EBook For The Oxford Handbook of Acceptance and Commitment Therapy 1st Edition by Michael Twohig, Michael E. Levin, Julie
EBook For The Oxford Handbook of Acceptance and Commitment Therapy 1st Edition by Michael Twohig, Michael E. Levin, Julie
EBook For The Oxford Handbook of Acceptance and Commitment Therapy 1st Edition by Michael Twohig, Michael E. Levin, Julie
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OX F O R D L I B R A RY O F P S YC H O LO G Y
AREA EDITORS
Clinical Psychology
David H. Barlow
Cognitive Neuroscience
Kevin N. Ochsner and Stephen M. Kosslyn
Cognitive Psychology
Daniel Reisberg
Counseling Psychology
Elizabeth M. Altmaier and Jo-Ida C. Hansen
Developmental Psychology
Philip David Zelazo
Health Psychology
Howard S. Friedman
History of Psychology
David B. Baker
Neuropsychology
Kenneth M. Adams
Organizational Psychology
Steve W. J. Kozlowski
OX F O R D L I B R A RY O F P S YC H O LO G Y
The Oxford
Handbook of
Acceptance and
Commitment Therapy
Edited by
Michael P. Twohig, Michael E. Levin,
and Julie M. Petersen
DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197550076.001.0001
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
CONTENTS
Contributors ix
v
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vi C o n ten ts
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Conclusion
32. Future Directions of Contextual Behavioral Science 711
Rikard K. Wicksell, Niklas Törneke, Lance M. McCracken, Jonathan B. Bricker,
Amy R. Murrell, Akihiko Masuda, and Anthony Biglan
33. Creating Progress in Contextual Behavioral Science: Overcoming the Hurdles
of the Past—Facing the Challenges of the Future 733
Neal Falletta-Cowden, Steven C. Hayes, and Michelle Forman
Index 755
Cont e nt s vii
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CO N T R I B U TO R S
ix
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x C o n tr ibutor s
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Contributors xi
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xii C o n tr ibutor s
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Contributors xiii
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SECTION
1
Conceptual
Foundation
Progression of ACT
1
CH A PT E R
Abstract
Acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT) in the context of its historical and
progressive development unfolded within three phases over the past 40 years. Events
and influences in an initial phase that culminated in the development of comprehensive
distancing as a precursor to ACT in the early 1980s preceded philosophical, theoretical,
and conceptual refinements that took place during the next phase of ACT’s progression.
These advancements, including the further explication of functional contextualism,
rule governance, and relational responding, contributed to the emergence of ACT as a
coherent transdiagnostic intervention by the turn of this century. Ever increasing outcome
and process research within the last two decades during ACT’s third and most recent
stage of progression have been instrumental in solidifying its current empirical status and
expanding globalization.
Progression of ACT
As reflected by its title, this article provides an overview of the current status of acceptance
and commitment therapy (ACT; S. C. Hayes, Strosahl, & Wilson, 2012) situated within an
historical account of the events that have led up to it. In short, we seek to show where ACT is
at the moment and the paths that it took to arrive there. We particularly offer an update of the
progression of ACT that has occurred since the initial publications concerning its development
10–15 years ago (Cullen, 2008; Zettle, 2005) and a more recent historical overview (Hooper
& Larsson, 2015, Ch. 3).
ACT is often presented most simply as the application of a psychological flexibility
model of human functioning comprising six interrelated processes: (1) acceptance,
(2) defusion, (3) flexible present moment awareness, (4) self-as-context, (5) chosen values, and
(6) committed action (S. C. Hayes et al., 2012). For our purposes here, we prefer to define
ACT as (1) a psychological approach to the alleviation of human suffering and the promotion
of human well-being, (2) based on functional contextualism, and (3) informed by relational
frame theory (RFT; S. C. Hayes, Barnes-Holmes, & Roche, 2001) as an associated account of
human language and cognition. We will accordingly refer to the progression over time in what
might be regarded as technical/methodological, philosophical, and theoretical dimensions or
strands within ACT, and how all three became integrated and interwoven with each other in
forging its identity and determining its current status. As will be seen, ACT as we know it
today, developed from a psychological approach known as comprehensive distancing (Zettle,
3
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2005) that was philosophically based on radical behaviorism (Skinner, 1974) and informed
theoretically by Skinner’s (1969) conceptualization of rule-governed behavior.
