Lesson 1: The 19th Century Philippine Economy and Society

Changing Landscape of the Philippine Society and Economy

• Many scholars regard the nineteenth century in the Philippines as a period of
significant transformation. Huge economic, political, social, and cultural currents were
felt throughout this time. Change, on the other hand, had its beginnings in the previous
Century. The monarchy in Spain had changed hands from the Habsburgs to the
Bourbons by the late eighteenth century. Spain's colonial policies were re-calibrated
under the new government, which had an impact on the Philippines. Bourbon policies
and reforms were implemented to revive the profitability of colonies such as the
Philippines. José de Basco y Vargas, the first governor-general to visit the Philippines
under the Bourbon mandate, arrived in the Philippines in 1778.

By the time Basco arrived, the Galleon Trade, the main economic institution in the
Philippines, was already a losing enterprise. As Spain sought ways to salvage the
dwindling economy of the empire, the global wave of industrialization became a silver
lining. As many imperial powers in Europe and the West were undergoing
industrialization, increased demand for raw materials presented an opportunity to look
into the agricultural potential of the Philippines. Thus, it was viewed that the
transformation of the economy towards being export-oriented, harnessing the
agricultural products that could be yielded from the archipelago, was the way to go.

To better facilitate the envisioned reorientation of the economy, Basco established the
Royal Philippine Company in 1785 to finance agricultural projects and manage the new
trade between the Philippines and Spain (and Europe) and other Asian markets. These
changes, however, were met with a lukewarm reception. Resistance also came from
various sectors like the Catholic Church that was not receptive to the labor realignments
entailed by the planned reforms and traders still holding on to the Galleon Trade.

It also did not help that the Royal Philippine Company was fraught with issues of
mismanagement and corruption. As Basco pushed for the reforms, he lifted a ban on
Chinese merchants that reinvigorated internal trade; initialized the development of cash
crop farms; relaxed certain policies that allowed the gradual opening of Manila to foreign
markets; and established the Tobacco Monopoly to maximize the production of this
export good.
At the turn of the nineteenth century, global events continued to have an impact on the
Philippines. By 1810, the Spanish empire had been shaken by the Mexican War of
Independence, eventually resulting in the loss of valuable Latin American colonies. As a
result, the Galleon Trade, which had become a source of anxiety in the Philippines,
ended. As the Philippine economy hung in the balance, policies were re-evaluated, and
by 1834, Manila had been opened to international trade with the closure of the Royal
Philippine Company.

As a result, foreign merchants and traders arrived in Manila. Eventually, they settled
there, taking over funding and assisting the developing agricultural cash crop,
export-oriented economy. Some of the most significant investments were made by
British and American entrepreneurs who established merchant companies in Manila.

In the Philippines, rapid economic expansion began to flow through cash crops. By the
first part of the nineteenth century, cash crops such as tobacco, sugar, cotton, indigo,
abaca, and coffee accounted for most of the Philippines' exports.

As cash crops became the colony's primary source of wealth, land value became more
apparent. Land ownership and management became a challenge when the provinces
began to cultivate income crops. Farmers were feeling the effects of the economy, while
hacenderos seized the opportunity. When a minor landowner, for example, needed
cash, he would enter into a pacto de retroventa, a sale agreement that guaranteed he
could repurchase the land at the same price he sold it for.

However, due to the economy's ever-increasing demand and the sale's renewals, it
became increasingly difficult to buy back the land, further burying the farmers in debt.
They would eventually lose their land and were forced to work as tenant farmers or
kasamá. Aside from this method, land acquisition was also made by land-grabbing.
Inquilinos arose as the rising economy necessitated better land management. They
rented property and sublet it to smaller farmers. These causes would alter the social
stratification in the countryside, which, as the following chapter will demonstrate, was
not without tensions and contestations.

The Chinese and Chinese Mestizos

• The Chinese and Chinese mestizos were two segments that gained substantially from
the shifting economy. Philippine natives have had trading links with the Chinese since
pre-colonial times. During the height of the Galleon Trade, Chinese products made up
the majority of the goods traded. The Spanish were distrustful of the Chinese due to the
flood of Chinese communities in the Philippines. These sentiments resulted in harsh
official measures toward the sangley, ranging from greater taxes to mobility restrictions
with the construction of the Chinese enclave (the Parian) to outright expulsion
programs.

