Benazir Bhutto (1988-1990)

Democracy is a vague term in most third world countries. If democracy is taken as the right of humanity
to choose, then in countries like Pakistan, democracy is born when elections are being held and dies
when they are over. The period in between elections is never utilised to build strong democratic
traditions. Democracy is supposed to be only a means of transfer of power through elections. The actual
processes of democracy are not allowed to take place: each newly elected government decides to
impose strict controls, regardless of the fact that it has gained power through condemning such activities
of the previous government. The same restrictions on the press appear, there is no freedom of speech,
censorship is all-powerful, the opposing political leadership is jailed and political activity is banned. How
can democracy ever flourish in such an atmosphere? The depths of despondency are getting ever deeper
in Pakistan; even the common illiterate man in the street feels betrayed by the politicians. Indeed, the
politician have rarely been sincere to Pakistan and its people. As there is no prop process of democracy,
there is also no true political institution. Voter turnout is decreasing steadily: perhaps this is the only way
that the people can express their cynicism to what passes for democracy. Indifference has, howe rarely
achieved much.

After the death of General Zia, a fresh beginning was appear Immediately following the terrible air crash
at Bahawalpur on 17th Au 1988, Mr Ghulam Ishaque Khan, the Chairman of the Senate, took ov Acting
President of Pakistan. The date for elections had been announce General Zia before his demise and the
new President declared the elections would be held as already announced. But, once again, the ele were
to be held on a non-party basis. The political parties did not a this stipulation and continued their legal
recourse to gain their rightful in Pakistan.

The PPP was once again emerging as a formidable force. Its chairperson Benazir Bhutto had returned to
Pakistan with doubts in her mind, but the tumultuous welcome she received changed her stance. She
had publicly stated 'I don't want confrontation' when interviewed during her journey to Pakistan. Being
the astute daughter of a consummate politician, she at once realised the tremendous appeal she
possessed to the people of Pakistan. Her political rallies, like her father's, gathered huge crowds of
people: her speeches were as full of passion as her father's had been and she had his ability to sway her
audience. Benazir's appeal lay in the transference of the charisma of her father to herself - she was seen
as a literal keeper of the sacred flame. General Zia had not bargained for this outpouring of emotion for
Benazir, but he was still able to control the situation. Benazir realised that she would have to play along if
she was to campaign for the elections. She declared that she and her party would not resort to mob
tactics to take power and called on General Zia to hold full, fair and democratic elections. Both General
Zia and Benazir Bhutto realised that mobilising the people would be the way to power in Pakistan.
General Zia had gambled by allowing Benazir to move about freely for campaigning in the country.
Benazir gambled by charging in enthusiastically and demanding his removal. It seemed that both had
embarked on a game that would not last long if passions kept on building up this way. Fate however
intervened: as Bhutto continued getting progressively

stronger, General Zia expired in an aeroplane crash. Therefore, when Mr Ghulam Ishaque Khan
announced partyless elections, it was to Benazir Bhutto that the opposition looked for guidance. Benazir
Bhutto approached the Supreme Court of Pakistan seeking enforcement of the fundamental rights
guaranteed to the political parties under Article 17(2) of the 1973 constitution. She asked that the
amended section of the Representations of the People Act 1976 be declared void and that directions be
issued to the government for holding the 16th November elections on party basis.

The Supreme Court gave its verdict in favour of the political parties. The full bench of the Supreme Court
declared section 21 of the Representation of the People's Act as amended in 1985 violative of the
fundamental rights contained in Article 17(2) of the constitution as it failed to recognise the existence
and participation of political parties in the process of elections, particularly in the matter of allocation of
symbols. The Supreme Court judgement entitled the political parties to avail of the provisions of Sub-
Rule (2) of Rule 9 of the Representation of the Peoples Rules 1977, empowering the Election Commission
to allot any of the The defectiveness of the political process can be seen in the fact that shared any
ideals. Of these alliances, the Pakistan Quami Jamhoori Ittehad 47 registered political parties the
members the IJI, was formed of eight political parties including the Pakisi alliance, League and Jamaat-e-
Islami. The PPP did not form any alliance but was able to win 94 seats in the National Assembly. With the
co-operation of the 8 MQM members and 13 members of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, the
PPP was able to show a clear majority in the National Assembly. Benazir Bhutto was nominated as the
Prime Minister by the Acting President of Pakistan, Mr Ghulam Ishaque Khan, on 1ª December 1988.
Benazir took the oath of office the next day. To reach this office, Benazir had to make alliances with the
MQM and the ANP and gain the support of the FATA members. She also had to face the ignominy of
loosing the Punjab to the IJI. Soon after, 12th of December 1988 was set as the date for electing the new
President of Pakistan. Both the PPP and the IJI backed Mr Ghulam Ishaque Khan and he was elected
President of Pakistan for the next five years.