Disclaimers
Before embarking on our journey, we would like to offer two disclaimers that are applicable
to any historical account such as ours. First, key events within such narratives are in hindsight
often presented in a more linear and coherent fashion (see Table 1.1) than how they actually
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unfolded in real time. Accordingly, the development of ACT might be more appropriately
viewed as the culmination of a reticulated process that more closely resembles solving a
challenging crossword puzzle (S. C. Hayes, Zettle, Barnes-Holmes, & Biglan, 2016) than
proving a geometric theorem. In particular, the delineation of functional contextualism did
not precede the formulation of RFT, which in turn, then resulted in the creation of ACT
(S. C. Hayes et al., 2016). Separate as well as coordinated progress in each of the three
dimensions or strands that define ACT contributed to its overall development. Some of these
advancements were more obvious and had rather immediate impacts, while others were more
subtle with delayed influences.
Second, the history we offer is uniquely our own; indeed, it is difficult to see how it could
be otherwise. The contributions and vision of single individuals are often critical in the devel-
opment of many therapeutic approaches that end up being “branded” [e.g., Freud (1916) in
the case of psychoanalysis and Beck (1976) for cognitive therapy], and ACT is no exception.
Accordingly, suffice it to say that we would not be writing this article had it not been for our
particular relationships with Steve Hayes that began at different junctures during the progres-
sion of ACT. Recently, he has reflected on some of his more personal experiences that were
instrumental in its origination (S. C. Hayes, 2019).
Our Histories
The relationship between Robert D. Zettle (RDZ) and Steve goes back to the fall of 1976
when both arrived at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro (UNC-G). RDZ was
beginning his first year in the clinical psychology program there, and Steve, who at the time
had not yet defended his dissertation, had just been hired as a new assistant professor and
assigned as RDZ’s faculty advisor. It quickly became obvious that the two shared an interest
from a behavior analytic perspective in better understanding the impact of human language
and verbal behavior on clinical phenomena. It was an influence that Steve acknowledges had
been ignited in him at least three years earlier by Willard Day (S. C. Hayes, 2001). RDZ
became Steve’s first doctoral student and for his dissertation completed what is retrospectively
commonly regarded as the first randomized clinical trial of what later came to be recognized
as ACT (Zettle, 1984). Both left UNC-G not long after its completion to accept academic
appointments, RDZ at Wichita State University and Steve at the University of Nevada, Reno
(UNR), where his relationship with Kelly G. Wilson (KGW) began.
KGW entered the graduate program in clinical psychology at UNR in the fall of 1989,
at which point the Reno lab was well established. Steve had brought several graduate stu-
dents with him from UNC-G and had attracted several others since his arrival at UNR in
1986. It was a highly productive time on multiple fronts. KGW’s interests mapped well onto
the breadth of lab interests at the time. He participated in qualitative clinical research on
proto-ACT inspired by Willard Day’s (1969) “behavioral phenomenology,” engaged in basic
human operant research on RFT (Wilson & Hayes, 1996), participated in seminars and con-
ferences aimed at fleshing out functional contextualism, published theoretical work on ACT
and RFT (S. C. Hayes & Wilson, 1993, 1994), and co-wrote and administered two National
Institutes of Drug Abuse (NIDA) funded grants, ultimately co-authoring the first book-length
ACT manual just prior to departing for an academic post at the University of Mississippi (S.
