THE TRANSMISSION OF INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA

IN DISPLACED FAMILIES

SHANAAZ HOOSAIN

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements

for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Social Work,

University of the Western Cape

Supervisor: Professor Vivienne Bozalek

15 November 2013
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DECLARATION

I declare that The Transmission of Intergenerational Trauma in Displaced families is my own

work, that it has not been submitted for any degree or examination in any other university, and that
all the sources I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by complete
references.
Full name : Shanaaz Hoosain Date: 15 November 2013

Signed
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Acknowledgements
The completion of this study has involved many people to whom I am deeply indebted, even though
only a few have been list individually. Therefore, a profound thank you to everyone who
contributed to the accumulation of resource materials and who shared the experience represented by
this dissertation. Listed below are a few of the people I would particularly like to acknowledge:

• To my Heavenly Father who enabled my family to survive the trauma of displacement and
slavery
• To my family and friends who supported me
• To my mother who instilled values of social justice in me at an early age
• To my manager, Prof Retha Bloem, and my colleagues at Child, Youth and Family Studies
for your support
• To David Adonis, my key informant – without you I would not have gained access to the
families
• To the families who willingly gave of their time to participate in this research
• To my supervisor, Prof Bozalek – you always inspire me and I have appreciated your support
since my undergraduate days
• To Dr Smith for external supervision – thank you for supporting me through the reflexive
process and providing a safe space for me to process my own experiences
• To my employers, North-West University, for funding me during 2013
• To the Erica Theron Bursary for Doctoral Research, which funded me in 2012
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THE TRANSMISSION OF INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA

IN DISPLACED FAMILIES

SHANAAZ HOOSAIN

KEYWORDS:

Apartheid

Trauma

Displacement

Intergenerational trauma

Slavery

Historical trauma

Intergenerational trauma transmission

Mechanisms of trauma transmission

Collective narrative practice

Internalised oppression
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Abstract
THE TRANMISSION OF INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA IN DISPLACED FAMILIES

S. Hoosain

PHD, Thesis, Department of Social Work, University of Western Cape

This research focuses on the displacement of families in the Western Cape during apartheid within
the context of its slave past.The transmission of intergenerational trauma has been based on
research on holocaust survivors. Aboriginal academic writers in Australia, New Zealand, Canada
and the US found that initial studies of intergenerational trauma did not take into the account the
historical trauma of colonialism which they believe has left its mark on aboriginal communities
today. In South Africa writers from the Apartheid Archives Project have started to focus on the
intergenerational trauma of apartheid. These are mainly academics from psychology and not social
work. The Apartheid Archives Project and social work discourse do not focus on the historical
trauma of slavery. Historians believe that slavery has still left a mark on its descendants in the
Western Cape. The families in this research are descendants of slaves and they were also displaced
as a result of the Group Areas Act during apartheid.

Qualitative research using a postcolonial indigenous paradigm was adopted in this study. Life
histories, semi-structured interviews and focus groups were the primary sources of data collection.
The research design was a multiple case study which consisted of 7 families where each family was
a case and 3 generations in each family were interviewed. The families had typical slave surnames
and at least one generation was displaced as a result of the forced removals when the Group Areas
Act (1950-1985) was implemented during apartheid. Thematic analysis, narrative thematic analysis
and case study analysis was adopted .In addition narrative therapy theory and collective narrative
practice was used to decolonise the conceptual framework and methodology.

The trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery was not acknowledged as traumatic by
the dominant society because South African society was based on institutional racism. The grief and
loss of the trauma therefore became unresolved and disenfranchised. The findings indicate that
disenfranchised grief, silence, socialisation in institutional racism and shame have been the main
mechanisms in which the historical trauma of slavery and trauma of displacement has been
transmitted within the families. The effects such as intimate partner violence and substance abuse
and community violence in the form of gang violence are forms of internalised oppression which
has also been transmitted intergenerationally. In addition overcrowding, poor housing and poverty
has been transmitted via socialisation which is a societal mechanism of trauma transmission.
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The research findings indicate that the trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery was
transmitted because the trauma was not included in the social discourse of society. In order to
prevent the transmission of the historical trauma of slavery and displacement, the real effects of
institutional , cultural and interpersonal racism need to be understood and the counter-memories and
counter-histories of slaves and their descendants need to be included in social discourse. A
framework to assist social workers in engaging with trauma transmission in families has been
proposed in order to interrupt the trauma transmission in families.
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Table of contents

Declaration ii

Acknowledgements iii

Keyword iv

Abstract v

Table of contents vii

List of tables xiii

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 14

1.1 OVERVIEW 14

1.2 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY 14

1.2.1 The legacy of apartheid 14

1.3 RATIONALE FOR THE STUDY 15

1.3.1 Intergenerational trauma in South Africa 15
1.3.2 The trauma of displacement 16
1.3.3 The legacy and historical trauma of slavery 17

1.4 THE MECHANISMS OF TRAUMA TRANSMISSION 18

1.4.1 Psychological and familial mechanisms 18

1.5 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA THEORY

AND NARRATIVE THERAPY THEORY 19

1.6 THE IDENTIFICATION OF THE PROBLEM 19

1.6.1 Intergenerational trauma of displacement and slavery 20

1.7 THE AIM OF THIS RESEARCH 22

1.7.1 The research question 22
1.7.2 Secondary research questions 22
1.7.3 Research objectives 22

1.8 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 23

1.8.1 Qualitative research 23
1.8.2 Research design 23
1.8.3 Methods of data collection 24
1.8.4 Data analysis 25

1.9 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 26

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1.9.1 Dissemination 27
1.9.2 Self-reflexivity 27

1.10 CONCLUSION 27

CHAPTER 2 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA

TRANSMISSION 29

2.1 INTRODUCTION 29

2.2 BACKGROUND OF INTERGENERATIONAL TRANSMISSION 29

2.3 CONCEPTUALISATION OF THE THEORY ON INTERGENERATIONAL

TRAUMA 30
2.3.1 Definitions of trauma 30
2.3.2 Defining the trauma of displacement and its effects 31
2.3.3 Defining intergenerational trauma 32
2.3.4 Historical trauma 33
2.3.5 Historically unresolved grief and disenfranchised grief 34
2.3.6 Internalised oppression 34

2.4 THE EFFECTS OF THE TRANSMISSION OF INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA 36

2.5 MENZIES’ SOCIAL WORK MODEL OF INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA 37

2.5.1 Individual indicators 37
2.5.2 Family indicators 37
2.5.3 Community indicators 38
2.5.4 National indicators 38

2.6 MECHANISMS OF TRAUMA TRANSMISSION 38

2.6.1 Vertical and horizontal transmission 40

2.7 THEORETICAL MODELS UNDERPINNING INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA

TRANSMISSION 40
2.7.1 Psychodynamic theory 40
2.7.2 Socio-cultural theory 41
2.7.3 Family systems theory 43
2.7.4 Societal mechanisms 45
2.7.5 Narrative therapy theory 49

2.8 CONCLUSION 51

CHAPTER 3 INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN

CONTEXT 52

3.1 INTRODUCTION 52
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3.2 CHRONOLOGY OF SOCIO-POLITICAL EVENTS IN SOUTH AFRICA 52

3.3 THE LEGACY OF APARTHEID 54

3.3.1 The intergenerational effects of apartheid 55
3.3.2 Forced removals and displacement 56

3.4 INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA IN SOUTH AFRICA 58

3.4.1 Trauma and memory in South Africa 59

3.5 THE TRAUMA OF SLAVERY 61

3.5.1 Cultural Creolisation and dispossession 62
3.5.2 Psychological control 63
3.5.3 Subjugation 66

3.6 CONCLUSION 70

CHAPTER 4 IMPLEMENTING A POSTCOLONIAL INDIGENOUS PARADIGM 71

4.1 INTRODUCTION 71

4.2 QUALITATIVE RESEARCH 71

4.3 PARADIGMATIC AND METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK 72

4.3.1 Postcolonial indigenous paradigms 72
4.3.2 Decolonising methodology 73
4.3.3 Indigenous methodology 75
4.3.4 Decolonising the conceptual and methodological framework 75
4.3.5 Narrative therapy theory 77

4.4 RESEARCH DESIGN 78

4.4.1 Multiple case study design 78
4.4.2 Sampling and size 79
4.4.3 Universe and population 80
4.4.4 Methods of data collection 80

4.5 DATA ANALYSIS 83

4.5.1 Thematic analysis by Braun and Clark 83

4.6 PROCEDURES 93

4.7 TRUSTWORTHINESS AND VALIDITY 95

4.8 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 98

4.8.1 The value of the study and the population benefit 98
4.8.2 Consent 98
4.8.3 Confidentiality assured 99
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4.8.4 Ethical challenges in family research 100

4.8.5 No harm done or harm much less than benefit 101
4.8.6 Action if participants are traumatised 101
4.8.7 Fieldwork problems 102

4.9 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY 103

4.10 SELF-REFLEXIVITY 103

4.11 CONCLUSION 105

CHAPTER 5 INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA TRANSMISSION 107

5.1 INTRODUCTION 107

5.2 SUMMARY OF RESULTS 107

5.2.1 Indicators of intergenerational trauma 108
5.2.2 Intergenerational transmission and mechanisms of transmission 108

5.3 SUMMARY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE RESULTS 109

5.3.1 First generation (born 1930-1961) 110
5.3.2 Second generation (born 1959-1983) 111
5.3.3 Third generation (born 1984-1995) 112

5.4 EMERGING THEMES 112

5.4.1 Disenfranchised grief 113
5.4.2 Intergenerational trauma transmission 115
5.4.3 Vertical and horizontal transmission 116
5.4.4 Unacknowledged grief in trauma transmission 117
5.4.5 Disenfranchised grief and enactment as intergenerational trauma transmission 120
5.4.6 Psychological and social resistance 125
5.4.7 The conspiracy of silence 126
5.4.8 Shame and internalised oppression 131
5.4.8 Substance abuse as internalised oppression 133
5.4.9 Socialisation in institutional racism as trauma transmission 135

5.5 CONCLUSION 139

CHAPTER 6 COUNTER-HISTORIES, COUNTER-MEMORIES 142

6.1 INTRODUCTION 142

6.2 COUNTER-HISTORIES AND COUNTER-MEMORY 142

6.3 COLLECTIVE NARRATIVE PRACTICE 148

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6.4 FRAMEWORK FOR ENGAGING WITH INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA 153

6.4.1 Interrupting trauma transmission 155

6.5 THE PRACTICAL APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK 156

6.6 RELEVANCE AND USEFULNESS OF THE FRAMEWORK TO OTHER

OPPRESSED COMMUNITIES 161

6.7 CONCLUSION 162

CHAPTER 7 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION: IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL

WORK PRACTICE AND EDUCATION 163

7.1 INTRODUCTION 163

7.2 OVERVIEW OF THE RESEARCH 163

7.2.1 The problem studied 163
7.2.2 Aim and objectives of the study 164

7.3 FACTUAL CONCLUSIONS 166

7.4 CONCEPTUAL CONCLUSIONS 174

7.5 SIMILARITIES BETWEEN MYFINDINGS AND

THOSE REPORTED IN THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND
LITERATURE REVIEW 182

7.5 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY 184

7.6 IMPLICATIONS OF THE RESEARCH FINDINGS FOR SOCIAL WORK

EDUCATION AND PRACTICE 185
7.6.1 Social work’s collusion with apartheid 186
7.6.2 Social work and the TRC 187
7.6.3 Reparations and social justice 187
7.6.4 Intergenerational trauma: Implications for social work education 189

7.7 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR EDUCATION, PRACTICE AND RESEARCH 190

7.7.1 Recommendations and guidelines for education 190
7.7.2 Recommendations for practice 191
7.7.3 Recommendations for further research 191

7.8 CONTRIBUTION TO KNOWLEDGE 192

7.9 CLOSING REMARKS 193

REFERENCES 195

APPENDIX I - BIOGRAPHICAL DETAILS OF PARTICIPANTS 212

APPENDIX II - MITCHELLS PLAIN (MAP AND PICTURES) 213

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APPENDIX III - INFORMATION FOR PARTICIPANTS (ENG &AFR) 221

APPENDIX IV - CONSENT FORMS 227

APPENDIX V - INTERVIEW SCHEDULES 233

APPENDIX VI - DRAWINGS AND POETRY 241

APPENDIX VII - DATA ANALYSIS TABLES OF FAMILIES 247

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List of tables

Table 2.1: Major theoretical models of trauma transmission 40

Table 3.1: A chronology of socio-political events in South Africa 1652 – 1994 53

Table 4.1: Initial codes based on the trauma of displacement and the meaning given to slavery 844

Table 4.2: Trauma of displacement 86

Table 4.3: Identifying themes and subthemes in participants’ stories 888

Table 4.4: Mechanisms of trauma transmission 889

Table 4.5: Themes emerging from integrating the data with literature 933

Table 4.6: Collecting data by interviewing the families 944

Table 4.7: Ensuring validity in narrative enquiry 955

Table 4.8: Tracy’s eight criteria for the evaluation of qualitative research 966

Table 5.1: Intergenerational transmission of trauma and mechanisms of transmission 1088

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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The transmission of intergenerational trauma is not about blaming previous generations,
it is something more complicated and more forgiving, more frightening: trauma, about
a family’s effort over time, in a way which is out of their control and out of their
awareness to deal with this trauma. The task of transmission is to resist the dissociation
of this heritage and to bring its full tragic story into social discourse (Fromm,
2012:xxi).

1.1 OVERVIEW

South Africans are living in the aftermath of an oppressive and traumatic regime, not only
from the legacy of the apartheid era, but before this time. Colonialism has led to a history of
violence and trauma, and in the Western Cape, an additional slave past also has a profound
impact on those affected. The first slaves arrived in the Cape in 1652 and slavery was only
abolished in 1834, spanning almost 200 years of slavery (Mountain, 2004:69).

This research is based on the assumption that these processes have contributed to the
historical nature of trauma in Cape Town. It is further assumed that this trauma has effects on
both past and future generations. Although various social service professions, such as
psychology, have recognised the impact of apartheid on South African families, social work
to a large extent in its practice and theory has operated in an apolitical context regarding work
with families (Bozalek, 2004; 2010).

1.2 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

1.2.1 The legacy of apartheid

In South African social work literature, there is a wealth of literature on the legacy of
apartheid as well as the trauma of residents in Cape Town who were displaced and forcibly
removed (Bank & Minkley, 1999; Barbarin, 2001; Bowman, Duncan & Sonn, 2010; Bozalek,
2010; District Six Museum Annual Report 2007/8; Louw, 2004; Simpson, 1998; Trotter,
2009). However, the study of intergenerational trauma in South Africa is an emerging area of
research with its main emphasis on the intergenerational effects of apartheid, particularly in
the field of psychology (Adonis, 2008; Bowman, Duncan & Sonn, 2010; Frankish, 2009;
Keizan & Duncan, 2010; Seedat, Van Niekerk, Jewkes, Suffla & Ratele, 2009; Simpson,
1998). The Apartheid Archives Project (AAP) located in the Wits Psychology Department
provides important data for this study which is based on the premise that traumatic
 15

experiences of the apartheid past will have an effect on the present if it is not acknowledged
or addressed (www.apartheidarchive.org./site/index/php, accessed 30/11/2011).

1.3 RATIONALE FOR THE STUDY

1.3.1 Intergenerational trauma in South Africa

Despite the growing interest in intergenerational trauma in South Africa there has been
limited focus on how trauma is transmitted across generations, particularly in the field of
South African social work. This research project attempted to address this gap by exploring
the ways in which trauma may have been transmitted from one generation to the next and the
implications that this may have for social work.

Intergenerational refers to different generations or age categories of individuals who may or

may not be related (Larkin, 2004:8). For the purpose of this study, intergenerational refers to
different generations who are related to each other. Multigenerational trauma, also known as
intergenerational trauma and transgenerational trauma (Danieli, 1998), refers to trauma which
is transmitted from one generation to the next and which focuses on the effect of harms that
have occurred but have not been resolved and that have been transmitted from one generation
to the next (Connors, 2009). The ways in which trauma is transmitted are often referred to as
mechanisms of trauma transmission (Danieli, 1998; Dekel & Goldblatt, 2008; Weingarten,
2004). This study will contribute to the growing body of knowledge on the effect that is has
on families and communities, and on ways to prevent intergenerational trauma.
1
In Cape Town, the intergenerational effects of apartheid and the “Dopstelsel” (Van der
Merwe, 2010) are crucial problems which need to be addressed through social work
intervention. This research project aimed to identify mechanisms of trauma transmission
related to apartheid and colonialism as in the context of families. By understanding how
trauma from the past is transmitted from one generation to the next, social workers may be
able to intervene effectively in families and communities who have experienced trauma over
several generations by addressing and acknowledging past trauma. A framework has been
developed to assist social workers to work with intergenerational trauma in families.
According to Bowman, Duncan and Sonn (2010:366), the Apartheid Archives Project was
based on the assumption that traumatic experiences from South Africa’s past will continue to

1
The “Dopstelsel” refers to the system where slaves and farm workers were paid with alcohol for their labour.
This practice lasted for 300 years in the Western Cape and was only outlawed in 1960 (Van der Merwe,
2010:178).
 16

re-inscribe themselves often (in masked form) in the present if they are not appropriately
acknowledged and dealt with. Studies such as those by Bowman, Duncan & Sonn (2010),
Bozalek (2004), Simpson (1998) and Trotter (2009) indicate that there was no social work
intervention or formal support for families who were forcibly removed, neither before nor
after their removal. The families coped with their trauma through informal support and by
telling their stories to each other. Some families did not cope, and there have been reports of
suicide and deaths as a result of forced removals in District Six (Trotter, 2009). This reported
lack of support for these families indicate that the social work profession may have failed to
address the trauma of an entire generation and, if left unacknowledged, several generations.
Unresolved trauma of the past has been shown to manifest itself in future generations as
noted by Bowman, Duncan & Sonn (2010:366). It is therefore important that social workers
start to address unresolved trauma of the past in a way that contextualises the trauma
experienced by generations of black2 families in Cape Town.

In a recent unpublished thesis (Hope, 2012), a social worker found that generations of the
same families have been supported by the social work agency. However, there has been no
effective mode of intervention to work with such families. One of the conclusions of the
study was that the unresolved trauma of the past needed to be addressed. Bozalek (2004)
discusses the inappropriateness of systems theory to address the impact of the apartheid
legacy on families and the use of unexamined familist assumptions such as the normativity of
the nuclear family in the education of social workers at most South African higher education
institutions.

1.3.2 The trauma of displacement

I have taken a particular interest in the trauma experienced by families who were displaced
due to being forcibly removed as a result of apartheid policies. According to the United
Nations Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (2004:1), internally displaced people
are “persons or groups of persons who have been forced or obliged to flee or to leave their
homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of or in order to avoid the
effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence, violations of human rights or
natural or human-made disasters, and who have not crossed an internationally recognized

2
For the purpose of this study “black” will refer collectively to South Africans who are not white. The term
“black” is a socio-political construct bound up in a social context (Dalal, 2002:135). I reject the race
classifications of Apartheid’s Population Registration (Act No. 30 of 1955) where black people were classified
according to race and ethnic groups such as African, Coloured and Indian.
 17

state border”. The trauma of displacement creates cultural dislocation and a loss of
connection with family, friends and community (Wade, Mitchell & Baylis, 2005; Alayarian,
2007). In research on the forced displacement in Cape Town, Trotter (2009: 62) mentions that
“removees” (displaced people) idealised their former places of residence. Their life histories
were filled with loss and nostalgia. Trotter believes that in order to cope with the trauma of
their displacement, people romanticised their loss by creating nostalgic narratives about their
displacement. It is only after apartheid ended that commemoration could take place publicly
and that people could celebrate. The trauma of forced displacement was therefore only
publicly acknowledged towards the end of apartheid.

Trotter (2009:62) focused his research on adults who were displaced and how they
experienced the trauma of displacement while this research focuses on adults who were
children in Cape Town when they were forced to move. The first and second generation
participants, who were born before 1973, were children at the time of displacement. Their
narratives reflect how they experienced the trauma and give their view on how it affected
their families. Third-generation participants who were born after the displacement explain
how they were affected by the displacement and apartheid. The intergenerational trauma of
the displacement is therefore reflected in the three generations of families in this study.

1.3.3 The legacy and historical trauma of slavery

In order to understand intergenerational trauma in families living in Cape Town, one has to
consider the socio-historical context of slavery. Most of the literature available on the
conditions of slaves in the Cape is from a historical perspective rather than a social work
perspective. This literature is particularly limited with regard to intergenerational trauma
(Mountain, 2004; Van der Merwe, 2010; Worden 2009). Mountain (2004:7) asks whether the
“cruel legacy of slavery in the Western Cape, with its deep psychological and emotional
wounds died out with the generation of slaves or whether it resides in the souls of people
today?”. The author concludes that the Western Cape is still experiencing the psychological
wounds of slavery. Several writers (Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998; Evans-Campbell, 2008;
Randall & Haskell, 2009; Whitbeck, 2004; Wesley-Esquimaux & Smolewski, 2004) refer to
the trauma associated with the colonisation of the Aboriginal people as historical trauma.
Slavery is therefore a form of historical trauma.
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1.4 THE MECHANISMS OF TRAUMA TRANSMISSION

Despite significant literature on the legacy of apartheid, particularly in psychology, and

emerging literature on intergenerational trauma and slavery, there has been limited research
focusing on the mechanisms of intergenerational trauma transmission in South Africa
(Adonis, 2008; Bowman, Duncan & Sonn, 2010; Sonn, 2010; Simpson, 1998; Weingarten,
2004). The mechanisms of trauma transmission according to traumatology literature are
biological, psychological, familial and societal. This research project will focus on
psychological, familial and societal mechanisms of trauma transmission as these often
overlap with each other. The biological means of trauma transmission focuses on the
neurobiology of trauma and on cortisol levels (Suomi & Levine, 1998; Weingarten, 2004;
Yehuda et al., 1998) and is beyond the scope of this study.

1.4.1 Psychological and familial mechanisms

The psychological mechanisms for the transmission of trauma are silence and over-
disclosure, and identification and re-enactment. Silence and over-disclosure do not allow for
an open discussion. Silence can also operate at an individual, familial and societal level
(Ancherhoff, Munroe & Fisher, 1998; Weingarten, 2004). Projective identification is a means
of trauma transmission where unacceptable feelings are projected on to the other, while the
other has no means to make sense of the contents of the projections. Aarts (1998:182) reports
on how feelings of worthlessness, shame, despair and rage can be projected onto the child.
Family communication and socialisation is a means of transmitting emotions, values and
rules onto the next generation. Patterns of family communication would also be a means of
transmitting trauma through interaction between parents and children, or caregivers and
children. According to Danieli (1998) and Weingarten (2004), silence is the most important
means of transmission of trauma. Sonn (2010) explores the complexity and silence about
discussing the effects of apartheid within families across generations of South African
immigrants in Australia.Sonn (2010) explains that the memories participants discussed were
traumatic and unspoken memories. Partcipants in Sonn’s (2010) research spoke about
racialised oppression and relocating to Australia to escape political violence. Responses to
racialised trauma and oppression varied from complicity , to speaking out to accommodation.
Sonn (2010: 242) purports that the complexity for the South African immigrants lies in
rearticulating memories of community which may not be positive and involve deconstructing
the meanings of imposed lables and marginalization during apartheid.
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1.5 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA THEORY

AND NARRATIVE THERAPY THEORY

Intergenerational trauma theory and narrative therapy theory guided this study.
Intergenerational trauma theory is based on the concept that trauma can be “passed on” or
transmitted from one person to another or from one generation to another (Danieli, 1998;
Weingarten, 2004). The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV)
describes a traumatic event as an event that involves actual or threatened death or serious
injury or threat to physical integrity of self or others. According to Ringel and Brandell’s
interpretation (2011:136), it can also be an event that someone learns about and that threatens
that person and his or her family.

Narrative therapy theory was used as a conceptual framework because it provides a model of
how people construct their world. This is based on their interpretation of their reality and the
multiple and interrelated stories that their lives are made up of (Duvall & Béres, 2011).
Reissman and Quinney (2005:392) believe that studying narratives is essential in social work
because it is the study of human interaction in relations. Narrative therapy theory (Morgan,
2000) is based on some the following assumptions, namely that problems are separate from
people, and that people have the skills, values and abilities to reduce the effect that problems
have in their lives. This approach also values respect and a non-blaming attitude towards
people and communities. Narrative therapists look at how people give meaning to the events
in their lives, which is linked to a sequence across time. The broader social context is
important as gender, class, race and culture are powerful contributors to the meanings people
give to their experiences. This is based on Foucault’s analysis of discourse (1972) where
problems are socially constructed and people are influenced by the dominant discourse of a
particular time or era.

1.6 THE IDENTIFICATION OF THE PROBLEM

The problem that I investigated is the trauma of displacement due to forced removals during
apartheid and the historical trauma of slavery, experienced by families in Cape Town. This
trauma has not been addressed by the social work profession in South Africa (Abdullah,
2013). A 2011 UNICEF report on the state of children in South Africa concludes that South
Africa has made significant improvements in the lives of children. However, their conditions
are still greatly impacted by their race and the inequalities of the past. The report states that in
order to improve conditions for children and their families the inequities of the past need to
 20

be addressed. It is therefore imperative that social workers start engaging in the practice of
addressing the inequities of the past and its traumatic impact on families and communities.

Social problems such as substance abuse, family violence and community violence in
displaced communities in Cape Town are the effects of intergenerational trauma which has
been transmitted from previous generations who experienced the trauma of forced removals
of apartheid and the historical trauma of slavery (Walls & Whitbeck, 2012). This includes
coping with trauma, loss and being forced to move to areas on the Cape Flats with little
community infrastructure and resources (Trotter, 2009; McMaster, 2007). The findings in this
research study are supported by literature on Aboriginal communities who have experienced
similar social problems. Authors such as Brave Heart and DeBruyn (1998: 67-68), Duran and
Duran (1995:6), Evans-Campbell (2008:322), Gagné (1998:355), Poupart (2003:87), Quinn
(2007:72), Wesley-Esquimaux and Smolewski (2004:6) and Whitbeck, Adams, Hoyt and
Chen, (2004:119) believe that is the unresolved trauma and grief of dispossession and the loss
of land, culture and lives that is being transmitted from one generation to another that results
in high levels of substance abuse and in family and community violence, as experienced by
Aboriginal communities which include Native American Indians, Indigenous or Native
Indian Canadians and the Aboriginal people of Australia. The families in this study presented
with similar social problems as the Aboriginal communities.

1.6.1 Intergenerational trauma of displacement and slavery

Bozalek (2010:491) noted that trauma suffered as a result of forced removals and institutional
racism have continued to impact the lives of university students and their family members
after the dismantling of apartheid. Research by Bozalek (2010) on the effects of forced
removals and Brave Heart and DeBruyn’s (1998) concept of historical trauma was significant
for this PhD project because it provided a socio-historical context highlighting the fact that
apartheid was not the only trauma that these families experienced as they have also been
traumatised by slavery for many generations. The literature that is available on the
intergenerational effects of slavery in Cape Town (Van der Merwe, 2010; Worden, 2009)
focuses on the Dopstelsel where slaves were being paid with alcohol, which has led to
alarming rates of foetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) in the Western Cape. In fact, the Western
Cape has the highest rates of FAS in South Africa. According to Van der Merwe (2010), the
Dopstelsel has impacted generations of black South Africans in the Western Cape, and the
high rates of alcohol abuse and FAS are a direct result of this atrocity.
 21

This research investigated how the trauma of displacement during apartheid and historical
trauma of slavery have been transmitted across generations of families in Cape Town. The
implications of the trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery for the social
work profession are addressed in the final chapter (Chapter7) of this thesis. A framework for
social work intervention with families who have experienced intergenerational trauma has
been proposed in order to assist social workers to address the trauma of displacement and to
engage in the discourse of preventing intergenerational trauma. This PhD study is based on
the assumption that the traumatic experiences of displacement during apartheid are being
manifested on the Cape Flats3 in high rates of substance abuse and in family and community
violence.

This research was based on the community of Mitchell’s Plain as it is one the largest
communities that was solely created to house families who were forced to move out of Cape
Town due to the Group Areas Act . A map and pictures of Mitchells Plain is available in the
appendices (Appendix II). Instituted from 1950 to 1983, the Group Areas Act was one of
many apartheid policies aimed at segregating race groups. The research findings discussed in
Chapter 5 indicate how intergenerational trauma and its effects have been transmitted across
three generations in families where families have been exposed to gang violence, drug abuse
and alcohol abuse. This is confirmed by previous research by Pludderman, Meyers and Parry
(2009) who estimated that there could be 120 000 methamphetamine addicts in Cape Town.
The patients requesting treatment mainly came from the Mitchell’s Plain area. The
Presidential Urban Renewal Report on Khayelitsha and Mitchell’s Plain to the cabinet (2009)
emphasised this problem and funding was given to help solve the problem of gangs and
substance abuse in Mitchell’s Plain. The Western Cape has the highest rate of substance
abuse in the country and Mitchell’s Plain has the highest rate of drug-related crime
(www.servamus.co.za, accessed 03/09/11). Families remain concerned about gang violence
and substance misuse, which indicates that the funding set aside for the problem of gang
violence and substance abuse in Mitchell’s Plain has not made a difference to the lives of the
families in this research project.

3
The Cape Flats is a geographical area on the outskirts of Cape Town where displaced families were forced to
move to.
 22

1.7 THE AIM OF THIS RESEARCH

The aim of this study was to explore intergenerational trauma in families who were displaced
during apartheid and who may also have a history of slavery, and to identify mechanisms of
trauma transmission operating within families in order to provide guidelines for social work
intervention to help prevent intergenerational trauma in families.

1.7.1 The research question

The primary research question that this thesis addresses is: How has the trauma of
displacement during the apartheid era and historical trauma of slavery been transmitted
intergenerationally in families in the Mitchell’s Plain community in Cape Town?

1.7.2 Secondary research questions

The secondary research questions were as follows:

• How have families experienced the trauma of displacement?
• How do family members give meaning to the historical trauma of slavery?
• What are the multiple ways in which trauma is transmitted from one generation to the
next in families according to literature?
• What are the mechanisms of trauma that are evident in the families studied in Cape
Town?
• What are the implications of these findings for social work education and practice in
South Africa?

1.7.3 Research objectives

The objectives of this research were to:

• Explore the trauma of displacement, forced removals and a history of slavery of black
families in Cape Town;
• Identify the multiple ways in which trauma is transmitted from one generation to the
next;
• Investigate intergenerational trauma experienced by black families against the
background of apartheid and historical trauma of slavery;
• Develop a framework to assist social workers to engage with intergenerational trauma
in families; and
• Provide recommendations for a social work curriculum on family studies and social
work intervention with black families who were traumatised by South Africa’s violent
past.
 23

1.8 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

1.8.1 Qualitative research

A qualitative, interpretive descriptive research methodology was chosen for this research,
using a postcolonial indigenous paradigm. A postcolonial indigenous research paradigm was
chosen because of the colonial history of South Africa. This paradigm was chosen to
comprehend how participants understand the meaning they give to the impact of slavery on
their family members and their displacement during apartheid (Sullivan, 2010:15-38). A
postcolonial indigenous paradigm means conducting research that does not perpetuate
Western paradigms and view Western knowledge as superior (Chillisa, 2012:7). Based on
Freire’s Pedagogy of Hope (1995), the principles of Collective Narrative Practice
(Denborough, 2008) were also used as methodological framework to analyse and interpret the
findings.

1.8.2 Research design

A multiple case study design was implemented. A case study can be defined as an “empirical
phenomenon (a “case”) set within its real world context” (Yin in Yin, 2012:3). Case studies
are ideal when research is focusing on “what” and “how” questions. This methodology allows
one to focus on the complexity and details of relationships between people (Yin, 2012:5). The
phenomenon that was studied is intergenerational trauma and how this is transmitted within
families and across generations. Multiple case studies were used, with each family being
considered as a unit of analysis or a case.

1.8.2.1 Sampling and size

The cases were selected according to Yin’s (2009) replication logic, based on the theoretical
framework guiding the study. This ensured variation in the cases. The snowballing technique
was utilised starting with six families until data saturation was reached with seven families.
The replication logic is based on how theory is replicated in cases during data analysis and
not on the number of cases selected. Intergenerational themes started emerging when the first
two cases were analysed and the similar intergenerational themes continued to emerge after 7
cases were analysed where no new themes were emerging. Yin (2003) suggests that two to
three cases where similar results emerge would be sufficient to respresent replication logic
and where the findings are duplicated more than three times then the research can be
considered robust. All the families selected as case studies met the inclusion criteria stated
below. Access to families was gained via key informants in Mitchell’s Plain.
 24

1.8.2.2 Universe and population

The universe was families in the Western Cape who were displaced during the Group Areas
Act. The target population was families who have typical slave surnames such as Titus,
Scipio, September and February, as well as various Muslim surnames that are slave surnames
(Mountain, 2004:45). This increased the likelihood that the chosen participants are
descendants of slaves.

1.8.2.3 Inclusion criteria

Inclusion criteria for this research included the following: families who reside in Mitchell’s
Plain; families where at least one generation (possibly a grandparent) had lived in Cape Town
and had moved to Mitchell’s Plain as a result of the Group Areas Act or forced removals;
families who have typical slave surnames, indicating that they may have a slave heritage; and
families with members from three generations giving consent to take part in this research.
According to intergenerational trauma literature, one is able to identify the transmission of
trauma from one generation to the next by focusing on two or three generations (Danieli,
1998; Kellerman, 2001; Kupelian et al., 1998; Lazar et al., 2008).

1.8.2.4 Exclusion criteria

No participants under the age of 18 years were included in the sample for this study.

1.8.3 Methods of data collection

Life histories, semi-structured interviews and focus groups were utilised to collect the data.
The participants took part in the life histories, semi-structured interviews and focus groups.
The focus groups consisted of three or two generations of each family, with each family
forming a separate focus group. The focus group discussions were only successful with four
families due to a variety of reasons unique to each family. (Two of the families could not
meet together because of conflict within the family and the third family could not meet
together because one of the participants had died.)

1.8.3.1 Life histories

Writing up the participants’ life histories is interactive and cooperative work which involves
the researcher (Plummer, 1990). Goodson and Sikes (2001) observed that life histories are
ideal because they have the potential to make far-reaching contributions towards
understanding the links between “personal” troubles and public issues. This occurred in many
of the interviews where families spoke spontaneously about their displacement and trauma of
apartheid.
 25

1.8.3.2 Semi-structured interviews

The semi-structured interviews used in this research focused on asking the participants to talk
about their lives before they moved to Mitchell’s Plain, or how the Group Areas Act affected
them and their families. The qualitative interviews conducted included questions of behaviour
or experience; opinion or belief; feelings; sensory experience; and background information of
the participants’ family(Patton, 2002). Where families were not able to meet for focus group
discussions, up to three interviews were conducted with some of the participants. Individual
interviews focused on the questions that would have been covered in the focus group
discussions.

1.8.3.3 Focus groups

Focus group discussions were conducted with three families. Focus group methods are suited
to generate a wide range of data on family dynamics. Puig, Koro-Ljungberg and Echevarria-
Doan (2008) believe that the focus group method for family research is useful to gather
information about socially constructed phenomena such as displacement. This research
focuses on how family members have experienced the trauma of displacement during
apartheid and across generations, and the meaning they give to their slave heritage.
Participatory Learning Action techniques were used to facilitate discussions in the focus
groups as these techniques decolonise traditional methodology by raising participants’
awareness of their marginalisation (Bozalek, 2011:469). Discussions and reflections on the
community mapping exercercise which is a PLA technique helped the participants become
aware of the contextual issues in their community.

1.8.4 Data analysis

Thematic analysis was applied to analyse the data. The six phases of Braun and Clarke’s
(2006) thematic analysis was used, namely familiarising oneself with the data, generating
initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming the themes, and
producing the report. I also used narrative thematic analysis to analyse the data provided by
the life histories and semi-structured interviews. Thematic analysis, as adapted by Reissman
(2008), focuses on the content of the narrative, namely “what” is being said. A typology of
narratives by theme is a typical representation for case studies and case vignettes (Reissman,
2005:2). This was useful for theorising across cases. In this research, the themes revolved
around intergenerational trauma and apartheid (Elliot, 2005:36-41).

1.8.4.1 Research procedures

 26

Yin’s (2009) model was utilised as a guide for the research procedures. His model focuses on
completing two cases first and writing up the data followed by the completion of the rest of
the case studies. The details of the procedures are discussed in Chapter 4 of this thesis.

1.8.4.2 Trustworthiness

To ensure trustworthiness, data triangulation was applied to the research methodology by

utilising three different methods of data collection, namely life histories, semi-structured
interviews and focus groups. Interviewing three generations of the same family also ensures
data triangulation (Gab, 2010; Wengrath, 2001). According to Lieblich (1998:173), four
aspects need to be taken into account to ensure validity in narrative enquiry: width,
coherence, insightfulness and parsimony. This researcher ensured that the research met these
criteria, as discussed in detail in Chapter 4.

1.8.4.3 Limitations and assumptions

This research was limited to seven families in comparison with the large target population.
The research focused on families in Mitchell’s Plain which is but one of the many
communities on the Cape Flats which was created to house black families during apartheid.
The participants came from one of apartheid’s racially designated groups, namely
‘Coloured’4 people.

1.9 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

I received approval for this study from the Office of the Dean of Research, the UWC
Community and Health Science Faculty Board Research Ethics Committees and the UWC
Senate Research Committee. The Social Work Code of Ethics of the South African Council
for Social Service Professions (SACSSP) was also adhered to. The procedural ethics and
ethics in practice – such as consent, voluntary participation and no harm – will be addressed
in detail in Chapter 4. This includes the ethics of doing family research and the confidential
nature of working with family members, which presented dilemmas which are discussed in
detail.

4
Under the Population Registration Act of 1950 during the apartheid, South Africans of mixed ethnic
backgrounds were classified as ‘Coloured’ (Olaussen, 2011:27).
 27

1.9.1 Dissemination

The participants were informed of the results of the findings before the publication of the
thesis. The findings and recommendations will be submitted to organisations and Department
of Social Development, which renders services to families. The results will also be published
in peer-reviewed journals.

1.9.2 Self-reflexivity

I have been engaged in regular reflection and journaling as part of this process, given the fact
that my family was displaced and I have a slave heritage. I have received ongoing support
through my supervisor as well as an external supervisor who is a clinical psychologist and
academic to assist me in processing and reflecting on how the research process and data had
impacted me in order to ensure the rigour of the data and research process. I discuss self-
reflexivity in more detail in Chapter 4 of this thesis.

1.10 CONCLUSION

Chapter 1 provides an overview of the research project to explain the orientation and context
of the research. A brief description of the rationale for the study, given the historical nature
of trauma in South Africa is given. Gaps in social work research on intergenerational trauma,
which includes the fact that intergenerational trauma does not form part of the curriculum in
social work are dicussed. Despite increasing research on intergenerational trauma in South
Africa, there is limited research on the transmission of intergenerational trauma. A
description of the methodology that was followed, explaining the target population and
sample size of the research project.

Chapter 2 provides the theoretical and conceptual framework of the study. It discusses the
theory and key concepts of the study such as intergenerational trauma, the trauma of
displacement, historical trauma and intergenerational trauma transmission as well as narrative
therapy theory, which guided the research process and analysis.

Chapter 3 gives an overview of relevant literature on intergenerational trauma and the

historical trauma of slavery within the context of South Africa.

Chapter 4 discuss the methodology and research procedures. The focus is on the research
paradigm, which is postcolonial and indigenous.

Chapter 5 explains the results and findings of the research.

 28

Chapter 6 focuses on counter-memories and counter-histories, leading to the proposed

framework for working with families who have experienced intergenerational trauma.

Chapter 7, is the final chapter, and draws conclusions with an emphasis on the implications
for social work.
 29

CHAPTER 2
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: INTERGENERATIONAL
TRAUMA TRANSMISSION

2.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter introduces the conceptual and theoretical framework which focuses on the
transmission of intergenerational trauma. The development of intergenerational trauma is
discussed as well as the different schools of thought on intergenerational trauma as presented
in Aboriginal studies and through scholars of intergenerational trauma. Various theories of
intergenerational transmission and trauma transmission, and key concepts are presented. The
definition of trauma, the trauma of displacement and its classification in traumatology are
clarified. In addition, narrative therapy theory which also forms part of the theoretical
framework in order to contextualise the trauma that families have experienced. Finally the
different mechanisms of trauma transmission as identified in literature,is discussed.

Intergenerational trauma theory and narrative therapy theory guide this research project.
Understanding the transmission of trauma in families highlights what is being transmitted in
families and how it is being transmitted, and this knowledge can contribute to interrupting
trauma transmission. However, trauma transmission theories are based on a medical model
which has not taken the socio-historical context into consideration. Narrative therapy theory,
and the principles of collective narrative practice has been used both as a conceptual
framework and methodological framework.Narrative therapy theory is based on Foucouldian
discourse anlaysis while collective narrative practice by Denborough ( 2008) is based on the
work of Freire’s Pedagogy of Hope (1994). Freire believed that in limited circumstances
there can be reason for hope and that human beings cannot exist without hope.
Decolonisation has also been used as a guide for reflexivity throughout the research process,
based on the work of Fanon (1952).

2.2 BACKGROUND OF INTERGENERATIONAL TRANSMISSION

Intergenerational refers to different generations or age categories of individuals who may or

may not be related (Larkin, 2004:9). Intergenerational studies focus on relationships between
individuals of different ages who may be related or not. Intergenerational in this study

refers to different generations who are related to each other. The focus of this study is
intergenerational trauma between individuals who are related to each other. Intergenerational
 30

transmission is one aspect of a large body of research on intergenerational relations.

Intergenerational relations refer to “a wide range of patterns of interaction among individuals
in the same family” (Intergeneration relations, “IntergenerationTransmission” : 2003).
Intergenerational transmission refers to the exchange of interaction or
some “goods” or services between one generation and another. What is transmitted may be
intangible, such as beliefs, norms, values, attitudes and behaviours specific to that family.
What is transmitted may also reflect socio-cultural, religious and ethnically relevant practices
and beliefs (Intergeneration relations, “ Intergenerational Transmission” : 2003).

The concept of intergenerational transmission has also been widely utilised in research on
family violence. For example, Duffy and Momirov (2000) and Wareham, Boots and Chavez
(2009) utilise the concept of intergenerational transmission to explain the social learning of
violence within families. In this context, intergenerational transmission refers to the
socialisation and social learning that helps to explain the ways in which children growing up
in a violent family learn violent roles and, subsequently, may play out the roles of victim or
victimiser in their own adult families. Through socialisation, the trauma of displacement has
been transmitted through the mechanisms of socialisation and social learning. Family and
gender roles may also be transmitted through socialisation (Rosenthal, 1985; Wareham et al.,
2009).

2.3 CONCEPTUALISATION OF THE THEORY ON INTERGENERATIONAL

TRAUMA

In order to understand intergenerational trauma and how trauma is transmitted from one
generation to the next, I will briefly discuss conceptualisations of trauma and how
intergenerational trauma is sometimes classified within the broader framework of
traumatology and trauma theories. There are two distinct schools of thought on
intergenerational trauma, namely the traditional medical model based on psychodynamic and
psychoanalytic theory (Danieli, 1998; Weingarten, 2004; Fromm, 2012), and Aboriginal
conceptualisations of intergenerational theory based on historical trauma as a result of
colonialism. Theories of both schools of thought are applied in this research project.

2.3.1 Definitions of trauma

According to Van de Kolk (1987), trauma occurs when individuals lose their safe place to
where they can retreat and process their emotions. Psychological trauma and post traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD) were only included in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
 31

Disorders (DSM) in 1980. The DSM-IV describes a traumatic event as an event that involves
actual or threatened death or serious injury or threat to physical integrity of self or others.
According to Ringel and Brandell’s (2011: 136) interpretation, trauma can also be an event
that someone learns about and that threatens that person and his or her family. Within
traumatology theory there has been a significant shift from looking at interpersonal trauma to
looking at the political and social aspects of trauma. Working with political trauma and social
trauma is complex because it affects groups of people such as families and whole
communities which requires multi-faceted interventions not based on interpersonal trauma.
This has complicated the work of social service professionals who have to intervene with
individuals, families and communities that have been traumatised (Ringel & Brandell, 2012:
vii).

2.3.2 Defining the trauma of displacement and its effects

The trauma of displacement can be described as the experience of loss, humiliation, social
and cultural dislocation, and sometimes violence which accompany the displacement
(Alayarian, 2007; Wade, Mitchell & Bayliss, 2005; Kuusisto-Arponen, 2009). According to
Kuusisto-Arponen (2009:548) the experience of displacement is not easily forgotten. Given
the limitations of the definition of trauma, I have used Kira’s (2001:76) definition of
“disconnectedness trauma” and social/structural trauma to describe the trauma of
displacement. The trauma of displacement can be described as social or structural trauma
because it is felt not only by individuals within a family but also collectively within a
community. Hence, it is also called collective trauma.

The trauma that the individual or group experiences in displacement is what Kira (2001:76)
classifies as “disconnectedness trauma” where individuals are traumatised when their safety
and security, which is made up of a network of social relationships, is threatened. He explains
that social interaction is core to survival. The individual is interlocked within a network of
connections that give him or her emotional, social and material support. It gives one a sense
of social “embeddedness”, belonging and meaning in life. Individuals develop a system of
conditioned social contingencies that is rooted physiologically and emotionally, and that
provides basic feelings of safety, security and community. Events that threaten the network of
connections and the person’s embeddedness in it can traumatise the individual. Even moving
from school to school, or from state to state for a child can be traumatising in some cases as it
involves losing long-standing relationships and a support system. Being uprooted, especially
being involuntarily uprooted (e.g. refugees’ experience or forced displacement), the loss of
 32

affiliation by suspension or by being forced out are examples of this kind of trauma. This is
confirmed by various authors (Alyarian, 2007; Wade, Mitchell & Bayliss, 2005; Kuusisto-
Arponen, 2009; Walls & Whitbeck, 2012) who describe the cultural dislocation and loss of
support networks experienced with the trauma of displacement. The cultural dislocation
described by the above authors include loss of land, culture , community. Cultural
discolcation therefore requires the individual to resettle and rebuild their lives and support
networks in their new community. Trotter (2009) confirms the trauma of forced displacement
of residents in Cape Town. This research is based on the assumption that if the trauma of
displacement is not resolved, it will be transmitted intergenerationally.

2.3.3 Defining intergenerational trauma

Intergenerational trauma can be defined as trauma which is transmitted to the next generation
when the effects of trauma are not resolved in one generation. When trauma is ignored and
there is no support to deal with it, the trauma will be passed from one generation to the next
(Wesley-Esquimaux & Smolewski, 2004:2). Volkan (1996), using Freudian principles,
coined the term the transgenerational transmission of trauma and argues that unresolved
trauma of the past is transmitted from one generation to the next and thus develops the
potential for fuelling future conflicts. Kogan (2012: 5-7) asserts that transmission occurs
mostly unconsciously.

It is important to be able to understand the different traumatic events that communities and
individuals may have been exposed to because familiy resources, resilience and emotional
well-being are impacted by traumatic events. Trauma can have a devastating effect on the
overall well-being of an individual. The effects of the traumatic event can last for generations
because the effects can be transmitted over several generations (Wesley-Esquimaux &
Smolewski, 2004:2). If the person does not come to terms or make sense of the traumatic
event, the unresolved trauma will have a permanent or long-lasting impact on the individual
and on those close to the individual. Individuals who seek help from social workers often
come because of trauma in their past or present (James & Breckenridge, 2010:259). The
effects of traumatic events and how this may manifest within families also need to be
understood.

The criticism by Aboriginal and Native American scholars of intergenerational trauma is that
the original theory of intergenerational trauma focuses mainly on individual, parenting and
family dynamics. It does not take into account the historical events that many Aboriginal
communities were exposed to over several generations and decades. Neither does it take into
 33

account the policies which continue to oppress such communities. The history of slavery and
displacement in the Western Cape, which has had long-term effects on various communities,
make concepts such as historical trauma and internalised oppression important to this study.

2.3.4 Historical trauma

Historical trauma is an example of intergenerational trauma. The concept of historical trauma

was developed to include the historical legacy of trauma which original research on
intergenerational trauma did not include. Original research on intergenerational trauma was
based on the Holocaust and Holocaust survivors who did not have the same historical legacy
of colonial trauma that Aboriginal people had experienced. This is relevant to this research
because many families in Cape Town have a slave heritage, which reflects the historical
nature of trauma in Cape Town. Seminal research on historical trauma was carried out by
Duran and Duran (1995) and Brave Heart and DeBruyn (1998). They referred to the
historical legacy of chronic trauma, the massive loss of lives, land and culture that Native
Americans experienced over generations through colonisation as historical trauma.

Colonisation, is defined as the subjugation of one group by another (Young, 2001).

According to Chillisa (2012: 9) colonization can be described as “a brutal process through
which two thirds of the world experienced invasion and loss of territory accompanied by the
destruction of political, social, and economic systems, leading to external political control
and economic dependence on the West: France, Britain, Germany, Spain, Italy, Russia, and
the United States”. It also involved loss of control and ownership of their knowledge systems,
beliefs, and behaviours and subjection to overt racism, resulting in the captive or colonized
mind. Some of the responses to historical trauma include elevated suicide rates, self-
destructive behaviour, substance abuse, identification with the pain that ancestors endured,
fixation of trauma, somatic symptoms that have no medical reason, anxiety, guilt and chronic
grief (Wesley-Esquimaux & Smolewski, 2004:54). According to Evans-Campbell
(2008:321), historical trauma is conceptualised as a collective complex trauma, inflicted on a
group of people who share the same group identity, affiliation or ethnicity. It is the historical
legacy of numerous traumatic events that are experienced by many people in the same
community, and it is therefore collective in nature. Closely connected to the concept of
historical trauma, Brave Heart and DeBruyn (1998) coined the term historical unresolved
grief.
 34

2.3.5 Historically unresolved grief and disenfranchised grief

Historical unresolved grief refers to chronic trauma and unresolved historical grief across
generations as a result of the massive loss of lives, land and culture due to colonisation.
(Brave Heart & DeBruyn,1998). They state that the historical legacy of colonisation denied
the American Indians cultural grieving practices in the face of genocide that occurred over
decades. Grief after traumatic events such as massacres and placement at boarding schools
can also result in shame besides being denied the right to mourn. Western culture appears to
legitimise mourning only for the immediate family and next of kin. This serves to
disenfranchise the grief of native people’s “loss of ancestors, extended kin, animal relatives,
traditional language, songs and dances” (Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998: 67). Disenfranchised
grief is also discussed as a mechanism of trauma transmission by Stein (2012). He explains
that disenfranchised grief illustrates the process of trauma transmission because it “is a story
that could not be told because no one could suffer the empathy needed to hear it” ( Stein
2012:178). Stein’s perspective on disenfranchised grief as a means of trauma transmission is
discussed in detail in later in the chapter (2.7.4.3).

2.3.6 Internalised oppression

Poupart (2003:89) reports that the intense historical unresolved grief that is experienced is
accompanied by pain and extreme rage at the dominant culture for abuses past and present.
Like the grief and pain of Native American Indians, the rage also has been denied a means of
legitimate expression. Poupart (2003) alludes to the notion that internalised oppression could
be the result of historical unresolved grief. This supports the earlier work of hooks (1995:15)
who states that “white rage” is cordoned while there is no place for the expression of “black
rage”. According to hooks (1995:137), the “collective failure of black people to deal with the
psychic wounds brought on by aggressive racism is the breeding ground for a psychology of
victimhood where learned helplessness, uncontrollable rage and feelings of overwhelming
powerlessness and despair abound in the psyches of black people, yet it is not attended to in
ways that promote wholeness and states of well being”.

According to Poupart (2003:88), Native American Indians experience internalised oppression

as a result of colonialism and post colonialism. Internalised oppression can be defined as
absorbing consciously or unconsciously the values and beliefs of the oppressor and
subscribing to the stereotypes and misinformation about one’s group (Alleyne, 2004).
Poupart (2003) states that before Native American Indians came into contact with Europeans,
alcoholism, family violence, incest, sexual assault, foetal alcohol syndrome, homicide and
 35

suicide were almost non-existent. Now the community struggles with these issues at an
alarming rate as these issues are forms of internalised oppression.Brave Heart and DeBruyn
(1998) and Duran and Duran (1995) believe that racism and oppression, including
internalised oppression, reinforce current social problems that Native American Indian
communities experience. Fanon (1952:141-143), in his classic work Black Skin, White Masks,
writes extensively on internalised oppression as a result of colonialism and racism. Fanon’s
perspective on colonialism is therefore important for the study.

Colonialism

Colonialism is a practice of domination, which involves the subjugation of one people to

another and also involves political and economic control over territory(Khon 2014). One can
distinguish between different but intertwined types of colonialism—namely, political
colonialism, which refers to occupation and external control of the colonies, and scientific
colonialism, which refers to the imposition of the ‘colonizers’ ways of knowing—and the
control of all knowledge produced in the colonies. Fanon(1952) recognises that there
aresocial and economic realities of being black . However being a psychoanalyst he focuses
on the effects of colonialism on the psyche of the colonised but what set him aside from other
psychoanalysts at the time other than being a black man, was the fact that he analysed
colonial discourse and the ways it sustained itself. Fanon believed that colonialism constructs
its own discourse and it was sustained through unconscious and conscious ideology which
was based on myths created by the coloniser. The coloniser also perpetuates the discourse
through dissemination of these myths as well as through violence . These myths include that
to be human the black man has to be white and adopt white values – Fanon (1952:18) states
“ The Negro of the Antilles whoever he is will be proportionally whiter - that is , he will
come closer to being a real human being in his direct mastery of the French language.”
.Embedded in the discourse of colonialism were definitions of what is human ( the coloniser )
and what is not human ( the colonised).The power of the myths is that it becomes part of the
belief system of those it denigrates and is perpetuated by them ( Dalal: 2001:93-94). Aimeѐ
Cesairѐ (1955) has similar views about internalised oppression and the effects of colonialism
she states “ I am talking of millions of men who have been injected with fear, inferiority
complexes,trepidation,servility, despair ,abasement”. Fanon believes that the inferiority
complex that the colonised experiences is a result of the colonizer’s projection of superiority.
Fanon (1952:93) states - “It is the racist who creates his inferior”. Fanon (1952 : 191)
suggests that the inferior complex has been the result of assimilating the myths and
predjudice of racist Europeans and the collective conscious of a racist European society .
 36

Black children are exposed white racist society and the views of the media who exludes the
history of black people. He discusses the dispossession and dislocation of black people as a
trauma that contributes to internalised oppression and intergenerational suffering as black
children are socialised in the white dominant society. Fanon’s (1952) work is relevant in
terms of this study as it provides an explanation for the ways in which trauma and the effects
of internalised oppression are transmitted, namely via socialisation from one generation to the
next. Williams (2012:57) notes that internalised oppression can also be transmitted across
several generations.

2.4 THE EFFECTS OF THE TRANSMISSION OF INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA

The fact that colonialism still has an impact in current society is supported by writers such as
Akinyela (2002), Brave Heart and DeBruyn (1998), Evans-Campbell (2008), Fanon
(1952),Gump (2010) Poupart (2003), Randall and Haskell (2009), Wesley-Esquimaux and
Smolewski (2004) and Whitbeck et al (2004).

The psychological impact of dispossession, racism, exclusion, extermination and denigration

that Aboriginal tribes in Australia experienced through colonisation still greatly affects their
sense of being and identity. The term The Stolen Generations has been used to describe
policies of forcibly removing children from their parents in the most traumatic and horrific
ways (Raphale et al., 1998). The children were forcibly removed from their parents at a
young age and raised in institutions with few parental figures. This traumatic separation and
loss has had a profound psychological effect on the parenting abilities of those who were
forcibly removed. The family structure has been greatly impacted where grandparents are
caring for their grandchildren, or the children are living with other family members or in
institutions because their parents lacked parenting skills or were unable to care for them due
to family violence or substance abuse. According to Raphael, Swan and Martinek, (1998:327-
335), the intergenerational effects of trauma on Aborigines in Australia have a significant
impact on their children who form the current generation. This is confirmed by Australian
government strategies to improve the mental health outcomes for Aboriginal people. The
South Australian Mental Health Strategy, which is aimed at improving mental health
outcomes for Aboriginal communities, states that cultural dislocation contributes significantly
to the high rates of mental illness in Aboriginal children, young people and adults
(www.sahealth.sa.gov.au, accessed 6/8/2011). According to Quinn (2007), the years of
colonisation of the Aboriginal people in Canada have led to the almost complete obliteration
of the Native culture. The residential schools which Aboriginal children in Canada were
 37

forced to attend, opened as early as 1894. They were exposed to several forms of abuse in
addition to being forcibly removed from their parents to attend the residential schools.
According to Quinn (2007:72-73), the Canadian Child Welfare System had over 25 000
Aboriginal children in its care in 2003 as a direct result of colonisation.

Given the constraints of social work intervention, the Aboriginal scholar Menzies (2007) was
frustrated with the traditional ways of social work intervention with Aboriginal families. He
developed a model for intergenerational trauma for social work and from a social work
perspective and Aboriginal perspective. It is helpful to understand a social work model of
intergenerational trauma as suggested by Menzies (2007). I used Menzies’ indicators of
intergenerational trauma to identify intergenerational trauma in the families partaking in this
research project.

2.5 MENZIES’ SOCIAL WORK MODEL OF INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA

Menzies’ model is based on identifying indicators of intergenerational trauma in families and

communities. Menzies (2007:381-382) identified individual, family, community and national
(nation) indicators of intergenerational trauma. His research indicated that all these categories
influenced Aboriginal family history, and that individuals and families are embedded both in
communities and in a nation, which has to be considered. The individual, family, community
and national indicators are described below.

2.5.1 Individual indicators

Individual indicators of intergenerational trauma in families and communities include a lack

of belonging; identification with a particular family, community, culture or nation; a feeling
of “abandonment” by caregivers; limited or no information about one’s culture of birth
(including language, customs, belief systems and spirituality); one or more “flight” episodes
from a caregiver environment as a youth; the inability to sustain personal or intimate
relationships; being present-oriented and not future-oriented; low self-esteem; limited
education and employment history; a history of substance misuse; a history of involvement
with the criminal justice system, precipitated by substance misuse; and involvement with the
mental health system.

