Yue Fu and Old Poems
Yue Fu and Old Poems
Yue Fu and Old Poems
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Daoism or Buddhism, but the state itself could not be conceived apart from Confu-
cianism (although in the thirteenth century the Mongols briefly attempted to do so).
Although there was nothing in the Han like a true Confucian orthodoxy, the in-
creasing importance of the Confucian Classics to political life intensified the need
to reconcile variant texts and interpretations. Schools of classical scholarship were
roughly divided between "New Text" and "Old Text." The "New Text" schools were
so called because they supposedly represented oral transmission of texts and com-
mentaries on the Confucian Classics, which, after the burning of the books in the
Qin, were written down in the reformed script after the establishment of the Han.
The "Old Text" school primarily represented written texts recovered after the Han.
The difference between the "New Text" and "Old Text" schools was, however, more
profound than simply textual lineages of the Confucian Classics. The "New Text"
schools represented an older style of Confucian learning, based on personal trans-
mission of texts and interpretation by a master whose authority would be traced in
unbroken successionback to the disciples of Confucius. Though the "New Text" clas-
sics and their interpretations were written down, they remained very much schools
in which students studied one particular classic under the masterand simply repeated
the authoritative interpretation of the master.
The "Old Text" schools included scholastic lineages such asthat of the Mao Clas-
sic of Poetry, yet the very idea of the "Old Text" classics was based on a break in
the personal transmission of the Confucian Classics and the ability of later scholars
to offer interpretations from written texts. Wang Mang was a strong supporter of the
"Old Text," and although "New Text" scholarship enjoyed a brief revival in the early
Eastern Han, the "Old Text" schools gradually emerged triumphant. Their success
was due in no small part to their dissemination among private scholars, who felt con-
fident in working with written texts and drawing their own conclusions rather than
relying on the authority of a master. Out of this tradition, comparison and determi-
nation of authoritative versions of the texts of the Confucian Classics conti nued
through the Eastern Han; and in A.D. 175, under state sponsorship, texts of the so-
called Five Classics were carved in stone and set up outside the Imperial Academy
in Luo-yang so that students would have authoritative versions of the classics from
which to study.'
In the Western Han, poetic expositions (fu) had been one of the primary forms
of court literary entertainment. These poetic expositions were long, rhymed de-
scriptions that made use of a rich vocabulary; those declaimed in court were usu-
ally direct or indirect panegyrics of imperial power, though often including en-
couragement to restraint. Emperor Wu's court poet Si-rna Xiang-ru (179-117 B.C.)
praised the emperor as "The Great One" (see p. 182), an adept Daoist who mar-
shaled the forces of the cosmos and rode to transcendence. Si-rnaXiang-ru also wrote
a famous poetic exposition describing the imperial hunting park, naming the flora
and fauna from all over the empire that had been gathered there. In his younger days,
the writer and intellectual Yang Xiong (53 B.C.-A.D. 18) had similarly praised the hunts
and ceremonies of Emperor Wu's successors, but in the writing of his later years,
"These were the Classic of Poetry, the Classic of Documents, the Classic of Changes, the Yifi (one
of the ritual books), and The Springs and Autumns [of LuJ.
222
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The Chinese "Middle Ages"
readers witness some of the changes in public values that were occurring as the East-
ern Han approached. Yang Xiong renounced the poetic expositions of his youth on
the grounds that they encouraged imperial extravagance and failed in what he saw
as their primary purpose, which was to offer moral guidance to the emperor. Fol-
lowing in the tradition of Yang Xiong, the public literature of the EasternHan often
tended to Confucian moralizing.
As a genre, poetic exposition continued to be important throughout the Eastern
Han, and it came to be used informally as a demonstration of education and talent
by young men seeking appointment in the central government. Such use of literary
composition in the appointment process outlasted the Eastern Han; eventually, it be-
came fully institutionalized in the examination system of the seventh century.
State Confucianism was only a thin layer of elite ideology, beneath which lay a
complex world of popular religion and cults of esoteric knowledge. Confucianism
itself came to be permeated by such beliefs from the Western Han on. Han rulers
placed particular faith in prognostication by omens, and though the Confucian Clas-
sics themselves offered Iittle support for such practices, there was an extensive body
of Confucian apocrypha promising the esoteric knowledge for which many Han in-
tellectuals hungered. Huang-Lao Daoism went much further than esoteric Confu-
cianism, offering techniques of yoga and alchemy by which the adept could refine
his physical being and altain immortality. Huang-Lao Daoism gradually developed
a large following among the populace, and it was spread in cults headed by charis-
matic leaders with messianic pretensions. In A.D. 184, the weakened Han state was
shaken by two almost simultaneous cult uprisings in different parts of the country:
the Yellow Turbans and the "Five Pecks of Rice." These military-religious commu-
nities defeated imperial armies and established local kingdoms in the disintegrating
empire.
In addition to the uprisings of the Daoist cults, the last decades of the second
century saw local generals with independent armies establishing themselves as re-
gional powers. One general, Dong Zhuo, took advantage of factional fighting in the
capital in 189 and seized the emperor Xian; he then plundered and burned Luo-yang,
driving its inhabitants west to reestablish the capital in Chang-an. A year later, Dong
Zhuo was himself killed by his officers, Chang-an was sacked, and the empire coi-
lapsed into total anarchy. Emperor Xian, providing the weak aura of Han legitimacy,
passed from one warlord to another until he came into the hands of Cao Cao
(155-220), who was gradually establishing his position as the preeminent military
leader in North China.