On the other hand, the Chinese proved to be "essential outsiders" in the colonial
economy and society of the Philippines. Although the Spaniards were cautious of the
Chinese, they recognized their role in the economy's survival. The Chinese enlivened
the economy, from the products loaded on galleons to the rise of retail trade. They were
eventually absorbed into colonial society, resulting in intermarriages with indios and the
birth of Chinesemestizos. Throughout the Spanish colonial period, Chinese mestizos
played an essential part in the economy. They influenced the evolving economy in the
nineteenth Century by buying land, amassing riches, and establishing businesses.

Impact on Life in the Colony

• As previously said, economic developments triggered social, political, and cultural
changes. For example, the new economy required a more educated populace to meet
the growing demand for a more professionalized workforce to manage trading activities
in Manila and other major cities. This desire prompted the colonial government to issue
an edict in 1836 requiring all towns to establish primary schools to teach the inhabitants
how to read and write.

It eventually resulted in the passing of an education decree mandating free primary

education in 1863. Eventually, several schools arose in the nineteenth century to meet
the growing demand for additional experts. During this time, schools such as the
Ateneo. Municipal were founded. The administration was also able to increase
bureaucratization and streamline colonial governance due to the complicated structure
of the expanding economy.

Manila became a potential destination for those seeking better prospects or desiring to
flee the worsening circumstances in the farmlands as it grew as a commerce center.
Internal migration has increased at an alarming rate, causing various issues. For one
thing, people flocked to trading hubs like Manila. Overcrowding resulted in problems
with living quarters, sanitation, public health, and an increase in crime. Two, people's
constant migration made tax collection even more difficult. To address these concerns,
Governor-General Narciso Claveria issued an 1849 decree encouraging colonists to
establish surnames.

The colonial administration allocated surnames to citizens using the catalogo de

apellidos and banned people from changing their names at will. The colonial authority
sought a better surveillance system by enacting policies such as registration and
ownership of a personal cedula bearing one's name and address. The guardia civil was
eventually established to aid in the better execution of policies. As the emerging
economy provided new opportunities for the colonial state, it also led the state to
become more regulated and assertive.

Renegotiating Social Stratification

• The impact of the expanding economy on Philippine society was felt. As a result,
social interactions were redefined, and social stratification was renegotiated due to
changing dynamics. New lines were created with the following socioeconomic strata as
the mestizo population grew in importance.:

Social Stratification during the Spanish Colonization in the Philippines

Peninsular People who are

pure-blooded Spaniards
born in the Iberian
Peninsula (Spain)
Insular Pure-blooded Spaniards
Mestizo born in the Philippines
People born of mixed
parentage. They can be
either:
• Spanish mestizo -
(Spanish parent and native
parent)
• Chinese mestizo -
(Chinese parent and native
parent)
Principalia Pure-blooded natives that
are wealthy and are
 supposedly descend from
the kadatoan class
Indio Pure-blooded native in the
Philippines
Chino infiel Non-Catholic pure-blooded
Chinese

In the nineteenth century, as the Spaniards lost economic power, they reassert authority
based on race. This problem was exacerbated by the growing principalia and mestizo
populations, who recognized their critical role in society as economic movers and
facilitators. Throughout the Century, the renegotiation continued as the mestizos and
principalia elite desired social respect that the pure-blooded Spaniards had continually
denied them.

These prosperous mestizos and principalia members continued to build economic and
cultural riches. They also took advantage of opportunities to pursue further education in
the Philippines and Europe. These actions increased their social relevance because it
was from these ranks that nationalist articulations would emerge.

Lesson 2: Agrarian Disputes

Brief History of Friar Estates in the Philippines

• The friar estates date back to land grants given to early Spanish conquistadors who
arrived in the Philippines in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Around
120 Spaniards were handed grants, often made up of a large tract of property called a
sitio de ganado mayor (1,742 hectares) and smaller sections of land called caballerias
(measuring 42.5 hectares).

For three reasons, the Spanish hacenderos were unable to develop their holdings over
time. The Spanish population in the Philippines was, first and foremost, a transient one.
After serving in another country, it was typical for Spanish administrators to return to
Spain. Second, until the latter portion of the Spanish colonial period, the market for
cattle goods offered by haciendas remained modest. Finally, the Manila-based Galleon
Trade offered greater financial advantages and attracted more Spaniards. The religious
organizations quickly took over the work because the Spanish hacenderos lacked the
enthusiasm and inclination to develop their territories.
The religious orders acquired land in a variety of ways. Often, Spaniards seeking
spiritual advantages donated the property. Estates that had been severely mortgaged to
the ecclesiastics were sometimes subsequently purchased by the religious
organizations themselves. According to records, several prominent Filipinos contributed
to establishing the friar properties through donations and sales.

