Kindlesaigon - VN - The Art of Public Speaking - Dale Carnegie
Kindlesaigon - VN - The Art of Public Speaking - Dale Carnegie
Kindlesaigon - VN - The Art of Public Speaking - Dale Carnegie
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Apply the blacksmith’s homely principle when you are speaking. If you
feel deeply about your subject you will be able to think of little else.
Concentration is a process of distraction from less important matters. It is
too late to think about the cut of your coat when once you are upon the
platform, so centre your interest on what you are about to say—fill your
mind with your speech-material and, like the infilling water in the glass, it
will drive out your unsubstantial fears.
Self-consciousness is undue consciousness of self, and, for the purpose
of delivery, self is secondary to your subject, not only in the opinion of the
audience, but, if you are wise, in your own. To hold any other view is to
regard yourself as an exhibit instead of as a messenger with a message
worth delivering. Do you remember Elbert Hubbard’s tremendous little
tract, “A Message to Garcia”? The youth subordinated himself to the
message he bore. So must you, by all the determination you can muster. It is
sheer egotism to fill your mind with thoughts of self when a greater thing is
there—TRUTH. Say this to yourself sternly, and shame your self-
consciousness into quiescence. If the theater caught fire you could rush to
the stage and shout directions to the audience without any self-
consciousness, for the importance of what you were saying would drive all
fear-thoughts out of your mind.
Far worse than self-consciousness through fear of doing poorly is self-
consciousness through assumption of doing well. The first sign of greatness
is when a man does not attempt to look and act great. Before you can call
yourself a man at all, Kipling assures us, you must “not look too good nor
talk too wise.”
Nothing advertises itself so thoroughly as conceit. One may be so full of
self as to be empty. Voltaire said, “We must conceal self-love.” But that can
not be done. You know this to be true, for you have recognized
overweening self-love in others. If you have it, others are seeing it in you.
There are things in this world bigger than self, and in working for them self
will be forgotten, or—what is better—remembered only so as to help us win
toward higher things.
Concluding Hints
In this foundation chapter we have tried to strike the tone of much that
is to follow. Many of these ideas will be amplified and enforced in a more
specific way; but through all these chapters on an art which Mr. Gladstone
believed to be more powerful than the public press, the note of justifiable
self-confidence must sound again and again.
Our English has changed with the years so that many words now
connote more than they did originally. This is true of the word monotonous.
From “having but one tone,” it has come to mean more broadly, “lack of
variation.”
The monotonous speaker not only drones along in the same volume and
pitch of tone but uses always the same emphasis, the same speed, the same
thoughts—or dispenses with thought altogether.
Monotony, the cardinal and most common sin of the public speaker, is
not a transgression—it is rather a sin of omission, for it consists in living up
to the confession of the Prayer Book: “We have left undone those things we
ought to have done.”
Emerson says, “The virtue of art lies in detachment, in sequestering one
object from the embarrassing variety.” That is just what the monotonous
speaker fails to do—he does not detach one thought or phrase from another,
they are all expressed in the same manner.
To tell you that your speech is monotonous may mean very little to you,
so let us look at the nature—and the curse—of monotony in other spheres
of life, then we shall appreciate more fully how it will blight an otherwise
good speech.
If the Victrola in the adjoining apartment grinds out just three selections
over and over again, it is pretty safe to assume that your neighbor has no
other records. If a speaker uses only a few of his powers, it points very
plainly to the fact that the rest of his powers are not developed. Monotony
reveals our limitations.
In its effect on its victim, monotony is actually deadly—it will drive the
bloom from the cheek and the lustre from the eye as quickly as sin, and
often leads to viciousness. The worst punishment that human ingenuity has
ever been able to invent is extreme monotony—solitary confinement. Lay a
marble on the table and do nothing eighteen hours of the day but change
that marble from one point to another and back again, and you will go
insane if you continue long enough.
So this thing that shortens life, and is used as the most cruel of
punishments in our prisons, is the thing that will destroy all the life and
force of a speech. Avoid it as you would shun a deadly dull bore. The “idle
rich” can have half-a-dozen homes, command all the varieties of foods
gathered from the four corners of the earth, and sail for Africa or Alaska at
their pleasure; but the poverty-stricken man must walk or take a street car—
he does not have the choice of yacht, auto, or special train. He must spend
the most of his life in labor and be content with the staples of the food-
market. Monotony is poverty, whether in speech or in life. Strive to increase
the variety of your speech as the business man labors to augment his
wealth.
Bird-songs, forest glens, and mountains are not monotonous—it is the
long rows of brown-stone fronts and the miles of paved streets that are so
terribly same. Nature in her wealth gives us endless variety; man with his
limitations is often monotonous. Get back to nature in your methods of
speech-making.
The power of variety lies in its pleasure-giving quality. The great truths
of the world have often been couched in fascinating stories—“Les
Miserables,” for instance. If you wish to teach or influence men, you must
please them, first or last. Strike the same note on the piano over and over
again. This will give you some idea of the displeasing, jarring effect
monotony has on the ear. The dictionary defines “monotonous” as being
synonymous with “wearisome.” That is putting it mildly. It is maddening.
The department-store prince does not disgust the public by playing only the
one tune, “Come Buy My Wares!” He gives recitals on a $125,000 organ,
and the pleased people naturally slip into a buying mood.
The gun that scatters too much does not bag the birds. The same
principle applies to speech. The speaker that fires his force and emphasis at
random into a sentence will not get results. Not every word is of special
importance—therefore only certain words demand emphasis.
You say Massa CHU setts and Minne A Polis, you do not emphasize
each syllable alike, but hit the accented syllable with force and hurry over
the unimportant ones. Now why do you not apply this principle in speaking
a sentence? To some extent you do, in ordinary speech; but do you in public
discourse? It is there that monotony caused by lack of emphasis is so
painfully apparent.
So far as emphasis is concerned, you may consider the average sentence
as just one big word, with the important word as the accented syllable. Note
the following:
“Destiny is not a matter of chance. It is a matter of choice.”
You might as well say MASS-A-CHU-SETTS, emphasizing every
syllable equally, as to lay equal stress on each word in the foregoing
sentences.
Speak it aloud and see. Of course you will want to emphasize destiny,
for it is the principal idea in your declaration, and you will put some
emphasis on not, else your hearers may think you are affirming that destiny
is a matter of chance. By all means you must emphasize chance, for it is
one of the two big ideas in the statement.
Another reason why chance takes emphasis is that it is contrasted with
choice in the next sentence. Obviously, the author has contrasted these ideas
purposely, so that they might be more emphatic, and here we see that
contrast is one of the very first devices to gain emphasis.
As a public speaker you can assist this emphasis of contrast with your
voice. If you say, “My horse is not black” what color immediately comes
into mind? White, naturally, for that is the opposite of black. If you wish to
bring out the thought that destiny is a matter of choice, you can do so more
effectively by first saying that “DESTINY is NOT a matter of CHANCE.” Is
not the color of the horse impressed upon us more emphatically when you
say, “My horse is NOT BLACK. He is WHITE” than it would be by hearing
you assert merely that your horse is white?
In the second sentence of the statement there is only one important word
—choice. It is the one word that positively defines the quality of the subject
being discussed, and the author of those lines desired to bring it out
emphatically, as he has shown by contrasting it with another idea. These
lines, then, would read like this:
“DESTINY is NOT a matter of CHANCE. It is a matter of CHOICE.”
Now read this over, striking the words in capitals with a great deal of force.
In almost every sentence there are a few MOUNTAIN PEAK WORDS
that represent the big, important ideas. When you pick up the evening paper
you can tell at a glance which are the important news articles. Thanks to the
editor, he does not tell about a “hold up” in Hong Kong in the same sized
type as he uses to report the death of five firemen in your home city. Size of
type is his device to show emphasis in bold relief. He brings out sometimes
even in red headlines the striking news of the day.
It would be a boon to speech-making if speakers would conserve the
attention of their audiences in the same way and emphasize only the words
representing the important ideas. The average speaker will deliver the
foregoing line on destiny with about the same amount of emphasis on each
word. Instead of saying, “It is a matter of CHOICE,” he will deliver it, “It is
a matter of choice,” or “IT IS A MATTER OF CHOICE”—both equally bad.
Charles Dana, the famous editor of The New York Sun, told one of his
reporters that if he went up the street and saw a dog bite a man, to pay no
attention to it. The Sun could not afford to waste the time and attention of its
readers on such unimportant happenings. “But,” said Mr. Dana, “if you see
a man bite a dog, hurry back to the office and write the story.” Of course
that is news; that is unusual.
Now the speaker who says “IT IS A MATTER OF CHOICE” is putting
too much emphasis upon things that are of no more importance to
metropolitan readers than a dog bite, and when he fails to emphasize
“choice” he is like the reporter who “passes up” the man’s biting a dog. The
ideal speaker makes his big words stand out like mountain peaks; his
unimportant words are submerged like stream-beds. His big thoughts stand
like huge oaks; his ideas of no especial value are merely like the grass
around the tree.
From all this we may deduce this important principle: EMPHASIS is a
matter of CONTRAST and COMPARISON.
Recently the New York American featured an editorial by Arthur
Brisbane. Note the following, printed in the same type as given here.
We do not know what the President THOUGHT when he got that
message, or what the elephant thinks when he sees the mouse, but we
do know what the President DID.
The words THOUGHT and DID immediately catch the reader’s
attention because they are different from the others, not especially because
they are larger. If all the rest of the words in this sentence were made ten
times as large as they are, and DID and THOUGHT were kept at their
present size, they would still be emphatic, because different.
Take the following from Robert Chambers’ novel, “The Business of
Life.” The words you, had, would, are all emphatic, because they have been
made different.
Knowing the price we must pay, the sacrifice we must make, the burdens we must
carry, the assaults we must endure—knowing full well the cost—yet we enlist, and we
enlist for the war. For we know the justice of our cause, and we know, too, its certain
triumph.—From “Pass Prosperity Around,” by ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, before the
Chicago National Convention of the Progressive Party.
The old astronomer said, “Give me a larger eye, and I will discover new stars and
suns.” That is what the republic needs today—new men—men who are wise toward the
soil, toward the grains, toward the tools. If God would only raise up for the people two or
three men like Watt, Fulton and McCormick, they would be worth more to the State than
that treasure box named California or Mexico. And the real supremacy of man is based
upon his capacity for education. Man is unique in the length of his childhood, which means
the period of plasticity and education. The childhood of a moth, the distance that stands
between the hatching of the robin and its maturity, represent a few hours or a few weeks,
but twenty years for growth stands between man’s cradle and his citizenship. This
protracted childhood makes it possible to hand over to the boy all the accumulated stores
achieved by races and civilizations through thousands of years.
—Anonymous.
I would call him Napoleon, but Napoleon made his way to empire over broken oaths
and through a sea of blood. This man never broke his word. “No Retaliation” was his great
motto and the rule of his life; and the last words uttered to his son in France were these:
“My boy, you will one day go back to Santo Domingo; forget that France murdered your
father.” I would call him Cromwell, but Cromwell was only a soldier, and the state he
founded went down with him into his grave. I would call him Washington, but the great
Virginian held slaves. This man risked his empire rather than permit the slave-trade in the
humblest village of his dominions.
You think me a fanatic to-night, for you read history, not with your eyes, but with your
prejudices. But fifty years hence, when Truth gets a hearing, the Muse of History will put
Phocion for the Greek, and Brutus for the Roman, Hampden for England, Lafayette for
France, choose Washington as the bright, consummate flower of our earlier civilization,
and John Brown the ripe fruit of our noonday, then, dipping her pen in the sunlight, will
write in the clear blue, above them all, the name of the soldier, the statesman, the martyr,
TOUSSAINT L’OUVERTURE.
—WENDELL PHILLIPS, Toussaint l’Ouverture.
Speech is simply a modified form of singing: the principal difference being in the fact
that in singing the vowel sounds are prolonged and the intervals are short, whereas in
speech the words are uttered in what may be called “staccato” tones, the vowels not being
specially prolonged and the intervals between the words being more distinct. The fact that
in singing we have a larger range of tones does not properly distinguish it from ordinary
speech. In speech we have likewise a variation of tones, and even in ordinary conversation
there is a difference of from three to six semi-tones, as I have found in my investigations,
and in some persons the range is as high as one octave.
—WILLIAM SCHEPPEGRELL, Popular Science Monthly.
(High pitch) “I’d like to leave for my vacation tomorrow,—(lower) still, I have so
much to do. (Higher) Yet I suppose if I wait until I have time I’ll never go.”
Repeat this, first in the pitches indicated, and then all in the one pitch, as
many speakers would. Observe the difference in naturalness of effect.
The following exercise should be spoken in a purely conversational
tone, with numerous changes of pitch. Practise it until your delivery would
cause a stranger in the next room to think you were discussing an actual
incident with a friend, instead of delivering a memorized monologue. If you
are in doubt about the effect you have secured, repeat it to a friend and ask
him if it sounds like memorized words. If it does, it is wrong.
A SIMILAR CASE
Jack, I hear you’ve gone and done it.—Yes, I know; most fellows will; went and tried
it once myself, sir, though you see I’m single still. And you met her—did you tell me—
down at Newport, last July, and resolved to ask the question at a soirée? So did I.
I suppose you left the ball-room, with its music and its light; for they say love’s flame
is brightest in the darkness of the night. Well, you walked along together, overhead the
starlit sky; and I’ll bet—old man, confess it—you were frightened. So was I.
So you strolled along the terrace, saw the summer moonlight pour all its radiance on
the waters, as they rippled on the shore, till at length you gathered courage, when you saw
that none was nigh—did you draw her close and tell her that you loved her? So did I.
Well, I needn’t ask you further, and I’m sure I wish you joy. Think I’ll wander down
and see you when you’re married—eh, my boy? When the honeymoon is over and you’re
settled down, we’ll try—What? the deuce you say! Rejected—you rejected? So was I.—
Anonymous.
Yes, all men labor. RUFUS CHOATE AND DANIEL WEBSTER labor, say the critics.
But every man who reads of the labor question knows that it means the movement of the
men that earn their living with their hands; THAT ARE EMPLOYED, AND PAID WAGES:
are gathered under roofs of factories, sent out on farms, sent out on ships, gathered on the
walls. In popular acceptation, the working class means the men that work with their hands,
for wages, so many hours a day, employed by great capitalists; that work for everybody
else. Why do we move for this class? “Why,” asks a critic, “don’t you move FOR ALL
WORKINGMEN?” BECAUSE, WHILE DANIEL WEBSTER GETS FORTY THOUSAND
DOLLARS FOR ARGUING THE MEXICAN CLAIMS, there is no need of anybody’s
moving for him. BECAUSE, WHILE RUFUS CHOATE GETS FIVE THOUSAND
DOLLARS FOR MAKING ONE ARGUMENT TO A JURY, there is no need of moving for
him, or for the men that work with their brains,—that do highly disciplined and skilled
labor, invent, and write books. The reason why the Labor movement confines itself to a
single class is because that class of work DOES NOT GET PAID, does not get protection.
MENTAL LABOR is adequately paid, and MORE THAN ADEQUATELY protected. IT CAN
SHIFT ITS CHANNELS; it can vary according to the supply and demand.
IF A MAN FAILS AS A MINISTER, why, he becomes a railway conductor. IF THAT
DOESN’T SUIT HIM, he goes West, and becomes governor of a territory. AND IF HE
FINDS HIMSELF INCAPABLE OF EITHER OF THESE POSITIONS, he comes home, and
gets to be a city editor. He varies his occupation as he pleases, and doesn’t need protection.
BUT THE GREAT MASS, CHAINED TO A TRADE, DOOMED TO BE GROUND UP IN
THE MILL OF SUPPLY AND DEMAND, THAT WORK SO MANY HOURS A DAY, AND
MUST RUN IN THE GREAT RUTS OF BUSINESS,—they are the men whose inadequate
protection, whose unfair share of the general product, claims a movement in their behalf.
—WENDELL PHILLIPS.
KNOWING THE PRICE WE MUST PAY, THE SACRIFICE WE MUST MAKE, THE
BURDENS WE MUST CARRY, THE ASSAULTS WE MUST ENDURE—KNOWING FULL
WELL THE COST—yet we enlist, and we enlist for the war. FOR WE KNOW THE
JUSTICE OF OUR CAUSE, and we know, too, its certain triumph.
NOT RELUCTANTLY THEN, but eagerly, not with faint hearts BUT STRONG, do we
now advance upon the enemies of the people. FOR THE CALL THAT COMES TO US is
the call that came to our fathers. As they responded so shall we.
“HE HATH SOUNDED FORTH A TRUMPET that shall never call retreat.
HE IS SIFTING OUT THE HEARTS OF MEN before His judgment seat.
OH, BE SWIFT OUR SOULS TO ANSWER HIM, BE JUBILANT OUR FEET,
Our God is marching on.”
—ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE.
Remember that two sentences, or two parts of the same sentence, which contain
changes of thought, cannot possibly be given effectively in the same key. Let us repeat,
every big change of thought requires a big change of pitch. What the beginning student will
think are big changes of pitch will be monotonously alike. Learn to speak some thoughts in
a very high tone—others in a very, very low tone. DEVELOP RANGE. It is almost
impossible to use too much of it.
HAPPY AM I THAT THIS MISSION HAS BROUGHT MY FEET AT LAST TO PRESS
NEW ENGLAND’S HISTORIC SOIL and my eyes to the knowledge of her beauty and her
thrift. Here within touch of Plymouth Rock and Bunker Hill—WHERE WEBSTER
THUNDERED and Longfellow sang, Emerson thought AND CHANNING PREACHED—
HERE IN THE CRADLE OF AMERICAN LETTERS and almost of American liberty, I
hasten to make the obeisance that every American owes New England when first he stands
uncovered in her mighty presence. Strange apparition! This stern and unique figure—
carved from the ocean and the wilderness—its majesty kindling and growing amid the
storms of winter and of wars—until at last the gloom was broken, ITS BEAUTY
DISCLOSED IN THE SUNSHINE, and the heroic workers rested at its base—while
startled kings and emperors gazed and marveled that from the rude touch of this handful
cast on a bleak and unknown shore should have come the embodied genius of human
government AND THE PERFECTED MODEL OF HUMAN LIBERTY! God bless the
memory of those immortal workers, and prosper the fortunes of their living sons—and
perpetuate the inspiration of their handiwork.......................................
Far to the South, Mr. President, separated from this section by a line—once defined in
irrepressible difference, once traced in fratricidal blood, AND NOW, THANK GOD, BUT A
VANISHING SHADOW—lies the fairest and richest domain of this earth. It is the home of
a brave and hospitable people. THERE IS CENTERED ALL THAT CAN PLEASE OR
PROSPER HUMANKIND. A PERFECT CLIMATE ABOVE a fertile soil yields to the
husbandman every product of the temperate zone.
There, by night the cotton whitens beneath the stars, and by day THE WHEAT LOCKS
THE SUNSHINE IN ITS BEARDED SHEAF. In the same field the clover steals the
fragrance of the wind, and tobacco catches the quick aroma of the rains. THERE ARE
MOUNTAINS STORED WITH EXHAUSTLESS TREASURES: forests—vast and primeval;
and rivers that, tumbling or loitering, run wanton to the sea. Of the three essential items of
all industries—cotton, iron and wood—that region has easy control. IN COTTON, a fixed
monopoly—IN IRON, proven supremacy—IN TIMBER, the reserve supply of the Republic.
From this assured and permanent advantage, against which artificial conditions cannot
much longer prevail, has grown an amazing system of industries. Not maintained by
human contrivance of tariff or capital, afar off from the fullest and cheapest source of
supply, but resting in divine assurance, within touch of field and mine and forest—not set
amid costly farms from which competition has driven the farmer in despair, but amid cheap
and sunny lands, rich with agriculture, to which neither season nor soil has set a limit—this
system of industries is mounting to a splendor that shall dazzle and illumine the world.
THAT, SIR, is the picture and the promise of my home—A LAND BETTER AND FAIRER
THAN I HAVE TOLD YOU, and yet but fit setting in its material excellence for the loyal
and gentle quality of its citizenship.
This hour little needs the LOYALTY THAT IS LOYAL TO ONE SECTION and yet holds
the other in enduring suspicion and estrangement. Give us the broad and perfect loyalty
that loves and trusts GEORGIA alike with Massachusetts—that knows no SOUTH, no
North, no EAST, no West, but endears with equal and patriotic love every foot of our soil,
every State of our Union.
A MIGHTY DUTY, SIR, AND A MIGHTY INSPIRATION impels every one of us to-
night to lose in patriotic consecration WHATEVER ESTRANGES, WHATEVER DIVIDES.
WE, SIR, are Americans—AND WE STAND FOR HUMAN LIBERTY! The uplifting
force of the American idea is under every throne on earth. France, Brazil—THESE ARE
OUR VICTORIES. To redeem the earth from kingcraft and oppression—THIS IS OUR
MISSION! AND WE SHALL NOT FAIL. God has sown in our soil the seed of His
millennial harvest, and He will not lay the sickle to the ripening crop until His full and
perfect day has come. OUR HISTORY, SIR, has been a constant and expanding miracle,
FROM PLYMOUTH ROCK AND JAMESTOWN, all the way—aye, even from the hour
when from the voiceless and traceless ocean a new world rose to the sight of the inspired
sailor. As we approach the fourth centennial of that stupendous day—when the old world
will come to marvel and to learn amid our gathered treasures—let us resolvé to crown the
miracles of our past with the spectacle of a Republic, compact, united INDISSOLUBLE IN
THE BONDS OF LOVE—loving from the Lakes to the Gulf—the wounds of war healed in
every heart as on every hill, serene and resplendent AT THE SUMMIT OF HUMAN
ACHIEVEMENT AND EARTHLY GLORY, blazing out the path and making clear the way
up which all the nations of the earth must come in God’s appointed time!
—HENRY W. GRADY, The Race Problem.
. . . I WOULD CALL HIM NAPOLEON, but Napoleon made his way to empire over broken
oaths and through a sea of blood. This man never broke his word. “No Retaliation” was his
great motto and the rule of his life; AND THE LAST WORDS UTTERED TO HIS SON IN
FRANCE WERE THESE: “My boy, you will one day go back to Santo Domingo; forget
that France murdered your father.” I WOULD CALL HIM CROMWELL. but Cromwell
was only a soldier, and the state he founded went down with him into his grave. I WOULD
CALL HIM WASHINGTON, but the great Virginian held slaves. THIS MAN RISKED HIS
EMPIRE rather than permit the slave-trade in the humblest village of his dominions.
YOU THINK ME A FANATIC TO-NIGHT, for you read history, not with your eyes,
BUT WITH YOUR PREJUDICES. But fifty years hence, when Truth gets a hearing, the
Muse of History will put PHOCION for the Greek, and BRUTUS for the Roman,
HAMPDEN for England, LAFAYETTE for France, choose WASHINGTON as the bright,
consummate flower of our EARLIER civilization, AND JOHN BROWN the ripe fruit of our
NOONDAY, then, dipping her pen in the sunlight, will write in the clear blue, above them
all, the name of THE SOLDIER, THE STATESMAN, THE MARTYR, TOUSSAINT
L’OUVERTURE.
—WENDELL PHILLIPS, Toussaint l’Ouverture.
I can’t recall what I did with my knife. Oh, now I remember I gave it to Mary.
We see here that a change of tempo often occurs in the same sentence—
for tempo applies not only to single words, groups of words, and groups of
sentences, but to the major parts of a public speech as well.
QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES
1. In the following, speak the words “long, long while” very slowly; the
rest of the sentence is spoken in moderately rapid tempo.
4. To get a natural effect, where would you use slow and where fast tempo in the
following?
FOOL’S GOLD
See him there, cold and gray,
Watch him as he tries to play;
No, he doesn’t know the way—
He began to learn too late.
She’s a grim old hag, is Fate,
For she let him have his pile,
Smiling to herself the while,
Knowing what the cost would be,
When he’d found the Golden Key.
Multimillionaire is he,
Many times more rich than we;
But at that I wouldn’t trade
With the bargain that he made.
Came here many years ago,
Not a person did he know;
Had the money-hunger bad—
Mad for money, piggish mad;
Didn’t let a joy divert him,
Didn’t let a sorrow hurt him,
Let his friends and kin desert him,
While he planned and plugged and hurried
On his quest for gold and power.
Every single wakeful hour
With a money thought he’d dower;
All the while as he grew older,
And grew bolder, he grew colder.
And he thought that some day
He would take the time to play;
But, say—he was wrong.
Life’s a song;
In the spring
Youth can sing and can fling;
But joys wing
When we’re older,
Like birds when it’s colder.
The roses were red as he went rushing by,
And glorious tapestries hung in the sky,
And the clover was waving
’Neath honey-bees’ slaving;
A bird over there
Roundelayed a soft air;
But the man couldn’t spare
Time for gathering flowers,
Or resting in bowers,
Or gazing at skies
That gladdened the eyes.
So he kept on and swept on
Through mean, sordid years.
Now he’s up to his ears
In the choicest of stocks.
He owns endless blocks
Of houses and shops,
And the stream never stops
Pouring into his banks.
I suppose that he ranks
Pretty near to the top.
What I have wouldn’t sop
His ambition one tittle;
And yet with my little
I don’t care to trade
With the bargain he made.
Just watch him to-day—
See him trying to play.
He’s come back for blue skies,
But they’re in a new guise—
Winter’s here, all is gray,
The birds are away,
The meadows are brown,
The leaves lie aground,
And the gay brook that wound
With a swirling and whirling
Of waters, is furling
Its bosom in ice.
And he hasn’t the price,
With all of his gold,
To buy what he sold.
He knows now the cost
Of the spring-time he lost,
Of the flowers he tossed
From his way,
And, say,
He’d pay
Any price if the day
Could be made not so gray.
He can’t play.
—HERBERT KAUFMAN. Used by permission of Everybody’s Magazine.
The canary in the cage before the window is adding to the beauty and
charm of his singing by a continual change of tempo. If King Solomon had
been an orator he undoubtedly would have gathered wisdom from the song
of the wild birds as well as from the bees. Imagine a song written with but
quarter notes. Imagine an auto with only one speed.
EXERCISES
1. Note the change of tempo indicated in the following, and how it gives
a pleasing variety. Read it aloud. (Fast tempo is indicated by italics, slow by
small capitals.)
And he thought that some day he would take the time to play; but, say—HE WAS
WRONG. LIFE’S A SONG; in the SPRING YOUTH can SING and can FLING; BUT JOYS
WING WHEN WE’RE OLDER, LIKE THE BIRDS when it’s COLDER. The roses were red as
he went rushing by, and glorious tapestries hung in the sky.
THE MOB
“A MOB KILLS THE WRONG MAN” was flashed in a newspaper headline lately. The
mob is an IRRESPONSIBLE, UNTHINKING MASS. It always destroys BUT NEVER
CONSTRUCTS. It criticises BUT NEVER CREATES.
Utter a great truth AND THE MOB WILL HATE YOU. See how it condemned DANTE to
EXILE. Encounter the dangers of the unknown world for its benefit, AND THE MOB WILL
DECLARE YOU CRAZY. It ridiculed COLUMBUS, and for discovering a new world GAVE
HIM PRISON AND CHAINS.
Write a poem to thrill human hearts with pleasure, AND THE MOB WILL ALLOW YOU
TO GO HUNGRY: THE BLIND HOMER BEGGED BREAD THROUGH THE STREETS. Invent
a machine to save labor AND THE MOB WILL DECLARE YOU ITS EMENY. Less than a
hundred years ago a furious rabble smashed Thimonier’s invention, the sewing machine.
BUILD A STEAMSHIP TO CARRY MERCHANDISE AND ACCELERATE TRAVEL and
the mob will call you a fool. A MOB LINED THE SHORES OF THE HUDSON RIVER TO
LAUGH AT THE MAIDEN ATTEMPT OF “FULTON’S FOLLY,” as they called his little
steamboat.
Emerson says: “A mob is a society of bodies voluntarily bereaving themselves of
reason and traversing its work. The mob is man voluntarily descended to the nature of the
beast. Its fit hour of activity IS NIGHT. ITS ACTIONS ARE INSANE, like its whole
constitution. It persecutes a principle—IT WOULD WHIP A RIGHT. It would tar and feather
justice by inflicting fire and outrage upon the house and persons of those who have these.”
The mob spirit stalks abroad in our land today. Every week gives a fresh victim to its
malignant cry for blood. There were 48 persons killed by mobs in the United States in
1913; 64 in 1912, and 71 in 1911. Among the 48 last year were a woman and a child. Two
victims were proven innocent after their death.
IN 399 B. C. A DEMAGOG APPEALED TO THE POPULAR MOB TO HAVE SOCRATES
PUT TO DEATH and he was sentenced to the hemlock cup. FOURTEEN HUNDRED YEARS
AFTERWARD AN ENTHUSIAST APPEALED TO THE POPULAR MOB and all Europe
plunged into the Holy Land to kill and mangle the heathen. In the seventeenth century a
demagog appealed to the ignorance of men AND TWENTY PEOPLE WERE EXECUTED AT
SALEM, MASS., WITHIN SIX MONTHS FOR WITCHCRAFT. Two thousand years ago the
mob yelled, “RELEASE UNTO US BARABBAS”—AND BARABBAS WAS A MURDERER!
—From an Editorial by D. C. in “Leslie’s Weekly,” by permission.
Present-day business is as unlike OLD-TIME BUSINESS as the OLD-TIME OX-CART is
unlike the present-day locomotive. INVENTION has made the whole world over again. The
railroad, telegraph, telephone have bound the people of MODERN NATIONS into
FAMILIES. To do the business of these closely knit millions in every modern country
GREAT BUSINESS CONCERNS CAME INTO BEING. What we call big business is the
CHILD OF THE ECONOMIC PROGRESS OF MANKIND. So warfare to destroy big business
IS FOOLISH BECAUSE IT CAN NOT SUCCEED and wicked BECAUSE IT OUGHT NOT TO
SUCCEED. Warfare to destroy big business does not hurt big business, which always comes
out on top, SO MUCH AS IT HURTS ALL OTHER BUSINESS WHICH, IN SUCH A
WARFARE, NEVER COMES OUT ON TOP.—A. J. BEVERIDGE.
Any big change of tempo is emphatic and will catch the attention. You
may scarcely be conscious that a passenger train is moving when it is flying
over the rails at ninety miles an hour, but if it slows down very suddenly to
a ten-mile gait your attention will be drawn to it very decidedly. You may
forget that you are listening to music as you dine, but let the orchestra either
increase or diminish its tempo in a very marked degree and your attention
will be arrested at once.
This same principle will procure emphasis in a speech. If you have a
point that you want to bring home to your audience forcefully, make a
sudden and great change of tempo, and they will be powerless to keep from
paying attention to that point. Recently the present writer saw a play in
which these lines were spoken:
“I don’t want you to forget what I said. I want you to remember it the
longest day you—I don’t care if you’ve got six guns.” The part up to the
dash was delivered in a very slow tempo, the remainder was flamed out at
lightning speed, as the character who was spoken to drew a revolver. The
effect was so emphatic that the lines are remembered six months afterwards,
while most of the play has faded from memory. The student who has
powers of observation will see this principle applied by all our best actors in
their efforts to get emphasis where emphasis is due. But remember that the
emotion in the matter must warrant the intensity in the manner, or the effect
will be ridiculous. Too many public speakers are impressive over nothing.
Thought rather than rules must govern you while practising change of
pace. It is often a matter of no consequence which part of a sentence is
spoken slowly and which is given in fast tempo. The main thing to be
desired is the change itself. For example, in the selection, “The Mob,” on
page 46, note the last paragraph. Reverse the instructions given, delivering
everything that is marked for slow tempo, quickly; and everything that is
marked for quick tempo, slowly. You will note that the force or meaning of
the passage has not been destroyed.
However, many passages cannot be changed to a slow tempo without
destroying their force. Instances: The Patrick Henry speech on page 110,
and the following passage from Whittier’s “Barefoot Boy.”
O for boyhood’s time of June, crowding years in one brief moon, when all things I
heard or saw, me, their master, waited for. I was rich in flowers and trees, humming-birds
and honeybees; for my sport the squirrel played; plied the snouted mole his spade; for my
taste the blackberry cone purpled over hedge and stone; laughed the brook for my delight
through the day and through the night, whispering at the garden wall, talked with me from
fall to fall; mine the sand-rimmed pickerel pond; mine the walnut slopes beyond; mine, on
bending orchard trees, apples of Hesperides! Still, as my horizon grew, larger grew my
riches, too; all the world I saw or knew seemed a complex Chinese toy, fashioned for a
barefoot boy!—J. G. WHITTIER.
Be careful in regulating your tempo not to get your movement too fast.
This is a common fault with amateur speakers. Mrs. Siddons rule was,
“Take time.” A hundred years ago there was used in medical circles a
preparation known as “the shot gun remedy;” it was a mixture of about fifty
different ingredients, and was given to the patient in the hope that at least
one of them would prove efficacious! That seems a rather poor scheme for
medical practice, but it is good to use “shot gun” tempo for most speeches,
as it gives a variety. Tempo, like diet, is best when mixed.
Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this
continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great
civil war, testing whether that nation—or any nation so conceived and so
dedicated—can long endure.
We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We are met to dedicate a
portion of it as the final resting-place of those who have given their lives
that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should
do this.
