalized
sections including farmers. This brings our attention to the issue of change in
ideological politics towards the left to the center politics. Such politics with a
broader social alliance has the potential to solve some of the structural issues
that were raised by this agitation. Even though Prime Minister Modi
apologized publicly, however the structural problem of the agrarian economy
i.e. squeezing of the farmers is far away from over.

The fact in development economics is that the process of economic

development involves the structural transformation of the economy. In this
transformation, there is a shift in terms of the value of output and employment
from the primary sector (agriculture) to the secondary (industrial) and tertiary
(service) sectors. This is because of inherent limitations within the agriculture
sector such as limits in output, employment and demand for the outputs. As
the economy expands and agriculture modernizes, there is the transfer of
resources from agriculture towards other sectors. There has to be careful
differentiation between the process of transferring resources and squeezing
agriculture. The terms of agrarian transfer are the agrarian question i.e., how to
transfer resources to other sectors of the economy without disturbing the
livelihoods, supply of raw materials and food. This agrarian question is the
centre of the 'town-country' debate (Cobridge and Harris, 2000, p. 14). The

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liberalization policies such as the devaluation of currency and ending

protection to industries in the 1990s were expected to benefit agriculture and
improve its relative Terms of Trade (ToT). However, this has not taken place.
There is erosion of the real income of farmers. For instance, the prices
received by the farmers for their crops are compared with the prices they pay
for consumer goods i.e., Consumer Price Index for Agriculture Labour-
Capital. It has been observed that farmers' real incomes have been eroding
because the growth in the aggregate price index for consumer goods has been
higher than the growth in the price index for agricultural commodities
(Mishra, 2007). This has led to a decline in the relative living standards of
farmers, particularly small and marginal farmers, whose incomes are
inadequate to meet consumption expenditure. One could assess the squeeze of
agriculture by comparing the gap between income and consumption of
agriculture households. In the initial three decades of post-independence India,
notwithstanding the 'urban bias' argument, there was a net transfer of resources
into the agriculture sector. The erosion of agrarian interest in national policy
imagination might continue in the coming years so will the farmers' agitations.
The remarkable aspect lies in the fact that despite facing numerous challenges,
including the sacrifice of thousands of farmers, as well as police cases and
oppressive actions from the ruling regime, the yearlong struggle in UP,
Punjab, Haryana, and Delhi persisted. As the elections are approaching and
attracting the political parties, whose electoral prospects are under threat, the
farmers' movement seems to be having an edge over it for some time. While
the apologetic address of Prime Minister Modi on the farmers' movement and
withdrawal of the three contentious farm laws in the parliament in December
2021 is an indication of farmers upbeat, none of the major issues like the MSP
that concerned the advantage of agriculture sector is resolved to the
satisfaction of agitating farmers. However, the successful agitation of farmers
against these three farm laws was looked at as 'a dent in India's authoritarian
regime' of Modi (Gudavarthy, 2023).

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Conclusion

Overall, the agrarian distress and protest are continuing in various parts of the
country, more so in the green revolution areas of North India. Despite many
attempts, farmers have not been getting organized under single platforms.
Already the farmers are divided along caste and community lines and
geographically their interests change as per the prevalent conditions on the
ground in different states. There are political parties that have always tried to
politicize the farmers along with political ideologies. Hence, there are a few
farmer 'cells' or 'wings' being attached to one or the other political parties, as
part of organizing politically. Besides, there are a few non-political groups and
leaders that farmers and their associations are hardly organized at the national
level like the Trade unions. The issues and concerns are different in different
parts of the country. They are not alike as their interests vary across borders.
Besides, some common dissimilarities, a few similar issues would bind them
together. Even though the recent farmers' movements appear to be effective,
their achievement in terms of the original demands charter is very limited. In
addition to that, several false cases have been filed against farmers in various
parts of the country that could not be revoked in any serious way. Hence, the
issue is back to square one where the new farmers' movement had to focus on
the withdrawal of false cases, to begin with. In a certain sense, even the
activists within the recent farmers' movement find it difficult to fully grasp the
culmination or climax of the movement. Unless the farmers' movement
reaches its logical endpoint, it might not be able to attain the anticipated
advantages. The primary objective of the resistance, which was to secure the
'legalization of MSP' is yet to be achieved. This is an ongoing story…

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VenkateshVaditya is an Associate Professor, Dept of Cultural Studies,

School of Interdisciplinary Studies, The English and Foreign Languages
University, Hyderabad-07

Email: [email protected]

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Article: Preparing for Future: The Influence of Coaching

Institutes in Hyderabad on Global Higher Education

Author(s): Rajender Bugga

Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp.

184-214

Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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Preparing for Future:

The Influence of Coaching Institutes in Hyderabad on Global Higher

Education

--Rajender Bugga

Abstract

The process of international higher education has been significantly impacted

by globalization and privatization, resulting in a significant increase in student
enrollment from non-western and Asian countries; India is not an exception.
To gain admission into Western universities, Indian students often seek
assistance from coaching centers to navigate the admission tests and other
technical procedures. The objectives of the paper are to critically examine the
role of International higher education coaching institutes in facilitating the
admission process abroad.These coaching institutes are crucial in guiding
students throughout the application and admission process. The paper relied
on mixed methodological protocols to understand the role of coaching
institutes based in Hyderabad.The paper found that coaching centres play a
significant role in choosing a country and selection of an university. These
centres also guide the students in exploring funding opportunities, selection of
courses and familiarizing students with the cultural practices of the host
country. The coaching centres also play a significant role in training students
for clearing the competitive international entrance exams and visa process.

Keywords: International students, Higher education, Globalization, Coaching

institutes, United States of America.

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Introduction

In the era of globalization, the landscape of higher education has witnessed

profound transformations, transcending national boundaries and fostering the
growth of cross-cultural exchange. The case of India exemplifies the
significant impact of internationalization in the higher education domain.
International higher education in India holds immense significance as it not
only shapes the lives of individual students but also contributes to broader
social transformations and economic development. Over the past few decades,
the pursuit of knowledge has transcended geographical limits; the increasing
interest in international higher education has given rise to a host of academic
collaborations, joint-degree programs, and cross-cultural learning
environments that bridge the gap between nations and foster a globalized
approach to education. However, globalization in the late 20th century
encouraged a renewed focus on internationalization. One of the primary
functions of international coaching institutes is to assist students in selecting a
suitable country for their higher education endeavors. This process involves
understanding the student's academic background, career goals, and personal
preferences and matching them with the various academic, social, and cultural
opportunities offered by different countries. This selection process is not just a
rational assessment of education systems and rankings; it also involves
perceptions and stereotypes associated with particular countries that can
influence students' choices. Sociologically, this decision-making process
reflects the intersection of global perceptions, national identities, and
individual aspirations.

Once the choice of country is made, international higher education coaching

institutes play a role in the selection of an appropriate university. Here, they
navigate the intricate landscape of university rankings, program offerings,
faculty expertise, and infrastructure. Additionally, they mediate the complex
web of financial considerations, including tuition fees, scholarships, and cost
of living. In doing so, these institutes become intermediaries between students

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and institutions, contributing to shaping academic trajectories and career

aspirations.

Furthermore, international coaching institutes aid in exploring funding

opportunities for students, recognizing that financial constraints often
determine the feasibility of studying abroad. They help students identify
scholarships, grants, loans, and part-time job prospects that can alleviate the
financial burden. This aspect of their role reflects the interplay between
socioeconomic disparities and educational mobility, with the institutes
addressing disparities by making education accessible to a broader spectrum of
students.

The selection of courses is another pivotal aspect guided by these institutes.

They assist students in aligning their academic interests with available
courses, while also considering future career prospects. This process is
intertwined with cultural factors, as certain courses may be more relevant or
desirable in specific cultural contexts. For instance, courses in cultural studies
or languages might be favored by students seeking a more profound
engagement with the host country's culture.

The cultural practices of the host country represent a critical dimension in the
experience of international students. International coaching institutes offer
insights into these practices, preparing students for potential cultural shocks
and helping them navigate social norms and customs. Understanding cultural
nuances becomes crucial for successful integration and building cross-cultural
competencies that are increasingly valued in today's globalized world.

The context for the emergence coaching institutes in India

Historically the coaching institute culture in India can be traced back to the
late 20th century. With economic liberalization in the early 1990s, the country
shifted towards a knowledge-driven economy. This led to increased awareness
among Indians about the significance of global education and its potential
benefits in terms of career opportunities and social status (Deshpande, 2001).

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The surge in coaching institutes catering to international higher education can

be linked to various socio-economic factors. Firstly, India's hyper-competitive
education system places immense pressure on students to excel academically
and gain admission to prestigious universities (Gupta, 2014). In response to
this pressure, coaching institutes emerged as a means to supplement traditional
education and provide specialized training for standardized tests like SAT,
GRE, GMAT, and TOEFL. Secondly, with increased disposable income, the
rising middle class in India seeks to invest in quality education for their
children. These families view studying abroad as a pathway to upward social
mobility, global exposure, and better career prospects (Kaur, 2018).

India's cultural values are pivotal in shaping the preference for international
education and coaching institutes. The country's collectivist culture
emphasizes the importance of family honor and prestige (Singh, 2004).
Pursuing higher education abroad is often seen as a reflection of a family's
success and a source of pride within the community. The coaching industry, in
turn, capitalizes on this cultural mindset by promoting success stories of
students who have gained admission to prestigious foreign universities. The
growth of coaching institutes for international higher education has had
several social implications in India. On the one hand, these institutes have
facilitated access to information about foreign universities and the application
process, leveling the playing field for students from diverse backgrounds
(Agarwal, 2019). On the other hand, they have reinforced the perception that
studying abroad is the most desirable educational path, potentially
undermining the value of local institutions.

Furthermore, the reliance on coaching institutes may inadvertently perpetuate

a narrow focus on standardized test scores rather than fostering a well-rounded
and holistic approach to education (Kumar, 2017). This shift in educational
priorities may affect the broader development of student's critical thinking and
creativity.

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History of Coaching Institutes in Hyderabad and it as an educational city

The rise of international higher education coaching institutes in Hyderabad

represents a fascinating sociological phenomenon that has significantly
influenced the academic landscape of this cosmopolitan city. These institutes
have played a pivotal role in facilitating the aspirations of students to pursue
higher education abroad. The establishment of international higher education
coaching institutes in Hyderabad can be traced back to the late 20th century
when global economic changes and geopolitical shifts sparked an increasing
demand for international education. As the Indian economy liberalized in the
early 1990s, the aspirations of Indian students to access quality education
abroad grew substantially (Biswal, 2010). Hyderabad, a central educational
hub in India, saw a surge in the number of students seeking guidance to
navigate the complex international admissions process.

Globalization and Global Education:

Globalization has played a crucial role in shaping the dynamics of

international higher education coaching institutes in Hyderabad. As the world
became more interconnected, students and families became increasingly aware
of the benefits of international education, such as exposure to diverse cultures,
better career prospects, and access to cutting-edge research facilities. This
trend led to a growing interest in coaching institutes that could help students
prepare for standardized tests like SAT, GRE, TOEFL, and IELTS, which are
often prerequisites for admission to foreign universities (Kapur, 2004).

This Coaching institutes emerged as a response to the increasing demand for

specialized training in entrance examinations that could ensure access to
prestigious educational institutions (Kamat, 1999). The growing demand for
international higher education coaching institutes in Hyderabad led to the
emergence of a highly competitive industry. Numerous coaching centers
sprouted across the city, each competing to attract students by promising

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personalized training, up-to-date study materials, and a high success rate in

securing admissions (Bhattacharyya, 2015). Throughout the 1990s and early
2000s, Hyderabad experienced rapid growth in the coaching industry. Kamat
notes that the increasing popularity of engineering and medical professions,
coupled with the limited number of seats in top-notch institutions, fueled the
demand for coaching services (Kamat, 1999). This led to the diversification of
coaching institutes, with new players entering the market, offering courses for
various competitive exams ranging from civil services to management and
law.

The turn of the millennium witnessed the integration of technology into the
coaching sector. Online coaching platforms and distance learning programs
gained traction, expanding access to coaching facilities for students from
remote areas. SangeetaKamat's research indicates that this shift contributed to
a more democratized approach to education, breaking geographical barriers
and creating a more inclusive learning environment (Kamat, 2005). The
proliferation of coaching institutes in Hyderabad profoundly impacted the
education system. SangeetaKamat argues that the emergence of these institutes
resulted in an increasing emphasis on exam-centric learning rather than a
holistic understanding of subjects (Kamat, 2005). This phenomenon also gave
rise to concerns regarding the commodification of education, where education
became a transactional service rather than a transformative process.

As a result, these coaching institutes became an integral part of the educational

landscape in Hyderabad. The prevalence of international higher education
coaching institutes in Hyderabad has had significant societal implications. On
the one hand, they have helped bridge the information gap for students who
lack access to resources and guidance on foreign admissions (Mukherjee,
2017). On the other hand, their rise has fueled concerns about the
commodification of education, with coaching centers capitalizing on the
aspirations of students and their families (Altbach, 2018). Kamat's writings
highlight the societal implications of the coaching culture in Hyderabad. The
mushrooming of coaching institutes contributed to the phenomenon of "brain

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drain" as students often preferred to pursue education and career opportunities

outside the city and country. Additionally, the intensifying competition and
pressure to succeed in entrance exams led to issues related to mental health
among students (Kamat, 1999).

Role of Coaching Institutes in the selection of the courses/ universities/

processing visa

The coaching institutes play a vital role in facilitating the 'students' necessities
to get admission in abroad for higher education. The process of selecting the
right course and university in a foreign country can be overwhelming, given
the multitude of options available. IHECIs (International Higher education
Coaching Institutes) play a pivotal role in assisting students in this complex
decision-making process. They provide personalized guidance, access to
information databases, and employ experienced counselors to aid students in
evaluating their academic aspirations, strengths, and interests (Kong, 2019).
Sociologically, this support helps students align their educational goals with
their personal and professional aspirations, leading to better decision-making
and higher satisfaction rates in their chosen courses and universities (Kapur,
2018).

Moreover, IHECIs act as intermediaries between students and universities,

fostering connections that facilitate easier access to foreign institutions (Kaur,
2019). It is particularly relevant for underprivileged students who might not
have access to extensive networks or information on global education
opportunities. Consequently, IHECIs contribute to a more inclusive and
diverse student body within foreign universities.

Influence on Visa Processing

Visa processing is critical to international education, often causing anxiety and

uncertainty among students. IHECIs provide indispensable support in
navigating the intricate visa application procedures (Yan &Alzubi, 2020).
They help students compile essential documents, prepare for visa interviews,

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and offer insights into potential challenges they might face. This assistance
significantly reduces visa application errors, thereby increasing the likelihood
of visa approval.

Sociologically, the impact of IHECIs on visa processing extends beyond

individual students. The efficient visa processing facilitated by these institutes
enhances the reputation of both the host and sending countries as desirable
destinations for international students (Kong, 2019). Moreover, smoother visa
procedures attract a more diverse and talented pool of international students,
leading to increased cultural exchange and mutual understanding between
nations (Shah, 2018).

Factors Influencing the Popularity of IHECIs

Several factors have contributed to the growing popularity of IHECIs.

(International Higher Educational Coaching Institutes) First, globalization has
heightened awareness among students and parents of the benefits of
international education (Kapur, 2018). As a result, there is a greater demand
for professional guidance to navigate the complexities of studying abroad.

Second, the increasing competitiveness of the international education market

necessitates strategic planning and decision-making. IHECIs offer a
competitive advantage by providing students with valuable insights into
various institutions' and courses' strengths and weaknesses (Kaur, 2019). This
advantage attracts students seeking personalized and data-driven advice to
maximize their chances of academic and career success.

Role of Coaching Institutes in arranging bank loans

International education has become increasingly sought-after by students

across the globe due to the growing recognition of the benefits of diverse
educational experiences and global exposure. However, funding the cost of
studying abroad poses a significant challenge for many students and their
families. To address this issue, International Higher Education Coaching

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Institutes (IHECIs) have emerged as important players in assisting students in

obtaining bank loans for their overseas education.

The Role of International Higher Education Coaching Institutes: International

Higher Education Coaching Institutes serve as intermediaries that connect
students aspiring to study abroad with financial institutions willing to provide
educational loans. These coaching institutes offer guidance on the entire loan
application process, documentation, and eligibility criteria, easing the burden
on students and their families in navigating the complex financial landscape.
According to a report by the British Council (2019), IHECIs have become
crucial facilitators in assisting students in developing countries to access
education loans. This is particularly significant, given that many financial
institutions in students' home countries may hesitate to provide loans for
foreign education due to concerns about repayment and limited collateral.

Furthermore, the influence of IHECIs may contribute to a shift in the choice of

destination countries for international education. For instance, countries with a
more established network of coaching institutes might attract a higher
proportion of international students. In contrast, others may receive fewer
applications due to limited access to such facilitators.

Additionally, the lack of regulation and oversight in the operations of IHECIs

can create challenges in ensuring transparent and fair practices. There is a
need for better scrutiny and governance to ensure that students are not misled
or exploited during the loan application process. Watch (2021).

Role of Coaching Institutes in providing English training

In the era of globalization, English has emerged as the dominant lingua franca,
facilitating communication and knowledge exchange across international
borders. For students aspiring to pursue higher education in foreign countries,
proficiency in English has become a prerequisite. Recognizing this demand,
International Higher Education Coaching Institutes have emerged as

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prominent institutions that provide specialized English language training to

students seeking academic and professional opportunities abroad.

According to sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, linguistic capital refers to the

knowledge and proficiency of a language that confers social advantages upon
individuals. International Higher Education Coaching Institutes play a crucial
role in cultivating linguistic capital by equipping students with the necessary
English language skills to engage effectively within the global academic
community. This enhanced linguistic capital increases their employability
prospects and opens doors to social mobility, enabling access to better
educational and economic opportunities. The use of English as a medium of
instruction in higher education has been linked to the concept of soft power, as
proposed by Joseph Nye. By promoting English language training,
International Higher Education Coaching Institutes contribute to the soft
power of English-speaking countries by attracting international students,
scholars, and professionals. This influx enhances the internationalization of
education, enriching host countries' cultural and intellectual landscape. The
British Council, an organization dedicated to cultural relations and educational
opportunities, has been at the forefront of English language training for
decades. Through its network of language centers, it has facilitated the
linguistic development of countless students, making them competitive
candidates for higher education and professional roles worldwide.

Methodological Protocols

The study used qualitative and quantitative methodological tools to understand

the role of coaching institutes in facilitating students’ admission process to
abroad. Data was collected from the international educational coaching
institutes based in Hyderabad city. The study identified 16 major coaching
institutes that demonstrate different subjective knowledge for aspiring
students. The prospective students were identified as preparing for exams
required for higher study abroad admission. In this research, the prospective
students who intended to go overseas were selected as research participants as

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the near proxy of international students. This study has identified 220
respondents who are very much keen to move for higher education abroad
particularly to the United States of America. Formal and informal Interviews
were used for conducting personal face-to-face, in-depth interviews with the
students. In-depth interviews consist of 44 student respondents, which is 20
percent. The main focus of the study is to explore the rationale behind the
selection of coaching institutes. The following section discusses the findings
of the study.

Table 1: Do you aware of funding opportunities in the host country?

S. Awar Number Percent

N e of of age
Fundi
Responde
ng
nts

1 Yes 125 57

2 No 95 43

To 220 100
tal

Source: Computed data from the field

The sample of respondents consists of 220, of which 57% of students are

aware of funding opportunities overseas. Moreover, 43% have stated they are
not aware of the funding opportunities in host countries. It indicates that many
respondents know about funding opportunities like fellowships and cross-
cultural fellowships between countries and universities. The reasons could be
the rise of technology and communications. Moreover, many of the
respondents have relatives and friends in overseas countries. The above-

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mentioned factors always help them to know about overseas funding

opportunities.