C. Hayes et al., 1999).
We hope that the account that follows will be sufficiently consistent and coherent to be
seen as plausible, while acknowledging that others who have been witnesses to and/or possible
contributors to the development of ACT have their own and possibly somewhat different
stories to tell. We thus make no claims that our narrative is “true” in the sense of elemental
realism, although we have endeavored to appropriately document events and elements within
it whenever possible. Rather, we will defer to readers to determine where between fiction and
“history,” as that term is most commonly used, our account falls. Regardless of where it might
be placed, it may in our view be deemed as “true” to the extent that it is useful, as suggested
by Skinner (1980, p. 308) in his comparison of historical and fictional narratives: “In most of
the uses we make of history, fiction will serve as well. We demand consistency and plausibility
in lieu of truth and thus preserve what really matters, a bit of vicarious experience.” Like the
King advised in Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, we will “begin at the beginning and go on till
[we] come to the end: then stop” (Carroll, 1865).
into question based on component and process analyses of cognitive therapy (Jacobson
et al., 1996; Zettle & Hayes, 1986, 1987).
Comprehensive Distancing
More importantly for the development of ACT, examining cognitive therapy through the
lens of rule governance also suggested a new therapeutic approach. This approach, referred
to as comprehensive distancing (CD), was further influenced by the personal struggles of S.
C. Hayes (2019) with panic attacks at the time. This forerunner of ACT sought to expand
the process of distancing from cognitions as the “first critical step” within cognitive therapy
(Hollon & Beck, 1979, p. 189) in which clients are encouraged to respond to their depress-
ing thoughts as mere psychological events rather than as immutable facts prior to restructur-
ing them. Many readers will recognize the similarities to emphases on acceptance, defusion,
and even mindfulness within ACT, and to what is more often referred to as “decentering”
(Bernstein et al., 2015; Safran & Segal, 1996) within mindfulness-based cognitive therapy
(Segal, Williams, & Teasdale, 2002).
Formulating rules, thinking, reason-giving (Zettle & Hayes, 1986), and similar verbal
activities from a behavior-analytic perspective cannot function as causes for other actions inso-
far as they cannot be directly manipulated (S. C. Hayes & Brownstein, 1986). Nonetheless,
they may participate in controlling relationships with other behavior when sufficiently sup-
ported by verbal-social contingencies. For example, a range of destructive and dysfunctional
actions may be socially acceptable when justified by a narrative of plausible reasons (S.
C. Hayes, 1987). This analysis further suggested the viability of creating a special verbal-social
community within the context of therapy in which deleterious cognitive control could be
systematically weakened, for example, through acceptance and defusion, without resorting
necessarily to change in cognitive content.
Initial empirical support for CD was provided by a laboratory experiment increasing
cold pressor-induced pain tolerance (S. C. Hayes et al., 1982) that was published 17 years
later (S. C. Hayes, Bissett, et al., 1999), a randomized clinical trial comparing it favorably to
cognitive therapy for depression (Zettle & Hayes, 1984), and a series of unsystematic case
studies (S. C. Hayes, 1987). While CD included many of the treatment components and
techniques that are commonly part of the contemporary practice of ACT, there were also
at least two noteworthy omissions. Behavioral homework was included in CD, but because
it was not linked to values, it ostensibly functioned more like mood-enhancing behavioral
activation (e.g., Martell, Addis, & Jacobson, 2001) than valued action. In short, relatively
speaking, CD was more of an acceptance and willingness therapy than an acceptance and
commitment to valued action therapy.
Also missing from CD was the Observer exercise (S. C. Hayes et al., 2012, pp. 233–237)
that is often used to complement the Chessboard metaphor (which was included) in fostering
self-as-context within ACT. This exercise was not added until at least two years later at the sug-
gestion of a graduate student in the Hayes lab (S. C. Hayes, personal communication, March
28, 2005), not coincidentally around the same time of the “Making Sense of Spirituality”
paper (S. C. Hayes, 1984). This publication is understandably included in a collection of
Hayes’s (2015) canonical papers and merits special mention as beginning the link that would
later be solidified between RFT and ACT. It makes no explicit mention of deictic framing, but
it elucidates the processes from which the “behavior of seeing seeing from a perspective” (S.