2.5.2 Family indicators

Such indicators include chronic or episodic family violence, including physical, sexual,
emotional and/or verbal abuse of children by adults in the household; lack of emotional
bonding between parents, siblings and extended family members; denial of cultural heritage
 38

by older family members; the perpetuation of negative stereotypes within the family of birth
or caregiver environment; irregular contact or the absence of contact with caregiver family
members; unconcealed and rampant alcohol and drug misuse that spans generations.

2.5.3 Community indicators

Additional factors that may be present in the community and that influenced the individual’s
early life history must also be considered. This includes unconcealed alcohol and drug misuse
among community members; lack of cultural opportunities, including the transmission of
language skills, history, traditional values and spirituality; the unwillingness to “reclaim”
community members; and low levels of social capital, including trust, reciprocal helping
relations and social engagement.

2.5.4 National indicators

National indicators include propagandising negative stereotypes through mainstream media;

social policies that perpetuate colonisation on an individual, family and community basis;
lack of support for holistic programmes and services; and lack of support for community self-
determination.

For the families in this study, slavery, displacement and forced removals during apartheid and
apartheid policies, ideology and violence over the past two centuries would be major national
events which would have impacted South African society. This study focuses on the
transmission of intergenerational trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery.
I will therefore discuss the different mechanisms of trauma transmission indicated in trauma
literature and provide a brief history of intergenerational transmission.

2.6 MECHANISMS OF TRAUMA TRANSMISSION

Since the Second World War, with soldiers and Holocaust survivors returning home,
researchers started to investigate the idea of the intergenerational transmission of trauma
(Danieli, 1998). Fraiberg (1975), a psychoanalyst and social worker, helped to shape the
work and coin the term intergenerational transmission of trauma. Intergenerational trauma is
trauma that has been transmitted across multiple generations. Since Fraiberg’s (1975)
groundbreaking work and paper entitled Ghosts in the Nursery, research around the
transmission of intergenerational trauma, specifically in families, has developed into an
accepted field in social science. It has also led to research on intergenerational transmission
in areas such as family violence, attachment, poverty, resilience, support, transitions over life
courses, solidarity, literacy and child maltreatment. The wealth of literature on the
 39

intergenerational transmission of violence provides evidence that family violence can be

transmitted from one generation to the next. This is relevant for this study as the mechanisms
of the transmission of family violence from one generation to the next can be regarded as
similar to the mechanisms of trauma transmission. The suggested mechanisms of
transmission of intergenerational violence in families are socialisation and social learning
(Wareham, Boots & Chavez, 2009; Weingarten, 2004). Within the field of intergenerational
trauma, psychodynamics, silence and genetics are also viewed as mechanisms of the
intergenerational transmission of trauma (Danieli, 1998; Fromm, 2012; Weingarten, 2004;
Yehuda, 1998). The mechanisms of trauma transmission according to traumatology literature
are biological, psychological, familial and societal. This research project will focus on
psychological, familial and societal mechanisms of trauma transmission as these often
overlap with each other. The biological means of trauma transmission is beyond the focus of
this study but I will briefly describe it as it is one of the means of trauma transmission within
the traditional medical model of trauma transmission. The biological means of trauma
transmission focuses on the neurobiology of trauma where the stress hormone cortisol could
be passed on to the unborn foetus, resulting in increased reactivity to stressful situations after
birth. Cortisol is therefore one of the biological mechanisms through which trauma can be
transmitted. Extensive studies regarding this effect have been carried out on survivors of the
Holocaust and their children (Suomi & Levene, 1998; Weingarten, 2004; Yehuda, 1998,
2001).

Understanding the mechanisms of transmission helps one to identify “what” is being

transmitted and how it is being transmitted from one generation to the next in the families
taking part in this research. According to Kira (2001), there are two kinds of intergenerational
transmission. The first type of intergenerational transmission happens within a family, for
example intergenerational family violence. The second type of intergenerational transmission
happens in a collective setting and is divided into two kinds: historical trauma like genocide
or slavery, and social or structural trauma. This means that individuals can be exposed to
trauma collectively through socio-historical events or socio-structural events as well as within
their families. The trauma of displacement can be classified as social or structural trauma as
the participants would have been exposed both collectively within society and within their
families to this type of trauma. The two types of intergenerational trauma mentioned by Kira
(2001) are similar to the vertical and horizontal trauma transmissions of Stein (2012).
 40

2.6.1 Vertical and horizontal transmission

Vertical trauma transmission takes place when trauma is transmitted from one generation to
the next. Trauma can also be transmitted “horizontally” or laterally to members of the same
group who share the trauma (Stein, 2012:185). Stein mentions that a shared trauma becomes
emotionally too huge and taboo to be talked about, even among the group itself. Hence, it
becomes a “secret” everyone knows even if it is “unconsciously”. Stein (2012) believes a
group’s trauma can be transmitted vertically and horizontally at the same time. An example
of this is the trauma of political violence in South Africa. The trauma has been transmitted
vertically over time across several generations, namely to those born during apartheid and
those born after (Adonis, 2008; Frankish, 2009). In addition, the trauma of political violence
has been transmitted horizontally as it affected several generations in a family at the same
time or during the same time period when grandparents, parents and children witnessed
political violence. Given the complexity of intergenerational trauma and the ways in which it
can be transmitted, Kellerman (2001) offers a model of theories which underpins the means
and mechanisms of trauma transmission.

2.7 THEORETICAL MODELS UNDERPINNING INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA

TRANSMISSION

Kellerman (2001:261) proposes four major theoretical models of trauma transmission, as

illustrated in Table 2.1 below. Each theoretical model will be discussed, except the biological
theory as it falls beyond the scope of this research project.

Table 2.1: Major theoretical models of trauma transmission

Theory Medium (mechanism) Main transmission factor
Psychodynamic Interpersonal relations Unconscious displaced emotion
Socio-cultural Socialisation Parenting and role models
Family systems Communication Enmeshment
Biological Genetic Hereditary vulnerability to PTSD

Source: Kellerman, 2001:261.

2.7.1 Psychodynamic theory

Within psychodynamic theory, interpersonal relations are the means or mechanism of trauma
transmission.
 41

2.7.1.1 Projective identification

Projective identification occurs when one projects unacceptable feelings onto another person,
which is usually part of ordinary interaction. Projective identification is also a means of
trauma transmission where unacceptable feelings are projected onto the other while the other
has no means to make sense of the contents of such projections (Dekel & Goldblatt, 2008).
Weingarten (2004) supports the idea of projective identification as a means of trauma
transmission but does not believe that it is always pathological. According to her, it becomes
pathological when the projection is rigidly maintained and the person projected upon is
unable to challenge the contents of what is being projected. The person projecting comes to
control disowned feelings by manipulating the person projected upon. The person who is
projecting his or her feelings is therefore non-verbally manoeuvring the person projected
upon into taking on the feeling. Weingarten (2004) believes that parents who have suffered
from political violence may use projective identification as a means of self-healing. She
believes that ways of coping and resilience can also be projected onto the next generation.

2.7.1.2 Over-disclosure

This can occur when parents disclose graphic traumatic details to their children in order to
help their children in a world which they believe is constantly unsafe and untrustworthy.
Over-disclosure can expose children to a large amount of information that is not suitable for
their developmental age and cognitive abilities, and the information can be disclosed without
appropriate parental guidance (Dekel & Goldblatt, 2008:5).

2.7.1.3 Re-enactment

Enactment or re-enactment can be referred to as a concept which includes both acting out or
re-enacting where the enactment serves the purpose of avoiding painful knowledge or
memories. Enactment can therefore be seen as the externalisation of traumatic themes from
the past (Kogan, 2012: 6). Traumatised people re-enact their trauma, exposing those close to
them to this trauma. As a result, those close to them may start feeling and behaving as if they
were traumatised (Ancheroff, 1998; Weingarten, 2004; Dekel & Goldblatt, 2008).

2.7.2 Socio-cultural theory

Socialisation is the means of trauma transmission in socio-cultural theory.

2.7.2.1 Socialisation

One of the key mechanisms of the transmission of intergenerational trauma is socialisation,

where social learning takes place and where values, beliefs and behaviour are passed down
 42

from generation to generation. There is extensive literature about how violence is passed
down intergenerationally through social learning and socialisation within the family
(Kaminer & Eagle, 2010; Keeling & Mason, 2008; Jansen, 2009; Franklin & Kercher, 2012;
Belnap, 2012; Demos 2012).

Socialisation can happen consciously as well as unconsciously. Jansen (2009:140) states that
when beliefs help people to cope with threatening issues such as racism and poverty, these
beliefs will be retained and socialised into succeeding generations. This he believes has
occurred in South African society, pointing specifically to racial attitudes which have been
passed down from generation to generation, including the post-apartheid generation. This has
been confirmed by Keizan and Duncan (2010) who studied the racialised attitudes of post-
apartheid adolescents of black and white ethnic origin. What both of these studies found was
that social interaction was still based on racial lines despite universities and schools
promoting integration. However, there is room for change in the discourse but this needs to
be created (Bozalek et al., 2008). Jansen (2009:70) states that the mechanism of transmitting
apartheid values and beliefs are complex, multiple and mediated by numerous variables.
According to him, informal means of transmitting knowledge happens through things such as
food, stories, songs, friends and speaking a native language. The formal means of
transmitting knowledge happens through education, religious participation, political
participation or views, or through acquiring knowledge about one’s culture through cultural
activities. Jansen specifically looks at the Afrikaner white community. However, these means
of socialisation are mechanisms that every community adopts to transmit values and beliefs.

2.7.2.2 Family

For children, family is the main source of socialisation. Jansen (2009:71) states that it is also
an early mechanism of “intergeneration congruency” between the political attitudes of
parents and children everywhere. Intergeneration congruency refers to children’s assimilation
of their parents’ political attitudes. This has been confirmed by Dunham; Newheiser,
Hoosain, Merrill and Olson (2012) who studied the racial attitudes of young children in Cape
Town and found that children born well after apartheid had internalised the racial attitudes of
their parents. Jansen (2009) criticises Danieli (1998) and psychology’s focus on trauma, and
intergenerational studies’ focus on emotion. He believes that knowledge and indirect
knowledge are the most important means of how families and societies pass on values and
beliefs intergenerationally. He based his work on Eva Hoffman’s (2004) After such
knowledge, in which she studied how indirect knowledge and traumatic knowledge and
 43

memory were transmitted to the second generation of the survivors of the Holocaust. Jansen
(2009:32) specifically states that it is “knowledge” and not the experience of trauma or
pathology that is being transmitted. It is also about how this knowledge became indirect as it
was being transmitted and how this was transmitted. Knowledge of the past does not pass
from generation to generation without interruptions but it always connects generations.
Jansen (2009:53-54) also states that knowledge is about influence and that it is always
relational. Knowledge is always mediated intergenerationally, and the knowledge passed
down from one generation to the next is always paradoxical in nature because he asks: “How
can we know something if we were not there?” Belnap (2012:116) says that some
remembrances of trauma are passed down from our ancestors in the form of life lessons. This
is similar to Jansen’s idea of knowledge being paradoxical and it explains how we “know”
even though we were not there. The purpose of these life lessons is to guide and protect, but
often it is out of context and happens without reflection. This may repeat the trauma and its
implications for the family, because it is accepted as if it needs no explanation. Belnap
(2012:115) describes how repetitive jokes and teasing within families often preserve in ritual
form a bit of family trauma. The trauma will be referred to as “it”, or it will be joked about or
teased in various ways.

Jansen (2009:140) acknowledges that knowledge is embedded in emotions but that knowledge
is primary because to know of an atrocity or not to know has culpability. It is familial and has
personal consequences whether one is a perpetrator to or not. By focusing on knowledge we
are able to gain a deeper understanding and ask important questions such as: “What do they
know, how do they know and what do they do with such knowledge? How was it transmitted
from the direct receiver as indirect knowledge to the second generation?” Knowledge
according to Jansen (2009:80-81) is not only transmitted through words but also in silence, in
the bodies, actions and responses of parents who transmit it to their children. Jansen’s
indirect knowledge could be a key mechanism in explaining how certain values and beliefs
could have been transmitted from slaves to their descendants when one considers the cultural
landscape of the Western Cape today. This is confirmed by Belnap (2012:129), a
psychotherapist, who maintains that the ideology and values that family members use to
define who they are or the links they form with a larger organisation (political or religious)
can be mechanisms of trauma transmission.

2.7.3 Family systems theory

Family communication is a means of trauma transmission in family systems theory.

 44

2.7.3.1 Family patterns of communication

Family patterns of communication are a means of transmitting emotions, values and rules
onto the next generation. Patterns of family communication would also be a means of
transmitting trauma through interaction between parents and children, or caregivers and
children. This can be seen as vicarious trauma, where the family members or children hear
about the trauma of another and become traumatised themselves. Belnap (2012) discusses
how trauma in families can change family communication and set up patterns of behaviour
dominated by helping children to remember the danger without the children understanding it
and to survive this danger. This happens in contradictions in “spoken words”, silences and the
emotional context in which the trauma is discussed. Exposure to continuous interparental
violence has long-term negative psychological, social and academic effects on children. In a
family of post traumatic stress disorder victims it was found that communication around the
traumatic event and its consequences was a vital means of transmitting distress from parents
to children (Franklin & Kercher, 2012:188-189). Patterns of communication around these
events can range from silence to over-disclosure which have already been discussed in the
previous section. Communication becomes confusing, indirect and ambivalent as sensitive
topics are avoided or spoken about in ways to prevent intensifying distress. Children then
receive incomplete messages and clues about their parents’ trauma and are unable to make
meaning of it. Dekel and Goldblatt (2008) report that, when this happens, children are unable
to understand the meaning of what is taking place in their homes. Children may fantasise
about the missing details and create a more frightening story than the real story. The opposite
can also happen in “over-disclosure”. When over-disclosure becomes a pattern in the family,
children are exposed to information that they are unable to process or make sense of
cognitively and emotionally. By re-enacting their own unremembered early relational
experiences of fear and helplessness, parents can transmit trauma from one generation to the
next.

2.7.3.2 Enmeshment

In highly closed systems, parents are fully committed to their children and children are overly
concerned with their parents' welfare, both trying to shield the other from painful experiences
(Kellerman, 2001). Through mutual identifications, parents live vicariously through their
children and children live vicariously in the horrific past of their parents. Parents who care
too much and who become overly involved and intrusive, tend to enmesh their offspring in
the crossfire of their own emotional problems and bind their children to themselves in a
 45

manner that makes it difficult for the children to gain independence (Baptist, Thomas,
Norman, Hardy & Link 2012).

Although Kellerman’s work is helpful to understand the theories behind mechanisms of

transmission, it does not include societal mechanisms of trauma transmission such as silence,
shame and humiliation or disenfranchised grief and political succession.According to Danieli
( 1998) and Weingarten (2004) societal mechanisms of trauma transmission are mechanisms
such as silence, shame and humiliation which society transmits to families , communities and
individuals. I have therefore included these mechanisms as scholars such as Danieli (1998)
and Weingarten (2004) state that silence, shame and humiliation are key societal mechanisms
of trauma transmission and are discussed below.

2.7.4 Societal mechanisms

When considering the legacy of trauma, one has to look at the social and cultural context of
the people affected by that trauma. A child or family who comes for help to a social worker
could be from a group which has been persecuted or traumatised for generations
(Ancherhoff, Munroe & Fisher, 1998:269). Silence, shame and humiliation and
disenfranchised grief and political succession have therefore been viewed as a means in
which trauma is transmitted in societies to affect families and individuals (Adonis, 2008;
Ancherhoff, 1998; Belnap, 2012; Danieli, 1998; Weingarten, 2004). Each of the mechanisms
below and describe how they transmit trauma are described below.

2.7.4.1 Silence

According to literature on intergenerational trauma (Danieli, 1998; Ancherhoff, Munroe &

Fisher, 1998; Eldelman, Kordon & Lagos, 1998; Weingarten, 2004), silence is one the main
ways in which trauma is transferred from one generation to the next.

Silence can operate at an individual, familial and societal level. According to Depelchin
(2005: 9, 10), there are two types of silence that operate at societal level, i.e. the silence
produced through state oppression and terror, and the silence later produced by social
scientists and historians. Silence is therefore one of the key mechanisms of trauma
transmission (Danieli, 1998; Weingarten, 2004).

Silence is not only the absence of sound. In families it communicates a number of things to
transmit trauma from one generation to the next. Silence between people and within a family
can communicate the following (Weingarten 2004:16): Don’t go there. Don’t do that. Don’t
say that.This is too much. This is too little. This hurts; this doesn’t. Silence can also follow
 46

the disclosure of something traumatic. Collective silence is often accompanied by violence,

particularly political violence, which has been experienced in multiple ways in South Africa.
Frankish (2009) studied the silence between generations of related black South African
women who had experienced political and relational violence. The silence around a traumatic
event was a way in which the trauma was shared intergenerationally. The parents’ silence
about their trauma sent a message to the next generation not to ask questions about or to
discuss the trauma. Hence, the child is left to draw conclusions from the silence or to deal
with indirect knowing through community networks or overheard stories. The silence also
communicates that the trauma is indescribable. In this way, children share the trauma without
knowing any details. The trauma is therefore transmitted through indirect “knowing”.

Danieli (1998) developed what she called the conspiracy of silence based on the trauma and
horror of Holocaust survivors where the victims were rendered silent because they feared
their story would not be believed or that nobody would listen to them. This silence was
maintained by society and professionals alike. The silence of the survivors had a particularly
negative impact on their adaption in their families and on their long-term healing and their
integration of the trauma.

2.7.4.2 Shame

Shame also plays a role in rauma transmission from one generation to the next and it can
exist at individual, family and national level. It can also be referred to as humiliation where
persons or groups are degraded not just at individual level but also at group level (Adonis,
2008). Shame is the effect of indignity, defeat, transgression, inferiority and/or alienation
(Kaufman, 1992: xix-xx). People experience shame in situations where they reach out for
something they want, need or even long for and experience themselves as dependent on the
response of others. People’s sense that others are responding to or seeing them in ways
contrary to how they would wish is a common trigger for feelings of shame or fear to arise
and people then respond in self-defeating ways, to protect themselves from these painful
feelings. When this happens, people become even more at risk to experience shame in an
acute way.

They typically interpret this flood of shame responses as negative information about
themselves rather than usable information about the degree of receptivity of the support in
their relational field. Hence, it is this referential interpretation that spirals into a vicious cycle
of disempowerment, paralysis and further waves of shame (Carlson & Kolodny, 2009:181-
182).
 47

This experience of shame is powerfully unpleasant and it gives rise to the compelling need to
avoid it. Low levels of shame can be helpful in regulating how much of themselves people
will reveal to the social world. Shame can therefore be disempowering, especially when
people believe and interpret that the reason they are being ignored or judged negatively is
their fault. Carlson and Kolodny (2009:184) state that this is a critical step in the meaning-
making process when people interpret the lack of response or receptivity as their fault instead
of seeing it as a function of the social field, because people internalise the shame when they
view it as their fault.

Shame is also related to power relations and it is more likely to be activated when power
relations are unequal. One party positions itself above the other, making the other “less than”
and not valuing the other as a co-equal (Bozalek, 2004). Thus shame’s disabling impact
occurs in reaction to being thwarted in realising some want, interest or longing, as well as in
response to the feelings of inadequacy, deficiency and unworthiness that follow, coupled with
the belief that they are not just deficient in their own eyes but in the eyes of others – others
who matter to them. Shame is not just about failing to get our needs met. Shame is, more
importantly, a response to the message that people give themselves about why their needs
were not met. Shame is not just about the disappointing or insufficient support coming from
the social field, but also about the individuals’ own interpretation that the lack is due to a
deficiency within themselves (Carlson & Kolodny, 2009:187).

Carlson and Kolodny (2009:183) define shame as the ever-present possibility that people will
not be received by others who matter to them and that these people will take this to be a sign
of their inherent lack of worthiness. It is not “I did something wrong” but rather “There is
something wrong with me”. Any interpersonal interaction is therefore risking shame.
Individuals will therefore try and avoid shame at all costs. Shame anxiety and the various
ways in which people try to avoid shame narrow their awareness and block them from
complex thinking, changing and being creative because they view it as their fault (Carlson &
Kolodny, 2009:198).

As with silence, shame exists at individual, family and national level. If silence incubates
fear, shame incubates and can stimulate violence often retaliatory violence (Gilligan,
1997:113) Shame, thus, also plays a role in the transmission of trauma from one generation to
the next (Kaufman, 1992).

2.7.4.3 Disenfranchised grief

 48

Doka (1989) defined the term disenfranchised grief as the types of losses and grief that
families, communities and whole societies refuse to recognise as legitimate. They also refuse
to give space or time to disenfranchised grief. According to Stein (2012:173),
unacknowledged and unacknowlegeable grief is a mechanism which plays a role in
transmitting trauma from one generation to the next. He maintains that some people’s grief is
publicly acknowledged while others’ grief is either ignored or forgotten. For example, the
trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery of black families in the Western
Cape was not a feature of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC); in a sense, it was
forgotten and ignored. Divoine and Gaudilliere (2004) believe that trauma can become “cut
off’ from social discourse, leaving people with unacknowledged grief. Stein (2012:175)
purports that what is consciously “banished” from society comes back in the form of
enactment. When grief and mourning is repressed or dissociated enactment occurs where the
individual or group “acts out” in order to avoid painful experiences related to the loss.
Enactment is the externalization of traumatic themes from the past in the form of non-verbal
behaviour (Kogan, 2012:6).

2.7.4.4 Political succession

Stein (2012: 183) describes how political succession as in the change of leadership, whether
violent or peaceful, can also be a mechanism that transmits unfinished emotional trauma from
one generation to the next. He believes that no society or group is immune from this and that
“history” could repeat itself as groups become stuck in time and are unable to change when
this happens. He gives examples of Russia that was stuck in a post-Stalin era, dealing with
the brutality of a dictator. Mourning and grieving become complicated because of the horrific
past when it inserts itself into present-day society (Stein, 2012:185). South Africa is clearly
living in the post-apartheid era and literature on the legacy of apartheid indicates that South
Africans are reminded of its traumatic past on a daily basis (Adonis, 2008; Barbarin 2000;
Bozalek, 2010; Keizan & Duncan, 2010).

It is important to understand the historical context of the trauma in South Africa in order to
understand the transmission of trauma in the families who participated in this research.
However, the mechanisms of trauma transmission are largely based on the medical and
psychotherapeutic model of trauma, which has not been appropriate for oppressed
communities (Evans-Campbell, 2008). Narrative therapy theory has therefore been included
in the conceptual framework in order to take into account the broader social context when
working with people who have experienced trauma (Morgan, 2000).
 49

2.7.5 Narrative therapy theory

Narrative therapy theory was used in this research because it provides a model of how people
construct their world. This is based on their interpretation of their reality and on the multiple
stories that are interrelated and that their lives are made up of (Duvall & Béres, 2011).
Reissman and Quinney (2005:392) believe that studying narratives is essential for social
work because it is the study of human interaction in relations. The significance of language
and meaning in counselling remained largely unexplored until highlighted by structuralists
and post-structuralists ( Besley, 2001 : 72). Michael White and David Epston (1989, 1990)
who developed ‘narrative therapy’ in Australia were largely influenced by Foucaultian
discourse analysis. Narrative therapy theory as developed by Michael White and David
Epston (1998) of the Dulwhich Centre forms part of the conceptual framework and is
discussed below. White and Epston (1998) developed narrative therapy basing it on
Foucauldian discourse analysis. Foucault’s discourse analysis is based on his concept of
power . He viewed power as experienced through the interplay of non-equal and changing
relations of force in a specific context ( Powers, 2007:30). Foucault (1978) believed power
can be experienced within economic relations, political relations, knowledge relations, or
sexual relations. Power is the immediate embodied effect of divisions and inequalities as they
occur in context. Power has a direct productive role in these relations.

Foucault’s key concepts of discourse analysis are power (also called bio-power in order to
emphasize the important role of biology), resistance, the body, social science, social agents,
and the medicalization and clinicalization of social control (Powers 2007:27 ). These
concepts exist at the societal level, according to Foucault (1978), where they have come to
function as cultural myths, ideologies or unacknowledged assumptions. Together, these
concepts inform what Foucault calls a strategy that imparts direction to the micropractices of
everyday life, as well as influencing larger social goals.

The post-structuralist narrative perspective does not minimises oppressive material reality of
slavery and apartheid because Foucauldian discourse analysis does not view power and
resistance as different concepts but a polarieties interrelated within a relational process and
acknowledges that within a relational process both exist simultaneously within a context of
power/knowledge and resistance even though it may be unequal.

Narrative therapy theory is based on assumptions such as the following, namely that
problems are separate from people, and that people have the skills, values and abilities to
reduce the effect that problems have in their lives. The approach also values respect and a
 50

non-blaming attitude towards people and communities. Narrative therapists look at how
people give meaning to the events in their lives, which is linked to a sequence across time

(Morgan, 2000:5).

Stories are an essential way to understand how narratives work. Stories can be viewed as “re-
authoring” or “re-storying” conversations(Morgan , 2000:5). Narrative therapists view
narratives as events which are linked in a sequence across time according to a plot. People
create stories about their lives by linking events together across time. They try to explain
these experiences and give meaning to them, and it is this meaning that forms the “plot” of
the story. A narrative is similar to a thread that links together the events of our lives to form a
story. The way in which people develop these stories are determined by the meaning that they
give to the stories and the way in which they link together certain events in a sequence.
People and communities will select particular events above others to fit in with the meaning
they give to these events (Morgan, 2000:6). The more events they link together in this
sequence the richer the story develops over time. In this way, it can even become the
dominant story of the person’s life.

Certain events are chosen above others because of the meaning that the person gives to such
events. This means that there are events and experiences which people do not choose because
they are less significant or hidden. As a result, such events do not become part of the
dominant story of the person’s life. The narrative therapist attempts to make hidden events or
experiences more visible by raising the person’s awareness of these events or experiences. By
arttributing meaning to them and linking them to other past events an alternative or new story
is authored. Morgan (2000:59) states that the alternative story brings forth people’s skills;
abilities ; competencies and commitments . The concept of the alternative story in narrative
therapy is based on Foucaults (1975) concept of subjugated knowledge, counter-histories and
counter-memories . Subjugated knowledge is knowledge and experiences which have been
marginalised by hegemonic discourse. With the invisibility of subjugates knowledge
opportunities for resistance remain unnoticed. In order make visible opportunities for
resistance ounter-memories and counter –histories and to be produced ( Medina, 2011: 11-
12). Counter-histories and counter-memories are experiences and memories or knowledge
which has not been integrated into the social discourse of society. Narrative therapists aim to
help people re-author their stories in order to create alternative stories similar to counter-
histories and counter-memories by listening to what does not fit the person’s dominant story
and exploring the history thereof ( Morgan, 2000: 33).
 51

However, stories are never developed in isolation but in relation to broader contexts. The
meaning that people give to the dominant story of their lives will constitute and shape their
lives (Morgan, 2000:7-9). The meaning that people give to their lives is also influenced by
“thin conclusions” or thin descriptions of themselves by others who have the power to define
them. Thin conclusions can be described as the meanings people give to their lives omitting
the complexity and contradictions. Sometimes these thin conclusions obscure broader
relations of power.

Examples of thin conclusions include parents who describe their children’s behaviour, or
teachers describing their learners’ behaviour. According Morgan (2000:12-13), individuals
can come to believe these thin descriptions ascribed to them by others. This has negative
effects for individuals as it influences their identity. Just as this conclusions can support and
sustain problems , alternative stories can create new possibilities for living. The narrative
therapist therefore deliberately seeks for alternative stories to richly describe people’s lives
and relationships to raise their awareness of the contradictions and broader context of their
lives ( Morgan, 2000;14).

2.8 CONCLUSION

This chapter discussed the conceptual framework of the research study. The key concepts
making up the conceptual framework are intergenerational trauma and the transmission of
intergeneration trauma. I also gave a short background of intergenerational transmission in
order to delimit the studyas trauma is not the only experience that can be transmitted in
families and across generations, but values, beliefs, assets, knowledge and goods and services
can also be transmitted . The limitations of the medical and DSM-IV definitions of
intergenerational trauma were highlighted, and the trauma of displacement and historical
trauma of slavery were defined and described. The mechanisms of trauma transmission were
presented in detail to clarify the complex and unconscious processes which are not usually
included in social work curricula. The chapter ended with a discussion on narrative therapy
theory as part of the conceptual framework in order to contextualise the trauma of the
participants in this research study. By presenting the conceptual framework, the key theories
that guided the research process are highlighted.

Chapter 3 focuses on intergenerational trauma in South Africa which provide the fieldwork
context of this research.
 52

CHAPTER 3
INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA IN THE
SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT

3.1 INTRODUCTION

In the previous chapter, the conceptual framework of this research was discussed, which
included theories on intergenerational trauma and trauma transmission. Studies on the
transmission of trauma in South Africa are limited. Also, traditional theories on
intergenerational trauma and trauma transmission do not take into consideration the dominant
discourse of colonialism where memory and knowledge of the past have been subjugated.
This has resulted in limited discourse on the historical trauma of slavery in social work.

This chapter therefore includes a detailed description of the historical trauma of slavery in the
Western Cape. Due to the historical nature of trauma in the form of colonialism and South
Africa’s recent apartheid past, there are intersections with institutional, cultural and personal
racism which emerged from the literature and which form part of the contextual nature of
intergenerational trauma in South Africa. The main focus is, however, on the legacy of
apartheid. The literature on intergenerational trauma as it applies to the South African and
social work context is critically discussed because of the dominant discourses operational in
South Africa. A chronology of the socio-political events in South Africa since the arrival of
slaves is provided in the first section of the chapter to include the historical trauma of slavery.

3.2 CHRONOLOGY OF SOCIO-POLITICAL EVENTS IN SOUTH AFRICA

This chronology of socio-political events in South Africa provides part of the context of the
case studies and life-stories underpinning this research study.
 53

Table 3.1: A chronology of socio-political events in South Africa 1652 – 1994

Year Event
1652-1808 Approximately 63 000 slaves were imported from India, North West Africa, Madagascar and
Indonesia. The Cape becomes a Dutch Colony.
1653 The first slaves arrive in the Cape.
1657 Slaves from Angola in West Africa arrive at the Cape.
1690 The first slave uprising is aborted.
1754 The Tulbagh Code sets out rules to control slaves, which included being put to death if the
slave “lifted a hand” to his owner (Mountain 2004:44).
1806 The British take control of the Cape.
1832 Slave trade is legally abolished but many slaves remain with their owners as they had to buy
their freedom.
1838 Emancipation is implemented.
1852 The Governor at the Cape, Glen Gray, forces territorial segregation.
1901 The first forced removal takes place and the bubonic plague breaks out. “Using health
legislation, an outbreak of bubonic plague was a pretext for the removal of Africans from
District Six and set the pattern for future residential segregation.” (Field et al 2001).
1905 White areas are created in Natal. Africans were not permitted to own land. Poll tax was
introduced for Africans, forcing them into employment.
1910 The unification of the Cape, Natal, Free State and Transvaal into South Africa takes place.
The Union of South Africa was established under the British Empire with political and
property rights only given to whites.
Katie Jacobs, the last slave, was interviewed.
1912 The African National Congress (ANC) was formed.
1913 The Native Land Act was passed, reserving major fertile lands for whites only.
1914 The Nationalist Party was formed.
1919 White racism intensifies.
1922 Race-differentiated curricula are introduced in schools.
1927 The Riotous Act is introduced to suppress African resistance.
1934 The last election in the Cape, where both non-whites and whites voted together, is held.
1936 Cape blacks lose the vote and the Native Land Act is enforced.
1948 The Population Registration Act is passed, requiring all citizens to register according to the
race stamped in their identity books. This was decided by officials based on an individual’s
skin colour and hair texture.
1950 The Group Areas Act is passed, segregating all residential areas according to race.
1953 The Bantu Education Act limits access to higher education for blacks.
1954 ‘Coloured’ voters are removed from voting lists.
1958 Africans are forced to move from District Six. Windermere/Kensington is declared a whites
only area and non-whites are forced to move.
1959 The University Education Act prohibits blacks from attending “white” universities without
permission from the internal minister.
1960 A state of emergency is declared. Resistance is controlled with arrests.
The “dopstelsel” of paying farm workers with alcohol is made illegal after 300 years.
 54

Year Event
1961 South Africa becomes a republic and leaves the British Commonwealth.
1962 Detention without trial is instituted, allowing police to hold suspects for 12 days without
charging them or taking them to court.
1966 District Six (an area in Cape Town where some of the families in this study originate from) is
declared a whites only area.
1967 Harfield Village in Claremont (an area where a family in this study originates from) is
declared a whites only area.
1975 Teachers, parents and students protest against Mathematics and Social Studies being taught
in Afrikaans.
1976 The state violently suppresses protests including the Soweto uprising.
1985 The Group Areas Act end the forced removals related to the Group Areas Act. Political
violence increases.
1994 The first free elections officially end apartheid.

The chronology above gives a brief description of events that happened since the arrival of
slaves in Cape Town. As the participants in this study are descendents of slaves, these events
have had an impact on them. The chronology also shows how segregation and dispossession
of land took place before the Group Areas Act, with territorial segregation being introduced
in 1852 and the Native Land Act passed in 1913.

Territorial segregation and the dispossession of land have been included in the chronology
because the slave heritage and the historical nature of trauma in Cape Town are often
forgotten in emerging studies on intergenerational trauma in South Africa. Most of the studies
on intergenerational trauma in South Africa focus on the intergenerational effects of apartheid
and the legacy of apartheid.

3.3 THE LEGACY OF APARTHEID

A discussion on the legacy of apartheid is significant for this study as the displaced families
participating in this study had to re-build their lives in areas with no resources or
infrastructure, while the apartheid government violently enforced apartheid laws and
suppressed any form of protest (Barbarin & Richter, 2001:64).The Group Areas Act, one of
the many discriminatory laws of apartheid, resulted in forced removals and displacement of
black people between 1950 and 1985. According to Bozalek (2010: 487), during apartheid,
institutional racism was embedded in the practice of rationing resources and power in order to
achieve social exclusion through formally legitimated state policies. Dominelli (1988) defines
institutional racism as routines that rely upon public authority to ration resources and power
in order to exclude people designated as belonging to so-called racially inferior categories
 55

This is the social context in which the families taking part in this research tell their stories
and in which they had to rebuild their lives and community. Between 1984 and 1994 violence
became pervasive because political violence evolved into ethnic violence and gang violence
in communities. The ability of black families and communities to cope with continuing
violent repression was therefore greatly reduced and family violence increased as a result of
socialisation in the violence that pervaded South African society (Barbarin & Richter,
2001:64). The intergenerational effects of the violence during apartheid are supported by
research (Adonis, 2008; Bozalek, 2004; Bozalek, 2010; Frankish, 2009; Hope, 2012). The
effects and legacy of apartheid go beyond this violence as it is also visible in the limited
access to housing, employment, education, health and social services that black families have
today, 19 years after apartheid was dismantled (Barbarin & Richter, 2001; Bozalek, 2010).
This is due to laws based on institutional racism.

3.3.1 The intergenerational effects of apartheid

There is a wealth of literature on the legacy of apartheid as well as the trauma of residents in
Cape Town who were displaced and forcibly removed (Bowman, Duncan & Sonn, 2010;
Bozalek,2010: Bank & Minkley, 1998; District Six Museum Annual Report, 2007; Field,
2001; Trotter, 2009; Banbury, 2007; Barbarin, 2001; Louw, 2004; Simpson,1998). Despite
this, the study of intergenerational trauma in South Africa is an emerging area of research
with its main emphasis on the intergenerational effects of apartheid (Adonis, 2008; Bowman,
Duncan & Sonn, 2010; Simpson, 1998; Frankish, 2009; Seedat, Van Niekerk, Jewkes, Suffi
& Ratele, 2009; Keizan & Duncan, 2010). The Apartheid Archives is an international
research project based at Wits University. The Apartheid Archives was started in 2008 to
investigate the experiences of racism of ordinary South Africans under apartheid and its
continuing effects on groups and individuals. It is based on the premise that traumatic
experiences will have an effect on the present if it is not acknowledged or addressed
(Bowman, Duncan & Sonn, 2010). Simpson (1998) states that in comparison with conflicts in
other countries, the primary effects of apartheid were damaging to family and community
structures because many policies, such as the Group Areas Act, directly impacted the way
families and communities were structured. Through the lack of informal support from family
and communities, the ability of black families and communities to cope with continuing
violent repression was therefore greatly reduced. This is confirmed by Harris (2007:82) who
states that social support is a protective factor against trauma. Harris (2007) explains that
support networks are essential to help individuals rebuild their lives after displacement
because the loss of support networks in the forms of family and community makes the person
 56

more vulnerable to mental health issues because social support promotes physical and mental
well being, According to Simpson (1998), South Africa is also experiencing “silence”
regarding the psychological mechanism of trauma, which he believes has been imposed by
retreating to the notion of “reconciliation”. Sonn (2010) discusses the complications and
silence about discussing the effects of apartheid within families across generations. One of
the impacts of trauma is the silence that is produced through repression of traumatic
memories (Lazar, Litvak-Hirsh & Chaitin, 2008; Hawkes, 2007).

3.3.2 Forced removals and displacement

The first forced removals in Cape Town took place as early as 1901, which laid the
foundation for subsequent forced removals. One of the greatest tragedies of apartheid was the
Group Areas Act of 1950, which forced and legalised segregation. It also left a legacy of
townships and suburbs in Cape Town, based on race. Between 1968 and the 1970s, black and
‘Coloured’ South Africans were forcibly removed from various areas in Cape Town. Trotter
(2009) reports that the Group Areas Act continues to shape identities, alluding to the fact that
the trauma of removals still impacts communities today.

The aim of forced removals was to separate identified race groups. The trauma, pain and
degradation suffered as a result of the forced removals and institutional racism continued to
impact the lives of families and students after the dismantling of apartheid. The forced
removals resulted in humiliation, which left a huge impact on the self concept of those who
were forcibly removed (Bozalek, 2004:107).

In a study by Trotter (2009) of 100 life histories of people who were forcibly removed from
Cape Town, the author points out that forced removals resulted in mass social trauma from
the forced displacement of 150 000 people. Trotter (2009) studied 100 life stories of
removees. However, these were only adult life stories and not the stories of the children.
Being a historian, Trotter (2009: 78) states that children do not remember much of the
trauma. However, there is extensive research (Belnap, 2012;Blom 2006; Franklin & Kercher,
2012; Howe, 1995; Hyder, 2005; Kogan, 2012; Lampert, 2003; Oaklaner, 1978; Ringel &
Brandell, 2012; Volkan, 2012) on how children experience and make sense of traumatic
experiences. In fact, children are more vulnerable in their experience of trauma because they
may not have the coping mechanisms to deal with trauma and are dependent on the adults in
their lives to support them. It is the children of those forcibly removed who make up the
second generation of this study. The life histories that Trotter (2009) studied, described how
forced removals caused mass social trauma and how residents coped with the trauma and pain
 57

by remembering their former communities and life in Cape Town. Trotter (2009:52)
describes how residents revealed that some family members committed suicide rather than
moving to another area.

In order to cope with the emotional and psychological distress created by the trauma of
displacement, residents sought out each other and shared nostalgic stories of their removals.
Over the decades, the forced removals of Coloured people in Cape Town created a communal
narrative which has been reflected in the arts and literature, where literary works such as
Buckingham Palace (Rive) and District Six, the musical ( Taliep Pietersen & David Kramer)
have become part of the collective narrative.

Trotter’s (2009) research also indicates that the residents struggled to adjust and invest in
their new communities. The displaced families idealised the community they previously lived
in and saw the new township as crime-ridden and gang-ridden. Any mention of crime and
gangs in their previous community was denied or underplayed. The displaced participants
were bitter and felt betrayed. They believed that with the destruction of their communities,
the moral values of the community were also destroyed. There was a clear distinction
between the era before forced removals and life after the forced removals.

The residents who were forcibly removed can now be defined as people who were internally
displaced according to the 2004 Guiding Principles of Internal Displacement (Office for the
Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, United Nations, 2004:1). According to these
principles, internally displaced people are “persons or groups of people who are forced or
obliged to flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result
of or to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence, violation of
human rights, or natural or human made disasters and who have not crossed an
internationally recognized state border”.

For indigenous communities, structural displacement according to Walls and Whitbeck

(2012) is just as traumatising and stressful as the loss of a loved one to death. For indigenous
communities, cultural identity is tied to a place and land. Research by Whitbeck,et al (2004)
provides evidence that cultural and historical losses (loss of land and language) experienced
by indigenous communities resulted in affective outcomes such as guilt, helplessness,
despair, anger, substance misuse and depressive symptoms. The quantitative study by Walls
and Whitbeck (2012) on 507 grandchildren of adults who were forced to relocate due to
government policies indicated that the effects of the relocation impacted several generations.
Displacement creates cultural dislocation and a loss of connection with family, friends and
 58

community (Wade, Mitchell & Bayliss, 2005). According to the Internal Displacement
Monitoring Centre (United Nations 2004), internally displaced people are vulnerable to the
following conditions:
• The social organisation of the displaced people is damaged and destroyed;
• Family groups may be separated or disrupted, and women may be forced to assume
non-traditional roles which can be traumatic for some women in particular cultures.
Family groups can also face particular vulnerabilities;
• Internally displaced populations, and especially groups like children, the elderly or
pregnant women, may experience profound psychosocial distress related to
displacement;
• Removal from sources of income and livelihood may add to physical and psychosocial
vulnerability for displaced people;
• Schooling for children and adolescents may be disrupted.

3.4 INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA IN SOUTH AFRICA

The main focus of research on intergenerational trauma in South Africa is the trauma and
violence of apartheid and its continuing impact on South African society today. Jonathan
Jansen (2009:51) explores the idea that the power of indirect knowledge of apartheid may
have been passed down to the “post-apartheid” generation. Jansen (2009) conducted research
focused on the intergenerational transmission of white racism. He questions how young
people, who were still young children around the time of Nelson Mandela’s release from
prison, could recall so vividly events and experiences from the past. He concludes that it is
socialisation in the family, education system and society that has transmitted the values and
beliefs of previous generations to the current generation. The work of the Apartheid Archives
Project at the Witwatersrand University is based on the assumption that trauma has effects on
both past and future generations. Although social service professions, such as psychology,
(Bowman, Duncan & Sonn, 2010; Frankish, 2009) have recognised the impact of apartheid
on South African families, social work to a large extent in its practice and theory has operated
in an apolitical context regarding work with families. Bozalek (2004;2010) explains how
social work cirriculum is based on systemic theory which does not consider the political
context of the families. Systemic theory and functionlist models are limited in helping
students to understand the complexity of families responses to institutional racism..
Internationally, social workers operating from a more critical or postcolonial stance have
started to explore intergenerational trauma in order to address the needs of past traumatised
 59

populations, with an awareness that trauma affects both past and current generations (Brave
Heart & DeBruyn, 1998; Kahane-Nissenbaum, 2011). Bozalek (2004; 2010) undertook
research on black social work students and their families after apartheid was dismantled.
Students mentioned how their grandparents and parents were forced to relocate due to the
Group Areas Act and felt that the forced removals disrupted relationships and caused a
breakdown in the kinship networks in the families and the communities they originated from.
The students believed that this loss of geographical community and relationships still had its
impact on their present family and community life. The students’ accounts of family
memories of forced removals indicated that they believed that the removals and various
forms of institutional racism had prevented members of their families from developing and
thriving. Students referred to drug and alcohol abuse and the problem of gangsterism and
crime in their communities as a result of families being forced to relocate to areas where there
was no infrastructure, community support and job opportunities.

Frankish (2009) focuses on the intergenerational trauma of the violence of apartheid. She
concluded that violence was shared and constructed intergenerationally through silence.
According to her, the sharing of traumatic events took place in moments of knowing and
moments of connection as the sharing was mainly a silent activity because the trauma was
indescribable.

Hope (2012) undertook research on poor families in Cape Town and found intergenerational
patterns regarding poverty, substance abuse and intimate partner violence which had been
transmitted across generations. She concluded that the families were still impacted by the past
experienced of apartheid and that the families were still experiencing trauma which had not
been addressed.

3.4.1 Trauma and memory in South Africa

Trauma is thought to rupture both the continuity (in which continuity is associated with
identity) of the self and the community. The rupture is enlarged both by a lack of
acknowledgment or denial by others about what had happened and by the inability of the
sufferers to acknowledge or bear witness to their own suffering. Memory then becomes the
vehicle through which identity can be reinstated. Private trauma and personal memory are
thus connected with public and collective memory, simply in the act of telling and receiving.
There is mutual awareness among the bearers of witness that the trauma occurred within a
historical and collective context (Mckinney, 2007).
 60

This exchange enables clients to reclaim their own position as witnesses to the truth of what
happened and achieve membership within a collective of testifying “survivors” whose
identity is anchored in a discourse of remembrance (Laub, 1995). Currently, there is a
“memory industry” in South Africa focusing on the apartheid memories and how people
remember it (Hamber 2012: 276-278). This is particularly relevant for this research project as
people may be reflecting, remembering and recalling some traumatic events of the past,
which includes their displacement during apartheid. In addition, not being able to remember
or recall or speak about past traumatic events is equally relevant. Van der Kolk’s(1996) early
work around traumatic memories is based on the idea that some events are so frightening and
overwhelming that they may not fit into the existing memories and structures of an individual
and may therefore become split off from conscious awareness and voluntary control. This
means that traumatic memories may be fragmented. The individual may therefore not always
recall accurate details of an event. This has huge implications for social service professionals
as well as for societies who are recovering and trying to heal from violent oppression. For
example, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was based on witness accounts of
events during the apartheid era, and much has been written about its effectiveness and also its
ineffectiveness. Bowman, Duncan and Sonn (2010) believe that the TRC has left much of the
complexities of apartheid racism and trauma unexplored, and that these issues have been
superficially addressed.

The main methodology used to collect data for this research project is narrative inquiry using
life histories. This means that memory and traumatic memory are relevant in terms of this
study because what people remember, how they recall it and what they omit are important. In
traumatic memory theory, Brewin (2003) proposes a model where traumatic memory can be
manifested in two ways: verbally accessible memories and situationally accessible memories.
Verbally accessible memories of trauma are those memories that people are able to recall
consciously. These memories can be used to reflect on the trauma being recalled. However,
people can only work with what they remember. Situationally accessible memories are not
consciously available, but are triggered by external factors. They are often brief emotional
responses associated with recollections of traumatic experiences. When individuals relive and
narrate their experiences through situationally accessible memories, their words often focus
on sensations and emotions. As a result, people will often have gaps in their memories of
traumatic experiences. This is extremely relevant for this study, and the social workers
working with these families need to keep this in mind. Just because an individual is unable to
recall a traumatic event, or may not mention it, does not mean that he or she did not find it
 61

traumatising. Evans-Campbell’s (2008) concept of the colonial trauma response is based on

the idea that even though people were not born during colonial times or cannot recall colonial
trauma they can still experience historical trauma when talking about other forms of trauma
or experiences of discrimination. Graf (2011) also states that where there is slavery there is
trauma, and that the trauma of slavery is still experienced by descendents of slaves. Black
American scholars like Patterson (1982) and Painter (1995) have written extensively on the
trauma of slavery, which is still experienced by descendents of slaves in America. For this
reason, a discussion on the trauma of slavery in the Western Cape is relevant.

3.5 THE TRAUMA OF SLAVERY

Since 1994, various studies have examined slavery and its connection to current-day social
conditions experienced in black families, particularly families in the Western Cape (Trotter,
2009; Worden, 2009; Loos, 2004; Van der Ross, 2005). However, this research is sporadic
and has tended to focus on the construction of post-apartheid identities and recognising slave
heritage in the Cape (De Costa, 1994; Worden, 2009; Trotter, 2009).

Research on the intergenerational effects of the trauma of slavery in Cape Town is limited.
Shell (2001) and Van der Merwe (2010) focus on the “Dopstelsel” which has led to alarming
rates of Foetal Alcohol Syndrome (FAS) in the Western Cape. The Western Cape has the
highest FAS statistics in the world where one out of every 15 children suffer from Foetal
Alcohol Related effects (Van De Merwe, 2010: 179).The first mention of slaves in South
Africa was in 1654. Slavery in the Cape lasted almost 200 years. By 1834, there were 36 169
slaves in the Cape (Mountain, 2004:22). The literature available on the conditions and
treatment of the Slaves in the Cape is mainly from an historical perspective, and limited
literature exists that considers intergenerational trauma or its effects (Mountain, 2004;
Worden 2009; Van der Merwe 2010). Slavery entailed a relationship of domination, and the
slaves were violently dominated by their masters (Mason, 2003). Violence and the threat of
violence were also means of social control, reminding the slaves of their powerlessness. The
punishment of whippings and beatings had psychological consequences (Mason, 2003:146).
Slave families were particularly vulnerable due to the laws of the Cape Colony, which
included that slaves were not allowed to be legally married and that slave parents had no legal
claim over their children. Slave families were often separated due to the parents being owned
by different slave owners. Mason (2003) reports that often slave parents tried to prevent their
children from being sold to other slave owners. Slaves would also appeal to “protectors” or
 62

sometimes the police to help them bring their families together. The punishment and
conditions described in DeBroey (1989:75) include execution by hanging, being mercilessly
whipped, and the mutilation of runaway slaves where they lost their ears and noses. Slaves
therefore did not only have to deal with the trauma of violent domination but also the trauma
of family separation. Mountain (2004:7) alludes to the fact that the psychological wounds
may have been passed on to generations today. He states that slavery is a part of the Cape’s
history, and that few have examined this. Worden (2009) discusses the “amnesia” of slave
heritage in the Western Cape, and this is confirmed by Trotter (2009) who also mentions that
slave heritage is denied and sometimes forgotten in the memory of Coloured people in the
Western Cape.

3.5.1 Cultural Creolisation and dispossession

Between 1602 and 1808, some 63 000 slaves were exported to the Cape. These slaves mainly
came from areas such as Africa (26 percent), Madagascar (25 percent), India (25 percent) and
Indonesia (22 percent). In a classic work on slavery, Shell (2001:46-65) calls “Creolisation”
the process of accultuaration of slaves who were born and socialised into slavery in the Cape
due to the linguistic and cultural mixture of Cape slave households Slaves were usually
seized or imported as adults, but Creolisation, according to Shell, happened when slave
women living in the Cape gave birth to children who were also slaves. These children were
now slaves born and bred in the Cape and had not been imported from another country. In the
1820’s the word “mulatto” or creole slave was conveniently replaced by the word ‘Coloured’
and Shell (2001:54) notes that this term ‘Coloured’ has stubbornly persisted.

By 1770, creolised slaves made up 50 percent of the slaves in the Cape. This was one of the
unique features of the Cape slave society. It had a huge implication for shaping the culture of
slave descendents as the cultures started to blend, giving rise to a “Cape culture” unique to
the Western Cape. Another unique feature of Cape slavery according to Shell (2001:63) was
the fact that local indigenous people were also enslaved; various Khoi people have been
noted in slave records. Shell (2001) believes that Creolisation did not only happen through
the melting pot of cultures but that “Creolisation” also started to manifest itself biologically
through the children of slaves who may have had parents from different cultural backgrounds.
Eastern slaves used a common language, and eventually the Creolisation of the Afrikaans
language was created by both slaves and free people. It was referred to as “kitchen Dutch” at
the time (Shell, 2001:63). According to Mountain, it is ironic that the failed attempts of the
Cape government to promote Christianity among slaves led to the growth of Islam. Article
 63

Nine of the Statutes of India (1770) stated that Christian slaves could never be sold; they
could only be bequeathed, given away or emancipated if the owners left the country
(Mountain, 2004:101). This was a threat to the slave owners because there would be no value
if they could not sell their assets. Slave owners did little to encourage their slaves to be
baptised into Christianity, and as a result many preferred to become Muslims. In Islam,
Muslims are not allowed to consume alcohol. Hence, this was another reason for slave
owners to tolerate their slaves becoming Muslims because it reduced drunken behaviour on
farms. The slave owners therefore perceived it as a way in which they could better manage
their slaves. This was another reason why slave owners tolerated and encouraged the growth
of Islam. The best artisans in Cape Town happened to be disciplined Muslims and the slave
owners were hoping that these artisans would set an example for their slaves. Despite the
Article and pleas from Christian missionaries, only 86 slaves out of 36 000 were eventually
baptised (Mountain, 2004:101-103). According to Mountain (2004:103), Islam had been an
illegal religion until 1804 and then grew to become an established religion of a third of the
Cape population. However, within Cape Town, slave heritage still survives not only in the
buildings and remembrance sites but also in the traditional cuisine, language and culture of
the Cape. If aspects of culture such as language and cuisine have been passed down from one
generation to the next, then the trauma of slavery may also have been passed down through
the values and beliefs of families. The trauma may have been passed down through the
different ways in which slaves were socialised and controlled, which included psychological
control.

3.5.2 Psychological control

3.5.2.1 Naming patterns

In general, slaves were not allowed to use or keep their native names. The names given to
slaves were based on their origin, the month in which they arrived as well as on the whim of
their owners. Sometimes, this took the form of naming the slave after a specific disability or
defect, for example “Dikbeen” (thick leg) or based on skin colour such as “Witbooi” (white
boy). This in itself was a means of controlling and differentiating among the slave population.
Names were also based on the bible and Greek mythology for example “Cupido” and
“Adonis”. Many families in the ‘Coloured’ communities of Cape Town still have surnames
such as September, October, January, Moses or Scipio. It is generally accepted by
anthropologists and historians that many families in the Cape are descendants of slaves
(Shell, 2001:230-236).
 64

3.5.2.2 Violence and torture

Slavery survived on the basis of violence as slaves were threatened with violence if they tried
to escape or did anything that was not acceptable according to their owners. Many slaves
were tortured and put to death when they committed a crime or tried to escape. Torture was a
means of punishment, and there were many reports of slaves being tortured to such an extent
that they died. Incidents of the torture and death of slaves were documented because there
was a commission that was supposed to look after the welfare of slaves. The court handed out
punishment to slaves, and punishments for arson and murder would include their hand being
cut off “half-strangled and killed on a slow fire”. For minor “crimes” such as smoking a pipe,
slaves could receive severe floggings. According to Shell (2001:193), between 1680 and
1795, slaves were publicly executed at a rate of almost one every month.

The impact of trauma and torture has been discussed earlier in this chapter. According to
Hawkes (2007:97) torture causes extreme mental and physical pain in addition to long-term
psychological harm. This includes symptoms of post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Witnessing torture and trauma can have a similar impact and may result in deep
psychological wounds (Hawkes, 2007:97-98). According to Kogan (2012), the Holocaust
trauma and terror was transmitted from Holocaust survivors to their children via unconscious
processes such as projection and identification.

3.5.2.3 Gender hierarchy of slave population

The male slaves constantly outnumbered the female slaves, and this uneven distribution
combined with enslavement had ramifications for slaves. According to Shell (2001:125), the
slave owners continued to prefer male slaves, which greatly limited the opportunities for
slaves to establish stable family lives. A shortage of free women and slave women was
always experienced in the Cape. In Cape crime records of the period, there were many
incidents of extreme violence, rape and murder among slaves as well as among free whites.
Shell (2001:73-75) suggests that it could have been the indirect result of the extreme unequal
sex distribution. The violent suppression of the slaves, the high ratio of men to women and
the shortage of women meant that it created conflict as there were limited opportunities for
sexual relations or developing relationships.

This is indicative of how the hegemonic system shaped Cape society at the time. The extreme
violence at the time was also a result of the disempowerment and violent oppression of the
slaves (Mountain, 2004; Shell, 2001). Children born were given the legal status of their
mothers. This was a deliberate effort by the government to deny mixed-race children’s claims
 65

to freedom if they were born from a father who was a free man. Slave women were often
forced to have sex with visiting Europeans by their slave owners in order for the owner to
profit from the situation either by being paid for the slave or by benefitting when the slave
became pregnant.

3.5.2.4 Denial of marital and family rights

For almost 200 years, slaves were not allowed to marry one another. Slaves were not allowed
to be married unless permission was granted by their owners, and then they were to be
married in church and converted to Christianity (Mountain, 2004:70). Only the slave women
of the Dutch East India Company’s Slave Lodge were allowed to be married, and only
because it became embarrassing for a Dutch Commissioner when he saw the number of
mixed-race children or what was then called “malutto slaves” (Shell, 2001:288). Slave Lodge
women were slave women owned by the Dutch East India Company; they were not privately
owned slaves. These slave women did not work in private households but on the grounds of
the company. The Slave Lodge was used to house and lock up slaves at night, preventing
them from escaping. The European fathers were then allowed to marry the mothers of their
children. If they chose not to, some paid for the upbringing of their children. They would first
need to pay for their freedom and then marry in a Christian church. This is how many
families of European descent in Cape Town also have a slave heritage. Even when Christian
slaves were allowed to be married after 1823, with permission of their masters, many did not
marry because of years of deterrence and the threat that families could be separated. Families
were therefore often separated from each other as children were sold separately from their
parents, and wives and husbands were sold separately or liv ed with different slave-owning
families. Shell (2001 : xxxiii ) states that slaves in the Cape had some rights as they could
inherit, earn money and initiate legal proceedings if they were abused by their owners..
However, they were denied family rights, which were unique to slavery in the Cape in
comparison with other slave societies.

3.5.2.5 Racial classification

The Cape slave population was the most diverse population in all slave societies because the
Cape Colony was in the geographical centre of Dutch Atlantic and Oceanic slave trade. This
often meant that slaves stolen from other slave-carrying vessels would end up being sold at
the Cape (Shell, 2001: 40). Slaves were classified according to their perceived racial origin
and country of origin. This is the point at which race started to be a feature in South African
society and it remains so today. The slave-owning society of the Cape set up a racial
 66

hierarchy among slaves in order to differentiate among slaves and to control them. It was also
thought that the slaves’ heterogeneous nature would prevent them from joining in solidarity,
thus preventing rebellion.

Creole or “mulatto” slaves (a slave who had one European parent or who was born in the
Cape) were preferred by slave owners. Slave owners had extreme stereotypes, saying that
these slaves were more trustworthy and subservient and the least likely to run away. Creole
slaves therefore cost more than other slaves. Creole slaves were also used to do deal with
more confidential matters of the owners and were used to hunt down other slaves who ran
away. In comparison, Malay slaves were viewed as a sly and dangerous race but were skilled
craftsmen. The division of labour was therefore also based on ethnic origin and race. In this
way, race and colour became part of slave hierarchy (Shell, 2001:51-65). Shell notes with
interest that in the Caribbean, the increase of Creole slaves led to an increase in rebellion
while the opposite appeared in the Cape where the increase in the Creole population did not
lead to rebellion. By 1740, the Creole population in the Cape was a third of the total
population and a mass rebellion only took place in 1808, which was 88 years later. Cape
historians agree that it was the way slaves were assimilated into households that prevented
slaves from rebelling like other slave populations in the Caribbean and Antilles.