Despite these techniques, Filipinos had a widespread conviction that the religious
orders had no legal title to their estates and had obtained them through usurpation or
other illegitimate means. Nonetheless, ecclesiastical estates in the Tagalog region grew
to the point where they accounted for almost 40% of the provinces of Bulacan, Tondo
(now Rizal), Cavite, and Laguna by the nineteenth century.

During the early decades of Spanish colonial authority, the estates' preoccupations were
diverse. The properties were used mainly as cow ranches and subsistence crop farms
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Rice and sugar became vital sources of
wealth for religious organizations, especially throughout the nineteenth century, as they
were the primary commodities produced in the haciendas.

The haciendas' agrarian interactions evolved throughout time. The social organization of
the haciendas in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was predominantly made up
of lay brother administrators at the top and cultivated tenants below. Although the lay
brother administrators were directly responsible to the heads of their religious
organizations, they were given considerable latitude in making administrative decisions.
On the other hand, tenants were expected to cultivate the land and pay an annual rent,
typically a specified quantity of harvest or, later in history, money.

A rising economy centered on agricultural produce exports ushered in transformation by

the mid-eighteenth century, gradually establishing an inquilinato system. An individual,
known as a canon, rented property for a fixed annual price under this system. The
inquilino or lessee was also required to provide personal services to his landlords in
addition to the rent. If the inquilino fails to meet these standards, he may be expelled
from the country. In most cases, the inquilino would then sublease the land to a
kasamá, or sharecropper, who would then be responsible for cultivating the soil. The
result was a three-tiered system, with landowners at the top, inquilinos in the center,
and sharecroppers at the bottom.
By leasing the property to an inquilino, the religious hacenderos were relieved of the
social obligations that came with direct contact with the sharecroppers, as the inquilinos
were now the ones who dealt directly with the kasamá. On the other hand, the
sharecroppers benefited from the agreement because their labor duties to the religious
estates permitted them to avoid the Spanish government's forced labor requirements.
The disadvantage of this type of arrangement was that two non-cultivating groups
further reduced the sharecroppers' revenue. The leftover income would be split among
all the sharecroppers after the inquilino paid his rent to the religious hacenderos and
deducted his own share.

The haciendas would become sources of contention among the Spanish religious
hacenderos, inquilinos, and sharecroppers as the social structure and land tenure
patterns changed. It's no surprise, then, that when the Philippine Revolution erupted in
1896, abuses on friar estates were frequently cited as one of the main reasons for the
uprising.

Hacienda de Calamba Conflict

• Prior to 1759, little is known about the Hacienda de Calamba, other than that a group
of Spanish laymen owned it. Don Manuel Jauregui, an impoverished Spaniard,
surrendered the lands to the Jesuits in 1759 to be permitted to live in the Jesuit
monastery for the rest of his life. The Jesuits would only be able to claim ownership of
the country for eight years. before being exiled from the Philippines by King Charles III
on February 27, 1767. As a result of the expulsion, the government confiscated
Hacienda de Calamba and other Jesuit holdings and placed them under the Office of
Jesuit Temporalities.

In 1803, the government sold the land to Don Clemente de Azansa, a Spanish layman,
for 44,507 pesos. When he died in 1833, the Dominicans paid 52,000 pesos for the
Hacienda de Calamba, including 16,424 hectares. Many families from nearby towns had
moved to the hacienda in pursuit of economic prospects by this time. Rizal's family were
among the families who arrived at the hacienda, and he went on to become one of the
property's main inquilinos.
Although other families leased property in Calamba, Rizal's family leased one of the
largest leased lands, measuring around 380 hectares. Sugar was a major crop planted
in the hacienda since it was in high demand on the global market. Because these
estates provided so much riches to Rizal's family, it was only natural that the family was
concerned when the conflict broke out in 1883.