C. Hayes, 1984, p. 103) results in a transcending sense of self.
An even bigger boost in retrospect to the relationship being fostered between CD and
RFT occurred near the end of what might be regarded as ACT’s decade-long, initial devel-
opmental stage with the unveiling of RFT by S. C. Hayes and Brownstein (1985). Sidman’s
(1971) report of untrained equivalence classes that emerged between printed words and pic-
tures, as well as between spoken and printed words, in teaching reading to a teen with a severe
intellectual disability, was recognized as a prototype for how a more expansive repertoire of
arbitrary applicable relational responding could be acquired as operant behavior. The S. C.
Hayes and Brownstein paper also positioned RFT to ultimately subsume rule governance by
reconceptualizing rules as verbal stimuli that serve a discriminative function because of their
“participation in relational frames established by the verbal community for the purpose of
producing such effects” (1985, p. 19).
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Hayes’s move to Reno was not random. He joined the faculty there while Willard was still
alive and active, recognizing it as an historically appropriate place for developing a broad and
rich behavioral tradition. The examination of contextualism and a deeper look at pragmatism
were natural activities in that environment. That seriousness in the study of behavior theory
and philosophy was ever present in a series of seminars, one of which, co-taught by Steve
and Linda Hayes, focused solely on Steven Pepper’s (1942) work. The seminar contained five
students, Steve and Linda, as well as Jim Owen, a radical behaviorist faculty member from the
UNR Speech and Language Department. It was not so much a university course as it was an
ongoing debate as we examined psychology through the lens of Pepper’s work. There was no
unanimity of view. Table pounding, shouted arguments, and sometimes preposterous thought
experiments were common. Linda Hayes launched a series of small seminars throughout the
1990s with a distinctive Kantorian flavor on behavioral philosophy and verbal behavior. These
conversations were not confined to the lab and classroom. Rather, they spilled over into the
hallways, at lunch, evenings at the Hayes’s residence, as well as through social gatherings at
various homes of students and faculty organized under a series of names, including “Food and
Philosophy” and “Beer and Behaviorism,” that involved readings and discussions of wildly
varying topics relevant to psychology and philosophy.
It was in this context that the groundwork for ACT clinical innovation developed. The
broader fleshing out of clinical behavior analysis occurred in a context centered in basic behavior
analysis as well as in other perspectives on the use of behavioral thinking to applied problems.
Notably, both Bill and Victoria Follette brought with them considerable exposure to the work
of Bob Kohlenberg and a functional-analytic psychotherapy perspective (R. J. Kohlenberg &
Tsai, 1991). And of course, Barbara Kohlenberg was among the graduate students who had
come to Reno from UNC-G with Steve.
The Debut of ACT
By the early 1990s, the philosophical and theoretical systems in which CD had been situated
had been supplanted; radical behaviorism had been superseded by functional contextualism; and
a Skinnerian model of rule governance had been replaced with RFT. The stage was accordingly
set to transform CD into ACT. Comprehensive distancing was always something of a troubling
name. Insiders knew that the “distancing” in CD was not initiated to “get away from” troubling
thoughts or to get enough separation to see them more objectively and rationally. Instead, its
purpose was to create sufficient psychological space within which clients could make contact more
broadly with difficult emotional content. Such expanded contact might include recognition of
content patterning, contexts that provoked such content, connection of difficult content within
personal history, and critically, the functional role such content played in organizing behavior.
A name that requires an explanation is by its nature troublesome. The acronym ACT
emerged in the Hayes lab at Reno when a several week-long brainstorming session produced a
variety of acronyms, including CAT (contextual analytic therapy) and RAP (radical acceptance
psychotherapy). Our best recollection is that the acronym came first, perhaps as a scramble of
CAT. ACT had the right flavor as a therapy that was all about getting into action. The acronym
lent itself to the spirit of the work, but also as short-hand for the treatment: Accept, Choose,
and Take action. ACT also had the advantage that it could be spoken as a word consistent with
the treatment—act, not A-C-T. And ultimately as a therapy name, acceptance and commit-
ment therapy was intuitively understandable and consistent with the developing work.
