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Organic Electronics for Electrochromic Materials and Devices
Organic Electronics for Electrochromic
Materials and Devices

Hong Meng
Author All books published by Wiley-VCH
are carefully produced. Nevertheless,
Prof. Hong Meng authors, editors, and publisher do not
Peking University warrant the information contained in
Shenzhen Graduate School these books, including this book, to
Building G 306 be free of errors. Readers are advised
Lishui Road, Nanshan Disctrict to keep in mind that statements, data,
518055 Shenzhen illustrations, procedural details or other
China items may inadvertently be inaccurate.

Cover Design: Wiley Library of Congress Card No.:

Cover Image: © Andrew applied for
Goodsell/Shutterstock
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication
Data
A catalogue record for this book is
available from the British Library.

Bibliographic information published by

the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek
The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists
this publication in the Deutsche
Nationalbibliografie; detailed
bibliographic data are available on the
Internet at <http://dnb.d-nb.de>.

© 2021 WILEY-VCH GmbH,

Boschstr. 12, 69469 Weinheim,
Germany

All rights reserved (including those of

translation into other languages). No
part of this book may be reproduced in
any form – by photoprinting,
microfilm, or any other means – nor
transmitted or translated into a
machine language without written
permission from the publishers.
Registered names, trademarks, etc.
used in this book, even when not
specifically marked as such, are not to
be considered unprotected by law.

Print ISBN: 978-3-527-34871-8

ePDF ISBN: 978-3-527-83061-9
ePub ISBN: 978-3-527-83062-6
oBook ISBN: 978-3-527-83063-3

Typesetting SPi Global, Chennai, India

Printing and Binding

Printed on acid-free paper

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
 v

Contents

Preface xiii
About the Author xiv

1 Introduction 1
1.1 General Introduction 1
1.2 The History of Electrochromic Materials 3
1.3 The Key Parameters of Electrochromism 5
1.3.1 Electrochromic Contrast 5
1.3.2 Switching Time 8
1.3.3 Coloration Efficiency 9
1.3.4 Optical Memory 11
1.3.5 Stability 12
1.4 Conclusion 14
References 14

2 Advances in Polymer Electrolytes for Electrochromic

Applications 17
2.1 Introduction 17
2.2 Requirements of Polymer Electrolytes in Electrochromic
Applications 18
2.3 Types of Polymer Electrolytes 20
2.3.1 Gel Polymer Electrolytes (GPEs) 20
2.3.1.1 PEO-/PEG-Based Electrolytes 21
2.3.1.2 PMMA-Based Polymer Electrolytes 21
2.3.1.3 PVDF-Based Polymer Electrolytes 22
2.3.2 Self-Healing Polymer Electrolytes 24
2.3.3 Cross-Linking Polymer Electrolytes (CPEs) 26
2.3.4 Ceramic Polymer Electrolytes 27
2.3.5 Ionic Liquid Polymer Electrolytes 30
2.3.6 Gelatin-Based Polymer Electrolytes 32
2.4 Conclusion and Future Outlook 33
References 40
vi Contents

3 Electrochromic Small Molecules 49

3.1 Background of Small Molecule Electrochromic 49
3.2 Technology Development of Small Molecule Electrochromic
Materials 50
3.3 Violene–Cyanine Hybrids (AIE PL OEC) 50
3.4 Terephthalate Derivatives (Multicolor OEC) 56
3.4.1 Conclusion 63
3.5 Isophthalate Derivatives 64
3.5.1 Conclusion 79
3.6 Methyl Ketone Derivatives 79
3.6.1 Conclusion 84
3.7 Diphenylacetylenes 84
3.8 Fluoran Dye Derivatives 85
3.9 PH-Responsive Molecule Derivatives 92
3.10 TPA Dye Derivatives 95
3.11 Hydrocarbon Derivatives-NIR-OEC 99
3.12 Conclusions and Perspective 101
References 101

4 Viologen OEC 105

4.1 The Introduction of OEC and Viologen 105
4.1.1 General Introduction 105
4.1.2 Research History of Viologen 105
4.1.2.1 First Stage (1930s–1970s) 107
4.1.2.2 Second Stage (1970s–2000s) 107
4.1.2.3 Third Stage (2000s–2010s) 107
4.1.2.4 Fourth Stage (2010s–Present) 108
4.1.3 Electrochromism and Electrochemistry of Viologens and Their
Device 109
4.2 Different Structures of Viologen-Based Electrochromic Materials 110
4.2.1 Synthesis of Viologens 110
4.2.1.1 Direct Substitution Reaction 110
4.2.1.2 Zincke Reaction 110
4.2.1.3 Methods for Synthesizing Bipyridine 110
4.2.2 The 1,1′ -Substituted Viologen 111
4.2.2.1 Simple Alkyl 111
4.2.2.2 Acid Group 111
4.2.2.3 Ester and Nitrogen Heterocycle 112
4.2.2.4 Asymmetric Substitution 113
4.2.3 Conjugate Ring System Expansion 113
4.2.3.1 Thiazolothiazole (TTz) Unit 113
4.2.3.2 Perylenediimide (PDI) Unit 115
4.2.3.3 PBEDOTPh 115
4.2.3.4 Heteroatoms Bridged 115
4.2.3.5 Bithiophene Bridged 118
 Contents vii

4.2.4 Viologen-Based Polymer 119

4.2.4.1 Viologen in the Side Chain 120
4.2.4.2 Viologen in the Main Chain 122
4.3 Viologen Electrochromic Device 124
4.3.1 Device Structure 124
4.3.1.1 Five-Layer Classic Structure 124
4.3.1.2 Simple Sandwich Structure 125
4.3.1.3 Cathodic Anode Separation Structure 125
4.3.1.4 Reflective Device Structure 126
4.3.2 Electrolyte 126
4.3.3 Redox Mediator 126
4.3.4 Conductive Medium 128
4.3.5 Problems with Viologen Compound 128
4.3.5.1 Dimerization 128
4.3.5.2 Aggregation and Solubility 131
4.3.5.3 Response Time 131
4.3.5.4 Driving Voltage 131
4.3.5.5 Conclusion 131
4.3.6 Examples of Viologen-Based ECD 132
4.4 Companies Operating in the Field of Viologen Electrochromism 132
4.4.1 Gentex 132
4.4.2 Essilor 134
4.4.3 Haoruo 134
4.5 Conclusion 134
References 135

5 Metallohexacyanates 143
5.1 Background 143
5.2 Technology Development of PB 144
5.3 Crystal Structure 144
5.4 Electrochromic Mechanism 145
5.5 Synthesis 147
5.6 Electrochromic Devices (ECDs) 150
5.7 Nanocomposites 154
5.8 PB Analogs 160
5.9 Multifunctional Applications 170
References 175

6 Electrochromic Conjugated Polymers (ECPs) 183

6.1 Introduction 183
6.1.1 Common Categories and Operation Mechanism 183
6.1.2 Synthetic Methods 186
6.2 Thiophene-Based Conjugated Electrochromic Polymers 190
6.2.1 Introduction 190
6.2.2 Color-Tuning Strategies for Thiophene-Based Polymers 191
viii Contents

6.2.2.1 Steric Effects 192

6.2.2.2 Substituent and Electronic Effects 193
6.2.3 Typical Colored Polymers 195
6.2.3.1 Yellow and Orange 196
6.2.3.2 Red 198
6.2.3.3 Magenta and Purple 199
6.2.3.4 Black 202
6.2.3.5 Multicolored 203
6.2.3.6 Anodically Coloring Polymers 205
6.2.4 Water- or “Green Solvents”-Soluble ECPs 208
6.3 Polypyrroles-Based Conjugated Electrochromic Polymers 216
6.3.1 Introduction 216
6.3.2 Electrochromic Properties of Polypyrroles (PPy) 218
6.3.3 Tuning of Electrochromic Properties of Polypyrrole (PPy) 218
6.3.3.1 Structural Modification 218
6.3.3.2 3- and 3,4-Substituted Polypyrroles 235
6.3.3.3 Donor–Acceptor Approach 236
6.3.3.4 Terarylene Systems 237
6.4 Polycarbazole-Based Conjugated Electrochromic Polymers 237
6.4.1 Introduction 237
6.4.2 Electrochromic Properties of Polycarbazoles (PCARB) 238
6.4.3 Electrochromic Properties of Polycarbazoles Derivatives 238
6.4.3.1 Linear Polycarbazole Derivatives 241
6.4.3.2 Cross-Linked Polycarbazoles Derivatives 249
References 260

7 TA-Based Electrochromic Polyimides and Polyamides 269

7.1 Introduction 269
7.1.1 Aromatic Polyimides and Polyamides 269
7.1.2 Triarylamine-Based Aromatic Polymers 270
7.1.3 Electrochemical and Electrochromic Behaviors of MV Triarylamine
Systems 272
7.2 Development of TA-Based Electrochromic Polyimides and
Polyamides 272
7.2.1 Side Group Engineering 276
7.2.1.1 Introduction of Protecting Groups 276
7.2.1.2 Introduction of Electroactive Groups to Achieve Color Tuning of EC
Material 277
7.2.1.3 Introduction of Side Groups to Achieve Electrofluorochromic
Materials 278
7.2.1.4 Introduction of Other Functional Side Groups to Achieve Multiple
Functions EC Material 281
7.2.2 Backbone Modulation 283
7.2.2.1 Extending the Polymer Backbone by Introducing More Electroactive
Groups 283
 Contents ix

