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iii

Table of Contents

A Note on Test Bank Style and Use

.......................................................................................................................... . iv

Part 1 – Test Bank for Understanding Nutrition

.......................................................................................................1
Chapter 1 – An Overview of
Nutrition ......................................................................................................................1
Chapter 2 – Planning a Healthy
Diet ....................................................................................................................... 18
Chapter 3 – Digestion, Absorption, and
Transport.................................................................................................. 33
Chapter 4 – The Carbohydrates: Sugars, Starches, and
Fibers................................................................................53
Chapter 5 – The Lipids: Triglycerides, Phospholipids, and Sterols
........................................................................72
Chapter 6 – Protein: Amino Acids
.......................................................................................................................... 98
Chapter 7 – Metabolism: Transformations and Interactions
................................................................................. 122
Chapter 8 – Energy Balance and Body
Composition ............................................................................................140
Chapter 9 – Weight Management: Overweight, Obesity, and
Underweight.........................................................156
Chapter 10 – The Water-Soluble Vitamins: B Vitamins and Vitamin C
................................................................173
Chapter 11 – The Fat-Soluble Vitamins: A, D, E, and
K ........................................................................................198
Chapter 12 – Water and the Major Minerals
........................................................................................................... 217
Chapter 13 – The Trace
Minerals ............................................................................................................................ 240
Chapter 14 – Fitness: Physical Activity, Nutrients, and Body
Adaptations............................................................265
Chapter 15 – Life Cycle Nutrition: Pregnancy and Lactation
................................................................................. 285
Chapter 16 – Life Cycle Nutrition: Infancy, Childhood, and Adolescence
............................................................305
Chapter 17 – Life Cycle Nutrition: Adulthood and the Later Years
.......................................................................328
Chapter 18 – Diet and Health
............................................................................................................................. .....342
Chapter 19 – Consumer Concerns about Foods and
Water.....................................................................................362

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Chapter 20 – Hunger and the Global Environment
................................................................................................. 388

Part 2 – Test Bank for Nutrition Pathways Telecourse Videos

............................................................................396
(Provided by Marie Yost Maness of Dallas County Community College District)
Lesson 1: Nutrition Basics
............................................................................................................................. ....396
Lesson 2: The Digestive System
........................................................................................................................ 398
Lesson 3: Carbohydrates: Simple and Complex
................................................................................................ 400
Lesson 4: Carbohydrates:
Fiber..........................................................................................................................401
Lesson 5: Fats: The Lipid
Family.......................................................................................................................404
Lesson 6: Fats: Health
Effects............................................................................................................................406
Lesson 7: Protein: Form and Function
............................................................................................................... 408
Lesson 8: The Protein
Continuum......................................................................................................................410
Lesson 9: Metabolism
............................................................................................................................. ...........411
Lesson 10: Weight Control: Energy Regulation
.................................................................................................. 412
Lesson 11: Weight Control: Health Effects
......................................................................................................... 414
Lesson 12: Vitamins: Water-Soluble
................................................................................................................... 417
Lesson 13: Vitamins: Fat-Soluble
........................................................................................................................ 418
Lesson 14: Major Minerals and Water
................................................................................................................. 420
Lesson 15: Trace Minerals
............................................................................................................................. ......423
Lesson 16: Physical Activity: Fitness
Basics .......................................................................................................426
Lesson 17: Physical Activity: Beyond
Fitness .....................................................................................................429
Lesson 18: Life Cycle:
Pregnancy........................................................................................................................431
Lesson 19: Life Cycle: Lactation and Infancy
..................................................................................................... 433
Lesson 20: Life Cycle: Childhood and Adolescence
........................................................................................... 435
Lesson 21: Life Cycle: Adulthood and
Aging......................................................................................................437
Lesson 22: Diet and Health: Cardiovascular Disease
.......................................................................................... 439
Lesson 23: Diet and Health: Cancer, Immunology, and AIDS
............................................................................442
Lesson 24: Diet and Health: Diabetes
.................................................................................................................. 446
Lesson 25: Consumer Concerns and Food
Safety................................................................................................449
Lesson 26: Applied
Nutrition ............................................................................................................................. ..452
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iv

A Note on Test Bank Style and Use

The test bank consists of the two major types of test questions, namely objective and essay. Essay questions
require students to generate their own thoughts (creativity) and organize a response to reveal their level of
recall knowledge, comprehension, evaluation, application, and/or reasoning. In this test bank, two types of
essay questions are offered: restricted response (e.g., Compare and contrast...) and extended response (e.g.,
Describe...; Discuss...).

Among the various types of objective tests, measurement professionals overwhelmingly prefer multiple-choice
over completion, true-false, and matching items. Multiple-choice items are the most flexible and adaptable.
When properly written, they are capable of assessing not only recall knowledge but also application of
knowledge. In turn, the application of knowledge may require certain levels of comprehension and analytical
reasoning. In this test bank the majority of the objective questions are the multiple choice format. At the end of
this section in each chapter, there are 20 matching items.

The instructor may select among the different types of questions to construct an examination. However,
studies show that combining different types of questions in the same test may result in distractions that affect
efficient use of available test time. Since assessment of student learning from objective tests is more reliable
as the number of questions increases, the elimination of as many distractions as possible will promote better
use of time, thus allowing more items to be included in the same time period.

While reading through these questions, you will notice the consistency of style and format. With few
exceptions, each multiple-choice question is composed of a stem followed by four options—one and only one
correct option and three distractors. The stem is presented in either question form or as an incomplete statement.
In keeping with recommendations of measurement professionals, there are no options with “All of the above”
or “None of the
above” as responses. Where appropriate, two or more correct answers are combined into a compound
response within the same option. In the matching section, there are 20 stems and 20 options. Each option
can be used only once.

For your convenience, several features are included in the format. The column to the far left of each multiple-
choice question presents the correct option (a, b, c, or d). The next column reveals the page number(s) in the
text Understanding Nutrition (12th ed.) where information relates to the question. Finally, the symbol (K) refers
to questions that require simple recall of knowledge (or comprehension) whereas the symbol (A) refers to
questions
that require application of knowledge and which also include items that may involve analysis, problem
solving, evaluation, and synthesis. The matching items also indicate the page number(s) corresponding to
the text information.

Compared with the previous edition, each chapter contains some new items, primarily of the multiple-choice
and essay type. Many of the new questions are designed to test higher-level critical thinking skills, including
clinical applications.

This test bank is available as a software edition, which enables the instructor to quickly and easily modify any
of the questions.

About the Test Bank Preparer

Dr. Sitren teaches a large, undergraduate, introductory nutrition course to nutrition majors and non-majors at
the University of Florida. He has also been active on education committees of national nutrition societies and
has participated as a member and chair of several committees for the preparation of nutrition assessment
examinations for health professionals. During this time, he worked closely with test measurement specialists
on the craftsmanship of challenging, critical, and disseminating objective test questions.

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 USTESTBANK.COM

Chapter 1 – An Overview of Nutrition

An. Page(s)/difficulty K = knowledge-level, A = application
level

Multiple Choice

Questions for Section 1.0 Introduction

c 3(K) 01. Features of a chronic disease include all of the following except
a. it develops
slowly. b. it lasts a
long time.
c. it produces sharp
pains. d. it progresses
gradually.

b 3(K) 02. Characteristics of an acute disease include all of the following except
a. it develops quickly.
b. it progresses slowly.
c. it runs a short
course.
d. it causes sharp symptoms.

Questions for Section 1.1 Food Choices

b 3(K) 03. What is the chief reason people choose the foods they eat?
a. Cost
b. Taste
c. Convenience
d. Nutritional value

d 3-5(A) 04. All of the following are results of making poor food choices except
a. over the long term, they will reduce lifespan in some
people. b. they can promote heart disease and cancer over the
long term.
c. over the long term, they will not affect lifespan in some people.
d. when made over just a single day, they exert great harm to your health.

d 4(A) 05. A child who developed a strong dislike of noodle soup after consuming some when
she was sick with flu is an example of a food-related
a. habit.
b. social interaction.
c. emotional
turmoil.
d. negative association.

c 4(A) 06. A parent who offers a child a favorite snack as a reward for good behavior is
displaying a food behavior known as
a. social interaction.
b. reverse
psychology. c.
positive association.
d. habitual reinforcement.

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a 4(A) 07. A person who eats a bowl of oatmeal for breakfast every day would be displaying a
food choice most likely based on
a. habit.
b. availability.
c. body
image.
d. environmental concerns.