Who actually came up with the ACT acronym and name is lost to KGW, who was
there, as well as to Steve Hayes, who was consulted. As best as we can document in official
conference programs, the first reference to acceptance and commitment therapy appeared in
the title of a paper presented at the Association for Behavior Analysis (ABA) conference in
May 1991 (Wilson et al., 1991). This would place the date of the name change to the fall of
1990, as this was the deadline for the ABA conference paper proposals. A few papers appeared
in the vitas at the November 1990 Association for the Advancement of Behavior Therapy
Conference; however, those were certainly title changes that happened at or right before
their presentations. It took another three years for the name “acceptance and commitment
therapy” to first appear in the title of a publication (S. C. Hayes & Wilson, 1994) rather than
conference presentations.
Apart from a mere alteration in name, some strategic and technical changes were made to
CD that resulted in ACT as we know it today. Probably the most prominent of these changes
was the addition of values to the protocols and the explicit linking of committed action to
values. Hayes’s personal struggle with panic was his entry point to ACT. KGW came to the
work while he was recovering from severe substance dependence; acceptance was important,
but purpose and meaning as described by Victor Frankl (1965) were central. Behavior thera-
pists are always interested in selecting the most potent available reinforcers. Understanding
them for verbally competent individuals necessarily required a behavioral examination of ver-
bally constructed values and interventions suited to that analysis. At the end of the 1990 aca-
demic year, KGW proposed a comprehensive examination on a behavioral analysis of Frankl’s
noogenic neuroses and constructed the first values protocols for a NIDA treatment develop-
ment grant in 1993. Values first appeared in published form in two articles appearing in The
Behavior Analyst (S. C. Hayes & Wilson, 1993; 1994).
Theoretical Developments
Following the publication of an entire book dedicated to Aaron Brownstein and rule-governed
behavior (S. C. Hayes, 1989), the reconceptualization that had begun with the Hayes and
Brownstein (1985) paper and expanded by Hayes (1987) moved even further away from a
traditional Skinnerian perspective to one that was more clearly based within RFT. Especially
noteworthy in this volume was a chapter written by Hayes and Hayes (1989) whose stated
purpose was “to apply a relational perspective to the issue of rule-governance. Behavior con-
trolled by verbal stimuli is a different kind of behavior because it involves different psycho-
logical processes” (p. 177). In this endeavor, several basic elements of RFT were referenced
that predated the expanded coverage they would later receive within the S. C. Hayes et al.
(2001) text; aka “the purple book.” In particular, mutual entailment, combinatorial entail-
ment, transfer of stimulus functions, and contextual control over relational responding (i.e.,
Crel and Cfunc) were all explicated in accounting for “the verbal action of the listener as a basis
for rule-governance” (p. 153).
This emergent thinking in rule governance and RFT was a hot topic within the lab at
Reno and spawned a variety of basic experimental laboratory research, including an experi-
mental analysis of the development of relational responding in infants (Lipkens, 1992). There
were also studies examining relational responding in complex human behavior, including
network structure (e.g., B. S. Kohlenberg, 1994; Wilson & Hayes, 1996), transformation
of motivational functions (Ju, 2000), and propagation and durability of networks among
pathology-relevant stimuli (Wilson, 1998). These studies represented a quite organic follow-
up from the dissertations that had been completed in Hayes’s lab at UNC-G on language
development, stimulus equivalence, and rule-governed behavior, including those by Devaney
(1985), Rosenfarb (1986), Wulfert (1987), and, importantly, the publication of David Steele’s
dissertation, which was arguably the first clearly relational frame theory-oriented experimental
analysis, (though it was not called RFT at the time; Steele & Hayes, 1991).