The following personal narratives have been conducted in Hyderabad city to

understand the students' perceptions about funding opportunities in abroad
Universities.

Ms. Aakansha Reddy, aged 21, enrolled in a B.Tech course at Jawaharlal

Nehru Technological University (JNTU) in Hyderabad. She secured a first-
class percentage in her B.Tech. She learned about funding opportunities
through her friends during her college days. She constantly visits the
university websites to learn about funding possibilities. She had attended a few
educational fairs conducted jointly by foreign universities and private
coaching agencies in Hyderabad. The funding opportunities are high for
higher education and research abroad. She said funding opportunities would
decrease the disparities between high and low-income students. If a lower-
income student gets the fellowship, they will be able to finish their studies
without any trouble. The U.S. gives priority to research and innovations. She
insists that funding is a significant component.

Nonetheless, many of the students are particular about the funding

opportunities of host nations. It can provide confidence to the students to
finish their academic goals without any hassle. The host country institutions
follow criteria for granting international students fellowships. Moreover,
getting a fellowship from the host institution is prestigious in students'
academic careers. The funding opportunities are better for Master's compared
to undergraduate students. She is planning to apply for M.S. at U.S.
University. Since the University is a better place to get a particular
institutional grant for the students, she hopes the besthopes will get a good
amount of fellowship from the host country institutions.

Mr. Vishal, aged 21, He has chosen B.Tech in MLR Institute of Technology.

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His relatives and friends are working as software professionals in the U.S.
Initially; he was unaware of funding opportunities in the U.S. Still, he learned
about it through his friends and foreign educational awareness programs in
the city. The U.S. government spends a considerable amount on higher
education institutions and is a place for research and innovations globally. He
said funding opportunities would increase broader access to higher education
and research. But, getting a fellowship for a master's is more complex than the
graduate programs.

Moreover, the American degree is expensive. I plan to apply for higher studies
at some of the American Universities. Vishal says that many host countries
offer international students better funding opportunities. The United States is
a Centre of many engineering educational institutions with better quality lab
facilities. Many of the institutions have collaborated with private companies. If
I get admission to any university in the United States, I could undoubtedly get
a fellowship. It, indeed, materializes the expectations of my family members.
He finally says that if he doesn't get a fellowship, he will be bearing
personally.

The foregoing case study reveals that funding opportunities also encourage
students to get an international education. Their relatives and friends are
making them aware of funding chances in host countries. Moreover, they felt
that getting a U.S. fellowship is difficult for master's Students. It will create
self-confidence to pursue education. The funding will help them to smoothly
complete their studies. The technology has been helping students learn about
multiple funding opportunities from governmental and private agencies. Many
students depend on private agencies which provide information about funding
chances in the United States.Table 2 demonstrates the role of IHEs in
facilitating education loans.

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Table 2: Role of IHE coaching centres in education loans

S Rol Num Perc

. e ber of enta
N of Resp ge
IH onde
Es nts
in
edu
cati
on
loa
ns

1 Ye 53 24
s

2 No 167 76

T 220 100
o
t
a
l

Source: Computed data from the field

Table 2 demonstrates the role of International higher education coaching

centres in assisting with student education loans. The table consists of 220
respondents, of which 167 respondents represent 76% and 53 respondents

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have 24%. Almost 76% of the students are not facing any financial hindrances
to studying abroad. It implies that 76% of the respondents hail from
financially well-established families. Remain 24% of the students are facing
financial difficulties getting overseas education. Moreover; the coaching
centresplay a vital role in facilitating the students to get educational loans. The
24 percent of respondants hail from lower income backgrounds.In order to
materalise their academic aspirations, the coaching centres have become
intermediaries between banks and students. International higher education is
largely a socioeconomic phenomenon in the Indian context. Table 3 discusses
the respondents' English language training program.

Table 3: Role of IHE coaching centres in English language training

program?

S. Atten Number Percent

N d any of age
Engli Respond
sh ents
langu
age
traini
ng
progr
am

1 Yes 68 31

2 No 152 69

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To 220 100
tal

Source: Computed data from the field

The table consists of 220 respondents, of which 152 respondents signify 69%
and 68 respondents comprise 31%. The highest number of respondents, 69%,
are not appearing for English language training classes. A large number of
students 94.1% have revealed that they consider English a primary
communication source. Many students are studying in private colleges with
the medium of instruction of English. Table 3 emphasizes that 69% of the
students are not attending any language training programs. But, the students
comprised 31% who studied in the vernacular medium of languages attended
English language training programs before they applied for education abroad.

The countries like the UK, Canada and Australia are attracting skilled
professionals from developing nations. The United States has reformed its
foreign policy and visa regulations to attract skilled labour from developing
countries in general and international students in particular. The students who
come to study in the United States are generating huge revenue. According to
Marcus Lu, (2020), throughout 2018-19 "International students contributed
$41 billion to the U.S. economy", clearly emphasizes that it has become a
reality because of changing of its foreign policy and Visa regulation for
International students. Table 4 analyses the possibilities of visa opportunities.

Table 4: Is getting a student visa to the USA and Canada is easier than in other
countries?

S Re Num Perc
. spo ber of enta
N nse Resp ge
onde
nts

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1 Ye 161 73
s

2 No 59 27

T 220 100
o
t
a
l

Source: Computed data from the field

The study consists of 220 respondents, of which 161 respondents represent

73% and 59 respondents comprise 27%. The highest number, 73% of
respondents, felt that getting a student visa is more accessible than in other
countries. Remain 27% of the students have said that acquiring a student visa
is problematic in the United States. Thus, many students have opined that
getting a student visa is more accessible than in other countries. The students
opined that getting a student visa is an entry for accessing higher education.
Moreover, it works as an identity for employment and citizenship
opportunities. Table 5 illustrates the consciousness of the cultural practices of
the host country.

Table 5: Role of IHEs in creating awareness about the cultural practices of the
host country.

Number
of
S. Respo Percent
N nse age
Respond
ents

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1 Yes 133 61

2 No 87 39

To
220 100
tal

Source: Computed data from the field

The 133 respondents symbolize 61% and 87 respondents imply 39%. The data
indicates that many students know the host country's cultural practices.
Moreover, changing technological paradigm shifts have addressed diverse
cultural settings in many countries worldwide. Additionally, International
coaching centres are helping to create the awrness among students who hail
from rural backgrounds. Thus, many of the students acquire knowledge about
overseas countriestable6 analyses consciousness about the host country's food
habits.

The role of International higher education coaching centres in the

application process

Agents and students associate in various ways through educational fairs and
workshops, responding to promoting and social media campaigns and
endorsing friends and family. Agents can use marketing resources provided by
their representative agencies or create their own (another possible area of
concern for institutions from a monitoring perspective). In few cases, students
are not the primary clients' parents who can take a careful and critical decision
to hire and negotiate to consult with an agent on their behalf. The level, nature,
and experience of agent services vary widely.

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Higher agencies may have a team of experts who support a single student
client. Services include recognizing educational institutions that meet student
needs, degree levels, degree program identification, collection and submission
of various grades and test scores transcripts, document translation, and visa
interview preparation. It also serves as a connection between educational
institutions and students and parents.This relationship oftenlasts long after the
student enrolls, especially if the language barrier restricts direct
communication. The agencies do marketing by the name of students who have
joined and completed their courses in overseas institutions. In one sense, the
agencies provide information about host institutions in other contexts,
gratifying their financial necessities.

The Internet has massively created informal access to information concerning

higher education institutions across the world. Moreover, many fraud
institutions have emerged in the name of prominent institutions advertising
false information and damaging thestudents' academic careers and the
institution's eminences. Even a glance at the websites of many universities has
revealed that the lack of transparency leads to the making of false advertising.
But, the students must be able to distinguish the fake and standard institutions
carefully.

At the same time, "The United States often decreases the budgets for overseas
libraries and information centers without considering the effects, and now
reopens the centers and libraries, naming one of the most valuable" exports "in
the United States. As the number of overseas students increased, the
qualification level of applicants declined. In the past, some publicly funded
programs placed students in less authoritative institutions, but there were few
applicants from top universities abroad in most cases. However, many students
who do not understand higher education prospects may wish to study abroad
because they do not have access to higher education at home for multiple
reasons. In addition, they believe that education qualifications abroad can

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improve their employment opportunities, which is considered a major step to

migrating abroad.

Many academic institutions are competitors for international students. Most of

these new applicants do not apply to the best ranking higher education
institutions. But, they are applying to low level or quality schools in all fields.
"These schools evolved as recruiters of international students. Interestingly,
some of the prestigious American universities have become agents and
recruiters. Leading universities remain the favorite educational destination for
most of the finest and world's best students. However, they could only
accommodate a few students applying for higher education abroad".

Study abroad agencies play an important role in students' application process

to get admission into overseas institutions. Earlier, the access of International
higher education was limited to traditional educational classes and the ruling
elite. But, with the growth of technological developments, more opportunities
have emerged for all society sections. A large number of people are aiming
high for educational aspirations. The emergence of study abroad agencies is a
21st-century phenomenon in the Indian context. These agencies are primarily
shaping the aspirations of the students. The study abroad agencies assist the
student from the application process to the admission procedure in abroad
institutions. Table 6 analyses the number of students who have had assistance
from study abroad agencies.

Table 6: Have you applied through a study-abroad agency or yourself?

S. Respo Number Percent

N nse of age

Respond
ents

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1 Yes 141 64

2 No 79 36

To 220 100
tal

Source: Computed data from the field

The table consists of 220 respondents, of which 141 respondents comprise

64% and 79 respondents comprise 36%. A large number of students, 64.1%
are applying through agencies; only 36% of respondents use their
mechanisms. Even accessing and availing the facility of a study abroad agency
depends on the financial circumstances of the respondents. Table 7 illustrates
the role of language while applying for overseas education.

Table 7: Do you think that language is the primary barrier to your

communication whileapplying to study abroad?

S. Respo Number Percent

N nse of age

Respond
ents

1 Yes 59 27

2 No 161 73

To 220 100
tal

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Source: Computed data from the field

The 161 respondents comprise 73% and 59 respondents consist of 27%. The
highest number of respondents felt that they did not consider language asa
barrier to communication while applying to universities abroad. A large
number of students are studying in private colleges where the medium of
language is English. So, Itwould notbe a problem for the majority of the
students. However, the data demonstrates that students who studied in the
vernacular language are facing trouble in communicating in English while
applying to study in overseas countries. But, the majority of the students are
from an upper-class background. Thesocio-economic and cultural capital plays
an important role in the student's educational journey. It could enable them to
attain academic skills during their studies.

For international students who are officially considered temporary migrants,

many international students change their visa status after graduation and settle
in the host country (Rizvi, 2000; Collins, 2008). According toU.S. statistics,
between 2002 and 2005, 74% of foreign-born scientists and engineers received
their PhDs. The beneficiaries did not return to their home countries after
graduation (National Science Foundation, 2008). This issue is widely known
as the incapability of developing countries to compete with the high wages
accompanying employment opportunities in developed countries (Alberts&
Hazen, 2005; Pyvis& Chapman, 2007; Angel Urdinola et al., 2008).
Accordingly, strategies to justify the effects of "brain drain" have focused on
improving internal work employment chances and emerging a competitive
salary scale for highly skilled experts.

Developing countries face diverse forms of social and economic disparities,

which always encourage students to go for higher education abroad. Many
students are migrating abroad for better education and better life prospects.
These two major aspects could provide a better way of leading life in the
future. It immensely supports any individual to differentiate from their peer
groups. There could be other reasons that always push students to move from

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home to host nations. Such as a better quality of life, better employment

prospects, an advanced way of leading life, and getting permanent residency.
Table 8 analyses interest in staying in the host country after completing
studies.

Table 8 would you like to settle in the host country or

Return after the completion of your studies?

S. Respo Number Percent

N nse of age

Respond
ents

1 Yes 206 94

2 No 14 6

To 220 100
tal

Source: Computed data from the field

Table 8 demonstrates respondents' views on settling in the host country after

completing their studies. Almost 94% of respondents opined that they wanted
to settle in the host country even after finishing their studies. But, very few
respondents have stated that they want to return to their home country after
completing their studies in the host nation.

Several reasons could encourage students to move from their home countries,
such as better education quality, better employment opportunities, advanced
living conditions, and permanent residency. Moreover, the United States

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permanent status could give home and host countries social status. Acquiring
citizenship in developed countries is a new phenomenon in developing
countries.

Conclusions

In an increasingly interconnected world, the pursuit of higher education

transcends national boundaries. The students are faced with a multitude of
choices when selecting a country, university and courses. International
coaching institutes have emerged as key players in guiding and shaping the
decision-making process. Moreover, International coaching institutes play a
pivotal role in shaping the global higher education landscape. By assisting the
students in selecting a country and university, exploring funding opportunities,
choosing courses, and adapting to host-country cultural practices, they
contribute to the internationalization of education. The students are getting
diverse forms of experiences while applying to study abroad. They are
particularly choosing the country of destination and selecting the institution.
Many students depend on study abroad agencies, ensuring admission to all the
applicants in abroad institutions. Most students spend more than 2.5 to 3 lakhs
on study abroad agencies to process the application procedure.

The significance of these coaching institutes lies in their ability to bridge

information gaps and mitigate challenges that international students might face
when embarking on educational journeys abroad. They assist in identifying
suitable destinations based on individual preferences, academic aspirations,
and financial considerations. By imparting knowledge about funding avenues
and scholarship opportunities, these institutes empower students to pursue
higher education without being deterred by financial constraints.

Furthermore, these coaching institutes play an instrumental role in helping

students identify the most appropriate courses of study, aligning their interests
and career goals with available academic programs. By offering guidance on
the compatibility of courses with the prevailing job market, they contribute to

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international students' holistic development and employability upon

graduation.

Cultural adjustment is another pivotal dimension addressed by these coaching

institutes. Navigating cultural practices and social norms can be a formidable
challenge for students in a foreign land. Coaching institutes offer insights into
local customsand traditions, thus fostering cross-cultural competence and
facilitating smoother integration into the host society. This enriching
experience expands students' perspectives and cultivates a sense of global
citizenship.

Earlier, international higher education was confined to a few sections of

society because of the cost issues and other technicalities. With the rise of the
"internationalization of higher education", most private government banks
provide financial assistance to students whose economic condition is low.
Many students were not in a position to materialize their dreams of studying
abroad. But, to overcome the financial constraints, government and private
banks provide students financial assistance (loans) to pursue their studies. It
led to a massive phenomenon in the Indian context. But, It is interesting to
know that students socio-economic status primarily facilitates them to move
abroad with self-funding. Still, very few of them are trying to get government-
funded fellowships for which they are facing multiple kinds of competitive
procedures. Getting a government-sponsored fellowship is considered
prestigious in Indian society.

Few students are attending English language training programs to enhance

their language skills and communication in a better way. Many of them felt
that English is not a communication barrier before admission. Furthermore,
many students are not facing any difficulty completing the application process
because the study abroad agencies are facilitating them to apply. Students felt
that changing visa policy and regulations could help them access visas in
wishful countries. The rise of technology, communication sources,

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advertisement programs, and education fairs creates awareness about host

countries.

In a sociological context, the emergence and proliferation of international

coaching institutes reflect the growing globalization of education. These
institutions underscore the transformative power of education as a vehicle for
cross-border mobility and knowledge dissemination. However, it is essential
to critically understand potential disparities in access to such guidance, as trust
on coaching may inadvertently privilege certain socio-economic groups.

The role of international coaching institutes intertwines with economic, social,

and cultural dynamics, contributing to the intricate process of transnational
educational migration. As students embark on their academic journeys, these
coaching institutes offer a guiding light, illuminating the path towards a more
interconnected world where education transcends boundaries and fosters
mutual understanding.

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Article: The Problems of Elderly: A Sociological Study of the

Aged in Cuttack City of Odisha

Author(s): Harapriya Barik & Dinabandhu Sahoo

Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp.

215-252

Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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The Problems of Elderly: A Sociological Study of the Aged in Cuttack

City of Odisha

--Harapriya Barik & Dinabandhu Sahoo

Abstract

The paper attempts to understand the problem of elderly people in Cuttack,

Odisha. The study assesses the socio-economic problems, health problems,
psychological wellness, and abuse and neglect of elderly members in Cuttack
city, Odisha. The study applied simple random sampling to collect data from
the field. 100 sample households were chosen for the purpose. The study also
used interview and case study methods to explore the perceptions of elderly
people regarding their problems. The paper is based on intersectional
approach. It argues that low literacy, technological ignorance, and physical
constraints among the elderly lead to depression. It also found that advanced
age creates a barrier to fulfilling unfinished tasks like education and marriage
for their children. The dual status of limited income and living in slums
increase the challenges of accessing affordable food for elderly
individuals. The paper highlights societal issues impacting elders, including
financial crises, psychological wellbeing, and abuse and neglect by family
members and caretakers, some of which are enduring and unresolved.

Key words: Elderly People, Psychological, Health, Abuse, Neglect & Cuttack.

Introduction

Productive aging is a universal phenomenon that is not uniform across

different age groups and varies from person to person. Some people
experience a sense of fulfilment and satisfaction in old age, while others feel
bitter about the changes that come with being older and regret the decline of
their physical activities (Banjare et al., 2015). Old age is the closing period in
a person's life. It is a move away from more desirable periods or times of

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usefulness (Udhayakumar & Ilango, 2012). Aging is also a natural process. In

the words of Seneca, “old age is an incurable disease," but James Sterling
commented that you do not heal old age; you protect it; you promote it; you
extend it (Prakash et al., 2004). Aging can also be defined as a state of mind
that does not always keep pace with time (Wason & Baid, 2012). Growing
older is an inevitable, normal, and biological phenomenon. The elderly
population in the world is increasing. It is expected that by the year 2025, the
world population will include more than 830 million people over the age of 65
(Udhayakumar & Ilango, 2012). It is indeed a difficult task to determine when
we will grow old. According to the UN, an elder person is anyone who is older
than 60. It is very difficult to decide the boundary of old age because it does
not have the same meaning in all societies. In demographic terms, a population
is considered to be aging when the number of elderly individuals rises and the
proportion of youth and children reduces. The elderly population in the world
is increasing. However, it is likely that the beginning of the senior stage of life
begins at the age when one's productive outputs start to decline and one tends
to become economically reliant. Sociologically, aging marks a form of
transition from one set of social roles to another, and such roles are difficult
(Prasad, 2017). Just like childhood, puberty, youth, and middle age, old age is
a stage of life. Every element of the earth ages, and all living things are
impacted by the phenomenon of aging. Ageing is a process, not a thing that
just happens. The concept of aging acquired new prominence at this time. The
elderly, who were the core of the previous social order, were gradually phased
out and became the families' appendix (Nair, 2014).

Traditionally, Indian society has always appreciated and admired the elderly.
The younger generation revered the elderly as a treasure house of care,
wisdom, and authority. If there is even one elderly member in the family, it is
considered complete. The elderly were consulted, and their opinions were
taken into account when performing any religious rituals on the occasions of
births, marriages, and even deaths. In fact, urbanization and industrialization

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have disturbed the extended family structure for purely economic reasons,
forcing the state and community to consider elderly care (Rao, 2006). The
aging population is a worldwide trend because of the decline in mortality rate
(OECD, 1988). Hence, the increase in the aging population is a major concern
for both the family and the government (Udhayakumar and Ilango, 2012). The
elderly are an essential part of any nation's population and deserve the same
respect and care as other population segments. Due to the shifting of family
structure and modernization, it will always be difficult for the elderly to live
with dignity (Kumar & Bhargava, 2014). There is no doubt that aging is
universal for men and women. But the issue of aging needs special concern
because gender always influences the aging experience. Women in developing
nations like India confront three risks: being a woman in a patriarchal society,
being elderly in a society that is changing, and being poorer because they are
more likely to work in domestic agricultural and informal settings (Dubey et
al., 2011). Most of the elderly women in India are illiterate and unemployed.
And widowhood further accentuates their problems. Elderly women live
longer, suffer greater effects of loss, and are more often widows
(Udhayakumar, 2012). Such a rapid increase in the size and proportion of the
elderly population brings about several challenges for the country. Some of the
severe issues that older people in India experience, such as lack of social
security or insurance, lack of sufficient income, losing their social standing,
and recognition and persistence of ill health, are some of the highlighted
problems faced by older people in India (Panigrahi, 2010). The study matrix
below presents the problems of elderly.

