3

CODE- S WITCHING AND THE

NOTION OF C ODE IN LINGUIS TICS

Proposals for a dual focus model

R ita Franceschin i

1 Introduction

For several decades , code-switching (henceforth CS) has been studied using
various linguistic approaches within the frameworks of sociolinguistic s ,
psycholinguistics and grammatical studies, all of which have put greater
emphasis either on the des criptive or on the theoretical aspects of the
phenomenon. There seems at this point to be more and more evidence that
CS is a language universal in the behaviour of multilingual speakers , or­
to employ a shorthand definition of CS-using several languages or language
varieties in the course of a conversation is based on convers ation-internal
mechani sms o b s ervable in vari o u s s o cial c o ntexts all over the worl d .
Furthermore , the functions of C S seem to be widely comparable, even for
the most diverse combinations of languages (e.g. ESF 1 990a-c, 1 99 1 ; Milroy
and Muyskens 1 9 9 5 ) .
The analysis of CS presupposes clear concepts o f what can be taken as
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a single code or a single language. However, in dealing with real data, and
as suming an ernie approach as well as taking the intuition of speakers (or
groups of speakers) into account, these distinctions often become blurred.
Data from multilingual African contexts particularly support this view. For
instance, Meeuwis and Blommaert (this volume) claim that 'the unit "a language"
is not always the sole salient and relevant sociolinguistic unit for the speakers ' . 1
What is needed are further investigations t o develop categories which fi t these
African-and other-bilingual contexts.
This step is necessary because linguistic research methodology and its
underlying assumptions have resulted in long and sometimes tortuous discussions
about what should or should not be considered code-switching vs. code-shifting,
code-mixing, borrowing, transfer, insertion, transcodic markers-or whatever
the concepts in use may be. 2 These debates have tended to obscure the fact

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 RITA FRANCE SCHINI

that subsumed under the heading of CS is a large number of differently motivated

but not clearly understood forms of bilingual behaviour. The ' discovery ' of
CS has occurred in conj unction with a slow change in perspective which has
brought into focus forms of behaviour which were 'new' for linguistic research
but not for language practice. Dealing with bilingual behaviour represents
a challenge for linguistic theory and can contribute to the modification of
its descriptive and theoretical framework.
The point of departure in most linguistic theories continues to be the
monolingual, individual speaker who never leaves his or her place of origin
and is surrounded by a basically monolingual maj ority. Of course, it has long
been well known that multilingualism is not an extraordinary case in the
linguistic behaviour of individuals: approximately half of the world' s population
use more than one language in their everyday life (cf. Grosjean 1 9 82). However,
this important empirical evidence has not yet had fundamental consequences
in linguisti c s . Only the pragmatic tradition in linguistics -especially its
conversation- oriented and interpretive branch (see Gumperz 1 9 82a, 1 9 82b,
Auer and di Luzio 1 9 84) -as well as typological studies3 have paid some
attention to the implications of multilingual behaviour for descriptive and
theoretical categories.
In this contribution, we will not regard CS as a supplementary, additional,
peripheral behaviour or as an exceptional possibility, but rather will relate
CS to a general characteristic of language, i . e . variability in use, and to an
extra-linguistic factor, i.e. flexibility in behaviour. We shall assume that these
two forces fundamentally govern the language system and should no longer
be seen as its secondary characteristics. Proj ected on a single continuum,
consistent monolingual practices would then be situated at the ends, as rather
exceptional cases, whereas the phenomenon of CS would be situated somewhere
in the middle, together with other practices realised in language contact (Figure
3. 1).
Thi s perspective i s al s o sugge sted b y our data, which were collected
in S witzerland and northern Italy. We shall concentrate on some example s ,
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extracted from actual tape-recorded conversations o r based on observation,

which can shed light o n , for examp l e , CS and its g e n e s i s , CS and
learnability, CS and loss of functions, etc . , all areas which have not received
a great amount of attenti on or perhap s have been c o n sidered to be non­
prototypical types of C S . We will then widen the perspective by pointing out

monoli ngual pluri l i ngual monolingual

practices practices, practices
e.g. code-switch ing

Figure 3.1 Monolingual a n d plurilingual practices

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 THE NOTION OF CODE IN LINGUI S T I C S

some principles of a theoretical framework of language use based on the

multilingual repertoire of the speakers.

2 More and less prototypical code-switching

CS has been analy sed largely in adolescents ' peer group s . Moreover, these
young people have usually been members of minority group s . Acc ording
to the relevant literature (see note 2 ) , the prototypic al C S - speaker can
therefore be described in term s of the following individual and s ocial
characteri stic s :

1 young age
2 member of a minority
3 lower class
4 strong ' ethnic ' group identity
5 a multilingual social background.

There are, however, many speakers or groups of speakers who produce

CS but strongly deviate from at least one of these typical features . We will
call them unexpected code-switchers and discuss some problems they pose
and the consequences which their behaviour has for our framework.

2. 1 The genesis of CS

CS is characteristically formed in a specific way. It arises in groups sharing

common identities. Consider the following case (based on personal observation) :

At the end of the 1 970s, CS could be observed for the first time
among Italian adolescents in the suburb s of the mostly Swiss­
German- speaking town of Zurich. C S was a topic frequently
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discussed by the local Swiss-German inhabitants . At the beginning

of the 1 9 80s, code-switching adolescents were also observed in
B asel and other larger Swiss towns, such as Solothurn and Bern.