But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we
cannot hallow, this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled
here, have consecrated it, far above our power to add or to detract. The
world will very little note nor long remember what we say here; but it can
never forget what they did here.
It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work
they have thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be here dedicated
to the great task remaining before us: that from these honored dead we take
increased devotion to that cause for which they here gave the last full
measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not
have died in vain; that the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of
freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people,
shall not perish from the earth.
—ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“In the beauty of the lilies, Christ was born across the sea,
With a glory in His bosom that transfigures you and me;
As He died to make men holy, let us die to make men free,
While God is marching on.”
Others may hesitate, others may procrastinate, others may plead for
further diplomatic negotiation, which means delay; but for me, I am ready
to act now, and for my action I am ready to answer to my conscience, my
country, and my God.
—JAMES MELLEN THURSTON.
CHAPTER VI
PAUSE AND POWER
The true business of the literary artist is to plait or weave his meaning, involving it
around itself; so that each sentence, by successive phrases, shall first come into a kind of
knot, and then, after a moment of suspended meaning, solve and clear itself.
—GEORGE SAINTSBURY, on English Prose Style, in Miscellaneous Essays.
. . . pause . . . has a distinctive value, expressed in silence; in other words, while the voice
is waiting, the music of the movement is going on . . . To manage it, with its delicacies and
compensations, requires that same fineness of ear on which we must depend for all
faultless prose rhythm. When there is no compensation, when the pause is inadvertent . . .
there is a sense of jolting and lack, as if some pin or fastening had fallen out.
—JOHN FRANKLIN GENUNG, The Working Principles of Rhetoric.
“This man, my friends, has made this wonderful sacrifice—for you and me.”
Did not the pause surprisingly enhance the power of this statement? See
how he gathered up reserve force and impressiveness to deliver the words
“for you and me.” Repeat this passage without making a pause. Did it lose
in effectiveness?
Naturally enough, during a premeditated pause of this kind the mind of
the speaker is concentrated on the thought to which he is about to give
expression. He will not dare to allow his thoughts to wander for an instant
—he will rather supremely center his thought and his emotion upon the
sacrifice whose service, sweetness and divinity he is enforcing by his
appeal.
Concentration, then, is the big word here—no pause without it can
perfectly hit the mark.
Efficient pausing accomplishes one or all of four results:
1. Pause Enables the Mind of the Speaker to Gather His Forces Before
Delivering the Final Volley
Herbert Spencer said that all the universe is in motion. So it is—and all
perfect motion is rhythm. Part of rhythm is rest. Rest follows activity all
through nature. Instances: day and night; spring—summer—autumn—
winter; a period of rest between breaths; an instant of complete rest between
heart beats. Pause, and give the attention-powers of your audience a rest.
What you say after such a silence will then have a great deal more effect.
When your country cousins come to town, the noise of a passing car
will awaken them, though it seldom affects a seasoned city dweller. By the
continual passing of cars his attention-power has become deadened. In one
who visits the city but seldom, attention-value is insistent. To him the noise
comes after a long pause; hence its power. To you, dweller in the city, there
is no pause; hence the low attention-value. After riding on a train several
hours you will become so accustomed to its roar that it will lose its
attention-value, unless the train should stop for a while and start again. If
you attempt to listen to a clock-tick that is so far away that you can barely
hear it, you will find that at times you are unable to distinguish it, but in a
few moments the sound becomes distinct again. Your mind will pause for
rest whether you desire it to do so or not.
The attention of your audience will act in quite the same way.
Recognize this law and prepare for it—by pausing. Let it be repeated: the
thought that follows a pause is much more dynamic than if no pause had
occurred. What is said to you of a night will not have the same effect on
your mind as if it had been uttered in the morning when your attention had
been lately refreshed by the pause of sleep. We are told on the first page of
the Bible that even the Creative Energy of God rested on the “seventh day.”
You may be sure, then, that the frail finite mind of your audience will
likewise demand rest. Observe nature, study her laws, and obey them in
your speaking.
The unskilled speaker would have rattled this off with neither pause nor
suspense, and the sentences would have fallen flat upon the audience. It is
precisely the application of these small things that makes much of the
difference between the successful and the unsuccessful speaker.
In the following selections dashes have been inserted where pauses may
be used effectively. Naturally, you may omit some of these and insert others
without going wrong—one speaker would interpret a passage in one way,
one in another; it is largely a matter of personal preference. A dozen great
actors have played Hamlet well, and yet each has played the part differently.
Which comes the nearest to perfection is a question of opinion. You will
succeed best by daring to follow your own course—if you are individual
enough to blaze an original trail.
A moment’s halt—a momentary taste of being from the well amid the waste—and lo!
the phantom caravan has reached—the nothing it set out from—Oh make haste!
The worldly hope men set their hearts upon—turns ashes—or it prospers;—and anon
like snow upon the desert’s dusty face—lighting a little hour or two—is gone.
The bird of time has but a little way to flutter,—and the bird is on the wing.
You will note that the punctuation marks have nothing to do with the
pausing. You may run by a period very quickly and make a long pause
where there is no kind of punctuation. Thought is greater than punctuation.
It must guide you in your pauses.
A book of verses underneath the bough,—a jug of wine, a loaf of bread—and thou
beside me singing in the wilderness—Oh—wilderness were paradise enow.
You must not confuse the pause for emphasis with the natural pauses
that come through taking breath and phrasing. For example, note the pauses
indicated in this selection from Byron:
Contrast now the circumstances of your life and mine, gently and with temper,
Æschines; and then ask these people whose fortune they would each of them prefer. You
taught reading, I went to school: you performed initiations, I received them: you danced in
the chorus, I furnished it: you were assembly-clerk, I was a speaker: you acted third parts, I
heard you: you broke down, and I hissed: you have worked as a statesman for the enemy, I
for my country. I pass by the rest; but this very day I am on my probation for a crown, and
am acknowledged to be innocent of all offence; while you are already judged to be a
pettifogger, and the question is, whether you shall continue that trade, or at once be
silenced by not getting a fifth part of the votes. A happy fortune, do you see, you have
enjoyed, that you should denounce mine as miserable!—DEMOSTHENES.
7. After careful study and practice, mark the pauses in the following:
The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are in the great struggle for national
life. We hear the sounds of preparation—the music of the boisterous drums, the silver
voices of heroic bugles. We see thousands of assemblages, and hear the appeals of orators;
we see the pale cheeks of women and the flushed faces of men; and in those assemblages
we see all the dead whose dust we have covered with flowers. We lose sight of them no
more. We are with them when they enlist in the great army of freedom. We see them part
from those they love. Some are walking for the last time in quiet woody places with the
maidens they adore. We hear the whisperings and the sweet vows of eternal love as they
lingeringly part forever. Others are bending over cradles, kissing babies that are asleep.
Some are receiving the blessings of old men. Some are parting from those who hold them
and press them to their hearts again and again, and say nothing; and some are talking with
wives, and endeavoring with brave words spoken in the old tones to drive from their hearts
the awful fear. We see them part. We see the wife standing in the door, with the babe in her
arms—standing in the sunlight sobbing; at the turn of the road a hand waves—she answers
by holding high in her loving hands the child. He is gone—and forever.
—ROBERT J. INGERSOLL, to the Soldiers of Indianapolis.
The moving finger writes; and having writ moves on: nor all your piety nor wit shall
lure it back to cancel half a line, nor all your tears wash out a word of it.
The history of womankind is a story of abuse. For ages men beat, sold, and abused
their wives and daughters like cattle. The Spartan mother that gave birth to one of her own
sex disgraced herself; the girl babies were often deserted in the mountains to starve; China
bound and deformed their feet; Turkey veiled their faces; America denied them equal
educational advantages with men. Most of the world still refuses them the right to
participate in the government and everywhere women bear the brunt of an unequal
standard of morality.
But the women are on the march. They are walking upward to the sunlit plains where
the thinking people rule. China has ceased binding their feet. In the shadow of the Harem
Turkey has opened a school for girls. America has given the women equal educational
advantages, and America, we believe, will enfranchise them.
We can do little to help and not much to hinder this great movement. The thinking
people have put their O. K. upon it. It is moving forward to its goal just as surely as this old
earth is swinging from the grip of winter toward the spring’s blossoms and the summer’s
harvest.1
These may be varied indefinitely, and serve merely to illustrate what wide
varieties of combination may be effected by these two simple inflections of the
voice.
It is impossible to tabulate the various inflections which serve to express
various shades of thought and feeling. A few suggestions are offered here,
together with abundant exercises for practise, but the only real way to master
inflection is to observe, experiment, and practise.
For example, take the common sentence, “Oh, he’s all right.” Note how a
rising inflection may be made to express faint praise, or polite doubt, or
uncertainty of opinion. Then note how the same words, spoken with a
generally falling inflection may denote certainty, or good-natured approval, or
enthusiastic praise, and so on.
In general, then, we find that a bending upward of the voice will suggest
doubt and uncertainty, while a decided falling inflection will suggest that you
are certain of your ground.
Students dislike to be told that their speeches are “not so bad,” spoken with
a rising inflection. To enunciate these words with a long falling inflection
would indorse the speech rather heartily.
Say good-bye to an imaginary person whom you expect to see again
tomorrow; then to a dear friend you never expect to meet again. Note the
difference in inflection.
“I have had a delightful time,” when spoken at the termination of a formal
tea by a frivolous woman takes altogether different inflection than the same
words spoken between lovers who have enjoyed themselves. Mimic the two
characters in repeating this and observe the difference.
Note how light and short the inflections are in the following brief quotation
from “Anthony the Absolute,” by Samuel Mervin.
At Sea—March 28th.
This evening I told Sir Robert What’s His Name he was a fool.
I was quite right in this. He is.
Every evening since the ship left Vancouver he has presided over the round table in the
middle of the smoking-room. There he sips his coffee and liqueur, and holds forth on every
subject known to the mind of man. Each subject is his subject. He is an elderly person, with a
bad face and a drooping left eyelid.
They tell me that he is in the British Service—a judge somewhere down in Malaysia,
where they drink more than is good for them.
Deliver the two following selections with great earnestness, and note how
the inflections differ from the foregoing. Then reread these selections in a
light, superficial manner, noting that the change of attitude is expressed
through a change of inflection.
When I read a sublime fact in Plutarch, or an unselfish deed in a line of poetry, or thrill
beneath some heroic legend, it is no longer fairyland—I have seen it matched.—WENDELL
PHILLIPS.
Now try this sentence by inflecting the important words so as to bring out
various shades of meaning. The first forms, illustrated above, show change of
pitch within a single word; the forms you will work out for yourself should
show a number of such inflections throughout the sentence.
One of the chief means of securing emphasis is to employ a long falling
inflection on the emphatic words—that is, to let the voice fall to a lower pitch
on an interior vowel sound in a word. Try it on the words “every,”
“eleemosynary,” and “destroy.”
Use long falling inflections on the italicized words in the following
selection, noting their emphatic power. Are there any other words here that
long falling inflections would help to make expressive?
This, sir, is my case. It is the case not merely of that humble institution; it is the case of
every college in our land. It is more; it is the case of every eleemosynary institution throughout
our country—of all those great charities founded by the piety of our ancestors to alleviate
human misery and scatter blessings along the pathway of life. Sir, you may destroy this little
institution—it is weak, it is in your hands. I know it is one of the lesser lights in the literary
horizon of our country. You may put it out. But if you do you must carry through your work;
you must extinguish, one after another, all those great lights of science which, for more than a
century, have thrown their radiance over our land!
It is, sir, as I have said, a small college, and yet—there are those who love it!
Sir, I know not how others may feel, but as for myself when I see my alma mater
surrounded, like Cæsar in the senate house, by those who are reiterating stab after stab, I
would not for this right hand have her turn to me and say, And thou, too, my son!
—DANIEL WEBSTER.
1. In your own words define (a) cadence, (b) modulation, (c) inflection, (d)
emphasis.
2. Name five ways of destroying monotony and gaining effectiveness in
speech.
3. What states of mind does falling inflection signify? Make as full a list as
you can.
4. Do the same for the rising inflection.
5. How does the voice bend in expressing (a) surprise? (b) shame? (c)
hate? (d) formality? (e) excitement?
6. Reread some sentence several times and by using different inflections
change the meaning with each reading.
7. Note the inflections employed in some speech or conversation. Were
they the best that could be used to bring out the meaning? Criticise and
illustrate.
8. Render the following passages:
CHARLES I
We charge him with having broken his coronation oath; and we are told that he kept his
marriage vow! We accuse him of having given up his people to the merciless inflictions of the
most hot-headed and hard-hearted of prelates; and the defence is, that he took his little son on
his knee and kissed him! We censure him for having violated the articles of the Petition of
Right, after having, for good and valuable consideration, promised to observe them; and we
are informed that he was accustomed to hear prayers at six o’clock in the morning! It is to such
considerations as these, together with his Vandyke dress, his handsome face, and his peaked
beard, that he owes, we verily believe, most of his popularity with the present generation.
—T. B. MACAULAY.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
We needed not that he should put on paper that he believed in slavery, who, with treason,
with murder, with cruelty infernal, hovered around that majestic man to destroy his life. He
was himself but the long sting with which slavery struck at liberty; and he carried the poison
that belonged to slavery. As long as this nation lasts, it will never be forgotten that we have
one martyred President—never! Never, while time lasts, while heaven lasts, while hell rocks
and groans, will it be forgotten that slavery, by its minions, slew him, and in slaying him made
manifest its whole nature and tendency.
But another thing for us to remember is that this blow was aimed at the life of the
government and of the nation. Lincoln was slain; America was meant. The man was cast
down; the government was smitten at. It was the President who was killed. It was national life,
breathing freedom and meaning beneficence, that was sought. He, the man of Illinois, the
private man, divested of robes and the insignia of authority, representing nothing but his
personal self, might have been hated; but that would not have called forth the murderer’s blow.
It was because he stood in the place of government, representing government and a
government that represented right and liberty, that he was singled out.
This, then, is a crime against universal government. It is not a blow at the foundations of
our government, more than at the foundations of the English government, of the French
government, of every compact and well-organized government. It was a crime against
mankind. The whole world will repudiate and stigmatize it as a deed without a shade of
redeeming light. . .
The blow, however, has signally failed. The cause is not stricken; it is strengthened. This
nation has dissolved,—but in tears only. It stands, four-square, more solid, to-day, than any
pyramid in Egypt. This people are neither wasted, nor daunted, nor disordered. Men hate
slavery and love liberty with stronger hate and love to-day than ever before. The Government
is not weakened, it is made stronger. . . .
And now the martyr is moving in triumphal march, mightier than when alive. The nation
rises up at every stage of his coming. Cities and states are his pall-bearers, and the cannon
beats the hours with solemn progression. Dead—dead—dead—he yet speaketh! Is Washington
dead? Is Hampden dead? Is David dead? Is any man dead that ever was fit to live?
Disenthralled of flesh, and risen to the unobstructed sphere where passion never comes, he
begins his illimitable work. His life now is grafted upon the Infinite, and will be fruitful as no
earthly life can be. Pass on, thou that hast overcome! Your sorrows O people, are his peace!
Your bells, and bands, and muffled drums sound triumph in his ear. Wail and weep here; God
makes it echo joy and triumph there. Pass on, thou victor!
Four years ago, O Illinois, we took from your midst an untried man, and from among the
people; we return him to you a mighty conqueror. Not thine any more, but the nation’s; not
ours, but the world’s. Give him place, ye prairies! In the midst of this great Continent his dust
shall rest, a sacred treasure to myriads who shall make pilgrimage to that shrine to kindle anew
their zeal and patriotism. Ye winds, that move over the mighty places of the West, chant his
requiem! Ye people, behold a martyr, whose blood, as so many inarticulate words, pleads for
fidelity, for law, for liberty!—HENRY WARD BEECHER.
Attention is the microscope of the mental eye. Its power may be high or low; its field
of view narrow or broad. When high power is used attention is confined within very
circumscribed limits, but its action is exceedingly intense and absorbing. It sees but few
things, but these few are observed “through and through” . . . Mental energy and activity,
whether of perception or of thought, thus concentrated, act like the sun’s rays concentrated
by the burning glass. The object is illumined, heated, set on fire. Impressions are so deep
that they can never be effaced. Attention of this sort is the prime condition of the most
productive mental labor.
—DANIEL PUTNAM, Psychology.
Try to rub the top of your head forward and backward at the same time
that you are patting your chest. Unless your powers of coördination are well
developed you will find it confusing, if not impossible. The brain needs
special training before it can do two or more things efficiently at the same
instant. It may seem like splitting a hair between its north and northwest
corner, but some psychologists argue that no brain can think two distinct
thoughts, absolutely simultaneously—that what seems to be simultaneous is
really very rapid rotation from the first thought to the second and back
again, just as in the above-cited experiment the attention must shift from
one hand to the other until one or the other movement becomes partly or
wholly automatic.