Philosophical Developments
Expanding beyond a strict Skinnerian conceptualization of rule-governed behavior quite
understandably led to a closer critical examination of radical behaviorism itself as the philo-
sophical framework within which it was embedded. The building out of a behavioral com-
munity at Reno provided a fertile environment for launching a theoretical and philosophical
discussion with similarly interested individuals from around the world, resulting in a series
of books and conferences, including Dialogues on Verbal Behavior (L. J. Hayes & Chase,
1991), Understanding Verbal Relations (S. C. Hayes & Hayes, 1992), Varieties of Scientific
Contextualism (S. C. Hayes, Hayes, Reese, & Sarbin, 1993), Behavior Analysis of Language
and Cognition (L. J. Hayes, Hayes, Ono, & Sato, 1994), and Investigations in Behavioral
Epistemology (L. J. Hayes & Ghezzi, 1997). In an edited volume focused on elucidating sci-
entific contextualism (S. C. Hayes et al., 1993), Hayes argued that contextualism as one of
Pepper’s (1942) four world views could be meaningfully divided into descriptive and func-
tional variants. While Skinner’s (1974) radical behaviorism clearly can be regarded as contex-
tualistic, Hayes regarded it as dogmatic in that it reflected the purposes of science to predict
and control behavior rather than Skinner’s own selection of that particular goal. Functional
contextualism in which goals are explicitly linked to the clearly articulated preanalytic values of
predicting and influencing behavior was instead recommended as a philosophical foundation
for psychological interventions, thus allowing for a functional contextualism with goals other
than prediction and influence.
Clinical Developments
During the 1990s, mainstream CBT was highly focused on treatment outcome studies. CBT
treatment protocols were devised for psychiatric diagnoses, with outcomes studied in random-
ized clinical trials (RCTs) funded by the National Institutes of Health (NIH). The workgroup
at Reno had taken a very different turn, as reflected in the intensive work on theory, philoso-
phy, and basic empirical work discussed previously. Although grant-funded RCTs were not the
focus, three NIH studies were funded during this time period that were all developmental and
exploratory in nature. The first study was a protocol development grant from NIDA funded in
1993 examining the application of ACT to poly-substance abuse, in which the first values pro-
tocols were formalized. That grant was followed by a subsequent RCT extending that protocol
development, funded in 1997. Both of these grants were directed by KGW. Finally, a study
involving the treatment of nicotine dependent participants was funded in 2000, spearheaded
by Elizabeth Gifford, that explored an integration of ACT and functional-analytic psycho-
therapy principles. Finally, Steve Hayes served as a consultant to a training project at a large
Seattle-based health maintenance organization. The result was an innovative field effectiveness
study in which the treatment was not studied per se, but rather the focus was the exposure of
a cohort of therapists to ACT training over an intensive year of training and supervision. The
study importantly involved a diverse mental health population being seen in primary care and
a community mental health clinic with neither fixed diagnoses nor protocol length (Strosahl,
Hayes, Bergan, & Romano, 1998).
In addition to these grant-funded efforts, small, unfunded dissertation studies examined
a broad array of presenting concerns in a variety of clinical settings. Bach (2000) tested a brief
protocol with patients presenting with psychotic symptoms at a regional psychiatric hospital.
Geiser (1992) treated chronic pain patients at a Reno pain clinic. This period also produced a
series of analogue studies examining components thought to be central to ACT, such as accep-
tance, thought suppression, and metaphor (Afari, 1996; McCurry, 1991; Pistorello, 1998;
Walser, 1998). Khorakiwala’s (1991) dissertation used a variant of Willard Day’s behavioral
phenomenology in a qualitative analysis of processes of change in proto-ACT.
From the start, the development of ACT was an iterative and reticulated process. ACT
development was never merely a therapy development project. Rather ACT began and con-
tinues to be a component of a much broader effort. The focus was on careful theory and
philosophy, enriched by experimental analyses, and qualitative research on therapy processes,
stretching from the lab to the clinic and back again. All this was with an eye toward laying a
foundation for a broadly applicable theory of human suffering, struggle, and its remediation.