3.5.3 Subjugation

According to Shell (2001:226), every personal and daily detail down to how a slave dressed
was determined by others. Patterson (1982) observed that what makes slavery different to all
other forms of enforced labour was the concept of being natally alienated, which refers to
being forcibly made to break ties with family. Slaves were subjugated not only through being
forced into labour through physical punishment, but also through psychological controls.
Patterson believed that in a sense slaves were “socially dead” although physically alive. This
is extremely relevant for this study because the theory around intergenerational transmission
would make it plausible that the values, behaviour and beliefs that the slaves internalised
could have been passed from one generation to the next. In addition, Cape slavery was noted
for its intergenerational nature in that if your mother was a slave, you would be born into
slavery as well. This created several slave generations in the Cape where, as previously
stated, by 1770 fifty percent of the slave population had been born in the Cape.

3.5.3.1 Paternalism as psychological slavery

Many historians have asked how slavery survived in the Cape for 200 years. The answer
according to authors such as Shell (2001), Mountain (2004) and Worden (2009) is that
 67

slavery in South Africa was underpinned by a paternalistic system and that slaves in the Cape
were immersed in the family life of slave owners. Slaves were called “boys” or “girls”
throughout their lives. They were treated like children and were regarded as junior family
members. The type of control was therefore psychological and subtle because slaves were a
commodity or an asset of the slave-owning family. Slaves had to be treated and controlled in
such a way that there was no reason for them to run away or for them to be punished until
they died. In addition, the punishment for running away was death. This served to deter
slaves from running away. However, slaves found their own way of rebelling and resisting.
They resisted in their choice of headgear as they started to wear turbans, which would result
in flogging or death. Physically retaliating towards the owner would also result in death.

3.5.3.2 Slave clothing

Slaves were clothed like children in order to maintain the slave owners’ paternalistic form of
control. No slave was allowed to wear any shoes, despite winter months. In the early 19th
century, slave women were eventually allowed to wear only pointy shoes and stockings. The
men, however, were still forced to go barefoot (Shell, 2001:225). Slaves were only allowed to
wear headgear if they could prove to the marriage commissioner that they understood Dutch.

In 1774, in order to control slaves, the governor at the time, Ryk Tulbagh, introduced the
Tulbagh Code:
• Slaves had to be indoors by 10 p.m. If out later, they had to have a pass or carry a
lantern.
• Slaves were not allowed to ride horses or wagons in the street.
• Slaves were not allowed to whistle, sing or make any other sound at night.
• Slaves were not allowed to enter bars, buy alcohol or form any kind of group on a
public holiday.
• Slaves who stopped in the street to talk to each other could be driven off with canes.
• Slaves who falsely accused or insulted a free person were to be flogged and chained.
• Slaves who assaulted their owners were to be shown no mercy and be put to death.

Shell (2001) and Mountain (2004) write how slavery lasted for 176 years, producing
deference, dependence and compliance within most slave psyches. According to Shell (2001),
the only positive outcome of slavery was the development of Afrikaans and a distinct cuisine.
He believes that the psychological implications, social costs and hidden wounds for future
generations are incalculable. When one considers the theories on intergenerational trauma
 68

and historical trauma, it seems probable that the slave heritage of the Western Cape has a
huge influence on descendents of slaves. Similarly, in the United States, there are many
African American scholars who are writing on decolonisation and who believe that slavery
still has an impact on the African-American psyche today. Aboriginal scholars also discuss
the decolonisation and the legacy of colonialism on the Aboriginal communities of today. It
is therefore possible that the high rates of violence and addiction within the Western Cape
may be the result of its slave heritage.

3.5.3.3 Resistance

According to archival records, slave resistance started as soon as the slaves arrived. This took
the form of arson. Slaves would set alight individual houses as a form of resistance and
revolt. There were several major revolts in 1680, 1736, 1790 and 1798(Mountain, 2004:63).
The fires caused extensive damage to buildings in Cape Town and as a result, it was decided
that buildings and homes in Cape Town should be built with flat roofs and with bricks instead
of thatch. Any form of resistance was brutally combated, which included public executions
and being burnt alive. This was to serve as a deterrent and warning to the rest of the slaves
and to highlight the power and authority of the government of the day. It is therefore not
surprising that it was not the resistance that brought about emancipation, but rather external
circumstances outside of Africa. The slave resistance was not powerful enough to result in
emancipation and it was British legislation in the form of the Slavery Abolition Act
introduced in in 1834 that led to the emancipation of slaves (Mountain 2004: 74). Slaves also
resisted by committing suicide and by murdering other slaves as they came to realise their
asset value (Shell, 2001:101). Slaves were the financial assets of their owners and by
committing sucide and murdering other slaves they would loose their financial value to their
owners and this became a means of resistance.

3.5.3.4 Emancipation

Nimako and Willemsen (2011) believe that emancipation has different meanings for different
groups. It can be seen as a “process whereby a social grouping who find themselves in a
dominated position in society, or considered second rate by a dominant group, struggle to
improve their conditions and attain a fully fledged place in society integrated into the existing
social order” (Mullard, Nimako & Willemsen, 1990:25). Shell (2001) notes that there were
thousands of petitions by slaves dated before 1789, calling for their civic rights. Some slaves
saved the small amount entitled to them and eventually were able to purchase their own
freedom. This right was formalised in the Cape in 1830.
 69

Before the abolition of slavery in 1834, slaves could be manumitted5 if someone bought their
freedom. This usually happened when a free person would buy a female slave to be married.
Only in very rare situations were a slave’s freedom bought. Nimako and Willemsen (2011:
82) believe that manumission served the purpose of psychologically controlling the enslaved
by making them believe that if they behaved themselves they would be granted freedom.
They state that this gave rise to class, gender and racial differentiation in slavery. This is
reflected in archival records on Cape slavery, which reflects that more women and
“Creolised” slaves born in the Cape were manumitted. In addition, slave children whose
fathers were free people were also manumitted. Shell (2001:56) refers to “malutto” slaves as
the slaves who had parents of different racial origins. Nimako and Willemsen (2011) state,
that it was the rape of enslaved women which gave rise to ‘Coloured’ slaves having their
status because the children born were of different racial origins as they were preferred above
slaves whose parents were of the same racial origin. Shell (2001:392) also stated that due to
the number of ‘Coloured’ and malutto children, the fathers of these children could purchase
the freedom of the mothers and children. Emancipation and manumission therefore developed
distinctly racial overtones because slave records indicate that more “Creolised” slaves were
freed than slaves born outside of the Western Cape.

Although slavery was abolished in 1834, Cape slave owners decided that emancipation of
their slaves would be a gradual process. This was because slaves were important to the
economy and seen as the asset of such owners. The statute regarding manumission stated that
slaves had to remain in “apprentice” for four years. Hence, it was only in 1838 that slaves in
the Cape were emancipated. Despite being emancipated, the slaves who were now free men
and women, had no assets and no property and very little money if any. They were left with a
legacy of poverty and many still depended on their owners. This led to many becoming
indentured slaves. Although slave owners on farms could not afford to pay slaves, they were
dependent on slave labour. In order to keep them on the farms as labourers, the “tot system”
(“Dopstelsel”) of paying slaves with alcohol remained until it was made illegal in 1960,
spanning almost 300 years.

3.5.3.5 The Dopstelsel (“tot system”)

The majority of slaves were employed and worked on wine farms in the Constantia Valley
and Boland areas. According to Shell (2001), the slave bells would ring to announce to slaves

5
Manumission refers to the process of the enslaved to buy their freedom or to be bought by someone else.
 70

the time to work and the time to receive their measures of wine. Shell says it was “Pavlovian”
in its division of the day into wine and work as it psychologically dominated the lives of
slaves. Van der Merwe (2010) quotes a 17 April 1658 journal entry of Jan van Riebeeck 6 who
had just arrived in the Cape with Angolan slaves: “To animate their lessons and to make them
really hear Christian prayers, each slave should be given a glass of brandy and two inches of
tobacco”. This was the earliest indication of the dopstelsel being “institutionalised” in the
Western Cape. Van der Merwe (2010) states, that it was practice that became entrenched for
300 years. The first attempt to legislate against the dopstelsel was only made in 1928. It was
finally outlawed in 1960 through the Malan Enquiry after it had done immeasurable damage
to generations of slaves, their descendents and farm workers. In addition to poverty, the high
rates of alcohol abuse and foetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) also resulted in various social
problems such as child abuse and neglect, and family violence. Van der Merwe (2010:178)
reports that there was evidence that this practice was still in place in Stellenbosch until 1998.
Legislation was finally introduced in 1998, preventing employees from paying their workers
with alcohol. Employers could be fined up to one million rand if they were found guilty of
contravening the Western Cape Liquor Act.

3.6 CONCLUSION

In this chapter, the context of intergenerational trauma in South Africa was discussed.
Previous studies of intergenerational trauma in South Africa were briefly discussed,
emphasising the effects and legacy of apartheid. The trauma of displacement during apartheid
was discussed to delimit the study. Hence, this chapter focused on the intergenerational
trauma of displacement during apartheid. The AAP has played an important role in
developing research on apartheid and its effects. However, there are limited studies on the
intergenerational effects of the historical trauma of slavery. The latter part of the literature
review therefore focused on the historical trauma of slavery in the Western Cape. Social work
literature on the trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery is limited. The
details of slavery and its effects were outlined to provide a socio-historical context from
which to view the families in this research. The literature review has therefore set the context
for the following chapter, which focuses on the implementation of the study.

6
Jan van Riebeeck was the first European to settle in Cape Town (Shell, 2001).
 71

CHAPTER 4
IMPLEMENTING A POSTCOLONIAL INDIGENOUS PARADIGM
Our current range of research epistemologies from —positivism to postmodernisms,
poststructuralism —arise out of the social history and culture of the dominant
race...these epistemologies reflect and reinforce that social history and that social group
has negative results for the people of color in general and scholars of color in particular.
(James J. Scheurich 1997: 141)

4.1 INTRODUCTION

Chapter 4 provides details of the research process and procedures. In the previous chapter, the
context of the research was described. The context included the trauma of displacement
during apartheid as well as the historical trauma of slavery, which was a result of colonialism.
A postcolonial indigenous research paradigm was therefore chosen and this chapter discusses
how the paradigm was applied. I discuss the methodological and paradigmatic framework
which guided the research process and procedures. The aim and objectives of the research
will be described as well. I motivate the choice of research design, which is a qualitative
multiple case study using Yin’s (2009) model based on replication logic. The various data
collection methods are discussed as well as the reasons why the particular methods were
chosen. The ethical considerations are discussed in detail, including how they were applied in
this study. The process of data analysis is described, including the procedures of the research
process. This includes how the data was collected. Trustworthiness is discussed, and how this
was applied to ensure that the research meets the criteria for good qualitative research (Tracy,
2010).

4.2 QUALITATIVE RESEARCH

Denscombe (2010:132-133) states that qualitative research is primarily concerned with "the
way in which people shape the world" and emphasises the ways in which human activity
creates meaning. Qualitative, interpretive descriptive research was chosen for this study,
using a decolonising methodology and a postcolonial indigenous paradigm to interpret the
research. I attempted to understand the meaning participants have of slavery and their
displacement during apartheid. “Interpretive approaches begin from the insight that to
understand actions, practices, and institutions, we need to grasp the relevant meanings, the
beliefs and preferences of the people involved” (Bevir & Rhodes, 2003:1-2). By helping to
understand individual “sense-making”, and their intersubjective context, the telling of
personal narratives can offer a rich empirical foundation for interpretivists. Life histories of
 72

participants formed the basis of personal narratives in this research. According to Marshall
and Rossman (2011:26), qualitative research is pragmatic, interpretive and grounded in the
lived experiences of people.

4.3 PARADIGMATIC AND METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

Issues of power must be acknowledged between the researcher and the researched. Foucault
(1977) observes that what we know and how we know are grounded in shifting and diverse
historical human practices, politics and power. In the production of knowledge, multiple
centres of power are in constant struggle. Hence, the strongest group establishes its own rules
in terms of what can be known and how it can be known. Issues of power are relevant for this
research project given the socio-historical context of South Africa where slavery existed for
almost 200 years. A postcolonial indigenous research paradigm has therefore been applied to
interpret the research findings.

4.3.1 Postcolonial indigenous paradigms

Chillisa (2012: 12) suggests that the word “postcolonial” is used in research as a “context to
denote the continuous struggle of non-Western societies that suffered European colonization,
indigenous peoples, and historically marginalized groups to resist suppression of their ways
of knowing and the globalization of knowledge, reaffirming that Western knowledge is the
only legitimate knowledge”. Various writers prefer not to use the term post as it implies that
colonialism is over. For the purpose of this research project, postcolonialism refers only to
the time period after colonial rule ended. In doing so, I acknowledge that South Africa is still
experiencing the effects of colonialism today (Swadener & Mutua, 2008; Akinyela, 2002;
Chillisa, 2012).

A paradigm implies a methodological approach with a philosophical base that informs

assumptions about perceptions of reality, what counts as knowledge and ways of knowing
and values. The researcher’s perceptions of reality and what counts as knowledge and values
have an impact on the way research questions are conceived, on research approaches, data-
gathering instruments, analysis, and the interpretation and dissemination of research findings.

Research has the power to label or prescribe solutions for challenges encountered by former
colonised, indigenous people and historically oppressed groups. As a black researcher, there
is an obligation to conduct research which does not perpetuate Western research paradigms
that construct Western ways of knowing as superior to other ways of knowing (Chillisa,
2012:7).
 73

4.3.2 Decolonising methodology

Decolonisation finds its roots in Critical Race Theory (CRT). Decolonising methodology
means becoming consciously aware of the ways in which the dominant Eurocentric culture
has influenced black researchers, and research on black families. Healing, social justice and
equity are what decolonising research strives for (Akinyela, 2002). Decolonising
methodology aims to create a context in which families can come to their own understandings
about their lives.

Public texts (or dominant stories) are the stories that define individuals. These are the stories
that are supported by the broader power relations of the dominant culture. There are also the
counter-hegemonic texts or alternative stories in which people tell their own stories,
including stories of resistance. From the context of postcolonial studies, the researcher should
be curious about acts of resistance and the meanings people assigned to them, and about
opportunities to reclaim dignity and humanity. Hence, we become interested in the counter-
hegemonic stories that become available when we are aware of power relations in everyday
life as a means of reclaiming dignity rather than looking for signs of pathology (Akinyela,
2002:39).

The four principles of post-structuralism fit in with decolonisation because they take into
account the broader power relations of dominant society. White’s (2000) principles for
narrative therapy theory include story-telling and witnessing, the interpretation of meaning,
alternative stories, and building on hope. These principles have been incorporated throughout
research process, including the methods of data collection, interviewing, data analysis and
interpretation. These principles were utilised to decolonise the conceptual framework which
has traditionally been based on a medical model of trauma transmission.

The mechanisms of trauma transmission, which were identified in the families, were viewed
and interpreted as appropriate responses to trauma within the socio-historical context of their
displacement and slave heritage. The data was interpreted and analysed where the stories of
how the families resisted and survived in the best way they knew how and within the power
relations in which they were involved.This interpretation reflects the decolonising
methodology and principles of post-structuralism as purported by Akinyela (2002).

As a black researcher in South Africa, I have been colonised in the way I have been educated
as well as in the way I have been trained in research due to the many Eurocentric research
paradigms. A space needs to be created for decolonising research as it involves the
complexity of voice and power.
 74

For most scholars of colour we are the colonised, feeling the consequences of
Eurocentric, scientifically driven epistemologies where issues of power and voice
are drowned out by the powerful majority. Filled with ethnocentric class biased
conceptions which make no allowances for poverty, racism and other
disadvantages … (Chillisa, xi, x).
The participatory learning and action (PLA) techniques and principles of collective narrative
practice were used to “decolonise” the research methodology so that the subjective
7
experiences of the family as they deal with their “othering” could be included and enter
social work discourse where their experiences have been largely ignored.This was achieved
by using the checklist of psychological and social resistance which is a collective narrative
tool as well as PLA techniques such as the River of Life , and mapping.The families
experiences and responses have been documented in this thesis and will be published. The
results of the findings will be published and desiminated to social work professionals and
agencies such as Social Development. Othering and sameness ideologies work to marginalise
and suppress knowledge systems and ways of knowing of the historically colonised and those
disadvantaged on the basis of gender, ethnicity and social class (Chillisa 2012). The
complexity of “othering” forms part of a black researcher’s daily lived reality and
experiences. The families in this research have also been treated as the “other” and their
attempts to deal with this experience form part of their internalised oppression.

The Western academy privileges Western knowledge over indigenous epistemologies,

creating the need to decolonise one’s research. “What is common among these diverse texts
is the collective attempt to re-author experiences that have been historically excluded in the
master text and to redirect the Foucouldian gaze to fresh and flexible diasporic modes of
subjectivity to produce a counter-narrative that does not reify privilege and singular
hermeneutic truths” (Mutua & Swadener, 2004:11). Given the colonial history of the Western
Cape and the families of slave descendents in the research study who have often been left out
of the dominant discourse, it was necessary to re-author the experiences of the families
though a decolonising methodology. The families’ lives are negatively portrayed in the
media, which compounds their marginalisation and increases the need to produce counter-
narratives.

“Othering” functions in ways that allow the characterisation and classification of societies into binary opposites
of coloniser/colonised or First World/Third World. The concept also condenses complex descriptions of other
societies into a sameness image judged against the Western idea (Chillisa,2012).
 75

4.3.3 Indigenous methodology

An indigenous methodology has a decolonising aim and it emphasises a conversational

means of gaining knowledge to ensure that there is a relational aspect between the participant
and researcher. Kovach (2010:40) states that “it is relational to the core”. There is a dialogue
between the researcher and the participant with the purpose of sharing a story with the
intention to assist others. This was one of the main principles governing the choice of life
histories used in this research project. Stories needed to be told because they could assist
others, which have been previously excluded and/or they contain knowledge which had been
subjugated (Medina, 2011).

I grew up in the same community as the families used in this research and this helped to
create a dialogue and relationship with the participants. Within a dialogue and the relational
aspect between the researcher and participant there are issues of power which are present.
Upon reflection, I realised that the power relationship was unequal because participants
shared more than they would have because they regarded me as one of them. At times, I was
aware of the privilege created by the educational opportunities I had, and this created barriers
in some aspects of the research process. Despite being from the same community I had made
assumptions about child care, time available for the interviews and even the snacks
purchased, given the fact that the interviews were lengthy. The assumptions I made raised my
awareness of my priviledge and differences between the participants and myself.

The indigenous paradigm emphasises a story-telling method of transmitting knowledge to the

collective. This also resonates with the African tradition of telling oral histories to the next
generation (Frankish, 2009). The methodology therefore focused on life histories, and the
semi-structured interviews also focused on “how” and “what” family stories were told and on
the silences (See Appendix V for the Interview Schedule). The main paradigm is a
postcolonial indigenous research paradigm using decolonisation as a methodological
framework. Narrative therapy theory and collective narrative practice (Denborough, 2008)
based on the discourse analysis of Foucoult and Freire’s Pedagogy of Hope (1994) are
therefore ideal to integrate in the methodology as it decolonises the methodology as well as
the conceptual framework of the study, which is based on the medical model of trauma
transmission.

4.3.4 Decolonising the conceptual and methodological framework

The medical model of trauma transmission, does not take into account historical trauma of
colonialism and slavery. The main focus is on the family and specifically the parents or
 76

grandparents who unconsciously transmit or project issues onto their children. There is
limited focus on contextual issues although Weingarten (2004) focuses on contextual issues,
but she aims her intervention only at families and individuals. Using the medical model
specifically, Weingarten (2004) has identified mechanisms of transmission in society, the
family and the individual, highlighting the different ways in which trauma can be transmitted
in families, society and intergenerationally. I used the mechanisms of trauma transmission as
identified by Weingarten (2004), Danieli (1998) and Kellerman (2001) to clarify how the
trauma of displacement has been transmitted in the families in this research. However, there
is criticism on the medical model of trauma transmission and the fact that the medical model
of trauma is not appropriate for intergenerational trauma in black and Aboriginal families
(Evans-Campbell, 2008). The Aboriginal model of historical trauma has therefore been
included to provide a way of understanding how colonisation has impacted indigenous
communities today (Brave Heart & De Bruyn, 1998; Evans-Campbell, 2008; Poupart, 2003;
Menzies, 2010; Wesley-Esquimaux & Smolewski, 2003). The concept of historical trauma is
included in Cape Town’s colonial past, specifically the trauma of slavery. Hence, one has to
contextualise the experiences of black families in Cape Town who are descendents of slaves
to see how they make sense and meaning of their slave heritage.

In both the Aboriginal and medical model, there is limited focus on how people have resisted
trauma. Upon critical reflection on the methodology of using the paradigm, I became aware
of the limitations of the methodology that, in order for it to be decolonising and to bring to
the fore subjugated knowledge, I would need a methodology or technique to do this. To
include the aspects of resistance, I used the checklist of psychological and social resistance
by Denborough (2008), based on collective narrative practice. Collective narrative practice
principles were therefore integrated to decolonise the methodology of this research.

The principles of collective narrative practice (2008) are based on Freire’s Pedagogy of Hope
(1994) and on the work of Denborough (2008) in order to analyse and interpret the data. To
decolonise the conceptual framework, I have used the narrative therapy theory of Alice
Morgan (2000), based on Foucaldian discourse analysis. Participatory learning and action
(PLA) techniques have been used as a means to facilitate discussions in the focus groups.
PLA techniques have previously been used by Bozalek and Biersteker (2010) to highlight
power relations among social work students in the Western Cape as well as forms of power
and powerlessness in relation to their community. The combination of the paradigmatic
framework based on decolonisation and the principles of narrative therapy theory as well as
collective narrative practice guided this research process and methodology.
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4.3.5 Narrative therapy theory

The philosophy and principles of narrative therapy theory and principles of collective
narrative practice were used as a guide throughout the research process, not only for the
conceptual framework but also for methodology and as a means of analysis. Narrative
therapists believe that individuals are living many stories at the same time and that different
stories can be told about the same event. According to Morgan (2000:9), “... the act of living
requires that we are engaged in the mediation of dominant stories and alternative stories of
our lives. We are therefore always negotiating and interpreting our experiences”. There are
also different types of stories such as individual, family and community stories.

In this research, the focus of the analysis with the participants and families were their
dominant and alternative stories. A dominant story develops when different events are given
the same meaning and the broader society maintains this meaning. The dominant story of the
families in this research was their displacement, poverty and gang violence. Alternative
stories referred to stories which people would like to live by. Morgan (2000:59) refers to
alternative stories as the “anti-problem” and says that such stories bring forth skills, abilities
and competencies which are often hidden because of the power of the dominant story. The
alternative stories of families in this research were their survival in the midst of the trauma of
displacement, poverty and gang violence. Making people aware of their alternative stories
brings to the fore their dreams and hopes and ideas for the future. Narrative therapists are
therefore interested in the dominant and alternative stories of people’s lives, “...their effects,
meanings and the context in which they have been authored” (Morgan, 2000: 10). Collective
narrative practice extends the work of Morgan (2000). The principles of collective narrative
practice ( Denborough, 2008) are based on Freire’s Pedagogy of Hope (1994) where he
believes it is the task of the progressive educator to unveil opportunities for hope. Freire
(1994) stated that the attempt to do without hope in the struggle to improve the world would
lead to hopeless and despair . Freire (1994:8) believed that hope was an ontological human
need which demands being anchored in practice and therefore he advocated for an education
in hope. Hopelessness and despair are both the cause and consequence of inaction or
immobilization. In order to avoid becoming immobilized due to hopelessness the one has to
look at specific situations and find the reasons for both positions of hopeless and hopeful.
Basing collective narrative practice on Freire’s Pedagogy of Hope Denborough (2008)
believed that opportunities to unveil hope can be done by :
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• Listening to double-storied accounts of the trauma and also of how the person
responded to the trauma in ways to protect themselves
• Finding ways to richly acknowledge the real effects of the abuse or trauma that they
had experienced
• Linking life and experiences to some sort of collective and collective history
• Conceiving of the person meeting with us, representing a social issue
• Enabling people to speak through us, not just to us.

4.4 RESEARCH DESIGN

4.4.1 Multiple case study design

A multiple case study design was chosen as the research design. A case study can be defined
as an “empirical phenomenon (a “case”) set within its real world context” (Yin in Yin, 2012:
3). Case studies are ideal when the research is focusing on “what” and “how” questions. The
design allows one to focus on the complexity and details of relationships between people
(Yin, 2012:5). The phenomenon that was studied is intergenerational trauma and how this is
transmitted within families and across generations. Multiple case studies were used, with a
family being considered a unit of analysis or a case.

Case study design is ideal for studying contextual issues, and understanding the contextual
issues in this research was crucial. This became more apparent with the analysis. A multiple
case study design was chosen because this design is suitable for the replication of theory and,
in this research, the replication of intergenerational trauma transmission. The focus was on
how the families experienced the trauma of displacement and how the trauma was transmitted
from one generation to the next generation.

Five key steps need to be considered and applied when using a multiple case study design to
ensure the success of the design (Yin, 2003) . These are:
i) A study’s questions: How did the families experience the trauma of displacement and
how was this trauma transmitted were central.
ii) Its propositions, if any: Yin (2003) excludes exploratory research in this case but
suggests that there has to be some purpose to the exploration. In this research study, the
purpose was to explore how the trauma of displacement may have been transmitted
across three generations.
iii) Its unit of analysis: The unit of analysis in this research was the family. Some of these
families included three generations of people.
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iv) The logic of linking the data to the propositions: This refers to explanation, building
and cross-case synthesis. In this research process, the mechanisms of trauma
transmission were used to explain how the trauma was transmitted intergenerationally,
and narrative therapy theory was applied to contextualise the trauma transmission.
v) The criteria for interpreting the findings: This refers to the way the data was analysed.
Thematic analysis and narrative thematic analysis were applied in addition to using
principles of collective narrative practice to interpret the data.

A multiple embedded case study design as the unit of analysis focuses on three generations of
a family. The unit of analysis is critical. In this case, both the family and how they
experienced the trauma of displacement across three generations are the units of analysis. The
family as a whole as well as each generation are embedded within the family-created unit of
analysis.

The cases are represented in the form of case vignettes, applying the principles of Yin (2009)
and basing it on the “critical” case which is important in describing the theoretical
perspectives, the “average” case, based on the literal replication, representing the average
case, and the “revelatory” case focusing on the atypical nature of the case.

4.4.2 Sampling and size

Case study selection is of primary importance in case study research as the cases need to
represent a population but also need to be varied, which is an ignored aspect of case study
selection (Seawright & Gearing; 2008:294-308). Multiple case study designs use replication
logic which uses the idea of how best a case represents the chosen theoretical framework and
not the population. Both the individual case and multiple case results are the focus of this
report. Seven families were chosen as this represents theoretical replication where one can
focus on two patterns of theoretical aspects. In this case, the mechanisms of trauma
transmission and how the families responded to trauma.

The snowballing technique was applied and started with six families until data saturation was
reached with seven families. I therefore ensured that all the families selected as case studies
met the inclusion criteria stated below. I gained access to families via key informants in
Mitchell’s Plain. For replication logic, the number and size of cases is not the focus but it
depends on the theory and how many replications would make the theory applicable or
certain (Yin, 2009.58). Due to the complex nature of the theoretical framework, six families
were selected and, eventually, after collecting the data of the first two families, an additional
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family was selected, ending with seven families. Intergenerational themes emerged after
analysing the data obtained from two families. The replication of intergenerational theory
became apparent after analysing the data of seven families where intergenerational patterns
observed across the first, second and third generations within families. Data saturation was
reached at seven families following the replication logic of Yin (2003) because the same
intergenerational themes were observed as within the first two cases. Yin (2003:54 ) purports
that multiple case studies with replication logic present evidence which is more robust than a
single case study.

4.4.3 Universe and population

The universe are families in the Western Cape who have been displaced during the Group
Areas Act. The target population were families who had typical slave surnames such as Titus,
Scipio, September, February, as well as various Muslim surnames that are slave surnames
(Mountain, 2004:45). This increases the likelihood that they may be descendants of slaves.
All seven families have slave surnames, which have appeared in historical work by Shell
(2001) and in the online slave archives.

Pseudonyms have been used in this report to protect the identity of the families, given the
ethics around working with three generations of a family. However, the pseudonyms are a
reflection of the slave surnames in Cape Town.
i) Inclusion criteria: Families which reside in Mitchell’s Plain; families where at least
one generation (possibly the grandparent) has lived in Cape Town and had moved to
Mitchell’s Plain as a result of the Group Areas Act or forced removals; families who
have a typical slave surname, indicating that they may have a slave heritage, and
families where consent was given by three generations. According to intergenerational
trauma literature, by focusing on two or three generations I will be able to identify the
transmission of trauma from one generation to the next (Danieli, 1998; Kellerman,
2001; Kupelian et al., 1998; Lazar et al., 2008).

ii) Exclusion criteria: No participant is allowed under the age of 18 years old. A profile
of all the participants and families is attached in Appendix I .

4.4.4 Methods of data collection

Life histories, semi-structured interviews and focus groups were the main means of data
collection. All the participants took part in the life histories, semi-structured interviews and
 81

focus groups, except in the case of the three families. The focus groups consisted of three
generations of each family, with each family forming a separate focus group.

4.4.4.1 Life histories

Life histories have their roots in Eastern Europe with its a long tradition of collecting family
histories when face-to-face communication was a more reliable source of historical
information than highly controlled official sources (Miller, 2000:viii). Later during the 1950s,
it started developing within sociology.

A collection of life histories highlights questions of time, which are usually obscured or
neglected by conventional research. The conceptualisation of time, and how one uses it in
analysis, has been central to biographical research. “Time effects” can be divided into five
categories: aging, generations, cohorts, historical trends and period effects. Age is a structural
variable of central importance and of significance equal to that of other structural variables
such as gender, social class, and racial or ethnic group.

In this research, three generations and the time periods in which they were born were
significant in relation to the families’ displacement. The second generation became the cohort
generation born and raised during apartheid. The first generation was born before apartheid
became official (1948), and the third generation was born after 1985 when apartheid was
starting to be dismantled.

Three approaches to biographical research can be followed, namely realist, neo-positivist and
narrative. A narrative approach was chosen because it attempts to understand the individual’s
unique and changing perspective as the context becomes more important than factual data
(Miller, 2000:12). In the narrative perspective, context includes both positioning in social
structure and time as well as the social structure of the context of the interview. The
researcher as a collaborator is never really in control of the story told. It is based on post-
modernism because reality is seen as situational and fluid, jointly constructed by the
interview partnership. The researchers are not prevented from reacting openly to personal
statements of the participants or from providing personal details of their own. While the
narrative approach is located in the present, remembrances of the past and anticipations of the
future are reconstructed continuously within the present (Miller, 2000:17).

Life history originally referred to the account given by an individual on his/her own life, and
it had to be validated by external sources. The concern of triangulation for narrated life
stories in early practice has been reduced by the narrative perspective because it is always
 82

subjective and based on meaning and context. Life history is told from a narrative perspective
and is generally viewed as the account given by an individual on his/her life but it is ordered
into themes and topics that the individual chooses to tell in his/her story or to omit. Life
history can also refer to a series of substantive events arranged in chronological order.

A biographical perspective also lends itself to understanding historical events that shaped a
life. According to Miller (2000:20), family history covering three generations can easily
cover over a century, and it will therefore inevitably include historical events and social
changes that affected the family over that time. This has made life histories ideal for
exploring intergenerational trauma. The life history consists of two interviews, one
unstructured life history interview and the second interview semi-structured in order to focus
on specific events and elements. This was implemented in this research project where the first
interview was unstructured and the second interview a semi-structured interview focusing on
different aspects of the displacement, family life and the family members’ meaning of their
slave heritage.

4.4.4.2 Semi-structured interviews

The semi-structured interview formed the second part of the life history, which is more
structured. In the semi-structured interviews, I focused on asking the participants to tell me
about their lives before they moved to Mitchell’s Plain, or how the Group Areas Act affected
them and their families. This also included questions around family values and beliefs,
guided by Ancherhoff et al. (1998). Types of qualitative interviews conducted include
questions of behaviour or experience, opinion or belief, feelings, sensory experience, and
background and information (Patton 2002). See Appendix I for the semi-structured questions.

4.4.4.3 Focus groups

Focus groups were successfully conducted with four of the seven families. Two of the
families did not meet together due to conflict within the family, and one family did not meet
due to the passing on of the first generation participant . Additional interviews were arranged
with individual family members. The focus group method was chosen as it is suited to
generate a wide range of data on family dynamics.

Puig, Koro-Ljungberg and Echevarria-Doan (2008) believe that the focus group method for
family research is useful to gather information about socially constructed phenomena. For
this research, the focus was on how family members have experienced the trauma of
displacement during apartheid across generations and the meaning they give to their slave
 83

history. In order to facilitate the discussion in the focus groups the intention was to use
Participatory Learning and Action (PLA) techniques such as river of life and community
mapping with each family separately. PLA techniques could provide the families with new
information on themselves and their family (Bozalek, 2011; Bozalek & Biersteker, 2010). In
the process of conducting the research, the participants were reluctant to do drawings or
mapping work, but preferred to verbally discuss their reflections and views. Only two
participants were willing to draw the communication maps and river of life and community
maps (see Appendix VI). According to Zaveri (2009:182-184), the communication maps and
community mapping also illuminate relationships and can be used as an evaluation tool for
both the participant and facilitator.

The other participants refused to draw, saying that they could not draw, or would prefer not
to draw but were willing to verbally discuss the issues withme . Noticing their reluctance, I
adapted the PLA drawing techniques into reflections about their family and community.
Upon critical reflection, I realised the participants’ vulnerability to draw as the process of
drawing requires confidence, which some participants may not have had. Being creative
involves being brave and taking a risk, and as researchers it may be unfair to expect
participants to take a risk when we are strangers in a sense (Zinker, 1977:3). I also became
more aware of the power relations between myself and the participants, and gave more
choices and freedom in terms of what they wanted to be creative about. This happened with
the first case study, the September family. With the following case studies, participants were
given the choice to draw or verbally discuss their views. By allowing participants a choice in
what they wanted to produce or be creative about, brought about unexpected results with one
participant sharing poetry and art with me (see Appendix VI). The verbal discussions did not
detract from the issues which were discussed. Reflections and discussions are pivotal in PLA
techniques. The emphasis is on new insights, and critical reflection by the participant and the
researcher (Bozalek & Biersteker, 2010; Bozalek, 2011). Data arising from discussions
prompted by the PLA techniques has been integrated into the research in the form of excerpts
from the participants. The families also discussed their hopes and dreams, including skills in
overcoming obstacles, based on the Hero Book techniques of Jonathan Morgan (2006).

4.5 DATA ANALYSIS

4.5.1 Thematic analysis by Braun and Clark

The data collected on the mechanisms and indicators of intergenerational trauma transmission
was analysed according to the phases as mentioned by Braun and Clark (2006):
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Phase 1: Familiarising yourself with the data

The data of the first two case studies was collected and interviews transcribed using Yin’s
(2003) case study procedures. I listened to the recorded data and read the transcripts, which
were independently transcribed. I then immersed myself in the data by reading and re-reading
the transcripts from the first two families, and started to make notes and generate codes. As
Iwas focusing on intergenerational trauma of displacement and the meaning that the
participants associated with slavery, I started to develop codes on the intergenerational
patterns that emerged.

Phase 2: Generating initial codes

A list of ideas about what was interesting in terms of the two cases was generated. Initial
codes were based on semantic content focusing on displacement, slavery and
intergenerational patterns, family secrets and imprisonment. The coding was done manually
in order to identify particular features of the data, i.e. intergenerational patterns, displacement
trauma and slavery. A common problem with coding is that the context gets lost. However,
using narrative thematic analysis in addition to Braun and Clark’s phases resolved this issue.
I started with initial codes based on the trauma of displacement and the meaning families
gave to slavery. This was divided into each generation using a table to represent each family.
See Table 4.1 below:

Table 4.1: Initial codes based on the trauma of displacement

and the meaning given to slavery
First generation: Displacement:
born (1930) before apartheid Slavery:
Second generation: Displacement:
born (1959) and grew up under apartheid Slavery:

Third generation: Displacement:

born (1984) during apartheid, adolescent during post-apartheid (1994) Slavery:

Phase 3: Searching for themes

Once all the data had been collected from all seven cases, themes were generated. Themes
started to emerge on experiences of displacement, loss and nostalgia, poverty, alcohol abuse
and drug abuse, and community and family violence, specifically intimate partner violence.
The indicators of intergenerational trauma by Menzies (2007; 2010) were used to identify
themes of intergenerational trauma. Indicators of intergenerational trauma include:
 85

• Poverty
• Alcohol and drug abuse
• Community violence
• Family violence
• Loss and separation from carers
• Homelessness.

A second set of codes and themes were developed based on the mechanisms of trauma
transmission by Danieli (1998), Kellerman (2000) and Weingarten (2004). These were
interpersonal relations, socialisation, silence, shame and humiliation. Tables were used to
create the codes and themes. Each family had its own table with codes and themes. The table
below (Table 4.2) is an example of the codes and categories. This was completed with each
generation in the family in order to see intergenerational patterns (See Appendix VII).
 86

Table 4.2: Mechanisms of Trauma Transmission

Generation Mechanism Means of Indicators of Intergenerational Trauma
Transmission to
next generation
First Socialization Society Manifested (effects) in the first generation as
Silence, Parenting, Intimate partner violence : Like uhm beating up a
woman, he doesn’t do that no more.
Shame
Homelessness& Overcrowding: Mrs Williams and her
children lived with her mother . No I lived with my
parents.
Community Violence : then I said no …then you know
gangsters came and then I said I wouldn’t like my
children to grow up here.
Second Socialization; Society, Effects manifested in second generation as
parenting,
Silence Homelessness&Overcrowding : I’ve lived in most
Enactment, Over-
areas, you must want to keep yourself big. Run away
Shame disclosure
from home. I wasn’t allowed to work. I left home at
Interpersonal Projective the age of 17, my father was…he was too strict. I left
Identification home on my own. I had to fend for my self out
Relations there…there were things…mostly that I know…today I
have learnt how to, but today I can say to me it was a
lesson in life because today I can pass it on to my
children and they can pass it on to their children. It was
hard…
Community Violence : I am not sure if it was Belgravia
Street or 7th Avenue, as the police were coming and
people were running amok then he was shot with a gun
in the back. And the front part of his chest was just
open…Police were shooting the people with rubber
bullets, bird shots. My brother was shot twice with two
birdshots and one rubber bullet.
Imprisonment : well he is in prison now. Ja He was
still in the holding cells when i went to visit. My
husband…he’s in prison now. I went to visit him. He
was also a gangster, but reborn now, he’s at Voorbrug
prison. I went to prison for pause pause 6 weeks…
Gangs & Crime : and all that time when they started
gang fighting we knew already our parents and
grandparents didn’t have to tell us not to go outside.
Third Socialization Society , Effects Manifested in Third Generation as :
parenting,
Silence, Homelessness &Overcrowding : I live by my friend.
Enactment
We moved around alot and we never had a place to stay,
Shame
Over-disclosure and that was the year I started high school.
Interpersonal
Enmeshment Gangs : Its tough growing up here , everywhere there is
Relations gangsters and its tempting because they offer you stuff
and when you don’t want to take it then they
threatening. I became aware of this when I was a
Family teenager
Communication
Imprisonment : but with my father... we have like a
father son relationship even though he is in prison
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The themes were categorised according to each generation, mechanisms of trauma

transmission as well as indicators of intergenerational trauma.

Phase 4: Reviewing the themes

While reviewing the themes, main themes and subthemes started to emerge within individual
families as well as across all the cases. The main themes related to the trauma of
displacement and slavery as well as intergenerational transmission using the mechanisms of
trauma transmission. There were also themes around the effects of intergenerational trauma,
namely what has been transmitted in each generation and how it has been transmitted. During
this stage, I did a cross-case analysis drawing together all the themes from the families.

Phase 5: Defining and naming the themes

During this phase I defined and refined the themes and subthemes. A detailed analysis was
written on each theme and subtheme. A subtheme is a theme within a more complex or larger
theme.
This phase of analysis was divided into three stages, which included narrative analysis, case
study analysis and a literature review.
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Table 4.3: Identifying themes and subthemes in participants’ stories

MAIN THEMES SUBTHEMES
Trauma of displacement Trauma and memory
Nostalgia and loss
Disenfranchised grief
Housing
Community violence
Resettlement and political violence
Poverty
Meaning of slavery Lack of knowledge of family origin
European ancestry
Race
Poverty
Alcohol abuse
Education
Paternalism
Denial and avoidance
Mechanisms of transmission In families
In society
In individuals
Socialisation Trauma of displacement
Historical trauma of slavery
Intimate partner violence
Poverty
Alcohol and drug abuse
Silence Trauma of displacement
Historical trauma of slavery
Shame Slave heritage
Poverty
Intimate partner violence
Alcohol and drug abuse
Interpersonal relations First and second generation participants

Narrative thematic analysis

For the life histories, I used narrative thematic analysis to analyse the data. Ezzy (1998:169)
states that narrative analysis builds on the strengths of qualitative research, because it
investigates construction of meaning. In this research project, the analysis will focussed on
the construction of meaning around the narrative of the trauma of displacement, apartheid and
slavery. Narrative thematic analysis as adapted by Reissman (2008), which focuses on the
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content of the narrative, namely “what” is being said was applied to the data. A typology of
narratives by theme is a typical representation for case studies and case vignettes (Reissman,
2005: 2). This is useful for theorising across cases. In this research, theoretical themes
revolve around intergenerational trauma of displacement during apartheid, and the historical
trauma of slavery (Elliot, 2005: 36-41). For the mechanisms of transmission, I generated
codes on silences and secrets, shame, projected emotions, family communication and
conflict, family values (socialisation), ways of social learning in families and society,
displacement, slavery and resistance.

Themes were generated for a second level of analysis, which was based on the mechanisms
of trauma transmission, using Weingarten (2004), Kellerman (2001) and Danieli (1998).
Kellerman’s table of classifying the different theories of trauma transmission was adapted
and used to generated themes, categories and codes. This was used for each family (See
Appendix VII) .

Table 4.4: Mechanisms of trauma transmission

Mechanism Main transmission factor Narrative evidence
Interpersonal relations Unconscious displaced emotion (projection,
enactment, over-disclosure)
Socialisation Society
Parenting
Family communication Enmeshment
Silence Society
Family
Individual
Shame and humiliation Society
Family
Individual

The content of the narratives: thematic analysis

This aspect of the analysis, which happened in parallel with both the processes of translation,
entails investigating what is said and what is not said. Based on the general thematic tradition
of Braun and Clark (2006), the data was ‘coded’ into themes that emerged most frequently
across the interview participants as well as unusual or interesting explanations that
participants drew from their stories. These explanations can be both accounts that ‘don’t fit’
into the thematic structure of the other participants or cases (families) more emergent as
themes compared to what has been predicated.
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McCormack (2004:219) notes that “researchers working within a narrative methodology

frequently engage in in-depth conversations with participants”. Analysis and interpretation of
these conversations often involve reducing long stretches of text to codes and recombining
the codes into themes that move across stories, across people and across contexts. However,
Reissman (2008) differentiates a narrative thematic analysis from a general interpretive
thematic approach by noting four subtle shifts in method. The first relates to using theory to
guide the interpretive process as well to actively seek novel theoretical “data” within the
transcripts. Second, narrative analysts try to preserve the ‘stories’ participants tell and thus
avoid cutting transcripts into small abstracted chunks of text . Reissman (2008:74) writes that
“in narrative analysis we attempt to keep the ‘story’ intact for interpretive purposes, although
determining the boundaries of stories can be difficult and highly interpretive”. This was
implemented by focusing on each generation’s narrative of its displacement and how they
made sense of slavery. Narrative therapy theory was integrated where the focus was on the
dominant and alternative story, and how this is created within a context, both within the
family, the socio-political context as well as the interview context. Third, by situating a
narrative within a particular time, place and context, and by historicising a narrative account,
thematic analysts of the narrative kind reject “generic” explanations of the phenomenon
under investigation. Finally, narrative analysis is a case-centred approach, whichmade it ideal
for this research project (Reissman, 2008).

Case study analysis

A third form of analysis and interpretation involved case study analysis analysing the families
and data as separate cases and doing a cross-case analysis. Once all the codes and themes had
been created, case study analysis was applied by integrating all the themes generated based
on collective narrative practice principles and narrative therapy theory regarding the
dominant and alternative stories; the resistance of the families as well as the meanings and
context in which they have formed and authored their stories. A descriptive framework to
describe the case was developed.

I also used Yin’s (2003) simple time series analysis where the focus is on time periods. In this
case, it was related to when each generation was born and to what the socio-political
circumstances were at the time, in relation to each generation’s experience of the family’s
displacement and the meaning they gave to their slave heritage. I also focused on the means
of trauma transmission and family resistance to tell the dominant and alternative story of each
family spanning multiple generations. Further insights and meaning were developed from the
 91

case studies and cross-case analysis using Morgan’s (2000) narrative therapy theory focusing
on the dominant story and alternative story of participants and their families. Denborough’s
(2008) checklist of psychological and social resistance was adapted and used to analyse the
data collected from the PLA techniques.

Collective narrative practice: The checklist of social and psychological resistance

The Dulwich Centre is based in Adelaide Australia and is viewed as the “home” of narrative
therapy and community work . It is also known as the Dulwich Centre Institute of Collective
Narrative Practice as where David Denborough has developed collective narrative practice
along with other narrative practitioners such as Micheal White. They have developed a range
of diverse methodologies to respond to individuals, groups and communities experiencing
hardship. This checklist is one of the tools which the Dulwich Centre uses as a form of
collective narrative practice in its work with traumatised individuals and communities. In this
research project, it was used as an analytical and interpretive method. The checklist is based
on an alternative form of trauma assessment list which is usually used to ascertain whether
people have been traumatised (Denborough, 2008: 127-136). The list is usually based on
symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder. The traditional trauma checklist only elicits a
problem saturated account of an individual’s identity. The checklist by Denborough (2008)
includes signs of social and psychological resistance by enquiring about the prevalence and
diversity of acts of psychological and social resistance.

Denborough, together with activists from the Khiam Centre in Lebanon, decided to create an
alternative list. It was based on their work involving social action and psychosocial support to
mothers whose sons were held in Israeli prisons. This psychological and social resistance
checklist was developed because they felt that the trauma assessment was not culturally
resonant, especially in non-Western countries where therapy was not part of addressing social
and emotional trauma or difficulties. They also wanted to honour the resistance that
individuals, families and communities showed in the midst of the destruction that war had
caused in South Lebanon. The aim was not to diminish or deny the effects of trauma on
individuals and communities but to speak only of trauma symptoms would not enable people
to continue living with dignity in the midst of devastation (Denborough, 2008). The purpose
of the list was to enable practitioners to adapt it to different contexts so that double-storied
accounts of people lives could be heard. The original lists were based on how people
responded during a bombing attack and after a bombing attack. In order to adapt it to the
context of the families living in Mitchell’s Plain, the ten aspects below were used to analyse
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and interpret the data in relation to the families and individual family members. This was
used to understand how families had resisted the trauma of displacement and its effects. This
formed part of the alternative story of families to enrich their “thin” stories:
• They tried to protect themselves physically and emotionally (how).
• They displayed acts of caring, concern and comfort to others.
• They received comfort from others (able to take this in).
• They made plans to rebuild what has been destroyed or to build new lives.
• They spoke with others or listened to others about the experiences in ways that
contribute to feeling stronger and joined.
• They displayed acts of dignity or pride despite living amidst (poverty and violence).
• They were able to find joy in small moments within life.
• They were able to connect with humour and the irony of life.
• They linked with others through song, music, art and prayer, and they shared
experiences of their sorrows, hopes and dreams.
• They found ways to take action, either individually or with others, in accordance with
their dreams and hopes for their lives.

The social and psychological resistance allowed the double-storied accounts and alternative
stories to emerge from the data. This data also forms part of knowledge that has been
subjugated and it is these aspects that created alternative stories and the counter-memories
and histories that Foucault refers to. The adapted checklist for the families formed part of the
decolonising methodology that was applied in this research project. In order to address the
limitations of intergenerational theory and the methodology, these principles were used
reflexively during analysis and data interpretation as well as during the writing up of this
thesis.

Review of literature and higher level of analysis

A final higher level of analysis involved a review of all the literature to integrate all the
themes and subthemes which allowed for the development of insights beyond a description of
the data. The integration of the data also included Foucault’s (1975) concepts of counter-
history and counter-memory, given the historical background of the families. Foucauldian
epistemology of resistance, where the emphasis is placed on both power and resistance, has
also been included. The mechanisms of trauma transmission and intergenerational trauma are
then viewed within the context of power relations happening within the family and society.
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Individual and family responses to the trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of
slavery are then related to the dominant discourse and to discursive practice.

The final themes that emerged from integrating the data with the literature were
disenfranchised grief, the conspiracy of silence, shame and internalised oppression and
socialisation within institutional racism.

Table 4.5: Themes emerging from integrating the data with literature
Main theme Subtheme
Disenfranchised grief Intergenerational transmission via socialisation and interpersonal
relations.
Enactment to the first, second and third generation.
Conspiracy of silence Intergenerational transmission via silence about slavery and
displacement in individuals, families and society.
Shame Intergenerational transmission via shame and internalised
oppression (alcohol and drug abuse, racialisation, community
violence, intimate partner violence)
Socialisation in institutional racism Intergenerational transmission of historical trauma of slavery and
displacement, and the effects of both.
The trauma of institutional racism.
Counter-memory and counter-histories Subjugated knowledge and resistance

Phase 6: Producing the report

The report was written up, keeping in mind the principles of collective narrative practice and
the protection of the identity of the families. The families have pseudonyms which I have
chosen. On reflection, I should have asked the families to choose their own pseudonyms.

4.6 PROCEDURES

• Ethical approval was obtained from the Dean of Research at the University of Western
Cape and the ethical clearance letter can be found in the appendices. The registration
number of the ethical clearance is 12/5/10.
• The families were recruited two weeks before the data collection process was
completed. Access to the families was gained through key informants. The families
were given the consent forms and information forms when the project was introduced.
The family members brought the forms with them to the interviews.
• Some interviews were conducted at a local church hall and others at family homes.
• I completed the data collection process with each family, taking approximately two
weeks with each family. The data was first collected on the first two cases and then
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analysed, as suggested by Yin, before completing the process with the rest of the
families. The data was analysed throughout the process as well as after each phase was
completed.

Table 4.6: Collecting data by interviewing the families

FAMILY ACTIVITY DURATION WEEK
September family(x3 Phase 1 7 hrs Week 1 and
generations) Week 2
Life histories
Semi-structured focused life -history interviews
Phase 2
Focus groups
February family Phase 1 6hrs Week 1 and
Week 2
(3 generations) Life histories
Semi-structured interviews
No focus group
Data transcribed and analysed Week 3
Valentine Family (x 2 Phase 1 8hrs Week 4 to
generations) Week 8
Life histories
First generation passed on
Semi-structured focused life -history interviews
before being interviewed
& family conflict about Phase 2
interviews.
Focus groups
Jacobs family (x 2 Phase 1 6hrs Week 4 to
generations interviewed) Week 8
Life histories
First generation agreed but
did not give consent Semi-structured focused life-history interviews
eventually.
Phase 2
Focus groups
Williams family Phase 1 6 hrs Week 4 to
Week 8
(x 3 generations) Life histories
Semi-structured focused life-history interviews
No focus group
Diedericks family Phase 1 4 ½ hours Week 4 to
Week 8
(3 generations) Life histories
Semi-structured focused life-history interviews
Phase 2
Focus groups
Caesar family Phase 1 8 hrs Week 5 to
Week 9
(3 generations) Life histories
Semi-structured focused life-history interviews
No focus group
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Member checking was done where the results of the findings were shared with the
participants.

4.7 TRUSTWORTHINESS AND VALIDITY

Data triangulation was employed to ensure trustworthiness. Data triangulation was achieved
by utilising three different methods of data collection, namely life histories, semi-structured
interviews and focus groups. In addition, three types of analysis were used, namely thematic
analysis, narrative thematic analysis and case study analysis. Interviewing three generations
of the same family also ensures data triangulation (Gabb, 2010; Wengrath, 2001). According
to Lieblich (1998:173), there are four aspects to ensuring validity in narrative enquiry: width,
coherence, insightfulness and parsimony. I have discussed these aspects in the table below,
giving details of how I met the criteria for validity and trustworthiness in the project.

Table 4.7: Ensuring validity in narrative enquiry

Validity in narrative inquiry Application of criteria
Width which refers to the amount of evidence allows Detailed case vignettes and excerpts with
the reader to make an informed judgement on the identification of the family and generation.
evidence and its interpretation.
Coherence refers to the way different parts of the A sufficient number international studies and literature
interpretation create a complete and meaningful are available on intergenerational trauma. In addition,
picture. a significant amount of research is becoming available
on the trauma of apartheid and its impact today. This
will enable the research to be compared with similar
projects.
Insightfulness refers to the originality of the story and Biographic narrative life histories were used with
its analysis. minimal interaction from myself. Thematic analysis
was used where the participants’ exact words and
translations were used to present the evidence.
Parsimony refers to the evidence of analysis based on The small number of concepts related to
a number of small concepts. intergenerational trauma and apartheid were silence,
shame, socialisation and interpersonal relations.

Evaluation of the research

The research project is evaluated using the “Big Tent” criteria of Tracy (2010:839) who
proposes eight criteria for the evaluation of qualitative research to ensure that it meets the
criteria of qualitative quality research. Tracy’s (2010:840) ‘Big Tent’ criteria for excellent
qualitative research have been adapted and applied to this research study. The eight criteria
are a worthy topic, rich rigour, sincerity, credibility, resonance, significant contribution,
ethics, and meaningful coherence.
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Table 4.8: Tracy’s eight criteria for the evaluation of qualitative research
Criteria Means achieving the criteria
1. Worthy topic The topic of the research is:
Relevant: The topic is relevant given the historical trauma in South Africa and its
recent apartheid past.
Timely: The topic is timely because we are living in the post-apartheid era and are
attempting to address the legacy and trauma of the past.
Significant: The topic is significant given the national and collective trauma of
apartheid and the historical trauma of slavery.
Interesting: The topic is interesting because it challenges assumptions and
established practice.
2. Rich rigour The study uses sufficient, abundant, appropriate and complex data:
Theoretical constructs: The conceptual framework consists of a medical and
Aboriginal model of intergenerational trauma, as well as narrative therapy theory
Data and time in the field: The data is rich as I have spent four months in the
field.
Samples: Seven families made up the sample, with three generations being
interviewed in five families and two generations in two families. The data analysis
is described in detail in this report.
Contexts: The context was appropriate for the study as the families were displaced
and were descendents of slaves. The contextual nature of the study is significant in
this study.
Data collection and analysis processes: Three methods of data collection was
employed as well as three groups of participants. Three types of data analysis was
employed, namely thematic analysis, narrative thematic analysis, case-study
analysis and a meta-analysis with literature. An extensive conceptual framework
was developed and a literature review was undertaken.
3. Sincerity The study is characterised by:
Self-reflexivity about the subjective values, biases and inclinations of the
researcher: Self-reflexivity is discussed in detail and I have been honest and
transparent about my subjectivity.
Transparency about the methods and challenges: I have been transparent about
the methodology and the choice of methodology. The challenges have been
discussed.
4. Credibility The research is marked by:
Thick description, concrete detail, explication of tacit (non-textual)
knowledge, and showing rather than telling: The detailed excerpts and case
vignettes give a rich description of the data. The data is described giving examples
of three generations and another two generations of families. Examples of poetry
and drawings are available in the appendices.
Triangulation or crystallisation: Multiple data collection methods and three
groups of participants with seven families have been used in this research. There
are multiple data analysis methods and multiple theoretical constructs from which
to view the data. The criteria for narrative validity are also applied.
Multivocality: The research presents views from multiple ages, generations,
abilities and gender.

5. Resonance The research influences, affects or moves particular readers or a variety of

audiences through:
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Criteria Means achieving the criteria

Aesthetic, evocative representation: The narratives and excerpts in the report are
rich and engaging.
Naturalistic generalisations: The generalisations are made within the context of
the multiple cases.
Transferable findings: The findings reflect similar studies with marginalised
groups and Aboriginal communities.
6. Significant The research provides a significant contribution:
contribution
Conceptually or theoretically: The study challenges assumptions of trauma and
combines the medical model of trauma transmission with an Aboriginal model of
historical trauma.
Practically: The study has highlighted omissions in social work discourse, practice
and education.
Methodologically: Traditional methodology in trauma transmission was
decolonised using collective narrative practice.
Heuristically: The research can lead to new areas of research in social work in
South Africa, such as internalised oppression.
7. Ethics The research considers:
Procedural ethics: Ethical clearance was obtained by the University and informed
consent obtained from the participants.
Situational and culturally specific ethics: Self-reflexivity raised awareness of
differences and power relations between myself and the participants.
Relational ethics: Given the fact that the research focused on intergenerational
trauma in families, I was particularly aware and sensitive of ethics in family
research.
Exiting ethics (leaving the scene and sharing the research): The research
findings were shared with the participants.
8. Meaningful The study:
coherence
Achieves what it purports to be about: The study focuses on the
intergenerational transmission of trauma in displaced families who have a slave
heritage.
Uses methods and procedures that fit its stated goals: The multiple case study
methodology, which included data collection of such life histories, semi-structured
interviews and focus groups, was appropriate for meeting the objectives of this
research.
Meaningfully interconnects literature, research questions/foci, findings and
interpretations with each other: The results answer the main research question,
which was how trauma was transmitted in displaced families. The results reflect
previous studies on intergenerational trauma in literature. The data is interpreted
using decolonising methodology using narrative therapy theory and collective
narrative practice based on the work of Freire (1994) and Foucault (1975).

Source: Tracy, 2010:840.

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4.8 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

The procedural ethics and ethics in practice will be discussed in this section (Guillemin &
Gillam, 2004). Procedural ethics refers to consent and approval of research governance at
universities and procedures guiding research at institutions where which the researcher is part
of. Approval of the research and ethical clearance was obtained from the Office of the Dean
of Research, UWC Community and Health Science Faculty Board Research Ethics
Committees and UWC Senate Research Committee. I have also adhered to the Social Work
code of ethics of the SACSSP.