Whatever is the psychological truth of this contention it is undeniable
that the mind measurably loses grip on one idea the moment the attention is
projected decidedly ahead to a second or a third idea.
A fault in public speakers that is as pernicious as it is common is that
they try to think of the succeeding sentence while still uttering the former,
and in this way their concentration trails off; in consequence, they start their
sentences strongly and end them weakly. In a well-prepared written speech
the emphatic word usually comes at one end of the sentence. But an
emphatic word needs emphatic expression, and this is precisely what it does
not get when concentration flags by leaping too soon to that which is next to
be uttered. Concentrate all your mental energies on the present sentence.
Remember that the mind of your audience follows yours very closely, and if
you withdraw your attention from what you are saying to what you are
going to say, your audience will also withdraw theirs. They may not do so
consciously and deliberately, but they will surely cease to give importance
to the things that you yourself slight. It is fatal to either the actor or the
speaker to cross his bridges too soon.
Of course, all this is not to say that in the natural pauses of your speech
you are not to take swift forward surveys—they are as important as the
forward look in driving a motor car; the caution is of quite another sort:
while speaking one sentence do not think of the sentence to follow. Let it
come from its proper source—within yourself. You cannot deliver a
broadside without concentrated force—that is what produces the explosion.
In preparation you store and concentrate thought and feeling; in the pauses
during delivery you swiftly look ahead and gather yourself for effective
attack; during the moments of actual speech, SPEAK—DON’T
ANTICIPATE. Divide your attention and you divide your power.
This matter of the effect of the inner man upon the outer needs a further word here,
particularly as touching concentration.
“What do you read, my lord?” Hamlet replied, “Words. Words. Words.”
That is a world-old trouble. The mechanical calling of words is not
expression, by a long stretch. Did you ever notice how hollow a memorized
speech usually sounds? You have listened to the ranting, mechanical
cadence of inefficient actors, lawyers and preachers. Their trouble is a
mental one—they are not concentratedly thinking thoughts that cause words
to issue with sincerity and conviction, but are merely enunciating word-
sounds mechanically. Painful experience alike to audience and to speaker!
A parrot is equally eloquent. Again let Shakespeare instruct us, this time in
the insincere prayer of the King, Hamlet’s uncle. He laments thus pointedly:
The truth is, that as a speaker your words must be born again every time
they are spoken, then they will not suffer in their utterance, even though
perforce committed to memory and repeated, like Dr. Russell Conwell’s
lecture, “Acres of Diamonds,” five thousand times. Such speeches lose
nothing by repetition for the perfectly patent reason that they arise from
concentrated thought and feeling and not a mere necessity for saying
something—which usually means anything, and that, in turn, is tantamount
to nothing. If the thought beneath your words is warm, fresh, spontaneous, a
part of your self, your utterance will have breath and life. Words are only a
result. Do not try to get the result without stimulating the cause.
Do you ask how to concentrate? Think of the word itself, and of its
philological brother, concentric. Think of how a lens gathers and concenters
the rays of light within a given circle. It centers them by a process of
withdrawal. It may seem like a harsh saying, but the man who cannot
concentrate is either weak of will, a nervous wreck, or has never learned
what will-power is good for.
You must concentrate by resolutely withdrawing your attention from
everything else. If you concentrate your thought on a pain which may be
afflicting you, that pain will grow more intense. “Count your blessings” and
they will multiply. Center your thought on your strokes and your tennis play
will gradually improve. To concentrate is simply to attend to one thing, and
attend to nothing else. If you find that you cannot do that, there is
something wrong—attend to that first. Remove the cause and the symptom
will disappear. Read the chapter on “Will Power.” Cultivate your will by
willing and then doing, at all costs. Concentrate—and you will win.
QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES
1. Select from any source several sentences suitable for speaking aloud;
deliver them first in the manner condemned in this chapter, and second with
due regard for emphasis toward the close of each sentence.
2. Put into about one hundred words your impression of the effect
produced.
3. Tell of any peculiar methods you may have observed or heard of by
which speakers have sought to aid their powers of concentration, such as
looking fixedly at a blank spot in the ceiling, or twisting a watch charm.
4. What effect do such habits have on the audience?
5. What relation does pause bear to concentration?
6. Tell why concentration naturally helps a speaker to change pitch,
tempo, and emphasis.
7. Read the following selection through to get its meaning and spirit
clearly in your mind. Then read it aloud, concentrating solely on the
thought that you are expressing—do not trouble about the sentence or
thought that is coming. Half the troubles of mankind arise from anticipating
trials that never occur. Avoid this in speaking. Make the end of your
sentences just as strong as the beginning. CONCENTRATE.
WAR!
The last of the savage instincts is war. The cave man’s club made law and procured
food. Might decreed right. Warriors were saviours.
In Nazareth a carpenter laid down the saw and preached the brotherhood of man.
Twelve centuries afterwards his followers marched to the Holy Land to destroy all who
differed with them in the worship of the God of Love. Triumphantly they wrote “In
Solomon’s Porch and in his temple our men rode in the blood of the Saracens up to the
knees of their horses.”
History is an appalling tale of war. In the seventeenth century Germany, France,
Sweden, and Spain warred for thirty years. At Magdeburg 30,000 out of 36,000 were killed
regardless of sex or age. In Germany schools were closed for a third of a century, homes
burned, women outraged, towns demolished, and the untilled land became a wilderness.
Two-thirds of Germany’s property was destroyed and 18,000,000 of her citizens were
killed, because men quarrelled about the way to glorify “The Prince of Peace.” Marching
through rain and snow, sleeping on the ground, eating stale food or starving, contracting
diseases and facing guns that fire six hundred times a minute, for fifty cents a day—this is
the soldier’s life.
At the window sits the widowed mother crying. Little children with tearful faces
pressed against the pane watch and wait. Their means of livelihood, their home, their
happiness is gone. Fatherless children, broken-hearted women, sick, disabled and dead men
—this is the wage of war.
We spend more money preparing men to kill each other than we do in teaching them to
live. We spend more money building one battleship than in the annual maintenance of all
our state universities. The financial loss resulting from destroying one another’s homes in
the civil war would have built 15,000,000 houses, each costing $2,000. We pray for love
but prepare for hate. We preach peace but equip for war.
Were half the power that fills the world with terror,
Were half the wealth bestowed on camp and court
Given to redeem this world from error,
There would be no need of arsenal and fort.
War only defers a question. No issue will ever really be settled until it is settled rightly.
Like rival “gun gangs” in a back alley, the nations of the world, through the bloody ages,
have fought over their differences. Denver cannot fight Chicago and Iowa cannot fight
Ohio. Why should Germany be permitted to fight France, or Bulgaria fight Turkey?
When mankind rises above creeds, colors and countries, when we are citizens, not of a
nation, but of the world, the armies and navies of the earth will constitute an international
police force to perserve the peace and the dove will take the eagle’s place. Our differences
will be settled by an international court with the power to enforce its mandates. In times of
peace prepare for peace. The wages of war are the wages of sin, and the “wages of sin is
death.”
—Editorial by D. C., Leslie’s Weekly; used by permission.
CHAPTER IX
FORCE
You have attended plays that seemed fair, yet they did not move you,
grip you. In theatrical parlance, they failed to “get over,” which means that
their message did not get over the foot-lights to the audience. There was no
punch, no jab to them—they had no force.
Of course, all this spells disaster, in big letters, not only in a stage
production but in any platform effort. Every such presentation exists solely
for the audience, and if it fails to hit them—and the expression is a good
one—it has no excuse for living; nor will it live long.
What is Force?
Nor do not saw the air too much with your hand, thus; but use all gently; for in the
very torrent, tempest, and (as I may say) whirlwind of your passion, you must acquire and
beget a temperance, that may give it smoothness. Oh, it offends me to the soul, to hear a
robustious periwig-pated fellow tear a passion to tatters, to very rags, to split the ears of the
groundlings1; who, for the most part, are capable of nothing but inexplicable dumb show,
and noise. I would have such a fellow whipped for o’er-doing Termagant; it out-herods
Herod. Pray you avoid it.
Be not too tame, neither, but let your discretion be your tutor: suit the action to the
word, the word to the action; with this special observance, that you o’erstep not the
modesty of nature; for anything so overdone is from the purpose of playing, whose end,
both at the first, and now, was, and is, to hold, as ’twere, the mirror up to Nature, to show
Virtue her own feature, Scorn her own image, and the very age and body of the time his
form and pressure. Now, this overdone, or come tardy off, though it make the unskillful
laugh, cannot but make the judicious grieve; the censure of the which one must, in your
allowance, o’erweigh a whole theater of others. Oh, there be players that I have seen play
—and heard others praise, and that highly—not to speak it profanely, that, neither having
the accent of Christians, nor the gait of Christian, pagan, or man, have so strutted and
bellowed that I have thought some of Nature’s journeymen had made men, and not made
them well, they imitated humanity so abominably.1
Force is both a cause and an effect. Inner force, which must precede
outer force, is a combination of four elements, acting progressively. First of
all, force arises from conviction. You must be convinced of the truth, or the
importance, or the meaning, of what you are about to say before you can
give it forceful delivery. It must lay strong hold upon your convictions
before it can grip your audience. Conviction convinces.
The Saturday Evening Post in an article on “England’s T. R.”—Winston
Spencer Churchill—attributed much of Churchill’s and Roosevelt’s public
platform success to their forceful delivery. No matter what is in hand, these
men make themselves believe for the time being that that one thing is the
most important on earth. Hence they speak to their audiences in a Do-this-
or-you-PERISH manner.
That kind of speaking wins, and it is that virile, strenuous, aggressive
attitude which both distinguishes and maintains the platform careers of our
greatest leaders.
But let us look a little closer at the origins of inner force. How does
conviction affect the man who feels it? We have answered the inquiry in the
very question itself—he feels it: Conviction produces emotional tension.
Study the pictures of Theodore Roosevelt and of Billy Sunday in action—
action is the word. Note the tension of their jaw muscles, the taut lines of
sinews in their entire bodies when reaching a climax of force. Moral and
physical force are alike in being both preceded and accompanied by in-tens-
ity—tension—tightness of the cords of power.
It is this tautness of the bow-string, this knotting of the muscles, this
contraction before the spring, that makes an audience feel—almost see—the
reserve power in a speaker. In some really wonderful way it is more what a
speaker does not say and do that reveals the dynamo within. Anything may
come from such stored-up force once it is let loose; and that keeps an
audience alert, hanging on the lips of a speaker for his next word. After all,
it is all a question of manhood, for a stuffed doll has neither convictions nor
emotional tension. If you are upholstered with sawdust, keep off the
platform, for your own speech will puncture you.
Growing out of this conviction-tension comes resolve to make the
audience share that conviction-tension. Purpose is the backbone of force;
without it speech is flabby—it may glitter, but it is the iridescence of the
spineless jellyfish. You must hold fast to your resolve if you would hold fast
to your audience.
Finally, all this conviction-tension-purpose is lifeless and useless unless
it results in propulsion. You remember how Young in his wonderful “Night
Thoughts” delineates the man who
Let not your force “die a-borning,”—bring it to full life in its conviction,
emotional tension, resolve, and propulsive power.
Yes, if the acquirer has any such capacities as we have just outlined.
How to acquire this vital factor is suggested in its very analysis: Live with
your subject until you are convinced of its importance.
If your message does not of itself arouse you to tension, PULL yourself
together. When a man faces the necessity of leaping across a crevasse he
does not wait for inspiration, he wills his muscles into tensity for the spring
—it is not without purpose that our English language uses the same word to
depict a mighty though delicate steel contrivance and a quick leap through
the air. Then resolve—and let it all end in actual punch.
This truth is worth reiteration: The man within is the final factor. He
must supply the fuel. The audience, or even the man himself, may add the
match—it matters little which, only so that there be fire. However skillfully
your engine is constructed, however well it works, you will have no force if
the fire has gone out under the boiler. It matters little how well you have
mastered poise, pause, modulation, and tempo, if your speech lacks fire it is
dead. Neither a dead engine nor a dead speech will move anybody.
Four factors of force are measurably within your control, and in that far
may be acquired: ideas, feeling about the subject, wording, and delivery.
Each of these is more or less fully discussed in this volume, except
wording, which really requires a fuller rhetorical study than can here be
ventured. It is, however, of the utmost importance that you should be aware
of precisely how wording bears upon force in a sentence. Study “The
Working Principles of Rhetoric,” by John Franklin Genung, or the rhetorical
treatises of Adams Sherman Hill, of Charles Sears Baldwin, or any others
whose names may easily be learned from any teacher.
Here are a few suggestions on the use of words to attain force:
“But,” says someone, “is it not more honest to depend on the inherent
interest in a subject, its native truth, clearness and sincerity of presentation,
and beauty of utterance, to win your audience? Why not charm men instead
of capturing them by assault?”
There is much truth in such an appeal, but not all the truth. Clearness,
persuasion, beauty, simple statement of truth, are all essential—indeed, they
are all definite parts of a forceful presentment of a subject, without being
the only parts. Strong meat may not be as attractive as ices, but all depends
on the appetite and the stage of the meal.
You can not deliver an aggressive message with caressing little strokes.
No! Jab it in with hard, swift solar plexus punches. You cannot strike fire
from flint or from an audience with love taps. Say to a crowded theatre in a
lackadaisical manner: “It seems to me that the house is on fire,” and your
announcement may be greeted with a laugh. If you flash out the words:
“The house’s on fire!” they will crush one another in getting to the exits.
The spirit and the language of force are definite with conviction. No
immortal speech in literature contains such expressions as “it seems to me,”
“I should judge,” “in my opinion,” “I suppose,” “perhaps it is true.” The
speeches that will live have been delivered by men ablaze with the courage
of their convictions, who uttered their words as eternal truth. Of Jesus it was
said that “the common people heard Him gladly.” Why? “He taught them as
one having AUTHORITY.” An audience will never be moved by what
“seems” to you to be truth or what in your “humble opinion” may be so. If
you honestly can, assert convictions as your conclusions. Be sure you are
right before you speak your speech, then utter your thoughts as though they
were a Gibraltar of unimpeachable truth. Deliver them with the iron hand
and confidence of a Cromwell. Assert them with the fire of authority.
Pronounce them as an ultimatum. If you cannot speak with conviction, be
silent.
What force did that young minister have who, fearing to be too
dogmatic, thus exhorted his hearers: “My friends—as I assume that you are
—it appears to be my duty to tell you that if you do not repent, so to speak,
forsake your sins, as it were, and turn to righteousness, if I may so express
it, you will be lost, in a measure”?
Effective speech must reflect the era. This is not a rose water age, and a
tepid, half-hearted speech will not win. This is the century of trip hammers,
of overland expresses that dash under cities and through mountain tunnels,
and you must instill this spirit into your speech if you would move a
popular audience. From a front seat listen to a first-class company present a
modern Broadway drama—not a comedy, but a gripping, thrilling drama.
Do not become absorbed in the story; reserve all your attention for the
technique and the force of the acting. There is a kick and a crash as well as
an infinitely subtle intensity in the big, climax-speeches that suggest this
lesson: the same well-calculated, restrained, delicately shaded force would
simply rivet your ideas in the minds of your audience. An air-gun will rattle
bird-shot against a window pane—it takes a rifle to wing a bullet through
plate glass and the oaken walls beyond.
We are for a revolution! We say in behalf of these hunted beings, whom God created,
and who law-abiding Webster and Winthrop have sworn shall not find shelter in
Massachusetts,—we say that they may make their little motions, and pass their little laws
in Washington, but that Faneuil Hall repeals them in the name of humanity and the old Bay
State!
...........
My advice to workingmen is this:
If you want power in this country; if you want to make yourselves felt; if you do not
want your children to wait long years before they have the bread on the table they ought to
have, the leisure in their lives they ought to have, the opportunities in life they ought to
have; if you don’t want to wait yourselves,—write on your banner, so that every political
trimmer can read it, so that every politician, no matter how short-sighted he may be, can
read it, “WE NEVER FORGET! If you launch the arrow of sarcasm at labor, WE NEVER
FORGET! If there is a division in Congress, and you throw your vote in the wrong scale,
WE NEVER FORGET! You may go down on your knees, and say, ‘I am sorry I did the
act’—but we will say ‘IT WILL AVAIL YOU IN HEAVEN TO BE SORRY, BUT ON THIS
SIDE OF THE GRAVE, NEVER!’” So that a man in taking up the labor question will know
he is dealing with a hair-trigger pistol, and will say, “I am to be true to justice and to man;
otherwise I am a dead duck.”
...........