This work did not go unnoticed. During the 1990s, Dermot Barnes-Holmes, soon joined by
Yvonne Barnes-Holmes, launched what would become the most productive human operant
lab in the world, beginning in Cork, Ireland. Frank Bond applied ACT principles to work-
place environments and published the first organizational behavior management application
of ACT, giving rise to a stream of related research (Bond & Bunce, 2000). Carmen Luciano
produced an active lab in Almeria, Spain, with research stretching from basic research to clini-
cal applications. All of these interactions, stretching from basic theory and philosophy, from
the lab to the clinic, culminated in the publication of the first book-length description of ACT
(S. C. Hayes et al., 1999) and set the foundation for a global treatment development effort.
conferences, over half of them by design have been held outside the United States—in the
United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Italy, Australia, Germany, Spain, Canada, and Ireland—in
an effort to make ACT research and practice more accessible to the rest of the world (n.d.-g).
While U.S. residents still constitute the largest membership subgroup within ACBS (17%),
as of this writing, another 92 nations, or roughly 47% of the world’s countries, from every
continent save Antarctica, are now represented.
ACBS has worked hard at inclusion. Membership dues are values-based. The member
gets to choose their dues, with individuals from wealthier countries being encouraged to pay
higher dues. The ACBS website is wiki, allowing all members to access and share treatment
and educational materials. ACBS has resisted certification of therapists. It does recognize ACT
trainers through a peer review process, but this is not a profit-making effort.
Evidence of the strategy’s success in establishing an international community is provided
by the current composition of 40 affiliated ACBS chapters worldwide (n.d.-f ). The major-
ity of them (i.e., 26, or 65%) are outside the United States and have been variously orga-
nized nationally (e.g., Argentina and Finland), regionally (e.g., Australia and New Zealand),
and, in some instances, by linguistic communities (e.g., Dutch speakers in Belgium and the
Netherlands and French speakers in Belgium and France). ACT has grown by resisting exclu-
sivity, instead promoting an organization of contextual therapies. Many of these chapters have
already hosted successful conferences of their own or have plans to do so, thus further increas-
ing ACT’s local and regional presence and influence. ACT’s international visibility has also
been increased, albeit to perhaps not the same degree, by the creation of organizational affili-
ates of ACBS (n.d.-e), as, for example, in Africa, India, the United Arab Emirates, and Western
Balkans; where chapters have not yet been firmly established. ACT’s increased globalization
and worldwide reach is reflected not only by the diversity of the ACBS membership list, but
over the past 5 years by 11 related intervention projects that have been conducted in countries
that appear on lists of low-to middle-income countries (ACBS, n.d.-c). One of the most
recent examples of this outreach was the implementation and evaluation of an ACT-based,
self-help intervention for South Sudanese refugees (Tol et al., 2020).
450
400 406
350
300 274
250
200
150
100
64
50
3 13
0
1985–2000 2001–2006 2007–2012 2013–2018 2019–2020
Note. The figure includes “in press” publications listed as of May 2022 at https://contextualscience.org/ACT_Rando
mized_Controlled_Trials.
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Outcome research
For ease of discussion, we will provide separate overviews of research that has evaluated the
efficacy and effectiveness of ACT during this most recent stage of its progression.
Efficacy research
As seen in the accompanying figure, the number of publications from 1985 to 2000 (i.e., four)
that compared the efficacy of ACT to other interventions and/or various control conditions
increased by nearly 300% during the next 5 years. The growth has increased exponentially over
the last two decades to where there are as of this writing over 900 efficacy studies that have
either been published or are “in press.” Although measures of symptomatic relief have been the
primary outcome variables in such investigations, researchers increasingly have also examined
improvements in quality of life (S. C. Hayes, Luoma, Bond, Mausda, & Lillis, 2006) and, even
more recently, increases in flourishing as additional dependent measures in evaluating ACT’s
impact (Bohlmeijer, Lamers, & Fledderus, 2015).