The friars were collecting rents without giving the regular receipts, according to Paciano
Rizal, who wrote in 1883. The renters could not pay their rent two years later because
the rent had allegedly doubled while sugar prices remained low. The Dominicans
declared the lands unoccupied and allowed citizens from neighboring cities to take over
the leases as a punishment for the tenants' failure to pay the rent. The friars' position
was undermined because just a few outsiders replied to the Dominican's invitation. With
the exception of four or five renters, the majority of residents were spared from eviction.

Mariano Herboso, Rizal's brother-in-law, maintained the complaints against the friars,
notably complaining about the yearly increase in rentals, defective irrigation systems,
and inability to give receipts. These issues were compounded by the fact that the price
of sugar on the global market was continuing to fall at the time. Paciano pondered
returning his properties to the friars and clearing ground elsewhere because the
situation had worsened.

The colonial government wanted a report on the hacienda's income and productivity
from the tenants in 1887, suspecting that the Dominicans were avoiding paying their
taxes. The renters obeyed and provided a report, but they also included a José Rizal
petition. The petition listed several complaints against the hacienda owners, including a
complaint about rising rent. Some renters began withholding rent as a form of protest.

In 1891, the friars began evicting tenants who refused to pay rent as a measure of
vengeance. Those who continued to oppose the friars were eventually banished. Rizal's
parents, brother, and sisters were among those who were exiled to remote parts of the
nation. Despite Rizal's efforts to overturn the Philippine courts' ruling, his family's exile
would only be removed if another governor-general issued a decree. The incident had a
profound impact on Rizal, and the growing sorrow resulting from it was represented in
his second novel, El Filibusterismo.
Lesson 3 Emerging Nationalism

Cavite Mutiny
• On January 20, 1872, about 250 Filipino troops and workers staged an insurrection at
a Cavite arsenal. During the revolt, eleven Spaniards were killed, but the uprising was
put down within three days by an instant assault conducted by government forces.

A decree issued by Governor-General Rafael de Izquierdo was frequently considered

as a cause of the rebellion. The directive said that the arsenal personnel would no
longer be free from tributo and polo, a benefit they had previously enjoyed. On the other
hand, Official versions claimed that the uprising was part of a larger movement to
depose the Spanish government and declare independence.

According to official sources, the mutiny organizers expected close to 2,000 troops from
regiments based in Cavite and Manila. The plan was to start the revolution after
midnight in Manila, with rebels lighting fires in Tondo to draw the police' attention away
from the city.

The rebels in Cavite would then receive a signal in fireworks and lay siege to the
arsenal. In truth, the mutiny in Cavite began earlier that evening, with many of men who
had committed support defecting and swearing allegiance to Spain. The revolt failed,
and the Spanish government utilized the incident to repress growing calls for a more
liberal government.

Filipino secular priests were among those who demanded reforms. A little historical
background on missionary endeavors in the Philippines will be discussed first to
understand how Filipino secular priests became involved in the Cavite Mutiny of 1872.

Secularization Movement
• The efforts of two sorts of clergy: regular priests and secular priests, were significantly
responsible for the introduction and development of the Catholic religion. Because of
their high standards of discipline and asceticism, the regular clergy, whose jurisdiction
was delegated to their elected prelates, were better prepared for missionary work. Their
mission was to bring the faith to the people, convert them, and build religious
communities. The Augustinians, who arrived in 1565, the Discalced Franciscans, who
came in 1578, the Jesuits, who arrived in 1581, the Dominicans, who arrived in 1587,
and the Augustinian Recollects, who arrived in 1606, all took up this mission in the
Philippines.

Priests who "live in the world," on the other hand, made up the secular clergy. They
were not members of a religious order and were under the authority of bishops. Their
primary responsibility was to oversee religious groups and, ideally, carry on the regular
clergy's work. In other words, whereas regular clergy were responsible for introducing
the faith and establishing religious communities, secular priests were responsible for
managing the parishes.

The missionary work in the Philippines, on the other hand, was a one-of-a-kind
situation. In other Spanish colonies, established parishes saw regular clergy replaced
by secular priests in the administration of religious institutions. Regular clergy in the
Philippines remained parish administrators far into the nineteenth century.

In the Philippines, two subjects were particularly heated among the clergy. The first
point of contention concerned episcopal visits. Pope Adrian VI issued the omnimoda
bull in 1522, allowing regulars to administer the sacraments and operate as parish
priests without the local bishop's authority.