In Russia there is no press, no debate, no explanation of what government does, no
remonstrance allowed, no agitation of public issues. Dead silence, like that which reigns at
the summit of Mont Blanc, freezes the whole empire, long ago described as “a despotism
tempered by assassination.” Meanwhile, such despotism has unsettled the brains of the
ruling family, as unbridled power doubtless made some of the twelve Cæsars insane; a
madman, sporting with the lives and comfort of a hundred millions of men. The young girl
whispers in her mother’s ear, under a ceiled roof, her pity for a brother knouted and
dragged half dead into exile for his opinions. The next week she is stripped naked and
flogged to death in the public square. No inquiry, no explanation, no trial, no protest, one
dead uniform silence, the law of the tyrant. Where is there ground for any hope of peaceful
change? No, no! in such a land dynamite and the dagger are the necessary and proper
substitutes for Faneuil Hall. Anything that will make the madman quake in his
bedchamber, and rouse his victims into reckless and desperate resistance. This is the only
view an American, the child of 1620 and 1776, can take of Nihilism. Any other unsettles
and perplexes the ethics of our civilization.
Born within sight of Bunker Hill—son of Harvard, whose first pledge was “Truth,”
citizen of a republic based on the claim that no government is rightful unless resting on the
consent of the people, and which assumes to lead in asserting the rights of humanity—I at
least can say nothing else and nothing less—no, not if every tile on Cambridge roofs were
a devil hooting my words!
Enthusiasm is that secret and harmonious spirit that hovers over the production of
genius.
—ISAAC DISRAELI, Literary Character.
Political parties hire bands, and pay for applause—they argue that, for
vote-getting, to stir up enthusiasm is more effective than reasoning. How far
they are right depends on the hearers, but there can be no doubt about the
contagious nature of enthusiasm. A watch manufacturer in New York tried
out two series of watch advertisements; one argued the superior
construction, workmanship, durability, and guarantee offered with the
watch; the other was headed, “A Watch to be Proud of,” and dwelt upon the
pleasure and pride of ownership. The latter series sold twice as many as the
former. A salesman for a locomotive works informed the writer that in
selling railroad engines emotional appeal was stronger than an argument
based on mechanical excellence.
Illustrations without number might be cited to show that in all our
actions we are emotional beings. The speaker who would speak efficiently
must develop the power to arouse feeling.
Webster, great debater that he was, knew that the real secret of a
speaker’s power was an emotional one. He eloquently says of eloquence:
“Affected passion, intense expression, the pomp of declamation, all may aspire after it;
they cannot reach it. It comes, if it come at all, like the outbreak of a fountain from the
earth, or the bursting forth of volcanic fires, with spontaneous, original, native force.
“The graces taught in the schools, the costly ornaments and studied contrivances of
speech, shock and disgust men, when their own lives, and the fate of their wives, their
children, and their country hang on the decision of the hour. Then words have lost their
power, rhetoric is in vain, and all elaborate oratory contemptible. Even genius itself then
feels rebuked and subdued, as in the presence of higher qualities. Then patriotism is
eloquent, then self-devotion is eloquent. The clear conception outrunning the deductions of
logic, the high purpose, the firm resolve, the dauntless spirit, speaking on the tongue,
beaming from the eye, informing every feature, and urging the whole man onward, right
onward to his subject—this, this is eloquence; or rather, it is something greater and higher
than all eloquence; it is action, noble, sublime, godlike action.”
When traveling through the Northwest some time ago, one of the
present writers strolled up a village street after dinner and noticed a crowd
listening to a “faker” speaking on a corner from a goods-box. Remembering
Emerson’s advice about learning something from every man we meet, the
observer stopped to listen to this speaker’s appeal. He was selling a hair
tonic, which he claimed to have discovered in Arizona. He removed his hat
to show what this remedy had done for him, washed his face in it to
demonstrate that it was as harmless as water, and enlarged on its merits in
such an enthusiastic manner that the half-dollars poured in on him in a
silver flood. When he had supplied the audience with hair tonic, he asked
why a greater proportion of men than women were bald. No one knew. He
explained that it was because women wore thinner-soled shoes, and so
made a good electrical connection with mother earth, while men wore thick,
dry-soled shoes that did not transmit the earth’s electricity to the body.
Men’s hair, not having a proper amount of electrical food, died and fell out.
Of course he had a remedy—a little copper plate that should be nailed on
the bottom of the shoe. He pictured in enthusiastic and vivid terms the
desirability of escaping baldness—and paid tributes to his copper plates.
Strange as it may seem when the story is told in cold print, the speaker’s
enthusiasm had swept his audience with him, and they crushed around his
stand with outstretched “quarters” in their anxiety to be the possessors of
these magical plates!
Emerson’s suggestion had been well taken—the observer had seen
again the wonderful, persuasive power of enthusiasm!
Enthusiasm sent millions crusading into the Holy Land to redeem it
from the Saracens. Enthusiasm plunged Europe into a thirty years’ war over
religion. Enthusiasm sent three small ships plying the unknown sea to the
shores of a new world. When Napoleon’s army were worn out and
discouraged in their ascent of the Alps, the Little Corporal stopped them
and ordered the bands to play the Marseillaise. Under its soul-stirring
strains there were no Alps.
Listen! Emerson said: “Nothing great was ever achieved without
enthusiasm.” Carlyle declared that “Every great movement in the annals of
history has been the triumph of enthusiasm.” It is as contagious as measles.
Eloquence is half inspiration. Sweep your audience with you in a pulsation
of enthusiasm. Let yourself go. “A man,” said Oliver Cromwell, “never
rises so high as when he knows not whither he is going.”
It is impossible to lay too much stress on the necessity for the speaker’s
having a broad and deep tenderness for human nature. One of Victor Hugo’s
biographers attributes his power as an orator and writer to his wide
sympathies and profound religious feelings. Recently we heard the editor of
Collier’s Weekly speak on short-story writing, and he so often emphasized
the necessity for this broad love for humanity, this truly religious feeling,
that he apologized twice for delivering a sermon. Few if any of the
immortal speeches were ever delivered for a selfish or a narrow cause—
they were born out of a passionate desire to help humanity; instances, Paul’s
address to the Athenians on Mars Hill, Lincoln’s Gettysburg speech, The
Sermon on the Mount, Henry’s address before the Virginia Convention of
Delegates.
The seal and sign of greatness is a desire to serve others. Self-
preservation is the first law of life, but self-abnegation is the first law of
greatness—and of art. Selfishness is the fundamental cause of all sin, it is
the thing that all great religions, all worthy philosophies, have struck at. Out
of a heart of real sympathy and love come the speeches that move
humanity.
Former United States Senator Albert J. Beveridge in an introduction to
one of the volumes of “Modern Eloquence,” says: “The profoundest feeling
among the masses, the most influential element in their character, is the
religious element. It is as instinctive and elemental as the law of self-
preservation. It informs the whole intellect and personality of the people.
And he who would greatly influence the people by uttering their unformed
thoughts must have this great and unanalyzable bond of sympathy with
them.”
When the men of Ulster armed themselves to oppose the passage of the
Home Rule Act, one of the present writers assigned to a hundred men
“Home Rule” as the topic for an address to be prepared by each. Among
this group were some brilliant speakers, several of them experienced
lawyers and political campaigners. Some of their addresses showed a
remarkable knowledge and grasp of the subject; others were clothed in the
most attractive phrases. But a clerk, without a great deal of education and
experience, arose and told how he spent his boyhood days in Ulster, how
his mother while holding him on her lap had pictured to him Ulster’s deeds
of valor. He spoke of a picture in his uncle’s home that showed the men of
Ulster conquering a tyrant and marching on to victory. His voice quivered,
and with a hand pointing upward he declared that if the men of Ulster went
to war they would not go alone—a great God would go with them.
The speech thrilled and electrified the audience. It thrills yet as we
recall it. The high-sounding phrases, the historical knowledge, the
philosophical treatment, of the other speakers largely failed to arouse any
deep interest, while the genuine conviction and feeling of the modest clerk,
speaking on a subject that lay deep in his heart, not only electrified his
audience but won their personal sympathy for the cause he advocated.
As Webster said, it is of no use to try to pretend to sympathy or feelings.
It cannot be done successfully. “Nature is forever putting a premium on
reality.” What is false is soon detected as such. The thoughts and feelings
that create and mould the speech in the study must be born again when the
speech is delivered from the platform. Do not let your words say one thing,
and your voice and attitude another. There is no room here for half-hearted,
nonchalant methods of delivery. Sincerity is the very soul of eloquence.
Carlyle was right: “No Mirabeau, Napoleon, Burns, Cromwell, no man
adequate to do anything, but is first of all in right earnest about it; what I
call a sincere man. I should say sincerity, a great, deep, genuine sincerity, is
the first characteristic of all men in any way heroic. Not the sincerity that
calls itself sincere; ah no, that is a very poor matter indeed; a shallow
braggart, conscious sincerity, oftenest self-conceit mainly. The great man’s
sincerity is of the kind he cannot speak of—is not conscious of.”
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut
our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us to
beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are
we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear
not, the things which so nearly concern our temporal salvation? For my part, whatever
anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and
to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I
know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to
know what there has been in the conduct of the British Ministry for the last ten years to
justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the
House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it
not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be “betrayed with a
kiss”! Ask yourselves, how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those
warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies
necessary to a work of love and reconcilation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to
be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive
ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation, the last “arguments” to
which kings resort.
I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to
submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britian any
enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies?
No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent
over to bind and to rivet upon us those chains which the British Ministry have been so long
forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been
trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing.
We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain.
Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have
not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we
have done everything that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We
have petitioned, we have remonstrated, we have supplicated, we have prostrated ourselves
before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tryannical hands of the
Ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have
produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded, and we
have been spurned with contempt from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things,
may we indulge in the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room
for hope. If we wish to be free, if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable
privileges for which we have been so long contending; if we mean not basely to abandon
the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged
ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we
must fight; I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms, and to the God of Hosts, is all
that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak—“unable to cope with so formidable an adversary”!
But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when
we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall
we gather strength by irresolution and in action? Shall we acquire the means of effectual
resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until
our enemies have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of
those means which the God of Nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people,
armed in the holy cause of Liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are
invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not
fight our battles alone. There is a just Power who presides over the destinies of nations, and
who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong
alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we
were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no
retreat, but in submission and slavery. Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard
on the plains of Boston. The war is inevitable; and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come! It
is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry “Peace, peace!” but there is no
peace! The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to
our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we
here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace
so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty
Powers!—I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give
me death!
2. Live over in your imagination all the solemnity and sorrow that
Lincoln felt at the Gettysburg cemetery. The feeling in this speech is very
deep, but it is quieter and more subdued than the preceding one. The
purpose of Henry’s address was to get action; Lincoln’s speech was meant
only to dedicate the last resting place of those who had acted. Read it over
and over (see page 50) until it burns in your soul. Then commit it and repeat
it for emotional expression.
3. Beecher’s speech on Lincoln, page 76; Thurston’s speech on “A Plea
for Cuba,” page 50; and the following selection, are recommended for
practise in developing feeling in delivery.
A living force that brings to itself all the resources of imagination, all the inspirations
of feeling, all that is influential in body, in voice, in eye, in gesture, in posture, in the whole
animated man, is in strict analogy with the divine thought and the divine arrangement; and
there is no misconstruction more utterly untrue and fatal than this: that oratory is an
artificial thing, which deals with baubles and trifles, for the sake of making bubbles of
pleasure for transient effect on mercurial audiences. So far from that, it is the consecration
of the whole man to the noblest purposes to which one can address himself—the education
and inspiration of his fellow men by all that there is in learning, by all that there is in
thought, by all that there is in feeling, by all that there is in all of them, sent home through
the channels of taste and of beauty.—HENRY WARD BEECHER.
4. What in your opinion are the relative values of thought and feeling in
a speech?
5. Could we dispense with either?
6. What kinds of selections or occasions require much feeling and
enthusiasm? Which require little?
7. Invent a list of ten subjects for speeches, saying which would give
most room for pure thought and which for feeling.
8. Prepare and deliver a ten-minute speech denouncing the (imaginary)
unfeeling plea of an attorney; he may be either the counsel for the defense
or the prosecuting attorney, and the accused may be assumed to be either
guilty or innocent, at your option.
9. Is feeling more important than the technical principles expounded in
chapters III to VII? Why?
10. Analyze the secret of some effective speech or speaker. To what is
the success due?
11. Give an example from your own observation of the effect of feeling
and enthusiasm on listeners.
12. Memorize Carlyle’s and Emerson’s remarks on enthusiasm.
13. Deliver Patrick Henry’s address, page 110, and Thurston’s speech,
page 50, without show of feeling or enthusiasm. What is the result?
14. Repeat, with all the feeling these selections demand. What is the
result?
15. What steps do you intend to take to develop the power of
enthusiasm and feeling in speaking?
16. Write and deliver a five-minute speech ridiculing a speaker who
uses bombast, pomposity and over-enthusiasm. Imitate him.
CHAPTER XI
FLUENCY THROUGH PREPARATION
In omnibus negotiis prius quam aggrediare, adhibenda est præparatio diligens—In all
matters before beginning a diligent preparation should be made.
—CICERO, De Officiis.
Take your dictionary and look up the words that contain the Latin stem
flu—the results will be suggestive.
At first blush it would seem that fluency consists in a ready, easy use of
words. Not so—the flowing quality of speech is much more, for it is a
composite effect, with each of its prior conditions deserving of careful
notice.
Knowledge is Essential
Practise
1. What advantages has the fluent speaker over the hesitating talker?
2. What influences, within and without the man himself, work against
fluency?
3. Select from the daily paper some topic for an address and make a
three-minute address on it. Do your words come freely and your sentences
flow out rhythmically? Practise on the same topic until they do.
4. Select some subject with which you are familiar and test your fluency
by speaking extemporaneously.
5. Take one of the sentiments given below and, following the advice
given on pages 118-119, construct a short speech beginning with the last
word in the sentence.
GENERAL THEMES
Law.
Politics.
Woman’s Suffrage.
Initiative and Referendum.
A Larger Navy.
War.
Peace.
Foreign Immigration.
The Liquor Traffic.
Labor Unions.
Strikes.
Socialism.
Single Tax.
Tariff.
Honesty.
Courage.
Hope.
Love.
Mercy.
Kindness.
Justice.
Progress.
Machinery.
Invention.
Wealth.
Poverty.
Agriculture.
Science.
Surgery.
Haste.
Leisure.
Happiness.
Health.
Business.
America.
The Far East.
Mobs.
Colleges.
Sports.
Matrimony.
Divorce.
Child Labor.
Education.
Books.
The Theater.
Literature.
Electricity.
Achievement.
Failure.
Public Speaking.
Ideals.
Conversation.
The Most Dramatic Moment of My Life.
My Happiest Days.
Things Worth While.
What I Hope to Achieve.
My Greatest Desire.
What I Would Do with a Million Dollars.
Is Mankind Progressing?
Our Greatest Need.
The dramatic critic of The London Times once declared that acting is
nine-tenths voice work. Leaving the message aside, the same may justly be
said of public speaking. A rich, correctly-used voice is the greatest physical
factor of persuasiveness and power, often overtopping the effects of reason.
But a good voice, well handled, is not only an effective possession for
the professional speaker, it is a mark of personal culture as well, and even a
distinct commercial asset. Gladstone, himself the possessor of a deep,
musical voice, has said: “Ninety men in every hundred in the crowded
professions will probably never rise above mediocrity because the training
of the voice is entirely neglected and considered of no importance.” These
are words worth pondering.
There are three fundamental requisites for a good voice:
1. Ease
Signor Bonci of the Metropolitan Opera Company says that the secret
of good voice is relaxation; and this is true, for relaxation is the basis of
ease. The air waves that produce voice result in a different kind of tone
when striking against relaxed muscles than when striking constricted
muscles. Try this for yourself. Contract the muscles of your face and throat
as you do in hate, and flame out “I hate you!” Now relax as you do when
thinking gentle, tender thoughts, and say, “I love you.” How different the
voice sounds.
In practising voice exercises, and in speaking, never force your tones.
Ease must be your watchword. The voice is a delicate instrument, and you
must not handle it with hammer and tongs. Don’t make your voice go—let
it go. Don’t work. Let the yoke of speech be easy and its burden light.
Your throat should be free from strain during speech, therefore it is
necessary to avoid muscular contraction. The throat must act as a sort of
chimney or funnel for the voice, hence any unnatural constriction will not
only harm its tones but injure its health.
Nervousness and mental strain are common sources of mouth and throat
constriction, so make the battle for poise and self-confidence for which we
pleaded in the opening chapter.
But how can I relax? you ask. By simply willing to relax. Hold your arm
out straight from your shoulder. Now—withdraw all power and let it fall.
Practise relaxation of the muscles of the throat by letting your neck and
head fall forward. Roll the upper part of your body around, with the waist
line acting as a pivot. Let your head fall and roll around as you shift the
torso to different positions. Do not force your head around—simply relax
your neck and let gravity pull it around as your body moves,
Again, let your head fall forward on your breast; raise your head, letting
your jaw hang. Relax until your jaw feels heavy, as though it were a weight
hung to your face. Remember, you must relax the jaw to obtain command of
it. It must be free and flexible for the moulding of tone, and to let the tone
pass out unobstructed.