Throughout the world, Pakistan's return to democracy was widely hailed. Benazir Bhutto announced that
the ban on student unions and trade unions would be ended. The PPP government hosted the fourth
SAARC Summit Conference in December 1988, which was very successful. After inaugurating the
conference, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto emphasised that the race for arms must be stopped and the
money thus saved should be spent on the welfare of the people. This proposal was welcomed by the
SAARC leaders. The Prime Minister of India, Mr. Rajiv Gandhi, hoped that relations between Pakistan and
India would improve in the future, appreciating that an elected civilian government had been installed in
Pakistan. Previously, Mr Rajiv Gandhi, as Prime Minister of India, had refused to discuss any bilateral
issues with General Zia, as he said that General Zia was not the true elected representative of the people
of Pakistan. At the end of the conference, the Islamabad Declaration was issued, reaffirming the SAARC
nations' resolve to uphold the principles and objectives embodied in the SAARC charter.

The most positive result of the conference was that Pakistan and India finalised three peace agreements.
After the agreements were signed, a joint press conference was addressed by the two leaders at
Islamabad, where the accords were explained in detail. The first accord was about not attacking each
other's nuclear installations. The second was about taxation procedures and the third was about cultural
co-operation between the two countries. The success of the SAARC Summit Conference was later marred
by a controversy that was started by the opposition leaders, saying that Islam did prescribed symbols to
a political party.

not allow a Muslim country to be ruled by a woman. An unsubstantiated Hadith used to claim that
women were deficient in intellect and the affairs of an Islamic state should not be entrusted to them. It is
of consequence to note that this point was raised by some of the same religio-political leaders who had
earlier supported Miss Fatima Jinnah for the office of the President of Pakistan. A writ was filed against
the incumbent Prime Minister in the Shariah Court but it was rejected. However, the decision of the
court was not accepted by these leaders and they issued a joint statement in Rawalpindi against the
appointment of a woman as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. The issue caused some consternation but
died out with time. From

The new government did not change the policy on Afghanistan for the simple reason that the two super
powers concerned had already resolved the situation according to their own satisfaction and Benazir was
not strong enough politically to impose any changes. In domestic matters, Benazir faced an increasingly
vocal opposition from Nawaz Sharif, who held the Chief Ministership of the Punjab. Confrontation
between the two leaders became a public issue as petty matters were highlighted by both sides. By
February 1988, the Punjab Centre conflict was at its peak, with Benazir enjoying the upper hand. The
provincial government of the Punjab established the Bank of Punjab which opened for public dealing on
15th November 1989 but the State Bank refused to recognise its validity. The federal government
declared the establishment of the bank unconstitutional, further entangling the provincial and central
governments.

On the political front, the ANP deserted the PPP and joined the Combined Opposition Parties (COP). On
1st November 1989, a no confidence motion was moved against the Prime Minister by the opposition.
Benazir was able to barely pull through with 12 votes to her advantage. The MQM broke off with the PPP
as well. On 26th January 1990, the COP organised a huge rally, showing its strength.

The situation in Sind was far from happy. The MQM, with whom Benazir had been forced to form an
alliance in order to obtain a majority, took to the streets in November 1989. Violence of a most brutal
kind engulfed Karachi and Hyderabad. The army had to mediate a deal between the MQM and the PPP
in February 1990. By April 1990, the situation had reached explosive proportions. The leader of the
MQM, Altaf Hussain, began a fast unto death over alleged mistreatment of MQM workers. To control the
situation, the police launched an operation in Hyderabad's Pucca Qilla area, where more

than 60 people (including women and children) were killed. Tensions between

the MQM and PPP continued to mount unfavourably.