7.2.2.2 Introduction of Amide Linkage into Polyimide Backbone 285

7.2.2.3 Introduction of Ether Linkage into PIs/PAs Backbone 285
7.2.2.4 Introduction of Alicyclic Structures into PIs/PAs Backbone 288
7.3 Conclusions 290
References 290

8 Metallo-Supermolecular Polymers 295

8.1 Introduction 295
8.2 Single Metallic System 296
8.2.1 Fe(II)- and Ru(II)-Based Metallo-Supramolecular Polymers 296
8.2.2 CoII -Based Metallo-Supramolecular Polymers 299
8.2.3 ZnII -Based Metallo-Supramolecular Polymers 301
8.2.4 Cu-Based Metallo-Supramolecular Polymers 305
8.2.5 EuIII -Based Metallo-Supramolecular Polymers 308
8.3 Hetero-Metallic System 311
8.4 The Fabrication Method of Metallopolymer Film 314
8.4.1 Layer-by-Layer Self-Assembly and Dip-Coating Methods 314
8.4.2 Electropolymerized Conducting Metallopolymers 315
8.5 Conclusion 323
References 323

9 Metal-Organic Framework (MOF)- and Covalent Organic

Framework (COF)-Based Electrochromism (EC) 327
9.1 Introduction 327
9.2 Current Studies in EC MOFs 327
9.2.1 The Organic Linkers in EC MOFs 328
9.2.1.1 NDI-Based Organic Linkers 328
9.2.1.2 Other Organic Linkers 332
9.2.2 The Transport of Electrolyte Ions in EC MOFs 335
9.2.3 Special EC MOFs 338
9.2.3.1 Photochromic and Electrochromic Multi-Responsive MOF 338
9.2.3.2 MOF-Based Double-Sided EC Device and Other Color-Switching
Mechanisms 339
9.2.3.3 EC Base on “Guest@MOF” Composite System 340
9.3 Current Studies in EC COFs 341
9.4 Conclusion and Prospect 348
References 348

10 Nanostructure-Based Electrochromism 353

10.1 Introduction 353
10.2 Current Studies of Nanostructure in Electrochromism 354
10.2.1 Non-Electrochromic Active Materials as a Template for ECs 354
10.2.1.1 Photonic Crystals as Templates for ECs 354
10.2.1.2 Plasmonic Structures as Templates for ECs 359
x Contents

10.2.2 Nanostructured Electrochromic Materials in ECs 365

10.3 Conclusion and Prospect 369
References 369

11 Organic Electroluminochromic Materials 373

11.1 Introduction 373
11.2 Conventional Mechanisms of Electroluminochromism 375
11.2.1 Intrinsic Mechanism 375
11.2.2 Electron Transfer (ET) Mechanism 376
11.2.3 Energy Transfer (EnT) Mechanism 376
11.3 Electroluminochromic Performance Parameters 376
11.3.1 Emission Contrast 376
11.3.2 Switching Time 377
11.3.3 Long-Term Stability/Cycle Life 377
11.4 Classical Materials 378
11.4.1 Small Molecules 378
11.4.1.1 Small Molecular Dyads 378
11.4.1.2 Redox-Active Moiety and Luminophores System 380
11.4.1.3 Electroactive Luminophores 382
11.4.2 Transition Metal Complexes 386
11.4.3 Polymers 387
11.4.3.1 Non-Conjugated Polymers 387
11.4.3.2 Conjugated Polymers 396
11.4.4 Nanocomposite Films 407
11.5 Future Perspectives and Conclusion 408
References 408

12 Organic Photoelectrochromic Devices 415

12.1 Introduction 415
12.2 Structure Design of PECDs 417
12.2.1 Power Supply for PECD 417
12.2.1.1 DSSC-Based PECD 418
12.2.1.2 PSC-Based PECD 423
12.2.1.3 OPV-Based PECD 423
12.2.2 Electrochromic Materials in PECD 425
12.2.2.1 Small Molecule 425
12.2.2.2 Conducting Polymers 427
12.2.2.3 Near-Infrared (NIR) Electrochromic Materials 433
12.2.3 Electrolytes in PECD 435
12.2.4 Substrates in PECD 435
12.3 Future Perspectives and Conclusion 436
References 436

13 Application of OEC Devices 445

13.1 Smart Window 445
 Contents xi

13.1.1 The Structure and Working Mechanism of Smart Windows 445

13.1.2 The Materials for Electrochromic Windows 446
13.1.3 Prospects 450
13.2 Dimmable Rearview Mirror 450
13.3 Sensors 451
13.3.1 Application of Electrochromic Sensors on Food Preservation 451
13.3.2 Application in Bio-Sensing 454
13.4 The Application of Electrochromic Device in Display 460
13.5 Other Applications of OEC 462
References 469

14 Commercialized OEC Materials and Related Analysis of

Company Patents 471
14.1 General Introduction 471
14.2 Gentex Corporation 471
14.3 Ricoh Company, Ltd. 475
14.4 Canon Inc. 476
14.5 BOE Technology Group Co., Ltd. and OPPO Guangdong Mobile
Communications Co., Ltd. 477
14.6 Other Important Enterprises 481
14.6.1 Ninbo Ninuo Electronic Technology Co., Ltd. 481
14.6.2 Ambilight Inc. 483
14.6.3 Furcifer Inc. 483
14.6.4 Changzhou Spectrum New Material Co. Ltd. 484
14.7 Conclusion 485
References 485

15 Main Challenges for the Commercialization of OEC 491

15.1 Introduction 491
15.2 The Long-Term Stability of OEC Materials 491
15.3 The Mechanical Stability of OEC Devices (Encapsulation
Technology) 495
15.4 Large-Area Process Technology: Spray Coating and Roll-to-Roll
Processes 498
15.4.1 Inkjet Printing 498
15.4.2 Spray Coating 500
15.4.3 Slot-Die Coating 500
15.4.4 Screen Printing 501
15.5 Conclusions and Perspective 501
References 502

Index 505
 xiii

Preface

In recent years, with the development of artificial intelligence, more and more
industries strive to be “smart.” As a new generation of display technology, organic
electrochromic (OEC) devices offer numerous advantages such as flexibility, full
colors, wide origins of materials, fast switching time, low driving voltage, and
simple configuration. In addition, these devices possess “smart” characteristics of
multi-stimulation and multi-response. Therefore, the OEC industry is emerging as
a potential display competitor in the field of electronic information.
This book covers major topics related to the phenomenon of electrochromism,
including the history of organic electrochromism, fundamental principles, different
types of electrochromic materials, development of device structures, multifunctional
devices, their characterizations and applications, and future prospects of OEC tech-
nology. It also spotlights recent research progress reported by academic institutes
and enterprises, and discusses the existing challenges in further development of this
area.
This book provides a comprehensive review of OEC materials and devices, and
can be used as a teaching reference for undergraduate and graduate students as well
as teachers in the fields of organic chemistry and polymer science etc. Also, this
book can be adopted as a comprehensive reference for researchers engaged in the
development of OEC technology enterprise in the field of electrochromism.

Shenzhen, PR China Hong Meng

11 November 2020
xiv

About the Author

Prof. Dr. Hong Meng obtained his BS in Chemistry at

Sichuan University in 1988 and MS degree in Organic
Chemistry from Peking University in 1995. He then studied
Polymer Science and Engineering and acquired his second
MS degree from the National University of Singapore in
1997. After working at the Institute of Materials Science
and Engineering (IMRE) in Singapore for two years, he
went to the United States in 1999 and completed his PhD
under the supervision of Prof. Fred Wudl at the University
of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), in 2002. Prof. Dr. Meng worked as a research
consultant at Bell Labs, Lucent Technologies, with Dr. Zhenan Bao for one year. He
then joined DuPont Experimental Station, Central Research and Development, as a
senior research chemist in 2002. In 2012, he moved back to China and worked as the
CEO of a laser printing industry at Leputai Technology Company. In 2014, he joined
the School of Advanced Materials at Peking University, Shenzhen as a chair pro-
fessor. He has been engaged in the research and development of solid-state organic
synthesis, organic semiconductor device engineering, organic electronics, and other
relevant fields, especially organic light-emitting diodes, organic electrochromics,
organic thin-film transistors, organic conductive polymers, and nanotechnology. He
has published more than 200 articles in internationally renowned journals, partici-
pated in the writing of three book chapters and co-edited two books in the field of
organic optoelectronic technology. He has obtained more than 150 patents for inven-
tions in the United States and China, among which, several patented products have
been commercialized.
 1