4.8.1 The value of the study and the population benefit

Ethical research, according to Maiter, Simich, Jacobson and Wise (2008:307), is about
research based on relationships founded on trust and reciprocity. The research will be
valuable to the target population because it will contribute knowledge to identify how trauma
of the past is transmitted from one generation to the next. In addition, the participants will
have an opportunity to tell their life histories, and their experiences in relation to their
displacement and apartheid. Hill, Lau and Sue (2010) state that research on multigenerational
or intergenerational trauma in indigenous communities is limited. The research can therefore
contribute to the body of knowledge on intergenerational trauma in indigenous communities.
According to Hawkes (2007), the telling and retelling of their stories may help individuals to
recover from past traumas.

4.8.2 Consent

The participants had a choice in giving their informed consent as participation was free and
voluntary. All consent disclosures were written in English and Afrikaans (see Appendix IV).
The participants were able to understand English or Afrikaans. In addition, the implications
of giving consent were verbally explained. None of the participants were coerced to take part
in the research or forced to give their consent. All the participants had the right to decline or
withdraw from participation at any time without penalty. This research did not involve any
participants who are under the age of 18 years as the first generation needed to have
experienced displacement of the Group Areas Act, which meant that most of the third
generation participants would be over 18 years old. All except one participant could read and
write. The details of the project were explained verbally, as were the possible implications for
their involvement. I obtained verbal consent, and this was also applicable if the participants
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wished to withdraw their consent. One participant requested that his eldest daughter be
present while the details of the project were explained, and I included the daughter when
explaining the project. The daughter left once the participant agreed and the rest of the
interview was carried out in privacy.

4.8.3 Confidentiality assured

I ensured that confidentiality was maintained throughout the research process. When doing
research within the same family, confidentiality is difficult because all the family members
are aware of which family members are taking part in the research. I tried to address this by
ensuring that the interviews were held in a place that ensured privacy. At the start of every
interview, I explained the confidentiality of the interview and assured the person that I was
obligated to keep the information they shared confidential. I explained and made use of
colloquialisms that I would not reveal information to the rest of the family because the
participants were aware that I would be interviewing other family members. This community
speaks a combination of English and Afrikaans and particular words like confidentiality is
not always understood by everyone.

The participants’ real names are kept anonymous in the report, and pseudonyms have been
used. All individual interviews were undertaken separately to ensure confidentiality.
Interviews were conducted separately with individual family members.

The focus group interviews were conducted once all the individual interviews were
completed. This ensured a level of confidentiality and containment. I emphasised that
information shared in the group is confidential and that this information cannot be shared
with family members not taking part in the focus group discussions. The consent form
included an agreement that members understand that information shared in the focus group is
confidential. Doing research with people involved in an intimate relationship with each other
poses ethical dilemmas. In this context, Forbat and Henderson (2003) pose a dilemma,
namely that when the research results are disseminated, confidentiality may be challenged
when different family members may be able to recognise the quotes of other family members.
I have tried to avoid writing directly or using direct quotes containing confidential
information. When conducting the focus groups, the family members had a choice as to what
they were willing to share with other family members and what information they were not
willing to disclose. I only used this information in the report where necessary and then
ensured that the identity of the family member was not recognisable in the text.
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Another dilemma which Forbat and Henderson (2003) experienced is that one participant
would ask what the other participants had discussed. This did not occur because I explained
that I am obligated to keep other family members’ information confidential at the start of
each interview. I was explicit about confidentiality, and explained that I was not able to
reveal what the other family members said without their consent. This enabled the
participants to gain a level of trust. Throughout the research process, confidentiality and its
implications were discussed with participants.

As a qualified social worker with more than 15 years of experience in working with families
and issues around confidentiality and disclosures in families, I was able to manage the ethical
dilemmas that arose regarding confidentiality.

4.8.4 Ethical challenges in family research

Forbat and Henderson (2003) focus on the potential of the researcher to become “stuck in the
middle” of a relationship which affect the results and analysis. This could also occur when
one person appears to be experiencing difficulties in a relationship, and the researcher may
have a bias for that particular story. In order to address these challenges, I was reflexive in
note keeping so that I became aware if these dilemmas occurred. There were several ethical
dilemmas which occurred as described by Forbat and Henderson(2003). The first dilemma
involved confidential information that one generation shared about another without knowing
that the other member knew the truth ie. A mother tried to protect a daughter from the truth
about her birth but the daughter knew from another source. Family secrets were shared with
me confidentially. There was also conflict within three families but not knowing the families
personally enabled me to avoid colluding with the conflict. In addition given my practical
experience with families I was able to avoid being caught in the middle. There were also
issues around my gender and interviewing male family members on my own and another
family member had to be present with one interview. In another family, a partner wanted to
get to know me and my credentials before approving that the partner gives consent. In Ethics
for Narrative Enquiry, Adams (2008) states that life writings are the most vulnerable to being
taken out of context and that a different sensitivity is required when representing parts of the
narrative as it will now be separated from the larger story. This issue was resolved because of
the case study methodology which viewed each family as unique within a context. In
addition, the principles of narrative therapy theory focusing on contextual issues as well as
alternative stories ensured that the narratives were not taken out of context. Thematic
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narrative analysis also tries to ensure that the narrative is preserved. The case vignettes are
presented in a narrative style.

With narrative enquiry, relational ethics are relevant. I was especially aware of the relational
ethics involved in this process and was aware that disclosures of abuse may be made during
interviews as the interviews focused on the persons’ life histories. As a social worker I was
obligated to follow the legal protocol and I made the families aware of this in the information
sheet and when discussing issues of abuse. There were no disclosures with perpetrators in the
same family, and where disclosures were made it had been adults disclosing childhood abuse
which had been reported. In addition, where adult women disclosed current and past intimate
partner violence they were aware of their rights and choices.

4.8.5 No harm done or harm much less than benefit

The participants were asked to relate potentially traumatic material tome. The trauma of their
displacement and apartheid, and other traumatic material was disclosed while telling their life
histories. This was not the case with every participant, and the researcher made them aware
that they had a choice in what they wanted to tell the researcher, and that they were free to
omit anything that they were not comfortable in revealing. Newman and Kaloupek
(2004:383-394) discuss the potential harms and benefits of respondents participating in
trauma-related research. Their study concluded that the majority of the participants benefitted
from telling their story. Participants received satisfaction from contributing to the welfare of
others. Some received insight and reported improved well-being after talking about their
trauma incidents while some felt it was useful to reflect upon their experiences and felt
empowered.

This research project revealed similar findings where participants enjoyed telling me about
their lives. Several participants expressed a relief to discuss issues they never felt free to
discuss with anyone.

4.8.6 Action if participants are traumatised

One participant arrived distressed at the interview as her son had been stabbed the previous
night. I suggested that we postpone the interview, but the participant insisted on continuing
with the interview. The participant then spent time talking about the stabbing incident and her
son, and I provided emotional containment.

Upon reflection I became aware that participants have the need to discuss what is on their
foreground, and that researchers needed to be able to put aside their own agendas and just
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listen. This is part of the indigenous paradigm where the emphasis in on relational dialogue. I
became aware that semi-structured interviews or even my own ideas about what needs to
happen in the interview can be limiting. That participants need to have a choice about what
they feel they need to speak about if the methodology is to be decolonising.

Two of the participants did not become “traumatised” or emotionally distressed in the
interview when they disclosed childhood abuse. From my experience as a social worker
working with traumatised individuals and communities, I became aware that they were
experiencing long-term effects of trauma, possibly with signs of PTSD, namely intrusive
thoughts and flashbacks about the incidents. I offered them the opportunity to go for
counselling with an independent trauma counsellor, which they took up. It made me aware
that signs of emotional distress in an interview are not a reliable indication of whether the
person has been affected or traumatised by the interview or not. Support or counselling
should be offered to all of the participants regardless of their demeanour because the
relational nature of the methodology and interaction between researcher and participant
would mean that both have been affected by the interaction regardless of the research
material. Counselling was therefore offered to all the particiapants. As black researchers
using an indigenous post-colonial paradigm, we need to be more sensitive to the interactional
process between the researcher and participant. This is especially true when using a narrative
approach to life-histories where any traumatic experience may be brought into the interview.

4.8.7 Fieldwork problems

The problems experienced included three families who were not available for the focus
groups because of family conflict. I resolved this by having separate interviews and adapting
the focus group discussions to individual interviews.

Another challenge was that there were two families (Jacobs and Valentines) where family
members were reluctant to be interviewed and did not give their consent in the end. Two
generations were therefore interviewed in these families instead of three. The lack of a third
generation did not detract from the rigour as intergenerational trauma transmission can be
identified over two generations. There were five other families where three generations were
interviewed.

Privacy and a venue were problems at times but I resolved this by being flexible and
understanding that some participants were reluctant to leave their homes because of their
safety and felt more comfortable in their own homes. I understood that the data they gave me
may have been influenced by the lack of privacy. However, as I interviewed three generations
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I was still able to achieve crystallisation. Only two families’ interviews took place in their
homes. The rest of the interviews were conducted at a church hall in the community.

4.9 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

This research project only focuses on seven families in one displaced community. Increasing
the number of families taking part in research on intergenerational trauma could reflect
different results. There are several communities in Cape Town where people were forced to
move. Mitchell’s Plain was chosen as it was the largest community. Each community is
unique and by changing the context of the study by using another community may have
different outcomes and results. This study only focused on slave descendents in an urban
setting. Many slaves also settled and lived on farms in the rural areas of Cape Town. A study
on intergenerational trauma in a rural setting may therefore yield different results.

The displacement in Cape Town as a result of the Group Areas Act affected black African
families too whereas this study was limited to ‘Coloured’ families.

The research project covering both the trauma of displacement and historical trauma of
slavery was ambitious. A more focused study would have yielded more in-depth results.
However, upon reflection, both the historical trauma of slavery and the trauma of
displacement are embedded in institutional racism which compounded the effects on the
families who are descendants of slaves. It was therefore important to include both forms of
trauma in the research to reflect this intersection. In addition, the fact that the displaced
families are descendents of slaves is often forgotten.

4.10 SELF-REFLEXIVITY

Reflexivity in research is a process of critical reflection both on the kind of knowledge

produced from research and how that knowledge is generated (Gillam, 2011:274). Reflexivity
involves looking critically at one’s role as researcher throughout the research process; it
therefore involves self-reflexivity. Reflexivity in research is not a single or universal entity
but a process – an active, ongoing process that saturates every stage of the research (Gillam,
2011:274). I am a black, third-generation descendent of a family that was displaced in Cape
Town. Both paternal and maternal families were displaced. My maternal family has a slave
heritage traced to slaves who arrived from Malaysia and East Africa, and my paternal family
arrived as orphaned immigrants from India. I engaged in critical reflection of myself and the
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research process throughout the research project. When collecting the data and interviewing
the families, my own experience of being a third-generation woman, whose family was
displaced gave me insight into the experiences of the participants.
I was able to gain the trust of the participants because I grew up in another section of the
community in which the families were based. There were times during the data collection
process that the information impacted me and I obtained support from my supervisor and
external supervisor (a clinical psychologist and academic) to separate my own family’s
history from those of the families in the research. During an interview, a participant was
relating her story of how, as a child, she had been forced to leave school and her family to
work as a nanny for a white family. The impact of institutional racism is traumatic and I
identified with this story reflecting on my own experience and my family’s experience of
institutional racism. The following is an excerpt from my journal
Every time I read Mrs September’s story, I remember her telling me how she
cried as a little girl being forced to leave her family to support her mother. It
makes me think about how I as the eldest daughter had to support the family. And
how I did not like that. This seems to happen a lot in black families. The effects
of institutional racism ... poverty, it really makes me so angry. Yet, I am still
privileged as I went to school, but many of the participants did not have this
privilege (15 January).
I had attended a post-graduate course on Black Leadership in white organisations while living
in the UK and felt that the course had prepared me to some extent to work effectively with
the issues in research. The course had been led by black psychotherapists and enabled me to
deal with my own experience of racism and trauma of racism. The data analysis process was
challenging because the trauma of slavery and how it affected the current descendants
shocked me and I spent time processing this and obtaining support from my supervisor by
discussing this with her. The following is an excerpt from my research journal:
The slave history of the Cape is particularly difficult for me because of the
brutality, the people and stories who are practically forgotten about, dead and
buried. My family have a slave heritage and it was really strange, almost
shocking to see my mom’s maiden surname in Shell’s book. “Jacobs”. Katie
Jacobs was the last slave to be interviewed. I always knew about my slave
heritage, but it was still strange to see the surname in an official book ... making
my slave heritage official. I’m not quite sure how I’m suppose to feel about this.
On the one hand this is a confirmation about a heritage I always knew I had and it
is important to know your “roots” but on the other hand I’m trying to make sense
of this and know that it is an ongoing journey (18 June).
Reading Lose your mother by Hartman (2007) helped me come to accept the ambivalent
feelings I have about my own slave heritage as she discusses the paradoxical nature of
claiming a slave heritage, where aspects of loss and freedom are interrelated. I was aware of
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how my subjectivity could influence the methodology I chose and the way I could interpret
and analysed the data, as well as present the data. The reflections enabled me to write about
the historical trauma of slavery in an honest way, without compromising the research process
or scholarly purpose of the thesis.
The trauma of the families and participants have been overwhelming, especially during the
analysis when I gained new insight into the real effects of the trauma of displacement and the
historical trauma of slavery on the families. The trauma of gang violence was another aspect
where I became aware of my privilege and also the devastating effects of the gang violence.
In the following excerpt from the journal I write about how vulnerable I felt at times, hearing
about the extent of the gang violence:
All the talk about the gang violence in the area from the participants is beginning
to make me feel worried about my safety, especially when I am waiting alone in
the church hall and David tells me to lock the door. I wonder if the gang violence
happens during the day or night and if I am really safe. But then I realise that for
the families who live here, they cannot leave like I can leave when the interviews
are done. They are forced to live here every day (3 December).
By reflecting on my own vulnerability during the time collecting the data I was able to gain
new insight into the gang violence which I was previously indifferent to because I have
worked in areas of gang violence before. However, listening to so many stories of gang
violence and being in the community for three months on a regular basis made me aware of
the real trauma of gang violence that the families are exposed to.
The data that I had gathered was rich and it was difficult to choose which excerpts or
narrative to use because they were all important. After support from both supervisors and
counselling from my external supervisor I was able to work through some of the
identification and feelings of anger to complete the report in a way that does not affect the
rigour of the data.

4.11 CONCLUSION

The main purpose of this chapter was to describe the methodology and justify why the chosen
methodology and paradigm were applied in this study. In addition, it was important to be
explicit about the research process and describe how the data was analysed and interpreted.
The indigenous postcolonial paradigm with the decolonising methodology was appropriate
for the context and the families partaking in the research because the families’ response to
trauma was not pathologised but viewed as an appropriate response to the trauma given their
choices within the network of power relations in which they are involved. The trauma and
trauma transmission were viewed within the socio-historical context of the dominant society.
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The next chapter presents the cases and results in the form of case vignettes.I also provided a
discussion and analysis of the data leading to a framework for working with families who
experience intergenerational trauma.
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CHAPTER 5
INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA TRANSMISSION

5.1 INTRODUCTION

In the previous chapter, the methodology of the research project was discussed. In this
chapter, the data is presented of the seven families who make up the case studies. The chapter
is divided into two sections. In the first section, I discuss the data and summary of the
findings. In the second section I discuss the analysis of the results, focusing on the major
themes of disenfranchised grief, the conspiracy of silence and shame which have contributed
to the transmission of the trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery in the
families in this study. The data is presented in case vignettes. The purpose of the chapter is to
address the research questions. The research questions that this chapter aims to address are:
• How have families experienced the trauma of displacement?
• How do family members give meaning to the historical trauma of slavery?
• What are the multiple ways in which trauma is transmitted from one generation to the
next in families according to literature?
• What are the mechanisms of trauma which are evident in the families studied in Cape
Town?

The research questions are addressed by focusing on the experience of displacement and how
the participants make sense of their slave heritage. I also attended to the research questions by
focusing on how different mechanisms of trauma transmission – such as interpersonal
relations, socialisation, silence and shame – transmitted the trauma of displacement and the
historical trauma of slavery. This is followed by a summary of the main results of the study.

5.2 SUMMARY OF RESULTS

Seven families took part in this research, making up the seven case studies. Three generations
were interviewed in each family except the Jacobs and Valentine families. In the Jacobs and
Valentine families, two generation were interviewed. The biographical details of the families
and participants can be found in the appendices. The cases represent the literal replication and
theoretical replication principles of Yin (2009; 2003). Table 5.1 represents the seven families
and how they match the conceptual and theoretical frameworks.
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5.2.1 Indicators of intergenerational trauma

The indicators of intergenerational trauma in each family are described in Column A of Table
5.1. This was used to identify intergenerational trauma transmission in the families. The
indicators of intergenerational trauma transmission are poverty, substance abuse, family loss
and separation, intimate partner violence, and community violence (Menzies, 2007; 2010 ).

5.2.2 Intergenerational transmission and mechanisms of transmission

Colum B in Table 5.1 below is an indication of what has been transmitted intergenerationally.
Column C describes the mechanisms of trauma transmission, which is how the trauma has
been transmitted.

Table 5.1: Intergenerational transmission of trauma and mechanisms of transmission

Name of A. Indicators of B. Intergenerational C. Mechanisms of

family intergenerational trauma transmission (what is being trauma transmission
transmitted
intergenerationally )
Valentine Intimate partner violence Loss and nostalgia due to the Socialisation
trauma of displacement
Loss and nostalgia Shame
Historical trauma of slavery
Homelessness Interpersonal relations
Drugs and alcohol abuse
Lack of education Enmeshment
Lack of education
Drug and alcohol abuse Silence
Racialisation
Williams Homelessness Loss and nostalgia of trauma Silence
displacement
Intimate partner violence Interpersonal relations
Historical trauma of slavery
Loss or absence of main carer Socialisation
Loss of main carer
Shame
Homelessness
Lack of education
September Family violence Trauma of displacement Shame
Intimate partner violence Historical trauma of slavery Silence
Poverty Poverty Socialisation
Community violence Intimate partner violence Enmeshment
Racialisation Racialisation
Lack of education Lack of education
Jacobs Lack of education Loss and nostalgia of trauma Enmeshment
of displacement
Community violence Socialisation
Historical trauma of slavery
Loss and nostalgia Shame
Racialisation
Racialisation Silence
Community violence
Lack of education
Poverty
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Name of A. Indicators of B. Intergenerational C. Mechanisms of

family intergenerational trauma transmission (what is being trauma transmission
transmitted
intergenerationally )
February Alcohol and drug abuse Trauma of displacement Silence
Poverty Historical trauma of slavery Interpersonal relations
Intimate partner violence Alcohol and drug abuse Shame
Loss of carer Poverty Socialisation
Lack of education Racialisation Family and intimate partner Enmeshment
violence
Community violence
Lack of education
Caesar Loss and nostalgia Poverty Socialisation
Poverty Loss and nostalgia of trauma of Silence
displacement
Community violence Interpersonal relations
Racialisation Racialisation
Shame
Lack of education Lack of education
Enmeshment
Community violence

Diedericks Loss and nostalgia Enmeshment Socialisation

Community violence Family support Silence
Lack of education Lack of education Enmeshment
Community violence Shame

5.3 SUMMARY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE RESULTS

i) The trauma of displacement has been transmitted across three generations in all the
families. The trauma of displacement has been transmitted via the mechanisms of
interpersonal relations, silence and shame. The reason for this was the unresolved
trauma and grief the participants experienced in relation to their displacement. The
trauma was also transmitted as a result of disenfranchised grief.

ii) Families and participants attached subjective meanings to slavery. Some families had
no knowledge of their slave heritage and wanted to learn more about their heritage.
iii) Several participants mentioned “Jan van Riebeeck”. One participant found it difficult to
speak about slavery because of what it evoked in her.
iv) The historical trauma of slavery has been transmitted via the mechanisms of shame,
silence and socialisation in the families and in society.
v) Internalised oppression and racialised thinking were also evident in all the families.
Racialised thinking and internalised oppression were transmitted intergenerationally via
the mechanism of shame and socialisation.
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vi) Other than the trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery, what has also
been transmitted via socialisation in society are the effects of the trauma of
displacement and historical trauma of slavery, such as poverty, alcohol and drug abuse,
community violence, intimate partner violence, family violence, overcrowding and
poor housing. The trauma was also transmitted through enmeshment in families
because of overcrowded housing conditions. In the Diedericks family, the enmeshment
was viewed as a means of family support.
vii) Poverty has been transmitted across three generations in the following families: the
September, February and Caesar families via the mechanisms of socialisation in
society.
viii) All the first-generation participants did not attend high school. Only two families had
family members (the third generation of the Jacobs family) who completed high school
and had gone on to higher education. One family member in the September family
completed high school. Three of the families (September, Caesar and February)
mentioned having to leave school to support the family. The lack of education has been
transmitted via the mechanism of socialisation through society and the family.
ix) All seven families mentioned alcohol or drug abuse either by the participants
themselves or within their families. Alcohol abuse has been transmitted across two
generations in the February family. In the February case, the transmission mechanisms
are socialisation and interpersonal relations.
x) Intimate partner violence has been transmitted across three generations in the
September family and February family. Intimate partner violence was also experienced
in the Valentine family and Williams family but there was no evidence that this had
been transmitted intergenerationally.
xi) All the families mention community violence, especially in relation to drug-related
crimes and gang violence. Community violence is transmitted across generations via
socialisation and enactment in the community and society.

Before analysing and interpreting the data I have given a brief description of the
characteristics which emerged of each generation in the research.

5.3.1 First generation (born 1930-1961)

The first-generation participants were born between 1938 and 1961 in the families in this
research. All were born before apartheid was institutionalised in 1961 when South Africa
became a replublic and left the British Commonwealth ( Barbrin & Richter, 2002:27) . The
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forced removals took place between 1950 and 1985. The first generation in the Diedericks
family was born in 1961. However, institutional racism has been a part of South Africa since
colonialism and there were forced removals since 1901, which means that this generation
would have experienced institutional racism as much as the second and third generations
(Field 2001, Shell 2001). Mrs Williams and other first-generation participants were children
or adolescents at the time (Diedericks, Caesar, Valentine families). Hyder (2005:7) states that
conflict and violence severely undermine childhoods, and the vulnerable such as children
become even more vulnerable. This is due to the fact that circumstances directly affect the
development of the child. The unpredictability of the physical environment, access to health
care, family stress and continuity of care all have an impact on the child’s development.
Given the family stress and unpredictable new environment and loss of support due to the
displacement, it would have affected the development of the first-generation participants.
This is reflected in the fact that none of the first-generation participants went to high school.
Given the direct trauma of displacement that the first generation experienced, the unresolved
trauma of the displacement would have been transmitted to second and third generations
(Weingarten 2004). The second generation witnessed the struggle to adapt to the
displacement.

5.3.2 Second generation (born 1959-1983)

In all the families, the second generation was born and raised during apartheid. This
generation would have experienced the displacement as well as the violence and trauma of
apartheid. In the Jacobs family, Mr Jacobs recalls the loss and nostalgia about times when he
lived with his family in Cape Town. He also recalls the trauma of the displacement. He has
ambivalent feelings of loss and nostalgia because he recalls that it was the best time of his life
but due to the forced removals he was temporarily separated from his parents because he
remained living with his grandparents while his parents moved. Feelings of loss and nostalgia
were also experienced by both, the first generation and second generation. The second
generation in the Diedericks family was the only participant in this generation who heard
about the Group Areas Act but did not have any knowledge about it. This is reflective of the
silence within the family and the isolation of the family in comparison with the rest of the
families. In the interview with the first generation of the Diedericks family, Mrs Diedericks
said they were not “political” people. The choice to be silent or withdraw from what was
happening in society is also reflected in the second generation. It could also reflect the extent
to which her family went to protect her from apartheid trauma.
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5.3.3 Third generation (born 1984-1995)

This generation was born between 1984 and 1995 when apartheid was being dismantled. This
is reflective of third-generation participants in the Caesar family and February family. For all
except the Jacobs family, the third generation seems to have assumed that the trauma of
displacement has not affected them. Conceptualisations of trauma often focus on direct
trauma where people experience PTSD symptoms. This was often not the case with the
trauma of displacement in the third generation. There is the assumption that, because they
were not born when their family was displaced, they cannot be affected. In some of the
families, like the Jacobs, Valentine and Caesar families, the third generation acknowledged
the that their family were affected, but they have not been able to verbalise how the family
has been affected. In the Williams family and Diedericks family, the third-generation
participants did not have any knowledge or had never heard about the Group Areas Act. With
the Jacobs family, the third-generation participant was able to explain in detail how the
trauma of displacement affected her family. She feels a sense of loss when she says that it is
“heartsore” that the older generation lived in a happy place before they were displaced and
she now has to live in “ this place ”. She says that the environment in which her parents and
grandparents grew up was better than the environment in which she has grown up.

5.4 EMERGING THEMES

After coding and categorising the data, using the mechanisms of trauma transmission in the
conceptual framework, themes started to emerge. The literature was used to confirm and
further analyse the data. Principles of collective narrative practice were used as a guide to
“decolonise” the medical model of trauma transmission of the conceptual framework used to
identify the mechanisms of trauma transmission. The principles of collective narrative
practice acknowledge the real effects of trauma and how people protected themselves. These
principles also viewed the families as representing a social issue and allowed the participants
to speak through and to link the families and their experiences to some sort of collective
voice and collective history (Denborugh, 2008).

Four major themes emerged from data, namely disenfranchised grief, a “conspiracy of
silence”, shame, and socialisation in intuitional racism. Each theme will be discussed in detail
below as well as how each theme emerged.

Disenfranchised grief will be discussed first because the first and second generations were
directly exposed to the trauma of displacement and were forced to move. Sub-themes such as
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the role of disenfranchised grief in trauma transmission; vertical and horizontal transmission
and enactment will also be discussed as they relate to disenefranschised grief. Psychological
and social resistance also emerged as a sub-theme and has been included in the discussion.
The trauma of displacement was social trauma affecting 150 000 people in Cape Town
(Trotter, 2009:49). The grief due to the trauma of displacement became disenfranchised
because of the age of the participants, the lack of formal support and the social discourse at
the time of the removals (Field et al., Trotter, 2009). The causes of disenfranchised grief and
the role disenfranchised grief has played in the transmission of the trauma are supported by
literature (Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998; Doka, 1989; Stein, 2012).

5.4.1 Disenfranchised grief

The trauma of displacement has been transmitted across generations via the trauma
transmission mechanism of interpersonal relations. The first and second generations in the
families were forcibly removed between 1960 and 1980, and they directly experienced the
trauma of displacement (Field et al., 2000; Trotter, 2009). Two families, the Jacobs family
and Williams family, are discussed to illustrate the transmission of the intergenerational
trauma of displacement.

The first-generation and second-generation participants were all children or young

adolescents when they were displaced while their parents and adults were trying to cope with
the trauma of displacement. Children were vulnerable to the transmission of intergenerational
trauma because they had no support to express or deal with their own trauma associated with
the displacement (Hyder, 2005; Weingarten, 2004). Recent studies on the transmission of
intergenerational trauma show that what cannot be contained or mourned for or worked
through in one generation (especially from parents) will be transmitted unconsciously to the
next generation (Stein, 2012:173). The following case vignette reflects the transmission of the
trauma of displacement because the parents were unable to contain and work through their
trauma and unconsciously transmitted this to their children.

5.4.1.1 Case vignette

Three generations of the family were interviewed. Mrs Williams is a first-generation

participant who was a child when her family was displaced. In the quote below, Mrs
Williams explains how she was a child and she remembers how she was forced to move:

I was still small, but I remember that’s where the group areas … then we had to
move out. We had to move out and then my mommy said we stayed in Belgravia,
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till we moved into these flats. That was all apartheid business. Apartheid was
horrible, we had to cope with it. (Williams, first generation)

The quote above reflects how Mrs Williams felt powerless and identified with her parents’
trauma when she says “we had to cope” with it. By “it”, she is referring to the trauma of their
forced removal and displacement. By saying “we had to cope with it”, indicates how
disempowered Mrs Williams and her mother felt at the time. Other participants such as Mr
Jacobs also expressed his family’s disempowerment. Mr Jacobs said:

We stayed in District 6 and we were forced to be removed…to move. They(Mr

Jacobs parents) were very unhappy yes, very disgruntled. But you know they
could not nothing about it. (Jacobs 2nd generation)

In this comment, Mr Jacobs explains how unhappy his parents were about their displacement
and concludes that his parents were powerless as they could not do anything about their
displacement.

The comments by Mrs Williams and Mr Jacobs are a reflection of their parents’ sense of
powerlessness which was transmitted to them via the means of projection where the parents
unconsciously projected their feelings of distress and powerlessness onto their children as
way of coping with the trauma (Dekel & Goldblatt, 2008:284). Projection is one of the means
of trauma transmission which happens in interpersonal relations. Parents unconsciously
transmitted the trauma of displacement onto their children by projecting their unresolved
trauma in order to cope with their displacement. The children responded by identifying with
the parents’ projection, resulting in intergenerational trauma transmission (Danieli, 1998,
Dekel & Goldblatt, 2008; Weingarten, 2004). The identification process causes the children
to lose their ability to differentiate between the self and the traumatised aspects of their
parents. Identification leaves the children vulnerable to having to deal not only with their own
trauma in relation to their displacement but also having to make sense of their parents’s
trauma. Through projection and identification, the trauma of the displacement was
transmitted intergenerationally in the families in this research (Kogan, 2012:7). The families
also had unresolved grief because the displacement was enforced and they had no choice
where to live. The grief was also unresolved because families felt they were dispossessed and
they were powerless to address this (Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998; Poupart, 2003; Stein
2012). Both generations directly experienced the trauma of displacement. Because the trauma
was social trauma, horizontal trauma transmission occurred. This happens where several
generations are affected simultaneously. They received no formal support and had no avenue
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to express their loss and grief, which is the environment in which the transmission of
intergenerational trauma occurs (Brave Heart & DeBruyn; Stein, 2012; Trotter, 2009).

5.4.2 Intergenerational trauma transmission

Mrs Williams, in her narrative of her displacement, said “that was all apartheid business”,
referring to their forced removal. By saying “that was all apartheid business”, she is
dissociating herself from the experience of displacement. Dissociating and repressing
memories of the trauma allows the trauma to remain unresolved. She describes apartheid as
being “horrible”, which is an indication of the unresolved grief and trauma regarding the
displacement because it reflects how overwhelming the experience was for her. The trauma
of displacement was transmitted to her daughter, the second generation of the Williams
family. Ms Williams, the second-generation participant, discusses how her family had to cope
with the displacement. She says, “ they had to adapt to a new lifestyle … to new things. In
the beginning it was hard, but as time went on they began to cope ”. By “they”, Ms Williams
is referring to her parents. The second-generation participant witnessed her parents’ struggle
to adapt to the displacement. When discussing the family’s displacement, Ms Williams says:

I remember her (referring to her mother) saying that it was very emotional. There
were lots of tears involved because they had to depart from people, … the
community out there they grew to know each other, they knew each other. They
were always willing to help each other. And they didn’t see each other as
neighbours, they… I think they saw each other ... as a family. They lived in one
street, if I’m not at home then that neighbour would look after my place, or my child
is your child. If there hadn’t been a Group Areas Act, the people would still have
been living there. I would also be a part of it. . I don’t think Mitchell’s Plain would
have been here. (Williams second generation)

Ms Williams is referring to her mother when she says, “I remember her saying”. Ms Williams
recalls her mother telling her about the trauma of the displacement when she says “it” was
very emotional. Ms Williams also describes the loss of community her mother experienced.
The excerpt reflects the loss and nostalgia which has been transmitted to Ms Williams
because she says “If there had not been a Group Areas Act the people would still be living
there. I would have also been part of it”. When she says “there”, she is referring to Cape
Town, the place where her parents were forced to move from. Ms Williams identifies with
her mother’s trauma when she says, “If there hadn’t been a Group Areas Act, I would also be
a part of it”. By identifying with her mother’s projection of loss and nostalgia the trauma of
the displacement is transmitted to Ms Williams as the second generation. The trauma of
displacement remains unresolved because the loss and nostalgia about the displacement has
not been integrated into the social discourse of society. Intergenerational trauma transmission
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occurs when the trauma is cut off from the discourse of the family and society because the
trauma and grief are not acknowledged (Fromm, 2012: xxi).

5.4.3 Vertical and horizontal transmission

Trauma transmission can happen in two ways, namely vertical transmission and horizontal
transmission. Vertical trauma transmission has occurred in the Jacobs family where the third-
generation family member still experiences the trauma even though she was not present or
witnessed the trauma (Stein, 2012:175). Horizontal trauma transmission occurred with the
first and second generations in the Jacobs family when several generations were affected by
the same traumatic happenings, such as the displacement, because they were present or
witnessed the trauma. This will be illustrated using a case vignette.

5.4.3.1 Case vignette

The Jacobs family were displaced in the 1960s and the first and second generation were
forced to move. The third generation was born in 1992 when apartheid was being dismantled.
I asked Mr Jacobs how his family adapted to their new environment after they were forced to
move and he responded by saying:

I think you know I don’t know much about my father but he ...became a
compulsive drinker you know, but he was never like that in his younger days. So
I don’t know…because he… what I probably also think because he had to make
new friends, but that time he use to be a very good sportsman. He had
trophies…a cabinet full of trophies you know. He was a good swimmer, a
gymnast, and we got photos of him. That was the kind of activities that he was
involved in. Now you know he’s in a different environment, so he started
drinking. And that affected our life. That’s why I never drink in my whole life
you know, because I hate it. Because he would go to the shebeen, get robbed and
then he comes home without money. Luckily my mother worked all her years;
she never even smoked a cigarette. She was practically supporting the family.
(Jacobs second generation)

Abusing alcohol is associated with the long-term effects of trauma which is unresolved. The
individuals use alcohol to help them cope with an overwhelming sense of loss, grief and
PTSD symptoms of the trauma (De Zuleta, 2007:175). Alcohol abuse is also an indication of
intergenerational trauma in Aboriginal families and communities who have experienced
social dislocation and historical trauma. It is linked to the unresolved trauma and grief of
dispossession (Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998:70). Mr Jacobs’ father (first generation)
projected his unresolved grief onto his son (second generation). Children, due to their
developmental age, often do not have the capacity to understand trauma and complex
situations like displacement. This makes them vulnerable to the projections of their parents’
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unresolved trauma (Dekel & Goldblatt, 2008; Weingarten, 2004). Mr Jacobs’ daughter
identifies with her father’s projection even though she did not experience the displacement
directly. This was evident when she said:

To me its messed up. I honestly think we’re still living the same, we still getting
treated the same, we haven’t moved forward ever since. Although since the white
man is not ruling, there’s been so much changes but its still not enough for us for
what our parents went through understand? (Jacobs third generation)

Her identification with her father’s trauma is indicative of the unresolved trauma associated
with the family’s displacement. The statement also indicates how the trauma has been
transmitted across three generations where the third-generation participant still experiences
the trauma even though she was not born when the displacement occurred (Weingarten,
2004).

Another means of trauma transmission to a third generation who did not experience the
forced removals is socialisation. The excerpt by Miss Jacobs as a third-generation participant
indicates that there are complex cultural and family processes of social learning and
intergenerational transmission of values and beliefs that shape the way the memory of a
traumatic past continues to shape the perceptions of this past by those who did not experience
it. Traumatic memories are kept alive through socio-cultural learning in families.

Belnap (2012:16) refers to the traumatic learning as life lessons. Socialisation in the family
and South African society were powerful mechanisms of trauma transmission, making it
possible for the generation born after apartheid to experience the trauma of displacement
where they display the behaviour and attitudes of their parents or previous generations born
during apartheid (Jansen, 2009). A study by Lazar, Livak-Hirsh and Chitain (2008:98)
revealed that young Jewish-Israelis view the Holocaust as cultural trauma, and that those
unique socio-cultural processes created a social cultural code which revolves around security
and education and which is laden with Holocaust symbols and rhetoric. The Holocaust is kept
alive by the memories of their grandparents and through media exposure, as well as through
their educational system.

5.4.4 Unacknowledged grief in trauma transmission

The trauma of displacement was not recognised and acknowledged as trauma because the
apartheid government justified the displacement as necessary to segregate the community, to
rid the area of slums and to improve conditions for black people. However, it was an attempt
to get rid of black people within the city and maintain power based on racialised difference
(Field et al., 2001; Trotter, 2009). The families were not able to mourn or grieve the loss and
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trauma of displacement because it was publicly unacknowledged and ignored. For the
families and participants, trauma remained unresolved because their trauma and resulting
grief was not acknowledged by society. Their grief had become disenfranchised (Stein, 2012:
173-175). As a result, the participants continue to struggle to make sense of the trauma by
transmitting it to the next generation because it was not perceived by society and dominant
social discourse as traumatic. In the following excerpt, Mr Valentine, a first-generation
participant who was displaced as a young child, still questions the reasons of the government
for the removal after he was forced to move more than 40 years ago. He also discusses the
loss that he experienced:

And when we went out as a family, the whole family went together. That was the
love that I lost. That was lost, when we started moving out of the area. And I
miss that, even up till today I miss that because to me it even that was one
fantastic way to have your family with you. Like the togetherness of people, the
unity, if it were, no matter what religion you had. You understand. We were
just like one family as we were growing up. But where our family is concerned, I
miss them you know. I wanted my children to have that, to see that, and how
close the family bond is, I’m not blaming the state for it, I can’t do that, you know
we don’t know what would have been there. Where would I have stayed when I
got married? And we stayed in the same place. I am not going to blame the
state for it, maybe they had different views. But putting us out here, what we
now call the bush... (Valentine, first generation)

This quote also reflects the loss and nostalgia he experienced as a result of the removals when
he says that he misses the unity and the family being together. The unity and bond which the
participant had with his community and family is the love which he felt was lost when he was
forced to move. Various participants expressed the loss of family ties, community ties and
support. Mr Valentine’s ambivalence is reflected when he first says that he cannot blame the
state, but then he questions why the apartheid government put them in the bush, which
reflects his unresolved trauma and grief over the loss. The “bush” reflects the geographic area
of the “Cape Flats”, which is where most of the displaced families were forced to move too.
The area is made up of sandy, windswept dunes and bushes on the outskirts of Cape Town
(Field, 2001; Trotter, 2009). Rive, a poet, called the Cape Flats “desolate without soul” in
comparison with the communities from which they were forced to move. This indicates the
sense of loss and abandonment that many displaced people in Cape Town experienced
because they had moved from a built-up town and city with amenities which were convenient
to living in communities without infrastructure.

Families were able to describe their traumatic experiences as it related to their displacement
while others did not have the words to explain how the trauma of displacement or slavery
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affected them but they could articulate the meaning they attached to the trauma of
displacement as evident in the quote below. The quote is made by Mr Valentine’s son, a
second-generation participant. The quote below is used to illustrate how narratives of
displacement do not reveal the structural inequality that the families experienced over several
generations (Menzies, 2010):

“I don’t think it had much impact on my family, because we all normal. It’s just that we
have a lot of issues”(Valentine, second generation)

Mr Valentine’s son is referring to the trauma of displacement when he says “I don’t think it
had much impact ...” In this quote, the nature of the intergenerational trauma of displacement
is implicit. In her work with traumatised refugees in the UK, Danieli (2007:69) is of the
opinion that neuro-scientific information suggests that in trauma normal neurological links
with speech will be disrupted and concludes that both verbal and non-verbal communication
are relevant. With refugees, the nature of trauma is overwhelming, often leaving the
individuals without words to describe their experiences completely. Although implicit, the
trauma is still overwhelming for the participant because he says that his family “just has a lot
of issues” and denigrates his family’s experience of the trauma because this is how the
dominant discourse responds to the trauma of displacement. Trauma can become “cut off’
from social discourse, leaving people with unacknowledged grief (Divoine & Gaudilliere,
2004). According to Stein (2012:175), what is consciously “banished” from society comes
back in the form of enactment. Attending to the verbal and non-verbal communication of the
participants in order to contextualise their experience and the narrative was essential to
understand the trauma of displacement and how it affected generations of the same family.
The non-verbal communication is the contextual nature of the trauma where the family has
experienced not only the trauma of displacement but also the historical trauma of slavery,
based on institutional racism over several generations.

Intergenerational trauma is based on the assumption that when trauma is unresolved it is

transmitted to the next generation. Families were forced to move from the late 1950s to 1985.
This spans 30 years of forced removals and it was only in the post-apartheid era that the
trauma of displacement was officially recognised. This has left almost 30 years of
misrecognition and unacknowledged grief. This period of 30 years include years of political
violence and suppression, and overt intuitional racism. This severely affected people’s ability
to grieve and mourn their loss. Displacement accompanied by trauma such as political
violence significantly affects quality of life (Araya, Chotai, Komproe & De Jong, 2007:919).
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5.4.5 Disenfranchised grief and enactment as intergenerational trauma transmission

Community violence, specifically gang violence, permeated every family’s experience in

different ways and all the families mentioned gang violence, leaving all the families
vulnerable, powerless and often fearing for their lives. Most have no choice about where they
can live and are forced to live in these circumstances, exposed to gang violence on a daily
basis. The pervasive gang and community violence that the families in the research
experience is a form of enactment where the disenfranchised grief associated with the trauma
of displacement and political violence is being enacted and transmitted across several
generations in the families in the research (Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998; Poupart, 2003;
Stein 2012). Community violence in the form of gang violence has been transmitted across
several generations through enactment and over-disclosure. Over-disclosure occurs when
children are exposed to traumatising adult behaviour (Dekel & Goldblatt, 2008:285).

This is evident in the excerpts from the Caesar family and Jacobs family below. These
excerpts reflect how pervasive and traumatising the gang violence is and how the trauma of
exposure to gang violence has been transmitted across generations via direct exposure to the
trauma because all three generations had been exposed to gang violence.

My pad was baie gevaarlik. Ek hettie gewiet toe ek intrek dat daar was a
merchant nie. Hulle het vir n’t hele 5 maande geskiet ... Toe sê die gangsters vir
my sê vir jou broer ek gaan sy kop afkap en vir sy ma op 'n skinkbord gie. [My
street was very dangerous. I did not know when I moved in that there was a
“merchant” (drug dealer). They were shooting for five months ... So the gangster
said to me tell your brother we are going to cut off his head and give it to your
mother on a tray.] (Caesar, second generation)

In the above excerpt, Mr Caesar explains that he was not aware of the danger of the street that
he moved into, indicating that he had no choice about where he moved to because he
remained living there despite the ongoing violence. Many displaced families were forced to
move to areas where gang violence was a problem (Trotter 2009). The gang violence and
community violence is a result of the displacement, poverty and institutional racism (Adonis
2008, Barbarin & Richter, 2002; Trotter, 2009; Wilkinson, 2002). He says that “they” were
shooting for five months. By “they”, he is referring to rival gangs. The gang violence affected
everyone in his family because Mr Caesar recalls a gang member telling him that he is going
to kill his brother and then give his severed head to his mother. His daughter (third
generation) is affected and traumatised in a different way. She explains how the gang
violence affected her as a child growing up in this environment. She says:
 121

Dit was baie gevaarlik. Ons kannie skool toe gegaan hettie vir weke tot 'n maand
omdat die skietery. Ons het in die kaste en onder die kooie geslaap daai’s die
beste. Ons het in die territory van die Americans8 gebly. [It was very dangerous.
We could not go to school for weeks up to a month because of the shooting. We
slept in cupboards and under the beds, that’s the best place. We lived in the
territory of the Americans.] (Caesar, third generation)

The violence not only affected her school attendance, but also their daily life where they were
forced to sleep under beds and cupboards. She said that this was best place to sleep and that
they lived in the territory of the “Americans”, which is a gang. This is indicative of how
living in the gang violence had become a way of life for the family. Living in the “territory”
of the Americans meant that the family had to cope with the violence because they had no
other choice. This can be seen in the case vignette below:

5.4.5.1 Case vignette

A third-generation member of the Jacobs family was a victim of a stray bullet and a large part
of her narrative is about the trauma of the incident and how unsafe she feels in the
community in which she lives:

Honestly, it’s a horrible place really. To me here’s no good memories that I can
recall. Ok another story is I was shot now about 10 years ago. That was…I was
about 10 years old, just down our road. A stray bullet or something like that hit
me... so to me this…. Yes and I wouldn’t want anybody else younger than me to
live in a place like this. Yes they were shooting on this house on the corner.
(Jacobs, third generation)

Miss Jacobs was 10 years old and an innocent victim in the gang violence. She remains
traumatised by the incident as she recalled the detail of the incident and remains fearful of
living in the area. This was the first words she said in her interview, which reflects the
unresolved trauma of the incident and its long-term effects on her as she remains fearful of
living in that community. Her father has similar experiences growing up in the community as
he and his parents were forced to move to. In response to his experiences of growing up in his
new community, he said, “The kind of things that everyone that growing up in Hanover Park
goes through, dodging bullets now and then”. His statement reflects how children and young
people growing up in the displaced communities are exposed to and socialised in the violence
because he says “what everyone goes through growing up in Hanover Park”. He also
mentions that his parents did not like living in the new area because of the gang violence. He
says, “They didn’t like it man. You know it’s a big contrast to what they use to in District 6

“Americans” is the name of a gang in Cape Town.

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and now … There was always gang fights, they were robbing the people all the time”. Mr
Jacobs refers to his parents when he says “they”. He explains that his parents did not like
living in the new area they were forced to move to because of the gang violence and crime.

The intergenerational nature of the violence, which affected all the generations in all the
families, is also indicative of how the families are socialised in the violence. Community
violence is not only the result of the disenfranchised grief associated with the trauma of
displacement but it is also one of the long-term effects of the historical trauma of slavery
which has been transmitted via the means of socialisation (Poupart, 2003; Wesley-Esquimaux
& Smolewski, 2004). Violence was used as a form of social control and domination against
the slaves. The slave owners and colonial government also forced slaves to punish and
commit violence against other slaves (Shell, 2001:189-191). The historical roots of violence
in South Africa therefore lie within the historical trauma of slavery. The displacement and
apartheid policies compounded the violence that communities experienced, causing the
violence to spread to communities and families (Barbarin & Richter, 2001).

There is extensive literature on the intergenerational transmission of violence.

Intergenerational trauma theory is based on the premise that projection, identification, over-
disclosure and enactment are means of trauma transmission in interpersonal relations.
However, it is also a natural response to dealing with unresolved trauma or a way of trying to
make sense of events which are overwhelming (Alayarian, 2007). The gang violence in
Mitchell’s Plain can be viewed as the enactment of the families’ disenfranchised grief
associated with the trauma of their displacement and the long-term effects of historical
trauma of slavery (Rice & Bensen, 2005; Stein, 2012; Volkan, 2012). Mr Caesar explains
how, after dispossession, individuals saw gangs or drugs as an option:

Baie van onse bruin mense wat mooi plekke gehetit in Wittebome, Constancia,
Wynberg, as ons daai plekke kon weer terug kry dan sal ons nie so gesukkel het
nie. Ek mean ons sal well af gewies het. Die facilities was goed, dit was still
gewies en jy sal nie miskien involve geraak het met gangsterims of drugs nie. Jy
sal gekyk het vir a future voorentoe vir jou, daai’s wat ek nou dink. [Lots of us
‘Coloured’ people who had nice places in Wittebome, Constancia and Wynberg,
if you could have those places back again, then we would not have struggled. I
mean we would have been well off. The facilities were good and you would
maybe not have become involved in gangsterism or drugs .You would have
looked towards a future, that’s what I think.] (Caesar, second generation)

Mr Caesar’s grief about his loss is expressed when he says if the families’ homes could have
been returned to them, then they would not have struggled; they would have been “well off”.
This indicates his unresolved grief, which cannot be resolved by gaining back the land. He
 123

also expresses despair at the loss of a future that he longs for. Upon reflection, Mr Caesar
believes that the families turned to gangsterism and drugs as a result of their dispossession
when he says “maybe you would not have become involved in gangsterism or drugs”. His
reflection is indicative of the way families have not passively accepted the trauma but have
showed signs of social and psychological resistance. His grief has been disenfranchised
because he has no avenue of expressing his grief and trauma of what he has lost. The loss and
grief are expressed when he says, “you would have looked towards the future”, reflecting the
despair and hopelessness the families felt about their displacement. Unless a discourse is
created to incorporate his grief into the social discourse of society, his grief will remain
unacknowledged (Stein, 2012).

The social discourse and dominant values of a society prescribe what events are described as
traumatic. By prescribing what event is considered traumatic, it defines who was affected by
the trauma and who was not. The trauma narratives of the participants were therefore largely
influenced by how society responded to the trauma of displacement (Stein, 2012; 175-180).
In this way, dominant discourse and state propaganda until 1994 did not present the Group
Areas Act and the displacement of families as a form of trauma, but justified it as a means of
improving the lives of the black families in Cape Town. Trotter (2009:52) gives examples of
the propaganda when he cites TE Donges, Minister of Interior at the time introducing the
Group Areas Bill into parliament, who confirmed that the policy was designed to “eliminate
friction between the races”. He also cites the chairperson of the Group Areas Board who
states, “ Truly, for the majority of people the advantage would be that they will be provided
with better housing and living under much better hygienic conditions ”. While coping with
their loss and trauma, and adjusting to their new environment these families also had to deal
with the trauma of violent political suppression of the state and again there was no formal
support or recognition for the trauma and the violence they had witnessed (Field et al., 2001;
Trotter, 2009). The following excerpt is from Ms Williams, a second-generation participant,
recalling political violence she witnessed with her mother:

And I can remember, when I was very small, my mom had this friend with the
name of Riaad, I am not sure what riot they had, but he was standing apparently
with me on his arm. I am not sure if it was Belgravia Road or 7th Avenue, as the
police were coming and people were running amok then he was shot with a gun
in the back. And the front part of his chest was just open … He died on the scene
... when the gun shot went off my mother them, they didn’t know that it was him
they just saw somebody was shot, until my mother went there to the scene and
then she only realised … What I remember vaguely as my mom went down to the
scene, I was with my mom when she went to the scene, I was with her… she was
holding my hand. (Williams, second generation)
 124

This excerpt reflects the collective trauma of political violence. It is also an example of
horizontal trauma transmission in society where two generations (mother and daughter) are
simultaneously affected by collective trauma. During periods of political violence, there was
no formal support available for families who had witnessed political violence, and any
expression of dissent was met with state violence. It was only after 1994 that there were
avenues of formal support and that the trauma of the political violence was acknowledged.
The collective trauma of political violence was also transmitted though socialisation in a
violent society to communities and families. The following narrative is an example of how a
participant was socialised in the gang violence. Ms September (third generation) tells a
narrative of her brother who became a gang member and how this traumatised her because
other gangs would “rush” the house. This is a colloquial term for when a house is mobbed.
Several families and three generations were living in the house at the time:

My broer het uitgedraai wat hy ‘n gangster geword het ‘n HL9, hy het geword ‘n
HL. Hy was ‘n HL en daar was altyd moeilikheid by die huis as gevolg van hom,
mense het gehardloop met sale en goete en ons se huis gerush soos die Americans
en goete soos daai. Hulle het baie onse huis gerush, dan as klein kinders het ons
so gesit in die hoekies en … of in die baddens gesit en die deure toe gesluit het
sodat hulle nie kan inkom nie, en ek dink dis daarvoor wat hoe kan ek se … ek is
nou nog nervous as daar geskelery hoor of so dan sal ek opspring, ek worry nie
watter tyd nie, want ek gaan kyk. Want ons het groot geword in die moeilikhied.
besides die huis gerushery en almal die 112 dinge… ons het oor dit gekom. En vir
ons wat so jonk gewees het, het dit somehow geaffect dis hoekom ons nog so is
vandag. [My brother changed when he became a gangster, when he became an
“HL”. He was an “HL” and there was always trouble at the house due to him,
people ran around with knives and things and our house was attacked by the
Americans (rival gang) and things like that. They attacked our house a lot, and
then as small children, we sat in the corners and ... or in the baths , we sat and
locked the doors so that they could not come in, and I think... that’s why, how
can I say... I am still nervous if I hear an argument or so I will jump up, I don’t
worry what time, because I am going to look. Because we grew up in trouble,
besides the house being attacked and all the 112 things that happened ...we got
over that,. And for us, who were so young, it somehow affected us because that is
why we are still like that today.]

The narrative by Ms September reflects how she was socialised in the gang violence because
she says, “we grew up in the trouble”. By “trouble” she is referring to the gang violence. She
also mentions that her home was attacked by a rival gang, the “Americans a lot”, which is an
indication of the extent of the gang warfare in the community. The long-term effects of the
trauma are evident when she says, “I’m still nervous when I hear an argument I will jump

9
“HL” refers to the Hard Livings gang in Cape Town.
 125

up”. She also reflects on the long-term impact it had on her as a child when she says “And for
us who were so young, it somehow affected us because that is why we are still like that
today”. When she refers to “we and us” in her narrative, she is speaking about her siblings
and cousins because three families were living in the house at the time. Ms September also
describes how as children they had to hide away in bathrooms and cupboards, and shows her
psychological and social resistance in order to protect herself. She also mentions “and all the
112 things that happened ... we got over that”. She is referring to the trauma the family
experienced. The fact that Ms September says “we got over that”, reflects the family’s
resistance and survival in the midst of the gang violence. However, by saying “we got over
that” in a dismissive tone indicates that she underestimates the skills of survival and
resistance required to survive trauma. Underestimating their social resistance to the trauma is
a reflection of all the families, including the Jacobs family and Caesar family, when relating
their experience of surviving the gang violence.

5.4.6 Psychological and social resistance

The Caesar, Jacobs and September families have responded in ways to protect themselves
and their families. Other families had similar experiences. Denborough (2008:7) explains that
we not only need to look at how people have been traumatised but also what people and
communities have done to protect themselves and to resist the trauma. He calls this
psychological resistance and social resistance, and for the purpose of this research, I will refer
to it as “resistance” to include conceptualisations of psychological resistance or “social
action” which I believe is vital to discussing the families and their contextual circumstances.
The families’ trauma of displacement and ongoing trauma in the midst of gang violence has
not been recognised by society. Because the effects of the trauma have not been recognised,
their psychological and social resistance also goes unrecognised. The misrecognition of the
trauma of displacement then continues to be transmitted through socialisation in society and
it manifests in the high levels of gang violence in the community of Mitchell’s Plain. The
trauma of the displacement and trauma of gang violence continue to be transmitted across
generations because misrecognition disenfranchises the grief and loss of the trauma. The loss
becomes evident when Ms September expresses the loss of lives due to gang violence when
she says:

Daar is 'n paar vriende van ons wat nou al vermoor is soos Peter, en hulle … en
daar’s 'n hele paar wat vermoor is [ There are a few friends of ours who have
been murdered already like Peter,... there’s quite a few who have been murdered.]
(September, third generation)
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High levels of homicide were also found in Aboriginal communities, and Brave Heart and De
Bruyn (1998), Poupourt (2003) and Whitbeck (2004) view this as a result of disenfranchised
grief. Currently, there is no support for the families who have been exposed to gang violence.
The lack of support for individuals and families exposed to past trauma is confirmed by
research undertaken on families in Cape Town. Hope (2012), in her thesis based on families
in Cape Town who received social welfare support over several generations, reports that they
experienced loss and grief that was unresolved because the families and individuals recalled
traumatic incidents of their past and how this was still having an effect on them today. Hope
(2012) states that these individuals and families had not received any formal support such as
counselling to help resolve the trauma. Trauma is usually accompanied by silence, which
explains the lack of support for families who have experienced past trauma (Danieli, 1998;
Mckinney, 2007; Weingarten, 2004). This silence is not only in relation to current
experiences of trauma but also in relation to the “silence” regarding the historical trauma of
slavery and trauma of displacement. I will therefore discuss the “silence” regarding the
historical trauma of slavery and displacement as the “conspiracy of silence” as the next
theme. Themes around silence started to emerge, including “the conspiracy of silence” as
conceptualised by Danieli (1998) and extended by Mckinney (2007), which led to the
transmission of trauma.

5.4.7 The conspiracy of silence

Silence was found to be one of the main means of transmitting the historical trauma of
slavery and the trauma of displacement in the families in this research project (Danieli, 1998;
Weingarten, 2004; Stein, 2012). I found that the oral history that is usually passed down over
generations did not happen in these families. This is confirmed by Hartman (2007:155) who
says that “in every slave society, slave owners attempted to eradicate the slave’s memory”.

The findings reveal that there is a conspiracy of silence regarding slavery in Cape Town,
among descendants of slaves, society and the families in this research. The conspiracy of
silence was evident in the data when participants discussed slavery, as can be seen below:

If you look at the movies, and you know that’s probably the ... only time where
we can really see what slavery meant, because we never lived through that you
know. But whether it’s now fact or fiction I don’t know. (Jacobs, second
generation)

I am not really interested in what they say about slaves and stuff, because it’s not
a good topic for me to speak about or to hear even about. I avoid that topic being
a slave and this one that is slaves…so ja. (Jacobs third generation)
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Sometimes then I …when I watch movies where slaves are involved then I would
think, did that happen back in the day or I would think when I was on school,
how we were taught about Jan van Riebeeck.(Williams, second generation)

I think its important for people to know that we are from descendents of slaves.
But not to take it to the mind. (Williams, third generation)

Danieli (1985) conceptualised the term conspiracy of silence. She explains how the
Holocaust survivors’ stories were so horrifying that people found it difficult to believe and
listen to. Survivors also faced the idea that they were passive or participated in their
destruction. This ensured that the survivors remained silent. What ensued was what she
defined as the conspiracy of silence.

The families were not taught about their slave heritage or the contribution that slaves had
made towards the culture and economy of the Cape. The impact of conspiracy of silence is
felt by participants who had been denied the knowledge of their slave heritage and wanted to
know more about their slave heritage. Hartman (2007) discusses the desire of slave
descendants to search for their roots and Kussisto-Arponen (2009:547-548) discusses how
bodily memories of “home” are engraved in generations who have been forcibly displaced
and there is a desire to return. The following quotes reflect the impact of the conspiracy of
silence:

I never looked at my family’s surname in that way, for me its not a problem. Its
important because I want to know about how my mother’s mother lived. I would
be interested in looking up my family’s surname and history. (February, third
generation)

I really actually wanna know where I come from? I am glad I wasn’t born then,
but I would like to know where I come from at the end of the day. (Valentine,
second generation)

Denying the descendants of slaves knowledge of their heritage, or withholding this

knowledge, enforcing the silence, and refusing to acknowledge the horror of slavery or
contribution that slaves have made is a form of traumatisation, as stated by Stein (2012) and
Mckinney (2012). The conspiracy of silence is the silence of denial between slave
descendants and society that anything horrific had happened (Danieli, 1998). In this way,
society denied slave descendants their right to mourn and commemorate their slave past or to
remember it, and withheld this knowledge. It is only since apartheid was dismantled in 1994
that museums and other forms of remembering slavery have been introduced. The conspiracy
of silence that exists on slave heritage in the Cape has been confirmed by Worden (2009) who
calls the silence the “amnesia” of recalling a slave heritage in Cape Town.
 128

Trotter (2009) also mentions the reluctance of slave descendants remembering their slave
heritage. The “amnesia” and reluctance have been because of the trauma of institutional
racism and the accompanying shame. The descendants of slaves have taken on the identity
which has been assigned to them in society both past and current (Graf, 2011).