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[7:17 am, 23/09/2024] Nadia Nauman: OVERVIEW

also raised its head in Pakistan. The start of this decidedly un-Islamic thinking cannot be discerned but it
spread like of this decidedlye all over Pakistan. Much of the trouble was created by religious herous the
claimed to represent differed betwe callegations and counter allegations by being infidels were levelled
between the camps of the Shia and Sunni leaders. The common people were dragged into this
controversy by the religious leaders to gain power; deston their own, most common people in Pakistan
have no issue with the Shia-Sunni divide, preferring to follow their own interpretation of Islam and live
together in peace with their fellow countrymen. But unfortunately, this situation was terribly exploited
by the religious leaders. Prominent leaders from both sides gave vicious speeches, called each other
kafirs and urged that the other side should be removed forever. Most predictably, as in all issues of
religion, the people were led into a fanaticism that resulted in numerous killings all over the country.
Regrettably, some foreign countries also became embroiled in the controversy as they supported
different sects.

Benazir's most problematic area remained that of foreign affairs. The 1988 elections had led to Benazir's
coming to power but only on certain conditions. It was agreed that she would retain Yaqoob Khan as the
foreign minister to ensure continuity in foreign policy; Pakistan's policy on Afghanistan was not to
change; the ISI would continue to carry out the Afghanistan policy. Thus, Benazir was burdened with
General Zia's foreign policy like an unwavering shadow. To rid her of these restrictions meant that she
would be upsetting the delicate balance of regional power play. Still she decided to seek a more
progressive modus vivendi with Kabul and genuine détente with India.

In Afghanistan, the PDA had formed a government. Benazir indicate that she was willing to discuss issues
with the PDA, a most visible alterati from her previous statements of not changing the ongoing
Afghanistan poli The military leadership wanted a final showdown and the ISI planned attack on
Jalalabad in May 1989. Benazir's government was forced to along, but the attack failed. In the aftermath
of the failure, Benazir remo the ISI Chief and appointed a retired general as the new head of this pow
agency. To many people, this signalled a let down of all the efforts tha been put into Afghanistan. On her
return from a tour of the USA in 1989, Benazir categorically stated that Pakistan had no favourites
Afghan game. This view clashed with the one held by the Establishr

Where relations with India were concerned, Benazir felt she had ac a breakthrough at the SAARC Summit
Conference. The two inc Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India evinced a keen desire to put the relations
on a new footing. The three accords signed by the governments of Pakistan and India may be viewed as
symbolic but they signified a beginning for resolving thorny issues. Rajiv Gandhi, the Prime Minister of
India, again visited Pakistan in July 1989 but the President of Pakistan, Mr. Ghulam Ishaque Khan,
adopted a hard line posture and said that Pakistan viewed the hegemonic designs of India with concern.
Thus, we see that Benazir did not have the support of the Establishment for her efforts to improve
relations between Pakistan and India. She was accused by the leader of the opposition in the National
Assembly of trying to develop Indo-Pakistan ties without any reference to the past. The most damage to
all her efforts was caused by the foreign minister. On a 'peace mission' to India, he issued an ultimatum
that if not met, 'would set the subcontinent on fire'. Of course the Indian government also reacted,
saying that India would retaliate even if it meant war.

Whether Benazir was right or wrong to pursue an independent course of action in foreign policy in
debatable. No country can afford to make a foreign policy that is not supported by its own government
at all levels. The credibility of Benazir Bhutto was so far eroded that by the second half of 1989, sensitive
matters of national security were handled by the President and the Chief of Army Staff with the Prime
Minister being taken into confidence only on perfunctory and routine matters.

Like her father, Benazir favoured an alliance of developing countries, but unlike the elder Bhutto's
emphasis on Muslim brotherhood, she advocated an association of third world democracies. The
proposal was never endorsed or even accepted by the powers that be in Pakistan because it ran contrary
to the ideology of Muslim nationhood. Instead, the army wanted a strategic alliance with Iran and
Turkey, reinforcing the concept of Muslim Ummah or brotherhood. Benazir's proposal made Pakistan
seem like a more secular, liberal, democratic state and ran contrary to accepted ideas. In 1989, under
Benazir Bhutto's government, Pakistan rejoined the Commonwealth.

Serious conceptual differences were observed between the PPP government and the Establishment. On
6th August 1990, the President of Pakistan, Mr Ghulam Ishaque Khan, dismissed Benazir's government
under the rights given to him by the eighth amendment to the constitution, citing corruption as the main
reason for dismissal. It is seen clearly that domestic issues and foreign policy issues were both causes for
the dismissal of her government.

Once again fresh elections were announced to be held on 24th Oct 90 for National Assembly and 27th
Oct 90 for the provincial assemblies. Meanwhile, Mr. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi was appointed the caretaker
Prime