Introduction

1.1 General Introduction

Electrochromism is the phenomenon that describes the optical (absorbance/
transmittance/reflectance) change in material via a redox process induced by an
external voltage or current [1]. Usually the electrochromic (EC) materials exhibit
color change between a colored state and colorless state or between two colors,
even multicolor. In nature, its origin is from the change of occupation number of
material’s internal electronic states. As the core of EC technology, the EC materials
have built up many categories during decades of development, for example, accord-
ing to the coloration type, it could be classified as anodically coloring materials
(coloration upon oxidation) or cathodically coloring materials (coloration upon
reduction) [2]. Based on the light absorption region in the solar radiation, which
consists of these three parts: ultraviolet (UV), visible (Vis), and near-infrared
radiation (NIR) lights (Figure 1.1), it could be divided into visible EC materials
(wavelength: 380–780 nm), which can be seen by the human eye and therefore
are suitable for smart window and indicator applications, and NIR EC materials
(wavelength: 780–2500 nm), which have great potential for thermal regulation
technologies and even in national defense-related applications [3]. And on the
basis of materials species, there are mainly inorganic, organic, and hybrid EC mate-
rials [4, 5] (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Solar_spectrum_en.svg).
Inorganic EC materials are transition metal oxides (TMOs) (WO3 , NiO, TiO2 , and
Prussian Blue [PB]), organic EC materials including small molecules (e.g. viologen),
conjugated polymers (e.g. poly(pyrrole), poly(thiophene), and poly(carbazole)) and
aromatic polymers (e.g. polyimides [PIs] and polyamides [PAs]), organic–inorganic
hybrid materials referring to metallo-supermolecular polymers, and metal–organic
framework (MOF). Among them, inorganic materials exhibit excellent long-term
stability compared with organic ones; however, considering the structure variety,
flexibility, and low-cost solution processability, organic EC materials are superior
to inorganic materials. The organic–inorganic hybrid materials are designed to
combine advantages of both organic and inorganic materials.
EC materials exhibit color changes during the redox process; therefore the
electrochromic devices (ECDs) generally consist of three elements: electrodes, EC
materials, and electrolyte solution. The electrodes offer a constant supply of electric
Organic Electronics for Electrochromic Materials and Devices, First Edition. Hong Meng.
© 2021 WILEY-VCH GmbH. Published 2021 by WILEY-VCH GmbH.
2 1 Introduction

2.5
UV Visible Infrared

2
Irradiance W/(m2 nm)

Sunlight without atmospheric absorption

1.5
5778 K blackbody

1
Sunlight at sea level
H2 O
Atmospheric
0.5 H2O
absorption bands
O2
H2O CO
O3 H2O 2 H2O
0
250 500 750 1000 1250 1500 1750 2000 2250 2500
Wavelength (nm)

Figure 1.1 Solar irradiance spectrum above atmosphere and at the surface of the Earth.
Source: Nick84: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Solar_spectrum_en.svg, Licensed
under CC BY-SA 3.0.

Figure 1.2 The scheme of three types of electrochromic devices.

current, and ions are conducted by the electrolyte solution. Then the EC materials
undergo electrochemical oxidation and/or reduction, which results in changes in
the optical bandgap and colors. As shown in Figure 1.2, a typical ECD has five layers:
two transparent conducting oxide (TCO) layers, EC layer, ion-conducting layer
(electrolyte solution), ion storage layer. Particularly, the ion storage layer acts as the
“counter electrode” to store ions and keep electric charge balance. And according to
the exact state of EC materials, there are three types of ECD: film type (I), solution
type (II), and hybrid type (III). The Type I ECD is the most common; many kinds of
EC materials are suitable for this type including TMOs, conjugated/non-conjugated
polymers, metallo-supermolecular polymers, and MOF/covalent organic frame-
work (COF) materials, which using spin-coating, spray-coating, and dip-coating
processes to form uniform films; these films won’t dissolute in electrolyte solutions.
Type II ECD requires that the EC materials have good solubility in electrolyte
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
pauperism, arranged by nationality, he is impressed by the immense
preponderance of the Germans and Irish among those listed. His
first conclusion is likely to be that the popular idea of the greater
desirability of these races over the newer immigrants is an error; but
as soon as he recalls how much longer these races have been in this
country, on the average, than the southeastern Europeans, he
realizes that these tables, taken by themselves, are wholly unreliable
as indicating relative tendencies among races. The following table
will serve as an illustration:
PER CENT OF FOREIGN-BORN PAUPERS IN ALMSHOUSES BY COUNTRY OF BIRTH[289]

Country of Enumerated Admitted, Per Cent of Total

Birth 1903, 1904 Foreign-born Pop.
Ireland 46.4 41.2 15.6
Germany 23.3 18.4 25.8
England and 8.7 8.8 9.0
Wales
Canada 4.8 6.5 11.4
Scandinavia 4.9 4.9 10.3
Scotland 2.5 2.6 2.3
Italy 1.0 3.1 4.7
France 1.4 1.3 1.0
Hungary and 1.0 1.5 2.9
Bohemia
Russia and 1.5 3.4 7.8
Poland
Other countries 4.5 8.3 9.2

100.0 100.0 100.0

289. Paupers in Almshouses, pp. 19, 20.

Taking these figures as they stand, we may say roughly that the
Irish have thirty times as many paupers as those born in Russia and
Poland, and forty-six times as many as the natives of Italy or
Hungary and Bohemia, and twice as many as the Germans. But this
evidently does not represent the relative tendencies to pauperism of
these races. The first correction to be made is in regard to the relative
numbers of each group in the total population. The Irish have 3.3
times as large a total population as the Italians, which reduces the
ratio of relative tendency to pauperism down to about fourteen to
one. By a similar reckoning we find that the Germans manifest only
about one third the tendency to pauperism that the Irish do, but 4.2
times as great as the Italians. But before even approximately accurate
figures for the relative tendencies of these races can be secured, a
further correction must be made for the relative average length of
residence of the different groups. This unfortunately cannot be done
in the present state of our information.
The figures in the preceding paragraph are of course merely the
rudest approximations, but they serve to convey an idea of the
extreme complexity of the problem of determining relative
tendencies toward pauperism, and illustrate the utter worthlessness
of the ordinary hit-and-miss comparisons which are made.
The Immigration Commission also made a study of the patients
admitted to Bellevue and Allied Hospitals for the seven months
period August 1, 1908, to February 28, 1909. The total number of
charity patients or cases was 23,758. Of these 18.5 per cent were
native-born of native father (2.5 per cent negro), 28.5 per cent
native-born of foreign father, and 52.3 per cent foreign-born. The
Irish foreign-born are far in the lead, having approximately one fifth
of all the cases treated. If we add the Irish native-born of foreign
father, we have over one third of the total.
In regard to the length of residence in the United States, the two
danger periods noted above are well marked, as the following figures
show:
PER CENT OF FOREIGN-BORN PATIENTS ACCORDING TO LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN THE
UNITED STATES
Under 5 Years 5 to 9 10 to 14 15 to 19 20 or Over
Per cent 28.0 14.2 8.9 10.8 38.1
The same distinction appears here between the old and new
immigrants that we should expect—a high percentage for the old
immigrants in the group over twenty, and a high percentage for the
new immigrants in the group under five.
Whether the newer races, as their average length of residence in
this country increases, will approach the degree of pauperism of the
Irish and Germans, time alone can tell. The strictness of the tests of
admission to the United States has steadily increased, and this has
had the effect of giving the later immigrants a better showing, as a
body, than the earlier ones. It is not impossible that time will prove
that thrift and foresight are more distinguishing features of the
southern races than of the northern, purchased though they are at
the cost of a very low standard of living. A large amount of relief is
undoubtedly sought by members of the newer races of immigrants.
Among the Charity Organization cases studied by the Immigration
Commission, 14.2 per cent of the Russian foreign-born heads of cases
had been in the United States less than one year, and the following
percentages of foreign-born heads of cases had been in the United
States less than five years: Magyar, 44.1 per cent; Russian, 38.7 per
cent; Italian, south, 26.6 per cent; Syrian, 25.8 per cent; Italian,
north, 25.6 per cent. The races having the largest percentages of
foreign-born heads of cases residing in the United States twenty
years or over were: Irish, 71.3 per cent; Welsh, 70.4 per cent; French,
62.9 per cent; German, 62.8 per cent; Canadian, French, 58.5 per
cent.
The Hebrews exhibit a large amount of dependence, but as they
are almost wholly looked after by their own race they seldom appear
in large numbers in the public reports. The United Hebrew Charities
of New York, in the year 1904, received 10,334 applications at their
relief bureau, representing 43,938 individuals, and expended for
relief alone $124,694.45. In 1912 the number of applications had
fallen to 7140, representing 31,835 individuals, but the expenditure
for relief had risen to $254,188.71. This indicates, as the report
points out, that the present applicants are in need of permanent
relief to a much greater extent than those of a decade ago. The report
of the same organization for October 1, 1901, gives the estimate that
from 75,000 to 100,000 Jews in New York alone are not self-
supporting.
There can be but one conclusion from the foregoing discussion,
namely, that our foreign-born residents add to the burden of public
and private relief an amount largely out of proportion to their
relative numbers in the general population, and that this burden is
likely to be an increasing one. Mr. Prescott F. Hall publishes an
estimate that the total annual cost of caring for the foreign-born poor
of New York State alone equals $12,000,000.[290] It is worth noting
that while the expense of this burden of relief is borne by the public
and by benevolent individuals, the real benefit goes to the employer
of cheap labor. He secures his labor at a wage which will barely
maintain its efficiency for a period of years, without any provision for
the future, and when that period is over, and the laborer is no longer
an efficient producer, he is cast aside with absolutely no
responsibility resting on the employer for his future support or care.
[291]
At the customary rate of wages there seem to be but two
alternatives open to the workingman’s family—either to live on a
frightfully low standard, and make some slight provision for the
future, or to live on a somewhat higher standard and run the risk of
dependence in old age or misfortune.[292] It is obvious that both of
these are unqualifiedly bad.
As to the causes of this abnormal amount of pauperism Miss K. H.
Claghorn makes the following statement: “While it is plain enough
that foreign immigration has some connection with the problem of
pauperism since common observation and all the statistics available
unite in showing that the majority of the recipients of our charity,
public and private, are of foreign birth, it is equally certain on the
other hand that pauperism is not something that the immigrant
brings with him, but is the result of a considerable period of life and
experiences here.”[293] This opinion, coming from so high a source,
emphasizes two facts—first, that it is not altogether, if at all, the
immigrant’s “fault” that there is so much pauperism among this
class. Those who have been paupers before, or seem likely to become
so, are refused admission. Second, that there is something radically
wrong in the industrial adjustment of the United States when so
large a number of foreigners, who come here primarily for motives of
financial betterment, and who are not by nature thriftless, are unable
during a long period of faithful labor to lay up anything against the
period of helplessness. We cannot escape the accusing finger which
points toward the United States, demanding recognition of the fact
that we are by no means prepared to accept the tremendous
responsibility of admitting unlimited numbers of aliens whose entire
future destiny depends upon the soundness of our political, social,
and economic fabric.
It may be worth while to note some of the general causes which
lead to pauperism among the foreign-born. (1) Lack of intelligence.
This is sometimes represented by figures of illiteracy. This is hardly a
fair basis of judgment, however, as illiteracy may be often the result
of poor opportunity, rather than of low intelligence. Nevertheless it is
true that the average immigrant of the present generation is probably
inferior to the average native workingman, and hence is handicapped
in the competition with him. (2) Lack of industrial training. Most of
the immigrants have had no training in their home countries to fit
them for higher industrial pursuits, and many of those who have,
find that it is not adapted to American conditions. (3) Lack of
foresight. This must not be generally asserted of the immigrant class,
for undoubtedly a large proportion of them are well equipped with an
appreciation of the future. Yet in many cases, the ease with which a
comparatively comfortable living may be secured in the first years of
residence, and the apparently inexhaustible riches of the United
States, combine to make the alien neglectful of a future period of
dearth. (4) Large families. The birth rate of the foreign-born is a high
one, and a large number of young children is always a predisposing
cause of pauperism in a struggling family. In this connection some
significant figures are furnished by the investigation of the charity
organization cases, made by the Immigration Commission, and
already referred to. Of all the foreign-born male persons, aided by
these societies, who were twenty years of age or over, 81.5 per cent
were married, 5 per cent deserted, separated, or widowed, and only
13.5 per cent single. Of the females, 62.3 per cent were married, 33.9
per cent deserted, separated, or widowed, and only 3.8 per cent
single. When we remember how much the single men outnumber the
married men in the general population of the foreign-born above
twenty years of age, we see that if the time ever comes when
immigration becomes more of a family matter than at present—in
many ways a condition much to be desired—it must inevitably bring
with it a tremendous increase in the amount of foreign-born
pauperism. (5) Money sent home. If the situation of the immigrant
was such that these large sums could be retained in this country, as a
reserve fund against future want, his liability to pauperism would be
much diminished. This, of course, cannot be expected, since much of
this money is sent back to meet obligations which no one would wish
the immigrant to evade. In cases where it is sent back to support a
family, it is doubtless a more economical arrangement than if the
wife and children were maintained in the United States. (6) Low
wages, and the maladjustment between the supply of labor and the
demand. Enough has already been said to establish this as a
fundamental condition, and it is the proximate cause of pauperism in
the majority of cases. The attempt to analyze and classify the causes
of pauperism is unsatisfactory at best; yet a certain amount of light
may be shed on the subject in this way if carefully done. The
Immigration Commission’s Report on Immigrants as Charity Seekers
assigns the cases studied to certain general causes in the following
proportions:

PERCENTAGE OF THE TOTAL NUMBER OF CASES ASSIGNABLE TO THE SPECIFIED

CAUSES

Cause Per Cent

Lack of employment or insufficient earnings 59.0
Death or disability of breadwinner 28.7
Death or disability of another 18.9
Neglect or bad habits of breadwinner 18.7
Old age 6.2
Other causes 10.0 [294]

294. The total of per cents adds up to more than 100 as more than one cause is
often reported for the same case.
There is no great difference in the proportions of the different
causes in the different general groups. It may be significant to note
that the per cent of cases due to the neglect or bad habits of the
breadwinner is a little larger for the native-born white of native
father than for the foreign-born, and larger for the native-born white
of foreign father than for either. If we take persons instead of cases,
the showing of the native-born of foreign father is even worse. The
relatively small number of cases due to this cause—the only one
which may be charged directly to the “fault” of the breadwinner—
indicates that the difficulty lies rather with the industrial system of
the United States than with the culpability of the individual.
That assimilation, in so far as it is represented by ability to speak
English, will not remedy the situation is indicated by some suggestive
figures given in the report on Charity Seekers above quoted. It is
shown (p. 70) that of the total number of persons assisted, six years
of age or over, belonging to non-English speaking races, 76.3 per cent
were able to speak English. Now in the report on Manufactures and
Mining it appears that only 53.2 per cent of the foreign-born
employees studied, belonging to non-English speaking races, could
speak English. That is, the percentage of dependents, who are so far
“assimilated” as to be able to speak English, is much greater than the
percentage of those who are at work, in spite of the fact that the
former class includes younger children than the latter. This
harmonizes with the fact already demonstrated, that dependent
foreigners have been in this country much longer than the average of
their group. It also lends color to the suggestion made by a charity
worker, that one reason why the newer immigrants do not appear in
larger numbers on the books of philanthropic organizations is that
they are not yet “on to the ropes,” and that as they become
familiarized with American methods, they will seek relief in
increasing numbers.
The subject of crime is customarily linked with that of pauperism
in the discussions of immigration, and the same claim is frequently
made, viz. that immigration has increased the amount of crime in
this country. The attempts at proof of this assertion generally follow
the same method adopted in the case of pauperism, that is, they
consist in an examination of the relative tendency toward criminality
of the general groups of native-born and foreign-born. In other
words, the line of argument is, if the foreign-born manifest a larger
proportion of criminals among their number than do the native-
born, all increases in the foreign-born population will mean a more
than proportional increase in crime for the country as a whole. There
is, however, another way in which immigration might operate to
increase crime. That is, by interfering with the natural adjustment of
economic relations between different classes, it may so alter the
condition of the native-born as to lead to an increase in crime in this
class. For instance, it has been claimed that a large proportion of the
“hobo” class (who are, to be sure, not necessarily criminal) are native
Americans who have been forced out of employment by foreign
competition. In a similar way, other individuals may have been
driven into active crime. This proposition, whatever the incidental
evidence for or against it, is manifestly incapable of statistical proof,
and for any semi-mathematical demonstration we must rely on the
other method of approach.
In the matter of crime the effort to make generalizations is
complicated by the fact that it is necessary to take into account, not
only the number of crimes, but the nature and severity of the
criminal act. Tests of criminality, to be accurate, should include
quality as well as quantity. This is obviously very difficult to do. We
are accustomed in everyday phraseology to speak of one crime as
being worse than another. Presumably crimes against the person are
more serious than crimes against property. In the case of crimes
against property, we might naturally consider it “worse” to steal
$1000 than $5, but it would not necessarily be so.
These conditions frequently result in an injustice to the immigrant.
The police and court records of our great cities show an amazing
proportion of crimes chargeable to the foreign population. For
instance, out of 71,253 persons held for trial or summarily tried and
convicted in the Magistrates’ Courts of New York City in 1907, only
30,261, or considerably less than half, were born in the United
States. But when these records are studied more closely it becomes
apparent that a large share of the offenses of the foreign-born are
violations of the city ordinances,—offenses which are comparatively
trivial in themselves do not indicate any special tendency toward
criminality, and are in many cases intimately associated with a low
station in life. The moral character of alien groups may in this way be
seriously misrepresented.
Nevertheless, if comparisons are to be made at all, they must rest
upon such records as these, and such allowances as are possible be
made afterwards. Figures of this kind are available in the
publications of the Census Bureau, the Commissioner General of
Immigration, and the Immigration Commission. In the census report
on Prisoners we find that of the prisoners enumerated in the United
States on June 30, 1904, 76.83 per cent were native-born, and 23.7
per cent foreign-born. In the general white population, ten years of
age or over, in 1900, 80.5 per cent were native-born and 19.5 per
cent foreign-born. If a due allowance is made for a disproportionate
growth of the foreign-born population between 1900 and 1904, the
relative proportions of prisoners among the two groups would be
approximately equal. Of the white prisoners of known nativity
committed during 1904 the percentages were as follows:
Nativity Total Major Offenders Minor Offenders
Native-born 71.2 per cent 78.3 per cent 69.9 per cent
Foreign-born 28.8 per cent 21.7 per cent 30.1 per cent
The somewhat less favorable showing made by the foreign-born in
the case of those committed than of those enumerated, is accounted
for by the large proportion of minor offenses among the foreign-
born. Many minor offenders, serving short sentences, would not be
included at all in the enumeration. Over half the major offenders
among the foreign-born had been in the United States ten years or
more, and about two thirds of the minor offenders.
According to the Report of the Commissioner General of
Immigration for 1908 (p. 98), there were in the penal institutions of
the United States, including Alaska, Hawaii, and Porto Rico (in
which the figures are not large enough to affect the conclusions
materially), in 1908, 149,897 inmates, of whom 15,323 were aliens,
8102 naturalized, and 126,562 native-born. Thus the percentage of
native-born was 84.4 and of foreign-born 15.6.
The Immigration Commission made a careful study of the matter
of crime among the immigrants, reviewing the foregoing data, and
collecting some original data of its own, covering 2206 convictions in
the New York City Court of General Sessions from October 1, 1908, to
June 30, 1909. This is, so far as known to the Commission, the first
time that any court in the United States had made a record of the
race of persons convicted in it. This fact illustrates the utter
inadequacy of the data for making any deductions as to the influence
of immigration upon crime in the United States. Not only courts, but
police departments and penal institutions, are very lax in their
keeping of records in this respect.
In response to the questions, “Is the volume of crime in the United
States augmented by the presence among us of the immigrant and
his offspring?” and “If immigration increases crime, what races are
responsible for such increase?” the Commission says that no
satisfactory answer has ever been made, or can ever be made,
without much more complete data than have ever been collected or
are available. Certain general conclusions, however, have been
reached by the Commission, which harmonize with those reached by
other students, and are worthy of acceptance as far as they go. First,
“No satisfactory evidence has yet been produced to show that
immigration has resulted in an increase in crime disproportionate to
the increase in adult population. Such comparable statistics of crime
and population as it has been possible to obtain indicate that the
immigrants are less prone to commit crime than are native
Americans.”[295] Second, “Immigration has, however, made changes
in the character of crime in the United States.”[296] These changes
have been in the direction of an increase in offenses of personal
violence, and offenses against public policy (disorderly conduct,
drunkenness, violation of corporation ordinances, etc.), some of
which are incident to city life, and probably in offenses against
chastity. There does not appear to have been any increase in the
majority of offenses against property, or, as they may be better
called, gainful offenses.[297]
Comparing the different races as regards criminality, it appears
that the Irish stand at the head as regards the total number of
offenses and the Germans next. In respect to major offenses,
however, the Germans stand first, while the Irish again take first
place in the minor offenses.[298] The Germans are much addicted to
crimes against property, the Irish and Scotch to drunkenness, Greeks
and natives of Russia to violations of corporation ordinances, and
immigrants from France, Russia, Poland, and Canada to crimes
against chastity. The Italians are preëminent in crimes of violence or
crimes against the person.[299]
It is even more difficult to postulate the causes of crime than of
pauperism. Until the criminologists have furnished us with a more
efficient means of determining the causes of crime in general, there
can be no profit in the attempt to classify the causes of crime among
a particular group of the population. In respect to the nature of crime
committed by different races, there seems to be something in the
racial character of some of our immigrants which predisposes them
in a certain direction, as exemplified in the preceding paragraph.
There is also evidence that among some of the newer immigrants,
crime is largely a matter of economic position. This is well illustrated
by the case of the Greeks. Among the members of this very recent
immigrant group, there has been a noteworthy decline in the average