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2
d 4(A) 08. Which of the following represents a food choice based on negative association?
a. A tourist from China who rejects a hamburger due to unfamiliarity
b. A child who spits out his mashed potatoes because they taste too salty
c. A teenager who grudgingly accepts an offer for an ice cream cone to avoid
offending a close friend
d. An elderly gentleman who refuses a peanut butter and jelly sandwich because
he deems it a child’s food

a 4(A) 09. The motive for a person who alters his diet due to religious convictions is most likely
his a. values.
b. body image.
c. ethnic heritage.
d. functional association.

c 4(A) 10. A person viewing an exciting sports match of her favorite team and eating
because of nervousness would be displaying a food choice behavior most likely
based on
a. habit.
b. availability.
c. emotional comfort.
d. positive
association.

d 4(K) 11. Excluding fast-food establishments, approximately what percentage of restaurants in

the
United States show an ethnic emphasis?
a. 15
b. 30
c. 45
d. 60

d 5(K) 12. Terms that describe a food that provides health benefits beyond its nutrient
contribution include all of the following except
a.
neutraceutical. b.
designer food.
c. functional food.
d. phytonutritional food.

c 5(K) 13. What is the term that defines foods that contain nonnutrient substances whose known
action in the body is to promote well-being to a greater extent than that contributed by
the food’s nutrients?
a. Fortified
foods b.
Enriched foods
c. Functional foods
d. Health enhancing foods

c 5(K) 14. Nonnutrient substances found in plant foods that show biological activity in the body
are commonly known as
a. folionutrients.
b. inorganic fibers.
c. phytochemicals.
d. phyllochemicals.

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3
Questions for Section 1.2 The Nutrients

a 6(A) 15. The complete lining of a person's digestive tract is renewed approximately
every a. 3-5 days.
b. 3 weeks.
c. 1-2 months.
d. 6-12
months.

b 6(K) 16. By chemical analysis, what nutrient is present in the highest amounts in most foods?
a. Fats
b. Water
c. Proteins
d. Carbohydrates

d 7(A) 17. Approximately how much water (lbs) would be found in a 120-lb person?
a. 12
b. 24
c. 36
d. 72

a 7(K) 18. Which of the following is not one of the six classes of nutrients?
a. Fiber
b. Protein
c. Minerals
d.
Vitamins

d 7(A) 19. A nutrient needed by the body and that must be supplied by foods is termed a(n)
a. neutraceutical.
b. metabolic
unit.
c. organic nutrient.
d. essential nutrient.

c 7(A) 20. All of the following are classified as macronutrients except

a. fat.
b. protein.
c.
calcium.
d. carbohydrate.

a 7(A) 21. Which of the following is an example of a macronutrient?

a. Protein
b.
Calcium
c. Vitamin C
d. Vitamin D

a 7(A) 22. Which of the following is classified as a micronutrient?

a. Iron
b. Protein
c.
Alcohol
d. Carbohydrate

d 7(A) 23. Which of the following is an organic compound?

a. Salt
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b. Water
c. Calcium
d. Vitamin C

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4
c 7(A) 24. An essential nutrient is one that cannot
be a. found in food.
b. degraded by the body.
c. made in sufficient quantities by the body.
d. used to synthesize other compounds in the body.

d 7(A) 25. Which of the following most accurately describes the term organic?
a. Products sold at health food stores
b. Products grown without use of
pesticides c. Foods having superior
nutrient qualities
d. Substances with carbon-carbon or carbon-hydrogen bonds

a 7(A) 26. Which of the following is an organic nutrient?

a. Fat
b. Water
c. Oxygen
d.
Calcium

c 7(K) 27. Approximately how many nutrients are considered indispensable in the diet?
a. 15
b. 25
c. 40
d. 55

d 7(A) 28. Which of the following cannot add fat to the body?
a. Alcohol
b.
Proteins
c. Carbohydrates
d. Inorganic nutrients

c 7(A) 29. Which of the following is an example of a micronutrient?

a. Fat
b. Protein
c. Vitamin C
d. Carbohydrate

c 7(K) 30. Which of the following nutrients does not yield energy during its metabolism?
a. Fat
b. Proteins
c.
Vitamins
d. Carbohydrates

b 7(A) 31. How much energy is required to raise the temperature of one kilogram (liter) of
water 1° C?
a. 10 calories
b. 1 kilocalorie
c. 10,000 calories
d. 1000 kilocalories

a 7(K) 32. Gram for gram, which of the following provides the most energy?
a. Fats
b. Alcohol
c.
Proteins
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d. Carbohydrates

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5
a 8(K) 33. Food energy is commonly expressed in kcalories and
in a. kilojoules.
b. kilograms.
c.
kilometers.
d. kilonewtons.

c 8(K) 34. International units of energy are expressed

in a. newtons.
b. calories.
c. kilojoules.
d. kilocalories.

c 8(K) 35. Approximately how many milliliters are contained in a half-cup of milk?
a. 50
b. 85
c. 120
d. 200

c 8(K) 36. A normal half-cup vegetable serving weighs approximately how many grams?
a. 5
b. 50
c. 100
d. 200

c 8(A) 37. A weight reduction regimen calls for a daily intake of 1400 kcalories, which includes
30 g of fat. Approximately what percentage of the total energy is contributed by fat?
a. 8.5
b. 15
c. 19
d. 25.5

a 8(A) 38. A diet provides a total of 2200 kcalories, of which 40% of the energy is from fat and
20% from protein. How many grams of carbohydrate are contained in the diet?
a. 220
b. 285
c. 440
d. 880

d 8(A) 39. What is the kcalorie value of a meal supplying 110 g of carbohydrates, 25 g of protein,
20 g of fat, and 5 g of alcohol?
a. 160
b. 345
c. 560
d. 755

a 9(A) 40. Which of the following nutrient sources yields more than 4 kcalories per gram?
a. Plant fats
b. Plant proteins
c. Animal proteins
d. Plant carbohydrates

a 9(A) 41. Which of the following is a result of the metabolism of energy nutrients?
a. Energy is
released b. Body fat
increases
c. Energy is destroyed
d. Body water decreases

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c 9(A) 42. Which of the following statements most accurately describes the composition of
most foods?
a. They contain only one of the three energy nutrients, although a few contain all
of them
b. They contain equal amounts of the three energy nutrients, except for high-fat
foods c. They contain mixtures of the three energy nutrients, although only one or
two may
predominate
d. They contain only two of the three energy nutrients, although there are
numerous other foods that contain only one

b 9(K) 43. In the body, the chemical energy in food can be converted to any of the following
except
a. heat energy.
b. light
energy.
c. electrical energy.
d. mechanical energy.

d 10(K) 44. When consumed in excess, all of the following can be converted to body fat and stored
except
a. sugar.
b. corn
oil. c.
alcohol.
d. vitamin C.

d 10(K) 45. How many vitamins are known to be required in the diet of human beings?
a. 5
b. 8
c. 10
d. 13

b 10-11(K) 46. Which of the following is not a characteristic of the vitamins?

a. Essential
b.
Inorganic
c. Destructible
d. kCalorie-
free

c 11(K) 47. Which of the following is a feature of the minerals as nutrients?

a. They are organic
b. They yield 4 kcalories per gram
c. Some become dissolved in body
fluids d. Some may be destroyed during
cooking

c 11(K) 48. How many minerals are known to be required in the diet of human beings?
a. 6
b. 12
c. 16
d. 24

b 11(A) 49. Which of the following is not a characteristic of the minerals?

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a. Yield no energy
b. Unstable to
light
c. Stable in cooked foods
d. Structurally smaller than vitamins

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7
b 11(A) 50. Overcooking a food is least likely to affect which of the following groups of nutrients?
a. Vitamins
b. Minerals
c. Proteins
d. Carbohydrates

Questions for Section 1.3 The Science of Nutrition

a 12(A) 51. Your friend Carrie took a daily supplement of vitamin C and stated that she felt a
lot better. Her experience is best described as a(n)
a. anecdote.
b. blind experiment.
c. nutritional genomic.
d. case-control experience.

b 12(A) 52. The study of how a person’s genes interact with nutrients is
termed a. genetic counseling.
b. nutritional genomics.
c. genetic
metabolomics.
d. nutritional nucleic acid pool.

b 12(K) 53. What is the meaning of a double-blind experiment?

a. Both subject groups take turns getting each treatment
b. Neither subjects nor researchers know which subjects are in the control
or experimental group
c. Neither group of subjects knows whether they are in the control or
experimental group, but the researchers do know
d. Both subject groups know whether they are in the control or experimental group,
but the researchers do not know

c 12(K) 54. In the scientific method, a tentative solution to a problem is called

the a. theory.
b. prediction.
c. hypothesis.
d. correlation.

c 13(K) 55. Among the following, which is the major weakness of a laboratory-based study?
a. The costs are usually high
b. It is difficult to replicate the findings
c. The results cannot be applied to human beings
d. Experimental variables cannot be easily
controlled

d 13(A) 56. What is the benefit of using controls in an experiment?