The conspiracy of silence was not only restricted to the families slave heritage but also the
trauma of displacement. This can be seen in the following quotes:

“It probably affected my mother and father. They did not speak about it to me” (February,
third generation)

And if you do speak about certain things like for example apartheid, you know or
how they lived. If you speak about your childhood or how they lived, which is
normal for us to ask. People my age want to know how their parents, parents
lived, and so that’s quite a touchy subject, if you think about that. They don’t give
us much detail. So obviously they don’t have good memories about apartheid so
not much is being talked about their past life. (Jacobs, third generation)

These are quotes from third-generation participants on how the Group Areas Act and
displacement affected their families. These quotes are an indication of how the mechanism of
silence has transmitted the trauma of displacement to the third generation in these families.
The conspiracy of silence regarding the trauma of displacement is confirmed by Trotter’s
(2009:62) research as he states that “The idealization and massive omission of negative
memories...” were part of the themes that emerged in the narratives of the displaced
participants he interviewed in 2007. A study by Lazar, Livak-Hirsh and Chitain (2008:99)
revealed that there is a continuum which three generational families of Holocaust survivors
fall along, from silence to exposure to memories. Lazar, Litvka-Hirsh and Chitain (2008:99)
state that the continuum from silence to exposure can be explained by the silence that occurs
from dissociation and repression, which is associated with the intergenerational transmission
of trauma. Silence about trauma can communicate several messages as the above quotes
reflect. It can reflect that the trauma was not significant or the silence can communicate that it
was overwhelming and discussing the topic should be avoided (Weingarten, 2004). This can
be seen in the quote by the third-generation participant in the Jacobs family where the
participant assumes that the trauma must have been difficult because the lack of details given
to her by her parents and older generations in her family. The younger generation is aware of
the risk that communication may hurt the survivor generation. They approach such intimate
moments with a mixture of guilt, awe, fear of causing injury, and distress regarding how to
integrate various revelations shared by their elders into their family relationships, sense of
self, and understanding of the world (Lin, Suyemoto, Kiang, 2009).
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There has been a “conspiracy of silence” about the families’ displacement as well as
apartheid because of the “reconciliation” ideology of post-apartheid. The Truth and
Reconciliation Commission formed a large part of promoting this ideology. Some of the
TRC’s attempt was to end the “silence” of apartheid’s human rights abuses. However, it
contributed to silencing the vast majority of apartheid victims and rendered their trauma
invisible, because of its focus on human rights abuses and amnesty for perpetrators
(Lephakga, 2012; Bowman, Duncan & Sonn, 2010).

Stein (2012) refers to this kind of silence as “enforced silence” and he views this as a form of
traumatisation. “Enforced silence is the isolation and indifference, to be treated as if nothing
terrible had happened as if there was no reason to be upset” (Stein, 2012:180). He states the
“Get over it and get a life” is the cultural values and beliefs on mourning that is taking too
long. In addition, the statement below reflects the idea that there is a dominant discourse
around the time one is supposed to mourn and be affected by what has occurred in the past.
The quote below indicates how this participant believes that because she was born when
apartheid was being dismantled, she assumes that she cannot be affected by the past of
apartheid:

“I don’t know about the Group Areas Act but know about apartheid. It did not affect me
because I was born in 1990”. (February family, third generation)

The post-apartheid ideology of reconciliation therefore created an environment in which it is

not possible to talk about the past trauma of apartheid, including displacement, because
atrocities had been forgiven. The ideology of “reconciliation” promoted the idea that South
Africans needed to forget the past and rebuild the country. In 1995, the Reconciliation Act
(Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act , No. 34 of 1995, 1995 :ss 2-11) was
introduced allowing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to be formed. This statement
by a third-generation participant is reflective of South African society’s views that apartheid
officially ended and we had the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. We are therefore no
longer encouraged to talk about the trauma of apartheid. Stein (2012) poses the question:
What happens when the grief that is supposed to be over is not? In collective or social
trauma, there are categories of people who are affected by the trauma but who according to
society were not supposed to be affected “directly” by the traumatic event, yet they are
deeply emotionally and even physically affected. Stein (2012:175) uses quotation marks
when he says “directly”, because one can be emotionally and physically affected by a
traumatic event without being present when the trauma took place. The meaning we attach to
 130

trauma is influenced by the dominant discourse. An example is third-generation participants

who were born after their families were displaced, yet they still experience the loss and
trauma of the displacement. Some of the participants’ identification with the historical trauma
of slavery is another example where they were not “directly” affected but still experience the
effects of the trauma.

The high levels of alcohol and drug abuse in the families where participants were physically
dependent on the substance are evidence of how they have been physically affected by the
trauma of slavery through the dopstelsel which was institutionalised for nearly 300 years.

The enforced silence, which has been created by the reconciliation ideology of the post-
apartheid government, therefore ensured that the grief remains disenfranchised. It is therefore
both the “conspiracy of silence” and the “enforced silence” that continue the transmission of
trauma into the next generation. The reconciliation ideology is an example of how political
changes or succession can be means of trauma transmission.

Political succession, as in the change of leadership whether violent or peaceful, can also be a
mechanism which transmits the unfinished emotional trauma from one generation to the next
(Stein, 2012: 183). Mourning and grieving become complicated because of the traumatic past
which inserts itself into present-day society (Stein, 2012:185). South Africa is clearly living
in the post-apartheid era and literature on the legacy of apartheid indicates that on a daily
basis South Africans are reminded of its traumatic past (Adonis, 2008; Barbarin & Richter
2001; Bozalek, 2010; Keizan & Duncan, 2010).

Silence and shame are connected and according to Wepster (2012:1), shame is at the heart of
the conspiracy of silence. Graf (2011) maintains that shame causes one to conceal and
withdraw. It is the shame of the trauma which maintains the conspiracy of silence. “What is
shameful is banished from awareness” (Gump, 2010:623). The trauma of slavery and racism
is of such a nature that it causes dissociation where both descendants and society experience
shame, which causes them to maintain the silence.

Shame therefore emerged as a theme in the research. Shame contributes to the silence and
transmission of trauma (Weingarten, 2004). I will be discussing shame and internalised
oppression as these constructs were connected because internalised oppression is the result of
the shame of institutional racism (Graf, 2011; Pyke, 2010).
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5.4.8 Shame and internalised oppression

Shame is a mechanism of trauma transmission in the families of this research project. I found
that shame was linked to internalised oppression in the families. Internalised oppression is
defined as internalising the values of the oppressor and is a response to institutional racism.
Internalised oppression results in shame and has also been confirmed by research on black
and Aboriginal families (Alleyne, 2005; Poupart, 2003; Watts-Jones, 2004; Williams, 2012).
The participants in the study revealed that they felt shame in relation to their slave heritage.
This was especially apparent when participants discussed their slave heritage and their family
surname being a typical slave surname. See the quotes below:

Ek het nie geweet nie. Ek het mos nou eintlik gehoor hoe Jan van Riebeeck Kaap
toe gekom het, en hy het mos nou ‘n Boesman vrou gehad. En my oupa was ook
gebaster uit wit uit Want hulle van was Goliat, hulle was van die Goliathse. Want
dan sal hulle nou altyd gese het, die van is Goliat, maar nou as hulle in die Kaap
kom dan is dit Goliath. [I did not know . I actually heard how Jan van Riebeeck
came to the Cape, and he had a Bushman wife. And... my grandfather also came
from white (mixed heritage).Because their surname was “Goliat” they were of
the”Goliathse” and when they came to the Cape, then it was “Goliat”] (Caesar
family, first generation)

Ons sal mossie wiet waarvan ons kom. Miskien in Jan van Riebeeck se tyd was
die mense van ander lande soos my vriend hulle is, ek het n’ vriend gehet sy pa is
van Germany ... maar ons sal nie weet nie want dis mos geskiedenis. [We
wouldn’t know where we come from. Maybe in Jan van Riebeeck’s time, there
were people from other countries and like my friend them, I had a friend whose
father is from Germany, but we would not know because its history.](Caesar
family, second generation)

The above quotes reflect the shame and internalised oppression the participants have about
not knowing about their slave heritage. The participants explain why they never had this
knowledge in order to make up for their shame as if they should have known. Mrs Caesar
(first generation) explains that she did not have any knowledge about her slave heritage
because she was only taught about “Jan van Riebeeck” who was the first European to settle in
South Africa. Her son’s (second generation) explanation for his lack of knowledge is simply
that the slave heritage is history and he assumes that because it happened in the past they
would never know about their heritage.

These quotes also reflect both shame and internalised oppression because the participants
dissociate themselves from their slave heritage. Mrs Caesar implicitly denies her slave
heritage when she says that her grandfather had a white heritage and mentions her maiden
surname “Goliat” which she infers is foreign or European because she says it was changed to
“Goliathse” when they came to the Cape. Her son denies his slave heritage when he says that
 132

because it is history, they would not know, and he recalls a friend who had a German father.
The shame and internalised oppression are also the means of historical intergenerational
trauma transmission of slavery.

The quotes of the Caesar family are also indicative of how the trauma of slavery has been
transmitted via the mechanism of shame in the Caesar family where both generations refer to
European family or friends. Worden (2009) explains that during slave times, archival records
indicate that people or families did not acknowledge their slave heritage because of the shame
of having a slave heritage. The trauma of slavery and the shame that it produced would have
meant people would be reluctant to acknowledge their slave heritage (Graff, 2011).

Shame about the trauma of slavery causes and caused dissociation for slaves and their
descendants. With dissociation and repression, what has survived out of slavery is personal
and institutional racism (Graf 2011). According to Graff (2011), there is always shame where
there is trauma, and there is shame around slavery. In these families, there is a shame of being
not white and of being descendants of slaves. In addition, there is also the shame of being
“shamed” as the participants respond defensively explaining their lack of knowledge. This is
confirmed by research of Watts-Jones (2002) who explains that as black people, the trauma
of oppression has caused them to feel shame on two levels, namely the shame of being of
African descent or not white, and the shame of being shamed.

The shame of being shamed is related to acknowledging one’s vulnerability and to being a
victim. Shame is a consequence of both the trauma of slavery and institutional racism (Watts-
Jones, 2002; Pyke 2010). This was evident in the responses of participants who would refer
to a white heritage or European heritage. The shame of being a slave and the shame of being
shamed that the families in this research experienced is the result of the historical trauma of
slavery and institutional racism of apartheid (Graf, 2011; Watts-Jones, 2002). The shame that
the families experience about their slave heritage has been confirmed by research by Worden
(2009) and Trotter (2009) who mention the shame of slavery and the shame Cape families
had about the fact that they were slave descendants. Trotter (2009:57) explains that the
‘Coloured’ families in Cape Town were displaced and that they were also descendants of
slaves who experienced “genocidal dispossession, apartheid degradation and social
dislocation and whose history is fraught with gaps”. He goes on to explain that they do not
invest in a remote past. The trauma of institutional racism produces shame not only about the
families’ slave heritage but also about the families’ experiences of their displacement. The
effects of the trauma of slavery which causes internalised oppression (manifested in the form
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of high levels of substance abuse, intimate partner violence, community violence and
racialisation) has been transmitted via the mechanism of shame because institutional racism
still exists and challenges South Africa today.

5.4.8 Substance abuse as internalised oppression

I found that participants experienced shame about social problems such as substance abuse,
which is a form of internalised oppression. The quotes below are examples of the shame
associated with substance abuse and the transmission of substance abuse in three generations.
One of the major effects of the historical trauma of slavery has been the transmission of
alcohol and drug abuse due to the “dopstelsel” in the Western Cape. Three generations in the
February family were exposed to alcohol abuse and Mrs February apologised that she had
been drinking at one of the interviews:
Ek is jammer ek het 'n drink in my liggaam nou. Hy’t altyd vir ons … dronk uit
die werk uit, om te dink almal die dinge wat opkom, almal die dinge wat kom op
my. Dan sit ek so, ok haal ma … vat ma so ‘n bietjie om jou mind … darem dit
ease jou, dan dink jy nie meer nie. [I am sorry that I have a drink in my body
now. He would always come drunk from work, to think that all these things are
coming up now. Then I sit , ok take a little(alcohol) to ease your mind then you
don’t think any longer.] (February family, second generation)

She had also been exposed to her father’s alcohol abuse saying, “He would always come
home drunk from work”. Mrs February also says that she drinks to “ease” her mind, which is
indicative that she uses the alcohol to cope with the trauma she experienced as a child. She
has also become physically dependent on the alcohol (Myhra, 2011). Zakeya February, a
third-generation participant, reflected on her mother’s alcohol abuse several times during her
interviews when she said:

... but that time my mother wasn’t drinking that time, but as I grew up I saw her
drinking. If she’s got money then she goes to drink and she makes a fool of
herself in the road. And as for my other brother. He is on tik.10 , he’s on drugs,
my father’s on drugs.

In this quote, Zakeya also mentions her father and her brother’s drug abuse. This quote is
indicative of how the cycles of alcohol and drug abuse have been transmitted in the family
via shame and socialisation in the family. The shame is reflected when Zakeya refers to her
mother’s drinking when she says “If she’s got money, then she goes to drink and makes a
fool of herself in the road”, because she remembers a time when her mother was not drinking.

10
“Tik” is the colloquial name for crystal methamphetamine.
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All the families mentioned alcohol abuse and all the families were affected by drug abuse
whether that was through a family member abusing drugs or through drug-related crime in
the community. One participant said:

... and because of the drugs my wife left. That bugs me man. I didn’t speak about
it … I don’t like speaking about it. Like you get influenced, peer pressure. Quick,
quick, you’re on tik, then you’re going to do a lot of stupid stuff. Unfortunately,
when I say stupid, I say stupid because I’m referring to the drugs. It’s just the
drugs and the influence on the young children, it’s just big. (Valentine, second
generation)

This quote reflects the shame when he says that he does not like speaking about “ it”, By “it”,
Mr Valentine (second generation) is speaking about his divorce as a result of his drug abuse.
Shame causes people to want to withdraw or conceal (Graff, 2011). Mr Valentine also tries to
explain his drug abuse by saying that the influence of drugs on young people is huge. Mr
Valentine started using drugs when he was young. Mr Valentine’s father (first-generation
participant) also mentions his own drug use when he was younger, reflecting the
intergenerational pattern of substance abuse. “Got involved with gangsterism by smoking
dagga and that type of thing”.

The shame of substance abuse as a form of internalised oppression is supported by previous

research on intergenerational trauma in Aboriginal communities where there has also been a
high incidence of alcohol and drug abuse (Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998 ; Menzies, 2010;
Myhra, 2011; Poupart, 2003). Internalised oppression and societal shame about the trauma of
slavery and the shame of the dopstelsel continue to transmit the trauma of slavery in the
families in this research (Myrha, 2011; Van der Merwe, 2010). Internalised oppression is not
a characteristic of oppressed people or communities; it is an appropriate response to the
trauma of racism and historical trauma of slavery. Internalised oppression in its various forms
as described in this section (intimate partner violence, substance abuse and racialisation),
continues to be transmitted via the mechanisms of shame and socialisation because
institutional racism did not end with the abolition of slavery. Slave descendants are still
dealing with the trauma that institutional racism causes, such as shame and internalised
oppression (Graf, 2011; Lephakga, 2012; Pyke, 2010).

The following theme to be discussed is socialisation in institutional racism as a means of

trauma transmission to indicate how the intergenerational trauma of displacement and the
historical trauma of slavery have been transmitted by being socialised in an institutionally
racist society.
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5.4.9 Socialisation in institutional racism as trauma transmission

Being socialised in institutional racism has been the main means of transmitting the trauma of
the displacement and historical trauma of slavery (Fanon, 1952; Dalal, 2002; Graf, 2011;
Wesley-Esquimaux & Smolewski, 2003). All the families in this research have been
socialised in a society whose values had been based on institutional racism for 300 years
from 1652 to 1994. (See Chapter 2 for a definition of institutional racism.) The transmission
of intergenerational trauma of slavery can be seen in the following case vignette:

5.4.9.1 Case vignette

Mr Valentine is a first-generation participant of the Valentine family. His family was also
displaced and were forced to move. The excerpt below is his response when discussing his
slave heritage. He was born approximately 100 years after the abolition of slavery, yet as a
descendent he still experiences the trauma. In the excerpt, Mr Valentine speaks both English
and Afrikaans as he is bilingual:

Ons het al op skool geleer al, primere skool like hoekom meneer Stam is hy’t
heeldag om 'n boomstam gesit [We learnt at school, primary school, why Mr.
“Stam” (treetrunk) is called by that name, because he sat all day under a tree
trunk ], things like that, that’s how they got the name like that, you know. Or Mr
“Takke” (tree branches) ... Hendrick yeah, my grandmother’s husband. He was
part of the historical events, the slavery part. How do I cope with it? I overlook it,
I have to overlook it now. You see. Because there’s better things to look at.
Things to read, understand that’s how I have to cope with it. It makes me
stronger. I try not to, like I said I try not to fight them, always try to avoid an
argument, if you say something then I say I sorry I didn’t mean it. You know.
Rather be the weak one. Or pretend to be the weaker. Wees ma onderdanig, dis
oraait man. Jy weet jy kan sterk wees, ma los dit ma. Verhoed die argument van
verder gaan. [Rather be submissive, that’s ok, you know you can be strong, just
leave it. Prevent the argument from going further]. There is times where you have
to do something about it, you can just keep quiet or run away. (Valentine, first
generation)

Mr Valentine is referring to the derogatory naming system when he says that he was taught at
school that “Mr Stam” is called that because he sat under a tree all day. A “boomstam” is a
tree trunk in Afrikaans. Slaves who arrived in the Cape were given names reflecting how they
looked or based on racial stereotypes at the time. The comment that Mr “Stam” was called
Mr Stam because he sat under a tree all day is based on racist stereotyping of colonial society
who regarded indigenous and black people as lazy (Shell, 2001:300). Mr Valentine was born
in 1952 after colonialism had officially been ended in South Africa. Yet, the racial
stereotyping remained within the curriculum of the education system. The education system
plays a major role in socialising children in the values of colonial society and transmitting the
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historical trauma of slavery across multiple generations in the families of slave descendants.
Fanon (1952) postulates that socialising a black child in white society is traumatising because
the child will internalise the values of the white family and through socialisation the values of
white society is transmitted intergenerationally to black families. Socialisation has been
viewed as the main means of transmitting historical trauma in research by Wesley-Esquimaux
and Smolewski (2004) in Aboriginal families. Jansen (2009) and Keizan and Duncan (2010)
conducted research on racism among post-apartheid students and found that socialisation
within the family and societal institutions such as the education system contributed to the
transmission of racial stereotypes and attitudes.

The excerpt also reflects how Mr Valentine has repressed and dissociated memories of his
slave ancestors when he says, “I overlook it, I have to overlook it because there are better
things to look at ... and that’s how I cope with it”. By “it”, Mr Valentine is referring to
remembering his slave heritage, giving an indication of the trauma he associates with
memories of his slave heritage. Recalling the trauma of his slave heritage even though he has
been born 200 years after slavery ended, is a result of unresolved historical grief which has
been transmitted intergenerationally through socialisation in the family and society (Brave
Heart & DeBruyn). Shell (2001) explains how damaging slavery has been to the psyches of
not only slaves but their descendants due to paternalism and compliance which has been
transmitted to the descendants. In the second part of the narrative, Mr Valentine says: “I try
not to fight them”. By “them”, Mr Valentine is referring to white people, reflecting his
compliance in relation to white people. He also says, “prevent the argument from going
further” and “or you can just keep quiet and run away”. Mr Valentine’s words reflect the
avoidance which occurs when one experiences trauma. His words are in response to the
trauma of slavery and his encounters with racism are an indication of the colonial trauma
response which Evans-Campbell (2008) conceptualised. According to Evans-Campbell
(2008), the colonial trauma response focuses on both historical and contemporary trauma
responses where current discriminatory experience can trigger the individual to connect or
identify with a past collective sense of trauma as a member of an oppressed group. Mr
Valentine’s son’s discussion on the family’s displacement also triggered his experiences of
the racism he encountered. I asked him how the displacement and Group Areas Act affected
him and his family, and he responded by saying:

Obviously, it affected everyone. You can’t go where you want to, can’t go to that
beach … Some stuff I can remember still others I can’t. I can remember when I
was small, I loved swimming, so my dad would say “you can’t go that side”.
Some board was there, a policeman with a whistle there. That I can remember.
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So, I wanted to know why I can’t go, he couldn’t explain right to me back then.
(Valentine, second generation)

The above incident is an example of intergenerational trauma transmission because the father
feared for his son’s safety when he saw that his son wanted to swim in an area designated for
white people only and there was a policeman to uphold the law. The second-generation
participant says, “So my dad would say you can’t go that side”. Mr Valentine’s son also says,
“So, I wanted to know why and he couldn’t explain right to me back then”. In this incident,
the son witnessed his father’s humiliation in not being able to explain that his son could not
swim in the area marked for whites because the son was black. The trauma of racism causes
shame and humiliation, and the son witnessed his father’s shame and humiliation and the
trauma is transmitted to him because he says, “he could not explain to me right back then”. In
addition, this memory was triggered when the son was discussing the family’s displacement,
reflecting what Evans-Campbell called one traumatic incident triggering another.

Both the trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery have been transmitted
because institutional racism still exists today (Graf, 2011). Socialisation can take place via
society through societal institutions such as education, religion, government and culture.
Individuals also become socialised via the family where culture and values are instilled in a
child or individual. Socialisation also happens when we are exposed to situations and
experiences in the family and society (Ancherhoff et al., 1998; Weingarten, 2004). The data
of this study reveal particularly how the effects of the displacement have been transmitted
through the quality and lack of housing which was provided by the government for families
who had been forcibly removed. A case vignette will be used to illustrate this
intergenerational transmission.

5.4.9.2 February case vignette

Family members related narratives of over-crowding housing conditions. In the February

family, three generations experienced over-crowded conditions. This can be seen in the
comments the participant made about housing. Mr September said that his parents lived in a
room when he says “op 'n kamer” [on a room]. The family lived in Cape Town at the time
and after their displacement they were forced to move to Bonteheuwel where he and his
family lived in one bedroom. His daughter, a second-generation family member, also
confirmed that they all lived in one room. The family moved again to Mitchell’s Plain and
they are still living in overcrowded conditions, where the third-generation participant says:
 138

I passed to grade 10 but I dropped out of school, because why the condition of
our house. I couldn’t sleep at night because they were fighting and I had to go to
school … only thing is unhealthy for a lot of people to live in one house. There
was two married couples in one room, we had our own room. My granny was
also living with them in one room, and there was another couple at the bottom,
and there were people in the yard. (February, third generation)

Enmeshment occurs when personal boundaries are overstepped. In this case four families,
who had all been displaced, were living in a single-bedroom house. This blurred the personal
boundaries of roles in a family, causing conflict (Kellerman, 2001). Black families were
forced to live on the outskirts of the city and were not provide with sufficient and adequate
housing as a means to control the growth of the black population (Trotter, 2009).
Enmeshment which is a familial mechanism of trauma transmission occurred because of poor
housing which was transmitted via socialisation in society . The conflict created within the
family due to enmeshment was a result of poverty and housing conditions. Both societal and
familial mechanisms of trauma were present in some families where enmeshment occurred
due to poor housing as in the February family above. Poor housing is a means of
intergenerational trauma transmission where several generations within the same family are
socialised in the same house and housing conditions, which also creates enmeshment
(Sharkey, 2008; Weingarten, 2004). The houses in Mitchell’s Plain never had hot running
water and families had to boil hot water in kettles or pots for bathing. This third-generation
participant relates how her cousin died in the bath because of a gas stove which was in the
bathroom to boil hot water for the bath:

Waar hy en my broer in die bad gewees het, maar die gas stove was in die toilet
gewees, en die pot water was op. En iemand het geklop by die deur en my broer,
het uit die bad uit geklim om die deur oop te maak to gly hy, toe stamp hy die gas
tank, toe het die pot water op my broer geval en die gas van die stove het toe vir
hom… en hy het in die bad, kan ‘n mense se like verdrink. [Where he (cousin) and
my brother were in the bath but the gas stove was in the toilet and the pot of water
was on, and someone knocked on the door and my brother got out of the bath to
open the door, so he slid and he knocked the gas tank, so the pot of water fell on
my brother and the gas stove fell on him (cousin) and the gas of the stove made
him ... and he was in the bath ... can a person say like drowned.] (September, third
generation)

As families are socialised in these overcrowded conditions and poor housing, the trauma of
displacement continues to be transmitted to the next generation because they experience the
same disadvantages in housing as their parents and grandparents. Racial inequality and
poverty restrict the mobility of black families to move out of deprived neighbourhoods which
are notoriously known for their poor housing quality (Sharkey 2008, 935). The trauma of
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displacement continues to be transmitted across generations through socialisation and

enmeshment caused by the long-term effects of the trauma of displacement. A third-
generation participant said that conditions since the dismantling of apartheid have remained
the same when she responded to the discussion on how she has been affected by her family
displacement:

I still feel like we are still living the same. Cause like each and every white
person has got their hidden agenda. They might not show it. They might not
expose it, but deep inside when you around them and the area, you can feel this is
for us and that is for you. (Jacobs’s family, third generation)

Ms Jacobs says that “I feel like we are living the same”. She is referring to the post-apartheid
era where her expectation was that racism would end after apartheid and that there would be
equality. This resonates with the reconciliation ideology that existed after 1994. What this
excerpt reflects is the invisible trauma of racism, specifically cultural racism, which can be
defined as the promotion of white values and beliefs. Cultural racism is defined as the belief
that the characteristics and values of one’s racial group are superior to that of other racial
groups (Jones & Carter, 1996). In terms of cultural racism, Sue (2003:34) stated, “White
Euro-Americans use power to perpetuate their cultural heritage and impose it on people of
Color while diminishing the importance of or destroying another group’s way of life (cultural
genocide), it represents racism of the extreme kind”. When Ms Jacobs says, “They might not
expose it, but deep inside when you around them, you can feel this is for us and that is for
you”. Her comment reflects all the aspects of the trauma caused by racism. The fact that
racism is often implied and not visible causes the trauma in addition to the feelings of shame
or inferiority it creates. It has become widely accepted that racism forms part of traumatic
experiences (Carter, 2007). The trauma of displacement and historical trauma are embedded
in institutional racism. Therefore, discussing either the trauma of displacement or the
historical trauma of slavery would trigger other incidents of racism (Alleyne, 2005; Carter,
2007; Evans-Campbell, 2008; Sonn, 2010). What makes the trauma of racism difficult to
understand is that racism has been sanctioned by society for 300 years. The effects have not
been recognised. Societal discourse has therefore greatly contributed to the transmission of
the trauma of racism, with displacement and slavery forming part of this.

5.5 CONCLUSION

This chapter has addressed the following research questions:

• How have families experienced the trauma of displacement?
• How do family members give meaning to the historical trauma of slavery?
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• What are the multiple ways in which trauma is transmitted from one generation to the
next in families according to literature?
• What are the mechanisms of trauma which are evident in the families studied in Cape
Town?

The analysis of the participants’ experience in relation to the trauma of displacement and the
mechanisms of trauma transmission, which include interpersonal relations, projection,
identification, over-disclosure and enactment were discussed. The transmission of trauma
reveals that disenfranchised grief, socialisation, shame, the conspiracy of silence, the trauma
of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery have been transmitted in the families
who are themselves the victims of displacement and slavery.

As there were no legal avenues to express the shame, grief and loss of their displacement and
enslavement, the trauma was enacted and expressed on those closest to them and resulted in
forms of internalised oppression such as gang violence, drug and alcohol abuse, and intimate
partner violence. The apartheid ideology, as well as post-apartheid era of reconciliation has
created a “conspiracy” of silence where the dominant discourse did not create a climate for
the expression of grief.

The families have resisted the trauma of displacement and have resettled. However, they
remain vulnerable to the long-term effects of the historical trauma of slavery and
displacement such as poverty, substance abuse, intimate partner violence and community
violence. Substance abuse, intimate partner violence and community violence are forms of
internalised oppression which have also been transmitted across generations. The
intergenerational transmission of internalised oppression and the long-term effects of
historical trauma and displacement, such as poverty, over-crowding and poor housing, have
been transmitted to the third-generation participants. The third generation, who were born
when apartheid was being dismantled, remain vulnerable because they face the same
inequality that their parents experienced.

In conclusion, inequalities still exist because the long-term effects of institutional racism are
still pervasive in society. What the intergenerational transmission of trauma has highlighted is
the role that society and the dominant discourse has played in transmitting the trauma and in
continuing to transmit the trauma to the third generation or post-apartheid generation.

Intergenerational trauma will continue to be transmitted if the narratives and grief of

individuals who have been marginalised have not been integrated into the social discourse of
 141

society. Foucault (1975) developed concepts of counter-history and counter-memory, where

he emphasises the power relations in what is remembered and forgotten, as well as in how
and by whom and with what effects.

In the following chapter I will discuss Foucault’s concept of counter-histories and counter-
memory to illustrate the importance of power relations in maintaining the transmission of
trauma but also as a means to interrupt the transmission of intergenerational trauma. The
following chapter will focus on developing a framework to assist social workers to work with
intergenerational trauma.
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CHAPTER 6
COUNTER-HISTORIES, COUNTER-MEMORIES

6.1 INTRODUCTION

In the previous chapter, I focused on presenting the research findings and analysing the
results with the purpose of addressing the research questions (which were how the families
experienced the trauma of displacement and gave meaning to their slave heritage, as well as
the multiple ways and mechanisms in which trauma has been transmitted in the families ). In
this chapter, I will address one of the objectives of the research which is to develop a
framework to assist social workers to identify mechanisms of intergenerational trauma which
may be operating in families and to provide guidelines for engaging in intergenerational
trauma in families. I will discuss and apply Foucault’s concepts of counter-history and
counter-memory to the research findings because it useful to understand trauma transmission
because emerging research indicates that trauma transmission occurs when the trauma of
marginalised groups is not integrated into the social discourse (Fromm, 2012; Stein, 2012).
The purpose of discussing counter-histories and counter-memories is to explain how the
framework to assist social workers in engaging with intergenerational trauma in families was
developed because social work education and training does not include intergenerational
trauma.

6.2 COUNTER-HISTORIES AND COUNTER-MEMORY

Medina (2011) states that scholars cannot start their critical work if they do not consider the
past and ongoing debates of the lived experiences and memories of the marginalised who
have become the silent scars of forgotten struggles. The findings of the study reveal that
society responded to the trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery through
silence and shame causing disenfranchised grief where the grief of slavery and displacement
remained unresolved. Historical unresolved grief and disenfranchised grief as a means of
societal trauma transmission has been confirmed by Aboriginal scholars such as Brave Heart
and DeBruyn (1998), Poupart (2003), Volkan (2005) and Stein (2012).

The concept of counter-memory and counter-history is based on Foucault’s concept of

discourse analysis and subjugated knowledge. Foucault believes that critical scholars have to
revive hidden or forgotten experiences and memories. Medina (2011) says that critical
genealogies contribute towards creating counter-histories which are focused on those
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memories and histories which have not been heard or integrated into the “official histories”.
Counter-histories are based on people’s memories which do not fit historical narratives
available or who remember “against the grain” (Medina, 2011:12). The memories are
therefore “counter-memories” because people remember despite dominant society
subjugating these memories. Trotter’s (2009) life stories of displaced adults in Cape Town
were aimed at creating counter-transcripts or counter-memories in opposition to the “official
story” of the dominant group at the time. Trotter (2009) states that the official transcript to
justify the forced displacement was based on the idea that, according to the government of the
time, the areas were slums with unhygienic conditions and that the forced removals were
necessary to halt urban decay and overcrowding. The government emphasised that the
“criminal activity” would end and that the “coloured under-class” would be given a new start.
Those forced to move believed that the Cape Town they remember was a place without racial
conflict and that their former homes and lives had met their needs. The stories of the children
who were displaced with their families have not been heard and the participants making up
the first and second generations in this research were the children who were displaced. The
memories and stories of the third generation of displaced families have also not been heard.
The memories and stories of the third generation challenge discursive practice because these
do not fit in under apartheid experiences because they were born after apartheid was
dismantled. Hence, the assumption is made that they were therefore not affected by apartheid.
I will use the following narrative by a third-generation participant of the Caesar family to
illustrate how Amanda’s narrative represents a counter-memory and counter-history. Amanda
related this narrative when I asked her how she thought the displacement and Group Areas
Act affected her family and herself. She explains:

Hulle het soes nou baie rond getrek. Ek het gehoor van my ouma, maar soes sy
gepraat het hulle het baie swaar gekry. Ons het by my ouma gebly totdat ons onse eie
huis kry. Ek was vier jaar oud toe het ons nog 'nupstairs huis to brand my pa my. Toe
kom my pa op met die stairs en ek hardloop toe vas in hom ... Ek het afgekom
hardloop en toe val die koekende water op my . Ek is nou nog soe ... my hele lyf is
gebrand. Ek was 'n jaar en ses maande in die hospital.

[They moved around a lot. I heard from my grandmother and she used talk about how
they used to struggle. We used to live by my grandmother until we had our own
house. I was four years old when we still had an “upstairs” house and then my father
burnt me. So, my father came up the stairs and I ran into him ... I came down the stairs
running and so the boiling water fell on me. I am now still … [She lifts her blouse and
shows me how her body was burnt] ... my whole body is burnt. I was in hospital for a
year and six months.] (Caesar family, third generation)
 144

As a third-generation family member, Amanda’s narrative tells her family’s story about how
they had to move around a lot as her family did not have a house of their own. She was told
this by her grandmother, as she lived with her grandmother. Her father is a second-generation
participant. All three generations lived with their grandparents, because they did not have a
house of their own either due to poverty or because there is a chronic housing shortage in
Cape Town (See appendices for a letter regarding the shortage of housing). The effects of the
family’s forced displacement from Wynberg have been transmitted to Amanda. Hence, the
family was affected by socialisation in a society impacted in particular by government
policies on housing during apartheid. She has also experienced the trauma of displacement
indirectly through getting burnt by boiling water. The houses were small and built without
any running hot water. Families had to boil water in kettles or on the stove. Therefore, the
effects of the trauma of displacement (poor housing conditions) have been transmitted to the
third generation.

Counter-memories come from people whose memories do not fit the historical narratives.
Counter-histories and counter-memories have the potential to challenge and transform
discursive practice (Medina, 2011:16). Because this research is based on historical trauma
and knowledge, and how this was remembered and experienced, power relations are inherent
in the ways people remember and what they remember. It has therefore been important to
have a theoretical approach alongside intergenerational theory to acknowledge the contextual
nature and power relations involved in remembering the trauma of displacement.
Intergenerational trauma theory does not take into account power relations and there is
limited integration of the contextual nature of how people respond to trauma. This also
applies to the historical trauma of slavery and the way families make sense of their slave
heritage. The Apartheid Archive Project’s main aim is to create an avenue and space for
marginalised narratives to be included into the mainstream of society by creating an archive
of narratives which tells the story of people’s experiences with apartheid. By integrating the
marginalised narratives into the mainstream of society, the AAP is creating counter-histories
and counter-memories.

The researchers at the AAP advocate an expansion of experiences of life under apartheid to
include voices which had been silenced by society, because the dominant version of history
have silenced or undermined other experiences and memories of life under apartheid (Sonn,
2010:240). The work at the archive includes notions of reclaiming historical memory and
rearticulating historical experience (Sonn, 2010:241). The focus of the work at AAP is on
apartheid memory as a form of history. However, the historical trauma of slavery needs to be
 145

included in reclaiming and re-articulating history. The voices of slave descendants still living
in Cape Town have not been included. Yet, families who were able to immigrate to Australia
have had their voices expressed and included (Sonn, 2010). This is an example of how power
relations are manifested in society with those who have access to knowledge production.

Interpretation and analysis of the data also incorporated the work of Foucault’s epistemology
of resistance as discussed by Medina (2011). Medina postulates that a Foucaultian genealogy
offers a critical approach to practices of remembering and forgetting, which is significant for
resisting oppression and dominant ideologies. Foucault (1978:95-96) believes that where
there is power there is resistance. The two are often thought to be separate but Foucault
believes that they are related within conceptions of power because of the relational aspect of
power relations in society. Multiple heterogeneous forms of power are flowing in the social
fabric of society, offering various opportunities for resistance. Our cognitive, affective and
political lives are caught up in various tensions among multidirectional relations of power
and resistance (Medina, 2011:10). Our ways of thinking, feeling and acting become
empowered and disempowered in specific respects as they are formed and remained inscribed
within the different networks of power relations and the different forms of resistance that
shape our lives in various (and not always fully coherent) ways. What this means for this
research project is that traumatic events have happened to generations of these families and
the way they have responded is determined by the multiple directions of power relations
within the society at the time. The power relations are multi-directional and have provided
various points of resistance. Therefore, the way individuals, families and communities
respond to trauma is determined by the power relations within the dominant society at the
time. Individuals and groups will respond in ways which empower or disempower them. I
therefore believe that in order to understand how the families have responded to the trauma of
displacement and made sense of their slave heritage, I need to look at and understand the
networks of power relations they have been involved in. By understanding the power
relations in society, people will also become aware of the causes of the trauma transmission
in the families. The trauma was transmitted across generations because of the power that the
dominant society had to control and subjugate knowledge. The main means of trauma
transmission have been disenfranchised grief, socialisation, conspiracy of silence, shame and
internalised oppression, all of which are mediated by society.

Weingarten (2004) calls these constructs societal mechanisms of trauma transmission. Fanon
(1952) also postulates that the way colonial society maintained power was through
socialisation. Medina (2011:12) states that Foucault’s approach to understanding the past
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within multiple forms of power relations allows one to bring possibilities of resistance to the
fore. This occurs because remembering the past and knowledge of the past are held within the
knowledge framework of the dominant society. Knowledge of the past and knowledge of
traumatology in South Africa have been based on colonial society and Eurocentric
epistemologies which have excluded indigenous ways of knowing and living.

The following case vignette of the Diedericks family is an illustration of how enmeshment,
which is usually viewed as pathology (Kellerman, 2001), can be viewed as social and
psychological resistance because the family view living together as form of support:

Case vignette

The Diedericks family have been displaced. The family have coped with the displacement
and challenges of poverty and community violence by all living together as a family. Mrs
Diedericks is a widow and her married and adult children with the grandchildren all live in
one house. The family did not mention over-crowding but viewed everyone living together as
an advantage:

Ons is nie eintlik mense wat in daai belangstel nie. Ons was nie political people: Ons
is nie eintlik mense wat in daai belangstel nie. In apartheid nie. Ons cope, die een
help die ander ene.

[We are not actually people who are interested in that. In apartheid. We were not
political people. We cope, where the one helps the other.] (Diedericks, first
generation)

Mrs Diedericks’ statement reveals how she and her family have tried to avoid the trauma of
of apartheid. However, the family was directly affected by apartheid policies because of the
Group Areas Act. Avoidance is a typical response to the trauma and violence of apartheid as
well as the trauma of displacement. This was again a way in which families tried to protect
themselves but the reality is that despite the families’ efforts to survive and cope because of
the collective nature of the trauma of apartheid and the displacement it was unavoidable.
Despite withdrawing from the community to protect themselves, they have been affected not
only by their displacement but also by community violence. When asked about what they
would like to change in the community, Mrs Diedericks mentioned the gangs and poverty.
The psychological and social resistance and how the family copes is further expressed when
Mrs Diedericks (first generation) expresses her joy at having all her family with her when she
says:

Ons geniet alles saam, want ons bly almal saam. [We enjoy everything together,
because we live together.] (Diedericks family, first generation)
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When the second generation of the family was interviewed, I asked how the family had
experienced their displacement. Mrs Diedericks’ comment was similar to her mother’s when
she said:

Not actually that we’ve been through a difficult time, because my sister, the eldest
one, she works and she always provides everybody. When the one has less and the
other has more we … because we are always together, we are always entwined in
sharing with one another. (Diedericks, second generation).

According to Kellerman (2001) and family therapy models (Baptist et al .2010), the
enmeshment which is demonstrated in depending on one another, may be viewed as
inappropriate for the healthy development of interdependence. However, the notion of
independence is also based on Western models of family. According to the checklist of
psychological and social resistance (Denborough, 2008), the Diedericks family’s supporting
each other reflects psychological and social resistance. According to Akinyela(2002), Africa
has always dealt with trauma and there have always been ways which families have survived
and been vulnerable but the ways and knowledge in which black and indigenous families
have resisted the trauma have been subjugated (Medina, 2011:11).

The Diedericks family are not the only family who have survived the trauma; all the families
have survived the trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery. They showed
signs of social and psychological resistance but these skills are not recognised by society. The
dominant society was based on institutional racism and therefore discursive practice ensured
that the trauma was ignored and cut off from the social discourse. By marginalising and
disenfranchising the trauma of displacement and slavery, the skills of surviving the trauma
also went undetected. Foucault (1975) calls this “subjugated knowledge” where forms of
experiencing and remembering are marginalised because of the hegemonic discourses at the
time. Knowledge that is subjugated remains invisible to the mainstream of society.

Knowledge of the families’ abilities to survive the trauma as well as the damage caused by
the historical trauma of slavery and displacement and the effect of this on the psyche of
descendants remain invisible. In this study, trauma and the ways of resisting trauma are
interrelated, and according to Denborough one cannot listen to trauma narratives without
listening to the ways in which people and families have resisted the trauma (Denborough,
2008). When people have internalised specific epistemological frameworks exclusively, they
are unable to see that power and resistance are interrelated, and that the possibility of
resistance and subversion go undetected. Foucaultian genealogy therefore offers the
opportunity to challenge established practices of remembering and forgetting “by excavating
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subjugated bodies of experiences and memories, bringing to the fore the perspectives that
culturally hegemonic practices have foreclosed” (Medina, 2011:11). By creating narratives of
counter-histories and counter-memories, knowledge that has been subjugated can emerge
(Medina, 2011:12).

The principles of collective narrative practice were used as an analytical tool to demonstrate
how applying these principles could create counter-memories and counter-histories, and how
experiences and knowledge which had been subjugated can now emerge. This is one of the
themes of Denborough’s (2008) collective narrative practice approach “to create contexts in
which people’s own initiatives and healing knowledge are noticed and more richly described.
Collective narrative practice includes unearthing the skills, values, hopes and dreams that are
implicit in people’s responses to hardship, and the histories of these in the lives of
individuals, cultures and communities” (Denborough, 2012:2) . I applied the principles of
collective narrative practice to this research and discuss it below.

6.3 COLLECTIVE NARRATIVE PRACTICE

Collective narrative practice is based on the following principles which are discussed
individually in relation to the research project and families.

i) To listen to double-storied accounts – descriptions not only of the trauma, but also of
ways in which people respond to this and how they have tried to protect themselves
ii) To find ways to richly acknowledge the real effects of the trauma that they had
experienced
iii) To link the families and their experiences to some sort of collective and sharedhistory
iv) To enable the families to make a contribution to the lives of others
v) To conceive of the person or family meeting with us as representing a social issue
vi) To enable the person and families to join a collective endeavour in some local way on
this issue
vii) To enable people to speak through us, not just to us.

To listen to double-storied accounts – which means descriptions not only of the trauma,
but also of ways in which families respond to trauma and how had they tried to protect
themselves:

Pluznick and Kis-Sines (2010: 43) define double-storied accounts as acknowledging the
difficulties families faced in their lives and relationships, and making visible the skills and
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knowledge that sustained families. The underlying principle of double-storied accounts is the
belief that no matter the degree of hardship, trauma or desolation, individuals, groups and
communities will be responding to the situations in which they find themselves. Individuals
or families are therefore always taking action to try to reduce or redress trauma and/or to care
and protect others. Another aspect of double-storied accounts is that the ways families have
taken action need to be recognised and made visible. Anti-oppressive social work practice
promotes the ideas of recognising the ways marginalised and oppressed people have been
affected by oppression but also the way in which they have coped with oppression (Pollack,
2005:694). However, social workers in South Africa are still largely being trained in Western
models which do not acknowledge the trauma and the effects of the trauma on marginalised
families, and do not recognise the actions taken by families to address the trauma. The
inability of social work education to address the needs of black families and the
inappropriateness of systems theory has been highlighted by Bozalek (2004). The lack of
transformation in social work education in addressing the needs of marginalised and
traumatised communities was highlighted by Abdullah (2013:5) who states that despite the
list of failures of the profession submitted to the TRC “... multicultural social work in the
context of the country’s broader social circumstances of national trauma and dealing with its
long-term socio-psychological and human development implications at community levels is
still indistinct”. Abdullah’s (2013) article was aimed at addressing the limitation in social
work to address national trauma, and it provides multicultural social work as a framework for
practice. The failures of social work education and the lack of transformation highlighted by
social work academics such as Bozalek (2004), Sacco and Hoffman (2004) and Abdullah
(2013) indicate that social workers are still largely trained in Western models which denigrate
and pathologise black families’ experiences.

The families in this research project have told stories of the trauma as well as the ways in
which they have survived and how they responded to the trauma. These stories reveal how
trauma has been transmitted in each family and which mechanisms of trauma are present in
the families. However, individuals and families have told me how they protected themselves
and how they took care of their families. By focusing only on the trauma without listening to
“double-storied” accounts, social workers maintain the shame and silence within the families,
thereby continuing to support the transmission of the trauma of displacement.

Enmeshment, which has occurred because of the overcrowded conditions in which the
families in this research find themselves, is often seen as negative in family therapy.
However, families and individuals have said how they support each other and share resources
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in the family. By understanding that living together to share resources and support one
another is a form of social and psychological resistance, social workers can identify the
double-storied narratives. Hope (2012) also stated that family and community support was
the main protective factor against poverty. Focusing on mechanisms within the family or
within individuals (interpersonal relations and family communication) that transmit trauma,
the blame is located within individuals and families. This in turn will continue
intergenerational patterns of trauma because we add to the dominant stories in people’s lives
instead of interrupting the transmission of trauma by listening for double-storied accounts of
trauma.

The checklist of social and psychological resistance was used to allow the double-storied
accounts to emerge in the research because the focus of the checklist was aimed at how
families responded during traumatic times to protect and support each other. The purpose of
the PLA techniques was to allow families to critically reflect on positions of power in relation
to their circumstances and community.

To find ways to richly acknowledge the real effects of the trauma that they had
experienced:

The findings of this research reflect the devastating effects of the trauma of slavery and
displacement on the families. Participants have expressed the trauma of displacement
thorough loss and nostalgia. Other participants’ stories reflect how they have been
traumatised by institutional and personal racism. Poverty, alcohol and drug abuse, intimate
partner violence, overcrowding and poor housing, racialisation11 and gang violence have been
transmitted across several generations and are forms of internalised oppression. The
intergenerational transmission of internalised oppression is a response to the trauma of
hundreds of years of institutional racism as a result of colonialism (Brave Heart & DeBruyn,
Fanon 1952, Graff, 2011; Myhra, 2011, Poupart, 2003; Pyke, 2010; Williams 2012). The
trauma of displacement and slavery has resulted in shame and internalised oppression (Graff,
2011). Families and individuals unconsciously transmitted the trauma of displacement
through the mechanisms of trauma transmission – such as interpersonal relational
mechanisms (enactment, over-disclosure or projective identification) – in order to resolve the
trauma and make sense of traumatic material.

11
Racialisation according to Dalal 2002(27)” is the process of manufacturing and utilizing the notion of race in
any capacity”.
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Society and the social work profession have failed to acknowledge the effects that slavery
and the displacement have had on these families. Within social work education in South
Africa, students have not been taught about intergenerational trauma or the historical trauma
of slavery. Social work has not entered the discussion on postcolonial studies where there is
an acceptance and historical fact that a large percentage of the Western Cape’s citizens are
descendants of slaves. The Western Cape has a museum dedicated to slave memory, yet slave
memory and postcolonial studies have been omitted from social work discourse. Historical
slave archives and historians describe in detail how slaves were brutalised and how the
historical trauma of slavery has been transmitted to the lives of slave descendants (Graff,
2011; Mountain, 2004; Shell, 2001). In consultation with an expert on slave descendants, it
was revealed that because the Cape was not accustomed to slaves like other societies (Asian
and Dutch Indian societies), the slave owners did not know how to manage slaves and were
therefore particularly brutal. This often included torture. Various historical accounts and
archives confirm the types of torture that were used (Newton King, 2013). The
intergenerational violence in Mitchell’s Plain can therefore be viewed as the unresolved
trauma and violence of the past being enacted today. In order to address or interrupt the
transmission, the real effects of the trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery
have to be richly acknowledged and become part of social work discourse (Danieli, 1998;
Stein, 2012; Weingarten, 2004).

To link the families and their experiences to some sort of collective (and history)

By individualising the problems and locating the blame within individuals and families
themselves, social workers can create shame which also ensures the transmission of trauma.
By linking these families’ stories to the collective history of Cape Town, which includes the
history of slavery and apartheid, will enable the families to externalise the blame as they view
the problem from a broader, socio-historical perspective.

To enable the families to make a contribution to the lives of others:

It must be acknowledged that families such as those in this study have the skills and resources
to contribute to the lives of others. Many of the families are already contributing to the lives
of others, either in their own family or both their own family and the community. There are
also stories where families have contributed to the anti-apartheid movement at the time with
stories of children and family actively protesting and resisting. In Mitchell’s Plain, the United
Democratic Front was formed and played a vital role in the anti-apartheid movement (Le
Roux & Ommundsen Pessoa, 2011:5).
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To conceive of the person or family meeting with us as representing a social issue:

Various personal issues arose in the interviews conducted during this study. These issues
include alcohol abuse and intimate partner violence. It was and it remains important not to
see the person as the problem but to view the problem as separate from the person, and to see
the person or family as representing a social issue. Drug abuse, alcoholism, intimate partner
violence, and leaving school to take care of children are not personal or family issues but
social issues which are are a result of the long term effects of slavery and apartheid and
families or individuals should not be pathologised These social issues and internalised forms
oppression related to poverty or the violence that has pervaded Cape Town for 300 years. The
ways of surviving the trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery have also
resulted in internalised oppression. The alcohol abuse is a legacy of the dopstelsel which only
ended after 300 years. Racism and racialised ways of thinking in the families and participants
were also social issues related to 200 years of colonialism in South Africa.

To enable the person and families to join a collective endeavour in some local way on
this issue:

The families in this research were actively involved in community activities which were
aimed at preventing children and young people from dropping out of school and becoming
involved in drugs. These initiatives included forming and running soccer clubs and a brass
band. For example, Mr Valentine explained that he formed a soccer club: “And I tried to
implement discipline into the children by taking children out of the streets, away from the
drugs and gangsterism and playing soccer”. The families were also involved in
neighbourhood watches in order to prevent crime from escalating in the areas. One
participant had a discussion with a gang leader to try and end the gang violence. Another
participant, who has a shop at his home, installed satellite television so that people from the
neighbourhood could watch football. In this way, he could occupy the children and keep the
neighbours entertained and safe from the gang violence on the street.

To enable people to speak through us, not just to us:

Trauma mechanisms and historical processes can offer families a framework for
understanding their experiences and ways to transcend them and end the transmission of
destructive cycles within the family and community. The transmission of intergenerational
trauma can help families to view their trauma as an adaptive process and response to a
traumatic event. According to Ober, Peeters, Archer and Kelly (2006:247-248), the medical
model of trauma and trauma mechanisms have made Australian Aboriginal people vulnerable
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to misdiagnosis, because the trauma was individualised and viewed as a pathology instead of
being viewed as the effect of complex social and historical processes. Ober et al (2006: 247-,
248) state that the blame is located in the communities themselves and that there is a common
thread of the social and emotional impact of colonisation on indigenous communities and
post-colonial societies. The mechanisms of trauma transmission reveal that the families living
in Mitchell’s Plain are impacted by complex social and historical processes, and that the
cycles of social problems and destructive behaviour within families cannot be treated by or
receive individualised solutions.

I have found that the effects of the trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of
slavery include high levels of substance abuse. These findings are confirmed by Hope (2012)
who, as a social worker doing research on black families in Cape Town, found that statutory
agencies would remove the child from its family in case of issues of substance misuse. The
agencies do not have consistent or effective ways of working with these families who had
also been displaced during apartheid. Hope found that generations of families were living in
poverty and that these families had many issues of unresolved trauma that social workers
working with these families did not know about or which had not been addressed.

6.4 FRAMEWORK FOR ENGAGING WITH INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA

The conceptual framework of this study focuses on intergenerational trauma theory and
mechanisms of trauma transmission. Traditionally mechanisms of trauma transmission are
based on a medical model which has not always been appropriate for black families or other
marginalised families. Conceptions of trauma are also based on Western models and do not
take into consideration the contextual nature of trauma. The medical model of trauma and
ways of working with traumatised black families has attracted a significant amount of
criticism because trauma theories have not come to understand the real effects of racism. I
have therefore included narrative therapy theory as a way to decolonise the mechanisms of
trauma transmission as my methodology is based on a postcolonial indigenous research
paradigm. The postcolonial research paradigm requires that I, as a black researcher be critical
of the research that I produce. Foucault suggests that to begin with critical work, one has to
revive hidden and forgotten experiences and memories to create counter-memories and
counter-histories. This framework has therefore been developed to assist social workers with
intergenerational trauma in families because of the role that the social work profession has
played in contributing to the intergenerational transmission of trauma. As a black researcher
and social worker, I have to understand the power relations involved in what one knows and
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how one knows it (Foucault, 1977). Families and participants come to social workers when
they experience trauma. The power relations are therefore unequal because social work in
South Africa has its roots in institutional racism and has colluded with apartheid.

James and Breckenridge (2010:259) propose that social workers should be trained in multi-
faceted ways of dealing with trauma-related experiences. By adopting the principles of
collective narrative practice, we may be able to contribute towards opening the discourse on
the trauma of slavery and displacement and its effects on families in Cape Town. In addition,
we may be able to create counter-memories and counter-histories which challenge discursive
practice. By listening to the trauma narratives of marginalised families, such as the ones in
this research study, we are able to integrate their trauma into the social discourse (Stein,
2012). By listening to the trauma narratives of displacement, we also help families to
integrate their traumatic experiences into narratives which help individuals to heal (Trotter,
2009: 62). Some of the principles of collective narrative practice were adopted throughout the
research process in listening to the families as well as writing up and analysing their stories
so that they were not only speaking to me but speaking through me. It is through adopting
these principles that a framework has been developed for understanding and working with
families who have experienced generations of trauma.

Narrative therapy theory was part of the conceptual framework and collective narrative
practice was used in the methodology to analyse and interpret the data. I discuss collective
narrative practice principles and used it to develop a framework for working with families
with intergeneration trauma in the second part of this section. Akinyela (2002) views
narrative therapy theory developed by the Dulwich Centre in Australia as a way to decolonise
the research and methodology. Narrative therapy theory is based on Foucault’s discourse
analysis. Narrativity is also closely linked to a politics of emancipation and social justice
(McKinney, 2007:270).

The research identifies the mechanisms of socialisation, silence, shame and humiliation,
enmeshment and interpersonal relations and family communication operating in the families
on individual, family and societal level. In order to prevent trauma from being transmitted,
intervention is required on all levels, i.e. at societal, national or community level, at family
level and at individual level. The implications for social work practice are that interventions
aimed only at individuals or families or communities will not be successful (Abdullah, 2013).
In order to understand intergenerational trauma, the history and context of the family need to
be considered. Intergenerational patterns and the transmission of trauma can only be detected
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in families when we understand how traumatic events in the past and current trauma have an
impact on more than one generation.

6.4.1 Interrupting trauma transmission

In order to prevent the trauma of slavery and displacement from being transmitted to the next
generation, or to interrupt this transmission, it is useful to understand how the mechanisms of
trauma transmission operate in families. Often, the ways in which social workers do research
and work with families maintain the mechanisms of trauma by creating shame and
humiliation and in this way silence families. In reality, the power relations between the social
worker and the client remain unequal as the statutory social welfare agency’s mandate and
role are often in conflict with the values of social work, such as self-determination. Research
by Bozalek (2010) , Hope (2012), and Abdullah (2013) reveals that families are still impacted
by past trauma and that social workers have not been able to address the past traumas because
past inequalities of institutional racism continue to challenge social workers.

However, in order to interrupt the transmission of intergenerational trauma, social workers

need to understand the trauma and its effects, and also to recognise and acknowledge the
ways in which families have responded to the trauma in order to protect themselves and their
families. Anti-oppressive practice offers social workers the opportunity to examine the power
relations in society which have led to families being traumatised through oppression and
which allows social workers to become aware of the need to intervene in ways that challenge
inequalities and “depathologise” marginalised families (Pollack, 2005). Collective narrative
practice is based on principles which promote anti-oppressive social work, where the effects
of oppression on individuals and the ways in which they are coping are recognised. Trauma
narratives are not only seen as personal experiences but are also understood as the effects of
broader social issues.

Collective narrative practice is based on Freire’s Pedogogy of Hope and it decolonises the
Eurocentric influence of intervention methods with black families because the families can
make their own meaning of events of their lives. Collective narrative practice also enables
such families to define their preferences for their relationships and lives; and give them the
opportunity to be free of Eurocentric judgments and values about their lives and themselves
(Akinyela, 2002:38). Using the principles of collective narrative practice in combination with
PLA techniques are helpful as families are enabled to interrupt mechanisms of trauma
transmission such as silence, shame and humiliation because they are able to critically reflect
on their circumstances in relation to the social context. The motivation for developing a
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framework to assist social workers is to help prevent the transmission of intergenerational

trauma.

The framework was developed in order to assist social workers to support families who may
have indicators of intergenerational trauma within the family. This is also a way to indentify
what mechanisms of trauma transmission may be operating in the family. This framework
will help social workers to identify destructive family cycles and areas of unresolved trauma
of the past. This will provide a starting point for social workers to engage with
intergenerational trauma in families and to decide on the type of intervention required in
order to interrupt trauma transmission. The framework is divided into five stages, which are
discussed below.