of criminality within the last few years, and the explanation appears
to be that the crimes of the Greeks are such as correspond with a low
economic situation—violations of corporation ordinances, of the
sanitary code, etc. As a larger and larger proportion of the
individuals of this nationality rise above this lowly estate, the
percentage of crime among them falls off correspondingly.[300] This
emphasizes once more the responsibility of the United States for
some of the evil conditions for which we habitually blame the
immigrants.
There are two particular forms of crime which are closely
associated with foreign groups in the United States. These are the
Black Hand outrages and the white slave traffic. The former of these
is confined almost wholly to persons of the Italian race. In some of its
features it recalls the Molly Maguire occurrences of a generation
earlier. In fact, the resemblance between the Irish societies and the
Mafia of southern Italy was noted in a contemporary magazine
article at the time of the disturbances in the anthracite region of
Pennsylvania.[301] In both cases no organic connection between the
societies in the new world and the old is manifest. In fact, the best
judgment in regard to the Black Hand appears to be that there is no
real organization in existence in America, but that individuals of
Italian race use the power of the dreaded name to accomplish their
own ends. Like the Molly Maguires, the Black Hand operators utilize
warning letters, but they differ from them in that their purpose is
often, if not usually, blackmail, which was seldom the case with the
Irish society.
The white slave traffic has aroused tremendous public interest
during the last few years, and has been thoroughly exploited in the
daily and periodical press. Only the essential features, particularly in
their bearing on immigration, need to be reviewed in the present
connection. Not all of the girls concerned in this business are
immigrants, nor are all the persons who draw a revenue from it
foreigners; yet the various investigations of the subject have
demonstrated that the whole trade is fundamentally an affair of our
foreign population.
One surprising thing about this traffic is that essentially it is an
economic phenomenon. It is not a perverted sex passion which
demands the perpetuation of the inhuman system; it is the desire for
large and easy profits, and the life of indolence that goes with them,
which actuates the promoters of the traffic, while on the part of the
alien women it is frequently the desire for larger earnings which
brings them to our shores. The demand has to be stimulated.
There are two classes of these alien girls who are brought over.
One consists of innocent girls who are brought over under a false
understanding. The incentive is usually a false promise of
employment or of marriage. Sometimes false marriages, and
occasionally actual marriages, are resorted to. With this class of
subjects, the male importer is naturally the most successful. All kinds
of inducements are offered by the procurer, including an apparently
sincere love-making. About the only inducements which female
importers can offer to such girls are easier or more lucrative
employment. The other class, probably constituting a large majority,
are women who have already been leading an immoral life on the
other side, and come in the hope of bettering their prospects,
although they recognize the power of the importer.
These women and girls are usually brought over second class, and
every conceivable artifice is employed to deceive the inspectors.
When a girl has been safely introduced into the country, she is
completely in the power of the man who controls her. The
supposition is that the man furnishes protection and care to the girl
in return for her earnings. She is sometimes kept in a disorderly
house, sometimes in a hotel or other resort, but always where the
man can keep control of her. She is thoroughly frightened, and every
device is employed to keep her from communicating with any outside
sources of relief, or escaping. She is often deprived of street clothing,
so as to make escape impossible. She is kept heavily in debt, so that
there may be a legal claim over her. Only a very small part of her
earnings is given to her, and she is charged outrageous prices for all
the supplies which are furnished her. Her life is one of hopeless and
terrible degradation, and she has nothing to look forward to except a
wretched and continually descending existence, and an early death.
Alien women are particularly desirable to the promoters of this
traffic because their lack of connections in this country, and their
ignorance of the language and customs of the country make it more
difficult for them to escape or to make trouble for their men than in
the case of native girls. In addition to the terrible wrongs wrought
upon the women themselves, this practice has resulted in an increase
in the number of prostitutes in the United States, in the introduction
and dissemination of dangerous diseases, and in the introduction of
various forms of unnatural vice, more degrading and terrible than
even prostitution itself in its ordinary form.
 The great majority of the alien women found by the Immigration
Commission engaged in these pursuits, as well as the men who
prosecute the traffic, are French and Hebrews. Belgians are largely
engaged in it, according to Commissioner Bingham. Germans are
numerous, and there are a few Irish and Italians, with of course a
scattering of individuals of other races.
A number of these women are detected at the port of entry and
returned, and a good many are deported. But it is a practice very
difficult of detection, and it is not easy to get at the facts in regard to
its extent in this country. It is certain that the class of abandoned
women in this country is largely recruited in this way. Commissioner
Bingham estimated in 1908 that there were more than 100,000 such
women on the Pacific coast and in Mexico, who had come in through
New York.
No evidence has been found to justify the suspicion that there was
an organization controlling this traffic in this country. But those
engaged in the trade naturally are acquainted with each other, and
are always ready to help each other against a common enemy. They
have various meeting places where they get together for gambling,
conference, and divers forms of recreation.
It has been proven that this traffic is slavery in more than name, as
girls are sometimes sold directly by one person to another. The new
federal law is designed to put a check to all practices of this sort, by
making it illegal to transport women or girls from one state to
another for immoral purposes. The efforts of the Immigration
Commission and other governmental agencies within the last two or
three years have accomplished a good deal in breaking up some of
the resorts, and deporting or imprisoning the culprits. But while the
traffic has received a serious setback, it is by no means killed. This is
emphatically one of the things where eternal vigilance is the price of
safety. Nothing short of a sweeping change in public opinion and
practice will ever put it out of the way beyond the possibility of
resurrection.[302]
In respect to juvenile delinquency the most unenviable place is
held by the native-born children of immigrants. They not only
manifest two or three times as great a tendency toward crime as the
native-born children of native parents, but they are much more
criminal than foreign-born children. Of the juvenile delinquents
committed during 1904, according to the census report, 76.7 per cent
were native white. This percentage was made up as follows: native
parentage, 37.6 per cent; foreign parentage, 24.9 per cent; mixed
parentage, 9.7 percent; parentage unknown, 4.5 per cent. An exact
comparison of the children of native parents and of foreign parents
in this respect would require information as to the total number of
the two classes in the country in the year in question, which is not
available. But it cannot be supposed that the number of native-born
children of foreign parents compared with the number of native-born
children of native parents is anything like the ratio shown in the
above figures. This high degree of criminality is attributed by
Professor Commons and by the Immigration Commission largely to
concentration in the cities. Whatever the cause, this tendency toward
lawlessness among the second generation of immigrants is
indisputable, and is one of the most disturbing elements in the whole
situation.[303]
Still another way in which the immigrant becomes a burden upon
the American public is through insanity. The laws are very strict in
regard to the admission of aliens who are liable to be subject to this
misfortune. Yet it is impossible to prevent the entrance of large
numbers who ultimately appear in the category of the insane. The
maladaptation of the immigrant to his environment shows itself in
this way perhaps as clearly as in any other.
In the institutions for the insane, both public and private, in the
United States, including Alaska, Hawaii, and Porto Rico, in 1908,
there were, according to the Report of the Commissioner General of
Immigration, 172,185 inmates. Of these 25,066 were aliens, 25,128
naturalized citizens, and 121,451 native-born. Thus the percentages
were 70.5 per cent native-born and 29.5 per cent—nearly one third—
foreign-born.[304]
An even larger percentage of foreign-born appears among the
insane persons enumerated in hospitals in continental United States
on December 31, 1903—34.3 per cent of the white insane of known
nativity[305]—while of the persons received at Bellevue and Allied
Hospitals for treatment for insanity during the period of the
investigation of the Immigration Commission, 63.4 per cent were
foreign-born, and 36.6 per cent native-born. Moreover, among the
native-born, more than half (20.6 per cent of the total) were native-
born of foreign father.
Summing up the matter of insanity, the Commission speaks as
follows: “For the high ratio of insanity among the foreign-born,
several causes have been assigned, and while it is difficult to
determine the values of the various factors it is probably true that
racial traits or tendencies have a more or less important influence. A
further cause of mental disease is probably to be found in the total
change in climate, occupation, and habits of life which the majority
of immigrants experience after arrival in the United States.”
The efficiency of the inspection in regard to feeble-mindedness is
shown by the very small proportion of foreign-born of that class
appearing in the statistics. This is an affliction which can more easily
be detected than the liability to insanity, of which there may be no
observable indication at the time of admission.[306]
 CHAPTER XVI
INDUSTRIAL EFFECTS. CRISES. SOCIAL
STRATIFICATION. POLITICAL EFFECTS