a. The size of the groups can be very large
b. The subjects do not know anything about the experiment
c. The subjects who are treated are balanced against the placebos
d. The subjects are similar in all respects except for the treatment being
tested

a 13(A) 57. What is the benefit of using a large sample size in an experiment?
a. Chance variation is ruled out
b. There will be no placebo effect
c. The experiment will be double-blind
d. The control group will be similar to the experimental group

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Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
regiment of Missouri Militia in the Union army during the war, not
only authorizes the above statement, but affirms freely that, though
he had been an anti-slavery man for many years, and rejoices in the
emancipation of the slaves as he does in the restoration of the Union,
yet he endorses that meeting and those resolutions to-day, and
would conscientiously pursue the same course again should a similar
state of things exist in the community to demand it. An old citizen of
Missouri, a member of no church—friendly to all—a Union man from
first to last, speaking, working and fighting to restore and preserve
the supremacy of the Federal government, he would make affidavit
to-day that, to the best of his knowledge, the three facts above stated
are fully vindicated in the Fabius Township and all similar meetings
held for similar purposes in Missouri. Thousands of the best citizens
of the State are ready to affirm the same facts and vindicate the good
people of Missouri against the aspersions of the Northern press.
Similar meetings to that of Fabius township were held in Andrew
county, in Independence, Jackson county, in Cass county, and
perhaps other places, and with similar results. In no single instance
was the M. E. Church, South, implicated. In no single instance were
the ministers of the M. E. Church, North, mobbed or murdered, and
in no single instance was mob violence against the “vilest abolition
thieves” counseled or countenanced; and with all honest people who
know the facts the hue and cry raised in certain quarters about
religious intolerance, mob violence, persecution of ministers, and the
martyrdom of innocent and holy men is as gratuitous as it is
contemptible.
When the lower House of the Missouri Legislature, in February,
1855, refused, by a vote of sixty to thirty-six, to charter what was
called the Jackson Seminary, in Cape Girardeau county, for the
Northern Methodists, it was not because the representatives of the
people opposed the establishment of literary institutions, or wished
to proscribe any form of religion, but because, as then stated, the
Northern Methodist preachers were the emissaries of abolitionism,
and by encouraging them in establishing institutions in Missouri
they encouraged their purposes and organization to subvert the
lawful institutions of the State, which the lawmakers did not hesitate
to affirm would be encouraging a cowardly, clandestine treason
against the laws and government of the State. Four years later the
Legislature refused to charter a university at Jefferson City for the
Northern Methodists, for the same reason.
The “Jefferson City Land Company,” to encourage immigration,
build up the city and enhance the private fortunes of its members,
proposed a liberal grant of land to the Northern Methodists, or any
others, who would build up and endow, with foreign capital, a
university at the State Capital. Though many of the members of this
Land Company were slaveholders, and some of them large
slaveholders, they believed that the introduction of free labor into the
State would greatly facilitate the development of her material
resources, by building railroads and opening her vast beds of coal,
and lead, and iron to the markets of the world. They conceived the
idea of inviting and encouraging free labor from the Northern States
through the active agency of the Northern Methodist Church.
The class of immigrants they desired were opposed to negro
slavery, and the Northern Methodist Church was opposed to negro
slavery. Methodist ministers, more than any other ministers, were in
sympathy with the anti-slavery surplus populations of the Northern
and Eastern States, and could influence them more. Hence the
alliance.
The proposition to donate so much land for a university, even at a
fictitious value, was a splendid prize for that church in Missouri,
backed, as it was, by the names and influence of some of the first
men of the State, and located at the seat of political power—the State
Capital.
On the other hand, the promise of the most extensive and efficient
agency in the world actively working throughout the dense
populations of the older States to put into operation a system of
emigration that would fill up the State with industrious laborers,
absorb the surplus lands and enrich the centers of settlement, was a
tempting premium upon the cupidity of the “Jefferson City Land
Company,” for which they could afford to give up their slaves and
their former principles.
The inevitable logic of facts does not compliment either the
benevolence of the Land Company or the religion of the Church. The
members of the Land Company may have been anti-slavery from
principle, and their benevolent donation may have been unselfish: if
so, they were unfortunate in their schemes; if not so, they were
unskilled in dissimulation.
They succeeded in this much, at least, in making the impression
pretty general that their creed was a policy, and their policy was
simply a question of loss and gain. Not that they loved slavery less,
but that they loved money more; not that they loved the Northern
Methodist Church more, but that they could use that Church better:
while the success of the other party resolved itself into a question of
deception; either deceiving themselves or deceiving others—possibly
both.
Residing in Jefferson City at the time, and being personally
acquainted with each member of the Land Company, as well as
cognizant of all the facts, the author feels justified in thus making
transparent the shrewd scheme about which so much was said at the
time. The only motive for this expose is a vindication of the truth of
history and an analysis of the spirit of the times before the war.
After the failure of the “Jefferson City Land Company” and the M.
E. Church, North, to build up a Cambridge or a Harvard at the State
Capital the Land Company subsided, and the Church directed
attention to other expedients and sought a footing in Missouri
through other agencies. Public sentiment was against them; political
prejudices and social barriers denied them access to the people. All
other religious denominations were unfriendly to them; their best
preachers left them, and either went into the M. E. Church, South, or
returned home. The better class of Northern immigrants, even from
their own Church at home, found it to their interest to seek other
church connections.
A suspicion followed them into the domestic, the social and the
business relations of life, which manifested too clearly the instinctive
sense of moral justice and religious fidelity in the public mind to be
either mistaken or escaped by them as covenant breakers, false
accusers and clandestine enemies to the property and peace of the
State. It was natural for them under such circumstances to long for
redress, and gladly embrace and use every means in their power to
effect their purpose. They had a lively conception of the horrors of
slavery, and more skill than conscience in magnifying them for the
Northern press and the Northern public. By this means the Northern
mind was misled, and many a victim of their misrepresentations was
undeceived only on coming to Missouri and seeing for himself the
system of slavery, not as it existed in a blinded imagination, but as it
existed in the homes and on the farms of slaveholders; and
abandoning their deceivers, they vindicated both the system and the
people from the false impeachment of unscrupulous fanatics. This
made against them and exasperated them, and when they found that
they were not sufficiently successful in deceiving the public mind to
secure even the letters with their bearers from their own Church in
the Free States, the Missouri Conference, in 1858, uttered complaint
in the following resolution:
“Resolved, That we hereby earnestly and affectionately request our
brethren of other Conferences, in dismissing from their charges, by
letter, members who intend immigrating to Missouri, that they be at
pains to inform them that, under the blessing of the great Head of
the Church, the Methodist Episcopal Church in this State is living
and thriving, and urge upon them the propriety of attaching
themselves to our Church here immediately on their arrival.”
Several Quarterly Conferences took action on the subject, and set
forth more fully the grounds of complaint, which even Dr. Elliott
could not escape or overlook in his “Southwestern Methodism.”
Perhaps no event in the history of those times furnished them
more food for comment and capital than the hanging of the Rev.
Anthony Bewley by the citizens of Fort Worth, Texas, in September,
1860. Out of this event the strongest system of falsehood was
manufactured by designing men to fire the Northern Methodist heart
against the Southern people, especially the Southern Methodists.
It was at a time when the country was convulsed with political
excitement from one end to the other, and partisan politics, more or
less, colored every report of the affair. It was almost impossible at
the time to get a true history of the event, as the most extravagant
statements were put in circulation to influence the Presidential
election the following November. The reports in the papers made at
the time, and under the pressure of the most exciting and embittered
political campaign known to the history of this country, must be
received with great allowance and heavy discount. After the heat of
political excitement, when every ballot stood for a thousand bullets,
and the fire and blood of the civil war that followed have all passed
away, when passion and prejudice can no longer serve the purposes
of party, the following facts appear upon the surface and bear the
imperial image and superscription of truth:
1. That the Rev. Anthony Bewley, a minister of the M. E. Church,
North, was hung at Fort Worth, Texas, September, 1860.
2. That the said Bewley had been living in Texas but a short time,
operating when he could as a minister of his Church, but connected
with an extensive secret organization for the purpose of freeing the
slaves, at whatever risk to the peace, the property, and the lives of
citizens.
3. That he was implicated in a nefarious plot to poison wells, fire
towns and residences, and, in the midst of conflagrations and death,
to run off the slaves. This fact rests upon much oral and
documentary evidence.
4. That a Vigilance Committee had been formed to ferret out the
plot, capture the guilty parties and bring them to justice.
5. That this Committee had cause to suspect Mr. Bewley,
ascertaining which he fled the country and made his way to Missouri,
whither he was pursued by them, captured, and taken back to Fort
Worth.
6. That the evidence was so strong against him that neither the
Vigilance Committee nor the officers of the law could protect him
from the outraged and enraged populace, and about midnight he was
taken by force and hung.
7. That if there was a member of the M. E. Church, South, on the
Vigilance Committee, or in the mob that hung him, the evidence does
not appear.
8. Neither the extremest torture of facts nor the most distorted
construction of collateral circumstances can implicate Bishop Pierce,
or any other Bishop, minister, or member of the M. E. Church,
South, as such, in the murder of Bewley.
9. With all due respect to the character of the Northern Methodist
publications of this affair, and to Dr. Elliott in his “Southwestern
Methodism” in particular, it may be asked with some degree of
consistency, “Was Bishop Ames Bewley’s hangman?” Bishops Janes
and Ames are responsible for Bewley’s appointment to Texas; the
latter for his re-appointment, after Bewley had made him acquainted
with all the facts existing there that would prevent his usefulness and
endanger his life. The Bishop sent him upon a missionary
appropriation of $400, for which he pledged the Missionary Society
of the Church. Bewley and Willet were sent to the Nueces country
with specific instructions “not to organize societies next summer, but
to correspond with the Missionary Board.”
10. The evidence upon which he stood convicted in the public mind
of complicity in the bloody plot to poison wells, burn towns, and,
through fire and blood and insurrection, free the slaves, convicted
others also, who were not ministers of the M. E. Church. It can not be
made to appear, therefore, by any legitimate construction, that he
suffered because he was a minister of that Church; but because he
was a ringleader in the clandestine scheme of fire and murder, that
was too diabolical to discriminate even in favor of women and
children, but doomed all indiscriminately who might drink of the
wells, or be the victims of midnight conflagrations, or in any way be
exposed to the wide-spread negro insurrection thus instigated. For
this cause, and not for preaching the gospel, he was hanged.
11. The following letter, written by one Rev. W. H. Bailey,
addressed to Rev. A. Bewley, and acknowledged by him to have been
received and subsequently lost, was the principal evidence upon
which he was convicted. Bewley acknowledged to his brother-in-law,
Mr. John Cook, that the latter was genuine, and had been received by
him and lost. The letter was dated, “Denton Creek, Texas, July 3,
1860,” and was found by the Vigilance Committee, authenticated,
and extensively published by the secular and religious papers of the
country, and is as follows:

“Denton Creek, July 3, 1860.

“Dear Sir: A painful abscess in my right thumb is my apology for

not writing to you from Anderson. Our glorious cause is prospering
finely as far South as Brenham. There I parted with Brother
Wampler; he went still further South. He will do good wherever he
goes. I traveled up through the frontier counties—a part of the time
under a fictitious name. I found many friends who had been
initiated, and understood the mystic Red. I met a number of our
friends near Georgetown. We had a consultation, and were
unanimously of the opinion that we should be cautious of our new
associates; most of them are desperate characters, and may betray
us, as there are some slaveholders among them, and they value the
poor negro much higher than horses. The only good they will do us
will be destroying towns, mills, &c., which is our only hope in Texas
at present. If we can break Southern merchants and millers, and
have their places filled by honest Republicans, Texas will be an
easy prey, if we only do our duty. All that is wanted for the time
being is control of trade. Trade, assisted by preaching and
teaching, will soon control public opinion. Public opinion is mighty
and will prevail. Lincoln will certainly be elected; we will then have
the Indian nation, cost what it will; squatter sovereignty will
prevail there as it has in Kansas. That accomplished, we have but
one more step to take—one more struggle to make—that is, free
Texas. We will then have a connected link from the Lakes to the
Gulf. Slavery will then be surrounded, by land and water, and will
soon sting itself to death.
“I repeat, Texas we must have, and our only chance is to break
up the present inhabitants—in whatever way we can—and it must
be done. Some of us will most assuredly suffer in accomplishing
our object, but our Heavenly Father will reward us in assisting him
in blotting out the greatest curse on earth. It would be impossible
for us to do an act that is as blasphemous in the sight of God as
slaveholding.
“We must have frequent consultations with our colored friends.
(Let our meetings be in the night.) Impress upon their clouded
intellects the blessings of freedom; induce all to leave you can. Our
arrangements for their accommodations to go North are better
than they have been, but not as good as I would like.
“We need more agents, both local and traveling. I will send out
traveling agents when I get home. We must appoint a local agent in
every neighborhood in your district. I will recommend a few I know
it will do to rely upon—namely, Brothers Leak, Wood, Evans, Mr.
Daniel Vicry, Cole, Nugent, Shaw, White, Gilford, Ashley, Drake,
Meeks, Shultz and Newman. Brother Leak, the bearer of this, will
take a circuitous route and see as many of our colored friends as he
can. He also recommends a different material to be used about
town, etc. Our friends sent a very inferior article—they emit too
much smoke, and do not contain enough camphene. They are
 calculated to get some of our friends hurt. I will send a supply
when I get home.
“I will have to reprove you and your co-workers for your
negligence in sending funds for our agents. But few have been
compensated for their trouble. Our faithful correspondent, Brother
Webber, has received but a trifle—not so much as apprentice’s
wages; neither have Brothers Willet, Mungum and others. You
must call upon our colored friends for more money. They must not
expect us to do all. They certainly will give every cent if they knew
how soon their shackles will be broken. My hand is very painful,
and I close.
“Yours truly, W. H. Bailey.”

Should any one be tempted to doubt the genuineness of this letter,

his attention is directed to what critics call internal evidence, to the
testimony of witnesses on the spot, and the acknowledgment of
Bewley himself to Mr. Cook, his brother-in-law, and others.
The disclosure of such a diabolical plot, to be executed
simultaneously in all parts of the country, with these preachers and
others in secret league and clandestine confederation, extending,
perhaps, all over the South, and involving a negro insurrection with
all the horrible crimes of St. Domingo intensified and aggravated a
thousandfold, could not fail to enrage the populace and fire the
passions of men to an uncontrollable point.
Upon such provocation Bewley and Bailey were both hung. And
with all the efforts made to hold the Southern Methodist papers,
Bishops and members responsible for the crime, no papers and no
men more deeply regretted and more heartily condemned the act.
How the venerable Bishop Morris, of the M. E. Church, could write
—“One of our godly and inoffensive ministers, A. Bewley, was hung
by a Texan mob, for no other crime but connection with the
Methodist Episcopal Church,” it is difficult to conceive unless we
assume that he was kept in ignorance of the facts. Surely the good
Bishop would not suffer his prejudices to blind him to the true state
of things as they will ever stand out in the history of that deplorable
event.
 Dr. Elliott says: “Mr. Bewley was suspended upon the same limb
and tree upon which several negroes and a Northern man named
Crawford had been hung.” Were these negroes and this “Northern
man named Crawford” hung “for no other crime but connection with
the Methodist Episcopal Church?” and yet, so far as the facts appear,
they were hanged for the same crime of which that “godly and
inoffensive minister, A. Bewley,” was convicted.
We could excuse the above declaration from the pen of Dr.
Cartwright or Dr. Elliott; we could palliate it somewhat had it come
from Bishop Ames; but from Bishop Morris! the astonishment can
scarcely surpass the mortification.
“Truth is mighty and will prevail” and from all the rubbish of
falsehood and all the coloring of distorted facts the true history of
this event will finally reach posterity, and vindicate Southern
Methodism of every aspersion made by a subsidized press, and tear
the martyr’s crown from the victim who expiated his crimes upon
“the Crawford limb.”
This whole chapter will furnish the reader with a correct view of
the relation of the M. E. Church, North, to the people, the property,
the laws and the institutions of the State between the division of the
Church, in 1844, and the breaking out of the civil war, in 1861. But
this is subordinate to the prime object, which is to show, at least, one
reason for the conspicuous and efficient agency of Northern
Methodist preachers in the vindictive persecution of the ministers of
the M. E. Church, South, the seizure and use of Church property, etc.,
under the constructive association of the latter with slavery,
secession, rebellion, treason, &c., &c., during the civil war. A
vindictive spirit put many of them in Missouri and in the army
during the war. “Vengeance is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord.”
 CHAPTER VII.
CHARACTER OF THE STRIFE IN MISSOURI.

Conflict of Sentiment—Party Spirit—New England and Missouri

Fanatics—Fraternal Blood—“Houses Divided—Three against Two
and Two against Three”—Organized Armies and Predatory
Brigands—Bull Run, Seven Pines, The Wilderness, Gettysburg
and Vicksburg Reproduced on a small scale in every County and
Cross Roads in Missouri—War upon Non-Combatants—The
Bloodiest Records—Ministers of the Gospel—Their Troubles and
Perplexities—Peculiar Trials and Persecutions—Military Fetters
put upon the Conscience—Disloyal Prayers and Military Orders.