Study Matrix

Lack of Policy Provision Generational Problem

Illiteracy Sibling Rivalry Housing Problem

Social Stigma

Family Burden Social Problem

Loneliness
Social Isolation Loss of Control

Neglect from Children

Psychological Problem

Lack of Social Security 218 Financial Problem

Problems of Elderly
Domestic Violence
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Older people are more prone to physical and mental health problems (Rath et
al., 2017). There are several problems that older people in contemporary
society confront, such as social problems, financial crises, psychological
disturbances, abuse, and neglect, all of which are briefly covered below.

Social Problems

Older people suffer social losses due to age. Their social life is narrowed down
by the loss of work associated with it, the deaths of relatives, friends, and
spouses, and weak health conditions that restrict their participation in social
activities (Prasad, 2017). In a globalized world, technology has advanced to
the point where people of all ages, backgrounds, and categories use it to
complete their day-to-day functions. While most elderly people simply use
technology for talking on the phone, watching television, listening to music,
and listening to religious programming on the radio and phones, their
inability to use technology may make it difficult for elderly individuals to
communicate messages, images, and videos to loved ones who live far away.
One of the things that prevents elderly individuals from interacting with their

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peers is their lack of technological awareness. Rural people migrate to urban

areas for better employment opportunities, often leaving their parents behind.
High living costs and rent make it difficult for elderly individuals to care for
themselves, and the aging population struggles to adjust. The elderly’s
traditional values and beliefs are undercut by the difficulties of modern
existence. They have their own traditional views and viewpoints, which the
young and middle-aged typically do not accept because they are used to
contemporary ideas and attitudes. Consequently, in this way, the wisdom and
belief of the elderly are diminished (Patil, 2007).

The older people may not appreciate attending events or rituals that are
organized among their families, friends, or neighbours. It is critical for people
to communicate with family, friends, caretakers, and neighbours in order to
build strong friendships and solve social problems. The attitudes and
behaviours of younger family members towards the elderly varied depending
on the aged people’s caste group, sex, and employment level (Yadava et al.,
1996). Compared to their male counterparts, elderly females typically depend
on their families more. The family members' literacy and economic levels
have a big impact on how they behave with their elderly relatives (Nayak,
2014).

Economic Problems

Elderly members of underprivileged, marginalized, and socio-economically

underdeveloped portions of society often struggle financially (Patil, 2007).
Income is the most important asset to lead a life at a later age. Adequate
income support is crucial for older people to maintain independence. For many
elderly individuals, particularly in less developed regions, the greatest issue is
poverty. The issue of poverty or having less financial independence is more
acute for women due to their increasing numerical predominance and societal
disadvantages in predominantly patriarchal societies. The large number of
women, particularly single, widowed, or divorced women, are more

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vulnerable, often receiving few or no men’s entitlements and lacking

comparable community status (Lakshmansamy, 2012). Article 41 of the Indian
Constitution states that: “The State shall, within the limits of its economic
capacity and development, make effective provision for securing the right to
work, to education, and to public assistance in cases of unemployment, old
age, sickness, and disablement, and in other cases of undeserved want.” The
majority of elderly people in India struggle financially since they are unable to
support themselves. Financial difficulties arise when a person’s fund is
insufficient to cover his or her household obligations. When they are
financially secure and wealthy, their family members frequently take
advantage of them. Age-related financial independence is directly correlated
with a person’s financial situation (Agewell Foundation, 2011). People do not
have monetary issues while they are employed in well-paying jobs and
professions. However, when people are unable to save money for their later
years, they face serious financial difficulties. Aged individuals face economic
problems due to family exploitation, who monitor their finances and steal
money for personal gain. The other major areas that create economic problems
for the elderly include: Ageing causes health issues requiring regular check-
ups, medication, and treatment; financial stability is crucial in healthcare.
Court cases cause financial stress, especially for elderly individuals. The
education of children is crucial for parents and grandparents, especially when
parents are absent. It creates an economic burden for elderly people. In order
to manage household chores, elderly individuals often need helpers and
caregivers to manage everything. Financial stability allows them to pay their
salaries, while economic problems prevent them from hiring helpers. Older
people often have strong religious beliefs and enjoy visiting religious places.
They plan visits when financially secure, but may visit nearby temples when
faced with an economic problem. Financial stability allows for transportation,
diet, and necessary materials, but economic problems hinder their ability to
sustain living conditions (Devi, 2012). Retirement, as a phase of life, has
several social, psychological, and economic implications for the individual.

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Retirement means a loss of income by way of a monetary salary. But

retirement is not only based on a loss of regular income but also on a loss of
work to keep one engaged. A loss of work means a loss of social relationships
at work. This problem specifically arises in the case of a job holder or an
elderly male who normally works away from home, in an office, or in other
sectors. Retirement can lead to a loss of authority and a fear of being taken for
granted within the family due to the loss of regular occupation and economic
dependence. He may feel that instead of being a decision-maker, decisions are
now being made for them (Gore, 1997).

Health Problems

Health problems among the elderly are a common phenomenon. They

experience common health problems like visual, hearing, speech, and joint
pain, leading to increased susceptibility to illness and diseases. WHO defines
health as a state of complete physical, mental, and social wellbeing; it is not
merely the absence of diseases. The Constitution of India aims to establish a
new social order based on equality, freedom, justice, and dignity for
individuals. It aims to eliminate poverty, ignorance, and ill health and directs
the state to improve education, nutrition, and living standards. Health care
improvements are prioritized, and well-organized facilities are provided to
maintain the health and strength of workers, men, women, children, and the
elderly (Patil, 2007).

Aged people’s health is influenced by environmental and biological factors.

Environmental conditions such as conflicts and disputes within the home can
cause stress and negatively impact mental health. These conditions can lead to
poor diets, poor sleep, and health decline. Biological conditions such as visual
and hearing impairment, joint pain, nervous disorders, heart problems, asthma,
tuberculosis, and skin diseases also impact health. Women often report more
health problems than men (Balamurugan & Ramathirtham, 2012). Some of the
causes that lead to health problems are: neglect from family members and

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caregivers; irregularity in medical check-ups; inadequate dietary intake;

accidents; financial conditions, etc. In order to maintain a good health
condition, the elderly should maintain a good dietary intake, be in need of
medical assistance, and have a positive social circle. Aged men and women
should engage in physical activities like yoga, meditation and walking in parks
every morning. These activities are crucial for maintaining good health and
preventing depression (Kapur, 2018). Elderly people experience a variety of
health issues, including diseases, disabilities, debility, neglect, indifference,
and loneliness. The outcome of the study demonstrates that the family is
responsible to a very large extent for substandard health and medical services
(Singh, 2015). Older age is linked to a higher incidence of disease, disability,
and many other chronic conditions. The current medical system and its
facilities are more expensive and only accessible to families who can afford
them. Of course, families who are struggling financially have a hard time
giving elderly people the care they need. The majority of the younger
generation believes that the money spent on their parents' health has been
wasted (Ramamurti, 2002). Arthritis, rheumatism, heart issues, high blood
pressure, and diabetes are reported to be the most common chronic diseases
impacting people in their later years (Siva, 2002).

Psychological Problems

Psychological issues are also prevalent in older adults. For some people, the
primary cause of psychological depression is losing their job. The elderly
person's mental state is beyond the understanding of family members. The
primary issues are loneliness and a sense of being alone (Bangari &
Tamaragundi, 2014). The frequent psychological problems that the majority of
elderly people deal with include a sense of helplessness, a sense of inferiority,
sadness, a sense of usefulness, loneliness, and diminished competence. Elderly
people go through different structural and psychological changes as they age
(Prasad, 2017). Dementia is a psychological problem causing short-term
memory loss, difficulty in finding words, and difficulty in handling daily

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tasks. It affects consciousness, orientation, memory, thinking, attention, and

behaviour. Mental health issues such as depression, anxiety, sleeplessness,
somatization, and dementia have been identified as prevalent among older
adults, particularly those over the age of 80 (Biswal, 2021). Among the
elderly, depression is more prevalent as compared to youth and middle-aged
people. When elderly people experience depression, they typically adopt an
antagonistic outlook on life. At that time, the elderly people receive assistance
from family members, caregivers, and other community members in order to
reduce their depressive symptoms and lead a productive life. Social exclusion
affects elderly people due to job loss, family absence, and a lack of social
interaction, causing psychological and health problems. Anxiety, phobia, and
stress contribute to psychological problems in older individuals. Loneliness is
a chronic and distressing state that negatively impacts individuals’ mental and
physical health. Aged people seek ways to alleviate loneliness by forming
close relationships with family members, visiting distant family members, and
forming a good social circle (Kapur, 2018). Apart from that, now-a-days the
elderly individuals deal with issues like a lack of attention, emotional support,
and financial support from the family, among others. Our society
acknowledges that parents have a divine status. The children have a moral
obligation to look after their parents. However, what we see in our society
today is that children do not want to care for their parents, do not want to
spend money on them, treat their parents like strangers, and do not want to
have an emotional connection with them (Prasad, 2017).

Abuse and Neglect of elderly people

The mistreatment of elderly people is becoming more prevalent in the modern

world. There are various forms of abuse experienced by the elderly, like: the
most common form of abuse among the elderly is verbal abuse involving
obscene language and harsh words. The verbal abuse does not cause any
physical harm, but it negatively impacts individuals’ mindsets. Physical abuse

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is another form of abuse; it involves repetitive and enduring acts that cause
pain or bodily harm. The major acts that include physical harm, like heating,
shaking, grabbing, and hurting with objects, restraint to perform tasks, and
behaviours. Abuse that interferes with a person’s mindset and mental
capabilities is referred to as psychological abuse. The emotions that cause
psychological abuse include fear, oppression, depression, stress, pressure,
anxiety, and frustration. Elderly people frequently suffer psychological abuse
at the hands of their family members or caretakers. Financial exploitation
occurs when someone attempts to use an elderly person's finances without
their consent, causing harm to their property and finances. Aged people feel
neglected in food, medicine, assistive devices, clothing, and health care.
Depression is a common aspect of self-neglect, which is a form of abuse
where the elderly person neglects their basic needs and refuses assistance from
others (United Nations, 2013). The other form of abuse, known as sexual
abuse, is a physical form of abuse affecting individuals, ranging from rape to
assault and harassment by caregivers. Spousal abuse refers to mistreatment or
abuse by spouses, often affecting women. Women often suffer from verbal,
physical, psychological, and financial abuse. Medication abuse refers to the
misuse of medications or prescriptions, either intentionally or accidentally. To
prevent abuse, elderly people should have knowledge about what medicines to
consume and when to consume them (Kapur, 2018).

Current Status of Elderly in India

According to the 2011 population census, there are nearly 104 million elderly
people (aged 60 years or older) in India: 53 million females and 51 million
males. A report released by the United Nations Population Fund and HelpAge
India suggests that the number of elderly people is expected to grow to 173
million by 2026. According to the report of the technical group on population
projection for India, there will be nearly 138 million elderly people in India in
2021 (67 million males and 71 million females), and that number is further

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expected to increase by 56 million elderly people in 2031. Both the share and
size of the elderly population are increasing over time. The share of the elderly
population has increased from 5.6 percent in 1961 to 8.6 percent in 2011. The
proportion increased by 10.1 percent in 2021 and is further likely to increase
to 13.1 percent in 2031. For males, it was marginally lower at 8.2 percent,
while for females, it was 9.0 percent. As regards rural and urban areas, as per
the 2011 census, 71 percent of the elderly population resides in rural areas,
while 29 percent resides in urban areas. The old age dependency ratio climbed
from 10.9 percent in 1961 to 14.2 percent in 2011 and is further projected to
increase to 15.7 percent and 20.1 percent in 2021 and 2031, respectively, for
India as a whole. For female and male, the ratio was 14.9 percent and 13.6
percent in 2011, and the projected dependency ratio for female and male is
14.8 percent and 16.7 percent, respectively, in 2021 (Elderly in India 2021).
According to the 2011 census, 9.5 percent of Odisha’s population consists of
people over 60, compared with 8.6 percent in India.

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N.B: Statistics indicating the aged people in India

Need of the study

We all know that age is an ascribed status because it cannot be freely chosen
and is therefore unchangeable. It changes over time and as one gets older.
Over time, it undergoes changes that lead to altered behavioural expectations,
modifications in mental and physical abilities, and a decline in financial
independence as an individual ages. Because of this, the younger generation
views the elderly as a social and financial burden and treats them as a waste
product. It is important to highlight that this segment of the Indian population
has grown over the past several decades and is expected to continue to
increase. It is a known fact that older people are vulnerable to abuse, whether
emotional, verbal, physical, or neglect. These are reported in common in
Odisha. A survey conducted by the United Nations Population Fund reported
that one out of 10 people over the age of 60 experience abuse in Odisha (Rath
et al., 2017). So, to initiate effective policy programs for the elderly
population, there is a need for a study of the elderly population in various
aspects and to initiate a conversation on social, economic, and health policies
related to aging in India (Reddy, 1996). Hence, there is an immediate demand
for sociologists, economists, and policymakers to focus on this issue and gain
a thorough understanding of all its facets.

Conceptual Framework

The present study applies an intersectional approach. Intersectionality

describes the interconnected nature of various categorizations, including
gender, race, age, class, sexual orientation, and physical ability, and how they

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overlap and impact discrimination or privilege for individuals or groups. The

concept was first used by Kimberle Crenshaw. When age discrimination
intersects with other biases, disadvantages increase, worsening the impact on
health and wellbeing (Crenshaw, 1991).

Intersection  Women are disproportionately affected

of age, by Age discrimination.
gender &  Women have a longer life expectancy as
sexual compared to men. Therefore, a higher
orientation proportion of uncertain older persons are
women. So, they are more prone to elder
abuse.
 As the life expectancy increases,
financial instability among women is a
major concern; which has a direct
implication for decisions related to
health.
 Female elderly as compared to their
male counter parts suffered more
functional impairments.
 Elderly women also face sexual
problems, which is considered as a
taboo in many cultures including India.
Older women are at increased risk of
being victims of sexual violence because
of their socio-economic dependency.

Intersection  Disability can aggravate workplace

of Age and discrimination amongst old people.
disability  Older people with disabilities may have
additional obstacles to fully engaging in
society, worsening the effect of social
isolation.

Intersection  Lower-caste people over the age of 65

of Age and are severely discriminated against at the
caste hands of upper-caste people.

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Intersection  Lack of education and advanced age are

of age and two key barriers for older adults.
education  Illiteracy restrains older people from
using technological things in order to
converse with relatives.

Slum  The elderly people living in slum mostly

dweller vs are illiterate, ignorant and dependent on
City children. Many of them have not enough
dweller money to meet their basic needs. Health
wise also they are suffering with many
ailments. Depression and abuse are
higher among elderly, who are inhabited
in slum.
 The elderly living in urban region are
facing the problem of loneliness.
 The elderly in urban areas face the
problem of air pollution, which
ultimately causes chronic respiratory
conditions, heart disease, and stroke, all
of which can lead to premature death.
 Urban settings lacking in green space,
that promote unhealthy eating habits,
and that discourage physical activity
among the elderly.
 The development of age-friendly
programs has been restricted by
financial constraints.

The study of elderly people is large in number across the world. The topic has
its own significance because it represents a major segment of our population.
Most of the studies focus on the living arrangements of the elderly, problems,
abuse and neglect, nutritional status, morbidity profiles, problems of widows,
mental illness, and mostly on the health status of the elderly. But this study has
a little difference on the grounds that it was conducted in the Cuttack city of
Odisha, and the study used an intersectional approach to analyze the data.

Objectives

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This paper examines some of the social, economic, health, and other problems

faced by the elderly. The main objectives of the study are as below:

 To analyze the major problems facing the elderly.

 To study the forms of abuse and neglect experienced by elderly people in the
study area.

Methodology

The present study is an attempt to contribute new ideas based on field data and

analysis to have a better understanding of the problems of the elderly. For the

conduct of the study, Cuttack city in the state of Odisha (India) was selected as

a research site. This study was carried out on the local elderly population

during 2018–2019. The major areas covered under this study include

Shaikh Bazar, Buxibazar (Kumbhara Sahi), Mohamadia Bazar, Khatbin Sahi,

and Thoria Sahi. The study applied simple random sampling to collect data

from the field. 100 sample households were chosen for the purpose. The study

also used interview and case study methods to explore the perceptions of

elderly people regarding their problems. The study is both descriptive and

analytical, and it is based on both primary and secondary sources. The study

used an intersectional approach. Data collection was carried out by visiting the

houses in that particular area. The questions were designed to explore the

socio-economic background, psychological wellbeing, abuse and neglect, and

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health status of the sample respondents. The data collected from the primary

sources was analyzed using simple statistics.

Map indicating the study area of Cuttack city of Odisha.

Result and discussion

Table: -1 Demographic Profile of elderly people.

No. of
Elderly
Characteristics (%)

Age in Years

60-65 39(39%)

66-70 22(22%)

71-75 18(18%)

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75-above 21(21%)

Gender

Male 40(40%)

Female 60(60%)

Caste

General & OBC 62(62%)

SC 28(28%)

ST 10(10%)

Marital Status

Married 63(63%)

Unmarried 7(7%)

Widow/Widower 30(30%)

Income Per Month

500-2000 37(37%)

2000-4000 12(12%)

4000-6000 4(4%)

6000-8000 3(3%)

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Above 8000 33(33%)

Nothing 11(11%)

Educational Level

Primary 47(47%)

Matriculation 15(15%)

Intermediate 8(8%)

Graduation 8(8%)

Higher Education 7(7%)

Illiterate 15(15%)

Source: Primary data from field

Table 1 depicts the socio-economic background of the elderly population in

Cuttack City, focusing on urban and slum areas. The study population ranged
from 60 to 82 years old. The problem of age is directly related to marital or
companionship. The lack of a spouse in the later part of life is the worst
experience, which results in a sense of alienation and ultimately leads to
psychological strain. It expresses a feeling of loneliness and insecurity
(Shekhar, 2006). It is found that 30 percent of the respondents are widows or
widowers. The caste-wise distribution of the study sample shows that a large
number of respondents (62 percent) are from general and OBC followed by
SC and ST. The schedule caste and scheduled tribe together constitute 38
percent of the sample. It shows that only 33 percent of respondents have an
independent family income of Rs 8,000 or more. In all, 47 percent of the
respondents did not reach even the high school level; 15 percent of them have

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not got any schooling at all, and 7 percent of them received higher education.
The concept of single, nuclear families living in cities has emerged due to
migration and limited living space. The nuclear and single-family systems are
becoming more popular day by day. This nuclear family creates problems
among elderly individuals. The nuclear family is a strong predictor of
depression among the elderly. The old people were habitually living in joint
families, but today it has become difficult to maintain joint families, which
disturbs family life (Devi, 2012). The study found that, due to a lack of
literacy, the elderly are facing various problems in their day-to-day lives. The
unawareness of the usage of technology creates problems among elderly
individuals. They encounter problems like sending messages, pictures, and
videos. And, it is also found that physical challenges are one of the most
common challenges faced by elderly people with disabilities. Mobility issues,
chronic pain, and fatigue can make it difficult for elderly people to perform
daily activities such as walking, dressing, and bathing.

Table: - 2 Social problems of elderly population in the study area.