It has been observed already that the great argument for

immigration during the past half century has been the economic one.
The main defense for immigration has rested upon the claim that it
has decidedly increased the industrial efficiency of the American
people, and has facilitated the development of our resources, and the
expansion of industry, at a rate which would not have been possible
otherwise. The facts in regard to the age, sex, and physical soundness
of the immigrants are mustered to establish them as a peculiarly
efficient industrial body.
This contention rests upon two assumptions. First, that our alien
residents constitute a net addition to the total population of the
country; second, that if there had been no immigration, and the
population, particularly that part of it which constitutes the labor
supply, had been smaller, that there would have been no inventions
and improvements in the way of labor-saving machinery which
would have permitted the same amount of work to be accomplished
with a smaller amount of labor.
In the light of what has been said in regard to the relation between
immigration and the growth of population in Chapter XI, the first of
these claims, at the very least, is open to serious question. While the
proposition, as has already been stated, is absolutely incapable of
mathematical proof, there nevertheless is every reason to believe that
our immigrants have not meant a gain in the labor supply, but the
substitution of one labor element for another. Not only have the
immigrants in general displaced the natives, but the newer
immigrants have displaced the older ones in a wide variety of
industries and occupations. This latter process has gone on before
our very eyes; it is manifest and perfectly comprehensible. A careful
consideration of it may make it easier to understand how the same
result, in a more subtle way, has been accomplished in the case of the
native-born.
The displacement of the English, Irish, Welsh, and German miners
in the anthracite region of Pennsylvania by Italians and Slavs is a
familiar fact.[307] The Italians are being driven out of the boot-
blacking business, and other of their characteristic trades, by the
Greeks. The Irish laborers on the railroads have been largely
supplanted by Italians, Slavs, and Greeks. The “Bravas,” or black
Portuguese, have forced the Poles, Italians, and, in large measure,
the Finns from the cranberry bogs of Massachusetts.[308] Granite City
and Madison, Illinois, have witnessed a succession of English, Irish,
German, Welsh and Polish, Slovak and Magyar, Roumanian, Greek,
and Servian, Bulgarian and Armenian laborers in their industries.[309]
In these cases it is plain that while some of the displaced
individuals have gone into other, very likely higher, occupations, the
real substitution has been the concomitant of a cessation of
immigration from the older sources. The north Europeans, being
unwilling to meet the competition of races industrially inferior to
them, have either ceased emigrating in large numbers, or else are
going elsewhere. At any rate they do not come here. The diminution
of the supply of native labor has been brought about in an analogous
way, though in this case the restrictive forces operate upon the
principles of reproduction instead of immigration.
Even though it be granted that the numerical supply of labor has
been somewhat increased, there has been an undeniable decrease in
the efficiency of the individual laborer, as is attested by the uniformly
superior earnings received by the native-born as compared with the
foreign-born, or the old immigrant as compared with the new. As Dr.
Peter Roberts has pointed out,[310] there seems to be a sort of
Gresham’s law which operates in the field of labor. The fittest to
survive in an unregulated economic competition of races is the one
least advanced in culture, the one whose demands in respect to
comforts and decencies are lowest, even the one, it sometimes seems,
whose industrial productiveness per individual is lowest. It is this
fact which gives so dark an aspect to the industrial future of the
United States under unregulated immigration.[311]
In regard to the second assumption—that a smaller labor supply
would not have been offset by an increase in invention—we are again
confronted with an impossibility of proof, one way or the other. The
economists tell us that one of the great incentives to invention is a
scarcity of labor, and also that many of the greatest inventions have
been made by men who are working daily with machines, and
consequently are in a position to discover improvements that may be
made. There is at least some reasonable basis for the belief that if the
absence of immigration to this country had resulted in a smaller
laboring force, the greater pressure on employers to secure
machinery, and the greater intelligence of the machine worker,
would together have brought about such a betterment of labor-saving
machinery as would have resulted in a total production equal to what
we have actually witnessed.
It is inconceivable that in America, of all countries, any needed
work should have to be neglected because of the lack of a foreign
labor element, or because of a shortage of labor in general.[312] It is
hard to see how in a nation the majority of whose citizens are healthy
and intelligent there can be any real shortage of labor. What there
can be, is a shortage of labor at a given wage. In a prosperous
community there may be industries into which a sufficient number of
laborers will not go, at the wages which the promoters are originally
willing to pay. But if there is an actual social need for those
industries, wages will rise to a point high enough to attract a
sufficient number of workers, however irksome or disagreeable the
employment. No self-respecting community ought to expect
industries to be carried on within its borders for which it is not
willing to pay such a price as will enable the workers to subsist in
reasonable comfort and decency. If there are any industries carried
on in the United States which, in the absence of a foreign labor
supply, would have to be abandoned, because the native-born
laborers or their children would refuse to go into them, it simply
means that society is not yet ready to pay a fit price for the products
of those industries.
This brings us to the question of the effect of immigration on the
amount and distribution of wealth in the United States. It is
frequently pointed out that we receive yearly a net increase of half a
million or so of able-bodied laborers, for whose upbringing and
education we, as a nation, have expended nothing. It is stated that it
is cheaper to import laborers than to raise them. The truth of this
assertion depends first of all on the quality of the laborer. It may be
cheaper in the long run to rear laborers of the American type than to
import Portuguese, Russians, and East Indians. Furthermore, while
we do not pay directly for the laborers, we pay a great deal for their
residence in this country. The estimated amount of money sent
abroad by aliens in 1907, $275,000,000, is probably higher than the
total for an average year. Suppose $200,000,000 be taken as an
average amount.[313] These remittances do not represent commercial
payments for imports, but are savings actually withdrawn from the
wealth of this country and sent abroad to be expended there. So that
for each able-bodied alien laborer who enters the country something
like $400 goes out. In a sense a good deal of this money might be
considered as actual payment for the importation of the laborers,
since much of it goes for traveling expenses, debts incurred to
provide for emigration, etc.[314]
Whether immigration has increased either the total or per capita
wealth of the nation may be open to question. One thing, however, is
certain—it has profoundly affected the distribution of wealth in the
country. It has been sufficiently demonstrated that the successive
waves of immigration have represented an ever cheapening labor
supply. As the country has grown in wealth and prosperity the
employers of labor have found that they could secure their workers at
relatively, if not absolutely, lower rates decade after decade.
Whenever conditions became such that the native laboring force, if
left to themselves, might have successfully demanded better
conditions or higher remuneration, there has appeared an
inexhaustible supply of foreign laborers, ready and willing to take
what was unsatisfactory to the natives, or less. The workman already
in the country, whether native or foreign, has been continually
robbed of his advantage. Thus the gap between capital and labor,
between the rich and the poor, has grown ever wider. Not only have
wages been kept from rising, but conditions of labor have persisted
and been tolerated which an American laboring force would never
have submitted to. The accounts of terrible accidents in mines and
foundries arouse sincere feelings of sympathy in our breasts for the
poor foreigners who have to suffer so. They would incite a storm of
indignant protest which would not be stilled until remedies were
provided, if those who are subjected to such conditions were our own
kin brothers.[315]
There is still another characteristic feature of our economic life,
between which and the immigration movement a close and peculiar
connection can be traced. This is the frequent recurrence of
economic depressions, or crises. The causal relation between these
events and the variations in the volume of the immigration current
has already been mentioned. There is also a causal relation between
these conditions and the fluctuations in the outgoing stream of
aliens. This fact has received no little attention of late years, and it
has been frequently pointed out that a period of depression in this
country is followed by a large exodus of the foreign-born.
The popular interpretation of this fact is that this emigration
movement serves to mitigate the evils of the crisis by removing a
large part of the surplus laborers, until returning prosperity creates a
demand for them again. The Italian, who displays the greatest
mobility in this regard, has been called the safety valve of our labor
market. Thus the movements of our alien population are supposed to
be an alleviating force as regards crises.
The question arises, however, in this connection, whether there is
not a converse causal relation; in other words, whether the
conditions of immigration are not, partly responsible for the
recurrence of these periods. Professor Commons takes this view of
the matter, and in his book, Races and Immigrants in America,
demonstrates how immigration, instead of helping matters, is really
one of the causes of crises. His conclusion is that “immigration
intensifies this fatal cycle of ‘booms’ and ‘depressions,’” and “instead
of increasing the production of wealth by a steady, healthful growth,
joins with other causes to stimulate the feverish overproduction, with
its inevitable collapse, that has characterized the industry of America
more than that of any other country.”[316]
The few pages which Professor Commons devotes to this topic are
highly suggestive, and show careful study of the subject. The author,
however, at the time this book was written, was handicapped by the
lack of data regarding the departures of aliens, which, as we have