By the early third century, the weaker warlords had fallen by the wayside and
the former empire was divided into the "Three Kingdoms" that give their name to
the period. In the West was the Shu-Han Kingdom, ruled by a remote descendant
of the Han imperial house; in the South along the Yangzi River was the Kingdom of
Wu, whose river fleet protected it against invasion; and in the North was Cao Cao,
proclaimed "King of Wei," but not emperor. In holding Emperor Xian as his puppet,
Cao Cao kept alive the fiction of the Han Dynasty; but on Cao Cao's death in 220,
his son, Cao Pi, deposed the emperor and proclaimed himself emperor of the new
Wei Dynasty.
The heirs of Cao Pi proved to be far less able than either Cao Cao or Cao Pi, and
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the Wei soon came under the domination of the powerful Si-ma family. The Wei
was still nominally in existence when Northern armies incorporated the Shu-Han
Kingdom in 263, but in 265 the Si-ma family deposed the Caos, just as the Caos had
deposed the Han emperor less than half a century earlier. With this began the lin
Dynasty, which in 280 at last conquered the Kingdom of Wu and briefly reunified
China.
The gradual dissolution of Han power in the second half of the second century
and the constant warfare of the Three Kingdoms proved to be one of the most fer-
tile and transformative periods in Chinese literature. The long reign of the ill-fated
Emperor Xian, from 196 to 220, was known as the [ian-an, and it gave its name to
the literature of the period. Older forms such as poetic exposition continued to be
written, but their range expanded to include topics from everyday life. At the same
time, popular song and a new form of classical poetry in the five-syllable line were
adopted by well-known literary men. Unlike the poetic exposition, classical poetry
was a genre that invited accounts of personal experience and expression of private
feeling: the poetry of the [ian-an gave voice to the instability and uncertainty of life
during the period. Cao Cao. himself an accomplished poet, was the great patron of
contemporary writers, who gathered to the relative security of his court. His son and
heir, Cao Pi, was not only a distinguished writer but also composed the first treatise
on literature. A younger son of Cao Cao, Cao Zhi, became the most famous writer
of his day, provoking the jealousy of his older brother.
The intellectual temper of the times had changed profoundly from the public se-
riousness of the first part of the Eastern Han; there was a strong reaction against the
commitment to public life demanded by Confucian ethics. Thinkers such as Wang
Bi (226-249) wrote commentaries on Confucian and Daoist Classics, focusing on
metaphysical issueswithout regard to their social, ethical, or political implications.
Writers and intellectuals were increasingly drawn to the values of private life and
did their best to avoid serving in the government. Those who did serve were often
caught in the constant factional struggles and many were executed. Already in the
mid-third century we see a fascination with eccentricity, accompanied by extrava-
gant gestures rejecting the norms of social behavior. Many such intellectuals were
drawn to alchemy and the Daoist quest for physical immortality.
The messianic Daoists of the late second century were finally defeated militar-
ily, but in their place a Daoist "church" took shape with an organized religious hi-
erarchy, a body of esoteric scriptures, and a large popular following to support it.
In contrast to the atheistic philosophical Daoism of the pre-Qin period, the Daoist
church worshipped a large pantheon of deities organized in celestial bureaucracies
not unlike the imperial government.
Buddhism made its initial appearance in China in the first century A.D., and by
the third century a growing number of missionaries from Central Asia were winning
converts everywhere. In the turmoil of the times, Buddhist doctrines of personal sal-
vation and release from the inevitable suffering of life held great appeal. Sutras, the
Buddhist scriptures, offered a taste of the complexities of Indian philosophy, and
large-scale translation projects demanded a new kind of reflection on the Chinese
language. With Buddhism came a highly developed church and monastic structure
that provided a model for religious Daoism, 8uddhism's chief religious competitor.
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After only thirty-seven yearsof ruling over a unified China, the lin capital in Luo-
yang fell in 316 to non-Chinese invaders from the North. As "barbarian" armies es-
tablished their hold over North China, many great families fled with their retainers
and possessions south of the Yangzi River, where, in 317, a [in prince, Si-ma Rui,
proclaimed himself the lin emperor. Following the model of the Zhou and Han when
the capital moved east rather than south after dynastic crisis, this came to be known
as the "Eastern [in." For more than two and a half centuries, a succession of Chinese
dynasties ruled the Yangzi River region in a period known as the "Southern Dynas-
ties." During this same period, North China was under the sway of various non-Chi-
nese kingdoms. Thus the period from 317 until the reunification of China under the
Sui in 589 is known as the "Northern and Southern Dynasties."
When viewed by most objective standards, the Southern Dynasties were small,
regional regimes. By far the greater part of the Chinese population still lived in the
North. The Northern Dynasties patronized Buddhism and Confucian scholarship,
and their legacy in religious art can still be seen. But in literature they were pro-
portionally insignificant, and the role of literature in defining Chinese cultural con-
tinuity was such that subsequent agesthought of the Southern Dynasties as the main
lineage linking the Western lin with the great medieval empires of Sui and Tang.