The mixed population of Missouri, presenting such diverse types

of domestic and social life, and such different casts of political and
religious belief, could not fail to be turbulent, contentious and almost
self-destructive in any civil revolution. The people were not
homogeneous, and could not unite upon any principles or policy,
civil or ecclesiastical; but, on the contrary, each shade of political and
religious faith stood out upon the face of society sharply defined,
firmly set and fully armed for both offensive and defensive warfare.
Party leaders were bolder, party spirit ran higher, party blood waxed
hotter and party strife raged fiercer than in any other State.
When the Northern fanatics adopted a platform and announced a
line of policy, the Missouri fanatics of the same school would not
only fall into line, but glory in their excess of fanaticism, and push
the extremest measures of their Northern masters to the most
reckless results. Likewise the Southern fire-eaters, so-called, could
always find in Missouri politicians the champions of their extremest
measures. Hence it was a common “cant” saying among the
politicians that “when the New England fanatics took snuff the
Missouri fanatics would sneeze,” and, indeed, some times the
sneezing was done before the snuff was taken, and in all that was
revolutionary and reckless in politics and religion they could “out-
herod Herod.”
The extremists, North and South, whether religious or political,
found the heartiest supporters in Missouri; and that which brought
the two sections together in organized warfare brought the citizens of
the same neighborhood in Missouri, and even members of the same
family, into the sharpest personal conflict. The great battles of Bull
Run, Fredericksburg, Vicksburg, the Wilderness, Seven Pines and
Gettysburg were reproduced on a limited scale in a thousand places
in Missouri. The brush, the prairie, the glen, the road side all over the
State sheltered concealed foes, and often witnessed the deadliest
combats between neighbors and brothers. Here “houses were
divided, two against three and three against two,” “a man was set at
variance with his father, and the daughter against her mother, and
the daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law, and a man’s foes
were they of his own household.” There was in many instances a
literal fulfillment of the prediction that “the brother shall deliver up
the brother to death, and the father the child, and the children shall
rise up against their parents and cause them to be put to death;” and
the spirit of contention was too rife to confine itself to the hostile
armies, or even the lawless bands of armed men, who, in the name of
one party or the other, satiated their diabolical hatred and inordinate
cupidity by robbery, plunder, pillage and depopulation with fire and
sword.
It is no marvel that the most relentless and inhuman spirit of the
war found encouragement, if not protection, and expended its force
and fury upon the non-combatant and helpless population of
Missouri; for this State furnished the bravest men for the armies and
the most dastardly cowards for “home protection.” While her brave
sons fought and fell upon the fields of honor, making the very blood
and death of battle illustrious by an unchallenged heroism, the
warfare at home presented scenes of outrage and horror unsurpassed
by anything in the annals of civilized warfare, if, indeed, there can be
such a thing as civilized warfare, for every thing about it is intensely
savage.
 Between the “jayhawkers” of Kansas and the “bushwhackers” of
Missouri some whole counties were plundered, some were desolated
by fire and sword, and some were almost depopulated. Widows’
homes were pillaged and burned, delicate mothers and daughters
were captured, taken to camp and compelled to cook and wash for
ruffian bands of armed men, to say nothing of nameless indignities
and the most horrible crimes. Churches and dwellings were seized,
converted into barracks for soldiers, stables for horses, and often
burned to the ground in wanton destruction.
It was often heard in boast that the track of armies, or more
properly predatory bands, should be lighted through entire counties
by the glare of burning buildings, and the threat was too often
witnessed in all the midnight glare of faithful execution by the pallid
and panic-stricken old men, women and children in mid-winter. But
the heart sickens at the recital, as the enlightened conscience
revolted then at the reality. These statements must suffice to recall
the scenes which were enacted and the men who educated and then
hardened the public conscience for the crimes committed during the
war, against God and his chosen ministers and church, and for the
subsequent legislative proscription of ministers of the gospel, as a
class, and Christianity as an institution.
The attitude of ministers of the gospel in Missouri toward the
issues of the war, and how far they participated, on the one side or
the other, in its fatal scenes require notice here.
At the first, and, indeed, for two years and more after the war
commenced, the sentiment of the State was so equally divided
between the contending sections that ministers who did not propose
to forsake their high calling and become active participants in the
strife were very cautious in their expressions of sympathy. But as the
Northern or Southern feeling predominated in any given locality it
became so intolerant as to demand from ministers, as well as all
others, an unequivocal avowal of sentiment, which always subjected
the minister to the severest criticism and the most unsparing censure
when he chanced to think differently from the majority. The people
of opposite sentiments denied him access to them for good, withdrew
their encouragement and support, and thus forced him either into
the army or into exile. The people were so prejudiced and intolerant
as to believe that a man of opposite political faith was unfitted, by
that fact, to minister to them in holy things—that sectional sympathy
disqualified men for the ministry, and that the men who would
preach Christ must either dry up the fountains of human sympathy,
surrender all the rights of citizenship, or subordinate the message of
life and salvation to the dictum of the leaders and representatives of
the intolerant spirit of anti-Christ that prevailed. In this shape the
persecution of ministers of the gospel commenced in Missouri with
the first breaking out of the war. Ministers were forced to give up
their pulpits and abandon their congregations where the two were
not in sympathy upon the issues of the war.
Many an old man who had been settled for years in one pastoral
charge, where his children had grown up and some of them had died,
and where all the tenderest and dearest associations known to the
sacred relation of pastor and people had ripened and matured
around the fireside, in the sick room, the funeral scene, the homes
and hearts of grief, and around the bridal and sacramental altars,
suddenly found himself and his family proscribed, maligned and
friendless in the very homes and hearts in which aforetime their pre-
eminence was unchallenged. A bitter necessity forced him often to
give up his home and his pulpit, leave his flock in the wilderness and
seek protection and support either in the army or among strangers.
In this way many ministers, old and young, were driven to a course
which they did not elect, and forced into a position which was neither
of their own choosing nor consistent with their sense of ministerial
propriety and ministerial obligation.
And yet for a position forced upon them by the proscriptive
intolerance of their former friends they were held responsible, and
even severely censured by the public.
Many went into both armies—not willingly, but by constraint—not
of choice, but of necessity—not to fight the living with carnal
weapons, but to save the dying with the power of salvation, and to
fight the battles of the Lord of Hosts with the spiritual weapons that
are “mighty through God to the pulling down of strongholds.”
Some ministers of the gospel entered the army as soldiers to fight
the battles of the country, and no doubt did it conscientiously,
believing it to be a high patriotic duty. They claimed nothing on the
score of their profession, but accepted in good faith the issues of war
and the arbitrament of the sword. Those who survived the war claim
no undue credit, and those who sacrificed their lives for a principle
and a cause deserve no censure.
Those who entered either army voluntarily, either as chaplains or
soldiers, did it understandingly and, perhaps, conscientiously, and
accepted the penalty or reward due to such a position only. As a
soldier the preacher claimed no exceptional privileges, and as a
preacher the soldier claimed no exemption from duty on the field or
punishment at home. But it is a notorious fact that preachers who
were in the Southern army as soldiers, and who survived the war and
returned to their homes in Missouri, no matter how gladly, gracefully
and loyally they accepted the situation, have not met the
consideration nor received the treatment in all cases meted out to
other Confederate soldiers; nor have preachers from the Union army
in all instances been treated as other Federal soldiers who returned
from the same regiments and to the same counties. Charity at least
demands the belief that this is due rather to the instinctive
disapprobation in the public mind of ministers bearing arms at all
than to any studied maliciousness; and the belief is just as grateful as
it is warranted by the facts. But if it should fall out in the subsequent
facts to be presented in this book that a studied malice and a
methodical madness have done more than the anti-war sentiment,
then, however ungrateful, we must accept the facts as the best
interpretation of the anti-christian spirit which has exhausted itself
upon the ministers of the gospel in this State.
Under this kind of pressure many pastors were without churches
and many churches without pastors; and, in many parts of the State,
the churches were disorganized and broken up, and the flocks
scattered in the wilderness, like sheep having no shepherd. It is true,
some ministers refused to be driven, but remained faithful to their
trust, in the midst of many discouragements, much threatening,
much murmuring, and not a little persecution. Such men, pursuing
the even tenor of their way, neither turning to the right or left,
reviled, but reviling not again, “counting not their lives dear unto
themselves,” nor “conferring with flesh and blood,” deserve the most
honorable mention; and with those who know the pressure of
sentiment brought to bear upon them they will ever be revered as the
finest models of moral heroism and ministerial fidelity. This class of
men were not confined to any one church, but have their
representatives in all the churches which, by construction, were
considered unfriendly to the ruling powers of the State. Many of
them were faithful men of God—men of one work—seeking the souls
of men, and continuing “steadfast, immovable, always abounding in
the work of the Lord,” through all the storm and shock of war; and
this, too, at no little cost.
It was a time of wide-spread iniquity with almost all classes.
Crime, in every conceivable form, reveled without shame, and
hesitated at no atrocity. The officers of law and the courts were alike
powerless to punish crime and protect innocence; “and because
iniquity did abound the love of many waxed cold,” and the man of
God who could be faithful to the souls of men without fear or favor
had nerve, courage, faith.
His home was at the mercy of lawless bands whose nameless
crimes his last sermon rebuked, and his head was a target for the
assassin’s bullet whose cowardly heart felt the sting of conscious guilt
under the searchings of God’s truth—a guilt, too, of which the
minister was wholly ignorant. More than one faithful watchman,
during those “times that tried men’s souls,” went from his pulpit to
find his home in ashes, his wife and children shelterless in the storm,
and breadless and friendless in the world; and more than one, who
did not know that they had an enemy in the world, were called from
their beds at midnight to be shot down like dogs, or butchered like
hogs in the very presence of their families, without warning, without
any known provocation, and without knowing their murderers.
Some of the brightest and purest lights of the Church went out at
midnight—suddenly, appallingly—and their “souls were under the
altar” many long, weary hours before the news of their murder could
pass beyond the family threshold, and often days before it could even
reach the family itself. Many of these murders are wholly
unaccountable upon any other hypothesis than that intimated above,
as the victims hereafter to be named had kept themselves from strife,
and had pursued, with “singleness of heart as unto the Lord,” their
one calling; they had taken neither part nor lot in the war, one way or
the other, and, indeed, were not all of one political faith; their
sympathies were—some for the Union and some for the South.
The men who stood faithful amid the faithless were not rash and
reckless, but prudent and cautious, as it well becomes those who
stand up for the truth in the midst of a crooked and perverse
generation. Some ministers, by a prudent, consistent course,
ministering to all alike, and keeping their political views and
sympathies to themselves, conquered, in a measure, the respect and
confidence of the leading men of both parties, after so long a time,
and they were henceforth pretty secure. But many had to abandon
the ministry for the time being and seek a support in other pursuits.
For some reason, no part of the minister’s public exercises were
looked to with more interest or scrutinized more closely than his
extemporaneous prayers. Military officers, partisan leaders, and all
men of strong sympathies either way, watched with more vigilance
than devotion the objects, the subjects, the language and the
sentiment of the extemporaneous prayers of the pulpit. They were
supposed to show the drift of the minister’s sympathies and reflect
his political sentiments, and many people felt much more interested
in that than in any supplications he might make for the pardon of
guilt and the salvation of the soul. Post Commanders and Provost-
Marshals would not unfrequently send written orders to the
officiating minister whose sympathies were suspected, commanding
him to pray for Mr. Lincoln, for the flag, for the success of the army
in crushing out the rebellion, or for the destruction of all traitors, or
something else of the sort as a test of loyalty. And often a minister’s
bread, his home, his liberty or his life were suspended upon and
determined by the shade of meaning given to a word or phrase in his
prayer. The effort was made to force the conscience at the point of
the bayonet, and convert the prayer into blasphemy, or get from it a
pretext for executing a malicious purpose already formed, and for
which there existed neither cause nor occasion.
 CHAPTER VIII.
ANOMALOUS CONDITION OF THE STATE—
GREAT EXCITEMENT.