Characteristics No. of
Elderly
(%)

Types of Houses

Owned by children 34(34%)

Owned by Spouse 16(16%)

Owned by Relatives 7(7%)

Self-Owned 29(29%)

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Parental Home 14(14%)

Most interaction in Family

No one in particular 65(65%)

Spouse 5(5%)

Son/Daughter 17(17%)

Grand children 13(13%)

Present unfinished task

Marriage and education of Children 34(34%)

Treatment of illness 14(14%)

Loan/Debt 4(4%)

Home 6(6%)

Nothing 42(42%)

Expectation from children and

relative at this stage

Financial aid 9(9%)

Affection, Respect and care from them 89(89%)

Nothing 2(2%)

Need of Material comfort at old age

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Walking Stick 9(9%)

Hearing aid 3(3%)

Wheel chair 1(1%)

Use of spectacles 46(46%)

Any other 1(1%)

Nothing needed 40(40%)

Main care giver in family

Nobody in Particular 18(18%)

Spouse 29(29%)

Son/Daughter 14(14%)

In-laws 15(15%)

Self 15(15%)

Relatives/Neighbours 9(9%)

Source: Primary data from field

Table 2 reveals social issues among the elderly population. Housing is an

important dimension of lifestyle and quality of life for all sections of society.

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The information reveals that 34 percent of elderly people depend on children

for their livelihood, and 14 percent live in their parents' homes. 29 percent of
elderly people have their own homes. Good family interaction is crucial for
passing one's last phase of life, as without it, living becomes difficult. The data
shows that the majority of the elderly have not interacted with any members of
their family. 13 percent of the elderly interact with their grandchildren. 5
percent of the elderly interact with their spouses; perhaps they find that
nobody other than the elderly can understand them. The survey shows that 42
percent of respondents have no unfinished tasks; 34 percent of them reveal
that marriage and education of children are the major unfinished tasks for
them; 4 percent of them face debt burdens; and 14 percent consider illness
treatment an unfinished task. It reveals that 89 percent of elderly respondents
expect affection, respect, and care from their children. The majority of
caregivers are spouses (29 percent), followed by sons and daughters. A small
percentage of elderly respondents are looked after by relatives and neighbours.
The condition of housing has a positive relationship with the function and
health status of the elderly (Windle et al., 2006). It is found that a little
percentage of elderly respondents are living in thatched house, due to some
financial constraints. Also, it was found that without access to affordable
housing options, elderly people are at risk for homelessness, social isolation,
and a lack of medical care. When there is low income, the house is in
deteriorating condition, and being elderly multiplies the challenges of having
affordable and adequate housing. The study found that low-income older
people often face financial barriers to healthcare services, hindering timely
medical attention and transportation access, thereby limiting their ability to
access healthcare facilities and also creating barriers to the fulfilment of
unfinished tasks like marriage and the education of their children. Being a
woman of old age living in a slum area creates a problem in the life of Fatima.
She said that she had long been suffering from an eye problem but could not
afford to consult a doctor. She also stated that she has been forced into
begging for survival because no one is around to take care her. Another old

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man, Sunil, was found in an unhygienic condition in a slum. His only daughter
got married three years ago and went to distant places with her husband. Also,
he stated that, at this ripe age, people are unwilling to give him work. Health-
wise, the slum dwellers suffer from many ailments. Depression and abuse are
high among the slum elderly.

Table: - 3 Economic Problems of elderly Population.

Characteristics No of
Elderly
(%)

Current Occupation

Housewife 41(41%)

Daily wage earner 9(9%)

Skilled worker 17(17%)

Retired 24(24%)

Professional 9(9%)

Reason for not working

anymore

Ill Health 31(31%)

Inability to cope with 15(15%)

working conditions

Employment of children 19(19%)

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Fulfilment of liabilities 28(28%)

Adequate saving 1(1%)

No response 6(6%)

Who decides expenditure of

your family

Son 53(53%)

Spouse 15(15%)

Daughter in law 18(18%)

Self 14(14%)

Present Financial position

Present earning 37(37%)

Pension From earlier 23(23%)

occupation

Dependent 35(35%)

Aid From children 5(5%)

Financial Contribution to
Family

Yes 55(55%)

No 43(43%)

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Occasionally 2(2%)

Source: Primary data from field

Table 3 delineates the idea of the current occupation of the elderly people. It
shows that 41 percent of elderly respondents are not working now; some are
housewives among them; 24 percent reported that they are now living a retired
life from work; 9 percent among them are daily wage earners; 17 percent
among them are skilled workers; and 9 percent of the elderly sample are
performing their professional occupations. A higher number of elderly people
(31 percent) report that they don’t work in later life due to health issues; 15
percent report that they are unable to cope with working conditions. While 19
percent said that their children's income prevented them from working, 28
percent said that they fulfilled their liabilities as they aspired to fulfil them.
The information reveals that mainly the elderly (14 percent) take decisions
about their family expenditures and that a large number of elderly (53 percent)
have handed over their charge to their son. The data reveals that most of the
elderly (55 percent) do contribute financially to their families, and 43 percent
report that they do not contribute financially to their families. Economic
problems are the center of every problem among elderly individuals. The
study noticed that the lower-income group had many or increased health
problems. The poor elderly had greater vulnerability to infection. Educational
factors also play a major role in the act of economic status influencing health
status. Sita Mukherjee, 70 years old, was staying in Buxi Bazaar, Cuttack. She
informed that because of her financial situation, she finds her life frustrating.
She struggles to afford treatment due to financial constraints, despite receiving
relief from regular medicine. However, discontinuing treatment leads to
numerous issues. It was also found that older adults are susceptible to financial
fraud.

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Table: - 4 Health Problems of the elderly population in the study

area.

No. Of
Elderly
Characteristics (%)

Present Health condition

Good 27(27%)

Average 27(27%)

Poor health 34(34%)

Excellent 12(12%)

Type of health care centre you

visit

Govt Hospital 58(58%)

Private Hospital 42(42%)

Who bears consultation fee

with the Doctors and Medicines

Yourself 41(41%)

Son 38(38%)

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Mutual Fund 19(19%)

Other means 2(2%)

Diet Rate

Poor 3(3%)

Average 31(31%)

Good 66(66%)

Opinion regarding good health

Be Active 17(17%)

Proper Diet 42(42%)

Maintain Proper Schedule 17(17%)

Exercise 10(10%)

Have regular checkup 4(4%)

No Response 17(17%)

Major Physical Ailments

Poor sight 31(31%)

Blood Pressure 32(32%)

Cold and cough 8(8%)

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Constipation 5(5%)

Diabetes 25(25%)

Gastric 25(25%)

Hearing Problem 5(5%)

Piles 1(1%)

Rheumatism 27(27%)

Tuberculosis 2(2%)

Urinary Problem 4(4%)

Heart Problem 4(4%)

Stomach Problem 1(1%)

Exima 1(1%)

No Physical Problem 16(16%)

Others 2(2%)

Source: Primary data from field

Table 4 suggests that the respondents do not have a single ailment at a time.
They have multiple ailments. Out of 100 respondents, 34 percent of them
reported that they are in a situation of poor health, while some of them
experienced extreme health conditions such as being bedridden, and the very
least percentage of the elderly sample (12 percent) reported that their health
condition is in good condition (excellent). 58 percent of elderly individuals

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typically seek treatment at government hospitals, while 42 percent prefer

private hospitals. The elderly tend to prefer hospitals located near their
residences, whether they are private or government-run. The data indicates
that 41 percent of the elderly self-pay consultation fees, while 38 percent rely
on their husbands and sons due to financial constraints. 66 percent of elderly
individuals have a good diet, with less than 3 percent of the sample elderly
experiencing illness due to a poor diet. A survey revealed that 17 percent of
respondents believe that active participation, a proper diet, a schedule, and
exercise are key to good health, while 4 percent suggest regular medical
check-ups, and 17 percent remain silent on this matter. It was observed that 31
percent of the respondents were suffering from poor sight and 32 percent were
suffering from high blood pressure. Diabetics and gastroenteritis also suffered
in the same number; 27 percent reported that rheumatism is the major problem
due to which they are unable to move properly. These are the major problems
faced by elderly people, and there are other problems from which they are
suffering. The study found that better health facilities were an issue for several
people, but the issue was greater for those who lived in the slum area.
However, by combining low income with living in a slum, access to better
services is limited. Older adults living in slum areas face unique challenges
and limited access to resources that non-slum residents do not face. It also
reveals that adequate food is necessary for keeping the body intact. Having the
dual status of limited income and living in a slum area multiplies the
challenges of accessing affordable food for elderly people.

Table: - 5 Psychological disturbances of Elderly Population.

No. of
Elderly
Characteristics (%)

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Feeling of sad without any reason

Very Much 48(48%)

To some Extent 33(33%)

Not so much 19(19%)

Achieved standard of living as they

expected

Very much 22(22%)

To some extent 26(26%)

Not so much 52(52%)

Troubled by disturbed sleep

Most of the times 19(19%)

Sometimes 23(23%)

Hardly ever 58(58%)

Comparison of past life with present

life

Very happy 19(19%)

Quite happy 21(21%)

Not so happy 58(58%)

Adjustment with every situation 2(2%)

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Source: Primary data from field

Table 5 discusses the psychological well-being of elderly people.

Psychological happiness is very essential for a person to be happy in life. In
all, 48 percent of respondents feel sad without reason, 33 percent reported that
they experience sadness to some extent, and 19 percent don't feel sad because
they are accepting the stages they are going through, which is the latter life of
an individual (old age). It was found that 22 percent of respondents achieved
the standard of living they expected to live, 26 percent achieved it to some
extent, and 52 percent did not achieve the expected standard of living. The
study found that 19 percent of respondents experienced disturbances in sleep,
and 58 percent of respondents were not found to be troubled by sleep. 19
percent of respondents are very happy with their present lives, 21 percent are
quite happy with their present lives, and 58 percent are not so happy with their
present lives, but 2 percent said that they can adjust to every situation. This
study found that mental health has an impact on physical health and vice
versa; older people with physical health conditions such as heart disease have
higher rates than those who are healthy. Its outcome can also be adversely
affected by an elderly individual with cardiac issues. And the study also found
that psychological unfitness creates many problems among elderly individuals,
like loneliness, isolation, powerlessness, and meaninglessness.

Table: - 6 Experience of Abuse and neglect by the Older Population in the

Study area.

No. of
elderly
Characteristics (%)

Abuser in daily life

Son 7(7%)

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Daughter in law 25(25%)

Neighbours 4(4%)

No one 64(64%)

Feeling of neglect when family members

are busy with their work

Strongly Disagree 39(39%)

Disagree 29(29%)

Agree 7(7%)

Strongly agree 25(25%)

Reaction of family members when they

forgot to do some work

Ignore your Mistake 46(46%)

Show Aggression 19(19%)

Use Abusive Language 20(20%)

Shout at you/Scold you 15(15%)

Experience of any kind of neglect

Yes 29(29%)

No 71(71%)

Experience of emotional, verbal abuse

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and physical harm

Yes 25(25%)

No 75(75%)

Source: Primary data from field

Table 6 depicts the data on abuse and neglect towards the elderly population.
The mistreatment of the elderly is growing day by day. This section reveals
the abuser in daily life. The study found that 7 percent of elderly individuals
reported that their son was the abuser, 25 percent reported being daily abused
by their daughter-in-law, and the least percent reported being abused by
neighbours. 25 percent strongly agree with the feeling of neglect when family
members are busy with their work, while the rest disagree, indicating a lack of
neglect. The reaction of the family member section reveals that 46 percent of
respondents said that their family members ignore their mistakes when they
forget to do some work, 19 percent said that their family members showed
aggression toward them, 20 percent said that their family members use abusive
language towards them, and 15 percent opined that they are scolded by their
family members when they forget to do work. 25 percent reported that they
experienced emotional, verbal, and physical harm, and the rest of the elderly
denied that fact. It reveals that elderly widows frequently suffer physical abuse
from their sons, daughters, and sons-in-law, affecting both physical and
psychological aspects of their lives. It was found that an elderly widow who
was a government servant experienced a sense of physical abuse while she
denied giving money from her pension to her son, who was unemployed and
an alcoholic and was partially dependent on her pension for his household
expenses. Elderly women also face sexual problems, which are considered
taboo in many cultures, including India. Older women are at increased risk of
being victims of sexual violence because of their socio-economic dependency.
It also found that the elderly women were restricted in many things. Daughter-

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in-laws restrict and deny the freedom of choice of elderly women in terms of
food, medication, visiting outside homes, places of worship, and friends’
homes.

Case Study 1

Priti Sahoo, 72 years old, is staying in Shaikh Bazar, and her husband died 20
years ago. She lives with her son, her daughter-in-law, and her grandchildren.
Her son works in a shop that is near her home. The source of income is very
limited, so it is very difficult for him to provide the basic necessities their
family needs. During the study, it was learned that she was physically and
mentally harassed by her son and daughter-in-law. They are not providing
proper meals in time or medicine either. It got to know that she was praying to
God to pick the soul. She did not want to stay with her son anymore. Being a
woman, widow, and elderly when these three problems intersected created a
larger issue in the life of an individual.

Case Study 2

Minati Dei is 83 years old and has been living in Mohamadia Bazar since her
marriage. Her husband had expired 17 years ago. She had two sons and one
daughter. All are married. Unfortunately, her younger son had expired due to a
long-term disease. Her elder son has four children, and her younger son has
two children. She feels lonely and depressed due to her husband's and son's
deaths. She was not in a state to decide anything. According to her, she lost
everything. Minati was suffering from poor sight, diabetes, and rheumatism.
Due to the unavailability of sufficient money, she could not afford her
treatment. According to her, when she uses regular medicine, she gets relief,
but when she discontinues the treatment, she faces many problems. In this
case, age and physical disability intersected, which created many problems in
the life of Minati Dei.

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Conclusion

In order to initiate different policy programs for the elderly population, there is
a need for a study of elderly people in various aspects and to initiate a
conversation on social, economic, and health policies related to aging in India
(Reddy, 1996). In our culture, elderly people are respected as the most
significant segments of society, yet when it comes to actual interactions with
older people, we treat them differently. Everybody eventually reaches old age,
which is an inevitable period of life. India has recently seen a tremendous
increase in the population of older people. The breakdown of the joint family
arrangement, the effects of economic development, rapid industrialization, and
urbanization, in addition to the rapid decline of social order, have multiplied
the peculiar elderly issues that our country's elderly population are currently
facing. Due to the rising proportion of senior citizens in the population, care
and assistance for the elderly population in India is becoming a crucial
concern. Hence, old age is the period in which most of the elderly get retired,
remain jobless, and often depend on other family members for their financial
support (Udhayakumar & Ilango, 2012). The study primarily used the
intersectionality approach to explore how several disadvantaged statuses
intersect to generate problems and restrict the power of an individuals. The
study found that nuclear families are a strong predictor of depression among
the elderly. It reveals that elderly individuals face various challenges due to a
lack of literacy, technological ignorance, and physical limitations. Low
income leads to the deterioration of housing conditions. Advanced age creates
a barrier to fulfilling unfinished tasks, and dependency on children also
increases. The study reveals that aging intersects with financial issues, causing
stress and vulnerability to financial fraud. Older adults living in slums face
greater challenges in accessing better health facilities and adequate food. The
dual status of limited income and living in slums increases the challenges of
accessing affordable food for elderly individuals. The study reveals that aging
and psychological unfitness can lead to problems like loneliness,

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powerlessness, and meaninglessness in the elderly, particularly when

combined with age, gender, and lower caste. The daughter-in-law is limiting
the freedom of choice for elderly women regarding food, medication, visiting
outside homes, places of worship, and friends' homes. The study also
highlights societal issues affecting elders, financial crises, psychological
wellbeing, and abuse and neglect by family members and caretakers. The
elderly confront a variety of issues; some of these issues are enduring and do
not have solutions.

References

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Elderly. Indian Journal of Gerontology, 26(4), 537-548.

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difficulties, housing tenure and variations in health status: evidence from older
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Harapriya Barik is a PhD research scholar, Department of Sociology, Utkal

University, Vani Vihar, Odisha

Email: [email protected]

Dinabandhu Sahoo is an Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Utkal

University, Vani Vihar, Odisha

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Article: Does School Choice Exist? Insights from an Urban

Slum in Delhi

Author(s): Bhuvaneshwari Subramanian

Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp.

253-278

Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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Does School Choice Exist? Insights from an Urban Slum in Delhi

--Bhuvaneshwari Subramanian

Abstract

Though the idea of school choice originated in developed countries such as the
US, UK, etc., it has gained considerable traction in India over the last few
decades. This paper aims to examine the various international and national
debates surrounding the issue of school choice, and analyse how school choice
is understood in the Indian context. Further, through the fieldwork conducted
by the author in an urban slum in Delhi, this paper aims to show that despite
the vast expansion of schooling options in India, especially in urban areas, the
urban poor do not actually have much of a ‘choice’ when it comes to selecting
a school for their children. In fact, due to the prevalence of caste-based
discrimination in some schools, several parents from lower caste communities
consciously choose not to take advantage of government policies that can get
their children admission in well-resourced private schools.

Keywords: school choice, urban poor, Delhi, EWS/DG quota, caste

Introduction

According to the United Nations’ report on World Urbanization Prospects, 30

per cent of the world’s population was urban in 1950. This increased to 54 per
cent in 2014, and the urban population of the world is projected to be 66 per
cent of the total world population by 2050 (United Nations, 2014). The same
UN Report also points out that since the 1980s and 1990s, poverty too, has
become increasingly concentrated in urban settlements. India, too has been
witnessing a trend of rapid urbanisation (Mehra, 2018). In such a context, it
becomes important to reflect upon different aspects of the lives of the urban
poor, and the ways in which those living in urban poverty interact with the city
and the various facilities it seems to offer.

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One important domain in this regard is that of education, and it is relevant to
understand the different avenues for schooling available to the urban poor.
This is because formal education through schooling, along with being
meaningful on its own, is also a crucial means of upward social and economic
mobility (Psacharopoulos, 1994; Showalter & Eide, 2010; Tilak, 2002).
Moreover, one of the primary ways in which the urban poor, working largely
in the informal sector and living on the margins of legality (Appadurai, 2002;
Chatterjee, 2004), interact with the formal structure of city life, is through the
schooling of their children. It is thus important to understand how parents,
especially those living in urban poverty and belonging to economically and
socially disadvantaged groups, make schooling decisions for their children.

In this regard, a lot of the work, in terms of both research and practice, on
improving educational access and educational outcomes has centered around
what has come to be known as ‘school choice.’ Though the idea of school
choice originated in developed countries such as the US, UK, etc. it has gained
considerable traction in India over the last few decades. This paper aims to
throw light on the various international and national debates surrounding the
issue of school choice, and analyse how school choice is understood in the
Indian context. Further, through the fieldwork that was conducted by the
author in an urban slum (or JJ Cluster1) in Delhi, this paper aims to show that
despite the vast expansion of schooling options in India, especially in urban
areas, the urban poor do not actually have much of a ‘choice’ at all when it
comes to selecting a school for their children.

A Brief Background

In developed countries such as the US, UK, etc., the public education system
has for long operated by assigning students to specific public schools based on
the geographical area they live in. Due to this, the need for choice for parents
has been expressed both in terms of more public school choice, wherein
students are not just assigned to one particular public school; and also public-
private school choice, wherein the government funds vouchers which can be
used by parents to access private schools which would otherwise be

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unaffordable (Goldhaber, 1999). As stated by Walter Feinberg and
Christopher Lubienski,

“Unlike traditional public schooling arrangements that are based almost

exclusively on residency, school choice essentially positions parents as
consumers empowered to select from different options—thereby injecting a
degree of consumer-driven, market-style competition into the system as
schools seek to attract those families.”
(Feinberg & Lubienski, 2008)

The movement advocating for more choice for parents to be able to choose the
schools in which their children study has a long history and gathered
momentum in the US in the 1950s, with popular proponents such as the free-
market economist Milton Friedman. Friedman believed strongly in the virtues
of market forces and in curtailing the role of the government in all sectors,
including the case of public services such as education. He proposed a
universal voucher system, which would involve the use of government
resources to give vouchers to parents to fund the education of their children in
a public or private school of the parents’ choice (Friedman, 1955, 1962;
Logan, 2018). Such voices further strengthened the demand for more school
choice and in the coming decades, school choice programs in the US took
various forms including voucher programmes, magnet schools, freedom
schools, and charter schools (Goldhaber, 1999).