The intellectual concerns of the Wei and Western lin continued to grow during
the Southern Dynasties. Although the state was still understood in Confucian terms,
personal happiness and the experience of the individual or a group of like-minded
friends were considered of greater importance than service to the state. Tao Qian
(365-427) voluntarily renounced his administrative post because he felt that its de-
mands violated his nature, and his poetry celebrated his decision to return to work
his own fields in the farming community that was his home. For others, a stylish ec-
centricity marked the individual's refusal to conform to social customs. Buddhism
spread and flourished in both the North and South, and its monastic communities
provided the means to renounce the secular world altogether. In the South, temples
and monasteries were established deep in the mountains/ and among monks and
laity alike there developed a new appreciation of landscape and natural beauty.
When earlier poets had traveled, it was a means to get from one place to another.
In the fifth century, we begin to find poets undertaking travel for its own sake, wan-
dering through the mountains to appreciate the beauty of nature.
Not only was the overall population of the South much smaller than that of the
North, the emigre ruling house and great families constituted only a small minority
of the Southern population. These emigre families comprised an aristocracy. Edicts
to preserve the purity of Northern bloodlines were soon ignored, but the culture of
the South had become aristocratic. By the late fifth century aristocratic society drew
inward, with literary composition increasingly restricted to the courts of the emperor
and imperial princes in the capital, lian-kang (modern Nanjing). Poems were writ-
ten on the occasion of imperial and princely outings/ and topics for composition
would often be set as a pastime. Literary issueswere debated, in which literary and
political factionalism were closely intertwined. Old song lyrics were carefully con-
served, anthologies of older and contemporary literature compiled, and literary his-
tory undertaken.
Such a fragile world could not last long, and in 549 the rebel Hou ling took [ian-
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Anthology of Chinese Literature
kang and sacked it. The ruling Liang Dynasty eventually put down the rebellion and
recovered the city, but it never fully recovered its political or military power. In the
decades that followed, a new dynasty was installed, the Chen, but the Southern rulers
became puppets of the militarily powerful North. The S80s saw the rise of a pow-
erful new Northern state, the Sui, which first unified the divided kingdoms of the
North and then, in 589, conquered the Chen and reunified the empire.
The Sui instituted a number of institutional and economic reforms that would be
the basis of government for the following centuries, but the Sui itself did not endure
long. The astute first Sui ruler built a sound political structure that was badly mis-
managed and overextended by his successor, Emperor Yang. Indeed, Emperor Yang
moved the Sui capital from Chang-an to one of the great Southern cities, Yang-zhou,
and fell under the spell of the pleasure-loving court culture of the South. Outbreaks
of rebellion occurred all over the country. After less than thirty years, the Sui was
replaced by a new dynasty, the Tang, which would rule China for the next three cen-
turies.
226
Yue-fu'
'The category of vue-tu, as it has been used for the past millennium, represents a complex histori-
cal aggregation of types of poems. What makes a poem a yue-fu is its title. Although it often sug-
gests the theme of the poem, the title is essentially considered the title of a melody, even if the melody
is long lost. The term yue-fu includes all anonymous poems from before the seventh century writ-
ten to yue-fu titles. Many of these are folk poems. The category also includes all poems by known
writers which use that body of yue-fu titles, as well as poems by known writers to titles that can be
recognized as variations on the original set of pre-seventh-century titles.
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Anthology of Chinese Literature
Some of these Western Han yue-fu recall earlier ritual songs, such as the following
lyric speaking for soldiers who died for an unknown cause in an unknown battle.
This Han song should be compared with the Chu ritual song, "The Kingdom's Dead"
(see p. 161), which also allows those dead in distant battle to speak. Although itdoes
not echo or derive from "The Kingdom's Dead," "South of the Walls We Fought"
serves the same function of allowing the community to acknowledge the bravery
and loyalty of the dead.
228
The Chinese "Middle Ages"
how can we cross north?
If the grain is not taken in harvest,
how shall our lord eat?
we want to be loyalliegemen,
but how can this be done?"
The original "Music Office" was closed in 6 B.C., but the term yue-fu continued to
be applied to anonymous poems that seem initially to have been folksongs. We have
a considerable body of such poems, probably dating from the Eastern Han in the
first and second centuries A.a. Some such songs, like "East of Ping-ling" below, deal
with the kinds of situations in the lives of the common people that almost never ap-
pear in "high" literature.
In later Chinese song traditions, songs were often performed in sets, with the differ-
ent sections thematically playing off one another. In a few of these Eastern Han yue-
Iu, such as "Prelude: White Swans in Pairs," we have an indication of how such song
sets might have been structured. The opening segment often deals with an animal,
bird, or plant; then a central segment deals with a human situation that is parallel
with or contrasts to the opening segment; finally, there is a conventional coda in
which the singer wishes his audience long life and blessings.
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230
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The Chinese "Middle Ages"
something else--entertaining someone she addresses with respect (in the final version
we are told that the youngest brother, her husband, is off in Luo-vang). Poets of the
fifth and sixth centuries could not resist the erotic implications, and they often com-
posed short poems to two new yue-fu titles, liThe Sensual Charms of the Three Wives"
and "The Middle Wife Weaves the Yellow Floss,"echoing the endings of the songsabove.