It hardly makes sense to claim that Zurich Italian adolescents exported

code-switching to B asel or that Basel adolescents imjtated Zurich adolescents '
code- switching . CS does not originate in a single linguistic centre . It rather
emerges simultaneously in various places among multilinguals if similar social
circumstances are given, such as :

a multilingual context
group awareness
permeability of cultural and linguistic norms.4

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 RITA FRANCE SCHINI

Thus, we assume that there is polygenesis under similar social conditions,

providing a parallel between CS and pidgin languages.5
In the German-speaking part of Switzerland, code-switching speakers born
in the 1 960s are particularly numerous , much more so than speakers born
in the 1 9 5 0 s . Members of the older group of speakers grew up in a social
climate of xenophobic anti-foreign-worker campaigns on the one hand and
under the political pressure to assimilate on the other. This situation by no
means favoured the coexistence of two (or more) languages within an
individual speaker. Speakers used their two languages only in socially well­
defined situati o n s , if at all . In each situati o n , only one language was
appropriate . ' Threshold bilingualism' was widespread : outside the house
or apartment, speakers used the local language, whereas they used the language
of origin within the family or ethnic group (Franceschini, MUller and Schmid
1 984).
I n the 1 9 80s, the political climate changed. The aim of as similation o f
immigrants was being replaced b y the new goal of integration. Cultivation
of the immigrant children ' s mother tongue was officially encouraged. The
gap between local natives and Italian immigrants was based less and less on
a perception of 'otherness ' . The relaxation of a formerly wide-spread normative,
monolingually oriented attitude, as well as the fact that the dividing lines
were blurred, led to the development of a linguistically autonomous way of
life fed by more than one language-a way of life which was increasingly
admired by the indigenous Swiss- German population . 6
Similar to the ethnic revival movement of ' black is beautiful ' , there was
a growing acceptance and popularity of the so-called ltalos. They became
a new in- crowd, and even in public areas, Italian was now spoken loudly
and in a self-assured way. A new, ethnically mixed/ plural identity aro se.
CS could be observed especially frequently in public transport, where Italian
adolescents had become virtuosos in loud and fast CS conversations . This
brilliant verbal achievement, with frequent intraphras al CS at its peak of
perfection, was strongly marked socially in the early eighties . It excited
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the bystander' s bewildered interest, which, in turn, was pointedly and proudly
ignored by the adoles cents . Adolescent peer group s , who knew how to
differentiate themselves by outfit, haircut and gesture s , used CS as a code
which one of them labelled italo -schwyz. 8 It may be that in the early 1 9 80s,
a C S culture spread within and beyond adolescents ' and children ' s groups
in the urban context. There are, for instance, young speakers who think that
CS developed in schoolyards among Italian immigrant children in order to
dissociate themselves from other immigrant group s . 9 By the 1 990s, CS had
spread into non-urban contexts, and is now less socially marked; adolescents
no longer attract other people ' s special attention by means of their linguistic
behaviour.

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 THE NOTION OF CODE IN LINGUISTICS

2.2 The acquisition o f code-switching and age

The CS behaviour of the 70-year-old Italian female speaker called M in examples

1 and 2 does not differ from that of a young speaker living in the same area,
namely Basel. In example 2, M is speaking to her son.

EXAMPLE 1

Conversation between mother (M) and son (Ma) about governmental decisions
in Italy, recorded in Basel in September 1993.10

1 M ha detto che devono pagare i morti - quelli che sono morti fino
in giugno (hh::)
(‘he has said that the dead have to pay - those who have died
by the end of June’)
2 ja quelli
{'yes those’)
3 M [devono pagare le tasse del medico - das sind [(xxx) chaschter
4 MA [(xxx) [ (xxx)
5 M nit vorstelle
(‘they have to pay for the taxes of the doctor - they are (xxx)
you can 7 imagine')

In example 2, M is engaged in a discussion with her daughter, Fi:

EXAMPLE 2
Conversation between mother (M) and daughter (Fi) about elections in Italy
(recorded in Basel in July 1994).
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1 FI si ma mamma e se gli italiani lo [ga vota

(‘yes, mom but the Italians have voted for him’)
2 M [chomm hornier emol uff - hei
3 goots no se l’hanno votato
('come on, stop it - you are crazy if they had voted for him’)
4 FI si ma l’hanno votato
(‘yes, but they have voted for him’)
5 M joo sono d’accordo che l’hanno votato (xxx)
("yes, I agree that they have voted for him (xxx)’)
6 M fascisti [d’accordo? e dopo mettere tutta la la (xx) la
(‘fascists, okay?’) (‘and afterwards put all the the (xx) the’)
7 FI [mamma, (calming) se mi se mi (xxx)
(‘mom.’) (‘if I if I (xxx)’)

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 RITA FRANCE SCHINI

8 M Ua che fa dire la messa tutte le [mattine goats no

('yes who each morning has the Mass celebrated it 's crazy ')
9 FI [(xx) [(xx )
10 M (upset) e persino divorziata
( ' she is even divorced')

In Switzerland, frequent Swiss-German/Italian CS (with or without Italian

dialect) has been increasingly observed within the last ten years , also among
first-generation immigrants . On the basis of our observations, we presume
that they acquired (or allowed) this type of spoken language in the 1 9 80s.
What is especially interesting in examples 1 and 2 is the fact that the speaker
does not employ CS in convergence with her son (Ma) or her daughter (Fi). 1 1
Her children, both around age 30, d o not u s e CS a t all , either when talking
to their mother or when talking to other CS- speakers (personal observation) .
The opposite case can be more frequently observed in the Swiss-German context:
children use CS while their parents answer in code choice, Italian or Italian
dialect.
In the German- speaking part of Switzerland, adult speakers ' CS can be
observed most often in informal situations . These speakers are either members
of the second generation mentioned above or persons who have acquired CS
late : parents who have given up trying to keep the foreign language off their
private territory and now allow for the language to change, to the point of
even using CS themselves .
As for linguistic forms, CS speakers of the first generation mostly switch
discourse markers , for example when concluding their turns with joo ( 'yes ' ) ,
o r when using final ode r ( ' isn ' t it' ) , and weisch ( ' you know ' ) . Very rapid
intra-sentential CS (cf. example 5) is quite unusual for these speakers (cf.
Oesch Serra, this volume ) . 12
From our observation of the Swiss-German situation, we conclude that CS
can be learnt late, even by older persons . It can be taken over by adult speakers
from adolescents , the process of acquisition thus following an unexpected
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direction, namely from children to adults instead of vice versa.