On the other hand, this bull ran counter to reforms enacted by the Council of Trent
(1545- 1563), which said that no priest could care for the souls of laypeople unless he
was subordinated to episcopal jurisdiction, which was frequently exercised by
visitations. The regular clergy often thwarted the implementation of the reforms in the
Philippines, despite King Philip II being given discretionary power to do so.

The regular clergy claimed that allowing the visitations would subject the community to
two sources of power, the bishop and the provincial superiors, who could issue
opposing commands at any time. They intended to avoid violating their oaths of
obedience to their superiors by resisting the episcopal visitations.
Serious attempts to implement the visitations, on the other hand, were frequently
thwarted by regular clergy who misused their positions by retiring and leaving the
churches unattended. This type of circumstance was especially devastating during the
early stages of Christianization when the government was frequently forced to give in to
the requests of the regular clergy due to a lack of secular priests.

The second problem concerned the administration of the parishes. Because there were
few secular priests to whom the parishes could be passed on in the early stages of
Christianization, regular priests kept control of the parishes. However, beginning in the
late seventeenth century attempts to develop and train Filipino secular priests were
strengthened, and by the nineteenth century, they accounted for a growing proportion.
Despite this, the regular clergy frequently questioned, if not outright refused, the secular
clergy's access to congregations.

The regulars gave one reason: the Philippines was still an active mission, en vive
conquista espiritual, with some non-Christianized communities. As a result, they would
say that the Filipinos were not prepared to be handed over to secular clergy. Another
reason was economic, with regulars refusing to give up parishes that provided them
with significant revenues. However, the regulars' refusal to abandon the parishes was
primarily due to their belief that the Filipino secular clergy were unfit and incapable.
Worse, some secularists were seen as possible leaders of any future separatist
movement.

These statements would elicit a significant reaction from the secular clergy. Fr. Mariano
Gomez, parish priest of Bacoor, and Fr. Pedro Pelaez, secretary to the archbishop,
drafted expositions to the government on behalf of the secular clergy in the
mid-nineteenth century their efforts were fruitless. When the subject of secularization
was no longer limited to considerations of merit and competence, the debate took on a
new tone in the 1860s. By 1864, the issue had also evolved into one of racial equality.
Fr. Jose Burgos was at the vanguard of the fight for equality between Spanish and
Filipino priests.

Execution of Gomez, Burgos, and Zamora

• On Governor-General Izquierdo's instructions, numerous priests and laymen were
detained due to the insurrection in Cavite. Fathers Jose Burgos, Jacinto Zamora, Jose
Guevara, Mariano Gomez, Feliciano Gomez, Mariano Sevilla, Bartolome Serra, Miguel
de Laza, Justo Guazon, Vicente del Rosario, Pedro Dandan, and Anacleto Desiderio
were among the priests jailed in the days that followed. Gervacio Sanchez, Pedro
Carillo, Maximo Inocencio, Balbino Mauricio, Ramon Maurente, Maximo Paterno, and
Jose Basa were among the laypeople. In Guam, these Filipinos were sentenced to
various terms of exile. Burgos, Gomez, and Zamora, the three priests, on the other
hand, were sentenced to death by garrote.

Lesson 4: Imagining a Nation

• The Circulo Hispano-Filipino, an organization, led by a creole named Juan Atayde,
was the first attempt to bring Filipinos studying in Spain together. It received backing
from Spaniards who sympathized with the Filipinos. In 1882, the Circulo started
publishing a bi-weekly journal called Revista del Circulo Hispano-Filipino, but the
newspaper and the organization only lasted until 1883.

Despite the Revista del Circulo Hispano Filipino closure, Filipinos in Spain continued to
write and publish. In 1883, a newspaper named Los Dos Mundos was published to seek
equal rights and advancement for the overseas Hispanic colonies.

Although it is unclear whether Filipinos started the publication, Filipinos such as

Graciano Lopez Jaena and Pedro Govantes y Azcarraga worked on the crew. Other
Filipinos, such as Rizal and Eduardo de Lete, wrote essays about the Philippines'
sociopolitical and economic developments.

During the publishing of Rizal's debut novel, Noli me Tángere, in 1887, another
newspaper, Espana en Filipinas, was founded in Madrid with the help of Filipinos,
creoles, and mestizos. Because of evident differences and internal squabbling among
its workers, the newspaper was also short-lived. With the publication of the journal's last
issue, a stronger Filipino community formed, unified in its commitment to continue
working for Filipino rights.