When enthusiasts began to collect folksongs and ballads in England and Europe in
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, they would often "improve" them, revis-
ing passages and leaving out segments that seemed "garbled" or "corrupt." In more
recent times, scholars have recognized that such incongruous elements are a nat-
ural part of folksong traditions, which do not follow the same rules as the literature
of the elite. We have a fine example of this in two versions of the Eastern Han(?)
"Song of White Hair." One version is included in the "Treatise on Music/' part of
an official history compiled in the late fifth century; this treatise preserves many of
the best Han yue-fu and seems to represent the transcription of singers' repertoires.
The second version comes from roughly the same period and is found in an early
sixth-century anthology, Recent Songs from a Terrace of Jade (Yu-tai xin-yong),
which included many yue-fu. Like the European folksong collectors of the eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries, the editor of Recent Songs from a Terrace of Jade
seems to have "fixed" some of the yue-fu. In his version of "Song of White Hair,"
the editor regularizes the stanzas and omits passagesthat seem incongruous, creat-
ing a coherent lyric of a woman breaking off with a faithless man. The sections in
the original version that are omitted in the "literary" version are given in italics below.
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Anthology of Chinese Literature
The following two songs treat roughly the same theme--a man approaches a beau-
tiful young woman and his advances are rebuffed-in very different ways. The sec-
ond of these songs is attributed to an otherwise unknown figure, XinYan-nian, prob-
ably a professional singer of the EasternHan. The motif bears interesting comparison
to the poetic exposition "The Goddess" (see p. 190), in which the poet meets the
goddess and is rejected just before they consummate their love.
~-----------_.
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By the end of the Eastern Han, in the last part of the second century A.D., literary
men began to write poems in the spirit of the anonymous vue-iu, and these too came
to be known as yue-fu. Yue-fu became important as a kind of poetry in which a poet
could speak not in his own voice but as a character type: the abandoned woman,
the frontier soldier, the young nobleman. The settings of literary yue-fu are imagi-
nary scenes, such as Chen Lin imagining the following exchange between a con-
script laborer on the frontier and his wife.
236
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The Chinese "Middle Ages"
After the Han, yue-fu became a very broad category of poetry, encompassing all
anonymous popular songs as well as literary works done in what different ages saw
as the "spirit" of the original yue-fu.
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Anthology of Chinese Literature
in a woman's voice, but the first two seem to form a dialogue between a man and
a woman.
Zi-ye Songs
I-II
"I went out the gates at sunset,
and glimpsed you passing by.
Enchanting features, tresses fetching,
a sweet scent filled all the road."
"The sweet scent was made by perfume,
enchanting features I cannot claim.
But Heaven won't thwart a person's desire,
and on purpose it let me see you."
XII
At dawn I long to go out the gates,
at dusk I long to go back to the isles.
I'll laugh and chat with anyone,
but my heart in secret thinks of you.
XVI
My love was taken by another,
he betrayed me more than one time.
I opened the door, didn't set the bar,
which is to say: "Close no more."
No. XVI is a punning quatrain. The open door ("Close no more") is wu fu xiang gusn.
both "not locked any more" and "I'll have nothing to do with you any more." Of
course, the open door also suggeststhe woman's availability for a new lover.
XIX
When my love is sad, I'm also down;
when my man laughs, I'm happy too.
Have you never seen two trees entwined:
from different roots shared branches rise?
XX
I was moved by how loving you were at first,
now I sigh how distant and cold you've grown.
Pound out gold leaf on a tortoise shell-
all glitter outside, nothing deep within.
XXIII
Who can feel longing and not sing out?
Who can be starving and not eat?
The sun grows dark, I lean by the door,
so upset that I can't help thinking of you.
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XXIV
I held my dress, not tying the sash,
I painted my brows and went to the window.
My gauze skirt is easily whirled by the breeze-
if it opens a bit, just blame the spring wind.
XXXIII
The night lasted on, I could not sleep,
and the moonlight shone so bright.
I thought I heard my true love call,
and I wasted an answering "Yes!" to the sky.
XXXVI
I am that star at the Dipper's end
that never shifts in a thousand years.
My lover's heart is like the sun,
in the east at dawn, at dusk turning west.
There seems to have already been a culture of romance in which extempore qua-
trains were exchanged, using simple rhymes, stock images, and repeated lines. Lines
239
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Anthology of Chinese Literature
from this strange, dark quatrain reappear in another quatrain from the same period,
dubiously attributed to the famous courtesan "Little Su."
Such anonymous quatrain lyrics often show an erotic directness that is rare in early
Chinese poetry. No one knows what the tune title Yan Pan-er means; the same lyric
is also included with a group of lyrics to another melody, Du-qu, which may mean
"solo song."
"White Gate" was one of the gates of the Southern capital Iian-kang. Crows are not
the only things that can be hidden by the dense and low-hanging fronds of willow
trees. Judging by the smoking metaphor in the second couplet, the singer here had
better luck than the lover who waited by the willows in the Classic of Poetry CXL
(see p. 40).
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The Chinese "Middle Ages"
IV
A man is a pathetic bug:
once out his gate, he fears his death:
a corpse that rots in a narrow ravine,
white bones rhat none will gather and bury.