6.5 THE PRACTICAL APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK

Stage 1: Indicators of intergenerational trauma (assessing the family)

The first stage is to assess the family and to determine whether they have experienced
intergenerational trauma. To assess or work with the family, the socio-historical context of
the family is important in order to determine indicators of intergenerational trauma on family,
individual or group/community level. The indicators provided by Menzies (2007; 2010) are
helpful to identify intergenerational trauma because the effects of intergenerational trauma do
not resemble PTSD symptoms, which most trauma literature in social work focuses on
(James & Breckenridge, 2010). The indicators also give an indication of all the aspects of
individual, family and community life that have been affected by intergenerational trauma,
making it possible to identify areas that may need support both on micro and macro levels.
The indicators are mentioned below.

Individual indicators

Individual indicators include lack of belonging or lack of identification with a particular

family, community, culture or nation; feelings of “abandonment” by caregivers; limited or no
information about one’s culture of birth, including language, customs, belief systems and
spirituality; one or more “flight” episodes from a caregiver environment as a youth; the
inability to sustain personal or intimate relationships; being present-oriented, not future-
oriented; low self-esteem; limited education and employment history; history of substance
misuse; history of involvement with the criminal justice system, precipitated by substance
misuse; and involvement with the mental health system.

Family indicators
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Family indicators include chronic or episodic family violence, including physical, sexual,
emotional and/or verbal abuse of children by adults in the household; lack of emotional
bonding between parents, siblings and extended family members; denial of cultural heritage
by older family members; perpetuation of negative stereotypes within the family of birth or
caregiver environment; irregular contact or the absence of contact with caregiver family
members; and unconcealed and rampant alcohol and drug misuse that crosses generations

Community indicators

Additional factors that may be present in the community and that may have influenced the
individual’s early life history must also be considered. These factors include unconcealed
alcohol and drug misuse among community members; lack of cultural opportunities,
including transmission of language skills, history, traditional values and spirituality;
unwillingness to “reclaim” community members; and low levels of social capital, including
trust, reciprocal helping relations and social engagement.

National indicators

National indicators include propagandising negative stereotypes through mainstream media;

social policies that perpetuate colonialism on an individual, family and community basis; lack
of support for holistic programmes and services; and lack of support for community self-
determination.

Stage 2: Listening to the family and the individual’s story

Individuals and families come to social workers usually as a result of a trauma in their own
life or a family member’s life. Attending to traumatic experiences of clients is therefore an
essential part of social work. Social workers need to be trained and educated in a broad and
flexible way to understand the effects of past and current trauma on individuals, families and
communities (James & Breckenridge, 2010). One of the best ways in which people can cope
with trauma is through telling their trauma narrative, with narrative work focusing on the life-
story as the main source of healing and change. Post-structural narrative work views
“problems as not located within individuals, but rather within the narratives which situate
both past and current relationships but which, through reiteration, obscure their own social
production” Pollack (2004:694). Understanding trauma from a post-structural view is
essential given the fact that the medical model of trauma according to the ongoing debate on
post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a limited construct that “individualizes, medicalizes,
and reifies without regard to cultural factors in the expression of symptoms and expectations
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of treatment or the socio-political cultural context in which trauma occurs ” (Bala & Kramer,
2010:154). The construct of PTSD only describes part of the impact of violence, ignoring
issues of loss, injustice, meaning and identity that may be of greater concern for the
traumatised individuals and for their families and children or later generation (Kirmayer,
2007:vi).

Social workers therefore need to respond to the trauma in effective ways that attend to the
individual as well as to the family and community, and also in ways that do not pathologise
families. Collective narrative practice offers intervention in which social workers can attend
to the individual, family and community’s trauma within the social and political context.
Collective narrative practice also promotes anti-oppressive social work. Collective narrative
practice is particularly useful because it was developed by individuals who were not
professionally trained as psychologists or social workers and in communities where going to
counsellors or social workers to discuss traumatic experiences is not part of the culture. This
makes collective narrative practice suitable for diverse settings such as South Africa where
poverty and infrastructure may prevent people from accessing support in dealing with trauma.
When families and individuals tell their stories, adopting collective narrative practice can
help families to integrate their trauma in the social discourse and help them to heal. By
integrating their trauma into social discourse and listening to their trauma narrative using the
principles of collective narrative practice can help to interrupt trauma transmission. These
principles will briefly be discussed below:

i) To listen to double-storied accounts – descriptions not only of the trauma, but also
of ways in which people respond to this, how they had tried to protect themselves.

Denborough (2008) suggests various methodologies which can help one to listen to double-
storied accounts. These methodologies include collective timelines, maps of history,
collective narrative documentation, rituals and ceremonies of definition, exchanging
messages between communities, songs of skills and knowledge, the Tree of Life (a collective
narrative approach to working with vulnerable children), the Team of Life (offering young
people a sporting chance), and the Kite of Life (strengthening relations across generations in
immigrant/refugee communities).

However, I have used the checklist of social and psychological resistance (Denborough 2008)
to look at different aspects of how families responded to the trauma. This includes how the
families:
• Tried to protect themselves physically and emotionally (how)
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• Displayed acts of caring, concern and comfort to others

• Received comfort from others (able to take this in)
• Made plans to rebuild what had been destroyed or to build new lives
• Spoke with others or listened to others about the experiences and ways that contributed
to feeling stronger and joined
• Displayed acts of dignity or pride despite living amidst (poverty and violence)
• Found joy in small moments within life
• Connected with the humour or irony of life
• Linked with others through song, music, art and prayer, shared experiences of sorrows,
hopes and dreams
• Found ways to take action either individually or with others that are in accordance
with what their dreams and hopes for their lives are.

ii) To find ways to richly acknowledge the real effects of the trauma that they had
experienced.

This can be done by listening to the physical effects of the trauma, how it has affected their
sense of self, their lives, their family, their social and work life, their thoughts moods and
feelings (Morgan 2000:39).

(See previous discussion on these principles)

iii) To link the families and their experiences to some sort of collective (and history)

iv) To enable the families to make a contribution to the lives of others

v) To conceive of the person or family meeting with us as representing a social issue

vi) To enable the person and families to join a collective endeavour in some local way
to address this issue.

vii) To enable people to speak through us, not just to us.

The checklist is mainly suited to adults who can verbalise their experiences. When working
with children and families with a wide range of abilities and backgrounds, PLA techniques
and the Hero Book work of Jonathan Morgan may be useful.

PLA techniques and family Hero Books

Participatory learning and action techniques (PLA techniques) can be used to listen to and
work with families. PLA techniques decolonise methodologies with families and groups
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because they highlight marginalisation and privilege (Bozalek 2011: 469). This approach can
encourage social workers to be critically reflective in relation to the social, political and
cultural assumptions they may hold about themselves and others, becoming effectors of
social change (Bozalek & Biersteker, 2010:551). The Hero Book techniques of Jonathan
Morgan (2006) can be adapted to work with families. The activity “tactics and tricks” can be
used to focus on moments when families felt they had power over problems. Other activities
such as “shining moments” can help the family look at its resources, hopes and dreams.

Stage 3: Identifying mechanisms of trauma transmission in the family

This involves becoming aware of how socialisation, silences, shame and interpersonal
relations transmit trauma in families. Social workers need to have basic understanding of the
mechanisms of trauma transmission which operates in the family and society. Kellerman’s
(2001) table of theories underpinning different trauma mechanisms which I adapted in
Chapter 2 can be useful to understand the basic mechanism of trauma transmission.
Remaining aware and reflecting on relations of power or marginalisation can highlight how
discursive practice contributes to trauma transmission in the families. Anti-oppressive social
work with emphasis on oppression and power relations can help to view the trauma within its
social context. Interdisciplinary work with psychology, sociology and community workers
can be helpful in obtaining the necessary support for families.

Stage 4: Interrupting the transmission

The purpose of studying the transmission of trauma is to investigate ways to interrupt the
cycles of intergenerational trauma. Emerging research by Fromm (2012) and Stein (2012)
indicate that trauma is transmitted across generations because the disenfranchised grief of the
trauma has not been included in the social discourse. In order to interrupt trauma transmission
and prevent intergenerational trauma, the trauma of families have to be included in the social
discourse. Fromm (2012,xx) believes that the task of preventing trauma transmission is to not
allow trauma to be repressed or dissociated, but allowing the trauma to be acknowledged and
integrated into social discourse. Fromm (2012) suggests that as practitioners working with
traumatised families and individuals we must not allow them to become “lost in
transmission” of the trauma, and this occurs when trauma has not been included in the social
discourse. By creating counter-memories and counter histories in the narratives of clients
social workers can interrupt the transmission of trauma. The participants and families have
experienced the long-term effects of trauma and the trauma needs to be attended to. One of
the many ways of interrupting trauma transmission is listening to individuals’ trauma
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narratives and applying the principles of collective narrative principles. This can be done by
using the checklist of social and psychological resistance, or referring clients for trauma
counselling where it is appropriate.

Abdullah (2013) has proposed a multicultural framework to work with national trauma in
South Africa focusing on individuals, families and communities. Warner (2001:115) suggests
post-structuralism therapy where “Problems are not located within individuals, but rather
within the narratives which situate both past and current relationships but which, through
reiteration, obscure their own social production”. This resonates with narrative therapy theory
on which collective narrative practice is based.

There are many models of trauma intervention. However, Danieli (2009), who completed
seminal work on trauma transmission in 1998, stated that the most effective tool for
addressing trauma is social support. Collective narrative practice fits the criteria as suggested
by various trauma theorists including Danieli (2009) as the trauma is viewed within the
broader social context and methodologies such as the checklist for social and psychological
resistance focus on social support and joining others in collective endeavours.

6.6 RELEVANCE AND USEFULNESS OF THE FRAMEWORK TO OTHER

OPPRESSED COMMUNITIES

The framework to engage with intergenerational trauma is based on collective narrative

practice. In combination with PLA techniques it can be used in a range of diverse settings. It
can be helpful in marginalised communities because both collective narrative practice and
PLA techniques were developed in collaboration with marginalised groups of people.
Collective narrative practice was developed in partnership with people in countries like
Lebanon, Rwanda, Palestine, Southern Africa and the Australian Aboriginal communities
where Western therapeutic modes of trauma intervention are not part of the culture. The
framework can be used by postcolonial societies with families who experienced historical
trauma. It can also be useful to countries who have experienced national or collective trauma
or by communities who have been oppressed for generations. What is useful about collective
narrative practice and PLA techniques is that they are applicable to working with individuals,
families or groups in communities. One can therefore apply the framework to individuals,
families or groups in communities.
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6.7 CONCLUSION

In this chapter, I have focused on addressing the objective of developing a framework for
social workers to engage with intergenerational trauma transmission in families. I started by
explaining how intergenerational trauma needs to be integrated into the social discourse in
order to interrupt the transmission of the historical trauma of slavery and the trauma of
displacement. I have used Foucault’s concepts of counter-history and counter-memory to
explain how one can integrate the trauma into the social discourse and how we can engage
with intergenerational trauma by creating counter-histories and counter-memories. Collective
narrative practice was used as an analytical tool to demonstrate how the principles of
collective narrative practice can enable subjugated knowledge of the families to emerge. The
framework was therefore based on collective narrative practice. A practical application of the
framework was presented and an explanation provided on how social workers can use the
framework to engage with families experiencing intergenerational trauma.

In the following chapter, the implications and conclusions of the research project are
discussed.
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CHAPTER 7
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION: IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL
WORK PRACTICE AND EDUCATION

7.1 INTRODUCTION

In this chapter, I will discuss the implications and conclusions of the research findings. The
focus of this chapter is the implications of the research for social work practice and education
given the limited discourse of intergenerational trauma in social work discourse in South
Africa. The conclusions and implications of the research are linked to current debates on
reparations for past atrocities and transformation within social work practice and education.
The conclusions are divided into factual and conceptual conclusions. Recommendations
regarding practice, education and further research are also proposed. An overview of the
research is provided where the research problem, aim of the research and objectives are
revisited in the following section.

7.2 OVERVIEW OF THE RESEARCH

7.2.1 The problem studied

The problem that I set out to study, as discussed in Chapter 1, was the trauma of displacement
due to forced removals during apartheid and the historical trauma of slavery experienced by
families in Cape Town. Social problems such as substance abuse, and family and community
violence in displaced communities in Cape Town are the effects of intergenerational trauma
which has been transmitted from previous generations who have experienced the trauma of
the forced removals of apartheid and the historical trauma of slavery. This includes coping
with the trauma and loss of being forced to move to areas on the Cape Flats with little
community infrastructure and resources (Trotter, 2009; McMaster, 2007). The findings of the
research confirm that the issues of poverty, community violence, intimate partner violence
and high levels of alcohol and drug abuse are the effects of the trauma of displacement and
historical trauma of slavery. This is supported by literature on Aboriginal communities, who
have experienced similar social problems. Writers such as Brave Heart and DeBruyn (1998),
Duran and Duran (1995), Evans-Campbell (2008), Gagné (1998), Poupart (2003), Quinn
(2007), Wesley-Esquimaux and Smolewski (2004), and Whitbeck et al. (2004) believe that it
is the unresolved trauma and grief of dispossession, loss of land, culture and lives that are
being transmitted from one generation to the next, resulting in the high levels of substance
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abuse, and family and community violence experienced in Aboriginal communities, which
includes Native American Indians, Indigenous or Native Indian Canadians and the Aboriginal
people of Australia. The families in this study presented with similar social problems as the
Aboriginal communities.

7.2.2 Aim and objectives of the study

The aim of this study was to explore intergenerational trauma in families who were displaced
during apartheid and who may also have a history of slavery, and to identify mechanisms of
trauma transmission operating within the families in order to develop a framework for social
work intervention in helping to prevent intergenerational trauma in families. The objectives
of the study were to:
• Explore the trauma of displacement, forced removals and a history of slavery of black
families in Cape Town
• Identify the multiple ways in which trauma is transmitted from one generation to the
next
• Investigate intergenerational trauma experienced by black families against the
background of apartheid and historical trauma of slavery
• Develop a framework to assist social workers and provide guidelines to engage with
intergenerational trauma in families
• Provide recommendations for social work curricula on family studies and social work
intervention with black families who were traumatised by South Africa’s violent past.

I will give a brief description of each chapter to explain how I went about achieving the aim
and objectives of the study. Chapter 1 provided an introduction to the study, focusing on the
problem formulation and context. The aims, objectives and research questions were
presented. In Chapter 2, the conceptual framework focused on the theoretical concepts which
guided the exploration of intergenerational trauma and which included intergenerational
trauma transmission theory, historical trauma and narrative therapy theory. Chapter 2 also
covered the mechanisms of trauma transmission as suggested by literature on
intergenerational trauma transmission. In Chapter 3, a literature review of intergenerational
trauma in South Africa was presented, providing a context for studying intergenerational
trauma transmission in South Africa. In Chapter 4, the methodology with its paradigmatic
framework was discussed as well as how the study was implemented. This included how the
data was analysed. In Chapter 5, the data and findings were presented. The chapter focused
on intergenerational trauma transmission and how the families experienced the trauma of
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displacement and historical trauma of slavery. Meta-themes emerged from the data, which
were disenfranchised grief, conspiracy of silence, shame and internalised oppression.
Intergenerational trauma transmission was discussed within the meta-themes in relation to the
mechanisms of trauma transmission operating in the families. Chapter 6 focused on
developing a framework for social workers to work with intergenerational trauma in families.

In order to show and motivate the reasons for the framework, Foucault’s counter-memory and
counter-history were discussed. An analysis was also given of the research findings according
to principles of collective narrative practice which informed the framework. I discussed
counter-histories, counter-memories and collective narrative practice to theoretically
demonstrate how trauma transmission can be disrupted by applying these concepts. The final
chapter focused on the implications and conclusions.

The factual conclusions are discussed in the next section, followed by the conceptual
conclusions. The conclusions focus on answering the research questions, which were: How
has the trauma of displacement during the apartheid era and historical trauma of slavery
been transmitted intergenerationally in families in the Mitchell’s Plain community in Cape
Town?

The secondary research questions were as follows:

• How have families experienced the trauma of displacement?
• How do family members give meaning to the historical trauma of slavery?
• What are the multiple ways in which trauma is transmitted from one generation to the
next in families?
• What are the mechanisms of trauma which are evident in the families?
• What are the implications of these findings for social work education and practice in
South Africa?

The factual conclusions will be discussed in the following section and they are written
reflecting the research questions
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7.3 FACTUAL CONCLUSIONS

The factual conclusions are a summary and description of the research findings and
outcomes.

The first and second generations directly experienced the trauma of displacement
because they were forced to move.

The families experienced the trauma as cultural dislocation and dispossession where they
experienced the loss of family and community support and felt uprooted. The first-generation
and second-generation participants had unresolved trauma associated with their displacement.
This was expressed through their narratives of loss and nostalgia. The families were forced to
move and to cope with their displacement while any form of protest was being violently
suppressed by the state. The grief and trauma remained unresolved and disenfranchised
because the first and second generation were children and adolescents at the time and had no
formal means to support them with the trauma. Children’s vulnerability during displacement
and conflict is well documented by Hyder (2005), Walls and Whitbeck (2010), and Araya et
al. (2007). The trauma of displacement was transmitted across three generations via the
mechanism of interpersonal relations through projection, identification, enactment and over-
disclosure (Dekel & Goldblatt, 2008; Stein, 2012; Weingarten, 2004).

The families had no knowledge of their slave heritage and were ambivalent.

When discussing their heritage, the participants either had no knowledge of their slave
heritage or they had ambivalent feelings. Others were not certain whether slavery existed and
the third-generation participants wanted to know more about their heritage. The lack of
knowledge about slave heritage is a result of the historical trauma of slavery being excluded
by discursive practice. Trotter (2009) believes that the historical memory of ‘Coloured’
people is fraught with silences and ambiguity. The majority of ‘Coloured’ people in Cape
Town are descendants of slaves and this included the families in this research. Trotter
(2009:49) states that some scholars believe that a significant feature of ‘Coloured’ identity is
that they do not identify with a historical past. Shell (2001:40) states that with the “Cape’s
community’s loss of memory of slaves’ origins, there was a corresponding loss of identity
among slaves’ descendants.”

All the families had been affected by alcohol and drug abuse.

Some of the families showed patterns of intergenerational transmission of alcohol and drug
abuse. However, all were affected by abusing drugs and alcohol themselves or by being
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affected through family members’ drug and alcohol abuse. As early as 1652, slaves were
being paid in tobacco and soon they were paid with alcohol (Van der Merwe, 2010). The
abuse of alcohol and the legacy of the dopstelsel in the Western Cape are hugely problematic.
The Foetal Alcohol Syndrome Disorder task force are dedicated to research and attending to
FAS children. However, the economy of the Western Cape is dependent on the wine industry
and there is a vested interest in the dominant society to maintain power through the sale of
alcohol. Paying slaves and eventually farm workers with alcohol is an institution which has
been entrenched in the Western Cape for 300 years. Unless the power relations within the
wine industry and economy are challenged, alcohol use and abuse, despite being outlawed in
1969, will remain institutionalised in the Western Cape because families like the participants
in this research have become physically dependent on the abuse (Van der Merwe, 2010).
Drugs are readily available and there are interconnections with the gang violence in Cape
Town with many gangs being involved in “turf” wars related to drug dealing (City of Cape
Town: Gang Unit, 2012 www.capetown.gov.za). There is a wealth of research by Aboriginal
and Native American scholars (Duran & Duran, 1995; Brave Heart & De Bruyn, 1998;
Mhyra, 2011; Poupart , 2003) who view the high levels of alcohol abuse as the effects of
colonialism. Myhra (2011) focuses her research on the intergenerational transmission of
alcohol abuse in Aboriginal families and views alcohol abuse as a form of internalised
oppression and a result of colonialism. South African social historians such as Mountain
(2004), Shell (2001) and Van der Merwe (2010) discuss the intergenerational legacy and
effects of alcohol abuse in the Western Cape and the insurmountable damage this has done to
the descendants of slaves.

All the families had been directly affected by gang violence.

All the three generations in the research have been affected by gang violence. Families have
become socialised and traumatised in the gang violence. The effects of the trauma of gang
violence have resulted in physical, emotional and psychological injuries and PTSD in some
participants who remain hyper vigilant and live in fear because they are forced to remain
living in the community because of poverty.

I have discussed gang violence as a form of enactment where the gang violence is a response
to the trauma of the past, including the historical trauma of slavery and the trauma of
displacement. Community violence as an enactment of unresolved trauma and
disenfranchised grief has been confirmed by writers such as Brave Heart and DeBruyn
(1998), Poupart (2003) and Stein (2012). In addition, community violence as a response to
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experiences of shame and humiliation experienced by black families in South Africa has been
discussed by Adonis (2008), Weingarten (2004) and Volkan (2006).

The trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery have been transmitted
intergenerationally via the mechanisms of socialisation, silence and shame.

The main mechanisms of trauma transmission in the families were socialisation, silence and
shame by society and the family. Weingarten (2004) identified the mechanisms of trauma
transmission. However, the findings of this research indicate that the trauma has been
transmitted because of disenfranchised grief, socialisation in institutional racism, the
conspiracy of silence, shame and internalised oppression. Each one will be discussed below.

The trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery have not been recognised
or acknowledged, resulting in disenfranchised grief.

The trauma of displacement had been transmitted by means of interpersonal relations when
the first and second generations were forced to move and were directly exposed to the trauma
of displacement via interpersonal relations such as projection and enactment. McKinney
(2007) believes that everyone’s trauma narrative needs to be told in order to be integrated.
The displacement was not recognised as traumatic and the grief was not acknowledged
because of the dominant values of the apartheid government and society at the time.
However, because there was no recognition or acknowledgement of the trauma and loss of
the displacement, the grief became disenfranchised and the trauma remained unresolved for
approximately 30 years before apartheid ended. Due to the ideology of reconciliation created
by the TRC and post-apartheid government, the grief of the families in this research remain
disenfranchised and cut off from the social discourse of society. The TRC’s focus on human
rights abuses and testimonies of perpetrators marginalised the majority of South Africans’
experiences of apartheid (Lephakga, 2012).

A fact that is often forgotten by society is that the families in this research and many families
in Cape Town are descendants of slaves. The historical trauma of slavery was generally not
considered part of the social discourse both before apartheid ended and after. Before
apartheid ended, slavery was ignored and not acknowledged, including the trauma of slavery
because the society was based on colonialism and institutional racism. In the post-apartheid
era, the trauma of slavery and slavery in the Western Cape have been acknowledged.
However, it remains marginalised because of the ambivalence regarding slavery in the
Western Cape. Slavery in the Western Cape did not fit into requirements of UNESCO
because slaves were imported to the Western Cape from other countries and not exported
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(Worden, 2009). By not acknowledging both the trauma of displacement and historical
trauma of slavery in these families, their grief remains disenfranchised. Disenfranchised grief
resulted in enactment in the form of community violence, especially gang violence as in the
case of the families in this research (Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998; Poupart, 2003; Stein,
2012). Disenfranchised grief has become a means of trauma transmission because the
narratives of the families’ trauma of displacement and slavery have not been included in the
social discourse. The historical trauma and trauma of displacement have therefore been
transmitted intergenerationally.

Socialisation in institutional racism

The research findings indicate that being socialised in an institutionally racist society has
been traumatic for the participants (Fanon, 1952). The trauma of institutional racism and its
effects on black South Africans are well documented. The transmission of intergenerational
trauma occurs through socialisation in society by means of the educational system, and
government policies and religion (Weingarten, 2004). Research by Lazar et al (2008)
indicated how societal systems played a role in socialising Jewish families on the holocaust
contributing to the trauma transmission in Jewish families. However, what is different about
the families in this research in comparison with Jewish families is that the families were
socialised in institutional racism based on colonialism, and institutional racism is still present
in society today. Socialisation in families through family values and family communication
can transmit the trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery (Wesley-Esquimaux
& Smolewski, 2004). However, education and the school environment is one of the main
ways in which children are socialised in society, after the family. Jansen (2009) and Keizan
and Duncan (2010) found that the racialised attitudes of young adults were transmitted from
parents to adolescents who had been born after apartheid had been dismantled. The
educational system, religion and government institutions in South Africa played a huge role
in shaping and maintaining the values and beliefs of South Africans, and this overlaps with
mechanisms of trauma transmission in the context of the family in South Africa.

Conspiracy of silence

The findings of the research indicated that there is silence about the trauma of displacement
and the historical trauma of slavery on all levels – individual, family and society
(Weingarten, 2004). I have called this silence the conspiracy of silence as coined by Danieli
(1998) because the silence in participants and the families was a result of the denial by
society that something traumatic occurred, which the families unconsciously colluded with.
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Stein (2012:180) extends the idea of the conspiracy of silence and calls the denial by society
“enforced silence” which creates indifference where individuals are isolated and “... treated
as if nothing terrible had happened, or there was nothing to be upset about”. Social and
collective silence marginalises the process of meaning-making and questioning for people
involved and affected by the trauma. Personal memories remain individually isolated and
unacknowledged by the larger society. This leaves the younger generation without a larger
context that can connect and identity family and community with history, culture and society
(Lin, et al.,2009). Furthermore, particularly among families who avoid referring to the past,
children may experience and transfer the older generation’s avoidance and discomfort to
themselves. Silence at a national level in South Africa also carries with it the burden of a
traumatic and violent pass where gross human rights violations were ignored for decades and
where the Truth and Reconciliation Commission attempted to deal with some of the
consequences of these violations. The silence on the trauma and memory of slavery is not
only a feature of Western Cape society and South Africa but a feature of all postcolonial
societies (Graff 2011). Scholars like Worden (2009) believe that the descendants of slaves
have “historical amnesia”. This “amnesia” is a result of the trauma of slaves and of the
political conflict and debate that the slave heritage and identity in the Cape evokes. The
‘Coloured’ community makes up half of the Western Cape and their votes are highly sought-
after by political parties in order to gain political leadership of the Western Cape. Past
elections have seen this vote being fiercely contested for by the dominant political parties.
Bozalek and Biersteker (2010: 16) state that “those who are marginalised are commonly
deprived of the discursive space to define themselves in their own terms and have, therefore,
to subscribe to the definitions of themselves by those who are in power in order to survive”. It
is therefore understandable that this disenfranchised group who, according to Trotter
(2009:49), have experienced enslavement, dispossession, genocidal extermination and
apartheid degradation, would have difficulty in remembering and identifying with a
traumatic, violent and painful past.

The literature (Ancherhoff et al.,1998; Belnap, 2012; Danieli, 1998; Lin, et al 2009;
Weingarten ,2004) on intergenerational trauma indicates how damaging these silences are,
and shows that if these silences are maintained they form one of the key mechanisms through
which individuals, families, communities and states intergenerationally transmit trauma.

In addition to the silence in the families, the research findings indicate that shame was also a
means of trauma transmission. The experience of trauma does not only result in silence but is
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also accompanied by shame. The families and participants experienced shame regarding their
displacement and historical trauma of slavery.

I will discuss shame and internalised oppression as they were interrelated in this research.

Shame and internalised oppression

Shame is one of the effects of the trauma of institutionalised racism which results in
internalised oppression. The families therefore had shame regarding their slave heritage and
did not have any knowledge about their slave heritage. They also recalled white and
European ancestry reflecting their racialised thinking. The internalised oppression
experienced by the families is therefore a direct result of the trauma of displacement and
historical trauma of slavery which is embedded in the experience of oppression.

The shame of recalling or remembering a slave heritage has been confirmed by Worden
(2009) who says as early as 1909 it was desirable to be “white” because of the social and
political benefits of being white at the time, and it was shameful to have a slave heritage. The
desire of the descendants of slaves to be white and forget their slave heritage is a direct result
of the trauma and oppression of colonialism. The shame of having a slave heritage is
therefore societal shame because it is a result of the historical trauma of slavery. Fanon
(1952:191), in his classic work Black Skin, White Masks, discusses what he views as the
pathology and impact of colonialism on the psyche of black people. He states: “I am a white
man. For I unconsciously distrust what is black in me, which is the whole of my being”. It is
helpful to view internalised oppression as a response to the trauma of institutional racism and
not as a characteristic of a group of people (Watts-Jones, 2004; Pyke, 2010).

The shame and internalised oppression have also been transmitted across generations in the
families interviewed in this research (Williams, 2012). The forms of internalised oppression
which the families experienced shame about were alcohol and drug abuse as well as intimate
partner violence. Community violence as a form of internalised oppression was also
transmitted across generations because of shame of the trauma of displacement and historical
trauma of slavery incubates violence (Weingarten, 2004). Violence as the response to shame
has been confirmed by writers such as Rice and Benson (2005), Weingarten (2004) and
Volkan (2005). Adonis (2008) and Weingarten (2004) refer to shame at a societal level as
humiliation.

The extent of community violence in the form of gang violence that the families in the
research have been exposed to is a response to the shame and humiliation experienced by the
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violence of a colonial past as well as the shame and humiliation experienced under the
apartheid regime. Weingarten (2004:45-59) states that, “Although humiliation is enacted and
experienced by individuals, it is built into the structure of social relations and institutions and
the response to the humiliation is violence”. However, what has occurred in families in this
research and in Aboriginal communities (Brave Heart & De Bruyn, 1998; Poupart, 2003) is
that the violence is enacted not against the dominant society or those who caused the
humiliation but the violence is enacted on the family and community.

Volkan (2006) states that societies, like South African societies, which have experienced the
trauma of political violence, have to deal with this shame and humiliation, including the
transmission of trauma. Volkan (2012: 83) views the shame and humiliation as being the
result of as “chosen trauma” which is transmitted across generations. He defines chosen
trauma as “the shared mental representation of an event that has caused a large group’s
ancestors to face drastic losses, to feel helpless, to experience shame and humiliation at the
hands of enemies and to suffer from difficulty or an inability to mourn losses” (Volkan,
2012:83). The trauma is unconsciously “chosen” as specific traumatic events will be selected
for a group to remember and identify with a past generation’s mental representation of the
event. Apartheid and racism has therefore been identified as traumatic events which caused
shame and which are mechanisms of trauma transmission. Adonis (2008) and Frankish
(2009) refer to the shame and humiliation of apartheid which have been transmitted from the
previous generations. Writers on shame and humiliation based on the transmission of trauma
describe how shame is enacted in society and how it creates cycles of violence (Adonis,
2008; Rice & Benson, 2005; Volkan, 2006, 2012; Weingarten, 2004).

The findings of this research indicate that shame has been transmitted across generations but
with devastating effects on the families themselves and that the shame manifests as
internalised oppression. Aboriginal and black writers (Alleyene, 2005; Brave Heart& De
Bruyn, 1998; Lephakga, 2012; Poupart, 2003; Pyke, 2010; Watts-Jones, 2004; Whitbeck et
al., 2004; Williams, 2012) have found similar results in black and Aboriginal communities.

The effects of the historical trauma of slavery and displacement – such as poverty,
intimate partner violence, community violence, racialisation and substance abuse – have
been transmitted across multiple generations.

The effects of the intergenerational trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of
slavery have also been transmitted via socialisation, silence and shame. Similar results have
been found in research on Aboriginal communities (Brave Heart, 1999; Evans-Campbell,
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2008; Menzies, 2010; Poupart, 2003). In addition, the direct effects of the trauma of
displacement in my research also included over-crowding and poor-quality housing which
have been transmitted intergenerationally because of poverty. The high levels of alcohol and
drug abuse, poverty, and family and community violence that the families experience are the
long-term effects of the historical trauma of slavery which have been compounded by their
displacement, creating chronic overcrowding and gang violence with high levels of drug
addiction(Pludderma et al, 2009). The historical trauma of slavery still has had a profound
influence on the family life of slave descendants today because the trauma was based
institutional racism and overt racism which is still present in South African society (Graff,
2011; Lephakga, 2012).

The dominant story of the families was the loss and trauma of displacement and the
alternative story was their resistance.

Families have also resisted the trauma of displacement by settling in and adjusting to the new
communities but remain vulnerable to substance abuse, poverty and community violence.
The families have alternative stories to the trauma of their displacement and slave heritage in
that they tell stories of courage and bravery in their survival of their trauma of displacement
and historical trauma of slavery. Their resistance in the face of ongoing gang violence
emerged as a theme where participants needed to protect themselves and their families.
Enmeshment, which is usually viewed as dysfunctional or a pathology (Baptist, Thompson,
Norton, Hardy & Link, 2012; Kellerman, 2001) because the boundaries of roles are blurred,
has been viewed as a form of social support where families support one another materially
and emotionally. The material and emotional support that families have shared with one
another in order to survive can be interpreted as a form of social and psychological resistance
(Denborough, 2008).

Exploring the transmission of intergenerational trauma has highlighted the trauma of

institutional, cultural and interpersonal racism, which families in the research had
experienced.

The intention of this research was to explore and study the intergenerational trauma of
displacement and historical trauma of slavery. However, as participants told their narratives,
their traumatic experiences in relation to racism emerged. Discussing one form of
discrimination and trauma can trigger previous experiences of trauma and discrimination
(Evans-Campbell, 2008). Recalling incidents of racist trauma can also trigger previous
memories of racism which the individual has experienced and this explains why the
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participants recalled other incidents of racism while discussing their displacement and
slavery.

The effects of racism have led to internalised oppression and the intergenerational
transmission of internalised oppression. Forms of internalised oppression – such as intimate
partner violence, alcohol and drug abuse, and community violence – have also been
transmitted intergenerationally via silence, socialisation and shame (Pyke, 2010; Williams,
2012).

7.4 CONCEPTUAL CONCLUSIONS

The conceptual conclusions are based on the conceptual framework of this research as well as
the paradigmatic and methodological framework of the research methodology.

Traditional definitions of trauma were not appropriate for the families in this research.

Participants told narratives of the effects of their displacement and historical trauma of
slavery. This included the trauma of poverty, gang violence, intimate partner violence, drug
and alcohol abuse, overcrowding and homelessness. Gagné (1998:355-373) explains that the
effects of colonialism are intergenerational in that it formed the root of trauma that led to
dependency, cultural genocide, racism and alcoholism in communities. She further purports
that this has led to family violence, sexual abuse and accidental deaths within indigenous
communities who were previously exposed to colonialism. Social problems such as poverty
and forms of internalised oppression such as alcohol abuse in this research are underpinned
by the historical trauma of slavery (Brave Heart & De Bryun, 1998; Myhra, 2011). A broader
definition of trauma is therefore required to understand intergenerational trauma and
historical trauma, and how past trauma influences people today. Evans-Campbell (2008), an
Aboriginal writer, proposes a multilevel framework to understand intergenerational and
historical trauma and how they influence contemporary experiences of trauma.

The DSM-IV is the diagnostic manual that is predominantly used in Western societies but
also in South Africa, and it is based on Eurocentric values of trauma (Denborough, 2008;
Evans-Campbell, 2008). The DSM-IV describes trauma as an event that involves actual or
threatened death or serious injury or threat to physical integrity of self or others. In order to
understand how the trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery were transmitted
in the families who took part in this research, a broader definition of traumatic is required.
Traditional ways of defining trauma are focused on the individual and are a based on a
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medical model of PTSD symptoms rather than the meaning people give to an event. Hence,
the traditional definitions of trauma were not appropriate.

The families in this research study did not present with classic PTSD symptoms such as
persistent re-experiencing of the event, hyper-arousal and persistent avoidance. Therefore, the
traditional medical model of classifying trauma is not appropriate for families and
communities who have experienced intergenerational trauma because it focuses on individual
symptoms of PTSD and not the collective or group experience (Evans-Campbell, 2008). The
trauma related to slavery and displacement does not always fit into traditional trauma
narratives. For example, participants in this study did not talk about a singular event and they
did not refer to their traumatic experiences in terms of a specific event (Tuval-Mashiach,
Freedman, Bargai, Boker, Hadar & Shalev, 2004; Ringle & Brandell, 2012). The trauma of
displacement involved traumatic events of forced removals and resettlement. The
displacement spanned 30 years in which participants had to deal with the loss and trauma of
displacement while adjusting to new environments. The displacement took place in the midst
of the trauma of political violence and state suppression (Adonis, 2008; Barbarin & Richter,
2001). Kira’s (2001) classification of trauma has been used to understand the impact that
trauma has had on the individuals, families and their community context. Kira’s (2001) two
classifications of trauma are broad and inclusive. He has included historical trauma, and the
trauma of displacement would be classified as collective trauma, or social trauma where
groups or communities are affected by trauma resulting from, among others, political
violence, genocide and forced displacement (see Chapter 2). Kira (2001:76) views
displacement as “disconnectedness” trauma where individuals are forcibly uprooted from the
social relations within family and community in which they are embedded. The relationships
usually serve as a form of security and belonging for the individual, and being displaced
causes trauma and loss because the security provided by that the relationships has been lost.

The social discourse of the dominant society defines what is a traumatic event is and has
a direct result on the transmission of intergenerational trauma.

The trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery were not perceived as
traumatic by the dominant society and discursive practice of displacement and slavery in the
Western Cape at the time. The way in which families and individuals make sense of and have
given meaning to their traumatic experiences is influenced by the values of the dominant
society and discursive practice (Taylor, 2006:96). The dominant values of the society in
South Africa were based on institutional and cultural racism denigrating all other forms of
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knowing and experiencing. By having this subject-object relationship which was literal in
slave times, the trauma of slavery and displacement was not only ignored but deliberately
suppressed in order to maintain power relations. Slavery was deeply traumatic, and this has
been recognised internationally by well-known writers and academics on slavery such as
Orlando Patterson (1982) and Nell Painter (1995). Despite slavery being so traumatic, the
discourse on slavery only gained momentum in the early 1980s. Previously, only Fanon
(1952) had engaged in the discussion. Despite the wealth of literature on slavery, slavery as a
form of historical trauma has not been included in the DSM-IV’s description of trauma.

Gump (2010: 46) states that the trauma of slavery has been denied by the victims of the
trauma as well as white people who made up the dominant society and the slave owners. The
trauma of slavery has been difficult to integrate into society because of white dominant
society’s denial of their forefather’s responsibility in slavery (Gump2010:47). As white
dominant society defines what is traumatic, the historical trauma of slavery remains absent
from trauma literature (Graff, 2011:135). Trauma writers such as Mattar, Drozdek and Figley
(2010:1) have confirmed that definitions of trauma in trauma literature have not taken
multiple realities and historical processes into account. The lack of understanding of the
trauma of racism and slavery in conceptualisations of trauma have been criticised by black
and Aboriginal writers (Bryant-Davis & Ocampo, 2005; Carter, 2007; Evans Campbell,
2008).

Despite the dismantling of apartheid in 1994, the families and participants’ trauma of
displacement and slavery remain cut off from the social discourse because of the discursive
practice of institutional racism and the ideology of reconciliation. The gaps in trauma
literature on slavery are examples of how knowledge has been subjugated by the dominant
group. Cape Town has the most well-preserved slave archive in the world because the
colonial powers needed to keep records of their property and slaves. Despite this, the
knowledge of the slavery has not been integrated into society including social work discourse
and those in the helping professions dealing with traumatised individuals and communities.
In the post-apartheid era, there was only a brief mention of slavery in the TRC (Abdullah,
2013).

The TRC has been severely criticised for creating an environment in which all past atrocities
have been forgiven and forgotten in order for South Africa to “move on” in the spirit of
reconciliation. What post-apartheid research has highlighted is that institutional racism is still
entrenched in discursive practice in society. Examples of how institutional racism is still
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entrenched will therefore be cited. In social work, Abdullah (2013) discusses how the social
work profession has not been able to address national trauma because Western models are
still being used. Bozalek (2004, 2010) discusses the effects of institutional racism and the
misrecognition of black families in South Africa. Jansen (2009) explains how socialisation in
institutional racism has maintained racist values amongst white students and in academia.

The AAP is dedicated to creating a space for counter-histories and counter-memories to be

told and focuses on apartheid experiences of trauma and not historical trauma of slavery. The
implications has meant that in South Africa, the continual denial of the trauma of
displacement and the trauma of slavery have compounded the experiences of misrecognition
which black families experienced as a result of 200 years of institutional racism under
colonialism and slavery. How the families experience the trauma, whether they viewed the
displacement as trauma or not, is determined by society. The dominant society did not
recognise participants’ experience of trauma. Therefore, the participants repressed and
dissociated trauma. The trauma was then projected and enacted on those close to them in
order to cope with the trauma. Displacement is not easily forgotten and communities who
have been displaced have a need to trace their memories of belonging. The families
experienced the trauma of displacement as a loss of family and community support and were
nostalgic about the past communities in which they lived. Kuusisto-Arponen (2009:548) goes
on to explain that diasporic bodies are engraved with memories of place, which continue to
affect their experiences of place. Even though the trauma of displacement was not recognised
and cut out of the social discourse, the physical and emotional trauma of displacement was
experienced by the families and their slave ancestors. These memories may become repressed
depending on the social and political context (Kuusisto-Arponen, 2009). Disenfranchised
grief and enforced silence have been a contributing factor because these families have been
excluded from the dominant society and they have not been allowed to mourn or express their
loss. Discursive practice also dictates the length of the period of mourning.

The politics of the time forced people to adjust to their new environment, not leaving any
space to mourn or grieve the multiple losses. However, through loss and nostalgia they
continued to experience the trauma (Kuusisto-Arponen, 2009) . A wealth of literature is being
developed on the nostalgia of apartheid era. Nostalgia can be viewed as the longing for home.
Hook (2012:230) says, “Nostalgia is despite the factors of social and political mediation a
mode of experience of memory and indeed of affect”. Nostalgia is relevant not only to the
history of apartheid but also to the historical trauma of slavery. The topic of nostalgia again
focuses only on apartheid nostalgia and excludes the nostalgia of slaves who were forcibly
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removed from their families and homeland. The nostalgia and slave memory of “longing for
home” has become a topic within slave research, and there has been a wealth of literature
generated in America on slave memory (Hartman, 2007; Morrison, 2007; Painter,1995;
Patterson, 1982). However, slave memory has not been included in ways of experiencing and
remembering trauma in South Africa. Part of the historical trauma experienced by the
families and participants in this research is that they recall no memory or knowledge of their
slave heritage, with a younger generation wanting to know about this heritage. The focus on
nostalgia also excludes the third-generation participants who were born after apartheid yet
still experience the effects of racism. Discursive practice therefore dictates the time period of
mourning a trauma or loss, thereby excluding groups of people and the ways people
experience the trauma. The underlying assumption is that one needed to experience the
trauma “directly”. Yet, the findings in this research and research on intergenerational trauma
(Evans-Campbell, 2008; Stein, 2012) indicates that participants are still affected by past
trauma even though they may not have been present when the trauma occurred. There is an
underlying assumption that slave descendants cannot still be mourning the loss of their
homeland, or cannot still be experiencing or remembering the trauma of slavery. Ways of
experiencing trauma, such as the loss and memory, as well as mourning periods for
experiencing trauma are therefore dictated by discursive practice even in the post-apartheid
era. The knowledge being produced on memory and nostalgia as part of the AAP reflects how
different forms knowledge and experiences become subjugated as part of discursive practice
because those who have the power to produce knowledge dictate the social discourse. Medina
(2011: 27) states that “Foucault invites us to pay attention to the past and ongoing epistemic
battles among competing power/knowledge frameworks that try to control a given field”.
Different domains of discursive interaction have specific epistemic frames of knowing and
ways of producing knowledge, and in the interaction of the different domains, some forms of
knowledge become subjugated – with their particular ways of producing knowledge. By not
questioning the underlying assumptions or definitions of trauma, post-apartheid discourse on
the trauma of apartheid may continue to marginalise groups of people and their experiences.
The counter-memories and counter-histories created by the narratives of slave descendants in
this research create opportunities for resistance because they question accepted epistemic
frameworks. The narratives of the families and participants in this research do not fit the
usual narratives of apartheid or trauma and they may therefore remain cut off from the social
discourse. The marginalisation of the historical trauma of slavery prevents the narratives of
slave descendants from becoming integrated into social discourse of experiences of trauma
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and results in intergenerational trauma transmission. If the stories and memories of slave
descendants are not integrated into the social discourse, the historical trauma of slavery will
continue to be transmitted intergenerationally.

Subjugating knowledge: The transmission of trauma reveals how dominant society uses
the same mechanisms of trauma transmission – such as socialisation, silence and shame
– to maintain power.

I found that exploring the transmission of intergenerational trauma made visible some of the
ways in which dominant society maintains power. By placing historical knowledge and
ignorance in the context of power networks, a space for resistance also emerges (Medina,
2011:10). The mechanisms of trauma transmission are inextricably linked to how dominant
society maintains power through the culturally hegemonic practice of silence, shame and
socialisation. The social discourse of white dominant society was based on institutional and
cultural racism which created shame and internalised oppression (Graff, 2011; Lephakga,
2012; Pyke, 2010; Williams, 2012). One of the many ways in which colonialism perpetuated
itself was through hegemonic practice by creating myths in society that become accepted in
society as truth. One of the “myths” about colonialism among African people is that Africa
only existed when the white man arrived (Fadal, 2002). In my research findings, several of
the participants recall “Jan van Riebeeck” when discussing their slave heritage because the
history of slavery and African history before the arrival of Europeans have been subjugated
by the colonial powers and slave owners. Social history in Africa has had to be decolonised
because of the colonial ideology and myth that Africa and its people have had no history until
the arrival of the white man in Africa and that Africa was a collection of primitive tribes, with
no clothes and no brick walls (Depelchin, 2005).

Subjugating the knowledge of slavery and trauma of slavery is a form of traumatisation

because the subjugation and resulting silence relay indifference that the trauma was not
worthy of recognition (Stein, 2012:180). The trauma of slavery is what Foucault (2003:7-9)
would define as subjugated knowledge “where forms of remembering and experiencing are
pushed to the margins and rendered unqualified and unworthy of epistemic respect by
prevailing and hegemonic discourses”. The trauma has been transmitted across generations
over 200 years because colonial dominant society also maintained power through violence
and social discourse. Deliberate attempts were made to erase the memories of slaves about
their homeland in order to control them and to prevent resistance. Depelchin (2005:3) states
that “among those who have suffered enslavement, colonization, steady and relentless
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economic exploitation, race and class discrimination and political repression, silences should
be viewed as deliberate”.

Despite the silence of the trauma of slavery there is a wealth of literature including slave
archives held at the Western Cape Archives and Records Service which indicates how
colonial powers maintained power through violent suppression in the Cape. Violence is
traumatic in itself and the results of the trauma of violence have long-term effects not only on
the individual but also on future generations. The families have told narratives of political
violence but they also told narratives of the effects of historical trauma of slavery. In this
context, Fadal (2002) also says that horizontal violence was used where colonial authorities
would use slaves to commit acts of violence against other slaves. Shell (2001:189-190)
explains how slaves employed by the colonial government acted as executioners to physically
punish or flog other slaves.

Another myth and way in which the dominant society maintained power was the idea that
Africans and indigenous people were primitive and therefore needed controlling. Bozalek
(2004) discusses what she calls the “primitivisation” of black families where black social
work students reported that their families’ culture and way of life was being denigrated and
seen as primitive in relation to their experience of cultural racism. The trauma resulted in
shame and internalised oppression which was transmitted intergenerationally to the current
post-apartheid generation. The oppression has now become internalised where the dominant
society does not need to use overt force to maintain power because the values have become
internalised in the oppressed (Freire, 1970). The internalised oppression which the families in
this research experienced, is confirmed by Bozalek’s (2004:179) research as she states that
“Students’ accounts revealed how misrecognition was interiorised so that students and their
family members colluded in their own subjugation, whether in terms of race, gender or
generation.” According to Foucault’s “interiorisation”, where the values of dominant society
are internalised by the oppressed, reflects how dominant discourses maintain power in
making docile subjects. Williams (2012) discusses how internalised oppression is transmitted
across multiple generations of slave descendants in America. Internalised oppression is
therefore another way in which the dominant society maintains power. Gump (2010)
discusses how powerful discourse on institutional racism is in America, saying that not even
having a black president can change dominant discourse on race. Bozalek (2004; 2010)
discusses the devastating effects of cultural and institutional racism on generations of black
families and confirms the power of dominant discourse on race in South Africa. Abdullah
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(2013) discusses how national trauma has affected generations of black families and how that
the trauma remains unaddressed.

The intergenerational nature of the trauma of slavery reveals how dominant society has
contributed to the intergenerational trauma and has maintained power through the trauma of
institutional racism. In order to disrupt intergenerational trauma, inequalities in power
relations need to be simultaneously addressed, given the power of the dominant discourse of
institutional racism and trauma in South Africa. Intergenerational trauma of the past will
continue to be transmitted if inequalities are not challenged. This needs to happen on all
levels of society. Abdullah (2013) explains that nationally, there has not been a strategy to
address the trauma of the past and that a strategy needs to be developed on all levels.

Counter-memories and counter-histories are therefore essential to challenge the status quo
and inequalities of the past that still exist. Counter-memories and counter-histories allow the
subjugated knowledge to emerge because it brings to the fore what culturally hegemonic
practice has made invisible. The trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery
are examples of where the trauma has been deliberately silenced by the dominant society in
order to maintain power across generations. This silence goes beyond the conspiracy of
silence, as analysed by Danieli (1998), because it is a conscious and deliberate strategy to use
silence as a means to suppress people. Silence at national and societal level can come from
various religious, and educational and governmental institutions. Depelchin (2005) refers to
this silence as ideological and conceptual because it is knowledge which has not been
accepted or integrated into the dominant discourse of society. Institutional racism in South
Africa was the dominant discourse and it did not accept indigenous knowledge, explaining
the “amnesia” about slave heritage and the idea that ‘Coloured’ people do not invest in a past
(Trotter, 2009; Worden, 2009). Education under apartheid denied black people the
opportunity to study their own history and culture while promoting racist ideology. This is
how several generations of black people were socialised through societal institutions. What
the study has revealed is that racism and being socialised in white society is a form of trauma
for black families. This type of ideological silence also resonates with Foucault’s “subjugated
knowledge” where the dominant discourse at the time is dependent on those who have power
over what knowledge is remembered and how it is remembered (Medina, 2011:11). There has
been enforced silence regarding the trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of
slavery when the trauma was ignored and suppressed, and therefore not allowed to be
acknowledged. The trauma was treated as insignificant because of the values of the dominant
society. Silence about collective trauma like the trauma of displacement and historical trauma
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of slavery can be maintained and transmitted over several generations. Silence in society
about trauma has consequences on multiple levels for individuals, families and communities.
There are many examples of this, such as the Armenian genocide, Rwanda and Cambodia
(Depelchin, 2005:3). The conclusions and findings of the study have been similar to what
were found in other marginalised communities which experienced intergenerational trauma.

Similarities and differences between this research and previous research studies mentioned in
the conceptual framework and literature review will be discussed briefly.

7.5 SIMILARITIES BETWEEN MY FINDINGS AND THOSE REPORTED IN THE

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW

This research found that socialisation, silence and shame were the main mechanisms of
transmitting the trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery. These findings
are similar to those of Weingarten (2004), Danieli (1998), Kellerman (2001) and Wesley-
Esquimaux and Smolewski (2003). The mechanisms of trauma transmission were similar to
those researched by Kellerman (2001), Weingarten (2004) , Danieli (1998), Stein (2012),
Belnap (2012), Fromm (2012) and Volkan (2012), indicating that interpersonal relations,
projective identification, enactment, socialisation, silence and shame are the main means of
trauma transmission in society. The mechanisms were the same as those found in Holocaust
survivors’ research, while the outcomes and experiences of the families reflected similar
outcomes as Aboriginal communities. The experience of colonialism and enslavement could
explain the difference between the families in this research and Aboriginal communities in
comparison with Holocaust survivors.

The families taking part in this research had no knowledge of their origins. Origins of slave
heritage in Cape Town are complicated because the slaves were imported from several
different countries. South Africa, in comparison with all other slave societies, was the most
diverse because slaves were imported from several countries. In the majority of slave
societies, the slaves tended to be imported from one to three countries, making their origins
easier to trace (Shell, 2001:427).

The families’ experience of the trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery
resulted in disenfranchised grief and enforced silence, shame and internalised oppression, and
these results reflect the findings of Brave Heart and De Bruyn (1998), Gump (2010), Poupart
(2003), Stein (2012), Volkan (2012) and Williams (2012). The families and community have
the same outcomes and experiences of poverty and internalised forms of oppression (intimate
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partner violence, alcohol and drug abuse, racialised thinking and community violence) as
Aboriginal communities, according to previous research by Aboriginal scholars like Brave
Heart and DeBruyn (1998), Duran and Duran (1995), Evans-Campbell (2008), Menzies
(2010), Poupart (2003), Myhra (2011), Walls and Whitbeck (2010), and Wesley-Esquimaux
and Smolewski (2003). The writers also regard the outcomes of the families as the effects of
historical trauma and displacement and include internalised oppression. The families had
exhibited the indicators of intergenerational trauma such as poverty, alcohol and drug abuse,
intimate partner violence, and loss and displacement, as claimed by Menzies (2010). Similar
results were found regarding the effects of slavery on black communities and post-slave
societies (Alleyene, 2005; Graf, 2011; Gump, 2010; Williams, 2012).

The difference in the results of this research compared with the outcomes and experiences of
Aboriginal communities was the pervasive gang violence as a form of community violence.
The gang violence was experienced across several generations and affected the daily lives of
families and the community. The media coverage and local government involvement have
been extensive. Yet, a solution remains elusive.

Overcrowding and poor-quality housing as a research finding differs from research on

Aboriginal communities where homelessness was an intergenerational indicator (Menzies,
2010). Overcrowding and poor-quality housing were intergenerationally transmitted as a
result of poverty and the trauma of displacement. The results have been devastating for some
participants, and have included an accidental death and extensive hospitalisation as a result of
burn wounds from boiling hot water when there was no running hot water.

The findings of this study reflect similar findings on intergenerational trauma by Frankish
(2009) who focused on the violence of apartheid. This study revealed that silence and the
conspiracy of silence were major contributing factors to the transmission of intergenerational

trauma. Frankish (2009) found similar results where the trauma of apartheid in families was
surrounded by silence. The difference in this study was that the conspiracy of silence on all
levels (individuals, families and society) contributed to the transmission of intergenerational
trauma. In his study, Frankish (2009) focused on the trauma of apartheid whereas this study
included the historical trauma of slavery because the participants were descendants of slaves.
The effects of the trauma of displacement and historical trauma of slavery – such as poverty,
poor housing and internalised oppression – are similar to the results of Bozalek (2004) on the
intergenerational effects of institutional racism on the families of black social work students.
The difference in my study is the emphasis on the mechanisms of trauma transmission which
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include silence, shame, interpersonal relations and socialisation. One of the main means of
trauma transmission was socialisation in institutional racism and the results are similar to the
study by Jansen (2009) in which he describes the significant impact of family and society in
socialising students. However, his study focuses on white racism while mine focuses on the
intergenerational trauma of displacement and historical trauma. The significance of my study
will be discussed in the next section.

7.5 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery still affect the lives of the
families in this research despite the abolition of slavery in 1834 and the dismantling of
apartheid in 1994. The families still experience the loss and trauma of past atrocities because
the trauma has remained unresolved and became disenfranchised. The effects of the trauma of
displacement and the historical trauma of slavery are manifested in the poverty, overcrowded
and poor housing conditions and community violence that the families in the research
experience. The families display high levels of alcohol and drug abuse, intimate partner
violence and racialisation which are forms of internalised oppression, and this has resulted in
poor outcomes for the families. The findings indicate that trauma has been transmitted
intergenerationally and will continue to be transmitted if the trauma of the past is not
addressed. According to Abdullah (2013), the national trauma of South Africa’s past has not
been addressed and she suggests that social workers use the archive of the TRC to help
address the trauma of the past. Socialisation, silence and shame were the means of trauma
transmission but they were also the means in which the dominant white society maintained
institutional racism and maintained power because the dominant society dictates the social
discourse and controls the power of knowledge production. Social work as a profession has
contributed towards intergenerational trauma transmission because it formed part of that
society and colluded with the apartheid government by, among others, upholding segregation
policies (Patel, 1999; Sacco & Hoffman, 2004). The research has highlighted that the same
mechanisms of trauma transmission (socialisation, silence and shame) are used by the
dominant society to maintain power. In order to disrupt the transmission of intergenerational
trauma, inequalities and discursive practice needs to be challenged by creating opportunities
for resistance through making visible the counter-memories and counter-histories of
narratives of marginalised families such as the ones in this research study (Foucault, 1975).
Viewing the historical trauma of slavery and the trauma of displacement within the context of
power relations provides a model for working with intergenerational trauma within the social
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work field, which has largely been dominated by psychology. The dominant society and the
social discourse prescribed what is traumatic and who are allowed to mourn and grieve. The
trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery were not officially recognised as
a trauma until the post-apartheid era, resulting in disenfranchised grief because the trauma of
the displacement and the historical trauma of slavery have not been included in social
discourse (Stein, 2012). The post-apartheid discourse of reconciliation has contributed to the
idea that the trauma of the past has been dealt with.

The roots of the social work profession in South Africa were based on institutional racism.
Despite apartheid ending in 1994, transformation in social work education and practice has
been slow with discursive practice reflecting institutional racism. Inherent within social work
discourse is the blaming of families and individuals for social problems such as community
violence, poverty, and alcohol and drug abuse. Locating trauma and response to trauma
within power relations, shifts the responsibility of intergenerational trauma transmission from
the families and individuals back to society.

7.6 IMPLICATIONS OF THE RESEARCH FINDINGS FOR SOCIAL WORK

EDUCATION AND PRACTICE

The historical trauma of slavery and the trauma of displacement have not been a feature of
social work discourse and training because the historical nature of social work in South
Africa has been based on institutional racism. The Group Areas Act formed part of a group of
policies which was institutionally racist, and displacement was part of more than 200 years of
institutional racism in South Africa. The sporadic research on the psychological and
emotional effects of the trauma of slavery and the trauma of displacement indicate that there
is a lack of understanding in South African social work discourse of the emotional,
psychological and even physical effects of racism. Only a limited number of articles exist on
the TRC and on reparations and acknowledgement of the trauma of apartheid. The lack of
literature both on slavery and displacement is the result of the shame experienced by social
work as a profession where the grief, the horrific and political nature of the historical trauma
of slavery and displacement are so shameful that as a profession social workers are unable to
recognise or acknowledge its effects. By not being able to acknowledge the trauma of slavery
and displacement, social workers continue to contribute to the shame and are unable to stop
its transmission in the lives of the slave descendants of today. The shame that social work as
a profession or group experiences is confirmed by Stein (2102:180) who comments , “[a]dded
to the tendency to use dissociation as an individual defence is the dissociation induced by the
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group to sustain their own tenuous denial, dissociation and repression in order to ward off
intolerable anxiety and grief”. The denial that the social work profession experiences in
relation to the trauma of slavery and the displacement is a result of the shame the profession
experiences in relation to the role social work has played in colluding with apartheid. What
this means is that despite the transformation, social work as a profession and social workers
have not been successful in addressing past inequalities. UNICEF 2011 said that despite
making progress towards improving the conditions for children, South Africa’s children are
still greatly disadvantaged by the racial inequalities of the past which have not been
addressed.