seen, have since become available. The fact that within the period
since the collection of these figures began, the United States has
experienced, and recovered from, a severe depression, makes the
study of this matter at the present time particularly profitable.
First of all, it will be desirable to see just what the facts of
immigration and emigration during this period are; then we shall be
prepared to attempt their interpretation. The accompanying table (p.
349) gives the number of aliens admitted to and departed from the
United States, and the net increase or decrease of population
resulting therefrom, by months, from January, 1907, to December,
1910 (with the exception of the figures of departures for the first six
months of 1907, which are not available).
The figures for arrivals given in this table include both immigrant
and nonimmigrant aliens, a distinction which has been observed
with some care since 1906. The column of departures also includes
emigrant and nonemigrant aliens.[317]
 TABLE SHOWING THE NUMBER OF ALIENS ADMITTED TO AND DEPARTED FROM THE
UNITED STATES, AND THE NET GAIN OR LOSS IN POPULATION RESULTING THEREFROM
BY MONTHS, FROM 1907 TO 1910
Month 1907 1908
Admitted Departed Gain (+) or Admitted Departed Gain (+) or
Loss (−) Loss (-)
January 54,417 33,058 60,233 − 27,175
February 65,541 30,266 50,688 − 20,422
March 139,118 43,537 43,506 + 31
April 145,256 55,220 65,721 − 10,501
May 184,886 48,245 61,251 − 13,006
June 154,734 41,094 60,482 − 19,388
July 107,535 46,198 + 61,337 37,133 51,508 − 14,375
August 111,135 44,317 + 66,818 39,606 47,569 − 7,963
September 115,287 43,734 + 71,553 56,635 43,884 + 12,751
October 129,564 55,826 + 73,738 60,715 41,916 + 18,799
November 132,647 94,440 + 38,207 50,965 38,609 + 12,356
December 77,107 88,432 − 11,325 61,111 33,416 + 27,695
1909 1910
January 54,975 18,061 + 36,914 57,472 20,256 + 37,216
February 81,992 15,100 + 66,892 66,072 17,672 + 48,400
March 135,040 22,550 + 112,490 152,020 30,894 + 121,126
April 138,382 24,315 + 114,067 153,915 40,886 + 113,029
May 127,139 31,190 + 95,949 148,822 38,740 + 110,082
June 100,542 32,274 + 68,268 115,793 36,119 + 79,674
July 77,944 27,940 + 50,004 82,191 39,056 + 43,135
August 71,992 28,450 + 43,542 91,460 37,206 + 54,254
September 85,088 29,950 + 55,138 100,456 43,023 + 57,433
October 92,372 30,838 + 61,534 100,334 39,189 + 61,145
November 98,020 39,134 + 58,886 86,144 54,700 + 31,444
December 78,527 39,539 + 38,988 68,794 61,814 + 6,980
It is not necessary to take account of these discriminations for the
purposes of the present study.
Turning then to the table, we observe that the monthly average of
arrivals during the first six months of 1907 was a high one. Following
a large immigration during the last six months of the preceding year,
this made the fiscal year ending June 30, 1907, the record year for
immigration in the history of the country. For the next four months
the stream of immigration continued high, considering the season,
and the number of departures was moderate. Early in October,
however, there were signs of disturbance in the New York Stock
Exchange. On the sixteenth there was a crash in the market, and
within a week the panic had become general. It reached its height on
October 24, and continued for many weeks after.[318] The response of
the alien population to this disturbance was almost immediate, and
manifested itself first in the emigration movement. In November the
number of departures almost doubled. But the immigrants who were
on the way could not be stopped, and in spite of the large exodus,
there was a net gain of 38,207 during the month. The next month,
December, however, saw a marked decrease in the stream of arrivals,
which, accompanied by a departure of aliens almost as great as in
November, resulted in a net decrease in population of 11,325 for the
month. During the first six months of 1908 the number of arrivals
was small, and the departures numerous, so that, with the exception
of March, each month shows a net loss in population. During July
the number of departures began to approach the normal (compare
the months in 1908 with 1907 and 1910), but the arrivals were so few
that there was still a decrease for the months of July and August. In
September, 1908, the balance swung the other way, and from that
time to the present every month with the exception of December,
1911, has shown a substantial increase in population through the
movement of aliens.
Thus we see that the period during which the number of alien
laborers in the United States was decreasing was confined to the
months December, 1907, to August, 1908, inclusive.[319] By the end of
July, 1908, the effects of the crisis were practically over as far as
departures are concerned. It is evident, then, that the effects of the
crisis on emigration were immediate, but not of very long duration.
During the months of November and December, 1907, when the
distress was the keenest, there were still large numbers of aliens
arriving. But when the stream of immigration was once checked, it
remained low for some time, and it was not until about January,
1909, that it returned to what may be considered a normal figure.
The reasons for this are obvious. The stream of immigration is a long
one, and its sources are remote. It takes a long time for retarding
influences in America to be thoroughly felt on the other side. The
principal agency in checking immigration at its source is the
returning immigrant himself, who brings personal information of the
unfortunate conditions in the United States. This takes some time.
But when the potential immigrants are once discouraged as to the
outlook across the ocean, they require some positive assurance of
better times before they will start out again.
Now what catches the public eye in such an epoch as this is the
large number of departures. We are accustomed to immense
numbers of arrivals and we think little about that side of it. But heavy
emigration is a phenomenon, and accordingly we hear much about
how acceptably our alien population serves to accommodate the
supply of labor to the demand. But if we stop to add up the monthly
figures, we find that for the entire period after the crisis of 1907,
when emigration exceeded immigration, the total decrease in alien
population was only 124,124—scarcely equal to the immigration of a
single month during a fairly busy season. This figure is almost
infinitesimal compared to the total mass of the American working
people, or to the amount of unemployment at a normal time, to say
nothing of a crisis.[320] It is thus evident that the importance of our
alien population as an alleviating force at the time of a crisis has been
vastly exaggerated. The most that can be said for it is that it has a
very trifling palliative effect.
The really important relation between immigration and crises is
much less conspicuous but much more far-reaching. It rests upon the
nature and underlying causes of crises in this country. These are
fairly well understood at the present time. A typical crisis may be
said to be caused by speculative overproduction, or overspeculative
production. Some prefer to call the trouble underconsumption,
which is much the same thing looked at from another point of view.
Professor Irving Fisher has furnished a convenient and logical
outline of the ordinary course of affairs.[321] In a normal business
period some slight disturbance, such as an increase in the quantity of
gold, causes prices to rise. A rise in prices is accompanied by
increased profits for business men, because the rate of interest on the
borrowed capital which they use in their business fails to increase at
a corresponding ratio. If prices are rising at the rate of two per cent
annually, a nominal rate of interest of six per cent is equivalent to an
actual rate of only about four per cent. Hence, doing business on
borrowed capital becomes very profitable, and there is an increased
demand for loans.
 This results in an increase of the deposit currency, which is
accompanied by a further rise in prices. The nominal rate of interest
rises somewhat, but not sufficiently, and prices tend to outstrip it
still further. Thus the process is repeated, until the large profits of
business lead to a disproportionate production of goods for
anticipated future demand, and a vast overextension of credit. But
this cycle cannot repeat itself indefinitely. Though the rate of interest
rises tardily, it rises progressively, and eventually catches up with the
rise in prices, owing to the necessity which banks feel of maintaining
a reasonable ratio between loans and reserves. Other causes operate
with this to produce the same result. The consequence is that
business men find themselves unable to renew their loans at the old
rate, and hence some of them are unable to meet their obligations,
and fail. The failure of a few firms dispels the atmosphere of public
confidence which is essential to extended credit. Creditors begin to
demand cash payment for their loans; there is a growing demand for
currency; the rate of interest soars; and the old familiar symptoms of
a panic appear. In this entire process the blame falls, according to
Professor Fisher, primarily upon the failure of the rate of interest to
rise promptly in proportion to the rise in prices. If the forces which
give inertia to the rate of interest were removed, so that the rate of
interest would fluctuate readily with prices, the great temptation to
expand business unduly during a period of rising prices would be
removed. It may well be conceived that there are other factors,
besides the discrepancy between the nominal and real rates of
interest, that give to business a temporary or specious profitableness,
and tend to encourage speculative overproduction. But the influence
of the rate of interest resembles so closely that resulting from
immigration, that Professor Fisher’s explanation is of especial service
in the present discussion.
The rate of interest represents the payment which the
entrepreneur makes for one of the great factors of production—
capital. The failure of this remuneration to keep pace with the price
of commodities in general leads to excessive profits and
overproduction. The payment which the entrepreneur makes for one
of the other factors of production—labor—is represented by wages. If
wages fail to rise along with prices, the effect on business, while not
strictly analogous, is very similar to that produced by the slowly
rising rate of interest. The entrepreneur is relieved of the necessity of
sharing any of his excessive profits with labor, just as in the other
case he is relieved from sharing them with capital. It would probably
be hard to prove that the increased demand for labor results in
further raising prices in general, as an increased demand for capital
results in raising prices by increasing the deposit currency. But if the
demand for labor results in increasing the number of laborers in the
country, thereby increasing the demand for commodities, it may very
well result in raising the prices of commodities as distinguished from
labor, which is just as satisfactory to the entrepreneur. This is exactly
what is accomplished when unlimited immigration is allowed. As
soon as the conditions of business produce an increased demand for
labor, this demand is met by an increased number of laborers,
produced by immigration.