2,3 CS by majority speakers

There are other CS speakers, at least in the Swiss context, who acquire CS
although they do not necessarily share the same ethnic characteristics (see
Rampton, this volume, for a similar situation in England) . 13 Take the following
observation (made in Zurich on 9 January 1 99 3 ) :

I n a fashion house i n Zurich, I am served b y a c a . eighteen-year­

old shop assistant in Swiss- German. After about ten minutes , a
group of young men, obviously friends of the shop assistant, enter
the shop . All of them use the common Swiss- German/Italian CS

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 THE NOTION OF CODE IN LINGUI S T I C S

style, which is certainly not surprising . There is nothing unusual

about the scene. The group seems to me to be one of many second­
generation immigrant peer-groups .
I n order t o exchange m y purchase , I go t o the s ame fashion
house the following day. I am now served by the owner of the
s h o p , a c a . forty - y e ar- o l d I t al i a n . I n the c o u r s e of our
convers ation, I am told that the shop assi stant I had overheard
the previous day is not a second-generation Italian immigrant
at all but a Swiss-German. She grew up in a linguistically strongly
mixed area of the town and has had Italian friends since her
school year s .

The way the shop-assistant used CS could n o t be distinguished from the

Italian adolescents ' CS . The fact that a difference in the process of CS acquisition
does not lead to differences in the surface structure allows us to ask interesting
questions previously not considered in depth by CS research, where competence
in both languages, and often a good competence, had been seen as a basic
prerequisite for CS : CS can be acquired directly, i.e. without a basic competence
in both of the languages involved (see also Sebba and Wootton, and Meeuwis
and Blommaert, this volume). CS in the case mentioned above can be regarded
as an independent language that can be acquired directly. Such CS as a 'mixed
code ' can, for instance, replace 'pure ' Italian .
Another important aspect of this phenomenon should be pointed out: the
dimension of identity is not entirely absent, but can be considerably reduced.
It is, for example, hardly to be expected that the shop assistant feels like an
Italian or like an ' Italo-Swi s s ' person. Neverthele s s , one cannot deny the
existence of a general Italophile tendency, not only among adolescents . The
adoption of the CS group code by speakers with a Swiss-German background­
usage of the minority code from the position of the maj ority- further blurs
the boundaries between an emancipated, self-assured minority on the one hand
and a benevolent maj ority on the other hand.
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As far as the strong ethnic group identity mentioned above is concerned,

reference to one ' s own peer group seems to be more important than a nationally,
ethnically or linguistically clearly defined identity. Here, too, the traditional
distinctions between groups and languages become blurred. Having grown
up within a multilingual social environment remains the sole common
denominator of all these CS speakers.
Speakers who acquired their CS competence directly without speaking
all the varieties involved separately certainly do not constitute the maj ority
of CS speakers. However, their existence suggests that there are scenario s
o f C S f o r which the current r e s e arch p aradigm h a s to b e expanded
considerably.

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 RITA FRANCE SCHINI

2.4 Non-functional uses of CS

The two greatest difficulties in dealing with CS are, on the one hand, the
attribution of linguistic elements to two separate codes and, on the other, the
attribution of functions to C S .
I f two languages are closely related (such a s Italian and its related dialects),
attributing elements to a particular code is especially difficult, as has been
frequently observed by other researchers . 14 Even very elaborate theories such
as Myers-Scotton ' s cannot fully capture the following cases, which are by
no means rare .

EXAMPLE 3

Code- switching in Como, Italy (Italian in italics) .

ROM eran lur du eh eran lur du Lili Marlen il lampiun aah ( 'there were both of
them eh there were both Lili Marleen the street-lamp ' )
(Canegrati 1 996:703)

The use of articles of the other code is quite a common phenomenon in

CS between Italian and dialect. In this case, where the Lombard dialect of
Monza is the matrix language, the Italian article (ART.) , a system morpheme,
precedes the dialect noun (N . ) representing a content morpheme (Italian in
italics) :
matrix language : dialect
if ART. lampiun N.
M : SING. ' street lamp ' : M : S I NG

According to Myers-Scotton, only the opposite case would be allowed,

i.e. the system morpheme being part of the matrix language, here the dialect.
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Other combinations of 'codes' may pose similar problems. Consider for instance
the following case of CS between Italian and English, which also contradicts
Myers-Scotton ' s theory :

EXAMPLE 4

Code-switching in Canada (English in italics) .

MA sono solo italiani and i ragazzi di qualche quando io sono arrivata qua
( 'there are only Italians and young people from somewhere when I came
here ' )
(Canegrati 1 996: 326)

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 THE NOTION OF CODE IN LINGUI S T I C S

The system morpheme and is used in isolation, but should be part of an

embedded language island according to Myers-Scotton. The same applies to
other examples in the same Canadian database.
In both cases, Myers - S c otton ' s as sumption of better competence in the
matrix language than in the embedded language is als o problematic : these
speakers have no better competence in the matrix language. Quite often ,
their competence is equal in both varieties, a n d sometimes even better i n
the embedded language. Especially in first c a s e of Italian, where Italian
and dialect intermingle in C S , the differences in competence and status of
the languages are no longer unequivocal. Thus, Myers-Scotton' s very elaborate
model proves to be inapplicable in these cases (for more details see Canegrati
1 996).
I n more functional and interactive approaches, i t is, o n the other hand,
difficult to decide for which functions CS is being used. Especially with intra­
sentential C S , where two closely related varieties are used alternatingly (see
example 3), the question often remains unsolved. Calling this kind of use
code-mixing 15 does not present a satisfactory answer, as the basic problem
remains : The speakers do use CS-but what do they do with it? What are
the local conversational purposes ?
Example 5 serves to illustrate these problems . It is part of a conversation
among four 20- to 23-year-old speakers who are all second-generation Italian
immigrants . It is also a particularly striking example of CS between Italian
(and Italian dialects) and Swiss-German which is typical of the Swiss-German
context described above . 16
Two acquainted couples , who live in Zurich suburbs, discuss various kinds
of cheese which are used for the preparation of the typically Swiss fondue
and raclette. Italian elements, as far as they can be clearly distinguished, appear
in italics . 17

EXAMPLE 5
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Code-switching in S witzerland : the cheese sequence (Italian in italics ) . P3 ,

P6, P l l and P 1 3 are abbreviations for the speakers involved.