In the fourth to sixth centuries, the long anonymous yue-fu narrative ballads of the
Eastern Han were no longer written in the Southern Dynasties, but they did survive
in the North. Below is the famous Northern ballad of a girl, Hua Mu-Ian, taking the
place of her father in militaryservice. The rulers of the Northern Dynasties were non-
Chinese. Note that the ruler is not only referred to by the Chinese title of Emperor
but by the non-Chinese title of Khan.
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242
The Chinese "Middle Ages"
As in many other song traditions, lines and segments reappear in different places,
often in very different contexts. The opening of "The Ballad of Mu-ian" returns in a
group of Northern Dynasties quatrains, in the voice of a more conventional yue-fu
heroine who is thinking about getting married.
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Anthology of Chinese Literature
During the Song Dynasty 1960-1279), poetry became increasingly rarefied or reflective, char-
acteristic of the sophisticated self-conscious world that was the Song. But in the fourteenth
century, many poets began to look back to the Tang and earlier ages as offering poetic mod-
els of directness and simplicity of feeling that seemed to have answers to the various dis-
satisfactions poets felt with their Own "modern" world. In the Archais! movement of the Ming,
during the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, we can particularly see a longing for the
roughness and direct force of Han poetry. Ming Archaist poets often imitated the Han bal.
lads, their imitations much admired in their Own time but reviled by critics and poets from
the seventeenth century on for being too derivative. The fOllOWingversion of "South of the
Walls We Fought' shows something of the Ming desire to recapture the original Vitality of
the Han song. In place of the austerity of the Han ballad, however, a "Gothic" excess is now
evident.
'The Sang-gan was a river in northern He-bei where the Tang fought the Khitan. The Ccng River
was in the Pamirs, where the Tang fought the Tibetans. Fiao-zhl was off in Afghanistan, while Sky
Mountain was in Xin-jiang. Together, these locations suggest the campaigns in the North and
Northwest.
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The Chinese "Middle Ages"
In these versions, we can see something ofthe operation of the poetic tradition, how earlier
poetry was continually reworked for new circumstances. During the sixteenth century, when
Wang Shi-zhen wrote the version of "South of the Walls We Fought" above, the Ming had
been having major frontier wars with the Mongols. Similarly, the following version by Li Ye-
sl offers a grotesque vision of violence and ravaged cities that would be hard to dissociate
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Anthology of Chinese Literature
from the horrors of the Qing invasion, through which Li Ye-s! lived. The utter collapse of the
Ming armies before the invading Manchus (Qing) and the subsequent destruction of poorly
defended cities could easily be seen as the inversion of the heroic Han ballad, where sol-
diers fought to the death and the community acknowledged their service. Far more than
Wang Shi-zherr's version, li ve-st's version is meant to be read ironically against the origi-
nal Han ballad: the troops flee rather than die, and the speaker addresses "carrion wrens"
rather than ravens.
The yue-fu romantic quatrains of the South also captured the imagination of later writers.
While the original anonymous Yang Pan-er went as follows:
the following transformation by the Tang writer li Bo makes the effective simplicity of the
earlier anonymous yue-fu elaborate. As was characteristic of Tang myths, li Bo renders the
scene of singing the song itself as part of the song.
246
The Chinese" Middle Ages"
In a mountain-shaped brazier
the aloeswood incense burns,
two columns of smoke form a single vapor
passing the purple wisps of cloud.
As literary men wrote their own versions of the old Han and Southern folk poems, many of
the basic motifs of those poems also took on a different kind of continuity, reappearing in
later lyrics of anonymous singers.
We often find remarkable continuities in the Chinese song tradition, with motifs appear-
ing first in the Classic of Poetry, then in yue-fu, and again in later song up to the twentieth
century. Rather than seeing such continuities as the direct influence of earlier lyrics on later
ones, it is best to think of some of these enduring motifs as recurrent expressions of constant
social functions. For example, given the general fickleness of the human heart, lovers must
swear oaths, as in "Heaven Above," the Western Han song quoted at the beginning of this
section:
By Heaven above,
I will be your true love,
let it be forever and never wane.
When hills no longer rise,
when the river's water dries,
when winter thunder rolls,
and snow in summer falls,
when sky and earth fuse,
I'll stop loving you.
Such lovers' vows appear in later popular songs declaring conditions for separation re-
markably similar to those in the old Han vue-tv. One of the anonymous song lyrics found
in the Tang manuscripts recovered in the Dun-huang caves early in the twentieth century
follows.
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248
The Beginnings of Classical
Poetry (Shi)
Sad songs can take the place of tears, far gazing can take the place
of return. -"Sad Song" (EasternHan yue-fu)
Although traditional critics have always traced the Chinese poetic tradi-
tion back to the Classic of Poetry and the "Lyrics of Chu," the real be-
ginning of the classical tradition, unbroken for two millennia, is best un-
derstood as beginning in the Eastern Han, when a new personal lyric
poetry grew up alongside the yue-fu. This new "classical poetry" (shi)
was written in lines of five syllables, the most popular meter for yue-fu,
and was very different in tone from the stiff, archaic poetry in four-
syllable lines that was still written in the Han, in imitation of the Classic
of Poetry.
The earliest classical poems are anonymous, the so-called Old Poems (gu-shi).