In the preceding paragraph it has been assumed that wages do not
rise with prices. The great question is, is this true? This is a question
very difficult of answer. There is a very general impression that
during the last few years prices have seriously outstripped wages.
Thus Professor Ely says, “Wages do not usually rise as rapidly as
prices in periods of business expansion.”[322] R. B. Brinsmade stated
in a discussion at a recent meeting of the American Economic
Association that “our recent great rise of prices is acknowledged to be
equivalent to a marked reduction in general wages.”[323] Whether this
idea is correct, and if correct, whether this effect had transpired in
the years immediately previous to 1907, cannot be definitely stated.
The index numbers of wages and prices given in the Statistical
Abstract of the United States, for 1909 (p. 249), seem to show that
during the years 1895 to 1907 money wages increased about pari
passu with the retail prices of food, so that the purchasing power of
the full-time weekly earnings remained nearly constant.
But whether or not money wages rose as fast as prices in the years
from 1900 to 1907, one thing is certain, they did not rise any faster.
That is to say, if real wages did not actually fall, they assuredly did
not rise. But the welfare of the country requires that, in the years
when business is moving toward a crisis, wages should rise; not only
money wages, but real wages. What is needed is some check on the
unwarranted activity of the entrepreneurs, which will make them
stop and consider whether the apparently bright business outlook
rests on sound and permanent conditions, or is illusory and
transient. If their large profits are legitimate and enduring, they
should be forced to share a part of them with the laborer. If not, the
fact should be impressed upon them. We have seen that the rate of
interest fails to act as an efficient check. Then the rate of wages
should do it. And if the entrepreneurs were compelled to rely on the
existing labor supply in their own country, the rate of wages would
do it. Business expands by increasing the amount of labor utilized, as
well as the amount of capital. If the increased labor supply could be
secured only from the people already resident in the country, the
increased demand would have to express itself in an increased wage,
and the entrepreneur would be forced to pause and reflect. But in the
United States we have adopted the opposite policy. In the vast
peasant population of Europe there is an inexhaustible reservoir of
labor, only waiting a signal from this side to enter the labor market—
to enter it, not with a demand for the high wage that the business
situation justifies, but ready to take any wage that will be offered, just
so it is a little higher than the pittance to which they are accustomed
at home. And we allow them to come, without any restrictions
whatever as to numbers. Thus wages are kept from rising, and
immigration becomes a powerful factor, tending to intensify and
augment the unhealthy, oscillatory character of our industrial life. It
was not by mere chance that the panic year of 1907 was the record
year in immigration.
Against this point of view it may be argued that the legitimate
expansion of business in this country requires the presence of the
immigrant. But if business expansion is legitimate and permanent,
resting on lasting favorable conditions, it will express itself in a high
wage scale, persisting over a long period of time. And the demand so
expressed will be met by an increase of native offspring, whose
parents are reaping the benefit of the high standard of living. A
permanent shortage of the labor supply is as abhorrent to nature as a
vacuum. Expansion of any other kind than this ought to be
hampered, not gratified.
There is one other way in which immigration, as it exists at
present, influences crises. In considering this, it will be well to regard
the crisis from the other point of view—as a phenomenon of
underconsumption. Practically all production at the present day is to
supply an anticipated future demand. There can be no
overproduction unless the actual demand fails to equal that
anticipated. This is underconsumption. Now the great mass of
consumers in the United States is composed of wage earners. Their
consuming power depends upon their wages. In so far as
immigration lowers wages in the United States, or prevents them
from rising, it reduces consuming power, and hence is favorable to
the recurrence of periods of underconsumption. It is not probable, to
be sure, that a high wage scale in itself could prevent crises, as the
entrepreneurs would base their calculations on the corresponding
consuming power, just as they do at present. But a high wage scale
carries with it the possibility of saving, and an increase of
accumulations among the common people. It is estimated at the
present time that half of the industrial people of the United States
are unable to save anything.[324] This increase in saving would almost
inevitably have some effect upon the results of crises, though it must
be confessed that it is very difficult to predict just what this effect
would be. One result that might naturally be expected to follow
would be that the laboring classes would take the opportunity of the
period of low prices immediately following the crisis to invest some
of their savings in luxuries which hitherto they had not felt able to
afford. This would increase the demand for the goods which
manufacturers are eager to dispose of at almost any price, and would
thereby mitigate the evils of the depressed market. It is probably true
that the immigrant, under the same conditions, will save more out of
a given wage than the native, so that it might seem that an alien
laboring body would have more surplus available for use at the time
of a crisis than a native class. But the immigrant sends a very large
proportion of his savings to friends and relatives in the old country,
or deposits it in foreign institutions, so that it is not available at such
a time. Moreover, our laboring class is not as yet wholly foreign, and
the native has to share approximately the same wage as the alien.
Without the immense body of alien labor, we should have a class of
native workers with a considerably higher wage scale, and a large
amount of savings accumulated in this country, and available when
needed.
On the other hand, it may be argued that if the desire to purchase
goods in a depressed market should lead to a large withdrawal of
cash from savings banks and similar institutions, it might tend to
augment rather than alleviate the evils of a money stringency. There
seems to be much force to this argument. Yet Mr. Streightoff tells us
that in a period of hard times the tendency is for the poorer classes to
increase their deposits, rather than diminish them.[325] On the whole,
it seems probable that a large amount of accumulated savings in the
hands of the poorer classes would tend to have a steadying influence
on conditions at the time of a crisis, and that by preventing this, as
well as in other ways, immigration tends to increase the evils of
crises.
In closing this discussion, it may be interesting to note what are
the elements in our alien population which respond most readily to
economic influences in this country, and hence are mainly
accountable for the influences we have been considering. As stated
above, the annual reports of the Commissioner General of
Immigration give very complete data as to the make-up of the
incoming and outgoing streams by years. Thus in the fiscal year 1908
there were 782,870 immigrant aliens and 141,825 nonimmigrant
aliens admitted. Of the nonimmigrant aliens, 86,570 were
individuals whose country of last permanent residence and of
intended future residence were both the United States; that is, they
were alien residents of this country who had been abroad for a brief
visit. These are the birds of passage in the strictest sense, in which we
shall use the term hereafter. In the same year there was a total
exodus of 714,828 aliens, of whom 395,073 were emigrants and
319,755 nonemigrants. The former class includes those who have
made their fortune in this country and are going home to spend it,
and those who have failed, and are going home broken and
discouraged—a very large number in this panic year. The latter class
includes aliens who have had a permanent residence in the United
States, but who are going abroad to wait till the storm blows over,
with the expectation of returning again—true birds of passage
outward bound. There were 133,251 of these. The balance were aliens
in transit, and aliens who had been in this country on a visit, or only
for a short time. In 1909 there were 751,786 immigrant aliens and
192,449 nonimmigrant aliens. Of the nonimmigrants 138,680 were
true birds of passage according to the above distinction—a large
number and almost exactly equal to the number of departing birds of
passage in the previous year. The storm is over, and they have come
back. The departures in that year numbered 225,802 emigrant and
174,590 nonemigrant aliens. These numbers are considerably
smaller than in the previous year, but are still large, showing that the
effects of the crisis were still felt in the early part of this fiscal year.
The number of birds of passage among the nonemigrant aliens,
80,151, is much smaller than in the previous year. In 1910 there were
1,041,570 immigrant aliens and 156,467 nonimmigrant aliens. In the
latter class, the number of birds of passage, 94,075, again
approximated the corresponding class among the departures of the
previous year. The departures in 1910 were 202,436 emigrant aliens
and 177,982 nonemigrant aliens, of whom 89,754 were birds of
passage. This probably comes near to representing the normal
number of this class. A careful study of these figures confirms the
conclusion reached above. While a crisis in this country does
undoubtedly increase the number of departing aliens, both emigrant
and nonemigrant, and eventually cuts down the number of arrivals,
the total effect is much smaller than is usually supposed, and taken
in connection with the fact that the stream of arrivals is never wholly
checked, the influence of emigration in easing the labor market is
absolutely trifling.
Comparing the different races in regard to their readiness to
respond to changes in economic conditions, it appears that the
Italians stand easily at the head, and the Slavs come second. In 1908,
in the traffic between the United States and Italy, there was a net loss
in the population of this country of 79,966; in 1909 a net gain of
94,806. In the traffic between this country and Austria-Hungary
there was a loss in 1908 of 5463; in 1909 a gain of 48,763. In the
traffic with the Russian Empire and Finland there was a gain of
104,641 in 1908 and a gain of 94,806 in 1909. This shows how
unique are the motives and conditions which control the emigration
from the two latter countries. The emigrants from there, particularly
the Jews, come to this country to escape intolerable conditions on
the other side, not merely for the sake of economic betterment. They
prefer to endure anything in this country, rather than to return to
their old home, even if they could.
Hand in hand with the economic disparity caused by immigration
has come an increasing social stratification.[326] This is based partly