1 Pl l perche meinsch che se tu ti mangi emmentaler o se tu ti mangi

una fontina isch au en unterschied, oder? schlussiindlich e sempre
dentro li pero il gusto isch andersch.
( 'because, you mean, if you eat Emmental cheese or if you eat
Fontina cheese, there is also there is also a difference, isn ' t there?
Actually, it 's still there, but the taste is different' )
2 P6 e vera!
( 'that 's right! ')
3 Pl l du chasch . . . ich han so niis biiiichli
( 'you can . . . I have a booklet' )

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 RITA FRANCE SCHINI

4 p6 si e poi qui c 'e scritto quello che c 'e dentro

( 'yes, and then there it is written what 's in there ')
5 P13 ja aber eba, schlussandlich chunts nod druffaa uno gli piace forse
di piu mitem appazaller und der ander meh mitem tilsiter so meini
( 'yes, that ' s right, actually it doesn ' t matter, some perhaps like it
better with Appenzell cheese and others like it better with Tilsit
cheese, that ' s what I mean')
6 P3 ja, ja
( ' yes, yes ' )
7 PI I es git verschiedeni fondue aso die heisset verschieda, aso ja das
isch en himmelwiita unterschied se prendi questa o se prendi il
chas normal .
( ' there are different kinds of Fondue, they have different names,
well there ' s a huge difference whether you take that one or whether
you take the ordinary cheese. ')
8 P6 ehrl ich ! beh, zum biispil io raclettechas lo prendo sempre fresco.
raclettechas hoi ich immer im dings . . . as git au im migros cosi
implasticato gits au.
('really! we ll for instance me, Raclette ch ees e I always get it
,

fresh. Raclette cheese I always get at what' s-its-name . . . they

also have it at Migros, wrapped in plastic they have it, too. ')
9 PI I ja guiit implasticato machts niiiit, aber das isch eba scho, s ' gmisch
isch eba ich meina das isch congelato .
( ' yeah, okay, wrapped in plastic, it doesn't matter, but that ' s the
thing, the mixture is already I mean, it' s frozen [pre-prepared,
sic ! ] ' )
10 P6 j a i m prinzip
( ' yes, basically')
11 P13 ah, isch das scho congelato !
( ' ah, it ' s already frozen ! ' )
(Preziosa Di Quinzio 1 992 : x)
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The alternations between the two varieties are functional not only with
respect to changes in participant constellation, turn-taking, topic change ,
side remarks , o r contrastive devices like topicalisation and reported speech.
In contrast to such functions-which I would label strong functions and
which are discussed in almost every study on C S ( e . g . Auer 1 9 95 : 1 20) ­
there are more subtle ones including almo st free variation. We even have
to allow for the c a s e in which CS has no function at all in the l o c al
conversational context. 18 Contrastive functions, for instance, are not entirely
ab sent in the above example . 19 But it is obvious that we are dealing with
a type of CS with diverse, for example, stylistic functions as well. For instance,
it is difficult to assign a function to the switch from Italian to Swiss-German
in the first turn of P 1 3 , 'uno gli piace fo rse di piu mitem appiiziiller' : after
the prepositional phrase, the turn continues in Swiss- German and no strong

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 THE NOTION OF CODE IN LINGUI S T I C S

function is fulfilled by this CS (the possible contrasted elements, for example

' appiiziiller' and ' tilsiter' , both appear in Swiss- German). From an external,
etic view, CS occurs between the article and the noun in the turn of the
speaker P l l later on- ' il chas normal ' (line 7) -as in the Monza example
before. Again, it is difficult to assign a function to the switch. From an internal,
ernie point of view, grammatical and code boundaries are not treated as
pertinent by the speaker. In the last four turns of the extract, we find a double
coupled use of the Italian terms implasticato- implasticato-congelato-congelato
which conveys stylistic functions : see 'implasticato ' ( ' wrapped in plastic ' )
by P6, repeated by the next speaker P l l , who parallels it with 'conge lato '
( ' frozen ' ) , which, in turn, is repeated by speaker P l 3 , all in a Swiss-German
co-text.
In such cases, the global interactional behaviour is based throughout on
CS. And it is with respect to these cases that we can say that CS has come
to be used as a consistent code of its own, like another focused language,
with all its possible variability.20 The mixture behaves more like a unique code
than like two different ones, and they are far from duelling. Or, to use Gardner­
Chloros ' s terms : 'What others call a mixture is the given, the starting point'
( 1 995 : 69 ) .
Taking these examples into account, w e can broadly describe the phenomenon
as a process of grammaticalisation of CS, in which germane and strong functions,
which are due for instance to changes in situational contexts, form one end
of a continuum, whereas subtle or weak functions are closer to the other end.
The acquisition of CS seems to parallel this continuum from more clear-cut
functions to more subtle ones.

Functions:

macrofuncti o n s >microfuncti o n s , differences in style>weak to no l o c al

function
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Fo rms:

more frequent occurrence of code choice>intersentential CS>intrasentential

cs

When the expansion of C S h a s reached a maximum, constituting the last

stage of the development, it includes the use of all functions on the left­
hand side of the scale . In such case s , CS even more resembles a code in
itself, a language of its own. In many societies, the development never reaches
this end, however.

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 RITA FRANCE SCHINI

3 An integrated model of multilingual behaviour

3. 1 CS as one possibility of multilingual behaviour

As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, monolingual speakers represent

a minority rather than the maj ority of the world' s population in view of
the basic human capability of using various languages and varieties side
by side-be they structurally clo sely related or not (cf. Macha 1 9 9 1 ) . As
a logical c o n s equenc e , any linguistic theory should take thi s flexible,
fluctuating behaviour as its point of departure , claiming variability as its
basi s . This should be even more radically postulated than it has been done
so far by sociolinguists . 21
Code-switching is one possible outcome of speakers ' acting in a particular
situation of language contact; others are , for example, pidgin and Creole
languages, or interlanguages.22 But within this wide range of multilingual
behaviour, CS in conversation calls into question in a more radical sense how
boundaries between languages are established and to what degree they are
treated as permeable by speakers . It raises the theoretical problem of what
can be seen as a single code with regard to speakers ' use.23
Of course, CS cannot be taken as a historical language in the sense of being
passed on from generation to generation. In this respect, CS resembles inter­
languages : both are produced anew in each sociocultural situation and are
not stable in time. But in contrast to interlanguages, CS develops group norms
and functions, and it expresses group identity. Furthermore , an L2 cannot
be as easily distinguished in CS speech as in interlanguage use.