However, along with the strong support for more school choice, there were
also persistent voices that opposed school choice programmes. Even now, the
area of school choice remains a highly contested domain with strong positions
being held both in favour of and against the idea (Musset, 2012). The
proponents of school choice models believe that more choice promotes
competition among schools vying for greater enrolments, thereby leading to
higher productivity and provision of better services to students. The existence
of choice is believed to be akin to a ‘tide that lifts all boats’ (Hastings, Kane &
Steiger, 2005) as intense competition will cause all schools to improve their
academic quality (Bosetti, 2004; Chubb & Moe, 1990; Goldhaber, 1999;

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Levin, 2002). On the other hand, opponents of school choice believe that it
leads to social fragmentation and benefits only those who have the cultural,
social, and economic capital to use the education market to maintain their own
class privilege (Ball, 2003; Bosetti, 2004). It is also believed that school
choice would lead to a ‘vertical separation’ of students by causing better
performing students to move out of low quality schools, leaving these schools
only with low performing students who would not exert much pressure on
them to improve their academic quality (Archbald, 2004; Carnoy, 2000;
Goldhaber, 1999; Hastings, Kane & Steiger, 2005).

Pauline Musset has analysed whether school choice exists in the OECD
(Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries and
finds that there is a very limited form of choice in most countries. She finds
that in 27 of the 33 countries analysed, the geographic residence of a student’s
family and how close it is to a school are the main criteria used while
assigning schools (Musset, 2012). Some degree of public school choice in the
form of the ability to choose a different public school than the one assigned, at
least at the primary level, was found to exist in 23 countries. Further, in
countries such as Belgium, Italy, Chile, New Zealand and the Netherlands,
there was no geographical school assignment system and parents had full
freedom to choose any public school for their children. The situation was
different when it came to public-private school choice, which was not found to
be very common in the OECD countries. However, different forms of
universal and targeted voucher programmes were found to exist in countries
such as the Netherlands, Chile, Australia and the USA (Musset, 2012).

The Indian Context

A key dissimilarity between the overall context of the idea of school choice in
developed countries and in India is that a mandated school assignment system
based on specific school catchment areas does not exist for government
schools in India (Srivastava, 2007). While the ability to choose private schools
has always been available to upper middle class and privileged parents in both
developing and developed countries, the notion of school choice is mainly

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intended towards providing this option to those who would not be able to
afford private schooling by themselves.

In India, however, the widening of choice for those belonging to socially and
economically disadvantaged communities, has occurred through the growth of
private schools that are aimed particularly at low income families. This is
different from the situation in most developed countries where an expansion of
choice is called for through a relaxation of the rules concerning the
geographical allotment of government schools and through voucher
programmes funded by the government. Also, as most government schools in
India cannot turn down any student seeking admission, all parents, in
principle, do have the ability to choose which school to send their children to
(Srivastava, 2007). Thus, the debates concerning ‘school choice’ in India
revolve largely around the proliferation of low fee private (LFP) schools.

The popularity of LFP schools and the promotion of the idea that more of
them are required can be traced to the work of British researcher James Tooley
(Nambissan, 2012). Through his research in the urban slums of Hyderabad,
and subsequently in many African countries, he finds that across the board, a
large number of poor families choose to send their children to private schools
instead of free government schools. Tooley finds that private schools for the
poor, or low fee private (LFP) schools, outperform government schools by
having smaller class sizes, greater teacher commitment, better academic
achievement, and lower operational costs (Tooley, 2009). It has further been
argued that since LFP schools operate at a low cost as they pay low salaries to
their teachers, they are able to operate by charging low tuition fees from
students, thereby satisfying the needs of the poorest of families who demand
good quality education in English medium at a low cost (Tooley & Dixon,
2006; Tooley, 2009). It is believed that having more LFP schools will create
more competition in the education market, thereby forcing even low
performing government schools to improve their quality in order to attract
students.

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On the other side of the debate, those who disagree with this analysis and are
unhappy with the steady proliferation of LFP schools, continue to advocate for
better government schools. They point out that it is those who are relatively
more privileged, in terms of belonging to higher castes or economically better
off households who are found to be exiting government schools, leaving
behind in these schools mostly those from traditionally disadvantaged castes
and classes. In the absence of committed state action to improve the quality of
government schools, such a scenario leaves the children from some of the
most marginalised communities to access only the lowest quality of education,
thereby further engendering the reproduction of social inequalities in society
(Gurney, 2017; Hill et al., 2011;).

Further, a number of studies (Galab et al., 2013; Muralidharan &

Sundararaman, 2015; Singh, 2015) reveal the lack of concrete evidence to
support the argument that private schools actually provide better quality
education to students. In fact, in the study conducted by Muralidharan &
Sundararaman (2015) in collaboration with the government of Andhra
Pradesh, an experimental school choice programme in the form of vouchers to
parents was initiated, covering 180 villages across 5 districts in the state. After
dividing the villages into treatment and control groups, vouchers were offered
to some families in the treatment villages through a lottery, to send their
children to private schools. After two and four years of the programme, the
authors found that there was no significant difference between the test scores
of the children who won the lottery and those who lost, in Telugu and Maths,
and very small positive effects of winning the lottery in English and EVS
(Science and Social Studies). Large positive effects of winning the lottery
were found to exist only for Hindi, which is not the main language spoken in
the state. The authors suggest that human capital formation can be increased in
developing countries through more private schooling since the per student
expenditure involved is much lower. However, they could not conclusively
state that private schools offered better value for parents as compared to
government schools, especially when comparing the test scores in Telugu (the

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native language of the state) and Maths, of lottery winners and losers
(Muralidharan & Sundaram, 2015).

Further, a review of the literature surrounding questions of school choice and

parental perceptions regarding government and private schooling in India
reveals the existence of a vibrant discourse dealing with a variety of aspects
concerning education. A number of studies conducted across different
locations in India show that choosing any particular school for children is a
complex process for parents which entails a consideration of a number of
factors such as cost of schooling; medium of instruction; perceptions and
beliefs regarding education in general; teaching-learning activities, safety,
discipline and other characteristics of different schools; level of parental
engagement with the school; parents’ own experience of education and the
understanding of what it means to be a “good” parent; social barriers to entry;
and even the gender of the child (Gurney, 2017; Hill, et al, 2011; Lahoti &
Mukhopadhyay, 2009; Sahoo, 2015; Srivastava, 2007).

A common thread running through many of these studies is the existence of a

strong negative perception among parents regarding the education provided by
government schools, which also translates into the understanding that private
schools would provide a better education to their children and fulfil their
aspirations for cultural capital. At the same time, studies such as those by
Lahoti & Mukhopadhyay (2009) conducted in 10 districts across 4 states in
India, find that in fact, a large disparity exists between the perceptions and
beliefs of parents on the one hand, and the actual reality of low fee private
schools on the other. The authors find this to be true especially in terms of the
perception of children being taught in English and the belief that teachers in
these private schools are highly qualified (Lahoti & Mukhopadhyay, 2009).

Thus, the school choice debate in India continues to revolve around the pros
and cons of LFP schools, the positive and negative effects of LFP schools on
the education of those belonging to poor households, and whether or not LFP
schools provide more choice to poor parents. Further, the literature
surrounding the issues of school choice in India exists largely in the context of

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poorly funded, administratively neglected, and academically deficient
government schools. In such a context, having more choice invariably tends to
mean having the ability to choose a private school. Moreover, a majority of
the studies on school choice in India (Lahoti & Mukhopadhyay, 2009; Sahoo,
2015; Srivastava, 2007) focus on parents who consider a number of factors
before actively making a choice based on financial and other reasons. While
this has added to the understanding of the choice making processes that many
parents engage in, it overlooks the question of whether there exists any choice
at all for some parents, and whether having more schooling options always
means having more ‘choice.’

Methodology

The city of Delhi was chosen as the site for fieldwork for this study because
the state government of Delhi, which is officially known as the Government of
the National Capital Territory of Delhi (GNCTD), has significantly increased
its involvement in the education sector since 2015 (PRS Legislative Research,
2016). In terms of budget allocations, the GNCTD assigned as much as 24 per
cent of the state’s annual planned outlay towards education (comprising of
general education, technical education, art and culture, and sports and youth
services) in the year 2015 (GNCTD, 2015). This was a significant increase
from the budgets of previous years, and this high share of the education sector
has continued to be allocated in all subsequent budgets of the state government
as well.

Moreover, apart from increased financial support, the Aam Aadmi Party
government in Delhi and its supporters have publicised various other reforms
that they have brought about in the government schools under their
jurisdiction. These include significant upgradation of school infrastructure
such as classrooms, playgrounds, toilets, etc.; the initiation of mentor-teacher
programmes; increasing the participation of parents in school activities by
putting life into School Management Committees (SMCs) and reviving parent-
teacher meetings; and even undertaking unique reforms in curriculum by

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starting ‘Happiness Classes’ and developing an ‘Entrepreneurship Mindset
Curriculum’ (Sisodia, 2019; Boston Consulting Group [BCG], 2020).

Thus, it is relevant to understand how the schooling decisions and choices of

parents living in urban poverty are affected when significant improvements are
made in government schools. Given that private school enrolment numbers
continue to remain high in Delhi, it is important to understand whether there is
a real expansion in the choices available to the urban poor when there are
several LFP schools in their neighbourhood along with improving government
schools as well.

In order to delve deeper into these issues, fieldwork was conducted in an urban
slum (or JJ Cluster) in Delhi, where several different types of private and
government schools were located (discussed in detail in the next section). This
research study is primarily qualitative in nature and data was collected mainly
through semi-structured interviews with the parents of school-going children
studying in Standard 1–8. Parents and other family members were interviewed
from a total of 55 households from July 2021 to April 2022, along with several
informal interactions with other residents of the JJ cluster. The interviews
were transcribed, coded, and thematically analysed with the help of the
qualitative analysis software QDA Miner Lite.

The Available Schooling Options

The schools available to the residents of the JJ cluster can broadly be divided
into the two categories of government schools and private schools. However,
there was considerable heterogeneity among the different schools under each
of these broad categories. Within government schools, there were schools that
were run by the local municipal body—the East Delhi Municipal Corporation
(EDMC)2, in this case; those run by the state government of Delhi—the
Government of the National Capital Territory of Delhi (GNCTD); and those
run by the central government or the Government of India (GoI).

As the municipal corporations in Delhi are only authorised to run primary

schools, the EDMC schools in the area were only up to Standard 5. There were

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2 such schools in the area. Among the schools run by the Delhi state
government or GNCTD, were a Rajkiya Sarvodaya Kanya Vidyalaya (RSKV)
for girls and a Rajkiya Sarvodaya Bal Vidyalaya (RSBV) for boys, operating
from the same building. Here, the girls’ school operated in the morning
session and the boys’ school in the evening session, and both had classes from
Nursery to Standard 12. Though these were technically two different schools,
they were both referred to as the ‘JJ Colony school’, with girls attending the
morning shift and boys attending the evening shift. Other secondary (up to
Standard 10) and senior secondary (up to Standard 12) schools run by the
Delhi government, which were also known as RSKV/RSBV, in the
neighbouring areas of Kalyanvas and Ghazipur were also attended by some of
the students in the JJ Cluster.

Another school run by the Delhi government, right across the road from the JJ
Colony school, was the Delhi government’s flagship School of Excellence
(SoE), which was converted in 2021 into a School of Specialized Excellence3
(SoSE). While new admissions for students in Standard 1-8 were stopped in
2021, those who were already admitted to the SoE in primary classes before its
conversion to SoSE, could continue to be in the same school till they passed
Standard 8.

The third category of government schools in the area was that of schools run
by the central government of the country. In this case, the school was a
Kendriya Vidyalaya (KV), which is run by the Kendriya Vidyalaya Sangathan
(KVS), an autonomous body under the Ministry of Education, Government of
India. Kendriya Vidyalayas across the country are run by the central
government and are meant primarily for the children of transferable central
government employees, including defense and paramilitary personnel.
However, with the implementation of the Right to Education (RTE) Act 2009,
Kendriya Vidyalaya schools now reserve 25 per cent of their seats in the 1st
standard for children belonging to the Economically Weaker Section (EWS) or
Disadvantaged Group (DG) categories. This has allowed the Kendriya

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Vidyalaya to be accessed by the residents of the JJ cluster in the area, as
almost all the residents belong to either the EWS or the DG category (or both).

Along with these different types of government schools, there were also
different types of private schools which were accessed by the residents of the
JJ cluster. The closest to the JJ cluster were three low fee private (LFP)
primary schools, all of which had classes only up to Standard 5 and charged a
fee of Rs. 1000 per month. Apart from these, a few other private schools
which charged much higher fees and had classes up to Standard 12 were also
accessed by some residents of the JJ cluster. Since they could not otherwise
afford the high fees of these schools, they took admission by applying under
the Economically Weaker Section/Disadvantaged Groups (EWS/DG)
category, as mandated by the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory
Education (RTE) Act, 2009.

Out of the eighty eight children (studying in Classes 1–8) belonging to the
fifty five interviewed households, forty seven were studying in the
government schools run by the Delhi government, including forty students in
one of the RSKV/RSBV schools and seven in the SoE. Within the larger
domain of government schools, twenty three students were studying in EDMC
primary schools and five were studying in the KV. The number of students
studying in private schools was eleven, out of which eight were enrolled in
low-fee private primary schools, and three were enrolled in high fee charging
private schools under the EWS/DG quota.

Making Choices

Ullmann-Margalit and Morgenbesser (1977) differentiate between the

concepts of ‘picking’ and ‘choosing’ by stating that the former involves
making a selection between alternatives that a person is indifferent to, whereas
the latter, i.e., ‘choosing’ implies making a selection for a particular reason,
which presupposes preference. Similarly, Carter (2004) differentiates between
having freedom and having choice, and states that while having freedom
requires the lack of constraints on performing one or more actions, having

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choice requires the lack of constraints on the ‘reasoned selection and
performance of one or more of the items on an action menu.’ Thus,
conceptually, exercising choice necessarily involves a reason for making a
particular selection, based on an individual’s preferences. However, a person
‘has choice’ only if there are no constraints on this reasoned selection and
performance of an action associated with it.

In the context of the current study, while the number and types of schools
available to the residents of the JJ cluster are many, it is important to note that
not all of them are equally available for parents to ‘choose’ from. Many of the
respondents have clear preferences regarding schools, especially in terms of
the broad categorisation of government and private schools. However, not all
of them effectively ‘have choice’ as defined by Carter (2004).

While government schools are usually thought to be accessible by anyone who

wants admission, this is not the case with special or so-called ‘elite’
government schools such as the School of Excellence (SoE) and Kendriya
Vidyalaya (KV). As mentioned earlier, admission in the KV for those living in
the JJ cluster is possible only through the EWS/DG quota. This requires, apart
from information regarding the quota itself, the ability (or access to a person
with the ability) to fill up an online form. However, admission is not
guaranteed to everyone who fills the form. A lucky draw is conducted to fill
up the fixed number of EWS/DG quota seats (25 per cent of the strength of the
1st standard batch), making the admission procedure almost completely
dependent on luck.

A similar procedure took place for admission in the SoE as well, as long as the
school was accepting students in primary classes, before being converted into
a SoSE. While there was no separate 25 per cent quota for the EWS/DG
category in the SoE, the entire batch getting admission into the Nursery class
was selected based on a lucky draw. This, once again, made the process of
getting admission into the school dependent completely on luck, and
admission was not guaranteed even when parents ‘chose’ to get their child
admitted to the SoE.

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While this was the case in special or ‘elite’ government schools, there were
also some cases where students were denied admission in the two EDMC
primary schools and the JJ Colony school on the grounds that there were no
more vacant seats left. The parents of these students were left with no other
option but to seek admission in other EDMC or RSKV/RSBV schools which
were farther away from their area of residence. Thus, even with an expansion
in government schooling and there being large, well-resourced government
schools close to the settlements of the urban poor, there has been no real
expansion in the ‘choice’ that exists for parents living in the JJ cluster.

The situation is not very different when it comes to private schools as well,
especially in the case of well-established private schools that charge a high
amount of fees. Admission to these schools, for the residents of the JJ cluster,
is again possible only through the EWS/DG quota, which operates through a
lucky draw. However, by many accounts, the admission process in these
private schools was far more opaque than the lucky draw process in
government schools such as the SoE and KV. According to Srijan (name
changed), a parent of two children studying in one of the LFP schools in the
area, some of the high fee charging schools often rigged their admission
process and gave seats to those who paid them large amounts of money in the
form of ‘donations’. While such narratives could not be proven, a few other
parents who were aware of the existence of EWS/DG category admissions,
also spoke about the lack of clarity regarding the lucky draw process and the
formation of the final admission lists.

The other category of private schools available in the area were the low fee
private (LFP) schools. Even though these schools are usually targeted towards
those belonging to low income groups such as the residents of the JJ cluster,
the ‘choice’ to send their children to them exists only up to a certain extent.
Such schools were definitely not an option for those whose income was too
low to afford even the low fees charged by these schools, which was around
Rs. 1000 per month in the area. However, even those who could afford them
could only send their children there up to Standard 5 since all three low fee

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private schools in the area were primary schools. Of all the interviewed
parents, almost all of those who sent their children to these LFP schools, had
plans to shift their children to government schools after Standard 5. This was
primarily because of financial reasons, as they worried about not being able to
afford the higher fees that would be charged in other private schools beyond
Standard 5. Thus, it was the non-availability of LFP schools with grades
beyond the primary classes that made parents shift their children to
government schools in Standard 6 despite private schooling being their first
‘choice’.

Due to these reasons, a large number of the interviewed households had their
children enrolled in either the local RSKV/RSBV (the JJ Colony school) or
one of the two EDMC schools. Moreover, since the EDMC schools were also
only primary schools up to Standard 5, the students studying there were
automatically transferred to a secondary or senior secondary school run by the
Delhi government to continue their education. For the students in the two
EDMC schools that were closest to the JJ Cluster, the school that they were
transferred to was the JJ Colony school. Thus, many of the students in the JJ
Colony school were transferred there in 6th standard after finishing schooling
till 5th standard in the EDMC school. At the same time, many students who
were studying in both EDMC schools and the JJ Colony school had previously
been in one of the private primary schools and then shifted to a government
school. Thus, despite the vast variety of schools present close to the JJ cluster,
for those who could not afford private schools, the only options where
admission was not dependent on a matter of chance were the two EDMC
schools and the JJ Colony school, with some parents being denied admission
even in these schools.

As Kajal (name changed), a mother of two children studying in the JJ Colony

school said, she wished that both her children could study in private schools
just like ‘bade log’ (affluent people), referring to those who sent their children
to high fee private schools. However, her husband was unemployed and an
alcoholic, and she worked as a house maid and was the only earning member

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in the family. Thus, she could not afford private schooling and said, ‘jitni
aukaat hai, utna hi pair phailaate hain’ (a rough version of ‘cutting your coat
according to your cloth’), implying that she knew her limits and so had never
considered private schooling as an option that was available to her. Sanjay
(name changed), a father with three children who had been through the
government school system and one daughter currently in 6th standard in the
RSKV in Kalyanvas (transferred there after completing 5th standard in the
EDMC school), believed that children are ‘guided better’ in private schools.
But being a daily wage labourer, he said that he could not pay the fees charged
by private schools and so the EDMC schools were his only option.