The most famous of these anonymous lyrics, probably dating from the second cen-
tury A.D., are the IINineteen Old Poems." Another group of anonymous parting
poems was circulated as the works of Li Ling and SuWu, two famous figures of the
Western Han (though the poems actually date from the second and third century
A.D.). In addition to these two groups, there are various other early anonymous "old
poems" scattered through early sources.
Although we find a few clumsy attempts at classical poetry in the five-syllable
line earlier, it was at the end of the second century A.D. that well-known literary men
adopted the new form of classical poetry, just as they began to write yue-fu in the
same period.
Yue-fu and classical poetry came to be seen as Quite distinct in later centuries,
but during this early period they are very close and sometimes indistinguishable. The
two forms shared a set of common themes and situations which, taken together, em-
bodied the basic concerns of the period, as the Han Dynasty collapsed and warring
armies tore the country apart. In yue-fu, the speaker often assumed the voice of an-
other person in an imagined situation; classical poetry, by contrast, developed into
a first-person lyric, with the poet speaking for himself or herself in the historical pre-
sent.Although this distinction is by no means consistent In the early period, it guided
the evolution of the two forms in separate directions. Yue-fu may have been per-
formed by professional singers, probably illiterate; early classical poetry, even in the
anonymous "Old Poems/ shows at least a rudimentary education; and while both
forms were no doubt enjoyed by the educated elite, classical poetry came from them.
In the following selection we first treat yue-fu, the anonymous "Old Poems," and
early classical poetry by known writers together, showing how they share and make
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different use of a body of common themes. Then we look at some of the known poets
writing in the third century.
The thematic headings are arranged to tell a simple hypothetical story: parting,
longing on the road (either on the part of the traveler or the person who remained
behind), coming to the city, being alone at night, the message or gift sent to the
beloved, the stranger encountering a woman, feasting, impermanence and disillu-
sion, and finally the return. Beneath the story that these themes tell, we can see the
overriding concerns of the poets of the period: separation, relationships torn apart
and new relationships formed. This is very much a poetry of dislocation, a poetry
about outsiders who have left their communities and gone to the city, into service,
or into the army.
As we look at some of the phases of this "story:' we should also keep in mind
the literary historical changes that were occurring. For example, in the first section,
on "Parting and Going Off," we see a yue-fu version in which the man leaves his
family to perform some unnamed act of violent desperation. There are "old poems"
on the parting of friends, with consolation offered. On a more sophisticated level,
there is the "application" of the conventions of parting to a specific historical expe-
rience: in A.D. 192, after rebel factions devastated the capital Chang-an, Wang Can
takes leave of friends and kin, and on the road he sees another, terrible example of
abandonment and breaking of the bonds of kinship. Finally, from the middle of the
third century, Ruan Ii invokes the motif as a general principle-perhaps as part of a
decision to quit the social world for the private life of a recluse.
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The following two parting poems are preserved in the corpus spuriously attributed
to Li Lingand Su Wu. The first is spoken in a woman's voice, saying goodbye to a
man leaving for the wars.
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"The deer cry out, they think on wild grasses" is a slightly altered quotation from
one of the most famous poems in the Classic of Poetry, "Deer Cry" (CLXI) (see p.
275). This piece continued to be performed at banquets to welcome guests. The level
of literary education in the poem is suggested less by the act of citing the Classic of
Poetry than by the stock exegetical response in the following line. This line is the
"right answer," the standard interpretation, as if "Deer Cry" had been an identifica-
tion question on an elementary quiz on the Classic of Poetry. Such naive use of the
Classic of Poetry may be contrasted with the more sophisticated reference in Wang
Can's poem below.
"Seven Sorrows" can be dated with some precision to the year 192 or soon there-
after. In 190, Dong Zhuo had sacked Luo-yang, the "Eastern Capital," abducted the
Han emperor Xian, and carried him to Chang-an, the "Western Capital." In 192, fight-
ing broke out between Dong Zhuo's subordinate generals in Chang-an. Wang Can
decided to seek refuge with Liu Biao, the governor of )ing-zhou (ling-man), who had
been a student of Wang Can's grandfather.
Ba Mound was the tomb of the Western Han emperor Wen, who presided over an
age of prosperity and good government that stood in sharp contrast to the war-torn
Chang-an of A.D. 192. "Falling Stream" was the title of a poem in the Classic of Po-
etry (153) recalling another capital. It begins:
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The point of the fourth couplet is that each creature longs to be where it belongs:
the horse from the North faces north, while the Yuebird chooses to nest on the south-
ernmost bough of a tree. The poem does not indicate the genders of those people
parted from, nor is it clear whether the poem is spoken from the viewpoint of the
traveler or of the person left behind. In one common alternative interpretation, the
last line is understood as the speaker rejecting longing: he or she declares, "I will
eat well and take care of myself."
The following poem is early, but more literary than the "Nineteen Old Poems."
It uses the conventional images and phrases of the "old poems," but it is also much
more specific in the situation it describes.
The poem ends with a recollection of Classic of Poetry XXVI"Boat of Cypress" (see
p.47):
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Alone at Night
Nineteen Old Poems XIX
Moonlight glowing so bright
shines on my bed curtains of lace.
From worry and sadness I cannot sleep,
I pull on my clothes, rise and pace.