Border Slave State—Missouri State Convention—The Last Hope—

Virginia Convention—Missouri would not Secede—Rights in the
Union—Disappointment—Anomalous Position—Governor
Jackson and General Price—Great Excitement—Ministers
Embarrassed—One False Step Fatal—The Sword vs. Sympathy—
Why the Innocent and Helpless Suffered more in Missouri than
Elsewhere—Constructive Sympathy—Predatory Bands—Hon.
Luther J. Glenn Commissioner from Georgia—The Effect of the
Fall of Fort Sumter and President Lincoln’s Proclamation—The
State Officers, Legislature and Militia Adhere South—Assemble
at Neosho, Pass an Act of Secession, Elect Delegates to the
Confederate Congress, etc., etc.—Preparations for War—Union
vs. Price’s Army—State Convention Meets Again—Its Acts and
Doings—Two State Governments—Sympathy, Property and
Plunder—Ministers Again—Their Course—Days of Fasting and
Prayer—Conferences—Meeting in St. Charles—Resolutions—
Prudence and Prayer—The Press—Anti-Christ Abroad—Central
Christian Advocate and a few Facts—Rev. Mr. Gardner—“Men
and Brethren Help”—State Convention again in October—The
First Oath for Ministers.

The people of Missouri contemplated the possibilities of civil war

with the peculiar interests of a border State, fearing that when it
came the border slaveholding States would be the main theatre of
strife. They looked with the deepest solicitude to every plan for the
peaceful adjustment of the troubles, and not until the failure of the
“Crittenden Compromise” did they consider the result inevitable. The
much talked of “Border States Convention” inspired hope in the less
informed, but when nothing came of it the last hope perished.
The Missouri Legislature, by an act, “approved January 21, 1861,”
called a State convention “to consider the then existing relations
between the Government of the United States and the people and
Government of the several States and the Government and people of
Missouri, and to adopt such measures for vindicating the sovereignty
of the State and the protection of its institutions as shall appear to
them to be demanded.”
This convention assembled in Jefferson City February 28, 1861,
and organized and proceeded to the work for which it was called.
By the time of its session no less than seven of the Southern States
had, by their conventions, adopted ordinances of secession, declaring
themselves separated from the Government of the United States, and
organized for themselves a distinct national confederation. Other
States were in a greatly disturbed condition, had called State
conventions, and would inevitably follow their sister Southern States.
War was imminent and preparations for it were active—alarming.
Many still clung to the delusion that the national difficulties would
be settled without bloodshed, and that the very preparations for war
would prevent it.
Virginia, “the mother of Presidents,” had a State convention then
either in session or about to assemble, and the deepest anxiety was
felt throughout the whole country as to the course that sturdy old
State would take. It was believed that the action of Missouri and
Virginia would either prevent or precipitate war, by determining the
true position of all the border slave States; consequently, every act of
these conventions, and every sentiment uttered in them, was
watched and weighed with an interest and eagerness never before
known in the history of the country.
In Missouri the liveliest interest was taken by all the people in the
debate on the report of the committee on Federal Relations, and not
until it became an ordinance of the Convention could the majority of
the people in the rural districts believe that the State would not
secede from the Federal Union and unite her fortunes with the
Southern Confederacy. The simple fact that Missouri was a
slaveholding State was sufficient in the minds of many to determine
her Federal relations, or at least the policy of secession. Rights in the
Union were considered possible by the few; rights out of the Union
were considered the only hope by the many.
The fact that the State officers and Legislature, elected just the fall
before, were so nearly unanimous in their Southern sympathies that
they could, and did, secede in a body without disorganization, and
without taking the State with them, shows how strong must have
been the Southern feeling at the time of their election. Sectional
issues were as clearly and distinctly made in the State as in the
Presidential election, and with a unanimity rare in the history of
elections the people endorsed the pro-slavery party.
The action of the State convention in February, 1861, put the State
in an anomalous condition. The effect was to detach the State
government from the State and vacate the several departments of the
State government without a vacating ordinance. The representatives
in the State Legislature found themselves without a Constitution and
the people without representatives. It was soon evident that neither
Governor C. F. Jackson and his cabinet nor the majority of the
General Assembly were in sympathy with the action of the
Convention. The President of the Convention, Hon. Sterling Price,
and a respectable minority dissented in their feelings from the action
of a majority, and conscientiously believed that the true interest of
the State was in political and commercial alliance with the Southern
Confederacy.
Notwithstanding the majority of the people were loyal to the
Federal Government when the delegates to the State Convention
were elected, in January, 1861, yet the course pursued by Governor
Jackson, General Price, and those high in authority who were
associated with them, very greatly unsettled the people of the State in
their political faith, and produced such general excitement amongst
all classes, that the greatest fears were entertained from the first of
an intensity and bitterness of strife in Missouri to which other States
would not be subjected.
No one not then residing in the State can fully appreciate the
condition of things which this complication of public policy
developed. Ministers of the gospel and other non-combatants wore
not prepared to meet the novel exigencies arising out of such an
anomalous state of things, in consequence of which many of them
were placed in very embarrassing circumstances, and not a few
found themselves forced into positions which their cooler and better
judgment afterward condemned. The pride of some kept them in
positions where their indiscretion had placed them, and from which
their sober judgment would fain extricate them; and in this way
many non-combatants were made combatants, and many were
forced from their families, their homes, their property and their
country. The people were all unused to civil revolutions and
inexperienced in the art of adjustment and adaptation. One false step
in youth may be fatal to all the objects and aims of life, blast all its
hopes and promises, and cause all its plans and purposes to miscarry
—may be irretrievably disastrous. So in the first stages of civil
revolutions, a mistake may be fatal; and fatal mistakes are common.
Men who were not secessionists found themselves fighting for
secession, and men who were not Union men were forced by a
combination of circumstances to fight for the Union. A man’s sword
often cut through his sympathies, and his sympathies often formed
the scabbard for his sword; while the “aiding and abetting” was as
often by constraint and coercion as by choice. Even the regimental
colors of opposing armies did not always and faithfully reflect the
true sentiment of field and staff, rank and file. Sympathy was too
confused and policy too unsettled to admit of either infallible
prescience in choice or fidelity in the execution in all cases. Hence
many good men suffered for principles not their own, and sacrificed
life and all for a cause with which they were not in sympathy.
Popular excitements are never favorable to deliberate prejudgment
or right action, and in Missouri more than elsewhere the intensity of
excitement at this time dethroned judgment and defeated action. It is
believed that much suffering and many of the most shocking features
of the war could have been prevented by the party leaders on both
sides in Missouri.
It is confidently believed that when a true history of the war is
written, it will appear that, in its recklessness of life and wantonness
of destruction, and in all its most shameless, and revolting, and
nameless crimes perpetrated upon the unoffending, the innocent and
the helpless, the non-combatant population of Missouri has suffered
more than any other class of people in any State. And much of the
sufferings of this class of people is justly chargeable to those into
whose hands the conduct of the war in this State was first placed.
The just judgment of posterity and the just retributions of eternity
will hold to a righteous accountability those who, under whatever
pretense, made war upon ministers of the gospel, unoffending old
men, and helpless women and children, dragging them to prison and
to death, while the pretext for it was found only in the hasty
expression of sympathy, or the constructive connection with one side
or the other based upon church affiliations.
For instance, Southern Methodists, and Southern Baptists, and
Southern Presbyterians were by the Union men and forces
constructively identified with secession and rebellion, and put in
sympathy with the Southern cause. The first from the beginning, the
last two after the virtual disruption of those respective churches.
Under the heat of party passion many innocent victims suffered
the spoiling of their goods, and often the loss of life itself, only upon
this constructive evidence.
The principal portions of the State were always held by the Union
forces, and their subordinate officers and independent, predatory
bands were either commissioned to make war upon these innocent
and defenseless people or they did it without commission. Certain it
is that it was done, and done, too, relentlessly and indiscriminately.
How far this state of things is due to the converse action of the
legitimate State Legislature and the legitimate State Convention—the
one elected in November, 1860, and the other elected in January,
1861, and both assuming to reflect the will of the people—and how
far it is due to the course pursued subsequently by Governor
Jackson, General Price, and the whole State Government, with the
legislative branch thrown in, adhering South, may be determined by
others. The people of the State, who were not accustomed to a long
search after remote causes, were free—and many of them are still
free—to attribute these most inhuman features of the war to those
who were put in command of the Federal forces in this department,
the officers and men of the State militia, and the “Kansas Redlegs,”
as they were generally called.
The first session of the State Convention did very little more than
discuss and determine the Federal relations of the State. The State of
Georgia had an accredited commissioner present in the person of
Hon. Luther J. Glenn, a distinguished citizen of that State, asking
Missouri to secede and join the Southern Confederacy. The
Convention heard him respectfully, but, after due deliberation,
rejected the proposition, and resolved to remain in and try to
preserve the integrity of the Union.
The Convention also appointed a Commission to attend the
“Border States Convention,” and adjourned to await results.
The people of the State were still in much of a dilemma until after
the fall of Fort Sumter, the proclamation of President Lincoln, and
the capture of Camp Jackson. Then it was discovered that the State
Government, with Governor Jackson at the head, was in sympathy
with the South, and would adhere South in defiance of the
Convention. It was also discovered that the “Missouri State Guard,”
which had been raised, officered, armed and equipped by the
Legislature the previous winter, would adhere South, with General
Sterling Price in command. These revelations excited and alarmed
the people all over the State, and presented new difficulties and
embarrassments, which were greatly complicated and enhanced by
the simultaneous appearance in different parts of the State of the U.
S. forces equipped for war. Indignation and consternation alternated
in the public mind, until some definite line of policy was disclosed
and the people knew what to expect.
Governor Jackson fled the capital of the State with his officers and
army, taking the great seal of State and the official records of the
several State Departments with him, as far as it could be done. He