3.2 The linguistic system of a speaker: proposals for a modef24

From an external point of view, a speaker uses several codes which are then
subdivided by linguists into 'languages ' , ' varieties ' , 'idiolects ' , etc . But this
does not necessarily parallel the speaker' s perception. The linguistic system
Copyright © 1998. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

of a speaker consists of personal linguistic abilities, which have been acquired

through interaction in the course of the individual ' s biography (Franceschini
1 996c ). In turn, forms of interactions are shaped by the history of societies.
'Languages ' are thus formed by groups of speakers who use co-occurring
linguistic features in the same way. This conformity is passed on as a tradition
to the next generation. Hence, perceived differences between languages originate
in speakers ' similar linguistic behaviour. Consequently, vowels are regularly
used in a certain sequence with particular consonants ; sequences of phonemes
are used in contrast to others in order to differentiate between categories such
as definite versus indefinite, singular versus plural ; the position of certain
units is employed to create a contrast between foreground and background
or between question and statement, etc .

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 THE NOTION OF CODE IN LINGUI S T I C S

In addition to thi s and along with other symbolic sy stems (posture ,

gesture , clothing, etc . ) , language serves to differentiate the speaker from
others by marking the speaker ' s belonging to a certain group by means
of a similar use of languag e . Hence, shaping linguistic differences al s o
h a s an identity function (Gumperz 1 9 8 2b, Le Page a n d Tab ouret- Keller
1 9 8 5 ) . By the way we use certain c o - occurring linguistic element s , we
are able to perceive each other as members of a certain group : ' We create
our "rules" so as to resemble as closely as p o s sible tho s e of the group
or groups with which from time to time we wish to identify ' (Le Page
1 9 8 0 : 1 5 ) . Converging use of language create s confidence and cohesion,
whereas diverging use tends to be ambivalent and dissociative and is easily
associated with either 'personal ' or ' foreign ' .
Speakers have the option of moving around in their repertoire (broadly
speaking, the sum of their codes) according to their competence, from more
central, i . e . well known, to more peripheral, less fluent form s . A speaker ' s
choice is regulated by his or her aims, interlocutors , biography and traditions,
etc . (Franceschini 1 9 96c ). In the course of interchanges with other inter­
locutors , such as parents, playmates , teachers, friends and superiors , as well
as through the media, a speaker has learnt how to use code s . Furthermore ,
the speaker knows which values, for example values of identity, are transported
thereby. Using more or less cognitive effort, she or he can focus on one
of the code s .
To put i t differently, w e can say that o n e is able t o focus o n any variety
within one ' s repertoire, to shift one ' s focus of attention and to highlight other
varieties. We use the term focus of attention in a weak analogy to its grammatical
sense (e.g. sentence focus) to refer to the fact that the speaker has the ability,
demonstrated by his or her interactional behaviour, to choose a section of
his or her linguistic repertoire for a variable time- span to accomplish speech
activities.
A standard focus of attention can be illustrated as in Figure 3 . 2 .
A n y linguistic behaviour which focuses on a single, socially clearly
Copyright © 1998. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

recognisable variety corresponds to norms taught at school and thus to more

prestigious usage . Many efforts are made in education to render the contours
of what in this sense counts as a standard language as transparent as possible.
In particular, a variety with the status of a national language has to be used
unanimously and cohesively by the maj or part of the population. We will call
this a monofocus of attention . It gives rise to monolingual production. This
also implies that it represents the marked behaviour, that it is acquired by
acculturation and imposed by norms even when it is in opposition to natural
tendencies of the system.
By means of focusing, speakers can take on roles such as that of a learner
trying to tackle a new language system or, moving towards more peripheral
abiliti e s , the role of a dialect speaker who is deeply rooted locally, the
role of a speaker showing off his or her proficiency in languages, the role

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 RITA FRANCE SCHINI

Figure 3.2 Case l: Standard focus of attention

of a speaker behaving like a native speaker, etc . These roles are also used
to convey identities . Speakers are more or less free to vary their roles, reflecting
different footings with different interlocutors . In the course of an interaction,
the focus can change several times , and speakers can take on various roles .25
The speaker' s focus is thus variable ; it can be functionally controlled, it is
socially distinguishable and it can be used by interacting individuals to create
meaning in a particular social context.
In this framework, CS can be represented as a role a speaker chooses to
take on, one role among others . Taking various communicative situations into
account, an otherwise CS speaker can also take on the role of a monolingual
speaker, monofocusing on, for example, Italian or German.26
Copyright © 1998. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

In our model, CS can now be represented as a dual focus. In an interaction,

CS speakers use several varieties simultaneously, maintaining this dual focus
for a longer period of time, e . g . for the duration of the whole conversation.
In other words, a speaker ' can simply let down the mental barriers between
the two languages at various different levels ' (Gardner-Chloros 1 995 : 7 1 ) and
treat them as one (Figure 3 . 3 ) . 27
We can specify the abilities of a CS speaker in the following way : ( 1 ) the
ability to use the dual focus as if it were a unique focus ; (2) the ability to
maintain the dual focus for a longer time- span (short-term dual focus would
result in brief insertions only ) ; (3) the ability to quickly have the dual focus
fade into other foci (flexible focusing, e . g . to a monofocus).
Intra- sentential C S is an example of an especially well-mastered dual
focus . This also implies that the more a speaker uses C S , the more flexible

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 THE NOTION OF CODE IN LINGUI S T I C S

Figure 3.3 The bi-focus of a code switching speaker

and proficient she or he will be. Rare insertions would indicate a small range
of CS available to the speaker and/or a low degree of social acceptance of
this behaviour.
This framework makes considerable reference to normative aspects at
the individual, group and macrosocial level .28 A certain degree of social and
political flexibility of norms at the macro social level is necessary for CS
to come into being. For instance, the coexistence of several languages and
varieties has to be appreciated socially instead of being fundamentally excluded
or stigmatised.
The strong association of this framework with normative aspects furthermore
predicts that socially well-adj usted people do tend not to use C S ; moreover,
Copyright © 1998. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

it suggests that CS is less likely to occur in situations of a more official and

prestigious character (e.g. ceremonial addresses, speeches in general) and in
written language. It also predicts that languages which are not standardised
and which exist orally rather than in writing favour the use of CS. Furthermore,
the framework predicts that in social situations in which speakers of different
languages are hostile towards each other (for social or political reasons), CS
is less easy. On the other hand, it predicts that CS is a socially less stigmatised
behaviour, even an unmarked choice, in situations where few cultural and
identity differences are attributed to varieties . This is for instance the case
of Italian and dialect, but it also applies to those cases in which the acquisition
of CS overrides the boundary of the original ethnic group (see the example
of the shop assistant) .