By 2010, enough randomized trials of ACT had been accumulated that systematic reviews
and meta-analyses of its efficacy began appearing. Most of these initial evaluations, unlike later
and more recent ones (ACBS, n.d.-k), focused on ACT more broadly rather than on its treat-
ment of specific presenting problems (e.g., Veehof, Oskam, Schreurs, & Bohlmeijer, [2011]
for chronic pain, Bluett, Homan, Morrison, Levin, & Twohig, [2014] for anxiety disorders
and OCD, and Howell and Passmore [2019] for depression). Two meta-analyses that received
more attention and reaction within the ACT community than most were critical ones by Öst
(2008, 2014). In his first publication, Öst (2008) concluded that ACT trials did not merit
recognition as an empirically supported treatment, despite significant and moderate effect
sizes, because of a relative lack of methodological rigor compared to traditional CBT studies.
In response to a subsequent rejoinder to his criticisms (Gaudiano, 2009), Öst (2009) conceded
that ACT research was not funded at levels comparable to CBT trials, but maintained that
the American Psychological Association’s recognition of ACT as having “moderately strong”
empirical support for treatment of depression was unjustified.
A second and updated meta-analysis by Öst (2014) 6 years later was even more critical of
ACT. In this work, Öst concluded that there had been no methodological improvements in
outcome research over that period of time. Moreover, he noted a deterioration in overall effect
size, resulting in no basis for regarding ACT as a “well-established” treatment for any disorder.
A robust response from a team of ACT researchers (Atkins et al., 2017) that catalogued a
plethora of factual and interpretational errors that likely biased Öst’s conclusions was followed
by an equally spirited rebuttal (Öst, 2017) that to date has effectively ended the back-and-
forth sparring.
Perhaps both motivated by and despite Öst’s criticisms, ACT researchers have become
increasingly successful in obtaining external funding (ACBS, n.d.- i). Moreover, efficacy
research on ACT has progressed to the point that the Society of Clinical Psychology (SCP)
has recognized the therapy as an evidence-based treatment approach for multiple psychiatric
disorders. More specifically, SCP (Division 12 of the American Psychological Association)
has affirmed ACT’s transdiagnostic status by concluding that it enjoys strong empirical sup-
port in the treatment of chronic pain (n.d.-a), and modest support in addressing depression
(n.d.-b), mixed anxiety (n.d.-c), obsessive-compulsive disorder (n.d.-d), and psychotic symp-
toms (n.d.-e).
Effectiveness Research
One of the more noteworthy evaluations of ACT’s effectiveness within the last decade resulted
from its inclusion in a national dissemination and training initiative for treatment of depres-
sion implemented by the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA; Walser, Karlin, Trockel,
Mazina, & Taylor, 2013). What has been referred to as the “roll-out” has now trained hun-
dreds of VA therapists in ACT, who in turn, have implemented it with thousands of their vet-
eran clients. Indirect comparisons to controlled trials of ACT for depression (Zettle, 2015) as
well as to traditional CBT within the same VA program (Karlin et al., 2012) in both reducing
depressive symptoms and in enhancing quality of life have been favorable.
More recent research suggests that the effectiveness of ACT may be reasonably robust
when offered outside the United States in a group format for both inpatients and outpatients
with varying clinical presentations. Similar to the results of the VA roll-out, a German clinical
trial found that ACT and CBT were equally effective in treating inpatient depression (Samaan
et al., 2020), while an Australian study documented the effectiveness of ACT with a transdi-
agnostic outpatient sample (Pinto et al., 2017).
component conditions that were more experientially based (e.g., use of metaphors and exer-
cises) than those presented by a rationale alone (Levin, Hildebrandt, Lillis, & Hayes, 2012).
as a format for delivering ACT documented small effect sizes for depression and anxiety that
were enhanced when supplemented with clinician guidance (French, Golijani-Moghaddam,
& Schröder, 2017). This overall evaluation parallels the conclusions of an even more recent
systematic review and meta-analysis of internet-based ACT (Thompson, Destree, Albertella,
& Fontenelle, 2021).
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