The lips also must be made flexible, to aid in the moulding of clear and
beautiful tones. For flexibility of lips repeat the syllables, mo—me. In
saying mo, bring the lips up to resemble the shape of the letter O. In
repeating me, draw them back as you do in a grin. Repeat this exercise
rapidly, giving the lips as much exercise as possible.
Try the following exercise in the same manner:
Mo—E—O—E—OO—Ah.
After this exercise has been mastered, the following will also be found
excellent for flexibility of lips:
Memorize these sounds indicated (not the expressions) so that you can
repeat them rapidly.
All the activity of breathing must be centered, not in the throat, but in
the middle of the body—you must breathe from the diaphragm. Note the
way you breathe when lying flat on the back, undressed in bed. You will
observe that all the activity then centers around the diaphragm. This is the
natural and correct method of breathing. By constant watchfulness make
this your habitual manner, for it will enable you to relax more perfectly the
muscles of the throat.
The next fundamental requisite for good voice is
2. Openness
If the muscles of the throat are constricted, the tone passage partially
closed, and the mouth kept half-shut, how can you expect the tone to come
out bright and clear, or even to come out at all? Sound is a series of waves,
and if you make a prison of your mouth, holding the jaws and lips rigidly, it
will be very difficult for the tone to squeeze through, and even when it does
escape it will lack force and carrying power. Open your mouth wide, relax
all the organs of speech, and let the tone flow out easily.
Start to yawn, but instead of yawning, speak while your throat is open.
Make this open-feeling habitual when speaking—we say make because it is
a matter of resolution and of practise, if your vocal organs are healthy. Your
tone passages may be partly closed by enlarged tonsils, adenoids, or
enlarged turbinate bones of the nose. If so, a skilled physician should be
consulted.
The nose is an important tone passage and should be kept open and free
for perfect tones. What we call “talking through the nose” is not talking
through the nose, as you can easily demonstrate by holding your nose as
you talk. If you are bothered with nasal tones caused by growths or
swellings in the nasal passages, a slight, painless operation will remove the
obstruction. This is quite important, aside from voice, for the general health
will be much lowered if the lungs are continually starved for air.
The final fundamental requisite for good voice is
3. Forwardness
Purity of Voice
Voice Suggestions
A cheerful temper joined with innocence will make beauty attractive, knowledge
delightful, and wit good-natured.
—JOSEPH ADDISON, The Tattler.
Poe said that “the tone of beauty is sadness,” but he was evidently
thinking from cause to effect, not contrariwise, for sadness is rarely a
producer of beauty—that is peculiarly the province of joy.
The exquisite beauty of a sunset is not exhilarating but tends to a sort of
melancholy that is not far from delight. The haunting beauty of deep, quiet
music holds more than a tinge of sadness. The lovely minor cadences of
bird song at twilight are almost depressing.
The reason we are affected to sadness by certain forms of placid beauty
is twofold: movement is stimulating and joy-producing, while quietude
leads to reflection, and reflection in turn often brings out the tone of
regretful longing for that which is past; secondly, quiet beauty produces a
vague aspiration for the relatively unattainable, yet does not stimulate to the
tremendous effort necessary to make the dimly desired state or object ours.
We must distinguish, for these reasons, between the sadness of beauty
and the joy of beauty. True, joy is a deep, inner thing and takes in much
more than the idea of bounding, sanguine spirits, for it includes a certain
active contentedness of heart. In this chapter, however, the word will have
its optimistic, exuberant connotation—we are thinking now of vivid, bright-
eyed, laughing joy.
Musical, joyous tones constitute voice charm, a subtle magnetism that is
delightfully contagious. Now it might seem to the desultory reader that to
take the lancet and cut into this alluring voice quality would be to dissect a
butterfly wing and so destroy its charm. Yet how can we induce an effect if
we are not certain as to the cause?
The tone passages of the nose must be kept entirely free for the bright
tones of voice—and after our warning in the preceding chapter you will not
confuse what is popularly and erroneously called a “nasal” tone with the
true nasal quality, which is so well illustrated by the voice work of trained
French singers and speakers.
To develop nasal resonance sing the following, dwelling as long as
possible on the ng sounds. Pitch the voice in the nasal cavity. Practise both
in high and low registers, and develop range—with brightness.
She perfectly scorned the best of his clan, and declared the ninth of any man, a
perfectly vulgar fraction.
The actress Mary Anderson asked the poet Longfellow what she could
do to improve her voice. He replied, “Read aloud daily, joyous, lyric
poetry.”
The joyous tones are the bright tones. Develop them by exercise.
Practise your voice exercises in an attitude of joy. Under the influence of
pleasure the body expands, the tone passages open, the action of heart and
lungs is accelerated, and all the primary conditions for good tone are
established.
More songs float out from the broken windows of the negro cabins in
the South than from the palatial homes on Fifth Avenue. Henry Ward
Beecher said the happiest days of his life were not when he had become an
international character, but when he was an unknown minister out in
Lawrenceville, Ohio, sweeping his own church, and working as a carpenter
to help pay the grocer. Happiness is largely an attitude of mind, of viewing
life from the right angle. The optimistic attitude can be cultivated, and it
will express itself in voice charm. A telephone company recently placarded
this motto in their booths: “The Voice with the Smile Wins.” It does. Try it.
Reading joyous prose, or lyric poetry, will help put smile and joy of
soul into your voice. The following selections are excellent for practise.
REMEMBER that when you first practise these classics you are to give
sole attention to two things: a joyous attitude of heart and body, and bright
tones of voice. After these ends have been attained to your satisfaction,
carefully review the principles of public speaking laid down in the
preceding chapters and put them into practise as you read these passages
again and again. It would be better to commit each selection to memory.
THE SEA
The sea, the sea, the open sea,
The blue, the fresh, the ever free;
Without a mark, without a bound,
It runneth the earth’s wide regions round;
It plays with the clouds, it mocks the skies,
Or like a cradled creature lies.
I’m on the sea, I’m on the sea,
I am where I would ever be,
With the blue above and the blue below,
And silence wheresoe’er I go.
If a storm should come and awake the deep,
What matter? I shall ride and sleep.
THE LARK
Bird of the wilderness,
Blithesome and cumberless,
Sweet be thy matin o’er moorland and lea!
Emblem of happiness,
Blest is thy dwelling-place:
Oh, to abide in the desert with thee!
Wild is thy lay, and loud,
Far in the downy cloud,—
Love gives it energy; love gave it birth.
Where, on thy dewy wing
Where art thou journeying?
Thy lay is in heaven; thy love is on earth.
What have you done with that brilliant France which I left you? I left
you at peace, and I find you at war. I left you victorious, and I find you
defeated. I left you the millions of Italy, and I find only spoliation and
poverty. What have you done with the hundred thousand Frenchmen, my
companions in glory? They are dead! . . . This state of affairs cannot last
long; in less than three years it would plunge us into despotism.
THE BROOK
I come from haunts of coot and hern,
I make a sudden sally,
And sparkle out among the fern,
To bicker down a valley.
Articulation
Accentuation
Enunciation
The enemies of the Republic call me tyrant! Were I such they would
grovel at my feet. I should gorge them with gold, I should grant them
immunity for their crimes, and they would be grateful. Were I such, the
kings we have vanquished, far from denouncing Robespierre, would lend
me their guilty support; there would be a covenant between them and me.
Tyranny must have tools. But the enemies of tyranny,—whither does their
path tend? To the tomb, and to immortality! What tyrant is my protector? To
what faction do I belong? Yourselves! What faction, since the beginning of
the Revolution, has crushed and annihilated so many detected traitors? You,
the people,—our principles—are that faction—a faction to which I am
devoted, and against which all the scoundrelism of the day is banded!
The confirmation of the Republic has been my object; and I know that
the Republic can be established only on the eternal basis of morality.
Against me, and against those who hold kindred principles, the league is
formed. My life? Oh! my life I abandon without a regret! I have seen the
past; and I foresee the future. What friend of this country would wish to
survive the moment when he could no longer serve it,—when he could no
longer defend innocence against oppression? Wherefore should I continue
in an order of things, where intrigue eternally triumphs over truth; where
justice is mocked; where passions the most abject, or fears the most absurd,
over-ride the sacred interests of humanity? In witnessing the multitude of
vices which the torrent of the Revolution has rolled in turbid communion
with its civic virtues, I confess that I have sometimes feared that I should be
sullied, in the eyes of posterity, by the impure neighborhood of unprincipled
men, who had thrust themselves into association with the sincere friends of
humanity; and I rejoice that these conspirators against my country have
now, by their reckless rage, traced deep the line of demarcation between
themselves and all true men.
Question history, and learn how all the defenders of liberty, in all times,
have been overwhelmed by calumny. But their traducers died also. The
good and the bad disappear alike from the earth; but in very different
conditions. O Frenchmen! O my countrymen! Let not your enemies, with
their desolating doctrines, degrade your souls, and enervate your virtues!
No, Chaumette, no! Death is not “an eternal sleep!” Citizens! efface from
the tomb that motto, graven by sacrilegious hands, which spreads over all
nature a funereal crape, takes from oppressed innocence its support, and
affronts the beneficent dispensation of death! Inscribe rather thereon these
words: “Death is the commencement of immortality!” I leave to the
oppressors of the People a terrible testament, which I proclaim with the
independence befitting one whose career is so nearly ended; it is the awful
truth—“Thou shalt die!”
When Whitefield acted an old blind man advancing by slow steps toward the edge of
the precipice, Lord Chesterfield started up and cried: “Good God, he is gone!”
—NATHAN SHEPPARD, Before an Audience.
The purpose of a gesture is to carry your thought and feeling into the
minds and hearts of your hearers; this it does by emphasizing your message,
by interpreting it, by expressing it in action, by striking its tone in either a
physically descriptive, a suggestive, or a typical gesture—and let it be
remembered all the time that gesture includes all physical movement, from
facial expression and the tossing of the head to the expressive movements
of hand and foot. A shifting of the pose may be a most effective gesture.
What is true of gesture is true of all life. If the people on the street turn
around and watch your walk, your walk is more important than you are—
change it. If the attention of your audience is called to your gestures, they
are not convincing, because they appear to be—what they have a doubtful
right to be in reality—studied. Have you ever seen a speaker use such
grotesque gesticulations that you were fascinated by their frenzy of oddity,
but could not follow his thought? Do not smother ideas with gymnastics.
Savonarola would rush down from the high pulpit among the congregation
in the duomo at Florence and carry the fire of conviction to his hearers;
Billy Sunday slides to base on the platform carpet in dramatizing one of his
baseball illustrations. Yet in both instances the message has somehow stood
out bigger than the gesture—it is chiefly in calm afterthought that men have
remembered the form of dramatic expression. When Sir Henry Irving made
his famous exit as “Shylock” the last thing the audience saw was his pallid,
avaricious hand extended skinny and claw-like against the background. At
the time, every one was overwhelmed by the tremendous typical quality of
this gesture; now, we have time to think of its art, and discuss its realistic
power.
Only when gesture is subordinated to the absorbing importance of the
idea—a spontaneous, living expression of living truth—is it justifiable at
all; and when it is remembered for itself—as a piece of unusual physical
energy or as a poem of grace—it is a dead failure as dramatic expression.
There is a place for a unique style of walking—it is the circus or the cake-
walk; there is a place for surprisingly rhythmical evolutions of arms and
legs—it is on the dance floor or the stage. Don’t let your agility and grace
put your thoughts out of business.
One of the present writers took his first lessons in gesture from a certain
college president who knew far more about what had happened at the Diet
of Worms than he did about how to express himself in action. His
instructions were to start the movement on a certain word, continue it on a
precise curve, and unfold the fingers at the conclusion, ending with the
forefinger—just so. Plenty, and more than plenty, has been published on this
subject, giving just such silly directions. Gesture is a thing of mentality and
feeling—not a matter of geometry. Remember, whenever a pair of shoes, a
method of pronunciation, or a gesture calls attention to itself, it is bad.
When you have made really good gestures in a good speech your hearers
will not go away saying, “What beautiful gestures he made!” but they will
say, “I’ll vote for that measure.” “He is right—I believe in that.”
The best actors and public speakers rarely know in advance what
gestures they are going to make. They make one gesture on certain words
tonight, and none at all tomorrow night at the same point—their various
moods and interpretations govern their gestures. It is all a matter of impulse
and intelligent feeling with them—don’t overlook that word intelligent.
Nature does not always provide the same kind of sunsets or snow flakes,
and the movements of a good speaker vary almost as much as the creations
of nature.
Now all this is not to say that you must not take some thought for your
gestures. If that were meant, why this chapter? When the sergeant
despairingly besought the recruit in the awkward squad to step out and look
at himself, he gave splendid advice—and worthy of personal application.
Particularly while you are in the learning days of public speaking you must
learn to criticise your own gestures. Recall them—see where they were
useless, crude, awkward, what not, and do better next time. There is a vast
deal of difference between being conscious of self and being self-conscious.
It will require your nice discrimination in order to cultivate spontaneous
gestures and yet give due attention to practise. While you depend upon the
moment it is vital to remember that only a dramatic genius can effectively
accomplish such feats as we have related of Whitefield, Savonarola, and
others: and doubtless the first time they were used they came in a burst of
spontaneous feeling, yet Whitefield declared that not until he had delivered
a sermon forty times was its delivery perfected. What spontaneity initiates
let practise complete. Every effective speaker and every vivid actor has
observed, considered and practised gesture until his dramatic actions are a
sub-conscious possession, just like his ability to pronounce correctly
without especially concentrating his thought. Every able platform man has
possessed himself of a dozen ways in which he might depict in gesture any
given emotion; in fact, the means for such expression are endless—and this
is precisely why it is both useless and harmful to make a chart of gestures
and enforce them as the ideals of what may be used to express this or that
feeling. Practise descriptive, suggestive, and typical movements until they
come as naturally as a good articulation; and rarely forecast the gestures
you will use at a given moment: leave something to that moment.
Lady Macbeth says: “Bear welcome in your eye, your hand, your
tongue.” Reverse this order and you get comedy. Say, “There he goes,”
pointing at him after you have finished your words, and see if the result is
not comical.
Some speakers seem to be imitating a waiter who has failed to get a tip.
Let your movements be easy, and from the shoulder, as a rule, rather than
from the elbow. But do not go to the other extreme and make too many
flowing motions—that savors of the lackadaisical.
Put a little “punch” and life into your gestures. You can not, however,
do this mechanically. The audience will detect it if you do. They may not
know just what is wrong, but the gesture will have a false appearance to
them.
Have you ever stopped in front of a Broadway theater and looked at the
photographs of the cast? Notice the row of chorus girls who are supposed to
be expressing fear. Their attitudes are so mechanical that the attempt is
ridiculous. Notice the picture of the “star” expressing the same emotion: his
muscles are drawn, his eyebrows lifted, he shrinks, and fear shines through
his eyes. That actor felt fear when the photograph was taken. The chorus
girls felt that it was time for a rarebit, and more nearly expressed that
emotion than they did fear. Incidentally, that is one reason why they stay in
the chorus.
The movements of the facial muscles may mean a great deal more than
the movements of the hand. The man who sits in a dejected heap with a
look of despair on his face is expressing his thoughts and feelings just as
effectively as the man who is waving his arms and shouting from the back
of a dray wagon. The eye has been called the window of the soul. Through
it shines the light of our thoughts and feelings.
Posture
When Voltaire was preparing a young actress to appear in one of his tragedies, he tied
her hands to her sides with pack thread in order to check her tendency toward exuberant
gesticulation. Under this condition of compulsory immobility she commenced to rehearse,
and for some time she bore herself calmly enough; but at last, completely carried away by
her feelings, she burst her bonds and flung up her arms. Alarmed at her supposed neglect of
his instructions, she began to apologize to the poet; he smilingly reassured her, however;
the gesture was then admirable, because it was irrepressible.—REDWAY, The Actor’s Art.
One day, while preaching, Whitefield “suddenly assumed a nautical air and manner
that were irresistible with him,” and broke forth in these words: “Well, my boys, we have a
clear sky, and are making fine headway over a smooth sea before a light breeze, and we
shall soon lose sight of land. But what means this sudden lowering of the heavens, and that
dark cloud arising from beneath the western horizon? Hark! Don’t you hear distant
thunder? Don’t you see those flashes of lightning? There is a storm gathering! Every man
to his duty! The air is dark!—the tempest rages!—our masts are gone!—the ship is on her
beam ends! What next?” At this a number of sailors in the congregation, utterly swept
away by the dramatic description, leaped to their feet and cried: “The longboat!—take to
the longboat!”