It thus becomes clear that the schools in which children were enrolled do not
necessarily reflect the ‘choice’ of their parents. Talking about school choice
and the need to expand school choice, in such a situation, misses out on the
understanding that despite living in a large city and in an area with a large
number and variety of schools, some parents hardly have any real ‘choice’ in
the matter of deciding which schools to send their children to. Therefore, in
the context of the JJ cluster where this research is based, it is worthwhile to
use terms such as ‘school aspirations’ or ‘school preferences’ to more
accurately reflect the situation on the ground. While the literature on school
choice in India covers various concerns which overlap with issues related to
aspirations and preferences, the term ‘choice’ can be misleading in certain
contexts. Moreover, given that debates on the issue of school choice originated
in an education system and socio-economic environment very different from
India, it is reasonable to consider using terminology that more suitably fits
different local contexts.

No choice-making behaviour

It is clear that the parents in the JJ cluster in question hardly have any real
‘choice’ in deciding which school their children attend, and have only their
own individual preferences and aspirations, which may or may not be realised.
However, it is relevant to note that there were also certain parents who

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demonstrated a complete lack of active choice-making or even preference-
forming behaviour.

One such person was Sarita (name changed), a daily wage labourer, with one
daughter in Standard 6 and two sons in Standard 9 in the JJ Colony school.
Her husband had been living in the JJ cluster since childhood and studied till
Standard 8 in an RSBV in the neighbourhood. He was a daily wage labourer
as well, and also an alcoholic who did not bother much with his children’s
education. Sarita came to Delhi after marriage and being from a village in UP
where she technically studied till Standard 5 but did not learn much, she did
not have much of an idea about schools in the city. She said it was her
children, when they were about five years old, who started insisting that they
wanted to go to school just like the other children in the area. Not knowing
what to do about it or how to get admission in a school, Sarita asked her
neighbour for help. It was this neighbour who took her children to the nearest
EDMC school and got them admitted there. Sarita herself had no real opinion
on which school to send her children to or any particular reasons for having
any schooling preferences.

Another parent who did not have to think about schooling options at all was
Aashi (name changed), who worked as a cook in the neighbouring middle
class housing societies. Aashi first sent her elder daughter (in Standard 10 at
the time of the interview) to the Anganwadi (a child care centre providing
basic health and education related services for children below six years of age)
next to her house. She said her daughter was smart and it was the lady
managing the Anganwadi who decided to get her admitted in the EDMC
school in the area. After studying there till Standard 5, she was automatically
shifted to the JJ Colony school. Aashi’s younger daughter went through a
similar process and was currently in Standard 4 in the same EDMC school.
Aashi’s husband had studied till Standard 10 and was a worker in a factory
that made electrical meters. Since he had long working hours, he left schooling
decisions to his wife. However, Aashi had no real opinion in the matter of the
school attended by her children, and did not have much of a say in the final

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outcome either, as it was the Anganwadi lady, and later the EDMC school
itself, which decided where her daughter should study.

It can thus be seen that though in many cases, the parents who were more
educated had more opinions and preferences regarding their children’s
schooling, this was not always the case. The parents who lacked much formal
education, as well as those who had passed Standard 10, in some instances,
had hardly given any thought to the question of which school their children
should go to. On the other hand, some parents who never went to school at all,
realised their mistake in not getting formal education and put in extra effort to
gather information about schooling options and articulate their opinions,
preferences and aspirations. An analysis of parental background in terms of
their own education, employment, and other social and economic
characteristics, and its effect on their schooling preferences has not been
undertaken in this paper. However, one other important aspect of the decision-
making process with regard to schooling, is the caste to which the family
belongs, which has been discussed briefly in the following section.

Caste and school choice

The JJ Cluster in which this study is based is an area where a majority of the
families belong to the Valmiki community. This is a community which comes
under the list of Scheduled Castes (SC) in the Indian Constitution and hence is
specially protected against discrimination by several legal measures. However,
as has been noted by several scholars (Borooah et al., 2015; Gorringe &
Karthieyan, 2014; Narula, 2008; Thorat & Neuman, 2012), caste-based
discrimination continues to thrive in India, and those belonging to the Valmiki
community continue to face social and cultural ostracisation in several forms.
While a detailed discussion of the issue of caste and caste-based
discrimination is beyond the scope of this paper, some instances require to be
highlighted where parents took a conscious decision to avoid certain types of
schools, particularly because of their lower caste or SC status.

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Regarding school admissions, the RTE Act 2009 mandates that all private
unaided schools must admit children from economically weaker sections
(EWS) and disadvantaged groups (DG) in the neighbourhood, up to at least 25
per cent of the strength of Class 1, or pre-school if the school provides pre-
school education (The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education
Act, 2009). Despite the fact that this provision had been in existence for more
than a decade at the time when the interviews for this research were
conducted, not many of the interviewed parents knew about it. Only a handful
of respondents knew that they could avail of this quota, and only 3 of the
interviewed parents had been able to secure admission for their children in
private schools under this quota.

While the parents who applied for EWS/DG quota admissions desperately
hoped that they could get their children admitted into a private school, there
were also some who consciously chose to stay away from the process
altogether. Shashi (name changed), a parent with two children studying in the
JJ Colony school, said that he was aware of this quota and the admission
process involved, but chose not to even try for it. The reason for this was the
experience of a close friend, whose child had got admission in an otherwise
unaffordable private school through the EWS/DG quota. Shashi stated that his
friend’s child often complained about EWS/DG quota students being teased
and harassed by other students in school. Even the teachers would not
intervene when this was brought to their attention because, according to
Shashi, the teachers also differentiated among students based on whether they
were regular, fee-paying students or those who came through the ‘SC quota’.
While he refused to name the school where this happened, he said it was a
prominent and well-known school. Due to this reason, Shashi did not even try
to get his children admitted to a private school, where the students are all
‘bade gharon ke bacche’ (children from well-to-do families). He did mention,
however, that if he got the opportunity to get his children admitted either to
the KV or SoE through the lucky draw system, he would definitely take it up
as these were government-run schools.

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Another parent, who preferred private schools over government schools but
could only afford to send his children to LFP schools, had similar thoughts
about the EWS/DG quota. Gagan’s (name changed) daughter was in Standard
1 in an LFP school in their neighbourhood and he was aware of the EWS/DG
quota, through which he could have got his daughter admission into a ‘high
level’ private school. However, he too had seen the case of a neighbour, whose
children had got admission into a school through this quota. According to
Gagan, it was much better to send your children to government schools rather
than making use of this quota. He said that while books and notebooks were
free and no school fees was charged, in terms of studies, the students admitted
through the quota were treated ‘third-class se bhi battar’ (received worse than
‘third-class’ treatment). He went on to say,

“Other students, who got admitted by paying the fees, there was some kind of
discrimination between them and those admitted through the quota…
Otherwise, being in such a good place, those children [the ones admitted under
EWS/DG quota] would have learnt at least something? But those children
couldn’t even study till Standard 5 and are working at odd jobs here and there
today… Everyone was taught together in one class, but these students did not
receive adequate attention.”

It becomes clear that parents such as Shashi and Gagan had well thought out
reasons for their decisions. They might not have had the choice to send their
children to the school they wanted to, but they nevertheless made an active
choice to not even try for EWS/DG quota admissions in private schools.
Moreover, their experiences highlight the stigma that continues to be
associated with the SC caste status. Despite years of anti-caste movements
across the country and stringent laws prohibiting any sort of discrimination,
rampant instances of open partisanship between fee-paying students and ‘free’
or ‘SC quota’ students continue to exist.

Thus, the heightened awareness of caste and class based discrimination in

private schools actually keeps many parents belonging to lower castes and
classes from accessing the benefits and quotas that were put in place especially

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for them. At the same time, a lack of awareness of provisions such as
EWS/DG quota admissions excludes many others who would have wanted to
make use of them, from even trying to take part in the admission process.

Conclusion

In the context of poorly functioning government schools and a crumbling

public education system, the demand for more ‘school choice’ or more
schooling options for parents in the form of private schools has been growing
in India. This is especially so with regard to socially and economically
marginalised sections of society, who more often than not, send their children
to government schools. Moreover, with the rapid proliferation of private
schools for the poor or low-fee private (LFP) schools, many parents from poor
households have started sending their children to these schools in the hope for
a better education.

While the debates surrounding these developments and the future direction of
education policies continue to remain conflicted, this paper situates the issues
surrounding the question of school choice within the context of an urban slum
or JJ Cluster in Delhi. The study finds that while there are several factors that
shape the preferences of parents living in the JJ Cluster, the ability to make a
choice based on those preferences is actually very limited. Even in the case of
government schools, the presence of certain ‘elite’ schools with lottery based
admission mechanisms, have made school admissions largely dependent on
luck, rather than choice.

Moreover, there are also instances where some parents do not engage in any
choice-making behaviour at all regarding their child’s schooling. In these
cases, children are admitted to the nearest government school, sometimes by
neighbours, and they simply continue to go through the education system,
without any active engagement with the schooling process. At the same time,
there are also examples of parents who are aware that their actual choices are
greatly restricted, but they nevertheless choose not to engage with specific
types of schooling options based on social and political reasons. These include

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cases where parents do not even try to get their children admission in high fee
private schools through the EWS/DG quota because they have heard of the
discrimination that ‘quota students’ face in these schools.

Thus, the discourse surrounding school choice in India needs to be looked at

from a much more nuanced lens, which highlights the vast diversity of the
poor, especially in urban areas. Further, the availability of a large number of
schools, both government and private, does not in itself provide more choice
to parents, even if parents are not required to pay fees in private schools. This
is most visible in the interactions of caste and class with the schooling process,
which further complicate the ways in which choices are made, if and when
available.

Notes

1. A settlement is officially considered as a Slum Designated Area only if it is

notified under the Slum Areas (Improvement and Clearance) Act, 1956.
However, no new settlement has been identified as a Slum Designated Area in
Delhi since 1994. Thus, as slum settlements continued to proliferate in and
around the city, the term Jhuggi Jhopri (JJ) Cluster has been used to identify
such non-notified slum areas. These are defined as settlements which are built
as encroachments on land owned by the government, or a department or
agency of the government (CPR, 2015).

2. The Delhi Municipal Corporation (Amendment) Act, 2011 had officially

trifurcated Delhi’s municipal corporation into the North, South and East Delhi
Municipal Corporations. However, this Act was further amended by the Indian
parliament in April 2022, once again unifying the corporations into a single
body, the MCD, i.e., the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (Jha, 2022). Since
this unification occurred after the fieldwork for this research concluded, the
term EDMC is used in this paper instead of MCD while referring to the
schools run by the municipal corporation of the area.

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3. Schools of Specialized Excellence (SOSE) are schools meant for classes 9 to
12 that allow students to specialise in their chosen fields of study (STEM,
Humanities, Performing and Visual Arts, and High-end 21st Century Skills).
The Delhi government had initially started Schools of Excellence (SoE) as
holistic learning, English medium schools running from Nursery to Class 12.
The SoE schools are now being phased out.

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Bhuvaneshwari Subramanian
Thorat, S., & Neuman, K. S. (2012). Introduction: Economic Discrimination
Concept, Consequences, and Remedies. In Blocked by caste: Economic
discrimination in modern India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Tilak, J. B. (2002). Education and poverty. Journal of Human

Development, 3(2), 191-207.

Tooley, J., & Dixon, P. (2006). ‘De facto’ privatisation of education and the
poor: implications of a study from sub‐Saharan Africa and
India. Compare, 36(4), 443-462.

Tooley, J. (2009). The beautiful tree: A personal journey into how the world's
poorest people are educating themselves. Washington: Cato Institute.

Ullmann-Margalit, E., & Morgenbesser, S. (1977). Picking and

choosing. Social Research, 757-785.

United Nations. (2014). World Urbanization Prospects: The 2014 Revision.

New York: United Nations.

Bhuvaneshwari Subramanian, PhD Scholar at Dr. B. R. Ambedkar University

Delhi (AUD), Lothian Road, Kashmere Gate, Delhi

Email ID: [email protected]

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Conversation: B.K. Nagla in conversation with Gundemeda

Nagaraju
Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp.279-298
Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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B.K. Nagla in conversation with Gundemeda Nagaraju

[Transcript of the interview held on April 30, 2024]

Introduction

Prof. Nagla is an eminent sociologist whose doctoral thesis at Jawaharlal

Nehru University, New Delhi, Factionalism, Politics and Social Structure is a
pioneering work in political sociology. He has published 22 books and 70
research papers in national and international journals. The main books are
Factionalism, Politics and Social Structure (1984); Women Crime and Law
(1991); Development and Transformation (1993); Political Sociology (1999);
Introducing Sociology (2002, 2019); Indian Sociological Thought
(2008,2013,2023); Themes in Social Stratification and Social Mobility (2009);
Sociology of Sanitation (2015), Globalization, Leisure and Social Change
(2017), Issues and Themes in Contemporary Society (2019), Diversity,
Democracy and Development (2021), Sociology and Sociologist in India
(2022), Indian Sociologist (2024) etc. He has been the editor of the Indian
Sociological Society (ISS) Hindi Journal entitled, ‘Bhartiya Samajshastra
Samiksha’ from 2014 to 2021.

Interview of Prof. Bhupendra Kumar Nagla (B. K. Nagla henceforth BKN)

was taken by Prof. Gundemeda Nagaraju (henceforth GNR)

GNR: Dear sir, thanks for agreeing to share your experiences and encounters
with sociology. Firstly, could you please share your family history?

BKN: I was born on January 30, 1946, in Bassi village, Chittorgarh district,
Rajasthan, at my maternal uncle’s home, where I spent my early childhood.
My parental home is in Jawad, Neemuch district (formerly part of Mandsaur
district), Madhya Pradesh, where I completed my schooling. My hometown,
Jawad, is located on the border of Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. Although it
is geographically in Madhya Pradesh, my family is culturally influenced by
Mewar (now in Rajasthan), from where they migrated long ago. My father,
Ramchandra, was a businessman, and my mother, Sohanbai, was a housewife.
My father had one brother, Badrilal, a freedom fighter, and one sister, Nanibai.
My father received his pre-university education in Ajmer, Rajasthan, and my
mother had primary education in her hometown of Bassi. I am the eldest son,
with one brother and two sisters. My wife, Madhu Nagla, a sociology
professor, hails from Kota, Rajasthan. We have one son, Gaurav, and one
daughter, Radhika, who are settled in Canada and the USA, respectively, and

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both are IT professionals. Both My son and daughter are married: Gaurav to
Archana and Radhika to Rohit. Each couple has one son: Abhigyan and
Abhay, respectively.

GNR: When did you first come into contact with sociology?

BKN: I opted for Sociology as one of my optional papers, along with

Economics and Sanskrit, for my undergraduate studies at Udaipur University,
Udaipur (Rajasthan). My brother-in-law, Mr. Natwarlal Sukhawal, suggested
this choice. He mentioned that sociology is a relatively easy subject and
helpful in understanding societal structures such as village life, caste, family,
and kinship. At that time, I did not intend to become a sociologist; I shifted
from natural science to social science due to health issues. My health problems
hindered my concentration on my studies. However, my father was especially
interested in my higher education and encouraged me to pursue it, regardless
of whether I chose to go into business or any other profession. He believed
that education was essential.

GNR: When did you know that you wanted to be a sociologist?

BKN: I decided to become a teacher while I was doing an M.A. in sociology

at Udaipur University. In 1972, I passed M.A. with first division and also got
second rank in the subject. I wanted to do a Ph. D. with a fellowship. It was
not possible to do doctoral research in the Department of Sociology, as the
department had only one fellowship, which was generally given to the first-
rank holder. Therefore, I thought of doing a PhD from another place where I
could get the fellowship. I tried for two places: Jawaharlal Nehru University
(JNU), New Delhi and the University of Rajasthan, Jaipur. I chose JNU as the
first choice and was accepted for admission there. One of my classmates, Mr.
Shyamlal Menaria, introduced me to Prof. S.L. Doshi, who was also my
teacher. Prof. Doshi inspired me to do a Ph. D. from JNU and told me not to
worry as Dr. K. L. Sharma is there to help me. Dr. Sharma also taught me
sociological theory in the final year of my M.A. at Udaipur. After leaving the
Sociology department of Gujarat University, Ahmedabad, Dr. Sharma came to
Udaipur and stayed only one year at Udaipur. He joined JNU the same year as
an assistant professor when I was admitted to the MPhil/Ph.D. programme at
the Centre for the Study of Social Systems in JNU in 1972.

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GNR: Can you tell us about your college experience while doing B.A. and
M.A.?

BKN: I was a student at the M. B. College of Udaipur University, as the

university didn’t have a separate campus. It was a new university; therefore,
all the classes ran in the M. B. College. The classes in the sociology
department were in the morning due to a shortage of space. We were free after
10 or 10.30 a.m. to go either to the library or home. B.A. was a three-year
course, and I had one paper in sociology every year, taught by K.L. Bhatia,
Giriraj Gupta and Rajendra Singh. Bhatia was my NCC instructor, also. Later,
Bhatia and Gupta joined US universities, and Rajendra Singh joined the Delhi
School of Social Work. I took sociology in M.A. as motivated by my brother-
in-law, though I was interested in Sanskrit. The Sanskrit teacher, particularly
Dr Nagar, used to narrate excerpts of novels in a romantic style while
explaining Kālidāsa’s Abhigyan Shakuntalam (play), Raghuvaṃśa (epic
poem) Meghadūta (lyric poem) and Kumar sambhav (epic poem) etc.
Anyway, I had good teachers in M.A., mainly O.P. Sharma, S.L. Doshi, and
B.K. Lavania, etc. In the final year, K.L. Sharma also taught me sociological
theory to develop critical thinking. Udai Pareek (Psychologist) also taught
social psychology in a motivating style. Doshi had a conventional style, first
delivering lectures on classical thinkers and then dictation as readymade notes,
but it was a lucid style, which students generally liked. Lavania had freestyle
but had command over Hindi and English. He used to converse in local
dialect. O.P. Sharma was a modest American-trained teacher.

GNR: How would you recall your experiences with your classmates?

BKN: I became interested in sociology and concentrated on my studies,

preparing and discussing notes with friends. In my class, I had two classmates
who were in service and senior in the age. One was Shyamlal Menaria, who
was in the service of the Tribal Research Institute (TRI), Udaipur, and the
other was Mandovara, who was in the Agriculture University of Udaipur. Both
were helpful to me. TRI library was specific for sociology books and journals
and was best in Rajasthan. N. N. Vyas was the director of the institute. My
friend Menaria used to issue books every day, whatever I wanted. I used to
read all classical original books by Marx, Durkheim, Weber, Merton, and
Parsons and other textbooks like Raymond Aron, Kingsley Davis, Irving

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Zeitlin, Wilbert Moore, Amitai Etzioni, etc. Besides theory and thought, books
were also available for other papers.

I used to read during the daytime, as I was free. My friends Menaria and
Mandovara decided that we should meet in the evening at the tuck shop
located in Chetak Circle. There, I would narrate and discuss whatever I had
read during the day. They would take notes as they knew shorthand, and later,
they would type them up, bringing several carbon copies to the classroom. We
would distribute these notes to our other friends and discuss them in the
college canteen. The female students were particularly pleased to receive such
ready-made notes and often offered tea, snacks, and sometimes homemade
treats in gratitude. This practice helped everyone score good marks in the
examinations. However, our two so-called elite friends did not appreciate this
and asked why I engaged in such activities. I expressed to them that I felt
happy helping others who did not have access to the books.

GNR: You worked for your Ph. D under the guidance of Prof. Yogendra
Singh. Can you share your experiences of working with him?

BKN: Prof. Yogendra Singh was not my supervisor. He was the guide of
Madhu Nagla, my wife, who did her Ph. D. under him. Though he was not my
guide, he taught me at the M.Phil. level (JNU) and inspired me not only during
my doctoral research work but also throughout my academic life. I always
found him to be up to date in readings and with refreshingly new ideas. He
kindled my interest in sociology and made me understand that sociology
should always include both theory and empirical research. I interacted with
him on many occasions and used to converse about sociological interpretations
of different situations even though we used to see movies in English and Hindi
together. He used to conceptualize the sociological significance of the film
that we watched together and similarly for other issues and events. I enjoyed
his professional visibility and affection towards me, which made me fearless
and confident whenever I consulted him.