7.6.1 Social work’s collusion with apartheid

Social workers and social work as a profession have been complicit and colluded with the
apartheid government (Bozalek, 2004; Mamphiswana & Noyoo, 2000; Patel, 1999; Sacco &
Hoffman, 2004; Smith, 2013). This meant that there was little understanding of the trauma of
the displacement and the historical trauma of slavery within the social work profession
because the apartheid government did not view slavery or the forced removals as
traumatising. Social workers and the social work profession upheld segregation policies
including the Group Areas Act which resulted in the trauma of displacement. In a submission
to the TRC in 1999, a report by the National Welfare and Social Service forum described the
different ways in which social workers and the social welfare system had upheld the policies
of apartheid, which included segregation and the Group Areas Act. The report also states that
in order to force people to move and to adhere to the Group Areas Act, state pensions or state
grants were withheld. Social work and social welfare are rooted in the response to white
poverty and therefore many charities and the state welfare board had members of the
Afrikaner Broederbond in key positions in order to ensure white privilege by discriminating
against black people. Race-based measures, such as those implemented between 1950 and the
late 1980s, gave the majority of funds to whites and left black families impoverished and
marginalised. The social work profession and social welfare system in South Africa was
based on racial segregation from the 1930s till apartheid was dismantled. Social workers and
social welfare workers had to implement apartheid policies. For example, a white children’s
home received ZAR175 per child while a black children’s home received ZAR60 per child,
and abandoned children were racially classified. Social workers and community workers who
did not uphold apartheid policies or who protested were disciplined by the Social Work
Council. By upholding apartheid policies like the Group Areas Act the social work profession
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and social welfare have contributed to transmitting the trauma of displacement and the
historical trauma of slavery

7.6.2 Social work and the TRC

The National Social Services and Welfare (1999) submission report to the TRC called for the
transformation of the social work profession and social welfare system. This included
training institutions. Training institutions like social work departments at universities
contributed to the transmission of the trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of
slavery in the way they have socialised and educated social work students. The social work
department at a traditionally white university explained the measures they would take to
transform the department because the department’s policies marginalised black students
(Sacco & Hoffman, 2004:162). They also stated how the training only focused on clinical
casework and did not include power issues and inequality in terms of race, gender and
disability. They also neglected to educate students in a radical perspective which locates the
challenges of vulnerable people within the political, social and economic structures of society
(Sacco & Hoffman, 2004; Mamphiswani & Noyoo, 2000).This radical perspective was only
highlighted at traditionally white universities in curricula after 1993, pathologising social
problems in black families for many years (Bozalek, 2004; Mamphiswani & Noyoo, 2000;
Sacco &Hoffman, 2004).

Despite the call for transformation in the social welfare system, social work profession and in
education in 1999, changes to curricula have been slow because social workers are trained at
universities which was institutionally racist in addition to racially segregating and excluding
black students (Bozalek et al., 2008; Mphiswana & Noyoo, 2000; Sacco & Hoffman, 2004).
In the social work profession, social workers are still trained in Western social work methods
which include systems theory. Bozalek (2004:175) stated that social workers needed to be
“critical enough to be able to intervene in ways that the definition of social work proposes
and the social work curriculum content needs to provide students with opportunities to
interrogate the hegemony of functionalist theories”. Sacco and Hoffman (2004:165) stated
that the submission by social work educators was the start of reparation but the work towards
ongoing reparation, prevention and development initiatives need to continue and correspond
with global trends towards reparations for past atrocities.

7.6.3 Reparations and social justice

In societies with past atrocities such as colonialism and slavery, the victims have a right to
social justice and reparation which respects their dignity. Reparations can describe a range of
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actions which make amends for what has been done. The reparation can be symbolic or
material, but it is a structured way of trying to redress harm (Hamber, 2009:1). A current
international description for social work states:

The social work profession facilitates social change and development, social
cohesion, and the empowerment and liberation of people. Principles of social
justice, human rights, collective responsibility and respect for diversity are central
to social work. Underpinned by theories of social work, social sciences,
humanities and indigenous knowledge, social work engages people and structures
to address life challenges and enhance wellbeing (International Federation of
Social Work : 2013).

All communities dealing with past atrocities have a need for their trauma to be
acknowledged, for the truth about atrocities to be told and for social justice. Part of
reparations and social justice is integrating communities, groups and individuals who have
been marginalised as a result of past injustice into the social discourse (Sacco & Hoffman,
2004:158). In order to uphold principles of social justice, social workers in South Africa need
to be informed and trained in working with families who have experienced intergenerational
trauma. An awareness of the historical trauma of slavery and colonialism is required as well
as an understanding of the real emotional, psychological, psychological and physical effects
of all forms of racism – cultural, interpersonal and institutional (Carter, 2007).

The lived experiences of the descendants of slaves in the families studied indicate that they
are still experiencing the effects and transmission of the historical trauma of slavery. This is
particularly relevant to those who are working with families who have been oppressed for
generations. There is an ethical obligation for social work professionals who are in daily
contact with families of slave descendants in the Western Cape to understand the effects that
both the trauma of displacement and the historical trauma of slavery have had on these
families. Furthermore, it is necessary to deliberate on creative ways to interrupt the
transmission of trauma in order to end cycles of violence, poverty and substance abuse in
families.

It is crucial that we begin to engage in discussions or discourses on interrupting trauma

transmission and cycles of violence in our families in Cape Town. As can be seen in Chapter
5, gang violence and community violence have had devastating effects on generations in
these families. Despite the ubiquity of gang violence in the media, social work discourse in
South Africa remains “silent” with only sporadic studies on gang violence (Recksford, 2003).
In this way, we promote the principles of social justice through reparations by interrupting
trauma transmission which is the result of past atrocities.
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7.6.4 Intergenerational trauma: Implications for social work education

The ways in which trauma has been classified in the past has influenced social work curricula
and practice. Traditional approaches of dealing with trauma are aimed at assessing and
identifying individual symptoms of trauma, often using the DSM-IV as a guide. Regarding
social work training on trauma, James and Breckenridge (2010:257) maintain that there is a
need to train social workers in multifaceted approaches which moves intervention from the
individual to the community. This is required so that social workers are prepared and more
effective in dealing with global challenges where entire groups and communities have been
traumatised because intervention has been based on trauma literature aimed at individuals.

According to Evan-Campbell (2008), the nature of the historical trauma of slavery and the
trauma of displacement is that it has an impact on all levels, namely individual, family and
community. Traditional approaches to trauma do not focus on its collective impact on the
family and community. Also, traditional approaches do not focus on historical cumulative
effects and do not include the ways in which historical traumatic events interact with current
traumatic experiences in individuals, families and communities. This has created difficulties
in understanding intergenerational trauma and its transmission as this has not been included
in the DSM-IV. Intergenerational trauma as a module has therefore only been included in
Social Work curricula in America, Canada and Australia. Menzies (2007) states that social
work intervention generally does not include working with individuals and families in
relation to their extended family, community and nation. Even though family group
conferencing is a social work method, family group conferences are generally focused on
child protection issues. As an academic, social work practitioner and Aboriginal person, Peter
Menzies indicates his frustration with the inability of the social work profession to effectively
address the historical context of the Aboriginal people because of traditional methods of
social work intervention in traumatised families and communities. Given the constraints of
social work intervention, Menzies (2007) developed indicators for intergenerational trauma
for social work and from a social work perspective. His model on indicators of
intergenerational trauma (see Chapter 2) was used to identify intergenerational trauma
transmission in families in this research project.
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7.7 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR EDUCATION, PRACTICE AND RESEARCH

7.7.1 Recommendations and guidelines for education

i) Anti-oppressive practices need to form part of both undergraduate and postgraduate

training in social work research as such practices challenge and highlight inequalities.
Intergenerational trauma, including the historical trauma of slavery, needs to become
part of social work curricula in modules of anti-oppressive practice. Conceptualisations
of trauma need to be reflected upon and broadened to determine whether they are
appropriate for marginalised communities. This study has revealed that transformation
within the social work profession and education has been slow despite the end of
apartheid and changes to curricula. Jansen (2009) has revealed the entrenched nature of
institutional racism and cultural racism in higher education institutions, and although
anti-oppressive practice is included in social work curricula, it should be taught within
the pedagogy of discomfort. The pedagogy of discomfort requires that both educators
and students develop a deeper understanding for their own and their shared past and
present, and a necessary step is to move outside their comfort zones (Boler &
Zembylas, 2003).
ii) Narrative ways of working with traumatised and marginalised individuals, families and
communities should become part of the curriculum, in conjunction with PLA
techniques and collective narrative practice. Narrative frameworks and PLA techniques
have been successful in highlighting privilege and marginalisation amongst social work
students, and should become part of the curriculum (Bozalek, 2004; 2010). Narrative
work and PLA techniques offer social workers a frame of reference to include counter
hegemonic narratives in their work.
iii) Critical Race Theory also provides a framework within which to include
intergenerational trauma and the trauma of slavery. When Critical Race Theory is
included in social work curricula, social issues such as alcohol and drug abuse,
community violence, family violence and intimate partner violence can be viewed as
forms of internalised oppression. Internalised oppression should be combined with
training to understand the real emotional, physical, psychological and physical effects
of the trauma of institutional, cultural and interpersonal racism. Social work education
should include tools to deal with internalised oppression.
 191

7.7.2 Recommendations for practice

i) The trauma of displacement and apartheid needs to be addressed, and intergenerational

trauma transmission needs to be disrupted. Discursive practice and inequalities in
organisations need to be challenged as continuing inequalities contribute to the
transmission of trauma in families and communities. Social workers and social work
agencies need to become aware of how current practice may contribute to trauma
transmission.
ii) Contemporary trauma as a result of intimate partner violence, family violence, gang
violence, community violence and alcohol and drug abuse needs to be addressed in
order to prevent the transmission of trauma and it needs to be viewed in the context of
past trauma of displacement and slavery.
iii) Training in anti-oppressive practice needs to be promoted to show how narrative work
and collective narrative practices can help families and individuals to critically reflect
on their circumstances in relation to the power structures in their lives. By providing
opportunities for families and individuals to tell their stories, counter-memories and
counter-histories are produced. These counter-memories and counter-histories provide
opportunities for resistance which will contribute to disrupting trauma transmission.
iv) Frameworks of intergenerational trauma (Evans-Campbell, 2008; Menzies, 2010),
including the one proposed in this study, can provide social workers with a reference
point to disrupt trauma transmission and help families and communities to heal.

7.7.3 Recommendations for further research

i) Further research on intergenerational trauma is required to look at different generations

separately and to look at how each generation has been impacted.
ii) The different trauma mechanisms – such as socialisation, silence and shame – need to
be researched separately.
iii) Research is required that only focuses on the historical trauma of slavery and its effects.
Research focusing on the effects of the trauma of displacement – such as overcrowding
and poor housing – is also required.
iv) Further research is required on the different forms of internalised oppression and the
effects of transmission of internalised oppression such as gang violence.
v) Further research on the intergenerational trauma of displacement in black African
families is required, given the limitations of the current research on ‘Coloured’
families.
 192

vi) Research on intergenerational trauma in a rural community or in the Boland area is

required as many slaves settled in the Boland and their descendants still reside there.
vii) There is limited research on the intergenerational transmission of social and
psychological resistance or resilience in families, and this requires further exploration
through empirical research.
viii) Further research on disrupting and healing intergenerational trauma transmission is
imperative, given South Africa’s traumatic past.
ix) Research on past trauma, using the slave archives and TRC archive, can be valuable to
social work discourse in terms of reparation, national trauma and intergenerational
trauma.

7.8 CONTRIBUTION TO KNOWLEDGE

The gaps in literature indicated that social work discourse in South Africa has not focused on
its colonial history nor on slavery, except for sporadic literature. Despite the trauma of
apartheid, there has been sporadic discussions on reparation but with an emphasis on the TRC
and not families who were displaced. This study provides an exploration of mechanisms of
the trauma transmission in transmitting the trauma of displacement and the historical trauma
of slavery. The study addresses the gaps in social work literature on the trauma of
displacement and slavery. Intergenerational trauma has not been a focus of social work
discourse in South Africa and the study engages in the discourse on intergenerational trauma.
I also attempted to address the gaps in intergenerational trauma in South Africa by focusing
on the mechanisms of trauma transmission. Previous studies have focused on the effects of
apartheid while studies on the transmission of intergenerational trauma have been limited.
The study reveals that socialisation, silence and shame have been the main means of trauma
transmission in families who have been displaced and who have a slave heritage. In this way,
this study has been able to bring about a new understanding of contemporary issues facing
black families. I have provided motivation for the discourse of slavery to be included in
social work discourse and for its inclusion in the discourse on trauma and memory with the
Apartheid Archives Project. This study also engages in the discourse on reparation of past
atrocities in which few social work writers have engaged (Abdullah, 2013; Bozalek, 2004;
Patel, 1999; Sacco & Hoffman, 2010). In this study, the social issues in black families are
viewed as internalised oppression; there have been limited discussions on this in social work
literature other than Bozalek (2004).
 193

I have extended the work of Weingarten (2004) on trauma transmission by contextualising it

in power relations in dominant society in order to decolonise the medical model of trauma
transmission. The work of Brave Heart and DeBruyn (1998) and Menzies (2010) has been
extended by combining their work with specific focus on mechanisms of trauma
transmission. The study has contributed to the findings of Bozalek (2004; 2010) on the
intergenerational effects of institutional racism, internalised oppression and her work on
challenging discursive practice in the social work profession in South Africa, which is
essential for the transformation of social education and practice in South Africa.

It is critical to discuss intergenerational trauma in social work at this stage in South Africa’s
history because apartheid ended 19 years ago and emerging research, including this research,
indicates that the trauma of the past has been transmitted to the current generations born after
apartheid. If this trauma is not attended to and the transmission of trauma is not interrupted,
the trauma will continue to be transmitted across multiple generations.

The findings highlight new areas of intergenerational trauma transmission which needs to be
investigated. These are internalised oppression and forms of internalised oppression such as
gang violence, and alcohol and drug addiction. The research findings of this study also
highlighted the damaging effects of overcrowding and poor-quality housing which have been
transmitted intergenerationally and which require further investigation. The findings of this
research provides an explanation for the current social problems of gang violence, high levels
of alcohol and drug abuse, and intimate partner violence experienced in a community that
was displaced and that experienced the historical trauma of slavery.

The methodology has been implemented creatively by combining a medical model of

intergenerational trauma transmission (Danieli, 1998; Kellerman, 2001; Weingarten, 2004)
and decolonising it using an indigenous and decolonising methodology based on narrative
therapy theory (Morgan, 2000) and collective narrative practice (Denborough, 2008). In this
way, the research study can be relevant to marginalised communities who experience
intergenerational trauma as well as to post-slave societies.

7.9 CLOSING REMARKS

The intergenerational trauma of displacement, the historical trauma of slavery and the
mechanisms of trauma transmission are based on trauma theory, which has been
conceptualised by dominant society and discursive practice. Given South Africa’s colonial
history and the apartheid regime (which only ended in 1994), the trauma of displacement and
 194

the historical trauma of slavery have largely been excluded from the dominant social
discourse. Exploring the transmission of the historical trauma of slavery and the trauma of
displacement has been challenging because of the limits of traditional medical and individual
approaches to trauma. Exploring the transmission of intergenerational trauma is an emerging
area of research in South Africa and a new research focus in social work discourse.

I have concluded that the families’ experiences of trauma have not been recognised as
traumatic by the dominant society. The traumatic experiences and memories have been
deliberately obliterated in order to maintain the values and power of dominant society, which
has been based on institutional racism. The real effects and trauma of racism and slavery have
not been understood by society and have resulted in complicating the grieving and mourning
of black families taking part in this research. The families had no alternative but to project the
trauma onto the next generation in order to cope with traumatic experiences which have
remained unacknowledged and invisible to society. The historical trauma of slavery and the
trauma of displacement were transmitted via the trauma transmission mechanisms of silence,
shame and socialisation.

This study addressed gaps in research and practice considerations when working with
families who have experienced intergenerational trauma in South Africa. The study also
highlighted the importance of the context of displacement and slavery when working with
families who are descendants of slaves. The mechanisms of trauma transmission have been
identified in the families and provided a framework to assist families experiencing
intergenerational trauma. What this study highlighted, is the “conspiracy of silence” within
social work regarding the displacement during apartheid and the historical trauma of slavery,
allowing one to engage in a discourse of reparation and addressing past inequalities. Viewing
trauma and intergenerational trauma transmission within the context of power relations in
dominant society offers individuals opportunities for resistance by creating counter-memories
and counter-histories. By integrating the counter-memories and counter-histories that do not
fit the epistemic frameworks, social workers can challenge existing inequalities and interrupt
trauma transmission in families.
 195

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 212

APPENDIX I - BIOGRAPHICAL DETAILS OF PARTICIPANTS

Biographical Details of Families and Participants

Family Surname Age Gender Generation

September 80 Male 1st
September 54 Female 2nd
September 29 Female 3rd
Valentine 57 Male 1st
Valentine 30 Male 2nd
Williams 54 Female 1st
Williams 40 Female 2nd
Williams 18 Male 3rd
February 80 Male 1st
February 49 Female 2nd
February 23 Female 3rd
Caesar 70 Female 1st
Caesar 53 Male 2nd
Caesar 30 Female 3rd
Jacobs 41 Male 1st
Jacobs 20 Female 2nd
Diedericks 5. Female 1st
Diedericks 29 Female 2nd
Diedericks 18 Female 3rd
 213

APPENDIX II - MITCHELLS PLAIN (MAP AND PICTURES)

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APPENDIX III - INFORMATION FOR PARTICIPANTS (ENG &AFR)

UNIVERSITY OF THE WESTERN CAPE

Private Bag X 17, Bellville 7535, South Africa

Tel: +27 21-959, Fax: 27 21-959 2277

E-mail: [email protected]

INFORMATION SHEET

Project Title: [The Transmission of Intergenerational Trauma in displaced families]

What is this study about?
This is a research project being conducted by Shanaaz Hoosain at the University of the
Western Cape. We are inviting you to participate in this research project because your family
has been displaced and forcibly removed due to the Group Areas Act. Your surname is also
indicative of families who may have a slave heritage.
The purpose of this research project is to explore intergenerational trauma in families who
were displaced a during Apartheid and who also has a history of slavery in order to identify
the mechanisms of trauma transmission operating within the families so that we can
understand how trauma from the past is passed on from one generation to the next in order
find ways to prevent cycles of trauma in families.
What will I be asked to do if I agree to participate?
You will be asked to ____.
• To tell your life history, this can take place in a venue where you feel comfortable .This
can either in a private space in your own home at a time that is convenient for you, or if
you prefer in a private venue outside your home. Transport can be provided. This can
be up to 2 hours at a time, and it may take meeting 3 times with you and longer if
needed
• On a separate occasion I will then interview you and ask you a few questions. This will
take about 2 hours and we may need to meet twice.
• I will ask you ask you to meet with the rest of your family who have given consent to
the research where you will take part in group activities and be interviewed as a group.
This will take up take up to 21/2 hours and you will be required to meet 3 times as a
family group. This is called a focus group and you will have to agree to keep all
information shared in the focus group as confidential

Would my participation in this study be kept confidential?

We will do our best to keep your personal information confidential. To help protect your
confidentiality, your names will be kept anonymous and what you share will be confidential.
This will be stated when the family gets together as a group. And those family members keep
information shared in the group confidential and not share the information with other family
members not part of the group. The data will be kept in locked cabinets, and in files and
documents which are password protected. Only the researcher will have access to the data.
Audio taping/Photographs/Digital Recordings
 222

This research project involves making audio files and using photographs, old
photographs, letters or documents (of you) you are willing to share and consent to. The
audiotapes are way of recording what you have said so that the researcher can remember
what has been said and use this for the research. The photographs will be add to value of the
research and the life history it may also help you remember past events in your life. The
photographs may be used in the final report if you give consent to this. This will mean that
the public will have access to the photographs. The researcher and the transcriber will have
access to the audio files. The audio files will be stored in a secure environment.
If we write a report or article about this research project, your identity will be protected to the
maximum extent possible.
In accordance with legal requirements and/or professional standard as a registered social
worker will disclose to the appropriate individuals and/or authorities information that comes
to our attention concerning child abuse or neglect or potential harm to you or others.
What are the risks of this research?
There may be some risks from participating in this research study.
You may talk about traumatic experiences in your past and present. This may be emotionally
uncomfortable or cause emotional or psychological distress.
Talking about your experiences or telling your life story may also trigger painful memories
which may cause you distress or you may experience anger, resentment, fear or
embarrassment.
What are the benefits of this research?
The benefits to you include having the opportunity to share your life story and be listened to.
You will also be able to work on a family life story together with other family members and
tell your family’s story.
This research is not designed to help you personally, but the results may help the researcher
to learn more about how trauma is passed on from one generation to the next. We hope that,
in the future, other people might benefit from this study through improved understanding of
intergenerational trauma.
The research project will contribute to the field of intergenerational trauma in South Africa.
The research project may also contribute to understanding how trauma from the past is
transmitted in families and contribute to the prevention of trauma being transmitted in
families.
Do I have to be in this research and may I stop participating at any time?
Your participation in this research is completely voluntary. You may choose not to take part
at all. If you decide to participate in this research, you may stop participating at any time. If
you decide not to participate in this study or if you stop participating at any time, you will not
be penalized or lose any benefits to which you otherwise qualify.
Is any assistance available if I am negatively affected by participating in this study?
If you are traumatized in anyway then the researcher will help you access a counsellor.

What if I have questions?

This research is being conducted by Shanaaz Hoosain in Social Work Department at the
University of the Western Cape. If you have any questions about the research study itself,
 223

please contact Shanaaz Hoosain at: 24 Caesars Drive Colorado Park (h) 021 3716097 cell)
0849587657 or on email [email protected]
Should you have any questions regarding this study and your rights as a research participant
or if you wish to report any problems you have experienced related to the study, please
contact:
Head of Department: Dr. N.Roman
Social Work Department
University of the Western Cape
Private Bag X17
Bellville
7535
Tel 021 9592970
(or)
Prof. H.C. Klopper
Dean of the Faculty of Community and Health Sciences:
University of the Western Cape
Private Bag X17
Bellville 7535
Tel 021 9592631/2746

This research has been approved by the University of the Western Cape’s Senate Research
Committee and Ethics Committee.

Study Coordinator’s Name: Prof V. Bozalek

Director: Teaching and Learning
Private Bag X17, Belville, 7535
South Africa
Tel: +27 (0) 21 9592848 / 3069
Fax: +27 (0) 21 9592012
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.uwc.ac.za
 224

UNIVERSITEIT WES- KAAP

Privaatsak X 17, Bellville 7535, South Africa
Tel: +27 21-959, Faks: 27 21-959 2277

E-pos: [email protected]

INLIGTINGS BLAD

Projek Titel: Die Oordrag van Intergenerasie Trauma in families wat verplaas is
Waaroor gaan hierdie studie?
Dit is ‘n navorsingsprojek deur Shanaaz Hoosain by die Universiteit van Wes-Kaap. Ons nooi
u om deel te neem aan hierdie narvorsings projek want u familie was verplaas en geforseer
om te verhuis as gevolg van die Groepgebied Wet. U is ook ‘n aanduiding van families wat ‘n
Slawe-erfenis het.
Die doel van hierdie navorsingsprojek is om die intergenerasie trauma in families wat
verplaas is gedurende Apartheid en wat ook ‘n geskiedenis van slawerny het, te ondersoek
om sodoende die meganisme van trauma transmissie binne die families te identifiseer sodat
ons kan verstaan hoe trauma van die verlede van een generasie na ‘n ander oorgedra word
sodat ons maniere kan vind om trauma siklusse in families te voorkom.
Wat gaan ek gevra word om te doen as ek instem om deel te neem?
U gaan gevra word om ___.
• U lewensgeskiedenis te vertel, dit kan plaasvind in die plek waar u gerieflik voel. Dit of
‘n private plek in u eie huis wees op ‘n tyd wat gerieflik vir u is, of buite u huis.
Vervoer kan voersien word. Dit kan tot 2 uur per sessie duur, en dit mag 3 ontmoetings
of meer, indien nodig, neem.
• Op ‘n afsonderlike geleentheid sal ek ‘n onderhoud met u voer en ‘n paar vrae vra. Dit
sal ongeveer 2 uur duur en ons mag dalk twee keer ontmoet.
• Ek sal vir jou vra om met die res van u familie, wat toestemming tot die navorsing
gegee het te ontmoet, waar u in groep aktiwiteite sal deelneem en as ‘n groep ‘n
onderhoud mee gevoer word. Dit mag tot 2⅟ ₂ uur duur en u sal drie keer as ‘n
familie-groep moet ontmoet. Dit word ‘n fokusgroep genoem en u sal moet instem om
alle informasie wat gedeel word in die fokusgroep, vertroulik te hou.

Sal my deelname aan hierdie studie vertroulik gehou word?

Ons sal ons bes doen om u persoonlike inligting vertroulik te hou. Om te help om u vertroulik
te beskerm, sal u name anoniem gehou word en wat u deel sal vertroulik wees. Dit sal
aangedui word wanneer die familie byeeenkom, as ‘n groep. Die familie lede moet die
inligting wat in die groep gedeel word vertroulik hou en nie die inligting met ander familie
lede wat nie lede van die groep is nie, deel nie. Die data sal ingeslote kabinette wees en in
lêers en dokumente met wagworde beskerm word. Slegs die navorser sal toegang tot die data
hê.
Audio opname/Foto’s/Digitale opnames
Hierdie navorsing behels die maak van audio lêers en die gebruik van foto’s, ou foto’s,
briewe of dokumente (van u) wat u ingewillig is om te deel en toestemming daartoe gee. Die
audio-bande is ‘n manier om vas te lê wat u gesê het sodat die navorser kan onthou wat gesê
is en vir hierdie navorsing gebruik word. Die foto’s sal waarde aan die navorsing heg en die
lewens-geskiedenis mag u help om gebeure in u lewe te onthou. Die foto’s kan in finale
 225

verslag gebruik word as u daartoe stemming gee. Dit sal beteken dat die publiek toegang tot u
foto’s sal hê. Die navorser en transkibeerder sal toegang tot die audio lêers hê. Die audio lêers
sal in ‘n veilige omgewing gestoor word.
As ons ‘n verslag skryf oor hierdie navorsingsprojek, sal u identiteit tot die maksimum
beskerm word.
In lyn met wetlike voorskrifte en/of professionele standaarde as geregistreede maatskaplike
werker sal ek aan die bevoegde individue en/of outoriteite inligting gee wat onder ons aandag
kom oor kindermishandeling of moontlike skade aan u of ander.
Wat is die risiko’s van hierdie navorsing?
Daar mag sommige risiko’s wees as gevolg van deelneem aan hierdie navorsing-studie.
U mag praat oor traumatiese ervaringe in u verlede en huidelik. Dit mag emosioneel
ongemaklik wees of emosionele of sielkundige nood veroorsaak.
As u oor ervaringe praat of u lewensgeskiedenis vertel mag dit pynlike herinneringe oproep
wat u nood mag veroorsaak, of u mag woede, wrok, vrees of verleentheid ervaar.
Wat is die voordele van hierdie navorsing?
Die voordele vir u sluit in die geleentheid om u lewensstorie te deel en om na geluister te
word. U sal ook in staat wees om aan ‘n familie lewenstorie saam met ander familielede te
werk en u familie storie te vertel.
Die navorsing is nie ontwerp om u persoonlik te help nie, maar die resultate mag die navorser
help om meer te leer oor hoe trauma van een geslag na ‘n ander oorgedra word. Ons hoop dat
in die toekoms ander mense voordeel mag trek uit hierdie studie deur verbeterde verstaan van
intergenerational trauma.
Die navorsing sal bydra tot die veld van intergenerasie trauma in Suid Afrika. Die
navorsingsprojek mag ook bydra tot die verstaan van hoe trauma van die verlede oorgedra
word in families en hoe dit bydra tot die voorkoming van trauma wat oorgedra word in
families.
Moet ek in die navorsing wees en mag ek deelname enig tyd stop?
U deelneem in hierdie navorsing is geheel en al vrywillig. U kan kies om glad nie deel te
neem nie. As u besluit om deel te neem aan hierdie navorsing mag u u deelneme te enige tyd
staak. As u besluit om nie aan hierdie studie deel te neem nie, of in deelname te enige tyd
staak, sal u nie gepenaliseer word of enige voordele verloor waarvoor u kwalifiseer nie.
Is enige bystand beskikbaar as ek negatief geaffekteer word deur my deelname in
hierdie studie?
As u in enige manier getraumatiseer word sal die navorser u met toegang tot ‘n berader help.
Wat as ek vrae het?
Die navorsing word uitgevoer deur Shanaaz Hoosain in Maatskaplike Werk Department by
die Universiteit Wes-Kaap. As u enige vrae oor die navoring studie het, kontak Shanaaz
Hoosain by Caesars Rylaan 24, Colorado Park. (h)021-3716097 (Sel) 0849587657 of by e-
pos [email protected]
As u enige vrae het oor hierdie studie en u regte as ‘n navorsingsdeelnemer of as u enige
probleme wat u ondervind het wil rapporteer betreffende die studie kontak asseblief
 226

Departmenthoof : Dr N. Roman
Maatskaplike Werk
Universiteit Wes-Kaap
Privaatsak X17
Bellville
7535
Tel 021 9592970
(of)
Prof. H.C. Klopper
Dekaan van Gemeenskap Gesondheids Wetenskappe
Universiteit Wes-Kaap
Privaatsak X17
Bellville
7535
Tel: 021 9592631/2746
Die navorsing is deur die Senaat Navorsing Komitee en Etiek Komitee van die Universiteit
van Wes-Kaap goedgekeur.

Studie Koordineerder: Prof V. Bozalek

Direkteur: Onderrig en Leer
Privaat Sak X17, Belville, 7535
Suid Afrika
Tel: +27 (0) 21 9592848 / 3069
Fax: +27 (0) 21 9592012
E-pos: [email protected]
Weblad: www.uwc.ac.za
 227

APPENDIX IV - CONSENT FORMS

UNIVERSITY OF THE WESTERN CAPE

Private Bag X 17, Bellville 7535, South Africa

Tel: +27 21-959, Fax: 27 21-959 2277

E-mail: [email protected]

CONSENT FORM

Title of Research Project: The Transmission of Intergenerational Trauma in Displaced

Families
The study has been described to me in language that I understand and I freely and voluntarily
agree to participate in the study, which includes being interviewed and taking part in a focus
group. My questions about the study have been answered. I understand that my identity will
not be disclosed and that I may withdraw from the study without giving a reason at any time
and this will not negatively affect me in any way. I also undertake to keep the content of the
discussion in the focus group confidential so as to protect the rights of every participant in the
study.

Participant’s name .............................................................

Participant’s signature ......................................................
Witness ................................................................................
Date......................................................................................

Audio taping/Photographs/Digital Recordings

This research project involves making audiotapes and using photographs of you
___ I agree to be audiotaped/photographed during my participation in this study.
___ I do not agree to be audiotaped/photographed during my participation in this study.
___ I agree that my old photographs /letters /documents can be used in the participation of
the study
___ I do not agree that my old photographs/letters/documents can be used in the
participation of the research project.
___ I agree that my old photographs/letters/documents can be used in the final report.
___ I do not agree that my old photographs/letters/documents can be used in the final report.
 228

Should you have any questions regarding this study or wish to report any problems you have
experienced related to the study, please contact the study coordinator:

Study Coordinator’s Name: Prof V. Bozalek

Director: Teaching and Learning
Private Bag X17, Belville, 7535
South Africa
Tel: +27 (0) 21 9592848 / 3069
Fax: +27 (0) 21 9592012
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.uwc.ac.za

Researcher‘s name: Shanaaz Hoosain

24 Caesars Drive Colorado Park
7785
Tel: 0849587656
 229

UNIVERSITEIT WES- KAAP

Privaatsak X 17, Bellville 7535, South Africa
Tel: +27 21-959, Faks: 27 21-959 2277

E-pos: [email protected]

Toestemmingsvorm

Titel van Navorsingsprojek: Die Oordrag van Intergenerasie Trauma in families wat verplaas
is
Die studie is aan my beskrywe/verdudelik in ‘n taal was ek verstaan en ek stem vryelik en
vrywillig in om aan die studie in om aan die studied eel te neem. Dit sluit in om deel te neem
in die onderhoude en fokusgroep. My vrae aangaande die studie is bevredigend beantwoord.
Ek verstaan dat my identiteit nie verklaar sal word nie en dat ek van die studie te enige tyd
mag onttrek. Sonder dat ek in rede verskaf en dat dit my geensins negatief sal affekteer nie.
Ek onderneem ook om die inhoud van die bespreking in die fokusgroep vetroulik te hou om
sodoende die regte van elke deelnemer in die studie te beskerm.

Deelnemer se naam ...........................................................

Deelneemer se handtekening.............................................
Getuie ..................................................................................
Datum .................................................................................

Audio opname/Fotos /Digitale Opnames

Hierdie navoringsprojek behels die maak van audio bande en die gebruik maal van foto’s van
u
___ Ek stem in om op audio-band opgeneem te word/ gefotografeer te word dedurende my
deel
___ Ek stem nie in om op audio –band opgeneem te word/gefotografeer te word gedurende
my deelname aan hierdie studie nie.
__ Ek stem in dat my ou fotos /briewe/dokumente gebruik kan word in die deelname aan
hierdie Studie
___ Ek stem nie in dat my ou fotos/briewe/dokumente gebruik kan word in die deelname
aan hierdie navorsingsprojek nie.
___ Ek stem in dat my ou fotos briewe/dokumente gebruik word in die finale verslag
gebruik kan word.
___ Ek stem nie in dat my ou fotos /briewe/dokumente in die finale verslag kan bebruik
word nie.
 230

As u enige vrae oor hierdie studie het, of enige problem wat u ondervind het aanstaande die
studie, kontak asseblief die studie koordineerder

Studie Koordineerder: Prof V. Bozalek

Direkteur: Onderrig en Leer
Privaat Sak X17, Belville, 7535
Suid Afrika
Tel: +27 (0) 21 9592848 / 3069
Fax: +27 (0) 21 9592012
E-pos: [email protected]
Weblad: www.uwc.ac.za
 231

UNIVERSITY OF THE WESTERN CAPE

Private Bag X 17, Bellville 7535, South Africa

Tel: +27 21-959, Fax: 27 21-959 2277

E-mail: [email protected]

VERBAL CONSENT FORM

Verbal Consent for a participant unable to read or write

Title of Research Project: The Transmission of Intergenerational Trauma in families in

Cape Town who have been displaced

I have discussed this research study with ..................................... using language which is
understandable and appropriate for the participant. I believe that I have fully informed
him/her of the nature of the study and its possible risks and benefits. I believe the participant
understood this explanation and assent to participate in this study.

Name of Researcher: Shanaaz Hoosain

Signature: ..........................................

Participant’s name .............................................................

Participant’s signature ......................................................
Witness ................................................................................
Date......................................................................................

Audio taping/Photographs/Digital Recordings

This research project involves making audiotapes and using photographs of you
___ I agree to be audiotaped/photographed during my participation in this study.
___ I do not agree to be audiotaped/photographed] during my participation in this study.
___ I agree that my old photographs /letters /documents can be used in the participation of
the study
___ I do not agree that my old photographs/letters/documents can be used in the
participation of the research project.
___ I agree that my old photographs/letters/documents can be used in the final report.
___ I do not agree that my old photographs/letters/documents can be used in the final report.
 232

Should you have any questions regarding this study or wish to report any problems you have
experienced related to the study, please contact the study coordinator:

Study Coordinator’s Name: Prof. V. Bozalek

Director: Teaching and Learning
Private Bag X17, Belville, 7535
South Africa
Tel: +27 (0) 21 9592848 / 3069
Fax: +27 (0) 21 9592012
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.uwc.ac.za
 233

APPENDIX V - INTERVIEW SCHEDULES

Interview Schedule for Life Histories

Life Histories – First generation and Second generation (if the second generation grew up
in Cape Town)

1. Can you tell me about your life, living and growing up in Cape Town in a time before
you moved to Mitchells Plain. You can include any early memories about your
grandparents or great grandparents and your family and friends

Vertel my van jou lewe, die lewe en groot-word in Kaapstad gedurende die tyd vóór
julle Mitchells Plain toe getrek het. Jy kan enige vroeë herinneringe oor oupas en
oumas of oupagrootjies en oumagrootjies insluit sowel as ander familie en vriende.

2. Could you please tell me about your family history or what you know about your
family’s history, also who told you and how did you come to hear about it. This can
include any events or incidents that you see as important or even traumatic

Vertel my van jou familie geskiedenis of wat jy oor jou familie geskiedenis weet en wie
dit vir jou vertel het of hoe jy daarvan te hore gekom het. Dit kan enige gebeurtenis of
voorval insluit wat jy dink belangrik is of selfs as traumaties beskou.

Life History – Third generation

1. Can you tell me about your life, living and growing up in Mitchells Plain. You can
include any early memories of your grandparents, great-grandparents, family and
friends.

Vertel my van jou lewe, jou lewe en groot-word in Mitchells Plain. Jy kan enige vroeë
herinneringe oor jou oupas en oumas, grootouers, familie en vriende insluit.

2. Could you please tell me about your family history or what you know about your
family’s history, also who told you and how did you come to hear about it. This can
include any events or incidents that you see as important or even traumatic

Vertel my van jou familie geskiedenis of wat jy oor jou familie geskiedenis weet en wie
dit vir jou vertel het of hoe jy daarvan te hore gekom het. Dit kan enige gebeurtenis of
voorval insluit wat jy dink belangrik is of selfs as traumaties beskou.
 234

Interview Schedule for Focus Groups

1. How would you describe the community your family lives in now , to the one your
family used to live in before they moved to Mitchells Plain

Hoe sal jy die gemeenskap beskryf waarin jou familie nou woon teenoor die
gemeenskap waarin hulle gewoon het vóór hulle Mitchells Plain toe getrek het?

2. Can you tell me about your family history , all the events that you feel are significant

Kan jy my vertel van jou gesin se geskiedenis, al die gebeure wat jy voel belangrik is?

3. Please tell me about all the relationships in your family and how everyone
communicates with each other

Vertel my asseblief van al die verhoudings in jou familie en hoe elke familielid met
elkeen van die ander kommunikeer?

4. Can you describe all the heroes in your family

Kan jy al die helde in jou familie beskryf?

5. Can you describe your family’s shining moments and how they have coped with all the
obstacles they have experienced including any traumatic events and apartheid

Kan jy jou familie se goeie momente beskryf sowel as hoe hulle al die struikelblokke
hanteer het wat oor hul pad gekom het, insluitend enige traumatiese gebeure én
apartheid?

6. What are the hopes and dreams for your family

Wat is die hoop en drome vir jou familie?

 235

Interview Schedule for Semi-structured Interviews

1. Please describe how the Group Areas Act affected you and your family, you can also
include how you and your family coped with this and your feelings about this

Beskryf asseblief hoe die Groepsgebiedewet jou en jou familie affekteer het? Jy kan ook
insluit hoe jy en jou familie dit hanteer het, sowel as jou gevoelens daaroor.

2. Can you tell me about your family’s history, whether there were any things in your
family’s history that you would have liked your parents to tell you more about, or what
you heard or know about and is not spoken about in your family, or you were told not
to talk about it, or you were perhaps too scared to ask about?

Vertel my van jou familie se geskiedenis, of daar enige iets in jou familie se geskiedenis
is waaroor jy bly sou wees as jou ouers jou daarvan vertel het, of waarvan jy gehoor
het of weet waaroor daar nie in die familie gepraat word nie of waaroor jy dalk gevra
is om nié te praat nie of waaroor jy dalk te bang is om oor te vra.

3. Can you please tell me about any significant events in your life or your family’s life
that you have not spoken about or told your family about and do not want anyone or
your children to know about. It could have been too sad or painful to talk about, or you
just did not think they needed to know.

Vertel my van enige betekenisvolle gebeure in jou lewe of jou familie se lewe waaroor
jy nog nie gepraat het nie óf jou familie vertel het nie en waarvan jy nie wil hê dat
enige iemand of jou kinders moet weet nie. Dit kon te hartseer of pynlik gewees het om
daaroor te praat of jy het dalk gedink dat hulle nie nodig het om te weet nie.

4. Please describe your family values or beliefs or things that are important to your family.
What you would like to pass on to the next generation or things that you celebrate
together, or rituals that you have.

Beskryf jou familie se waardes en oortuigings of dinge wat vir jou familie belangrik is.
Wat sal jy graag na die volgende generasie wil aangee t.o.v. dinge wat julle saam kan
vier of rituele wat julle het?

5. Please describe your relationship with your parents both when you were a child and
now as an adult , and if there are any changes .

Beskryf asseblief jou verhouding met jou ouers, beide toe jy ‘n kind was en nou as
volwassene en of daar enige veranderings is.

6. How would you describe the way children are raised in your family and the ways your
family communicates with each other.

Hoe sal jy die manier beskryf waarop kinders groot gemaak word in jou familie en die
maniere waarop jou familie met mekaar kommunikeer?
 236

7. Please describe how you feel about the fact that your family has a typical slave surname
given the history of Slavery in the Cape

Beskryf asseblief hoe jy voel oor die feit dat jou familie ‘n tipiese slawe-van het,
gegewe die geskiedenis van slawery in die Kaap.
 237

PLA DATA COLLECTION TOOLS

a) Community Mapping:

Purpose: To reveal people’s different perspectives about a community.

Step 1- Draw a picture/map of your home and neighbourhood including the resources that are

there.

Step 2 - Identify and label three things that you would like to change (these could be physical

things or relate to attitudes or social issues).

Step 3 - Share in your group, explaining your picture/map and the reasons for wanting things

to change.

b) Family River of Life

Purpose: To allow participants (the family) to reflect on key stages in their lives, positive
experiences and influences, and difficult challenges.

On the flipchart write/draw the following:

• River of life: key stages in your family life

• Tributaries: positive experiences and influences
• Rough waters: difficult challenges
(Stick on the drawing pictures of themselves and their families, business cards, souvenirs,
etc.)

Discussion

Various points on the river represent significant stages in one’s life:

• Tributaries are drawn to indicate key influences (e.g. people, education, books,
experiences, events, etc.) that have contributed directly or indirectly to theirlives and
work.
• Rough waters in the river illustrate times when one has encountered difficult
challenges in life that have potentially been the source of valuable learning.
• The river can run straight or it can twist (e.g. on turning point moments in one’s life).
It can also become narrow or widen, depending on the horizon perspective at a
particular moment in time.

c) Communication Map
Purpose: To understand relationships and communication patterns

Step - Draw yourself in the middle of the paper any way you like. Draw or name all the
people in your life. If you talk to them a lot, draw three lines from you to that person. If you
don’t talk much to them, draw one line and if you talk somewhat, draw two lines from you to
that person. On the line, write what you talk about.’
 238

d) Visioning
Purpose: To explore some images of the future to build dreams and hope.

Step 1 – Please draw your vision of the future for their community and their own lives
Step 2 - Can you please identify what is different in your picture to the current situation.

(Adapted from : Participatory learning and action : Community-based adaptation to climate

change, International Institute for Environmental Development)
 239

HERO BOOK TECHNIQUES

1. Family Heroes

Purpose: This activity is designed to find out what kind of role models the family has
celebrate their role in the family

Step - Please draw a picture or portrait of one or two heroes in your family on the same
page. Then explain why they are a hero, and why they mean so much to you.

2. Shining Moments - (when your family felt they had some power over obstacles or
problems)

Purpose: To clearly identify and hold on to, what seems possible, a different way of being,
which might become a turning point in the life of the family and the obstacle-problem-
solution.

Step - Please draw an actual time, a moment, when things felt different in the sense of feeling
a little or a lot more hopeful, and tell me about your drawing

3. Your Tactics and Tricks: (that give you power over problem-obstacles and that are likely
to result in lots more Shining Moments)

Purpose: Tricks and tactics are a kind of recipe for success, things they might try, or are
doing, to stop the obstacle-problem winning every time. These are things they can do alone or
with others.

Step - Please draw an actual time, a moment, when things felt different in the sense of feeling
a little or a lot more hopeful in your family and tell me about your drawing

(Adapted from J. Morgan : Memory, Life Story Work Manual)

 241

APPENDIX VI - DRAWINGS AND POETRY

Woodstock Woodstock (A poem written by Mr Valentine about the home and area he was forced
to move from)

Woodstock! Woodstock! A place where I was born, just before great Cape Town. A place of
history, what pleasant memories, great people was in Woodstocka place with history .No matter if
you were rich, no matter if you were poor, they looked out for each other with tender loving care,
Woodstock! Woodstock! I think of you a lot because of what I got. I’ll carry it in my soul

No matter if you Muslim or Christian, we grew up as a unit, close and close as can be. I’ll tell my
kids of You, with pride and joy, for with you I knew my place to pray or even to play, but let me
say respect to our elders was always no 1.

But Woodstock !Woodstock the people of today don’t even know your first name , not even
President Zuma or even Malema . But I will say with a smile on my face proud to call your first
name Papendorp, then Woodstock, hey they did not even know you had a beach and to get there we
had to cross a bridge over a railway track and freeway. But now today they took away our beach
with no place to show our kids where we played.

Hey they even today took our old school away, to make it a place for workshops. Can you believe
it? The audacity of the these people who call themselves historians, what history are they talking
about? This is not about a colour or a breed, it’s all about money and greed. What about us? We
were thrown on a bus.

Ek se jou wat ek het ook familie bonde gehet. Ons was so close jy kon nie deur ons kyk nie.My
ouma, my auntie, uncles en neephies was almal bymekaar, die einde van die jaar gaan ons kamp.
As ek dink dan wile k somer huil wants as ons nie gesky nie , het nie een van ons gegly nie. [ I tell
you , I also had family bonds. We were so close, you could not see through us. My granny, my aunt
, uncles and cousins , we would go camping the end of the year. As I think about it I want to cry
because if we were not separated , then not one of us would have slid]
 242

[Communication Map]
 243

[Communication Map]
 244

[Community Map]
 245

[Community Map]
 246

[Community Map]
 247

APPENDIX VII - DATA ANALYSIS TABLES OF FAMILIES

Caesar Tables

B. Transmission of Trauma

The Table below represents and describes how the trauma of slavery and displacement may have been transmitted across the family’s three generations

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission manifested in :

Transmission

First Socialization Silence and Society Effects Manifested in first generation as

Shame
Poverty: ons het baie swaar groot geword, …die eerste jaar wat my pa nou afsterwe. Want my pa het eintlik
TB gehad. Dis daarom was ons onder die welsyn [ We really struggled when we grew up, because that was
the first year that my father died. My father actually had TB and that is why we were given welfare services.
En my ma het gehad 6 kinders en ons moet toe skool toe stap…loop in die oggend. Daar was nou nie
transport daai tyd nie en uhm die welfare…daai tyd het hulle mos geroep die childlife, het toe vir ons ge-
onderhou. En dan een maal ‘n week het ons nou gegaan na Wynberg Townhall, waar ons mos nou ‘n lunch
gekry het.[ My mother has 6 children and we had to walk to school in the morning because there was no
transport. And the welfare services was called “Childlife” and they provided for us. And once a week we had
to go to Wynberg townhall we we received lunch.]
En dit was nou om die famile te help. En ek het toe nou nie eintlik veel skool gehad nie, want ek was nou die
oudste van die meisie kinders en ek moet ook by wit mense gaan werk het om my ma te help. [ And that was
to help the family. And then I did not really have much of an education because I was the eldest of the girls
and so I also had to work by white people to help my mother]
Loss & Separation:
Ek weet net my pa baie siek was. My ma het eintlik ingeslaap by wit mense En my ma het mos nog gewerk,
my ma was mos nou nie eintlik die een wat na ons gekyk het nie. Maar ok my ma het gesorge dat hier kos in
die huis in is, en uhm sy sal nou soos Saterdae as sy by die huis is. . [ I know my father was very ill. My
mother actually slept in by white people. And my mother worked , so she was not the one who cared for us,
but my grandmother cared for us, but ok my mother would see that we had food when she was home on a
Saturday]
Ek was baie hartseer because ek het ‘n baba verloor. En sy was siek gewees. En sy het TB gehad. En toe
ek my ouma weer verloor, toe was dit ook baie hartseer toe nou my ma ook. Ek was nou nie so hartseer to
 248

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission manifested in :

Transmission

my pa afsterwe nie, want daai was maar my eerste jaar op skool.So jonk…wel ‘n mens is hartseer want jy
sien die groot mense is hartseer en so aan. Nou begin jy te huil want hulle huil. Maar dan het jy nou nie so
baie by jou verstand soos wanneer jy groot is nie. [ I was heartbroken because I lost a baby. And she was
sick. And she also had TB. And then when I lost my grandmother , that was also sad and then my mother too.
I was not so sad when my father died because that time I was in my first year of school. So young and well a
person becomes sad when you see the adults are sad. Then you begin to cry because you see they are crying.]
Racialization : ek moet ook by wit mense gaan werk het om my ma te help. Daar’t baie wit mense ook tussen
ons in die area gebly. a soos die wit area het ons in gebly. Ja. En ons het ‘n wit predikant gehet. Ja ek het
toe so gegaan by ‘n plek om kyk na kinders wat ek nog jonk is ek was altyd die een wat so met die witmense
se kinders gewees het. [ I also had to work for white people to help my mother . There was a lot of white
people who lived in our area, like we lived in the white area. And our priest was white. Yes I went to a place
to look after children because I was still young and I was always the one who had to work with the white
people’s children.]
Second Socialization, silence Society, parenting Poverty : Ons het baie swaar groot geword...kaal voet skool toe gegaan. Ons het baie swaar gekry ma my
and shame ouma het agter ons gekyk.[ We struggled when we grew up , went to school barefeet. We really struggled (or
were poor) as my grandmother looked after us.
Racialization/ Displacement : Ons hettie die vooregte ge het soos wit mense nie. Daai tyd het my ouma
gewerk vir wit mense en my auntie het al die jare gewerk vir wit mense , my ma het ook gewerk vir wit mense.
Toe stuur hulle n brief uit Engeland od Amerika hulle sal likes om vir haar te sien. Ons want die kant
Wynberg, Contstancia mense ...het, het baie vooregte gehet om vir wit mense te werk. Oens hette poole gehet
nie, en jy kan jou kinders gebring it vir n’ dag of twee vir n’ holiday. Jy iet saam met hulle, jy nie een kant
gesit nie , jy het jou lunch tyd gekry, jou sak geld gekry , jou tyd wanner jy in die park kan gaan speel in het,
maar toes die group areas kom to change daai alles... toe word alles daai weggevat , [ We did not have the
privileges of as white people . That time my grandmother worked for white people and my aunt worked all
the years for white people, my mother also worked for white people. Then they sent her a letter from England
and America to say they would like to visit her. We who lived in Wynberg and Constantia, we had privileges
to work with white people. We did not have swimming pools and you could bring your children for a holiday
for a day or two. You could eat with them, you did not need to sit one side, you received your lunch time,
your pocket money and a time you could play in the park, but when the Group Areas came in so everything
changed... so everything got taken away.]
Third Socialization, silence Society, parenting Poverty : Ons het baie swaar gekry...soes ons hettie soos ander mense kos geeet nie, ons het pap geeet, soes
and Shame mielie meel en jungle oats. Is ma toes onse huis kla betaal het, het ons soes chops en steak geeet. Ek het nie st
6 toe gegaan nie want daai tyd toe kry my ma mos dies twins. Toes moet ek agater die kinders kyk want dit
was net my ma en pa wat gewerk het. Ek het agter hulle kyk toe hulle op skool is toe se my ma ek kan ma by
die huis bly ek hoefie te werk nie want sy en my pa werk. Toe kyk ek agter die kinders, maak kos en skoon
gemaak. Ek werk ma nou vir drie jaar [ We really struggled (were poor) like we did not eat like other people
 249

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission manifested in :

Transmission

ate, we had porridge, like mielie meel and jungle oats. It is only when our house was paid , that we ate meat
and steak . I did not go to high school because that time my mother had the twins and I had to look after them
because it was only my mother and father who worked. I took care of them till they went to school. and the
my mother said I can stay at home , I don’t need to work because she and my father worked. So I took care of
the children, cooked and cleaned the house. I am only working for the past 3 years.]
Racialization : Ek hoor op die nuus en soe van swat mense en wit mense maar nooit enige iets ge experience
nie. [ I heard on the news about black people and white people , but have not experienced anything.].