The Filipino community in Barcelona began planning the production of a new

newspaper in January 1889. Mariano Ponce and Pablo Rianzares were among the
early financial contributors. Graciano Lopez Jaena, on the other hand, volunteered his
skills as an editor.
Marcelo H. del Pilar, who had recently arrived from Manila, also joined the attempt.

On February 15, 1889, the newspaper La Solidaridad published its debut issue. "To
resist every reaction, to block all retrogression, to applaud and support every liberal
notion, to defend all advance," the team said in its inaugural article. The publication
demanded reforms such as Philippine representation in the Cortes, press freedom, and
an end to the practice of exiling citizens without due process. Because it was the only
one of Spain's overseas provinces without parliamentary representation, the magazine
emphasized issues concerning the Philippines.

La Solidaridad frequently published articles about Spanish politics, friar attacks, and
Philippine reforms. Sections were also assigned to receive and print letters from foreign
correspondents, all of which discussed current events. Aside from political and
economic themes, the monthly also provided room for literary pieces to be published.

The newspaper's readership grew throughout time, and its roster of writers grew as well.
José Rizal, Dominador Gomez, Jose Maria Panganiban, Antonio Luna, and prominent
Filipinist scholar Ferdinand Blumentritt were among those who eventually submitted
papers. Other Filipinos who wrote articles did so under the guise of a pseudonym.

Del Pilar progressively assumed a more active part in the paper's operation. Despite his
title as an editor, Lopez Jaena spent much of his days at cafés and was notorious for his
inability to work for long periods. When del Pilar chose to go to Madrid, he took the
newspaper with him. On November 15, 1889, the first edition printed in Madrid was
published. The periodical announced a change of editorship a month later, with del Pilar
taking over.

By 1890, two of the most influential members of the Filipino community in Spain had
begun to take opposing positions on Philippine issues. Rizal was a firm believer in
bringing matters closer to home to serve the country better. It was necessary to
communicate with Filipinos rather than Spaniards. On the other hand, Del Pilar was a
skilled politician. He believed that efforts to persuade Spanish authorities and officials
should be pursued since this was the best way to improve Filipinos' desired
improvements.
Things came to a climax in 1891 when Filipinos in Madrid advocated electing a leader to
unite their community during a New Year's Eve feast. Rizal consented to the plan,
although del Pilar was hesitant at

first. Despite this, voting took conducted, with three inconclusive ballots on the first day
and two more inconclusive votes on the second.

Rizal did finally become the leader of the Philippines, but only thanks to Mariano
Ponce's machinations. Rizal eventually sensed his victory was fleeting and left Madrid a
few weeks later. Rizal stopped contributing articles to La Solidaridad after this and
concentrated only on the composition of his novels.

Only until 1895 did the monthly continue to be published. The newspaper published its
final edition on November 15, 1895, due to a shortage of funding and internal strife. "We
are persuaded that no sacrifices are too small to win the rights and freedoms of a nation
afflicted by slavery," its editor, del Pilar, wrote in the final issue

MODULE SUMMARY
• During the 19th century, a lot has changed in the situation of the Philippines under
Spanish rules in terms of political and socio-economic aspects. These situations
eventually led to gradual changes that tried to break through Spanish authority and
power walls in the previous centuries. Consecutive struggles and conflict experienced
by the Spanish Empire have affected their control of Galleon, forcing them to open up
Manila for international trade in the industrialization boom among European countries.
However, because of the economic policies imposed by the Spaniards on its Philippine
economy, it has worsened the situation of the Filipinos, especially in the agricultural
sectors where raw materials and products have increased its demand in the world
market at the expense of harsh conditions experienced by these farmers. This situation
has widened the gap in the social stratification in the Philippine society under the
Spaniards.

Moreover, the disputes in agrarian issues between farmers, tenants, and their landlords
have also spread throughout haciendas in the rural areas. The Church uses its
influence to impose authority among the Filipinos. As a result, these events became
factors that awakened the minds of the Filipinos to step up and take action against the
Spanish abuses in the country. Incidents such as the unforgettable 1872 Cavite Mutiny
created a domino effect in which the Spaniards thought that suppressing the mutiny
would enforce greater authority towards the Filipinos. Still, in reality, it served as the
starting fire of the upcoming revolutionary and reformist actions committed by the Jose
Rizal and the Ilustrados in Europe and the Katipuneros in the homeland.