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 RITA FRANCE SCHINI

4 Conclusion

code- switching presumably existed in the 1 7th century as it does

today
Derek Bickerton, Roots of Language, 1 9 8 1

CS has become a recognised phenomenon only since linguistic theory has

moved towards a pragmatic paradigm and oriented towards language use.
B ut similar to variability, CS still appears to be rather difficult to handle.
CS therefore reminds us of the need for a theory of language use in interaction.
Unfortunately, the western European tradition in linguistics presents an obstacle
to the evolution of linguistics as a fundamentally multilingual field: ' The
assumption dominating linguistics continues to be one which views as the
normal or unmarked case the monolingual speaker in a homogeneous speech
community ' (Milroy and Muyskens 1 995 : 3 ) . Let us hypothesise for a moment
the utopian idea that linguistics had been developed in Africa or in Pacific
countries where multilingualism is more self-evident: perhaps multilingualism
would then have been seen as more fundamental for the architecture of
linguistic theory. And perhap s we could then agree with the view that
discreteness of languages is an oversimplified construction, to be 'recognised
as a myth ' (Tabouret- Keller 1 9 95 : 3 5 1 , with reference to Gardner- Chloros
1 995).
Above all, w e need t o widen our horizons: variation, languages in contact,
flexibility and the urge of individuals to differ from each other could serve
as cornerstones . Within this interrelation of forces, linguistic functions are
developed which shape the platform of everyday interaction. The locally
accomplished interaction is therefore related to the historical evolution of
s ocieties and to the ways in which they tackle the need for (linguistic)
differentiation. Thus, CS transports social as well as linguistic information
(Eastman 1 992: 1 ) .
What concrete suggestions for future research can w e offer? There i s , for
Copyright © 1998. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

instance, the diachronic dimension of C S , its relation to language changes

in individuals (a phase in language attrition?) and in groups and societies
(a step in the process of language loss, a force in language change?), which
has not yet been sufficiently studied. Furthermore, longitudinal studies of various
kinds are needed to look at the learnability of CS and the persistence of its
use by groups of speakers. Finally, variation and style of CS within an individual
as well as CS styles within and between groups could be valuable subj ects
for future studies .
There is, o f course, also a great need for more basic reflection which would
lead to insights into the principles of language use (see the attempts for a
'unified theory ' of CS formulated by Tabouret-Keller 1 995). The use of several
different language systems and varieties side by side should no longer be

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 THE NOTION OF CODE IN LINGUI S T I C S

considered as an exception in the establishment of linguistic theories but as

a central potentiality.
In this respect, the phenomenon of CS seems to be on an epistemological
threshold, reflecting several facets of the dilemma of modern linguistics: a
traditional, monolingually founded concept of code treats CS as a peripheral,
'new ' phenomenon, but in fact CS displays the underlying linguistic and social
flexibility of speakers in conversation.

Notes
1 See Alvarez-Caccamo 1 990 for a similar position.
2 We will not elaborate on the di scussion of the literature here, nor on the very
heterogeneous definitions . The following volumes and studies, for instance, have
been of enormous importance : BJorn and Gumperz 1 97 2 ; Pfaff 1 97 9 ; S ankoff
and Poplack 1 97 9 ; Poplack 1 9 80; Gumperz 1 9 82a, 1 9 82b ; B entahila and Davies
1 9 8 3 , 1 99 5 ; Auer 1 984, 1 99 5 ; Ltidi 1 986, 1 99 1 ; Clyne 1 987; Heller 1 98 8 ; Berruto
1 9 90; ESF 1 9 90a-c and 1 9 9 1 in general ; Gardner-Chloro s 1 9 9 1 ; Eastman 1 99 2 ;
Myers - S c otton 1 9 9 3 a, 1 9 9 3 b ; and Milroy and Muyskens 1 9 9 5 .
3 We refer t o the theoretical framework o f functional-typological studies, cf. Dik
1 9 8 1 , 1 9 8 9 ; Giv6n 1 9 841 1 990.
4 In our use, norm comprises implicit or explicit rules that speakers and communities
refer to in their behaviour. Norms refer to habitual forms of action of groups of
different kinds (a peer group , a family, or a professional group , a nation) and are
subj ect to (more or less rapid) change. Permeability refers to the pos sibility for
members to choose between norms, which presupposes that norms can be treated
as open to others.
5 Common features of CS and pidgin languages are restricted to external , social
factors ; the internal systems of CS and pidgins are completely different. For instance,
CS does not have a reduced number of vowels, restricted vocabulary and/or a smaller
set of morphological p o s sibilities as it is attributed to pidgin languages (cf.
Mtihlhausler 1 9 8 6 ; Arends , Muysken and S mith 1 995) -quite the contrary : CS
enormously multiplies the pos sibilities of expression.
6 It does not follow auto matically fro m the o ffi ci ally multilingual statu s o f
S witzerland that Italian gains prestige ( i t i s a national language, beside French,
German and Romance) . Outside of the Italian-speaking p art of S witz erland,
the prestige o f Italian was negatively affected b y its being l argely used by
Copyright © 1998. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

immigrant worker s .
7 We do not u s e the term ethnic in i t s biological sense, but i n the sense of a self­
attribution of identities (cf. Cavalli- S forza, Menozzi and Piazza 1 9 94) .
8 Video recording, Zurich, B ackerstrasse, December 1 9 8 9 . The range of variation
of italo-schwyz consists of Swiss-German (i.e. the regional, generally used colloquial
language in Switzerland, which in this case is the dialect of Zurich) , Italian (mostly
of south Italian regional hue) and, quite frequently, Italian dialects (very often
southern) . S ometimes, standard German is involved, too, and is then mostly used
for single, isolated elements or in quotations .
9 Vi deo r e c o rding , Zuri c h , B ackerstras s e , D e c ember 1 9 8 9 , and individu al
obs ervati ons.
1 0 Swiss-German in italics. The following transcription conventions are used:

short pause
(xxx) unintelligible speech

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 RITA FRANCE SCHINI

[ simultaneous talk
(hh) laughter

1 1 In examples 1 and 2, the siblings exclusively use Italian varieties in their two­
hour conversation, including some shifts between Italian and Venetian variety (cf.
above, Fi : 'lo ga vota ' and ' se mi se mi' ) . B oth of them are also fluent in Swiss­
German. In contrast to their mother, who freely uses CS at home and in informal
situations , the daughter and son prefer a clear language choice. When their mother
is not present they seem to speak Swiss-German. The linguistic behaviour of these
three speakers could imply that CS had not been the primary code of communication
between mother and children, but that it was acquired later on by the mother. Thus,
the children, who exclusively use Italian at their parents ' home, could be said to
continue a pattern typical for the socialisation of Italian immigrants in the 1 960s
(cf. the ' threshold-multilinguali sm' mentioned above) .
1 2 For first-generation speakers, CS is clearly not the most frequent linguistic behaviour.
Their multilingual speech is characterised by brief insertions from (Swiss)-German
into their Italian speech, such as designations of schools ( e . g . Swiss-German
Sekundarschuel, ' s econdary school ' , Bruefsschuel, ' college of further education' ,
occupations (e.g. Putzfrau 'charwoman' , Packer 'packer' , Chauffeur ' driver ' ) , etc.
(cf. Franceschini , Muller and Schmid 1 9 84) . Known as one of the phenomena of
language contact (cf. Weinreich 1 953) and often described in extensive taxonomies,
which are restricted to single lexemes , these brief conversational insertions can
also be regarded as a diachronic phenomenon preceding or even triggering C S .
Thu s , CS can be seen a s a factor influencing the direction of language change
( cf. Franceschini 1 9 95 and 1 996a).
13 In line with Rampton' s observations (see Rampton 1 99 1 , 1 995 and in this volume)
and Hewitt 1 9 8 6 , schoolchildren in the area of B asel and B erlin were heard to
sing Turkish s ongs outside school and use single Turkish words in their speech
(personal communications by Rebekka Ehret and Peter Auer, 1 99 5 ) .
1 4 C f . B erruto 1 9 9 0 ; Alfonzetti 1 9 9 2 and thi s volume ; S obrero 1 9 9 2 , 1 9 9 4 ; and
Giacalone Ramat 1 9 9 5 with a wide-ranging bibliography on CS within Itali an
varietie s .
1 5 Or enunciati mistilingui, in the sense of B erruto 1 9 90.
16 Cf. Pizzolotto 1 99 1 and Preziosa Di Quinzio 1 992, as well as Ltidi 1 9 86.
1 7 The data were collected in the suburbs of Zurich in January 1 990 by Preziosa Di
Quinzio (cf. Preziosa Di Quinzio 1 992) . The transcription of the data, which does
not clearly represent overlapping turns, was only slightly changed.
18 Cf. in the same example: 'se prendi it chas normal ' and ' cos! implasticato gits
Copyright © 1998. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

au ' , among others .

1 9 An example of a clearly contrastive, topicali sing function of CS in example 5 i s
' io, raclettechas l o prendo sempre fresco ' , with left di slocation of the pronoun
io and of the obj ect raclettechiis in both Italian and Swiss-German.
20 Here, the term ' focused language' means a clearly recognised and institutionally
supported language, enj oying prestige by being related to a commonly shared set
of traditions and codification. Cf. in a similar sense Le Page 1 9 80: 1 8 and Le
Page and Tabouret-Keller 1 9 8 5 .
2 1 Even when assuming a sociolinguistic point o f view, one may hold that whatever
varies within a language is only a small part, the maj or part of the language being
invariable. The concept of contextualisation cues has considerably widened the
variable part of a language system however (for an introduction see Auer 1 9 8 6 ,
and Auer and d i Luzio 1 992) .
22 For learner languages , language acquisition theories and pidgini sation, see the
introduction to Andersen 1 9 83 as well as McLaughlin 1 9 87.

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 THE NOTION OF CODE IN LINGUI S T I C S

23 To make it expli cit, we use code as a superordinate term to designate each

sy stematic co-occurrence of features that speakers use as a consi stent vehicle
of social behaviour. Thu s , a language i s a particular reali sation of a code, used
by a large group of speakers (highly focused when elevated to, for instance,
a ' nati onal l anguage ' ) . A variety i s a sub set of any code, variability being a
pervasive characteri stic of all code s .
2 4 This view is indebted t o previous work o n centre-periphery i n a functionalist sense
and on the notion of code ; cf. Travaux linguistiques de Prague 1 966; Labov 1 97 1 ;
Le Page 1 992, 1 994; and also Klein 1 974; Dittmar and Klein 1 97 9 .
25 Theoretically, a speaker could maintain a single linguistic focus for h i s o r her whole
adult life, for instance a dialect variety. As proposed by this framework, this must
be regarded as a marginal, highly exceptional case which presupposes interactants
who precisely and continually share the same focus . It presupposes, too, isolation
from external influences and probably also mental inflexibility. This hypothetical
case is rightly put in a marginal place.
26 At the same time, varieties involved in CS are sometimes not completely mastered
as is olated varieties by the speaker. This rather extraordinary case is that of the
Swiss-German shop assistant di scussed above.
27 The languages most likely to be focused by the speaker usually-or prototypically­
tend to be situated in the centre of the speaker' s system. A language learner producing
CS has a dual focus where one language is somewhat more peripheral. For language
learners who switch , see Li.idi 1 9 9 1 .
2 8 See also note 4.

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--( 1 995) 'The pragmatics of code-switching: a sequential approach ' , in L. Milroy

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competenza dell' italiano in immigrati di seconda generazione: un 'indagine a Zurigo' ,

Rivista ltaliana di Dialettologia 8 : 4 1 -72.
Gardner-Chloros, P. ( 1 9 9 1 ) Language Selection and Switching in Strasbourg, Oxford:
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 THE NOTION OF CODE IN LINGUI S T I C S

Gumperz , J.J. ( 1 982a) Discourse Strategies, Cambridge : Cambridge University Press.