Though travels are said to have their joys,
better by far to turn home Soon.
I go out the door and walk alone,
to whom can I tell these dark thoughts?
I crane my neck, go back in the room,
and tears that fall are soaking my gown.
We may recall that Wang Can was the poet who, in the firstof his "Seven Sorrows,"
was fleeing Chang-an in 192. The following poem was written after he escaped south
to refuge inling-man; but even there he was unhappy, unable to sleep, "alone at night."
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The motif of longing at night appears also in the following piece from the "Nineteen
Old Poems" on the Oxherd and Weaver stars, doomed by the gods to be lodged
apart in the heavens because of their love affair.They are allowed to meet only once
a year, on the seventh eve of the seventh month, when they cross the River of
Stars-the Milky Way-on a bridge formed by magpies.
The story of the Oxherd and the Weaver and their meeting on the Seventh Eve,cross-
ing a bridge of magpies, was a favorite theme of poets over the ages. It was usually
treated in terms of frustrated longing (as in the tenth of the "Nineteen Old Poems")
or the brevity of the lovers' meeting. The eleventh-century Song lyricist Qin Guan,
however, later writing lyrics to the melody "Gods on the Magpie Bridge," gave the
theme a memorable twist.
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This phase of our hypothetical narrative may be seen as related to "Mulberries by the
Path" (p. 234) and "Officerof the Guard" (p. 235), both translated in the yue-fu section.
The difference is that in these versions the perspective is, at least in part, the man's.
The yue-tu "Prelude" is a typically fragmentary narrative of a woman showing kind-
ness to the stranger and her husband coming in and viewing them with suspicion.
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"After her husband was killed in battle, Qi liang's wife wept for ten days, then committed suicide.
The association here is primarily musical: "Qi liang's Wife's lament," fancifully attributed to her,
was a standard piece in the harp repertoire.
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The Return
Anonymous Old Poem
At fifteen Iwent with the armies,
now at eighty at last I come home.
On the road I met one from my village,
"Who remains of my family now?"
"You can see your house far over there,
in the cypress and pines and rolling tombs."
Hares come in through the dog-holes,
and pheasants fly up from the beams.
Wild grains grow in the courtyard,
greens take root by the well.
I boiled the grain for my gruel,
and picked the greens for a soup.
When soup and gruel were both ready,
there was no one to give them to.
Then Iwent out the gate and gazed east,
and the tears fell, soaking my robes.
One of the most durable openings of yue-fu and the "old poems" was going out the
gates of Luo-yang, the Eastern Han capital, as in "Nineteen Old Poems" XIII.From
the eastern gates could be seen the great cemetery in the Bei-mang Hills. In what
seems to be a poem on returning to the city, an ironic reversal occurs: Cao Zhi (or
Mr. Ying,as referred to in the title) climbs Bei-mang and looks back on Luo-yang it-
self, in ruins, sacked by Dong Zhuo in 190 and now virtually deserted.
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Coda: Reencounter
Old Poem
I climbed the hill to pick deerweed,
going down I met my husband of old.
I knelt down and asked my husband,
"And how do you find your new bride?"
"Though good do I find my new bride,
she's not so fine as my wife of old.
In fairness of feature both are alike,
but in skill of hands you are not the same.
When the new bride entered the gate in front,
the old wife left by the door at the side.
The new bride weaves the golden silk,
the old wife wove the plain.
Of golden silk, four yards a day,
to more than five yards of the plain.
Then put the plain silk by the gold,
the new bride cannot match the old."
The Poets
Although we do have poems and songs by literary men from earlier in the Eastern
Han, the period when we begin to find yue-fu and "old poems" written extensively
by known authors was during the [ian-an (196--219), the last, and purely nominal
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Han reign period, when both the emperor and North China were in the hands of the
warlord Cao Cao (155-220), the "Lord Protector."
Cao Cao gathered to himself many of the itinerant intellectuals and writers of
the day. The most famous of these intellectuals constituted the so-called Seven Mas-
ters of the [ian-an, Cao Cao himself left a small but remarkable collection of yue-fu.
Cao Cao's son and heir, Cao Pi (187-226), who declared the establishment of the
Wei Dynasty, left a somewhat larger collection of both poetry and yue-fu. The most
distinguished poet and writer of the period, however, was one of Cao Cao's younger
sons, Cao Zhi (192-232).
The poets of this period tended to take the forms of treatment of the yue-fu and
"old poems" and apply them more specifically to their present circumstances. Thus,
in the following yue-fu, Cao Cao applies the poem on the hardships of travel to a
military campaign in which he was engaged.
When Cao Cao shows his learning, there is often political propaganda involved.
"Eastern Mountains" was a poem in the Classic of Poetry, attributed to the Duke of
Zhou, on a campaign in the East. The Duke of Zhou had been the uncle and "Pro-
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rector" of the Zhou king; the potential historical analogy, wrapping himself in the
respectable mantle of the Duke of Zhou, must have been irresistible for Cao Cao,
who held the young Han emperor a virtual captive. The firststanza of "EasternMoun-
tains" (ClVI) follows:
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One of the most common motifs in vue-iu and old poems was to see a bird and long
to flyaway with it, or if a woman were involved, to become a bird and flyaway to
her or with her (see "Nineteen Old Poems" V).Again, one might recall the last stanza
of "Boat of Cypress" (XXVI)in the Classic of Poetry:
a Sun! and you Moon!
