RURAL ECONOMY

Introduction

The Moslem Kingdom of Delhi was founded in 1206 when Qutbuddin, appointed by the King of
Ghazni, ascended as Sultan. However, prior to this, India had experienced intermittent Moslem
rule, including Arab dominance in Sind and the governance of Hindustan by Afghan Kings for
over a century. These periods likely facilitated interactions between Hindu and Islamic agrarian
systems, although detailed records are sparse. The thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were
transformative in Indian history, with Delhi Kings extending their authority across vast territories.
However, by the late fourteenth century, the kingdom's unity began to erode, leading to the
emergence of numerous independent states.

Primary sources from this era, such as the writings of Minhaj-ul Siraj, Ziya Barni, and Shams
Afif, offer valuable insights into agrarian systems and governance. Despite the language barriers
of the time, their accounts provide authoritative perspectives free from bias or flattery often
found in other historical records.

The advent of Turkish rule in North India brought about significant societal and economic
changes, leading to the expansion of towns and alterations in agrarian relationships. Delhi,
initially the capital under the Tomara Rajputs and later the Chauhans of Ajmer, emerged as a
vital commercial hub during this period. Historical interpretations of this era have varied, with
traditional views emphasizing the damaging effects of Turkish rule on economic life and societal
fabric. However, newer perspectives highlight the importance of acknowledging structural
changes alongside periods of growth, decline, and stagnation in Indian society throughout its
history.

BACKGROUND

The thirteenth and fourteenth centuries represent a significant epoch in Indian history. During
this era, the Kings of Delhi wielded authority over a vast territory stretching from the Indus to
Bihar and from the Himalayas to the Narbada. While maintaining a semblance of continuity, the
kingdom faced fragmentation by the late fourteenth century, leading to the emergence of
independent states.

These chroniclers are invaluable sources for understanding the agrarian system of the time.
While Minhaj-ul Siraj may have shown less interest in agrarian topics, Ziya Barni and Shams
Afif, with their personal connections to the Revenue Ministry, offer crucial insights. Despite the
challenges of interpreting their language, their narratives provide essential perspectives on the
agrarian landscape of the era.

The administrative structure of the kingdom comprised provinces and parganas, with villages
grouped accordingly. The existence of intermediate administrative units akin to later districts
remains uncertain. Rebellion against the established order, often led by local Chiefs, posed a
challenge, particularly near the boundaries of the provinces. However, within villages, the
agrarian system continued to function irrespective of the establishment of Moslem rule.

In terms of territorial divisions, the Delhi Country havali-i Dehli, bounded by the Jumna to the
East and the Siwaliks to the North, stood out. To the South, its fluctuating boundary with Mewat
posed challenges, while the absence of a Governor made it unique among regions, directly
falling under the Revenue Ministry's administration.

Similarly, the River Country "the Doab, lying between the Ganges and the Jumna, formed
another vital region. Though often referred to as "the Doab," it differed from the traditional Doab
and encompassed provinces such as Meerut, Baran (now Bulandshahr), and Kol (now Aligarh).
Both the Delhi Country and the River Country served as the administrative heartland of the
kingdom.

AGRARIAN PRODUCTION
There is no record of any large change in the agrarian system of del kingdom earlier than the
rule of alauddin khilji. Minhaj ul Siraj, was the chronicler of this period & also head of qazis. Ziya
Barni on the other hand recorded changes made by Balban.
During this period, two types of Assignments, known as iqta, were prevalent: small and large.
Small Assignments were granted to individual troopers, obligating them to serve when called
upon. An example from Balban's reign illustrates how troopers settled in villages, benefiting from
revenue while villagers likely accepted the arrangement, albeit with some tension. Larger
Assignments held by influential individuals are less well-documented.

Under the iqta system introduced by the new rulers, territories were assigned to a muqti or wali,
as per Nizam-ul Mulk Tusi's 11th-century definition. The muqti collected land taxes and other
dues for the Sultan but had no claims on the cultivators' personal property. However, they were
obligated to maintain troops and provide them to the Sultan as needed. Transfers of iqta
assignments were common, indicating their transferable nature. In contrast, the khalisa referred
to territories where revenues were directly collected for the Sultan's treasury. While its size
expanded under Alauddin Khalji, it generally consisted of fixed territories within districts.
Historical accounts mention the distribution of "small iqtas" in the Doab during Iltutmish's reign,
attempts by Balban to resume these assignments, and Alauddin Khalji's establishment of cash
salaries for soldiers. Feroz Tughluq later introduced wajh assignments, which tended to be
permanent and hereditary, in place of cash payments.

In the early years of the Sultanate, the revenue and contingent size of iqta assignments
remained fluid. Balban made initial attempts at centralizing control by appointing a khwaja with
each muqti to monitor finances.
Alauddin Khalji significantly intervened in iqta administration, with the central finance
department estimating revenue income and enforcing rigorous audits, transfers, and revenue
enhancements. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq introduced moderation, limiting enhancements in
estimated revenue income and allowing muqtis to retain a portion in excess of their salaries.
Muhammad Tughluq's reign saw heightened central intervention, appointing both a wali and an
amir to oversee revenue collection in the same territory. Meanwhile, troops of iqta holders were
directly paid in cash from the state treasury, sparking political tensions.

Feroz Tughluq introduced concessions, raising noble salaries and introducing new revenue
estimates known as jama. Successors of Feroz made no efforts to restore central control. Under
the Lodis, administrative charges and revenue assignments were amalgamated into sarkars and
parganas. Sub-assignments became prevalent, particularly under Sikandar Lodi, with main
assignees delegating portions to subordinates who further distributed them to soldiers.

During Alauddin's rule, agricultural reforms were pivotal in consolidating state control and
maximizing revenue collection. Implementing a fixed revenue demand of half the produce from
agricultural lands ensured a steady income stream for the state. By abolishing perquisites
enjoyed by rural elites and assessing land revenue based on measurement, Alauddin aimed to
eliminate independent sources of income for the Hindu Chiefs, thereby strengthening central
authority.

Moreover, Alauddin introduced a grazing tax to augment state revenue and imposed strict
regulations to control the supply and pricing of agricultural produce in the market. Grain
collections were mandated, and penalties were enforced for hoarding, ensuring stable prices
and adequate food supply for the capital. Additionally, the transition from cash payments to
in-kind collections in some regions allowed the state to accumulate grain reserves, enhancing
food security during times of scarcity or siege. These measures underscored Alauddin's efforts
to centralize control over agrarian resources and stabilize the economy amidst political and
military challenges.