convened the Legislature in Neosho, organized and put into
operation the several Departments of the State Government. “An Act
of Secession” was passed by the General Assembly; delegates were
elected to the Confederate Congress; a proclamation was issued to
the people of Missouri, and many other things were done to force the
State out of the Union and commit her destinies to the fate of the
Southern cause. This meant war; and the wisest men abandoned for
ever the idea of a peaceful adjustment of the difficulties, and
prepared for that which neither the counsels of the prudent nor the
prayers of the good could avert.
For the next few months the preparations for war on both sides
were active and general. Plows were left standing in the furrows;
wheat stood unshocked and ungarnered in the fields; mechanics and
artisans closed their shops and exchanged hammers and saws for
guns and swords; merchants dismissed their clerks and
manufacturers their hands, and all prepared for the war; saddleries,
foundries and gunsmiths were pressed out of measure with work,
and the country was ransacked for mules and horses for service. The
policy was, “He that hath no sword, let him sell his coat and buy
one.”
President Lincoln’s call upon Governor Jackson for the quota of
troops from this State to help the Federal Government put down
insurrection and rebellion had been promptly and curtly declined by
that official, and yet ten times more than the President asked for
stood ready to respond to the call in defiance of Governor Jackson.
The cities and towns along the railroad lines especially turned out
a heavy surplus population for the Union army, while the river towns
and rural districts supplied men and material for “Price’s army,” as it
was familiarly called.
The state of things thus presented made it necessary to convene
the State Convention again, which was done by the Committee
appointed for that purpose at its first session. In pursuance of the
call of a majority of said Committee the State Convention assembled
again in Jefferson City, July 22, 1861.
A very different state of things existed now in the State, and the
Convention had to meet new questions and provide for new
exigencies. The Governor of the State, the president and many
members of the Convention, and the Legislature that originated and
provided for the Convention, had all cut themselves loose from the
Convention and the people represented by the Convention.
The State was virtually without a Governor, and the Governor was
without a State. The Convention did not hesitate in meeting these
novel exigencies promptly and decidedly. On the seventh day the
Convention passed “An Ordinance providing for certain
Amendments to the Constitution,” which ordinance vacated the
offices of Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State and
members of the General Assembly, provided for the election of the
first three by the Convention immediately, and then ordered a
general election the following November. Hon. Hamilton R. Gamble
was elected provisional Governor, Hon. Willard P. Hall Lieutenant-
Governor, and Hon. Mordecai Oliver Secretary of State. Henceforth
the people of the State had two State Governments, and the divisions
and strifes were distinct and complete.
The effect of this state of things was to unsettle the people more
than ever, and the lines were clearly drawn. The policy of the Federal
and State authorities was more positive and decided. “He that is not
for us is against us” was not only of frequent utterance, but of dogged
application. It was assumed that all men had sympathies for one
party or the other, and an expression of them in any way was sure to
provoke the hostility of those who assumed the guardianship of
human sensibilities. Property belonging to persons of opposing
sympathies was confiscated and appropriated to the use of the
officers and men taking it; and at this stage of the war the effort was
made to force the sympathies of men through their property. Many a
well stocked farm was stripped of everything that could be carried off
and the dwellings burned to the ground, because it was said the
family had Southern sympathies; and many a helpless man and
woman, too, had to prove themselves innocent of crimes of which
they were assumed to be guilty to save them from an uncoffined
grave.
Armed brigands came down from Kansas and Iowa, and over from
Illinois, to plunder and rob the rich farmers of Missouri, and many of
the poor ones, too, in the name of the Union, and to preserve the
Constitution. They carried away wagons, horses, mules and stock of
every description, plundered houses of silver plate, jewelry, beds and
bedding, carpets, clothing of men, women and children—even the
mementoes of ladies and the toys of children—everything that could
gratify their cupidity or vex and mortify the original owners. All this
for the preservation of the Union, by enriching the houses and
pockets of men who cared for no higher distinction.
Ministers of the gospel suffered in common with others, especially
those of the Southern Methodist Church, and others who were
suspected of disloyal sentiments. Many of them had to “take the
spoiling of their goods joyfully,” or otherwise, and were wholly
broken up and reduced to penury and want, and yet many of them
were honestly and earnestly laboring to abate the feverish
excitement, allay the bitterness of feeling and promote “on earth
peace and good will toward men.”
 The Annual Conferences of the M. E. Church, South, in the fall of
1860, recommended to all Christian people the observance of a “day
of fasting, humiliation and prayer” for the peace of the country and
the amicable adjustment of existing difficulties. This had been
generally observed throughout the State the week before the
Presidential election, and, doubtless, did much good in humbling the
Church before God, and in directing the hearts and faith of the
people to the only “refuge and strength and present help in time of
trouble.”
After actual hostilities had been in progress a little more than one
month a number of ministers of different churches assembled in St.
Charles, Mo., May 21, 1861, and, after prayer and deliberation,
adopted the following:
“Whereas, In the Providence of God our country is now involved
in a civil war, which has already brought upon us many calamities,
and still threatens to introduce a state of ill will, discord and
desolation utterly inconsistent with our condition as a Christian
land; therefore,
“Resolved, 1. That we meet together on this day in the fear of God,
and with a firm reliance on his divine Providence as a Christian
people, communicants of the respective churches in this city, to
observe such means as will at least tend to promote good will among
ourselves during the continuance of this war.
“2. That we regard all war as a sore calamity, contrary to the spirit
and teaching of the gospel, and more especially a civil war, as
revolting to our Christian teaching, unnatural, abhorrent to all our
Christian instincts, and subversive of the cause of Christ, whose
blessed mission was to establish peace on earth.
“3. That, as ministers of the Christian churches, irrespective of our
private opinions, we do hereby pledge ourselves, one to another,
ministers and people, to abstain as far as possible from all bitter and
exciting controversy upon the questions now agitating the public
mind, but will, each within the sphere of our influence, endeavor to
promote a spirit of brotherly love, and by calm and judicious counsel,
animated by the Spirit of Christ, our peaceful Master, suppress every
act among ourselves which may have a tendency to increase the
present difficulties.
 “4. That we call upon the Christians of our land to band together to
stay, if possible, the further shedding of fraternal blood, etc., etc.
“5. That we will not forget our best refuge—prayer—and therefore
humble ourselves before God and supplicate our Heavenly Father to
quell the madness of the people and put away from us all bitterness,
and anger, and clamor, and evil speaking, and animate us with the
gentle spirit of peace on earth and good will toward men.
“6. That, with trustful resignation and humble faith in the strength
of the Lord of Hosts, we do cordially recommend to all Christian
churches to set apart Thursday, June 6, 1861, as a day of private and
public supplication, with fasting, humiliation and prayer,” etc.
Similar meetings were held in other places to avert the calamity of
war, or to abate some of its bitterness, and promote peace and good
will amongst neighbors and non-combatants.
Very few ministers, comparatively, espoused actively the cause of
either party, but pursued with a singleness of purpose their
legitimate calling, ministering to all alike, and seeking only to make
the gospel the “power of God unto salvation.” Individual ministers
and ecclesiastical bodies felt deeply the importance of prudence,
quietness and ministerial fidelity to the Church of Jesus Christ, over
which the Holy Ghost had made them pastors; that the ministry be
not blamed, that the cause of the Master be kept above reproach, and
that a pure Christianity might always conserve the public peace.
Notwithstanding the good intentions and laudable efforts made by
the ministry of Missouri generally to promote the public peace, the
press of the State, both secular and religious, did very much to break
the force of their well-meant endeavors, and seemed determined
either to drag the Church into the most ultra partisan support of the
war, or, in case of failure, to place both under the suspicion and
surveillance of the military authorities.
The spirit of anti-Christ, which had been increasing and spreading
for years in Missouri, now assumed a boldness and a defiance that
hesitated not to use the party hatred of religious editors and
preachers to make a bold advance upon the doctrines and services of
those who represented a pure, non-political, unsecular Christianity.
It was not uncommon for the plainest facts to be perverted, if, by so
doing, the cry of persecution for loyalty’s sake could be raised and
the most reckless passions of men could be fired. In this kind of
business the Northern Methodist preachers and papers were more
expert than others, and the hope of wreaking a mean vengeance on
the M. E. Church, South, supplied sufficient motive. Such a
declaration should not be made unless demanded and supported by
the plainest facts. Unfortunately they are not wanting, and a few only
must be selected from the many.
The Central Christian Advocate, published in St. Louis for the M.
E. Church, North, and edited by Dr. C. Elliott, seized every event that
could be tortured into an occasion for an inflammatory article
against the ministers and members of the M. E. Church, South.
Some time in September, 1860, the Northern Methodists held a
camp meeting not far from Utica, in Livingston county, North
Missouri. The preacher in charge was one Rev. Mr. Gardner, who
had already rendered himself obnoxious to the people by
intermeddling with politics, tampering with slaves and unministerial
conduct in the social circle. This camp-meeting was broken up on a
Monday without service and in great confusion. The cause was no
matter of conjecture, nor of its authenticity were the people
permitted to doubt.
The Rev. Mr. Gardner had, the night before, been found in the
wrong tent, from which he was summarily ejected by the ladies. The
public indignation was too intense the next day to allow services to
be held, and the crime of the preacher was made too apparent by the
separation of a man and wife, the latter of whom had made herself
rather conspicuous by her great zeal in the service of Gardner and
the Church.
The Central Christian Advocate published it as a “great outrage,”
and made the breaking up of that meeting do good service in the
persecution of the ministers of the M. E. Church by the ministers and
members of the M. E. Church, South. The editor of that paper said so
much about it that good, honest, reliable men went to the place and
investigated the matter. It was afterward ventilated through the
public prints, to the infinite humiliation of the profession which the
man disgraced and the reproach of the cause which he shamelessly
belied.
Many other things of similar character did much good service for
the party and the Church during the following winter and spring,
doubtless designed to manufacture prejudice against the people of
the State, and especially the Southern Methodists.
The Central, of May 15, 1861, contained the following:

“Men and Brethren, Help!

“One of our preachers, last Sabbath week, some thirteen miles
from this city, was struck down, his meeting broken up, and
members of the M. E. Church, South, had oversight of the assault,
which was conducted under their superintendence. So said Bro.
Miller, the preacher, and a member of our Church, a Missourian,
whose father and mother were buried in Missouri, and in which he
proposes to be buried, whether killed by others or dying in the
natural way.”

While the editor should be excused for writing a paragraph so

awkward and bungling, the real object will not be mistaken. It is only
necessary to state that an intelligent gentleman who was present
pronounces the whole thing utterly false. The meeting was not
broken up, the preacher was not knocked down, and there was but
one member of the M. E. Church, South, present at the service, and
he left before the trouble, which occurred outside of the church after
services were closed, and grew out of some insulting language used
by the preacher to a gentleman present, which was resented with
only one slight blow which scarcely reached the reverend offender.
They were separated before any damage was done, and left the
Central to do all the damage.
In this case, as in the Gardner case, the Southern Methodists were
not implicated; but for these and many other things of which they
were wholly innocent they had to suffer deeply and grievously, as
these pages will show.
During the summer of 1861 a number of ministers in different
portions of the State were robbed of all that they possessed of this
world’s goods, some were driven into exile, and some arrested and
put into military prisons. But more of these hereafter.
The State Convention assembled again, October 10, 1861, in St.
Louis, passed several vacating ordinances, and provided for the more
efficient prosecution of the war and the establishment of a more
reliable sympathy between the State and the Federal Administration.
Amongst other things it was ordained that all the civil officers of the
State should take, subscribe and file with County Court Clerks an
oath of allegiance or loyalty to support the Constitution of the United
States and of the State of Missouri, and not to take up arms against
the Government of the United States or the Provisional Government
of this State, nor give aid or comfort to the enemies of either, and
maintain and support the Provisional Government established by the
State Convention of Missouri. This oath of allegiance was required of
ministers of the gospel, as such.
 CHAPTER IX.
THE PULPIT AND PRESS ON THE
SITUATION IN MISSOURI.

Ministers of Peace—Course Pursued by the St. Louis Christian

Advocate—Rev. Dr. M‘Anally its Editor—Candid, Truthful,
Honest—The Cause of its Suppression, and the Imprisonment of
the Editor—Ministers of the M. E. Church, South. Labor and Pray
Earnestly for Peace—Days of Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer—
Ministers who became Political Partisans had no use for such
days-“Breathing out Threatening and Slaughter”—Spirit of the
Northern Methodist Press—False Publications for a Purpose—
One Mr. John Stearns and the Western Advocate—Glaring
Falsehoods—Excitement in St. Louis and Throughout the State—
Persecution of Ministers in Kansas and Reign of Terror along the
Border—Rev. W. H. Mobly and Rev. John Monroe in Southwest
Missouri—Systematic Efforts to Break up the M. E. Church,
South, and Disperse her Ministers—Editorial in St. Louis
Advocate—The Central Again—Impressions Abroad—Baptists
and Presbyterians Implicated—“Religion in Missouri”—Missouri
Conference at Glasgow—St. Louis Conference at Arrow Rock and
Waverly—Conference Stampeded by the Rumor of a Gunboat—
Author Arrested.

That the ministers of the gospel in Missouri did not commit

themselves to the strife of war, but sought to promote peace and
good order in the State, may be learned from the frequent counsel
given to their congregations to remain at home, and “as much as lay
in them live peaceably with all men.”