--( 1 9 82 b) Language and Social Identity, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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Clarendon Pre s s .
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borrowing in Spani sh/Engli sh' , Language 5 5 : 29 1 -3 1 8 .
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 RITA FRANCE SCHINI

-- (ed.) ( 1 992) ll dialetto nella conversazione: Richerche di dialettologia pragmatica,

Galatina: Congedo editore.
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Mouton.
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 INTRODUCTION TO CHAPTER 4

Peter Auer

While the previous chapters of this part of the book have argued from a more
theoretical point of view, the following chapter provides ample evidence of
the practical difficulties in establishing the ' code s ' in ' code-switching ' . The
topic is ' code- switching ' between French and Lingala or between French and
Kiswahili in Zaire, particularly in Kinshasa. (Although the data investigated
here have been collected among Zairian emigres in Belgium, the migrant context,
for which a detailed description may be found in Meeuwis 1 997, is not directly
relevant to the argument since the same type of bilingual conversations may
be observed in Zaire as well . )
Frequent 'code-switching' between the former colonial language (e.g., English
or French) , which is now an exoglossic national language, and one of the
African languages, is a widespread feature of verbal interaction in the urban
centres of many African countries (see, in addition to Zaire, Blommaert 1 992
for Tanzania or Haust 1 995 for Gambia) . This ' code- switching ' is found in
its most elaborate version among well-educated, urban elites , but the use of
the exoglossic language has infiltrated everyday language to such a degree
that bilingual elements can be found even among uneducated speakers. The
difference is rather in the way in which the two languages are combined. It
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is natural that ' code- switching ' of this type has received some attention by
researchers on bilingualism; in fact, whole theories of bilingual interaction
have been formulated on the basis of African materials (see Myers - S cotton
1 99 3 ) .
Yet i t is also true that this 'code-switching ' i s only with difficulty subsumed
under the usual definition of the ' alternating use of two or more languages ' ,
mainly because the presupposition o f monolingual codes (and competences)
underlying it is hard to make. In fact, and this is the main argument of Michael
Meeuwis and Jan Blommaert' s chapter, it is only in the eye of the European
beholder that bilingual speech in Africa appears to be 'code-switching' . European
ideologies of language lead us to look for the same relatively homogeneous,
codified language systems we believe to exist in Europe, and which most
linguists take as the sole object of study. These relatively homogeneous, codified
language systems may be juxtaposed in code-switching in some extraordinary

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 PETER AUER

cases (cf. Franceschini ' s notes on the markedness of bilingual speech in the
usual linguistic models , Chapter 3 ) .
A less prejudiced picture i s presented b y the authors i n the following chapter.
In the Zairian case, what Meeuwis and Blommaert call a monolectal code­
switching style is in itself the code ; there are no underlying languages which
have some independent interactional reality for a maj ority of the urban speakers
of this 'code-switching code ' . In the terminology of the Introduction, we would
speak of a mixed code (which shows internal stylistic stratification related
to the speaker' s education) .
In this context one must bear in mind that many of the larger languages
of Central Africa (among them the four national languages of Zaire, which
are used in addition to the de facto official language French, i . e . Tshiluba,
Kiswahili, Kikongo and Lingala) do not have a long history but are the product
of deliberate language policies, which started in colonial times and were geared
toward superseding the enormous linguistic diversity in the B elgian Kongo
(and elsewhere), where more than two hundred vernaculars seriously threatened
vertical communication between state authorities and the masses of the people.
(See Chapter 13 for another example in which colonialisation imposed a new
linguistic superstructure on a formerly extremely diversified linguistic area,
i . e . Papua New Guinea.) Thus, Lingala did not exist before the colonisation
of the Kongo but was purposefully shaped and propagated by European settlers,
missionaries and colonial administrators, and restructured by intermediaries
on the basis of their own, partly very different languages (cf. Meeuwis
1 997: 1 07). Its basis was Bobangi, a relatively small language originally spoken
north of Kinshasa, but this language had to undergo considerable changes
in order to be suitable for use as a lingua franca. For the colonial power,
the advantage of an African lingua franca was that French could be reserved
for ' horizontal ' communication between the elites, while Lingala could be
used in ' vertical ' communication with the mas ses . Lingala gained prestige
and spread further through its usage within the army and, after independence,
through its association with the capital and the politics of President Mobutu
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(who, however, made no attempt to have Lingala replace French as the national
language) .
Similarly, Kiswahili was not always present in all of the Belgian Congo
but was artificially introduced in certain places by colonizers, again for purposes
of vertical communication, but later also adopted by the Congolese as a lingua
franca for horizontal communication among themselves .
I t is not hard t o see that in the given context (with French as the elitist
variety, and the vernacular languages usually as the 'home variety ' ) the loyalty
towards a 'pure ' and homogeneous form of Lingala or Kiswahili is low. This
state of affairs certainly supported the emergence of mixed codes as described
in this chapter.
Note, however, that classifying the bilingual speech of urban speakers in
Zaire as a mixed code does not preclude the possibility of code- switching
of the functional kind between this mixed code and another code, as described

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 C O D E - S WITCHING AMONG ZAIRIANS IN BELGIUM

by Meeuwis and Blommaert in their analysis of alternation between Lingala/

French and Kiswahili/French mixing . It is also pos sible (as we shall see in
Chapters 5 and 6) that the same pair of languages is involved in a mixed
code and in code- switching .

Bibliography
Blommaert, Jan ( 1 992) ' Codeswitching and the exclusivity of social identities : some
data from Campus Kiswahili' , Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development
1 3 , 1 and 2 : 57-70.
Haust, Delia ( 1 995) Codeswitching in Gambia, Cologne: R.Koppe.
Meeuwis, Michael ( 1 997) 'Constructing sociolinguistic consensus: A linguistic ethnography
of the Zairian community in Antwerp, Belgium' , Ph. D. thesis, University of Antwerp.
Myers-Scotton, Carol ( 1 993) Social Motivations of Codeswitching: Evidence from Africa,
Oxford : Clarendon Pres s .
Copyright © 1998. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

75

Code-Switching in Conversation : Language, Interaction and Identity, edited by Peter Auer, Taylor & Francis Group, 1998.
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Created from cityuhk on 2024-10-18 05:49:35.