GNR: Then, who was your supervisor?

BKN: Prof. Partha Nath Mukherji was my supervisor, and Prof. K. L. Sharma
was my co-supervisor during my M.Phil. program. Initially, Prof. Mukherji
supervised me for my Ph.D. for around three years. Later, Prof. K. L Sharma

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supervised me until the PhD was submitted when Prof. Mukherji left JNU and
joined the Indian Statistical Institute Calcutta (now Kolkata).

GNR: What was your experience in JNU?

BKN: JNU is quite different from other universities in India in terms of

teaching and campus life. One student, who came from a Hindi-speaking state
and had a first-class degree from his previous university, experienced a
cultural shock at JNU and found the teaching style akin to that of Oxford. He
decided to leave JNU and informed his teacher that he could not cope with his
studies. Although his teacher tried to persuade him, he eventually left. I did
not face such a situation because Dr. K.L. Sharma invited me to stay with him
at his house until his wife arrived from the village. She came around
December after the birth of their daughter, Rachna. I lived with Dr. Sharma
like a family member at his Safdarjung residence. After six months, he also
secured on-campus accommodation. He cooked, and I washed the utensils
since I did not know how to cook. We often had dinner outside at a dhaba or a
restaurant in Green Park, Hauz Khas, etc. Generally, we had lunch on campus.

I came to JNU in 1972 after completing my M.A. from Udaipur. The teaching
of Sociology at the Centre for the Study of Social Systems, JNU, began in
1971 with the MPhil-Ph.D. program. The M.A. program was introduced in
1972 when I joined the MPhil-Ph.D. program. Partha Sarthi, the Vice-
Chancellor, invited Yogendra Singh (Y. Singh) to establish the centre and
recruit faculty. Initially, there were six faculty members, including Y. Singh,
T.K. Oommen, P.N. Mukherji, K.L. Sharma, Venugopal, and P.N. Panini.
Later, R.K. Jain (from Oxford), Nirmal Singh, Sudhir Kakar (from Vienna),
and a few others joined the centre.

Although fifteen students were admitted, only five remained: J.S. Gandhi,
Mukul Dube, Jagannath Pathy, Anand Kumar, and myself. Our methodology
class, attended by fifteen science policy students, was taught by Oommen. The
five of us attended all the other classes. Y. Singh taught sociological theory
and thought. Other classes were co-taught by pairs of teachers: P.N. Mukherji
and M.N. Panini, and K.L. Sharma and Venugopal for the MPhil classes. Our
classes were interactive, not just conventional lectures. It’s not one-way
communication but its two ways communication between teachers and
students. Both students and teachers prepared lectures for common

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discussions. JNU has an interdisciplinary approach to teaching, allowing

students to opt for courses in other centres as well.

J.S. Gandhi came directly for a PhD under Y. Singh's supervision but was
asked to complete MPhil coursework first. Before coming to JNU, he taught at
Delhi University and IIM Ahmedabad. He was senior to all of us, married, and
had two children. He was very intelligent and fluent in English, Punjabi, and
Hindi and had some knowledge of Urdu and Sanskrit. Mukul Dube was the
son of Prof. S.C. Dube. Mukul and Pathy both came from Sagar University,
while Anand Kumar came from BHU, Varanasi. Anand Kumar was an
intelligent and articulate orator and a former student president at BHU. Anand
Kumar and Mukul Dube later went on to pursue their PhDs at Chicago and
Oxford, respectively.

GNR: Okay. Tell us about JNU campus life.

BKN: There is no comparison between JNU and any other university in India
or elsewhere. It is the best university and ranked first in the country. JNU
offers a wonderful life for teachers and students, providing a conducive
environment for learning and the all-round personality development of
students. JNU provides inclusive space. Everyone interacts with everyone,
irrespective of their discipline. JNU's nightlife is unique compared to any
other university. The campus is as lively at night as it is during the day. After
dinner, students interact with their teachers to discuss research. Students also
interact with each other at tea dhabas, discussing national and international
issues. Girls feel secure and move freely on campus at night, participating
equally in discussions.

While JNU is dominated by Marxist ideology, there are friendly interactions

with teachers and students of other ideologies. I am not a Marxist, but I have
Marxian friends without any ill feelings. The atmosphere is devoid of hostility,
unpleasantness, and unfriendliness. Anand Kumar and our friends formed a
free thinker group to contest the student union elections. Anand Kumar (free
thinker) contested the election for the post of president against Karat Prakash
(Marxist). Although Anand Kumar was defeated in the first year, he won the
election the following year, and Karat Prakash was beaten. The relationships
did not change based on election outcomes. Elections are organized by the
students themselves, not by university officials. Debates between contesting

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candidates are typically held at night in the mess after meals and at other
locations in a democratic manner.

Students lead disciplined lives and are very punctual, whether attending
classes, going to the library, or participating in seminars. Students from rich
and poor backgrounds live together like Krishna and Sudama, learning
alongside each other. Both groups have equal opportunities for education at
JNU. If the government decided to establish more such institutions that
provide free and quality education without political interference, there would
be no need for reservations and employment concerns. This approach would
eliminate the gap between rich and poor. I recall an incident where students
encircled Vice-Chancellor Partha Sarthi, and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
suggested sending police for his security. Partha Sarthi refused, stating that it
was an internal matter that could be resolved without external intervention.

There is no need for the privatization of education if we provide free and

quality education. This is the only way to bridge the gap between rich and
poor. The impact of JNU is extensive, contributing significantly to our nation.
Its alums are visible in various fields in India and abroad, including teaching,
administration, politics, media, and more. Notably, S. Jaishankar (Minister of
External Affairs) and Nirmala Sitharaman (Minister of Finance) are JNU
alumni.

GNR: When did your journey as a teacher begin?

BKN: I began my teaching career in 1976 at the Department of Sociology,

M.S. University, Vadodara (Baroda) in Gujarat. I also taught at the Institute of
Criminology and Forensic Science, New Delhi, for a short period. Later, in
1978, I joined M.D. University, Rohtak in Haryana, where I taught until my
retirement in 2006. After retiring from M.D. University, Rohtak, I worked as a
consultant at Kota Open University and also served as a Professor at the Babu
Jagjivan Ram Chair at Banaras Hindu University.

GNR: What is the best thing about being a sociologist?

BKN: I believe I have a noble profession in teaching and research, which

provides me with a great deal of autonomy, status, and self-esteem. Although I
am a sociologist by training, I have always felt a desire to travel within India
and around the world to interact with family, friends, and diverse people. I

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have the privilege of thinking about, discussing, and writing about sociology
every day. I get to read new books regularly—often for free—and then discuss
them with others who share the same interests. Being a sociologist, I can say
that sociologists' thoughts and ideas are highly valued as they provide insights,
perceptions, and a deeper understanding of human beings in society, enabling
the pursuit of countless interests. Engaging in sociology with an understanding
of social life allows a person to have a fulfilling existence in any field of
society.

GNR: You have established yourself as a deeply concerned teacher of

sociology. Can you take us through the trajectory of the pedagogical practices
you have adopted in the 40+ years of your teaching and research journey?

BKN: My academic journey started first at Baroda University, and then I

moved to NICFS, New Delhi. Finally, I joined Rohtak University, where I
taught until my retirement. After retirement, I received an offer for the Babu
Jagjivanram Chair at Banaras Hindu University (BHU), Varanasi. I reluctantly
joined but did not stay long, as I no longer wished to serve in a formal
capacity and preferred to focus on independent academic reading and writing.
Now, I would like to share my experiences at these institutions one by one if
you are interested.

GNR: Okay.

BKN: Let me start with my first appointment as a lecturer in sociology at M.S.

University, Baroda (Vadodara), in Gujarat, in 1976. Prof. K. C. Panchanadikar
was the head of the Department of Sociology. Mrs. Jaloo Panchanadikar,
Bharti Ben, P.J. Patel, and Madam Dansingani were among the teachers in the
department. Interestingly, the department had a sufficient number of teachers
but an insignificant number of students—around fifteen students in the
previous class and one or two students in the final sociology class. There were
some PhD scholars, including our colleague Mr Patel and two or three
Buddhist monks, who were conducting research under the supervision of
Panchanadikar. I asked Panchanadikar about the low number of students and
mentioned that I did not enjoy teaching in the absence of students. He assured
me, "Don’t worry! Students will join when you teach. Meanwhile, you can do
research; we have a small group laboratory."

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Panchanadikar was an authoritative and mechanical man, but he respected us

and provided all the facilities in the department. His wife, Jaloo
Panchanadikar, treated me like a mother and occasionally invited me to lunch
and dinner. Patel was very friendly, as he was the only other male teacher.
Despite this, I left Baroda after some time when I got another job at the
National Institute of Criminology and Forensic Science (NICFS), New Delhi,
as I was interested in completing my PhD. When I handed my resignation to
Prof. Panchanadikar, he told me, "You are leaving such a good university. It
looks like you do not realize the difficulty of getting a job. However, I will
keep your resignation in my drawer so that you may rejoin if you change your
mind."

GNR: What was the nature of the job at NICFS, and why did you leave the
institute?

BKN: The teaching job at NICFS involved either delivering lectures or

arranging lectures by specialist scholars in the field of criminology for the
training of IPS officers, judges, CBI, and IB personnel. I found that most
trainees were not interested in theoretical knowledge as they were accustomed
to their conventional methods of dealing with crime and deviance. The
Director of the Institute, Mr. Rai (IG), was also not happy with the
directorship as he enjoyed field job more. Here, he had to deliver lectures or
handle administrative work. Besides teaching, I had various responsibilities,
such as visiting prisons, SOS Villages, and juvenile delinquent homes. Despite
having all the facilities, I wouldn't say I liked this job as much as I was
interested in university teaching. I joined NICFS while I was working on my
PhD at JNU. I had written the complete draft of my thesis, but my supervisor
left JNU and joined the Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata. I asked Prof.
Yogendra Singh to assign me a new supervisor, and Prof. K. L. Sharma was
assigned to supervise my thesis, given his familiarity with Rajasthan, which
was related to my work. I was pleased as I knew him well. However, Prof.
Sharma asked me to conduct fieldwork again to meet the needs of the
research.

Therefore, I resigned from NICFS, though the director, Mr. Rai, accepted my
resignation reluctantly. He asked me why I was leaving this respectable
service. I explained that I needed to conduct fieldwork for a year or more. He
offered to arrange for police inspectors to collect data from the respective

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areas. I expressed my difficulty, stating that it was not possible to rely on

police inspectors as the nature of the thesis required people to respond
appropriately, which they would not do with police involvement. Ultimately, I
left NICFS, though I have visited the institute to deliver lectures whenever
invited after leaving.

GNR: After leaving NICFS, how did you complete your thesis?

BKN: I went to Udaipur again and conducted fieldwork by interviewing

village, district, and state leaders of political parties, then returned to JNU.
Prof. Sharma would either provide comments or modify my write-ups
whenever I submitted the chapters of my thesis. During this process, I became
mentally stressed and fell ill. However, Prof. Sharma helped and took care of
me. He encouraged me and thoroughly reviewed my thesis, enabling me to
submit it successfully. I was the first PhD student of Prof. Sharma, who
himself was the first PhD student of Prof. Yogendra Singh. Prof. Sharma is
intelligent and hardworking, and I do not possess that level of acumen. He
must have had high expectations for producing quality research in a desirable
form.

After the awarding of my thesis, Prof. Sharma told me that my thesis was one
of the best among the three-four theses submitted to the Centre. I used to think
there might be some shortcomings in my write-up. As I had great faith in
Sharmaji, I never felt any annoyance with him while pursuing my PhD. In
those days, every teacher expected their students to submit a presentable thesis
that would later be referred to as quality research. J. S. Gandhi and I. P. Modi
also felt confusing situations like mine during their Ph.D. Prof. Sharma always
stood behind me in my ventures and new initiatives throughout my academic
journey and personal life.

GNR: What is your experience with Rohtak University?

BKN: After submitting my Ph.D. thesis, I married Madhu on May 24, 1978.
She had appeared for her B.A. examination from Kota College of Rajasthan
University, where she passed with first class, and then she came to Delhi with
me. I was now thinking of exploring job opportunities. One day, my old friend
Mr. Gati Krishna Kar met me at the Sapru House Library canteen. He
informed me that Rohtak University had advertised lectureship positions, and
he was already teaching political science there. He urged me to apply, even

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though the last date had passed, suggesting that it was up to the vice-
chancellor to waive the deadline. I took a plain piece of paper from the
canteen and applied. Within 15 days, I received an interview call. The
interview was held in Delhi, and I went home after giving the interview. Just a
week later, I received a call to join Rohtak University. I went to Rohtak with
my wife and joined the Department of Sociology on July 24, 1978. K. S.
Sangwan also joined as a lecturer, but I became in charge of the new
department based on seniority in the selection. S. K. Chauhan was selected as
a reader, and he joined Rohtak University a few months later, having been a
reader at Dibrugarh University. I prepared the syllabus, handled student
admissions, and started teaching alongside K. S. Sangwan. Chauhan became
the head of the department. Initially, we were three teachers. The following
year, Mr. Hare Ram Tiwari, who came from The Hague, and U.K. Awasthi, a
JNU student, joined the department. Subsequently, Mr. Balgovind Baboo,
Jitendra Prasad (both JNU students), and P. S. Chundawat (PhD, Udaipur)
joined the department. In this way, the department developed an excellent
faculty to teach the M.A., M.Phil., and Ph.D. programs.

GNR: How did you develop your department of sociology with your
colleagues at Rohtak University?

BKN: We followed the pattern of JNU in teaching and research sociology in

our department for M.A., M.Phil., and Ph.D. Besides classroom teaching, we
had weekly seminars where teachers and students presented their papers. We
also conducted fieldwork for both M.A. and M.Phil. students. Teachers and
students visited places, preferably in other states, for ten to fifteen days. After
returning, students gave seminars based on their fieldwork under the
supervision of their respective teachers. Every year, we buy the latest books
from the library. Today, our university library has an excellent collection of
books, historical documents, various encyclopedias, and the Census of India.
Our university was renamed Maharshi Dayanand University (M.D.
University), replacing Rohtak University. We used to invite well-known
scholars to the board of studies and extension lectures. Many scholars
participated and delivered lectures in our national seminars and conferences
organized by the department. These scholars included Yogendra Singh, B. R.
Chauhan, S. M. Dube, S. L. Sharma, André Béteille, P. N. Pimple, K.L.
Sharma, P.C. Joshi, T.K. Oommen, N. K. Singhi, J. S. Gandhi, Anand Kumar,
Paramjit Singh Judge, Satish K. Sharma, R.S. Sandhu, Birinder Pal Singh,

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M.L. Sharma, S.L. Doshi, and S.R. Mehta. I also edited a volume of the
seminar I organized on "Development and Social Transformation" (1993) and
published textbooks on "Introducing Sociology" (2002) and "Indian
Sociological Thought" (2002), which are reprinted annually by Rawat
Publications. I completed numerous projects sponsored by ICSSR, NGOs, and
state and central governments.

GNR: Who motivated you to explore criminology studies as a field of

knowledge, and what have you done?

BKN: During my stay at NICFS, I was associated with Prof. K. S. Shukla, a

sociologist and criminologist, who inspired me to write in the areas of
sociology of deviance and crime. Shukla motivated me to join NICFS. I
started writing and participating in seminars and conferences in criminology
and related areas and continued until Shukla was alive. I published several
articles on different issues in the Journal of Criminology, Social Work, Indian
Journal of Criminology and Criminalistics, Social Defence, and a book on
"Women, Crime and Law" (1991), published by Rawat. I participated in and
presented papers at several national conferences. During this period, I got an
opportunity to attend an international conference in Homberg (Germany) and
was invited to deliver talks in Hong Kong University. I delivered talks at
NICFS whenever invited by the Institute. I also attended the Department of
Criminology at Madras University, where Prof. Chockalingum (Victimologist)
invited me to the Development of Criminology workshop. Consequently, I
was awarded the ISC Fellow Award for the growth and development of the
Indian Society of Criminology, given by the Council of the Indian Society of
Criminology, affiliated with the International Society of Criminology, Paris.
Later, I left academic activities in criminology after the demise of Shukla.

GNR: Besides criminology, what are your academic contributions in other

areas of the discipline? What did you do in Paris and the Netherlands?

BKN: In fact, I did my PhD on factional politics in Rajasthan, which was

published in 1984, and I continued my interest in this area by editing a book
on Political Sociology in 1999, with its second edition recently appearing in
2023. I also worked on the Dynamics of Politics in France as a visiting
professor at La Maison des Sciences de l'Homme (MSH) in Paris in 1993.
While there, I delivered talks at Sorbonne University and The University of

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Bordeaux. I had the opportunity to meet and interact with distinguished

sociologists and anthropologists such as Levi Strauss, Alain Touraine,
Raymond Boudon, and Maurice Godelier in Paris, who also gave me their
books. Subsequently, I visited The International Institute of Social Studies in
The Hague, Netherlands. I visited several universities besides The Hague,
including Amsterdam, Leiden, Rotterdam, Utrecht, and Groningen, where I
also delivered talks. One of my talks was published in the occasional lecture
series on the topic “Sociology of Professions: A Theoretical Analysis of
Conceptual Issues” by the Netherlands Organization for International
Cooperation in Higher Education, The Hague, in 1995. Similarly, I visited
other European universities in Germany, Spain, the UK, and others.

GNR: Given the fact that market-driven forces mainly control education
today, do you think that sociology teaching in the state and at the national
level is responding to the need?

BKN: In this context, there is a need to reconstruct courses in sociology to

face the challenges of modern society without compromising the basic courses
related to universal concepts, theories, and methods. This is an era of
competition, specialization, and micro-specialization. We can prepare
sociology students to meet these challenges if we construct and teach courses
based on specialization. For example, we should frame a course on the
sociology of management, and a student should opt for this course from the
first semester to the last semester. This could include one paper each semester
on topics such as the sociology of management, industrial sociology,
sociology of organization, and research methodology. Similar efforts can be
made in other fields like the sociology of health, sociology of communication,
sociology of law, etc., according to societal needs. This type of teaching would
provide a cognitive understanding of both theoretical and applied knowledge
of sociology. Students will be more employable when they graduate with such
an understanding of micro-specialized fields. I highlighted this idea in my
book "Sociology and Sociologists in India: Perspectives from the North-
West."

GNR: Besides reconstructing sociology courses, what should be done by

Indian sociologists in today’s changing times?

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BKN: There is a need to make improvements and innovate to analyze

changing realities with new perspectives, concepts, methods, and cognitive
understanding. Regional sociologies in India have been overlooked by those
who focus on expanding global and national sociology. Therefore, empirical
studies are needed to understand the dynamics of regional reality, which can
then be linked to national and global sociology. This will help generate new
concepts, theories, and methods relevant to the context. Moreover, looking at
the needs of the present society, for example, more infrastructure projects in
the country mean more work for sociologists as they are needed to carry out
feasibility and impact studies. The corporate sector depends on market
surveys. It wants to understand people’s needs and then develop and market its
products. Sociology is a field which will fill the gap between planners,
administrators, government, the corporate sector, non-government
organizations (NGOs), philanthropists and the people.

GNR: Teaching sociology in the mother tongue has become the need of the
hour. What is your take on this?

BKN: This issue may be seen at two levels: one at the policy level and the
other at the higher professional learning level. At the policy level, NEP 2020
also ensured that no single language is made a compulsion for multilingualism
and that Indian languages should be promoted, even as the 1986 policy gave
the “three-language formula” to be implemented in secondary education.
Students will be allowed to study in their mother tongue or the language they
wish to work on. As earlier, we could see that bilingual languages were mostly
seen in the education system, but for now, this policy will be promoting
multilingualism to promote national unity. Teaching all languages will be
enhanced through innovative and experimental methods. Students can learn
Indian languages, English, and foreign languages such as Chinese, Korean,
Japanese, Russian, etc.