—NATHAN SHEPPARD, Before an Audience.
CHAPTER XVI
METHODS OF DELIVERY
The crown, the consummation, of the discourse is its delivery. Toward it all
preparation looks, for it the audience waits, by it the speaker is judged. . . . . . All the forces
of the orator’s life converge in his oratory. The logical acuteness with which he marshals
the facts around his theme, the rhetorical facility with which he orders his language, the
control to which he has attained in the use of his body as a single organ of expression,
whatever richness of acquisition and experience are his—these all are now incidents; the
fact is the sending of his message home to his hearers. . . . . . The hour of delivery is the
“supreme, inevitable hour” for the orator. It is this fact that makes lack of adequate
preparation such an impertinence. And it is this that sends such thrills of indescribable joy
through the orator’s whole being when he has achieved a success—it is like the mother
forgetting her pangs for the joy of bringing a son into the world.
—J. B. E., How to Attract and Hold an Audience.
This method has certain points in its favor. If you have time and leisure,
it is possible to polish and rewrite your ideas until they are expressed in
clear, concise terms. Pope sometimes spent a whole day in perfecting one
couplet. Gibbon consumed twenty years gathering material for and
rewriting the “Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.” Although you
cannot devote such painstaking preparation to a speech, you should take
time to eliminate useless words, crowd whole paragraphs into a sentence
and choose proper illustrations. Good speeches, like plays, are not written;
they are rewritten. The National Cash Register Company follows this plan
with their most efficient selling organization: they require their salesmen to
memorize verbatim a selling talk. They maintain that there is one best way
of putting their selling arguments, and they insist that each salesman use
this ideal way rather than employ any haphazard phrases that may come
into his mind at the moment.
The method of writing and committing has been adopted by many noted
speakers; Julius Cæsar, Robert Ingersoll, and, on some occasions, Wendell
Phillips, were distinguished examples. The wonderful effects achieved by
famous actors were, of course, accomplished through the delivery of
memorized lines.
The inexperienced speaker must be warned before attempting this
method of delivery that it is difficult and trying. It requires much skill to
make it efficient. The memorized lines of the young speaker will usually
sound like memorized words, and repel.
If you want to hear an example, listen to a department store
demonstrator repeat her memorized lingo about the newest furniture polish
or breakfast food. It requires training to make a memorized speech sound
fresh and spontaneous, and, unless you have a fine native memory, in each
instance the finished product necessitates much labor. Should you forget a
part of your speech or miss a few words, you are liable to be so confused
that, like Mark Twain’s guide in Rome, you will be compelled to repeat
your lines from the beginning.
On the other hand, you maý be so taken up with trying to recall your
written words that you will not abandon yourself to the spirit of your
address, and so fail to deliver it with that spontaneity which is so vital to
forceful delivery.
But do not let these difficulties frighten you. If committing seems best
to you, give it a faithful trial. Do not be deterred by its pitfalls, but by
resolute practise avoid them.
One of the best ways to rise superior to these difficulties is to do as Dr.
Wallace Radcliffe often does: commit without writing the speech, making
practically all the preparation mentally, without putting pen to paper—a
laborious but effective way of cultivating both mind and memory.
You will find it excellent practise, both for memory and delivery, to
commit the specimen speeches found in this volume and declaim them,
with all attention to the principles we have put before you. William Ellery
Channing, himself a distinguished speaker, years ago had this to say of
practise in declamation:
“Is there not an amusement, having an affinity with the drama, which
might be usefully introduced among us? I mean, Recitation. A work of
genius, recited by a man of fine taste, enthusiasm, and powers of elocution,
is a very pure and high gratification. Were this art cultivated and
encouraged, great numbers, now insensible to the most beautiful
compositions, might be waked up to their excellence and power.”
The third, and the most popular method of delivery, is probably also the
best one for the beginner. Speaking from notes is not ideal delivery, but we
learn to swim in shallow water before going out beyond the ropes.
Make a definite plan for your discourse (for a fuller discussion see
Chapter XVIII) and set down the points somewhat in the fashion of a
lawyer’s brief, or a preacher’s outline. Here is a sample of very simple
notes:
ATTENTION
I. INTRODUCTION.
Attention indispensable to the performance of any great work.
Anecdote.
V. CONCLUSION.
The consequences of inattention and of attention.
Extemporaneous Speech
Surely this is the ideal method of delivery. It is far and away the most
popular with the audience, and the favorite method of the most efficient
speakers.
“Extemporaneous speech” has sometimes been made to mean
unprepared speech, and indeed it is too often precisely that; but in no such
sense do we recommend it strongly to speakers old and young. On the
contrary, to speak well without notes requires all the preparation which we
discussed so fully in the chapter on “Fluency,” while yet relying upon the
“inspiration of the hour” for some of your thoughts and much of your
language. You had better remember, however, that the most effective
inspiration of the hour is the inspiration you yourself bring to it, bottled up
in your spirit and ready to infuse itself into the audience.
If you extemporize you can get much closer to your audience. In a
sense, they appreciate the task you have before you and send out their
sympathy. Extemporize, and you will not have to stop and fumble around
amidst your notes—you can keep your eye afire with your message and
hold your audience with your very glance. You yourself will feel their
response as you read the effects of your warm, spontaneous words, written
on their countenances.
Sentences written out in the study are liable to be dead and cold when
resurrected before the audience. When you create as you speak you
conserve all the native fire of your thought. You can enlarge on one point or
omit another, just as the occasion or the mood of the audience may demand.
It is not possible for every speaker to use this, the most difficult of all
methods of delivery, and least of all can it be used successfully without
much practise, but it is the ideal towards which all should strive.
One danger in this method is that you may be led aside from your
subject into by-paths. To avoid this peril, firmly stick to your mental
outline. Practise speaking from a memorized brief until you gain control.
Join a debating society—talk, talk, TALK, and always extemporize. You
may “make a fool of yourself” once or twice, but is that too great a price to
pay for success?
Notes, like crutches, are only a sign of weakness. Remember that the
power of your speech depends to some extent upon the view your audience
holds of you. General Grant’s words as president were more powerful than
his words as a Missouri farmer. If you would appear in the light of an
authority, be one. Make notes on your brain instead of on paper.
Some sage has said: “For a thousand men who can speak, there is only
one who can think; for a thousand men who can think, there is only one
who can see.” To see and to think is to get your milk from your own cow.
When the one man in a million who can see comes along, we call him
Master. Old Mr. Holbrook, of “Cranford,” asked his guest what color ash-
buds were in March; she confessed she did not know, to which the old
gentleman answered: “I knew you didn’t. No more did I—an old fool that I
am!—till this young man comes and tells me. ‘Black as ash-buds in March.’
And I’ve lived all my life in the country. More shame for me not to know.
Black; they are jet-black, madam.”
“This young man” referred to by Mr. Holbrook was Tennyson.
Henry Ward Beecher said: “I do not believe that I have ever met a man
on the street that I did not get from him some element for a sermon. I never
see anything in nature which does not work towards that for which I give
the strength of my life. The material for my sermons is all the time
following me and swarming up around me.”
Instead of saying only one man in a million can see, it would strike
nearer the truth to say that none of us sees with perfect understanding more
than a fraction of what passes before our eyes, yet this faculty of acute and
accurate observation is so important that no man ambitious to lead can
neglect it. The next time you are in a car, look at those who sit opposite you
and see what you can discover of their habits, occupations, ideals,
nationalities, environments, education, and so on. You may not see a great
deal the first time, but practise will reveal astonishing results. Transmute
every incident of your day into a subject for a speech or an illustration.
Translate all that you see into terms of speech. When you can describe all
that you have seen in definite words, you are seeing clearly. You are
becoming the millionth man.
De Maupassant’s description of an author should also fit the public-
speaker: “His eye is like a suction pump, absorbing everything; like a
pickpocket’s hand, always at work. Nothing escapes him. He is constantly
collecting material, gathering-up glances, gestures, intentions, everything
that goes on in his presence—the slightest look, the least act, the merest
trifle.” De Maupassant was himself a millionth man, a Master.
“Ruskin took a common rock-crystal and saw hidden within its stolid
heart lessons which have not yet ceased to move men’s lives. Beecher stood
for hours before the window of a jewelry store thinking out analogies
between jewels and the souls of men. Gough saw in a single drop of water
enough truth wherewith to quench the thirst of five thousand souls. Thoreau
sat so still in the shadowy woods that birds and insects came and opened up
their secret lives to his eye. Emerson observed the soul of a man so long
that at length he could say, ‘I cannot hear what you say, for seeing what you
are.’ Preyer for three years studied the life of his babe and so became an
authority upon the child mind. Observation! Most men are blind. There are
a thousand times as many hidden truths and undiscovered facts about us to-
day as have made discoverers famous—facts waiting for some one to ‘pluck
out the heart of their mystery.’ But so long as men go about the search with
eyes that see not, so long will these hidden pearls lie in their shells. Not an
orator but who could more effectively point and feather his shafts were he
to search nature rather than libraries. Too few can see ‘sermons in stones’
and ‘books in the running brooks,’ because they are so used to seeing
merely sermons in books and only stones in running brooks. Sir Philip
Sidney had a saying, ‘Look in thy heart and write;’ Massillon explained his
astute knowledge of the human heart by saying, ‘I learned it by studying
myself;’ Byron says of John Locke that ‘all his knowledge of the human
understanding was derived from studying his own mind.’ Since multiform
nature is all about us, originality ought not to be so rare.”1
The Thinking Mind
Thinking is doing mental arithmetic with facts. Add this fact to that and
you reach a certain conclusion. Subtract this truth from another and you
have a definite result. Multiply this fact by another and have a precise
product. See how many times this occurrence happens in that space of time
and you have reached a calculable dividend. In thought-processes you
perform every known problem of arithmetic and algebra. That is why
mathematics are such excellent mental gymnastics. But by the same token,
thinking is work. Thinking takes energy. Thinking requires time, and
patience, and broad information, and clearheadedness. Beyond a miserable
little surface-scratching, few people really think at all—only one in a
thousand, according to the pundit already quoted. So long as the present
system of education prevails and children are taught through the ear rather
than through the eye, so long as they are expected to remember thoughts of
others rather than think for themselves, this proportion will continue—one
man in a million will be able to see, and one in a thousand to think.
But, however thought-less a mind has been, there is promise of better
things so soon as the mind detects its own lack of thought-power. The first
step is to stop regarding thought as “the magic of the mind,” to use Byron’s
expression, and see it as thought truly is—a weighing of ideas and a
placing of them in relationships to each other. Ponder this definition and see
if you have learned to think efficiently.
Habitual thinking is just that—a habit. Habit comes of doing a thing
repeatedly. The lower habits are acquired easily, the higher ones require
deeper grooves if they are to persist. So we find that the thought-habit
comes only with resolute practise; yet no effort will yield richer dividends.
Persist in practise, and whereas you have been able to think only an inch-
deep into a subject, you will soon find that you can penetrate it a foot.
Perhaps this homely metaphor will suggest how to begin the practise of
consecutive thinking, by which we mean welding a number of separate
thought-links into a chain that will hold. Take one link at a time, see that
each naturally belongs with the ones you link to it, and remember that a
single missing link means no chain.
Thinking is the most fascinating and exhilarating of all mental
exercises. Once realize that your opinion on a subject does not represent the
choice you have made between what Dr. Cerebrum has written and
Professor Cerebellum has said, but is the result of your own earnestly-
applied brain-energy, and you will gain a confidence in your ability to speak
on that subject that nothing will be able to shake. Your thought will have
given you both power and reserve power.
Someone has condensed the relation of thought to knowledge in these
pungent, homely lines:
No matter how dry the cow, however, nor how poor our ability to milk,
there is still the milkman—we can read what others have seen and felt and
thought. Often, indeed, such records will kindle within us that pre-essential
and vital spark, the desire to be a thinker.
The following selection is taken from one of Dr. Newell Dwight Hillis’s
lectures, as given in “A Man’s Value to Society.” Dr. Hillis is a most fluent
speaker—he never refers to notes. He has reserve power. His mind is a
veritable treasure-house of facts and ideas. See how he draws from a
knowledge of fifteen different general or special subjects: geology, plant
life, Palestine, chemistry, Eskimos, mythology, literature, The Nile, history,
law, wit, evolution, religion, biography, and electricity. Surely, it needs no
sage to discover that the secret of this man’s reserve power is the old secret
of our artesian well whose abundance surges from unseen depths.
1. Robert Houdin trained his son to give one swift glance at a shop
window in passing and be able to report accurately a surprising number of
its contents. Try this several times on different windows and report the
result.
2. What effect does reserve power have on an audience?
3. What are the best methods for acquiring reserve power?
4. What is the danger of too much reading?
5. Analyze some speech that you have read or heard and notice how
much real information there is in it. Compare it with Dr. Hillis’s speech on
“Brave Little Belgium,” page 394.
6. Write out a three-minute speech on any subject you choose. How
much information, and what new ideas, does it contain? Compare your
speech with the extract on page 191 from Dr. Hillis’s “The Uses of Books
and Reading.”
7. Have you ever read a book on the practise of thinking? If so, give
your impressions of its value.
NOTE: There are a number of excellent books on the subject of thought
and the management of thought. The following are recommended as being
especially helpful:
“Thinking and Learning to Think,” Nathan C. Schaeffer; “Talks to Students
on the Art of Study,” Cramer; “As a Man Thinketh,” Allen.
8. Define (a) logic; (b) mental philosophy (or mental science); (c)
psychology; (d) abstract.
Look to this day, for it is life—the very life of life. In its brief course lie all the verities
and realities of your existence: the bliss of growth, the glory of action, the splendor of
beauty. For yesterday is already a dream and tomorrow is only a vision; but today, well
lived, makes every yesterday a dream of happiness and every tomorrow a vision of hope.
Look well, therefore, to this day. Such is the salutation of the dawn.
—From the Sanskrit.
But, you say, I have so little time for preparation—my mind must be
absorbed by other matters. Daniel Webster never let an opportunity pass to
gather material for his speeches. When he was a boy working in a sawmill
he read out of a book in one hand and busied himself at some mechanical
task with the other. In youth Patrick Henry roamed the fields and woods in
solitude for days at a time unconsciously gathering material and
impressions for his later service as a speaker. Dr. Russell H. Conwell, the
man who, the late Charles A. Dana said, had addressed more hearers than
any living man, used to memorize long passages from Milton while tending
the boiling syrup-pans in the silent New England woods at night. The
modern employer would discharge a Webster of today for inattention to
duty, and doubtless he would be justified, and Patrick Henry seemed only
an idle chap even in those easy-going days; but the truth remains: those who
take in power and have the purpose to use it efficiently will some day win to
the place in which that stored-up power will revolve great wheels of
influence.
Napoleon said that quarter hours decide the destinies of nations. How
many quarter hours do we let drift by aimlessly! Robert Louis Stevenson
conserved all his time; every experience became capital for his work—for
capital may be defined as “the results of labor stored up to assist future
production.” He continually tried to put into suitable language the scenes
and actions that were in evidence about him. Emerson says: “Tomorrow
will be like today. Life wastes itself whilst we are preparing to live.”
Why wait for a more convenient season for this broad, general
preparation? The fifteen minutes that we spend on the car could be
profitably turned into speech-capital.
Procure a cheap edition of modern speeches, and by cutting out a few
pages each day, and reading them during the idle minute here and there,
note how soon you can make yourself familiar with the world’s best
speeches. If you do not wish to mutilate your book, take it with you—most
of the epoch-making books are now printed in small volumes. The daily
waste of natural gas in the Oklahoma fields is equal to ten thousand tons of
coal. Only about three per cent of the power of the coal that enters the
furnace ever diffuses itself from your electric bulb as light—the other
ninety-seven per cent is wasted. Yet these wastes are no larger, nor more to
be lamented, than the tremendous waste of time which, if conserved, would
increase the speaker’s powers to their nth degree. Scientists are making
three ears of corn grow where one grew before; efficiency engineers are
eliminating useless motions and products from our factories: catch the spirit
of the age and apply efficiency to the use of the most valuable asset you
possess—time. What do you do mentally with the time you spend in
dressing or in shaving? Take some subject and concentrate your energies on
it for a week by utilizing just the spare moments that would otherwise be
wasted. You will be amazed at the result. One passage a day from the Book
of Books, one golden ingot from some master mind, one fully-possessed
thought of your own might thus be added to the treasury of your life. Do not
waste your time in ways that profit you nothing. Fill “the unforgiving
minute” with “sixty seconds’ worth of distance run” and on the platform
you will be immeasurably the gainer.
Let no word of this, however, seem to decry the value of recreation.
Nothing is more vital to a worker than rest—yet nothing is so vitiating to
the shirker. Be sure that your recreation re-creates. A pause in the midst of
labors gathers strength for new effort. The mistake is to pause too long, or
to fill your pauses with ideas that make life flabby.