Trauma of Displacement

Generation Mechanism Means of

Transmission to next
generation
First Socialization Society Manifested (effects) in the first generation as
Silence, Shame Parenting Homelessness&Overcrowding : En ek het nou saam met my ma gebly Nou Bishop Lavis se huis was
eintlik my ma sin. Maar my ouma het mos saam met ons geverhuis… Maar. Die een seun bly by my,
maar hy’s mos al 30. Ja. Hy en sy seun. [ And I lived with my mother. Now the Bishop Lavis house
was actually my mother’s. But my grandmother had to move with us. My one son is living with me ,
he is already 30 years old. My son and grandson.]
Community Violence : En ons het nie eintlik baie visitors gehad nie, because die mense het altyd gese
julle gaan nou bly in “Kill me quick”… [ And we did not have many visitors because they said we
lived in “Kill me quick” ]
Second Socialization; Society, parenting, Effects manifested in second generation as
Enactment,
Silence Homelessness&Overcrowding : Ons het gebly by my ouma. Ons het tie lekker saam gebly nie. Ons het
Over-disclosure almal saam gebly in een huis . Ons was vier families in n’ een slaaplek huis. Ons moet op die vloer
Shame
geslaap het. Ons het soos kat aen hond aan geggaan want die huis was my ma se broer se huis. In
Projective Identification
Interpersonal 1982 or 3 het my ma n’ huis in Mitchells Plain gekry . [We stayed with my grandmother. We did not
live well together. We all lived together in one house. We were four families in a one bedroom house.
Relations
We have slept on the floor. We fought like cats and dogs because the house was my uncle’s. In 1982,
my mother got a home in Mitchells Plain.]
Loss& separation : Ons het by mekaar se huise geslaap , daai tyd to respek die mense vir ons. Maar
vandag... die kinders van verdag hulle is nie so nie. . Ons was altyd a close familie en met die
 250

Generation Mechanism Means of

Transmission to next
generation
neighbours ook. My vriend hy is ook nou dood. wag ons vir hom en daai dag het nooit aangebreek
omdat daai dag stamp die trein vir hom dood die slefde gebeur met my ma, ons sal iets gerreel het ons
sal iets vir haar daar by daai hotel in die Strand ...Lord Charles , ons sal al my ma’s vriende genooi
het. Ek my broer en al die kinders . ons sal iets vir haar gehou het. 27 sterf my ma . Ons gaan ma iets
gie nou vir die ou mense [We slept at each other's houses, that time we had to respect the peopleus.
But today ... the children they are not so suspicious.. We were always a close family and the neighbors.
My friend whodied. we were waiting for him and that day never come as that day the train knocked
him. The same happened with my mother, we arranged we will have something for her at that hotel in
the Strand ... Lord Charles, all my mother's friends were invited. My brother and all the children. We
will still have something for her party. On the 27th my mother died . We will still do something now
for old people]
ek het gehoop dat ek eendag soos Bafana se squad beruik het maar automaties... multiracial het ons
baie weg gehou. Apartheid het ons weg gehou van international , ons hettie gekom tot daar bo nie.
[one day I hoped that I would reach Bafana's squad[national soccer team] but automatically ...
multiracial kept many away. Apartheid kept us away from playing we could not reach there.]
Gangs & Crime Een broer van my was baie stout gewies... hy was die leader van die “terrible josters”
[ One of my brothers were very naughty. ... he was leader of the “terrible josters” (gang)]
Toe se ek jy moet klaar kom. Hulle het die mense gerop, rop die mense se geld en die merchants. Toe
se die gangsters vir my se vir jou broer ek gaan sy kop afkap en vir sy ma op n’t skink bord gie . Toesit
die Hardlivings en die Dixie boys wat mekaar dood skiet hiet agter... hulle daai mense doodgeskiet op
die veld. [When I said you should finish. They people gerop, rob the people's money and the
merchants. Then the gangsters tell me to your brother I'm going to chop off his head and give it to his
mother on a serving tray . So it was the Hardlivings and the Dixie boys who kill each other here behind
... they killed those people on the field.]
Community Violence
My pad was baie gevaarlik. Ek hettie ge wiet toe ek intrek dat daar was a merchant nie. Hulle het vir
n’t hele 5 maande geskiet. So ons het in baie gevaarlike area gewoon maar ek se dankie vir die Here
alles het stil kom word. Die mense was te bang om te kom visit. [My road was very dangerous. I did not
know when I moved there was a merchant (drug dealer). They were shooting for five months. So we
lived in very dangerous area but I thank God everything went quiet. People were afraid to come visit.]
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Generation Mechanism Means of

Transmission to next
generation
Third Socialization Society , parenting, Effects Manifested in Third Generation as :
Enactment
Silence, Homelessness&Overcrowding Ons het by my ouma gebly tot dat ons onse eie huis kry. Ek was vier
Over-disclosure jaar oud toe het ons nog n’ upstairs huis to brand my pa my. Toe kom my pa op met die stairs en ek
Shame
hardloop toe vas in hom....Ek het afgekom hardloop en toe val die koekende water op my . Ek is nou
Enmeshment
Interpersonal nog soe.... my hele lyf is gebrand. Ek was n’ jaar en ses maande in die hospital. (She shows me how
her body was burnt) [ We lived with my grandmother until we had our own house. I was four years old
Relations
when we had an upstairs house . Then my dad came up the stairs and I ran in it .... I was running and
the boiling water fell on me. I'm still scarred ... My whole body is burned. I was a year and six months
in hospital.]
Family Communication
Community violence;
Dit was baie gevaarlik. Ons kannie skool toe gegaan hettie vir weke tot n’ maad omdat die skietery.
Ons het in die kaste en onder die kooie geslaap ...daai’s die beste. Ons het in die territory van die
Americans gebly , een huis weg in onse pad. Hulle het ook drugs vekoep. Ons kannie buite gespeel
hettie dan se hulle ons moet binne die huis gaan omdat hull soe skiet. Ek het gese as ek eendag n’ kind
kry will ekkie he sy moet so opgroei soes wat eke . [It was very dangerous. We could not go to school .
For weeks till a month they were shooting. We slept in the closets and under the bunks ... that's the
best. We stayed in the territory of the Americans, one house away in our street. They were also selling
drugs . We could not play outside . They said we should go inside the house because they were
shooting. I said if I get one day a child I do not want her to grow up so like me.
Poverty : Education

Table : Mechanisms and Means of Trauma transmission

Mechanism Main Transmission Factor Present in Family (Manifested as)

1 Interpersonal Unconscious displaced emotion My ma het eintlik ingeslaap by wit mense En my ma het mos nog gewerk, my ma was mos nou nie eintlik die een
(projective identification; wat na ons gekyk het nie. Maar ok my ma het gesorge dat hier kos in die huis in is, ek moet ook by wit mense
Relations
enactment, over-disclosure) gaan werk het om my ma te help. [My mom actually slept in by white people and and worked there, my mother
was not the one who cared for us , but ok she saw that we had food in the house.I also went to work for white
people to help my mother]
2 Socialization Society Ons het tie lekker saam gebly nie. Ons het almal saam gebly in een huis. Ons was vier families in n’ een
slaaplek huis. Ons moet op die vloer geslaap het. Ons het soos kat aen hond aan geggaan want die huis was my
ma se broer se huis.[ We did not live well together. We were four families in one house and one bedroom. We
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Mechanism Main Transmission Factor Present in Family (Manifested as)

fought like cats and dogs because the house was my uncle’s.]
Society , parenting Racialization : Ek moet ook by wit mense gaan werk het om my ma te help. My ma het eintlik ingeslaap by wit
mense. [ I also I had to work for white people to help my mother. My mother slept in by white people.]
Ons want die kant Wynberg, Constantia mense ...het, het baie vooregte gehet om vir wit mense te werk. [ We
who lived in Wynberg and Constantia had many privileges working for white people. ] Daar’t baie wit mense
ook tussen ons in die area gebly, soos die wit area het ons in gebly. Ja. En ons het ‘n wit predikant gehet.[
There were white people living in our area , we lived in a white area.]
Poverty : Ek het nie st 6 toe gegaan nie want daai tyd toe kry my ma mos dies twins. Toes moet ek agater die
kinders kyk want dit was net my ma en pa wat gewerk het. Ek het agter hulle kyk toe hulle op skool is toe se my
ma ek kan ma by die huis bly ek hoefie te werk nie want sy en my pa werk. Toe kyk ek agter die kinders, maak
kos en skoon gemaak. Ek werk ma nou vir drie jaar.[ I did not go to high school because that time my mother
had the twins and I had to look after them because it was only my mother and father who worked. I took care of
them till they went to school. and the my mother said I can stay at home , I don’t need to work because she and
my father worked. So I took care of the children, cooked and cleaned the house.]
Society Poverty : Homelessness&Overcrowding : Ons het gebly by my ouma. Ons het tie lekker saam gebly nie. Ons het
almal saam gebly in een huis . Ons was vier families in n’ een slaaplek huis.[ We lived with my grandmother.
We did not live well together. We all lived in one house . We were four families in a one bedroom house.]
Society Trauma of displacement and apartheid : Het die group omgekom en ons moet toe ma verhuis. Maar ons het toe
eers verhuis toe’t ons van Wynberg af, toe het ons gaan bly in Bishop Lavis. Maar ons het dit nie goed gevind
in Bishop Lavis nie, want ons was gewoond Wynberg.[ The Group Areas came in and we had to move. But we
first had to move to move from Wynberg to Bishop Lavis]
Baie van onse bruin mense wat mooi plekke gehetit in Wittebome, Constancia Wynberg , as ons daai plekke kon
weer terug kry dan sal ons nie so gesukkel het nie. Ek mean ons sal well af gewies het. Die facilities was goed,
dit was still gewies en jy sal nie miskien involve geraak het met gansterims of drugs nie, Jy sal gekyk het vir a
future voorentoe vir jou, daai’s wat ek nou dink. [ Lots of us ‘Coloured’ people who had nice places in
Wittebome, Constancia and Wynberg, if you could have those places back again, then we would not have
struggled. I mean we would have been well off. The facilities was good and you would maybe not have become
involved in gangsterism or drugs .You would have looked towards a future , that;s what I think.] (Caesar 2nd
generation)
Community Violence: Dit was baie gevaarlik. Ons kannie skool toe gegaan hettie vir weke tot n’ maad omdat
die skietery. Ons het in die kaste en onder die kooie geslaap. [ It was very dangerous . We could not go to
school because they were shooting for weeks till a month. We slept in the cupboards and under the beds]
Gangs: Een broer van my was baie stout gewies... hy was die leader van die “terrible josters” [ One of my
brothers was very naughty . He was the leader of the “Terrible Josters” (gang).
 253

Mechanism Main Transmission Factor Present in Family (Manifested as)

3 Family Enmeshment Ons was vier families in n’ een slaaplek huis. Ons moet op die vloer geslaap het. Ons het soos kat aen hond
Communication aan geggaan [ We were 4 families in a one bedroomed house. We fought like cats and dogs]
4 Silence Individual Alcohol&Drugs : My ma hettie ver ons vertel wat daar aan gaan nie .[ My mother did not tell us about what
was going on in the house] (Cousins living in the house was on drugs)

5. Shame and Individual, Society Loss&Separation : Ek het gehoop dat ek eendag soos Bafana se squad beruik het maar automaties.... Apartheid
Humiliation het ons weg gehou, ons hettie gekom tot daar bo nie. [ I hoped that one day I would play for Bafana Bafana
(national soccer team), but Apartheid kept us away, we were not able to reach the national team.]
Housing: . Toe kom my pa op met die stairs en ek hardloop toe vas in hom....Ek het afgekom hardloop en toe
val die koekende water op my . Ek is nou nog soe.... my hele lyf is gebrand. Ek was n’ jaar en ses maande in die
hospital.[ Then my father came upstairs and I ran into him. I came running down the stairs and then the boiling
water fell on me. I am still scarred ... my whole body was burnt. I was in hospital for a year and a half. ]
Poverty : Ons het baie swaar gekry...soes ons hettie soos ander mense kos geeet nie, ons het pap geeet, soes
mielie meel en jungle oats. [We really struggled (were poor) like we did not eat like other people ate, we had
porridge, like mielie meel and jungle oats]
 254

Diedericks Tables

Table : Mechanisms and Means of Trauma transmission

Mechanism Main Transmission Factor Present in Family (Manifested as)

1 Interpersonal Unconscious displaced emotion Ek glo, van die tyd van my man se dood, my familie moet rondom my wees.[ Since my husband’s death, I
(projective identification; believe that my family should be around me.]
Relations
enactment, over-disclosure)
because we are always together, we are always entwined in sharing with one another

2 Socialization Society Community Violence: The people are robbing each other, they’re killing each other, drunken people
everywhere so if the community could change in that way.
Trauma of Displacement : Hoekom ons getrek het, want destyds het hulle mos vir ons gese van group areas.
Daar was nie crime soos dit nou hier in Mitchell’s Plain is nie, en die mense was lief vir mekaar daarso. toe
verhuis ons Manenberg toe. Uit Kensington Manenberg, en van Manenberg af Mitchell’s Plain . : Ons het
niks gehou daarvan nie. [ The reason why we moved was because of the Group Areas that time. There was no
crime like here in Mitchells Plain and people loved each other. Then we moved to Manenberg and from
Kensington to Manenberg and from Manenberg to Mitchells Plain. We did not like it at all.]
Society, parenting Poverty : En sy het net laer skool gegaan, maar ek wou haar nie verder stuur nie, dit was eintlik my fout
gewees. [ She (daughter) only went to primary school, but I did not send her further. It was my fault actually.]

Society Trauma of displacement and apartheid : (Loss & Separation):

3 Family Enmeshment Because we are always together, we are always entwined in sharing with one another.
Communication
Ek glo, van die tyd van my man se dood, my familie moet rondom my wees.[ Since my husband’s death I
believe that my family should be around me.
Not actually that we’ve been through a difficult time, because my sister, the eldest one, she works and she
always provides everybody.
4 Silence Individual, Family, Society Silence: My twee boys, toe hulle betrokke raak by verkeerde vrinde. Daar het al baie dinge hier gebeur.[ My
two boys they became involved with the wrong friends. Lots of things happened here.]
5. Shame and Individual, Family, Society Education : En sy het net laer skool gegaan, maar ek wou haar nie verder stuur nie, dit was eintlik my fout
Humiliation gewees. . [ She (daughter) only went to primary school, but I did not send her further. It was my fault actually]
Gangs/ Drugs : My twee boys, toe hulle betrokke raak by verkeerde vriende [.[ My two boys they became
involved with the wrong friends]
 255

B. Transmission of Trauma

The Table below represents and describes how the trauma of slavery may have been transmitted across the family’s three generations

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission manifested in :

Transmission
First Socialization Society Effects Manifested in first generation as
Silence and Shame
Poverty: “Daai tyd was maar swaar gewees, ma het gewerk by die poskantoor in die Kaap. Sy was die cleaner.
Daai tyd toe moet ek maar handjie bysit. koerante verkoop en daai.” .”[ That time was very difficult , my
mother worked at the post office in Cape Town. She was the cleaner. That time I had to give a hand and help
and I sold newspapers]
Loss & Separation: die tweede wereld oorlog…Hy’t nie terug gekom nie. Ek het nie my pa geken nie[ the
second world war. He did not come back . I did not recognise him (father)]
Alcohol abuse : This was not raised in any of the interviews but daughters and granddaughter mentions this
Intimate partner violence : Mr. September did not mention this although his daughter alleges that he was violent
towards her mother . The only reference Mr. September made about any difficulty in the relationship was
“...gaan vir ‘n skei” ..sy het gegaan [going for a divorce.. she went ]
Second Society, parenting, Effects Manifested in Second generation as
enactment
Poverty: ons het baie swaar groot geraak. Vat ons ‘n sakkie saam dan kom ons met daai, dan eet ons daar aan.
Kakebene. [ We struggled when we grew up. Then we take a packet with us and then we eat on that...
“jawbones” ]
Loss & Separation: Ek is nou 49 years old. ...Ek het my oudste seun verloor. Die een het hulle geskiet, nou
die oudste een is dood, hy sal 30 gewees het Toe staan ek mos ma en pa nou om vir hom te begrawe het. My pa
was nooit daar gewees nie. Daar was nooit tyd waar ons kan se…soos ‘n pa liefde gee vir die kinders nie. Ons
ken nie daai nie.[ I am now 49 years old , I lost my eldest son. The one they shot, he was the eldest and he
would have been 30. Then I stood as mother and father when he was buried . My father was never there. There
was never a time that we could say we have a father’s love as children]
Alcohol abuse : Ek is jammer ek het ‘n drink in my liggaam nou. Hy’t altyd vir ons…dronk uit die werk uit .
Dan sit ek so, ok haal ma …vat ma so ‘n bietjie om jou mind… darem dit ease jou, dan dink jy nie meer nie.
because ek kan sonder dit. . [ I am sorry , I have a drink in my body. Then I sit and think ok... maybe I should
have a drink to ease my mind , then I don’t need to think. I can do without a drink.]
Intimate partner violence& Family Violence : My pa het my ma ge-abuse. Hy‘t vir haar ge-abuse, dan kom hy
terug dan kom hy… ek was klein, dan kom hy, met ‘n top sakkie aan daai jare. Dan lig hy vir ons op, dan sit
ek en my ma, ons almal, dan sit ons so. Dan lig hy daai kooi net so op. Ons word omgetip met daai kooi.
Hoekom hy my ma so behandel het, daai. Dis ‘n question, ek weet ons was klein gewees, maar ons het daai
 256

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission manifested in :

Transmission
dinge raak gesien. Ek is opgegroei met daai. En dit sal tog nie weggaan nie. [ My father abused my mother.
He abused her and then he would return, then he would come with alcohol. He would lift up the bed then my
mother and I are sitting on it and we are all sitting on it. Then he would tip the bed upside down. How could he
abuse my mother like that? That is the question I want to know. I know we were young, but we saw those
things, I grew up with that and it will not go away.]
Ek moet gevlug het wat die man aan my doen. I’m abused women, [ I had to flee, because of what my husband
did to me]
Racialization : Ja dit was net die hare en die, en die wit vrou en die. Hulle het altyd eerste gekom. En dan het
die wit man altyd gesorg dat die kinders…ons het onse boeke gekry Op die tv het hulle altyd so gewys…hoe het
die swart man, die swart mense swaar gekry, die slawe, het deur die wit man, …kinnetjies gekry. Die swart
man. Hulle het nou die granste jobbe. Ons kinders sit nog hier buite wat matriek is. [ Yes , it was just the hair
and the white woman. They came first. And then the white man would always care for the children, see to it that
we received our books. On the news that is where I saw how the black man struggled, the slaves had children
from white men. The black man, now they have the grandest jobs.]
Effects Manifested in Third generation as
Poverty: So we were through a tough time, because why we never had food. We would live…my father would
go to town centre to go pick up fruit, when the people throw it away, onions and stuff, we would eat. We would
eat like uhm … we never ate for almost 3 months we ate … we didn’t know how it was to eat meat because ...
we just ate pumpkin food and vegetables, the vegetables that my father get by his friends, and picked up in the
Town Centre. But for me it was very difficult, I thought… this was like this is the break through, that my father
got a job now that we can have food again
Loss & Separation: Because why…I…my daddy went to sea Now when he come from sea I don’t want trouble.
And today my father don’t even know what happened still. She never told my father. My
father…because…I can still remember the time when my father use to come from sea (he’s for 25 years now
that he’s still working at sea) when he came from sea, But as I grew up, they don’t know what I’m going
through. They don’t know the hurt that I’m carrying now. For them its like…now everytime when we have an
argument, and it feels like I don’t have support from them. The only support is that I deal with my problems
myself.
My eldest brother passed away. So she was pregnant with me. I don’t know if it’s the hatred that she carried
because it was the time that my brother…he died a month before I was born. I was … Tony died March and I
was born April. Now I don’t know if she maybe blames me…maybe God gave her…maybe gave me and he
took her son away
Alcohol abuse : and everybody was drinking. And the people that was living there, My mother raised…I don’t
know…but that time on my mother wasn’t drinking that time, but as I grew up I saw her drinking, but I know
 257

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission manifested in :

Transmission
she was abused.
Intimate partner violence : . My pa slaan my ma. dan hoor ek my pa het my ma geslaan [ My mother hits my
father and then I have to hear my father hit my mother]
when I got met his father…met his father. Now it seems like, I don’t know if that is the thing that made me
…that his father hurt me.

Trauma of Displacement

Generation Mechanism Means of

Transmission to next
generation
First Socialization Society Manifested (effects) in the first generation as
Silence, Shame Parenting Poverty, homelessness, alcohol abuse; intimate partner violence, loss & separation
Homelessness& Overcrowding : Was homeless but did not mention say (confirmed by second “ Jy was ‘n
bergie gewees al die jare en daai” [ You were a vagrant all the the years ]
Second Socialization; Society, parenting, Effects manifested in second generation as
Enactment,
Silence Homelessness &Overcrowding : Ja omdat ons almal was daar in die huis in. Ons het in ‘n een kamer
Over-disclosure gelewe ne,[ Yes because we all lived in one house. We lived in one room]
Shame
Projective Identification Community Violence : En met die heel eerste riot... Een van ‘n vriend van my…hulle het op die hoek gebly.
Interpersonal
…toe het hulle sommer ingehardloop daarso, teargas en sy was geslat gewees. Hulle het een jongetjie kind
Relations het hulle geskiet, hy was 7 jaar oud toe skiet hulle vir hom. Bullets in en alles daai. Klein kindertjies en
groot mense het gele. Ek het almal daai dinge raak gesien. Daai was daai jare. En my kind wat gesteek is
, hy’s dan net by die deur uit, net gisteraand. Net op in die pad, daar steek hulle vir hom. [ Then with the
first riot... One of my friends they lived on the corner , when they (police) just ran in and they shot teargas
and they hit her. They shot one child and he was 7years old then they shot him. Bullets and all. Small
children and adults were laying there . I saw all of that. That was those years. And my son who they
stabbed...it just happened last night. Just in the street they stabbed him]
Gangs & Crime: Daar was gewees…daar was ‘n klompie gang related soos dit is hier in die Mitchell’s Plain
in. Daar was die 7 sewes, hulle gecall vir hulle; hulle was ook ‘n gang gewees. Dan was daar gewees die
young red killers, dan is dit nou gewees … wat is die ander gang…die Mongerols was ook almal daar. [
Then there were many gang related like here in Mitchells Plain. There were 7 gangs. The Young Red
 258

Generation Mechanism Means of

Transmission to next
generation
Killer, and other gangs, the Mongrels and all that.]
Drugs: ‘n Jaar en ‘n half kry hy ‘n werk op die see. .. Terugkom, kom kom haal hy sy drugs. [ A year and a
half he (husband) worked at sea .. and he returned and then he came for his drugs]
Third Socialization Society , parenting, Effects Manifested in Third Generation as :
Enactment
Silence, Homelessness &Overcrowding I passed to grade 10 but I dropped out of school, because why the condition
Over-disclosure of our house. I couldn’t sleep at night because they were going going on and I had to go to school. … only
Shame
thing is unhealthy for a lot of people to live in one house. There was two married couples in one room, we
Enmeshment
Interpersonal had our own room. My granny was also living with them in one room, and there was another couple at the
bottom, and there was people in the yard. … for me it wasn’t easy growing up, because why it was 14 years
Relations like that.
Family Community Violence : it was always violence there where we use to live. We lived there, a few houses away
Communication
my mommy’s sister use to live there. I can still remember this day. There was a man, and a lady and
children living there, they were renting a room there. So this man use to call me in and then he would tell he
would give me money. I was four or five years old. Because there are sometimes things that you can’t
remember, but if its something like that you will always remember. And you will grow up with it.
Gangs & Crime: but as he came on drugs, he started stealing from me. For this environment here I would
like the gangsters, and this drug dealers that is selling drugs, I would the police must get them and lock them
up, or destroy the places where the drug is made. then we have to suffer because why we can’t even go late
to the shop, because you don’t know whose standing around the corner, and waiting for you to take your
money. And its happening in the road. For me the environment it’s nice. The people that are living around
now is nice. But the gangsters is walking up and down. Now I don’t know what to do, but for me I think it
would be best if the druggies, I don’t care about the gangsters, because why they choose to live like that
Drugs& Alcohol And as my other brother. He is on tik. They drink, he’s on drugs, my father’s on drugs. .
My mother’s drinking. If she don’t have money, then she won’t drink
 259

Table : Mechanisms and Means of Trauma transmission

Mechanism Present in Main Transmission Factor (Manifested as)

Family
1 Interpersonal Unconscious displaced emotion Intimate partner violence : Hoekom hy my ma so behandel het, daai. Dis ‘n question, ek weet ons was klein
(projective identification; gewees, maar ons het daai dinge raak gesien. Ek is opgegroei met daai. En dit sal tog nie weggaan nie. [ Why
Relations
enactment, over-disclosure) did he treat my mother that way.That is the question that I want to know. , I know we were young, but we saw
those things . I grew up with that and it won’t go away.]
Alcohol abuse : ek is jammer ek het ‘n drink in my liggaam nou.. Dan sit ek so, ok haal ma …vat ma so ‘n
bietjie om jou mind… darem dit ease jou, dan dink jy nie meer nie. [ I am sorry , I have a drink in my body.
Then I sit and think ok... maybe I should have a drink to ease my mind , then I don’t need to think.]
Drug abuse : my other brother. He is on tik. They drink, he’s on drugs, my father’s on drugs.
Loss and separation : It feels like I don’t have support from them. The only support is that I deal with my
problems myself. my eldest brother passed away. So she was pregnant with me. I don’t know if it’s the
hatred that she carried because it was the time that my brother…he died a month before I was born. I was …
Tony died March and I was born April. Now I don’t know if she maybe blames me…maybe God gave
her…maybe gave me and he took her son away
2 Socialization Society, parenting Alcohol abuse from slave heritage
Hy’t altyd vir ons…dronk uit die werk uit[ He would always come home drunk after work.] If my mother’s
not drinking really, there’s no problem.
Society , parenting intimate partner violence : My pa slaan my ma;[ My father hits my mother]
Hoekom hy my ma so behandel het, daai. Dis ‘n question, ek weet ons was klein gewees, maar ons het daai
dinge raak gesien. Ek is opgegroei met daai. En dit sal tog nie weggaan nie. [ Why did he treat my mother
that way.That is the question that I want to know. , I know we were young, but we saw those things . I grew
up with that and it won’t go away.]
Society, parenting Poverty : Ek het uit die skool uitgegaan… want ek het gevoel om my ma te gaan help werk. Ek was 14 jaar
oud. [I passed to grade 10 but I dropped out of school, because why the condition of our house.]

Society, parenting Trauma of displacement and apartheid : Community violence (riots) Hulle het een jongetjie kind het hulle
geskiet, hy was 7 jaar oud toe skiet hulle vir hom. Bullets in en alles daai. Klein kindertjies en groot mense
het gele. Ek het almal daai dinge raak gesien. Daai was daai jare. [ They shot one boy , he was 7 years old,
then they shot him. Bullets and all that. Small children and adults were laying there. I saw all that. That was
those years.]
Community Violence : it was always violence there where we use to live we can’t even go late to the shop,
because you don’t know whose standing around the corner, and waiting for you to take your money. And its
 260

Mechanism Present in Main Transmission Factor (Manifested as)

Family
happening in the road.
Racialization : Ja dit was net die hare en die, en die wit vrou en die. Hulle het altyd eerste gekom.[ Yes is was
just the hair, and the white woman]
Hoe het die swart man, die swart mense swaar gekry, die slawe, het deur die wit man, …kinnetjies gekry,
groot mense hoe hulle werk. Die swart man. Hulle het nou die granste jobbe. Ons kinders sit nog hier buite
wat matriek is.[ How did the black man struggle ? The black man struggled and the slaves had children
through the white man. The black man, they now have grand jobs. Our children who have matric are still
sitting outside]
3 Family Communication Enmeshment only thing is unhealthy for a lot of people to live in one house. so obviously there was conflict... My cousin
will steal our clothes before we go.
4 Silence Individual, Family, Society Community Violence (child abuse) but this I never told my mommy and my daddy all she told me was don’t
tell your father what happened. And I kept my mouth because I was still a child. She never told my father
Sy het nie eintlik baie gepraat nie. [ She never actually spoke much]
Loss and separation : Ek praat nie[ I don’t talk]
5. Shame and Humiliation Individual, Family, Society Intimate partner violence:, Almal weet wat my man maak. [ Everyone knows what my husband does]
Community Violence (child abuse)
Poverty : when I grew up with 4 families in the house, I could never have friends invited over because why I
couldn’t, because that time I was so shy because why everytime it was in our house…the people knew here
around that that people is gonna have…then we as children stand or they stab each other with knives in the
house,
Alcohol&Drug abuse : If she’s got money then she goes drink and she makes a fool of herself in the road.
She started arguing with all the people.
Ek is jammer ek het ‘n drink in my liggaam nou..[ I am sorry I have taken a drink.]
 261

Jacobs Family

Transmission of Trauma

The Table below represents and describes how the trauma of slavery and displacement may have been transmitted across the family’s three generations

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission manifested in :

Transmission
First Socialization Society Effects Manifested in first generation as
Silence and Shame
Poverty: Luckily my mother worked all her years; she never even smoked a cigarette. She was practically
supporting the family.
Loss & Separation: For me that was some of the best days of my life. The little I remember. I remember that
you know everything was so convenient, so close…you know it was just a stone throw away, kind of. You know
here you moved to places like Hanover Park where there wasn’t even a proper bus terminus, a bus service you
know. You have to travel and you had to spend so much money to get to essential places like shops and
whatever, you know
Alcohol abuse : he [pause] became a compulsive drinker you know Now you know he’s in a different
environment, so he started drinking.
Second Socialization, Society, parenting Poverty : my father and my mother both worked, so we grew up with you know my grandmother raised us
silence and shame practically, and she stayed in Distrik 6. So I was like almost broke before I decided to start this shop. so I have
been through a tough time for these four years you know. It shows you…I felt for a bit…these four years I
struggled so much that I …I gave up actually on life.
Alcohol abuse : That’s why I never drink in my whole life you know, because I hate it. Because he would go to
the shebeen, get robbed and then he comes home without money. so that’s why I never stayed I never used drugs,
alcohol because she was doing it all the time.
Loss& separation : For me that was some of the best days of my life. The little I remember. I remember that you
know everything was so convenient, so close…you know it was just a stone throw away, kind of. You know
here you moved to places like Hanover Park where there wasn’t even a proper bus terminus, a bus service you
know. You have to travel and you had to spend so much money to get to essential places like shops and
whatever, you know . . As I said it was just a one bedroom, a kitchen and a outside toilet.
I: Was the house bigger in town?
P: Much bigger yes, much bigger. I think it was 3 or 4 bedrooms. I probably had like R5000 …. So I fixed up
the garage, started the shop and …and uhm…I have been… my family. I put my daughter through university
you know, I bought like probably more than 10 cars from that. I had you know adequate bank account you
know, we were living a good life you know pause and … until four years ago And … so I have been through a
tough time for these four years you know. you know we’re not well off, but there was a time when we were ok.
 262

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission manifested in :

Transmission
You know when we had the shop. We were very successful.
And I had to cross all their territories to go to school, and so often I had to run for my life you know. So pause
there went all the potential I had you know. Then I finished 1980 pause I couldn’t write my final exam, but up till
then I only had A’s and B’s you know. And, and so I went to look for work. because I played provincial soccer
I could have made the but that time it was different also man…
You know…obviously the mother and me…we’re not married anymore
Racialization : She was uhm her father was European or can’t say European lady…South African…but
Afrikaner,
And he’s married to also a white women, a UK citizen, My father and mother wasn’t really involved, my father
was kind of, I would say, brainwashed in terms of …ok we’re surviving under the white government so why rock
the boat. He say what will happen if the blacks come in parliament, but I took a different view towards those
things you know.
Third Socialization, Society, parenting Loss& Separation Mmm obviously it heart sore for me because I am growing up in this place and they grew up
silence and Shame there with no bad memories. Just the environment was far better than this. They did not have to worry about
anything. Everybody was just living their own life, you know? It was like a whole lot of father, everybody was
family, that’s how I see it. Ja that’s about it
What’s happening is now they are staying in one house, and they obviously “talaked”, you know who wants to
stay in the same house? So memories of them being together was my happiness. The negative part is when they
“talaked”, when they divorced
Racialization : Although since the white man is not ruling, there’s been so much changes but the still not enough
for us for what our parents went through understand? Certain people the white man will employ you and you
will work under him, but the black man will work under you. So to me it’s still messed up. Why must the black
man be lower than the coloured and the coloured be lower than the white man?
 263

Trauma of Displacement

Generation Mechanism Means of

Transmission to next
generation
First Socialization Society Manifested (effects) in the first generation as
Silence, Shame Parenting Poverty: Education
Homelessness& Overcrowding :
Community Violence
Second Socialization; Society, parenting, Effects manifested in second generation as
Enactment, Over-
Silence Homelessness&Overcrowding : Yor we were a big family. I was staying…I was staying with ... my grandmother
disclosure
from my father’s side. But … my step grandfather had…was previously married, so he had children, and they
Shame
Projective were all raised in that house. then they moved to…and the house was very small. As I said it was just a one
Interpersonal Identification bedroom, a kitchen and a outside toilet.
Relations Community Violence : The kind of things that everyone that growing up in Hanover Park goes through, dodging
bullets now and then. , but they often came here, and even on Eid day to raid our house to see if there’s drugs,
guns, even got one tattoo on my body. You know what I’m saying?
Gangs & Crime: There was always gang fights, they were robbing the people all the time …and
And that boy they killed was in my class in matric. I was still young that time you know, 17, 18 and uhm … and
the cops forced us to be witnesses in this case. So every time when we go to court, you know like a 100 of those
heavily tattooed men would come to the court and they would say is it this one, is it that one. That threathening
behaviour to intimidate you kind of, you know. And it went so bad, that time there was no court, the nearest court
was Athlone, Wynberg and Retreat, but I think we appeared in Retreat. It was still an old school building that they
used as a court. And they just chucked out…it was a murder case…they just chucked it out, because even the
cops was afraid. Because they would turn up in hundreds at the court building you know, because this was like
their biggest leader in the Mongrel gang. And ... I couldn’t go to school there you know. From Groenvlei, and
my school is on the Vangaurd side, Crystal High.
And I had to cross all their territories to go to school, and so often I had to run for my life you know. So ... there
went all the potential I had you know.
Poverty : Education So ... there went all the potential I had you know. You know even my cousin that’s been …
older cousin we all grew up in one house, he went to university. He use to tell my children you know your father
had so much potential, his grades he had up till matric was better than most people on university level. I mean my
one daughter she’s been to UWC and she would come home and I could help her with her homework. Do you
know what I am saying?
And … but anyway…that’s another chapter. Then I finished 1980 ... I couldn’t write my final exam, but up till
 264

Generation Mechanism Means of

Transmission to next
generation
then I only had A’s and B’s you know. And, and so I went to look for work. I got a job in town, Council Head
Office. I started off as a messenger and in that time there I had like…I was promoted thrice, because they could
see I had the potential.
Third Socialization Society , parenting, Effects Manifested in Third Generation as :
Enactment
Silence, Community Violence : A stray bullet or something like that hit me... so to me this….
Over-disclosure
Shame Yes and I would want anybody else younger than me to live in a place like this. Ja they were shooting on this
Enmeshment house on the corner, this woman sold drugs.
Interpersonal
She just moved in a year ago, and it’s going like that. Then what happened was I played with my friends down the
Relations
road, and that’s how it came that I got shot. less gangsterism and drug infested. this is a horrible place, I mean we
go sleep at night ne honestly yor (…) just last night no say three nights ago, it was like war here really bullets this
side and that side.
Family
Communication Its not lekker here, to live in a place like this. I told my mommy them also I am not comfortable here, it’s not for
me it’s. It’s yor. You don’t know when something happen to anybody in your house or…it’s horrible.

Table : Mechanisms and Means of Trauma transmission

Mechanism Main Transmission Present in Family/ Evidence (Manifested as)

Factor
Interpersonal Unconscious I am really an open book you know I find it difficult to keep secrets. So…there’s nothing significant that I kept from them.
displaced emotion
Relations What’s happening is now they are staying in one house, and they obviously “talaked”, you know who wants to stay in the same
(over-disclosure)
house? So memories of them being together were my happiness. The negative part is when they “talaked”, when they divorced
But to have peace in the house, then everybody would say … all the children would say… “Daddy you stop, you know she won’t
stop”. You just stand back and let her have her way you know.
Socialization Society Alcohol abuse from slave heritage : I don’t know much about my father but he ... became a compulsive drinker you know,
Society , parenting Ok look uhm I regard…I have a high regard for education, you know. Like all my children, without exceptions, except the one’s still
at school, they finished matric you know
Society Community violence : A stray bullet or something like that hit me...
Society Trauma of displacement and apartheid : Ok we…obviously we were affected because we stayed in District 6 and we were forced to be
 265

Mechanism Main Transmission Present in Family/ Evidence (Manifested as)

Factor
removed; I
think you know ... I don’t know much about my father but he ... became a compulsive drinker you know, but he was never like that in
his younger days. So I don’t know…because he… what I probably also think because he had to make new friends; like certain
amenities was restricted for whites, so we only could only go to Kalkbay, Strandfontein you know and you know. We experienced
that in our lives you know, and we didn’t like it, we hated that. To me its messed up.
I honestly think we’re still living the same, we still getting treated the same, we haven’t moved forward ever since. Although since
the white man is not ruling, there’s been so much changes but the still not enough for us for what our parents went through understand
Family Enmeshment What’s happening is now they are staying in one house, and they obviously “talaked”, you know who wants to stay in the same
Communication house? So memories of them being together was my happiness. The negative part is when they “talaked”, when they divorced
Silence Individual, Family, I would like to find out more really, but she’s not one to speak man…
Society
Trauma of Slavery
Shame and Individual, Family, Loss and separation : Then I finished 1980 ... I couldn’t write my final exam, but up till then I only had A’s and B’s you know.
Humiliation Society
Displacement : housing then they moved to…and the house was very small. As I said it was just a one bedroom, a kitchen and a
outside toilet.
Poverty : That’s why I never drink in my whole life you know, because I hate it. Because he would go to the shebeen, get robbed and
then he comes home without money.
Trauma of Displacement and Slavery
 266

B. Transmission of Trauma

The Table below represents and describes how the trauma of slavery may have been transmitted across the family’s three generations

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission Transmission manifested in :

First Socialization Society Effects Manifested in first generation as
Silence and
Poverty: “Daai tyd was maar swaar gewees, ma het gewerk by die poskantoor in die Kaap. Sy was die
Shame
cleaner. Daai tyd toe moet ek maar handjie bysit. koerante verkoop en daai.”[ That time was very difficult ,
my mother worked at the post office in Cape Town. She was the cleaner. That time I had to give a hand and
help and I sold newspapers]
Loss & Separation: die tweede wereld oorlog…Hy’t nie terug gekom nie. Ek het nie my pa geken nie [ the
second world war. He did not come back . I did not recognise him (father)
Alcohol abuse : This was not raised in any of the interviews but daughters and granddaughter mentions this
Intimate partner violence : Mr. September did not mention this although his daughter alleges that he was
violent towards her mother . The only reference Mr. September made about any difficulty in the relationship
was “...gaan vir ‘n skei” ..sy het gegaan [going for a divorce.. she went ]
Second Socialization, Society, parenting Poverty : Vroeg opstaan ne 4 ‘clock moet ons drie al opgestaan het, voor ons skool toe gaan ne, dan moet ons
silence and in a lang lyn daais soos die “childlife” kinders ne, welfare kinders. ek kon nie skool klaar verder maaak nie,
shame want ek moes vir mammie gaan help Ek en my kinders se man dan loop ons die hele Mitchell’s Plain vol, om
net daai atchar en blatjang te verkoop, om geld te het vir kos so. [ We had to get up early 4:00 am , before we
went to school, we had to stand in a long queue like the “childlife” children welfare children., I could not
finish school as I had to help my mother. My children , husband and I went to sell “atchar” and “blatchang”
(pickles) for money.
intimate partner violence; Ek het so bang geraak vir hom, want ek dink nou die man gaan my nou
doodmaak.Blou merke geslaan, niks ope merke nie, dis blou merke”. [ I became so scared of him because I
thought he would kill me. Blue marks , thats how he hit me, no open wounds just blue marks]
Racialization: My oupa was ‘n blanke man…my oupa grootjie, mammie se pa was a blank man [My
grandfather was a white man, my great grandfather , my mother’s father, was a white man]
Family &community violence; mammie was wreed. Ons kon ook nie complain het nie, want mammie slaan
ons nou met die draggie hout.[ Mother was cruel. We could not complain, because she would hit us with
pieces of wood.]
En ek het gese slaan hulle almal. Hulle het vir hulle vasgemaak en geslaan, en ek het gekyk hoe slaan hulle
my kind. [ I said hit them all. So the tied them and hit them and I saw how they hit my child.]
Loss& separation Dan is daddy toe al die jare toe weg, maar aangegaan aangegaan, gewonder waar’s
 267

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission Transmission manifested in :

daddy.[ Then daddy was gone for years and I wondered where daddy was. ]
Nou se mammie, my kind jy moet nou saam met die wit vrou gaan, jy gaan werk by haar. Soos ek kan onthou
pak mammie my arme paar stukkies lappies netso in ‘n carrier baggie. O en ek huil…ek kannie is dan net ‘n
kind…ek is standerd 3 hoe kan ek hier weggaan.[ So mommy said my child you must go with this white
woman, you are going to work with her. Like I can remember, mommy packed my poor clothes just like that
in a carrier bag (plastic bag) . Oh and I cried. I was just a child , I can’t , I am in standard 3 (grade 4) how can
I leave here.]
Third Socialization, Society, parenting Poverty : ek is eintlik baie lief gewees vir skool, maar ook van nie geld het nie, en sulke goedjies, toe sѐ my
silence and ma ek werk, ek moet kyk na my kleiner boeties. [ I actually loved school , but also because of having no
Shame money, and such things , so my mother said she is working , I must look after my younger brothers]
Intimate partner violence; ek het dieselfde oorgekom soos daai wat my ma oorgekom het. .... ek het ook nooit
gepraat daaroor nie [ I also experienced the same thing that my mother experienced and I also never spoke
about it ]
Racialization; Ja ek is nie eintlik seker nie, maar ek dink sy’s ‘n boer. Gebaste something, maar ok, hulle het
die lang vlegsels gehad My ma hulle is al kleinkinders van haar wat kon ge-enter het want hulle het die hare
gehad. En as jy nie hare gehad het nie, dan kan jy nie dan behoort jy nie aan haar nie. Van my ma my ouma
se susters se anders kinders se haartjies was so bietjie gekrimpies of so ne, dan sal sy nou like vir hulle slaan
of gooi met borde [ Yes I am not sure I think she was a boer. Mixed race or something , but ok she had long
plaits. My mother them are all grandchildren who could enter the house because they had the “hair” (straight
hair). If you did not have straight hair , then you did not belong to her. My grandmother’s sisters children had
hair which was a little curly and she would throw them with plates]
Family &community violence; Hulle het baie onse huis gerush, dan as klien kinders het ons so gesit in die
hoekies en… …of in die baddens gesit en die deure toe gesluit het sodat hulle nie kan inkom nie, en daai’s
waar my broer aangesluit het ook as die HL.[ They used to mob attack out house often, then as small children
we would sit in the corners or in the bath and close the doors so that they don’t come in and that is where my
brother joined the HL (Hard Livings - gang name)]
Loss& separation Ek het ook nog nie ‘n bond met my pa nie. Ek sal hom phone party keer en so, maar omdat
hy nie daar gewees het nie, van kleins af.[ I don’t have a bond with my father. I will phone him a few times
but because he was not around since I was small.]
 268

Trauma of displacement

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission

to next generation
First Socialization Society Manifested (effects) in the first generation as
Silence, Shame Parenting Poverty, homelessness, alcohol abuse; intimate partner violence, loss & separation
Homelessness& Overcrowding : Was homeless but did not mention say (confirmed by second and third
generation) Hy lewe somaar bergie lewe oorkant hulle huis. Ons het al gedink hy’s miskien dood en almal die [
He lives like a vagrant opposite their house (paricipant’s sister). We thought he had died.]
Second Socialization; Society, parenting, Effects manifested in second generation as
Enactment, Over-
Silence Homelessness&Overcrowding : Ons was klomp in die huis in. Klomp klomp.[ We were a lot in the house. Lots
disclosure
, lots.]
Shame
Projective Identification
Community Violence : . En ek is baie in die nagte op, as dit deurmekaar is hier, en as daar hiers gebeur in die
Interpersonal
circle met enige een se kind, dan kom klop hulle by my. Of die kinders het nou stoute goed aangevang het of
Relations whatever, dan hardloop ek altyd saam, help waar ons kan help. [ And I am often awake at night, if there is
trouble , or something happens in the neighbourhood with someone’s child , then they run to me. Or the
children did something naughty then I will run with to see where we can help.]
Gangs & Crime: Want die mense loop oor die veld en hulle skiet oor die veld.[ The people run across the field
shooting]
Drugs: My baby broer het ook my skoonsuster net so gedump, toe mammie klaar is toe’s hy ook op die drugs.[
My youngest brother he also left my sister-in law and when our mother died so he was also on drugs.]
Imprisonment / Prison : Twee jaar was hy daar by Pollsmoor. Van Pollsmoor af stuur hulle vir hom
Drankestein toe.[ He was 2 years in Pollsmoor (prison). From Pollsmoor they sent him to Drakenstein (a
different prison)]
Third Socialization Society , parenting, Effects Manifested in Third Generation as :
Enactment
Silence, Homelessness&Overcrowding : die omstandighede in die huis was nie baie goed nie, want daar was 4 of 5
Over-disclosure families in die huis. [ The conditions in the house was not good because there were 4 or 5 families living in the
Shame
house.]
Enmeshment
Interpersonal
Community Violence : Daar is ‘n paar vriende van ons wat nou al vermoor is soos Peter, en hulle… en daar’s
Relations ‘n hele paar wat vermoor is So ek is eintlik baie bang vir daai. hier om is ek die bangste, ek het al die jare
hier gebly, vir hierdie gebiedtjie.[ There are a few friends of ours who have been murdered, like Peter them
and so forth, quite a few who have been murdered. So I am actually scared of that. I am really scared of this
Family place, I have been living here a long time, this little place.]
Communication
Gangs & Crime: . My broer het uitgedraai wat hy ‘n gangster geword het ‘n HL, hy het geword ‘n HL. [ My
 269

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission

to next generation
brother changed when he became a gangster. He became an “HL” ]
Drugs& Alcohol Ek kan nog onthou… ek dink sy het kannetjies wyn. [ I can still remember , I think she sold
cans of wine]
Imprisonment / Prison : Hy het 10 jaar gekry vir daai, maar my ma het besluit het om weg te breek van hom as
gevolg van dit.[He got 10 years for that , but my mother decided to separate from him. Maar tot en met ek
haar pa ontmoet het, toe hy uit die gevangenis gekom [ But when I met her father , so he came out of prison.]

Table : Mechanisms and Means of Trauma transmission

Mechanism Main Transmission Factor Present in Family (Manifested as)

1 Interpersonal Unconscious displaced emotion Intimate partner violence
(projective identification;
Relations Ek het dieselfde oorgekom soos daai wat my ma oorgekom het. ek het ook nooit gepraat daaroor nie(3rd
enactment, over-disclosure)
generation)[ [ I also experienced the same thing that my mother experienced and I also never spoke about it ]
Blou merke geslaan, niks ope merke nie, dis blou merke”. [Blue marks , thats how he hit me, no open wounds
just blue marks] 2nd gen
2 Socialization Society Alcohol abuse from slave heritage: Ma my ma het gese dit was as gevolg van sy gedrinkery.[ My mother said
its because of his drinking (3rd gen about 1st)]

Society , parenting Intimate partner violence: Ek het dieselfde oorgekom soos daai wat my ma oorgekom het. ek het ook nooit
gepraat daaroor nie [ I also experienced the same thing that my mother experienced and I also never spoke
about it ] (3rd gen)
Society, parenting Poverty : Daai tyd was maar swaar gewees, ma het gewerk by die poskantoor in die Kaap. Sy was die cleaner .
.”[ That time was very difficult , my mother worked at the post office in Cape Town. She was the cleaner] (1st
gen)
Nou se mammie, my kind jy moet nou saam met die wit vrou gaan, jy gaan werk by haar. Soos ek kan onthou
pak mammie my arme paar stukkies lappies netso in ‘n carrier baggie. O en ek huil…ek kannie is dan net ‘n
kind…ek is standerd 3 hoe kan ek hier weggaan .[ So mommy said my child you must go with this white
woman, you are going to work with her. Like I can remember, mommy packed my poor clothes just like that in
a carrier bag (plastic bag) . Oh and I cried. I was just a child , I can’t , I am in standard 3 (grade 4) how can I
leave here.] (2nd gen)
 270

Mechanism Main Transmission Factor Present in Family (Manifested as)

Society Trauma of displacement and apartheid
toe wil hulle weer eens die huise aan die mense verkoop vir hoeveel geld… vir next to nothing en daai was die
mense se eie huise. Ja toe kry ons elkeen net R450. [ So they first wanted to sell the houses to the people for
how
3 Family Enmeshment die omstandighede in die huis was nie baie goed nie, want daar was 4 of 5 families in die huis. [ The conditions
Communication in the house was not good because there were 4 or 5 families living in the house.]
Mammie het geglo almal haar kinders moet by haar wees.[ Mommy believed that all her children should be
with her
En my ma slaan hom, en ek slaan hom, en ons slaan vir hom. [ And my mother hit him and I hit him and we hit
him]
4 Silence Individual, Family, Society Intimate partner violence: “Blou merke geslaan, niks ope merke nie, dis blou merke”.
Ek will nooit dit vir haar vertel het nie. Nooit nie .[ Blue marks , thats how he hit me, no open wounds just blue
marks. I will never tell her. Never.]
5. Shame and Individual, Family, Society Intimate partner violence Ek het ook nooit gepraat daaroor nie. [ I also never spoke about that ](3rd generation)
Humiliation
Ek will nooit dit vir haar vertel het nie. Nooit nie. Ek weet mos nie hoe gaan sy voel nie.[ I will never tell her
that. Never. I don’t know how she will feel.] (2nd generation)
Poverty
dan gooi sy food colouring in en dan is sy so skaam om vir ons party keer te se die middage is maize meal wat
ons moet eet.[ Then she throws food colouring in because she is shy to give us maize meal in the afternoons to
eat.] (3rd)
 271

Valentine Family

The Table below represents and describes how the trauma of slavery and displacement may have been transmitted across the family’s three
generations

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission manifested in :

Transmission
First Socialization Society Effects Manifested in first generation as
Silence and
Poverty: There was always this poverty, it was always around. But it wasn’t as it is now.
Shame
You know you know that is what we use to sing in the morning. It was like to work together and to study together,
make a difference in yourself, to rise from the crack we’re in, you know the poverty stricken areas. To lift
ourselves up.
Loss & Separation: my family also like broke up, you know my personal family, like my daddy and my mommy.
They separated at a very young age. I think this was where, around 8 or 9, my family broke up, I was still in
primary school I remember. And my daddy married again
Alcohol&Drugs I’ve done drugs in my life and alcohol in my life, the experiences that I went through
Intimate Partner Violence : a later date when my parents were separated then my step parents came in. Then I saw
there’s violence between my dad and my stepmother
Racialization : But she was not like white, like legs that cant bend and all that crap!They hold it in such type… in
the white line… a it was mixed actually, English and Afrikaans. But she was like totally English. And that “La-
die-dah” type, and she’s like dark of complexion, looks like a charra complexion wise. And her hair and that type
of thing. Look whites were whites, and coloureds were coloureds. Basically that’s the law you know.
Second Socialization, Society, parenting, Poverty : I actually dropped out of school, but I am planning on finishing up now in the following year, because I
silence and am tired of laying at home.
Enactment
shame,
Actually I did…I did panel beating, spray painting, tiling, plumbing all that. Not by trade, I don’t have my trade
Over-disclosure
Interpersonal papers because …ja that’s why I still want to do my matric and still study further.
relations
I am not angry with them for that because, at one stage I failed, because I wasn’t studying, I felt it and I felt
embarrassed to go back to school the following year, because I had to stay behind. So ja. It had an impact on me
Intimate partner Violence : but growing up I remember a lot of stuff. Stuff from my mom and dad. they were
always skelling, always skelling[ arguing]
Drugs&Alcohol : My dad was also on drugs But I was like young and my brother and sister were a lot on school.
It affected their school. Not me much. The first time (….) I used to be married before (…) and because of the drugs
my wife left. Like you get influenced, peer pressure. Quick quick, you’re on tik then you’re going to do a lot of
 272

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission manifested in :

Transmission
stupid stuff. Unfortunately when I say stupid, I say stupid because I’m referring to the drugs. Understand, but now
it’s okay now. Understand. It’s just the drugs and the influence on the young children, it’s just big
Loss& separation : The first time (….) I used to be married before (…) and because of the drugs my wife left. That
bugs me man. I didn’t speak about it…I don’t like speaking about it.
Racialisation : We were just coloureds here before like in Mitchell’s Plain, but we come actually from Woodstock

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission

to next generation
First Socialization Society Manifested (effects) in the first generation as
Silence, Shame Parenting Homelessness& Overcrowding : The houses became overcrowded, Then there was a bedroom which was also
quite big. It was divided up basically for my sister and for us During a young age of 10, 11 around there. Ran
away from home and I started strolling. Excuse me, met another stroller, It was fun for me during that time…
but it’s not fun… Slept in broken cars and under bridges
Community Violence
Gangs : : Got involved with gangsterism by smoking dagga and that type of thing, and landed up in
reformatory. But out of that I got into gangsterism, you know. I was very undisciplined. I was disciplined
during my parents time, when I was with them, when I left I became very undisciplined, because I had to be
tough you know.
And I tried to implement it into soccer. Taking children out of the streets, away from the drugs and
gangsterism.
Imprisonment : Yes I come out of that life and I didn’t want it to happen here. And basically the life that I
lost through government, we call it jail time. In the reformatory and that type of thing.
Second Socialization; Society, parenting, Effects manifested in second generation as
Enactment, Over-
Silence Community Violence : I was bullied ja, it’s not because I was afraid. And on school it’s like one English
disclosure
class…public school is like one English class and the rest is just Afrikaans. You’re always picked on
Shame
Projective Identification
Gangs & Crime: Once they don’t work, they roam the streets…drugs… gangsterim… They encourage them
Interpersonal
to drop out to go and work for something in the house
Relations
 273

Table : Mechanisms and Means of Trauma transmission

Mechanism Main Transmission Factor Present in Family /Evidence (Manifested as)

1 Interpersonal Unconscious displaced emotion Intimate partner violence : Then I saw there’s violence between my dad and my stepmother
(enactment &over-disclosure)
Relations but growing up I remember a lot of stuff. Stuff from my mom and dad. they were always skelling, always
skelling
Alcohol&Drugs : My dad was also on drugs ; and because of the drugs my wife left.
2 Socialization Society Alcohol&Drug (Substance) abuse from slave heritage
Society , parenting intimate partner violence : but growing up I remember a lot of stuff. Stuff from my mom and dad. they were
always skelling, always skelling
Alcohol&Drugs : . It’s just the drugs and the influence on the young children, it’s just big; My dad was also
on drugs
Society Poverty : Uhm there was always this poverty, it was always around
Racialisation: And her hair and that type of thing. Look whites were whites, and coloureds were coloureds.
Basically that’s the law you know.
Society Trauma of displacement and apartheid : I am not going to blame the state for it, maybe they had different
views. But putting us out here, what we now call the bush... .
Loss& Separation See that is basically what happened. Cause the one family’s over here, one’s over there,
and the other one’s over there you know that was basically how we lost our family love to put it that way.
3 Family Enmeshment I was also out of the house, I moved back last year. She will like drill into you head, family is important
Communication
4 Silence Individual, Family, Society Intimate partner violence : (question... things that occurred in the family but not spoken about) ...I remember a
lot of stuff. Stuff from my mom and dad. and because of the drugs my wife left. One of the first times where
I’d seen him violent was with a women you know, and its something that always been on my mind, you know.
I tried not to go there.

Trauma of Displacement and Slavery : How do I cope with it? I overlook it, I have to overlook it now.
Alcohol&Drugs : That bugs me man. I didn’t speak about it…I don’t like speaking about it.
5. Shame and Individual, Family, Society Intimate partner violence : One of the first times where I’d seen him violent was with a women you know, and
Humiliation its something that always been on my mind, you know. I tried not to go there.
Alcohol&Drugs : ...and because of the drugs my wife left. That bugs me man. I didn’t speak about it…I don’t
 274

Mechanism Main Transmission Factor Present in Family /Evidence (Manifested as)

like speaking about it.
Individual Poverty : I just feel my education could have gone further you know, I actually dropped out of school, but I
am planning on finishing up now in the following year, because I am tired of laying at home. I just feel my
education could have gone further you know, if I had to stay with my mom that type of thing, or if the family
together. Uhm I my careers, I had so many. I am intelligent in one way, but I am stupid in another way.
Individual Community Violence : I was bullied ja, it’s not because I was afraid.
 275

Williams Tables

B. Transmission of Trauma

The Table below represents and describes how the trauma of slavery may have been transmitted across the family’s three generations

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission Transmission manifested in :

First Socialization Society Effects Manifested in first generation as
Silence and
Poverty: And then neighbours came to my mommy who had babies to look after them, and that was money that
Shame
came in and we survived on that money.
Loss & Separation: Well that’s the time we were without a father. You see my mom didn’t talk a lot. She and
my father divorced, and then it was just us with my mom. I have three, one passed on just the two though. He
was the eldest yes. He had a car accident, and that was now 9 years ago. He passed on 9 years ago ja.
Intimate Partner Violence: Like beating up a woman, he doesn’t do that no more.
Drugs& Alcohol: for the past three years, he’s not drinking no more, because he use to be a heavy drinker.
Okay when I was younger he used to do drugs. He stopped that, but he became a huge drinker. and I stopped
drinking with her. whenever she takes a drink, then there’s less arguments there’s less things to worry about
then I would just keep an eye out for when my father comes just to see that everything is going smoothly, the
food is done, and whatever. And let her just enjoy herself, because she’s also just caught up in that house.
Race: My cousin she had a white…her husband was white and they came to visit and they couldn’t walk
together, and that worked on his nerves.
Second Socialization, Society, parenting Poverty : No I didn’t reach high school, because I fell pregnant. I think my great grandmother from my father’s
silence and shame side, when she came; she did domestic work back in the day. My father didn’t want me to work at all. Reason
being my eldest daughter was born, my first pregnancy. So every time when the conversation comes up about
jobs and job hunting they would say “jy kyk na jou kind”[ You look after your child] . Now what’s the point of
him telling me to look after her because they were doing everything for her?
Loss& separation : seems…he just got this vendetta towards me. I don’t know what that feeling is, and she’d
always ask me what, and I’d tell her a daddy’s girl! I don’t know that feeling. I would look at other fathers
daddy’s little girl teaching her how to ride her bike. I don’t know that feeling.
Like sometimes like now, when I think back, then I tell myself, why didn’t you sign the adoption papers at red
cross hospital, maybe that would have kept my parents together at the time
the last one…I had 3 miscarriages and the one baby died. He was born on the 4th of March 2005. up until now
I didn’t deal with it. Look I was young at the age so it didn’t really bother me; it actually came to mind now
with my last pregnancy, when I think about it I just push it away.
 276

Generation Mechanism Means of Transmission Transmission manifested in :

And and, as I grew older and wiser, it became annoying and my parents became divorced, my mother took him
back, and they separated again. And she took him back, and they were separated again…she took him back…
Alcohol& Drugs : Due to curiosity became involved in drugs
Third Socialization, Society, parenting Loss & Separation : I don’t have a relationship with my mother, but with my father... we have like a father son
silence and relationship even though he is in prison
Shame
Alcohol&Drugs : All my friends got involved in drugs
Racialization : Maybe cause we coloured we must get over our problems quickly

Trauma of Displacement

Generation Mechanism Means of

Transmission to
next generation
First Socialization Society Manifested (effects) in the first generation as
Silence, Shame Parenting Intimate partner violence : Like beating up a woman, he doesn’t do that no more.
Homelessness& Overcrowding: Mrs Walters and her children lived with her mother . No I lived with my parents.
Mr Walters And my father had a friend by the name of James, he lived in Woodstock, and my father was living with
him at that time.
Community Violence: then I said no …then you know gangsters came and then I said I wouldn’t like my children to
grow up here.
Second Socialization; Society, Effects manifested in second generation as
parenting,
Silence Homelessness &Overcrowding : I’ve lived in most areas, you must want to keep yourself big. Run away from home.
Enactment, Over-
I wasn’t allowed to work. I left home at the age of 17, my father was…he was too strict. I left home on my own. I
Shame disclosure
had to fend for my self out there…there were things…mostly that I know…today I have learnt how to, but today I can
Interpersonal Projective say to me it was a lesson in life because today I can pass it on to my children and they can pass it on to their children.
Identification It was hard…
Relations
Community Violence : I am not sure if it was Belgravia Street or 7th Avenue, as the police were coming and people
were running amock then he was shot with a gun in the back. And the front part of his chest was just open…
Police were shooting the people with rubber bullets, bird shots. My brother was shot twice with two birdshots and
one rubber bullet.
 277

Generation Mechanism Means of

Transmission to
next generation
Imprisonment : well he is in prison now. Ja He was still in the holding cells when i went to visit. My husband…he’s
in prison now. I went to visit him. He was also a gangster, but reborn now, he’s at Voorbrug prison. I went to prison
for pause pause 6 weeks…
Gangs & Crime : and all that time when they started gang fighting we knew already our parents and grandparents
didn’t have to tell us not to go outside.
Third Socialization Society , Effects Manifested in Third Generation as :
parenting,
Silence, Homelessness &Overcrowding : I live by my friend. We moved around alot and we never had a place to stay, and that
Enactment
was the year I started high school.
Shame
Over-disclosure
Gangs : Its tough growing up here , everywhere there is gangsters and its tempting because they offer you stuff and
Interpersonal
Enmeshment when you don’t want to take it then they threatening. I became aware of this when I was a teenager
Relations
Imprisonment : but with my father... we have like a father son relationship even though he is in prison

Family
Communication

Table : Mechanisms and Means of Trauma transmission

Mechanism Main Transmission Factor Present in Family (Manifested as)

1 Interpersonal Unconscious displaced Intimate partner violence :
emotion (projective
Relations Like beating up a woman, he doesn’t do that no more. Okay when I was younger he use to do drugs. He stopped that,
identification, over-disclosure,
but he became a huge drinker.
enactment)
Due to curiosity became involved in drugs
I stopped drinking with her. whenever she takes a drink, then there’s less arguments there’s less things to worry about
then I would just keep an eye out for when my father comes
Loss & Separation: Well that’s the time we were without a father
seems…he just got this vendetta towards me.
I don’t know what that feeling is, and she’d always ask me what, and I’d tell her a daddy’s girl! I don’t know that
feeling. I would look at other fathers daddy’s little girl teaching her how to ride her bike. I don’t know that feeling.
 278

Mechanism Main Transmission Factor Present in Family (Manifested as)

2 Socialization Society Alcohol abuse from slave heritage : Okay when I was younger he use to do drugs. He stopped that, but he became a
huge drinker.

parenting Loss & separation And and, as I grew older and wiser, it became annoying and my parents became divorced, my mother
took him back, and they separated again. And she took him back, and they were separated again…she took him back…
Society, parenting Poverty : My father didn’t want me to work at all. Reason being my eldest daughter was born, my first pregnancy

Society Trauma of displacement and apartheid

3 Family Enmeshment I stopped drinking with her. whenever she takes a drink, then there’s less arguments there’s less things to worry about
Communication then I would just keep an eye out for when my father comes
4 Silence Individual, Family, Society I had 3 miscarriages and the one baby died. He was born on the 4th of March 2005. up until now I didn’t deal with it.
Well that’s the time we were without a father. You see my mom didn’t talk a lot.
5. Shame and Individual, Family, Society Homelessness: I’ve lived in most areas; you must want to keep yourself big. Run away from home. I had to fend for
Humiliation myself out there…there were things…mostly that I know…today I have learnt how to, but today I can say to me it was
a lesson in life.
Like sometimes like now, when I think back, then I tell myself, why didn’t you sign the adoption papers at red cross
hospital, maybe that would have kept my parents together at the time