Regarding teaching sociology, there are two sociologies in India, identified as

the English medium elitist and the vernacular, where local languages are used
for teaching. Those who teach in their mother tongue always suffer from the
nonavailability of literature in the vernacular language and the lack of teachers
for the local language. Sociology may be taught in the mother tongue at the
school level for all sorts of students who may or may not continue with higher
education in sociology. However, sociology should be taught in English for

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higher education, the world language at a broader level. There are two main
reasons: one, as mentioned above, there is a paucity of literature in the local
language. We cannot strengthen our language without learning other
languages. Second, today is a time of hope, and there is a generation full of
aspirations. One may find their enthusiasm not only in teaching and research
but also in participating and contributing papers in national and international
seminars and conferences and getting a place in the academic activities of
regional, national, and international associations and institutions. Therefore, if
we want to be relevant, then all we need to do is understand and pursue these
hopes and aspirations through teaching in the international language.
Nowadays, we are living in a competitive era of globalization. In this context,
those who want to pursue higher education learn French, German, English,
Spanish, etc. Those engaged in the export-import business learn Chinese,
Korean, Japanese, Russian, etc. This is the reality, and efforts should be made
contextually. Moreover, one may learn three languages very easily from
childhood. Looking at the cultural diversity, India deserves multilanguage
teaching and learning in higher education.

GNR: You have been writing extensively in English and Hindi medium,
bringing sociology into public focus. I see in you a public sociologist who sets
readers thinking about how sociological perspectives can give a holistic
understanding of issues. When did you start writing in Hindi, and what was
your inspiration?

BKN: Public Sociology is an attempt to explore what a truly committed,

engaged sociology should look like in the twenty-first century. Having studied
in my mother tongue Hindi, I realized it is difficult to communicate or
articulate the original writings available in English and other Western
languages to the Hindi readers. Responding to the growing gap between
sociological writings in Hindi, I started writing in Hindi. First, I was asked by
NCERT to write a textbook for class XI. I have written a book on Introducing
Sociology both in English and Hindi, whose co-author was S. B. Singh.
Recently, Rawat Publications released its new edition, including twelve new
chapters, which I exclusively wrote. Later, I published a very significant
textbook on Indian Sociological Thought again in both Hindi and English.
Similarly, Haryana Sahitya Academy published Samaj Shastra Parichay (in
Hindi), and books on the sociology of sanitation were also published in both
English and Hindi. Generally, students of Hindi/Punjabi, etc. regional

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languages, misunderstand and fail to express themselves properly in the

absence of relevant books in their languages. We could not make sense of such
failures. In this context, we should make public sociology a visible and
legitimate enterprise by writing in regional languages to engage multiple
publics in multiple ways in the diversity of culture in India and, thereby,
strengthen the discipline as a whole in the local languages. This is what
Michael Burawoy highlights in his writings, which have helped to reshape the
theory and practice of sociology across the Western world.

GNR: It is more than ten years since you formally retired from university
service. But I have seen that you have been so busy during this period,
travelling widely, being invited by many institutions to take on new
responsibilities, and continuously working in academic capacities. How do
you feel about this?

BKN: I love my discipline, family, friends, and colleagues and much more
meeting with them. Therefore, I travel widely in India and abroad on my
academic and personal visits. It gives me great satisfaction and happiness. I
learn a lot not only by visiting the places but also by interacting with them,
like doing sociology. Many scholars of the academic institutions invite me, but
during my visit, they like my stay with their family instead of staying in the
guest house or the hotel. Prof. R.S. Sandhu invited me as a visiting professor
at GND University Amritsar as soon as he learned that I was retired. All my
colleagues, like my friends Paramjit Singh, Jasmit Sandhu, Gurprit Bal, and
others in the department, treated me like a family member. It continues till
now with my several visits to different places, and I am receiving love and
affection from everywhere. Though I left the editorship of the ISS Hindi
Journal, I have taken the responsibility to bring out volumes of the papers
published in the journal, and I coordinated seven edited books, including my
edited volume on Indian sociologists. These volumes were edited by Anand
Kumar, Paramjit Singh, Rajiv Gupta, Vivek Kumar, Naresh Bhargav (co-
editor Jyoti Sidana), and Asheesh Kumar, whose all-series editor was ISS
former president Abha Chauhan.

GNR: Tell us about your experience with the Indian Sociological Society
(ISS), one of the country's oldest societies.

I have never been formally associated with the Indian Sociological Society
(ISS), although many of its Presidents, Secretaries, MC members and Editors

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of the Sociological Bulletin, have been my personal friends. However, I have

been close to the ISS since my JNU days. Prof. Y. Singh asked all the research
scholars to join ISS. J. S. Gandhi, Anand Kumar, myself and all became
members of the society and also attended the All-India Sociological
Conference held at the BHU Varanasi in 1974 and continue till today. I have
been involved in ISS activities all the time whenever society needs me. I made
several members of the society in the pursuance of. Prof. B. S Baviskar of
Delhi University who used to give me books for the review in the Sociological
Bulletin. Similarly, I have been keenly involved in the activities of the All-
India Sociological conferences held at Jaipur, Udaipur, Gorakhpur, Jammu,
Amritsar, Hisar, Delhi (JNU), Chennai, Srinagar etc. and also, World
Congress of Sociology at Delhi. Once in 1989, ISS could not get the venue for
the All-India Sociological Conference when Prof. B.R. Chauhan was president
and Partha N. Mukherji was Secretary. Prof. M. N. Panini (treasurer of ISS)
asked me to hold the conference in Haryana. At that time, Rohtak University
was new and didn’t have the infrastructure. Therefore, I convinced Prof. M.L.
Sharma to hold the conference at Hisar. He agreed and organized the
conference. Similarly, I have been committed in one way or the other in the
activities of the ISS. I was unanimously elected president of the North-West
Indian Sociological Association (NWISA). I published a book on Sociology
and Sociologists in India: Perspectives from North-West (2022). My two
books are in the process of publication which cover perspectives from Indian
Sociology. These are Sociology in India: Regions and Histories (Vol. I)
and Sociology in India: Theories and Themes (Vol. II). I was also the editor of
ISS Hindi Journal Bhartiya Samajshastra Sameeksha from 2014 to 2021.
Recently, I have coordinated to bring out 7 ISS Hindi volumes based on
papers published in ISS Hindi Journal Bhartiya Samajshastra Sameeksha. In
2019, ISS honoured me to present the Life-Time Achievement Award.

GNR: That is why, even after retirement, you are still working...

BKN: True. I am still engaged in reading and writing even after retirement. I
edited the ISS Hindi journal Bhartiya Samajshastra Sameeksha from 2014 to
2021. I published books on Sociology and Sociologists in India: Perspectives
from the North-West (2022) and edited a volume on Indian Sociologists:
Conversations (2024). Recently, I have published three edited volumes (co-
edited with Kameshwar Choudhary), namely Indian Sociology (Springer:
2023), Culture Change in India (Routledge: 2024) and Modernity,
Globalization and Social Stratification (Rawat:2024).

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GNR: What challenges do sociologists in India envisage in the era of

globalization? What are the current issues in sociology now? What is the
current scene in India and the world?

BKN: The hegemonizing tendency of globalization leads to a loss of meaning

and an erosion of identity for non-Western societies. This results in a
resurrection of roots and a search for identity, reflecting a process of
traditionalization accompanied by a revivalist syndrome. However, this
tendency is not confined to the non-West. Americanization is resisted even by
Europeans, particularly the French. Sometimes, the response to modernity
takes the form of cultural revival, which also results in the reinvention of
tradition. This phenomenon leads not only to religious fundamentalism but
also to the pursuit of religious freedom. Above all, religion has become an
instrument of politics to gain power.

Western ideals are falsely established as universal, overriding a local tradition,

which reflects “cultural imperialism.” We have been mentally and
psychologically colonized by “cultural imperialism,” particularly regarding
products such as medicine. This poses a significant challenge in the face of
increasing aspirations in the competitive world of globalization. Therefore,
there are several current issues in sociology now that focus on the challenges
to our composite culture and democratic values, including issues of rural-
urban migration within the nation and abroad, corporate domination, and
more. Additionally, the dominance of the state is shifting as market forces
increase. Social sciences frequently took the perspective of society’s poor and
disadvantaged in the past, but this has changed recently with the increasing
dominance of capitalism. For example, Europe and North America are under
pressure to remove welfare programs, and India is also moving in the same
direction. Consequently, the state is moving towards privatization.
International relations, such as those between India and the USA, and India
and Canada, are changing. Overall, there are challenges to enlightenment
thinking and exploring the possibility of achieving peace and development in a
competitive world. Otherwise, we will face situations of war and unrest in
public life.

GNR: Before we conclude, I have one last question. What future do you
visualize for sociology in India?

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BKN: Sociology helps us to imagine alternative futures that can change the
world for the better. It provides an illuminating look at topics of concern to
everyone at the beginning of the twenty-first century, in times of globalization
and internationalization. In his book Sociology of Giving, Helmuth Berking
questions the view that our societies are dominated by individualism and
explores the contemporary interplay between self-interest and the common
good. In my view, the sociology of giving helps people understand the
consequences and applications of new technologies, such as Digital
Innovation, Information Technology (IT), Artificial Intelligence (AI), etc.
Overall, sociology offers multiple perspectives on society, informs social
policy, and supports us in holding our politicians and media accountable. This
depends upon the concentrated and committed efforts of sociologists in
practising and expanding the disciplinary boundaries of sociology to the public
to engage with non-academic audiences. In his book Public Sociology,
Michael Burawoy argued that sociology should speak beyond the university,
engaging with social movements and deepening the understanding of the
historical and social contexts in which they exist. Therefore, sociology has a
very bright future in India and elsewhere, given the relevance and practical
utility of the discipline. Hence, sociology does matter as we move forward.

Bhupendra Kumar Nagla retired as a professor of sociology from M.D.

University, Rohtak, Haryana

Email: [email protected]

G Nagaraju, is a professor and head Department of Sociology, University of

Hyderabad, Telangana

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Book Review: Sociology of Food

Author(s): Kalla Naga Aditya
Source: Explorations, ISS e-journal, Vol. 8 (1), April 2024, pp.
299- 305
Published by: Indian Sociological Society

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Madhu Nagla, Sociology of Food. New Delhi: Rawat publications, 2020,

288 pp., Rs.1195 (Hardcover). ISBN: 978-81-316-1122-7.

--Kalla Naga Aditya

Madhu Nagla (2020)’s book ‘Sociology of Food’ has dealt with a range of
issues related to food: theoretical orientations, emerging trends, food and
dietary practices in India, food consumption, relation of food with women,
food and family issues, food habits and culture, food, health and nutrition,
food and its relation with disease, genetically modified seeds, technological
interventions in food sector, food safety and labelling, globalization of food
practices and a critical analysis of food and nutrition policies. The author has
deftly addressed the central themes of sociology of food in 16 chapters of this
book. This work reflects how our basic aspects of life such as health, identity
and status are inherently linked with our practices centred around food.

This work explores the profound connections between food and fundamental
aspects of life, including health, identity, and status. It argues that the field of
sociology has neglected the study of food and emphasizes the importance of
shifting this focus. Through the lens of power, the author reveals how food
shapes and reflects identities. Using George Simmel's work, the author
highlights the ceremonial role of food in religion, emphasizing the inherent
structure within the act of sharing a meal. Simmel's insightful perspective on
individualized actions within a communal setting further underscores the
unique nature of sharing a dining table.

The author delves into the commodification of food, examining the intricate
interplay of language, symbols, and food within capitalist structures. Concepts
like appropriation, structural changes driven by technological advancements,
and the fragmentation of produce into processed foods illustrate the pervasive
influence of capitalism on our understanding of food.

Identity construction through food is another key theme, as the author explores
how individuals navigate their place within dominant societal views. Notably,

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the book highlights the significant global contribution of women in agriculture

despite their low wages.

The relationship between food and health is examined, with a focus on public
distribution systems and food adulteration. Additionally, the discussion
extends to processed and globalized food, addressing food labelling and its
implications. In India, out of twenty famines which occurred, the Bengal
famine of 1943, caused by WWII and administrative failures, killed 1.5
million people despite adequate overall food production (Nagla.M,2020,
p.238). The author traces history of famines in India briefly and how
mismanagement of food by governments directly created artificial famines in
India. However, unlike K.T.Achaya, who traces history of Indian food
specifically in his work ‘The story of our food’, this work does not focus its
attention on how food travelled across the globe. Tracing identities through
food, taste and cultural history have not been given emphasis because of the
diverse aspects with which the book engages.

The book draws from Bourdieu’s work La Distinction (1979), subtitled A

Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste and uses it to address the theoretical
aspects in sociology of food (Nagla.M, 2020, p.33). The author’s attempt to
address the various dimensions of Sociology of food in a systematic manner is
interesting and informative. The sociology of food and eating is gaining
traction due to several factors. Firstly, the growing awareness of nutrition and
media portrayals of global poverty have highlighted the importance of healthy
food choices and the dangers of eating disorders and obesity. Secondly, the
professionalization of nutrition and dietetics, combined with the focus on
preventive medicine, has led to increased interest in the social aspects of food
and eating. Additionally, globalization and the merging of different cuisines
have sparked renewed interest in ethnic food. Concerns about 'fast food's'
negative impact on health and food security, along with the rising prevalence
of lifestyle diseases linked to excessive sugar and salt consumption, further
emphasize the need for a sociological understanding of food and eating. This
field examines various theoretical perspectives, including anthropology,

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history, and postmodernism, to analyse food from cultural, semiotic, historical,

and social identity viewpoints. It also considers critiques and presents
alternative approaches to studying the sociology of food in light of scientific
advancements that have revolutionized food consumption and our
understanding of food and diet's cultural roots.

Food habits are deeply connected to culture and social structure. The "circuit
of culture" framework helps analyse food's meaning within a cultural context,
considering production, regulation, representation, identity, and consumption.
People often use food to connect with their cultural or ethnic identity, and
immigrant communities commonly use food practices to retain their heritage.
The chapter ‘Food, Food Habits, and Culture’ covers cultural and geographical
factors which influence food preferences, leading to distinct patterns within
different groups. Food taboos and preferences are explored in relation to social
structures, highlighting the cultural meanings and beliefs that shape these
practices. The chapter on ‘Food, Health, and Nutrition: The Interface’ raises
concerns about the rise of pre-cooked and processed food, which contribute to
malnutrition, under-nutrition, and various health disorders like obesity. The
imbalance between food intake and energy expenditure leads to either
starvation or obesity, with both having severe consequences for health.
Deficiencies in vitamins and minerals due to poor dietary choices can cause
various diseases, while excessive junk food consumption can trigger lifestyle
diseases. The chapter emphasizes the importance of understanding the
complex relationship between food, culture, and health.

The surge of genetically modified (GM) food has ignited global debate.
Despite its contribution to increased food production, concerns regarding
potential health and environmental risks remain. This has led to a surge in
demand for organic food, perceived as both safer and more sustainable. The
chapter "Organic and Genetically Modified Food in India" examines both food
types, highlighting the trade-offs and ethical considerations surrounding each.
Preference for organic food often stems from its perceived health benefits,
sustainability, and lack of harmful chemicals. However, the debate

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surrounding GM food continues, encompassing concerns ranging from health

risks to economic and ecological impacts. This chapter scrutinizes both sides
of the issue, providing a nuanced perspective on the intricate relationship
between food, technology, and our health.

While briefly mentioning tribal food patterns by Shah and Dwivedi in

Srikakulam, the book refrains from a detailed exploration of food and tribal
communities. Similarly, the complex relationship between food and land and
its inherent debates are not addressed due to the work's broad scope
encompassing various aspects of the sociology of food. Also, the work does
not focus much of its attention on consumerism. While traditional views
attribute consumerism solely to status and conspicuous consumption, some
argue that Romanticism, with its emphasis on dreams and fantasy, plays a
crucial role in motivating consumer behaviour. Though not consciously
designed to promote consumerism, Romanticism instilled values like empathy,
dreams, and fantasy that evolved into major motivators for consumption.
Marketers exploit these desires by linking products to idealized lifestyles,
creating a bridge between the consumer's reality and their imagined ideal, an
idea which is similar to Theodor Adorno’s Culture industry. Products like
vacations, beers, and weight-loss products become gateways to desired fantasy
worlds. Advertisements often reinforce this connection through dramatic
before-and-after portrayals, appealing to the desire to escape reality and
achieve an idealized self. Ultimately, consumerism is driven not just by status
and conspicuous consumption, but also by the romanticized dreams and
fantasies that the market cleverly exploits (Mcintosh,1996, p.51). The author
has not explored this dimension of consumption in her work. Also, the author
has not explored much on how foods which are made inferior by the dominant
classes are again appropriated and presented in an aesthetic way which suits
the tastes of dominant classes. This aspect, what Michael Symons calls
‘Reflexive cuisine’ would have been even more interesting.

Food technology ensures our food is safe, flavourful, and nutritious by

analysing its physical, microbiological, and chemical makeup. Technological

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advancements have revolutionized food production, impacting everything

from mass production to delivery, fuelling the industry's growth. This chapter
‘Food and Technology’ explores the critical role technology plays in food
production, processing, preservation, and distribution.

Food safety is a complex and multifaceted issue with significant economic and
social implications. To guarantee consumer health, stricter implementation and
revision of food safety parameters and labelling are essential. In developing
countries, adulteration is a significant concern, and food safety regulations are
becoming increasingly complex internationally, including more stringent
record-keeping and labelling requirements. The chapter "Food Safety and
Food Labelling" offers a comprehensive examination of these issues, delving
into the current state of information dissemination via labelling policies in
developing countries and addressing the challenges posed by risk and food
hazards. Although, the author does not stress on the ongoing movement of
Farm to Table, one can understand about the form of capitalism which
happens through processed foods.

The chapter ‘Food and Nutrition Policy: A Critical Analysis’ analyses the
history and effectiveness of food management policies in India, critically
evaluating their impact on various communities facing hunger, malnutrition,
and other food-related challenges. It explores policies that aim to increase food
availability, improve access and distribution, enhance market participation,
and tackle child malnutrition through school programs. Focusing specifically
on marginalized populations who rely heavily on efficient food distribution for
their basic needs, the chapter analyses the challenges of reaching them and
critiques India's current food and nutrition policies, highlighting both their
strengths and weaknesses. This comprehensive and critical analysis offers
valuable insights into the challenges and opportunities for improving food
security and nutrition in India, making it particularly interesting for anyone
interested in food policy, development, and social justice in the context of
India.

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Finally, the author ends the work with the last chapter which focuses on the
constant conditioning of taste by social media and the ever-increasing
influence of internet. The author analyses the impact of globalisation on food
and how the Food, now a global commodity, transcends national borders
through international trade systems and the movement of people and ideas.
This globalization has fuelled a new culinary consciousness, blurring local and
national identities. Examining food at a global level reveals its profound
impact on our world, connecting the global and local, mind and body, and
beyond. Overall, this work provides a comprehensive overview of the field,
offering a valuable foundation for further research and scholarship in the
sociology of food. This work explores the profound connections between food
and fundamental aspects of life, including health, identity, and status. It argues
that the field of sociology has neglected the study of food and emphasizes the
importance of shifting this focus.

References

Nagla,M. 2020, Sociology of Food, New Delhi, India, Rawat publications.

https://academics.lmu.edu/media/lmuacademics/cures/urbanecolab/module10/
The%20History%20of%20the%20Farm%20to%20Table%20Movement.pdf as
accessed on 9-12-2023.

McIntosh,A.(1996), Sociologies of Food and Nutrition (Environment,

Development and Public policy: public policy and social services). New York,
NY: Springer.
Achaya, K.T. (2012), The story of our food, Hyderabad: Universities Press.

Kalla Naga Aditya is PhD research scholar in Department of Sociology,

University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad.

Email Id: [email protected]

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