Why do you each grow dim in turn?
These troubles of the heart
are like unwashed clothes.
I think on it in the quiet,
Icannot spread wings to flyaway.
In the lian-an, this visionary desire to escape can be attached to so mundane a mis-
ery as too much work in the office. LikeWang Can, LiuZhen was one of the "Seven
Masters of the [ian-an."
In Cao Zhi's famous "Unclassified Poem," the passing bird is not the means of vi-
sionary escape but a potential message bearer, albeit a failed one.
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The closing simile of Xu Gan's poem, with its memorable simplicity, offers a good
illustration of how the poetic tradition worked. "Since You Have Gone Away" be-
came a yue-fu title in the fifth and sixth centuries, with dozens of attempts to rewrite
the last four lines of Xu Gan's poem as a quatrain. The first line is always "Since you
have gone away"; the second line speaks of something neglected; the third and fourth
lines offer a simile of longing:
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VI
Sorrow in heart shakes my spirit,
let it go then, describe it no more!
A true man's aims include all the world,
a thousand miles is as a near neighbor.
If only this love neither fail nor flag,
though far away, fate brings us closer.
Why need we share bed curtains and quilt,
and only then state the strength of our care?
If troubled thoughts become a fever,
it is naught but the passions of boys and girls.
But such turmoil of love for my flesh and blood-
can I help harboring bitterness?
VII
What broodings come in my bitterness?-
that Heaven's charge truly wins distrust.
It is vain to go seek the Undying,
Red Pine the Undying misled me long.
The last change can come in an instant,
who can seize for himself a century's span?
Now as we part, so long ere we meet,
when again will we thus clasp hands?
Prince, take fond care of your precious self,
may we both enjoy times of frail white hair.
I cease my tears and take the long road,
grasping my brush, I say farewell here.
As earlier in Han poetry, the situation that brought forth poetry more quickly than
any other was a threatened relationship: being kept apart from one's kin and friends,
being unable to return to one's roots, or, as in the poem that follows, lacking the
power to act to help another. Worried that he has the actual power to protect his
friends, Cao Zhi invents a parable of protection and gratitude.
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Unclassified Poem II
Tumbleweed rolling, severed from root,
tossed tumbling along with the steady wind.
"I did not expect to rise in whirling gusts,
that blew me off high into the clouds.
Going higher and higher, reaching no bound,
Heaven's roads never run out."
Of such kind too is the traveler
who risks his life on the far campaign.
His woolen tunic leaves limbs exposed,
greens and beans never fill him.
Keep going then, say no more!
brooding troubles make a man old.
Ruan Ji (210-263)
Ruan ji was an important intellectual figure of the third century and one of the "Seven
Sages of the Bamboo Grove." Like many other intellectuals of the period, he was
deeply involved in politics; and like most of them, he tried his best to avoid its dan-
gerous entanglements. His poems, all entitled "Songs of My Cares," are often read
as containing veiled protests against the Si-rna clan's usurpation of power from the
Caos, the ruling house of the Wei, followed by the eventual overthrow of the Wei
and the establishment of the Jin Dynasty.
In the first poem, the earlier Warring States Kingdom of Wei, whose capital was
Da-Iiang, seems to be a figure for the Wei Dynasty of the third century. The refer-
ence to the Fire of the Quail (a constellation) facing south refers to a prophecy in
The Zuo Tradition foretelling lin's overthrow of the state of Guo. Again the pre-Qin
domain of Jin may be used as a figure for the jin Dynasty of the Si-rna clan that sup-
planted the Wei.
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From this period we begin to find an increasing number of poems celebrating the
exemplary figures of the simple life, such as the Qin Count of Dong-ling, who after
the fall of the Qin lived happily as a well-known melon farmer.
Songs of My Cares VI
I have heard of Count Dong-ling's melons
close outside Chang-an's Green Gate.
Patch by patch, they stretch to the paths,
baby melons and mothers, all joined together.
Their many hues glow in the morning sun,
drawing fine visitors from all around.
An oil-fed fire burns itself out,
much property brings its owner harm.
One may spend a life in commoner's clothes,
put no trust in stipends and popularity.
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Turning Away
The poets of the generation after Ruan Ii, the poets of the Western Jin (265-316),
continued to use the same themes as the preceding century, POlishing them and re-
casting them in ever more elegant diction until the last vestiges of the popular ori-
gins of yue-fu and classical poetry had disappeared. But already in the poetry of Ruan
)i a group of new concerns had become increasingly prominent: the desire to sever
relationships rather than to rebuild them, the rejection of the social life, and a turn-
ing away from the city to the safety of unpopulated landscapes whose beauties could
take the place of the trappings of wealth and honor. This new poetry of the private
life and the natural landscape was the beginning of interests that would come to dom-
inate literature over the next few centuries. In the folloWing Western lin poems, na-
ture explicitly replaces a rich mansion, with its fine decorations and entertainments,
which had been the site of sensual delights in "Calling Back the Soul" (p. 204).
3The "Frenzied Chu" was the dance performed In "Calling Back the Soul."
'The "tones of lament" are those of a fallen state in the "Great Preface" to the Classic of Poetry.
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