Choosing a Subject
Even when your theme has been chosen for you by someone else, there
remains to you a considerable field for choice of subject matter. The same
considerations, in fact, that would govern you in choosing a theme must
guide in the selection of the material. Ask yourself—or someone else—such
questions as these:
What is the precise nature of the occasion? How large an audience may
be expected? From what walks of life do they come? What is their probable
attitude toward the theme? Who else will speak? Do I speak first, last, or
where, on the program? What are the other speakers going to talk about?
What is the nature of the auditorium? Is there a desk? Could the subject be
more effectively handled if somewhat modified? Precisely how much time
am I to fill?
It is evident that many speech-misfits of subject, speaker, occasion and
place are due to failure to ask just such pertinent questions. What should be
said, by whom, and in what circumstances, constitute ninety per cent of
efficiency in public address. No matter who asks you, refuse to be a square
peg in a round hole.
Questions of Proportion
Unsuspected treasures lie in the smallest library. Even when the owner
has read every last page of his books it is only in rare instances that he has
full indexes to all of them, either in his mind or on paper, so as to make
available the vast number of varied subjects touched upon or treated in
volumes whose titles would never suggest such topics.
For this reason it is a good thing to take an odd hour now and then to
browse. Take down one volume after another and look over its table of
contents and its index. (It is a reproach to any author of a serious book not
to have provided a full index, with cross references.) Then glance over the
pages, making notes, mental or physical, of material that looks interesting
and usable. Most libraries contain volumes that the owner is “going to read
some day.” A familiarity with even the contents of such books on your own
shelves will enable you to refer to them when you want help. Writings read
long ago should be treated in the same way—in every chapter some surprise
lurks to delight you.
In looking up a subject do not be discouraged if you do not find it
indexed or outlined in the table of contents—you are pretty sure to discover
some material under a related title.
Suppose you set to work somewhat in this way to gather references on
“Thinking:” First you look over your book titles, and there is Schaeffer’s
“Thinking and Learning to Think.” Near it is Kramer’s “Talks to Students
on the Art of Study”—that seems likely to provide some material, and it
does. Naturally you think next of your book on psychology, and there is
help there. If you have a volume on the human intellect you will have
already turned to it. Suddenly you remember your encyclopedia and your
dictionary of quotations—and now material fairly rains upon you; the
problem is what not to use. In the encyclopedia you turn to every reference
that includes or touches or even suggests “thinking;” and in the dictionary
of quotations you do the same. The latter volume you find peculiarly helpful
because it suggests several volumes to you that are on your own shelves—
you never would have thought to look in them for references on this
subject. Even fiction will supply help, but especially books of essays and
biography. Be aware of your own resources.
To make a general index to your library does away with the necessity
for indexing individual volumes that are not already indexed.
To begin with, keep a note-book by you; or small cards and paper
cuttings in your pocket and on your desk will serve as well. The same note-
book that records the impressions of your own experiences and thoughts
will be enriched by the ideas of others.
To be sure, this note-book habit means labor, but remember that more
speeches have been spoiled by half-hearted preparation than by lack of
talent. Laziness is an own-brother to Over-confidence, and both are your
inveterate enemies, though they pretend to be soothing friends.
Conserve your material by indexing every good idea on cards, thus:
No one can advise you how to prepare the notes for an address. Some
speakers get the best results while walking out and ruminating, jotting down
notes as they pause in their walk. Others never put pen to paper until the
whole speech has been thought out. The great majority, however, will take
notes, classify their notes, write a hasty first draft, and then revise the
speech. Try each of these methods and choose the one that is best—for you.
Do not allow any man to force you to work in his way; but do not neglect to
consider his way, for it may be better than your own.
For those who make notes and with their aid write out the speech, these
suggestions may prove helpful:
After having read and thought enough, classify your notes by setting
down the big, central thoughts of your material on separate cards or slips of
paper. These will stand in the same relation to your subject as chapters do to
a book.
Then arrange these main ideas or heads in such an order that they will
lead effectively to the result you have in mind, so that the speech may rise
in argument, in interest, in power, by piling one fact or appeal upon another
until the climax—the highest point of influence on your audience—has
been reached.
Next group all your ideas, facts, anecdotes, and illustrations under the
foregoing main heads, each where it naturally belongs.
You now have a skeleton or outline of your address that in its polished
form might serve either as the brief, or manuscript notes, for the speech or
as the guide-outline which you will expand into the written address, if
written it is to be.
Imagine each of the main ideas in the brief on page 213 as being
separate; then picture your mind as sorting them out and placing them in
order; finally, conceive of how you would fill in the facts and examples
under each head, giving special prominence to those you wish to emphasize
and subduing those of less moment. In the end, you have the outline
complete. The simplest form of outline—not very suitable for use on the
platform, however—is the following:
After the outline has been perfected comes the time to write the speech,
if write it you must. Then, whatever you do, write it at white heat, with not
too much thought of anything but the strong, appealing expression of your
ideas.
The final stage is the paring down, the re-vision—the seeing again, as
the word implies—when all the parts of the speech must be impartially
scrutinized for clearness, precision, force, effectiveness, suitability,
proportion, logical climax; and in all this you must imagine yourself to be
before your audience, for a speech is not an essay and what will convince
and arouse in the one will not prevail in the other.
The Title
Often last of all will come that which in a sense is first of all—the title,
the name by which the speech is known. Sometimes it will be the simple
theme of the address, as “The New Americanism,” by Henry Watterson; or
it may be a bit of symbolism typifying the spirit of the address, as “Acres of
Diamonds,” by Russell H. Conwell; or it may be a fine phrase taken from
the body of the address, as “Pass Prosperity Around,” by Albert J.
Beveridge. All in all, from whatever motive it be chosen, let the title be
fresh, short, suited to the subject, and likely to excite interest.
Speak not at all, in any wise, till you have somewhat to speak; care not for the reward
of your speaking, but simply and with undivided mind for the truth of your speaking.
—THOMAS CARLYLE, Essay on Biography.
“To master the process of exposition is to become a clear thinker. ‘I know, when you
do not ask me,’1 replied a gentleman upon being requested to define a highly complex idea.
Now some large concepts defy explicit definition; but no mind should take refuge behind
such exceptions, for where definition fails, other forms succeed. Sometimes we feel
confident that we have perfect mastery of an idea, but when the time comes to express it,
the clearness becomes a haze. Exposition, then, is the test of clear understanding. To speak
effectively you must be able to see your subject clearly and comprehensively, and to make
your audience see it as you do.”2
There are pitfalls on both sides of this path. To explain too little will
leave your audience in doubt as to what you mean. It is useless to argue a
question if it is not perfectly clear just what is meant by the question. Have
you never come to a blind lane in conversation by finding that you were
talking of one aspect of a matter while your friend was thinking of another?
If two do not agree in their definitions of a Musician, it is useless to dispute
over a certain man’s right to claim the title.
On the other side of the path lies the abyss of tediously explaining too
much. That offends because it impresses the hearers that you either do not
respect their intelligence or are trying to blow a breeze into a tornado.
Carefully estimate the probable knowledge of your audience, both in
general and of the particular point you are explaining. In trying to simplify,
it is fatal to “sillify.” To explain more than is needed for the purposes of
your argument or appeal is to waste energy all around. In your efforts to be
explicit do not press exposition to the extent of dulness—the confines are
not far distant and you may arrive before you know it.
From what has been said it ought to be clear that, primarily, exposition
weaves a cord of understanding between you and your audience. It lays,
furthermore, a foundation of fact on which to build later statements,
arguments, and appeals. In scientific and purely “information” speeches
exposition may exist by itself and for itself, as in a lecture on biology, or on
psychology; but in the vast majority of cases it is used to accompany and
prepare the way for the other forms of discourse.
Clearness, precision, accuracy, unity, truth, and necessity—these must
be the constant standards by which you test the efficiency of your
expositions, and, indeed, that of every explanatory statement. This dictum
should be written on your brain in letters most plain. And let this apply not
alone to the purposes of exposition but in equal measure to your use of the
Methods of Exposition
The various ways along which a speaker may proceed in exposition are
likely to touch each other now and then, and even when they do not meet
and actually overlap, they run so nearly parallel that the roads are
sometimes distinct rather in theory than in any more practical respect.
Definition, the primary expository method, is a statement of precise
limits.1 Obviously, here the greatest care must be exercised that the terms of
definition should not themselves demand too much definition; that the
language should be concise and clear; and that the definition should neither
exclude nor include too much. The following is a simple example:
To expound is to set forth the nature, the significance, the characteristics, and the
bearing of an idea or a group of ideas.
—ARLO BATES, Talks on Writing English.
Exposition therefore differs from Description in that it deals directly with the meaning
or intent of its subject instead of with its appearance.
A savage is a man of one story, and that one story a cellar. When a man begins to be
civilized he raises another story. When you christianize and civilize the man, you put story
upon story, for you develop faculty after faculty; and you have to supply every story with
your productions.
This question of the liquor traffic, sirs, takes its place beside the grave moral issues of
all times. Whatever be its economic significance—and who is there to question it—
whatever vital bearing it has upon our political system—and is there one who will deny it?
—the question of the licensed saloon must quickly be settled as the world in its
advancement has settled the questions of constitutional government for the masses, of the
opium traffic, of the serf, and of the slave—not as matters of economic and political
expediency but as questions of right and wrong.
Division differs only from analysis in that analysis follows the inherent
divisions of a subject, as illustrated in the foregoing passage, while division
arbitrarily separates the subject for convenience of treatment, as in the
following none-too-logical example:
For civil history, it is of three kinds; not unfitly to be compared with the three kinds of
pictures or images. For of pictures or images, we see some are unfinished, some are
perfect, and some are defaced. So of histories we may find three kinds, memorials, perfect
histories, and antiquities; for memorials are history unfinished, or the first or rough drafts
of history; and antiquities are history defaced, or some remnants of history which have
casually escaped the shipwreck of time.
—LORD BACON, The Advancement of Learning.1
Take a hollow cylinder, the bottom closed while the top remains open, and pour in
water to the height of a few inches. Next cover the water with a flat plate or piston, which
fits the interior of the cylinder perfectly; then apply heat to the water, and we shall witness
the following phenomena. After the lapse of some minutes the water will begin to boil, and
the steam accumulating at the upper surface will make room for itself by raising the piston
slightly. As the boiling continues, more and more steam will be formed, and raise the
piston higher and higher, till all the water is boiled away, and nothing but steam is left in
the cylinder. Now this machine, consisting of cylinder, piston, water, and fire, is the steam-
engine in its most elementary form. For a steam-engine may be defined as an apparatus for
doing work by means of heat applied to water; and since raising such a weight as the piston
is a form of doing work, this apparatus, clumsy and inconvenient though it may be,
answers the definition precisely.2
The vast results obtained by science are won by no mystical faculties, by no mental
processes, other than those which are practised by every one of us in the humblest and
meanest affairs of life. A detective policeman discovers a burglar from the marks made by
his shoe, by a mental process identical with that by which Cuvier restored the extinct
animals of Montmartre from fragments of their bones. Nor does that process of induction
and deduction by which a lady, finding a stain of a particular kind upon her dress,
concludes that somebody has upset the inkstand thereon, differ in any way from that by
which Adams and Leverrier discovered a new planet. The man of science, in fact, simply
uses with scrupulous exactness the methods which we all habitually, and at every moment,
use carelessly.
—THOMAS HENRY HUXLEY, Lay Sermons.
Do you set down your name in the scroll of youth, that are written down old with all
the characters of age? Have you not a moist eye? a dry hand? a yellow cheek? a white
beard? a decreasing leg? an increasing belly? is not your voice broken? your wind short?
your chin double? your wit single? and every part about you blasted with antiquity? and
will you yet call yourself young? Fie, fie, fie, Sir John!
—SHAKESPEARE, The Merry Wives of Windsor.
“That man is a cynic. He sees goodness nowhere. He sneers at virtue, sneers at love; to
him the maiden plighting her troth is an artful schemer, and he sees even in the mother’s
kiss nothing but an empty conventionality.”
Write, commit and deliver two similar passages based on your choice
from this list: (a) “the egotist;” (b) “the sensualist;” (c) “the hypocrite;” (d)
“the timid man;” (e) “the joker;” (f) “the flirt;” (g) “the ungrateful woman;”
(h) “the mournful man.” In both cases use the principle of “Reference to
Experience.”
20. Write a passage on any of the foregoing characters in imitation of
the style of Shakespeare’s characterization of Sir John Falstaff, page 227.
The groves of Eden vanish’d now so long, Live in description, and look green in song.
—ALEXANDER POPE, Windsor Forest.
The moment our discourse rises above the ground-line of familiar facts, and is
inflamed with passion or exalted thought, it clothes itself in images. A man conversing in
earnest, if he watch his intellectual processes, will find that always a material image, more
or less luminous, arises in his mind, contemporaneous with every thought, which furnishes
the vestment of the thought. . . . This imagery is spontaneous. It is the blending of
experience with the present action of the mind. It is proper creation.
—RALPH WALDO EMERSON, Nature.
Methods of Description
He was a short, square, brawny old gentleman, with a double chin, a mastiff mouth,
and a broad copper nose, which was supposed in those days to have acquired its fiery hue
from the constant neighborhood of his tobacco pipe.
He was exactly five feet six inches in height, and six feet five inches in circumference.
His head was a perfect sphere, and of such stupendous dimensions, that Dame Nature, with
all her sex’s ingenuity, would have been puzzled to construct a neck capable of supporting
it; wherefore she wisely declined the attempt, and settled it firmly on the top of his
backbone, just between the shoulders. His body was of an oblong form, particularly
capacious at bottom; which was wisely ordered by Providence, seeing that he was a man of
sedentary habits, and very averse to the idle labor of walking.
Direct description for platform use may be made vivid by the sparing
use of the “historical present.” The following dramatic passage,
accompanied by the most lively action, has lingered in the mind for thirty
years after hearing Dr. T. De Witt Talmage lecture on “Big Blunders.” The
crack of the bat sounds clear even today:
Get ready the bats and take your positions. Now, give us the ball. Too low. Don’t
strike. Too high. Don’t strike. There it comes like lightning. Strike! Away it soars! Higher!
Higher! Run! Another base! Faster! Faster! Good! All around at one stroke!
I went to Washington the other day, and I stood on the Capitol Hill; my heart beat
quick as I looked at the towering marble of my country’s Capitol and the mist gathered in
my eyes as I thought of its tremendous significance, and the armies and the treasury, and
the judges and the President, and the Congress and the courts, and all that was gathered
there. And I felt that the sun in all its course could not look down on a better sight than that
majestic home of a republic that had taught the world its best lessons of liberty. And I felt
that if honor and wisdom and justice abided therein, the world would at last owe to that
great house in which the ark of the covenant of my country is lodged, its final uplifting and
its regeneration.
Two days afterward, I went to visit a friend in the country, a modest man, with a quiet
country home. It was just a simple, unpretentious house, set about with big trees, encircled
in meadow and field rich with the promise of harvest. The fragrance of the pink and
hollyhock in the front yard was mingled with the aroma of the orchard and of the gardens,
and resonant with the cluck of poultry and the hum of bees.
Inside was quiet, cleanliness, thrift, and comfort. There was the old clock that had
welcomed, in steady measure, every newcomer to the family, that had ticked the solemn
requiem of the dead, and had kept company with the watcher at the bedside. There were the
big, restful beds and the old, open fireplace, and the old family Bible, thumbed with the
fingers of hands long since still, and wet with the tears of eyes long since closed, holding
the simple annals of the family and the heart and the conscience of the home.
Outside, there stood my friend, the master, a simple, upright man, with no mortgage on
his roof, no lien on his growing crops, master of his land and master of himself. There was
his old father, an aged, trembling man, but happy in the heart and home of his son. And as
they started to their home, the hands of the old man went down on the young man’s
shoulder, laying there the unspeakable blessing of the honored and grateful father and
ennobling it with the knighthood of the fifth commandment.
And as they reached the door the old mother came with the sunset falling fair on her
face, and lighting up her deep, patient eyes, while her lips, trembling with the rich music of
her heart, bade her husband and son welcome to their home. Beyond was the housewife,
busy with her household cares, clean of heart and conscience, the buckler and helpmeet of
her husband. Down the lane came the children, trooping home after the cows, seeking as
truant birds do the quiet of their home nest.
And I saw the night come down on that house, falling gently as the wings of the
unseen dove. And the old man—while a startled bird called from the forest, and the trees
were shrill with the cricket’s cry, and the stars were swarming in the sky—got the family
around him, and, taking the old Bible from the table, called them to their knees, the little
baby hiding in the folds of its mother’s dress, while he closed the record of that simple day
by calling down God’s benediction on that family and that home. And while I gazed, the
vision of that marble Capitol faded. Forgotten were its treasures and its majesty, and I said,
“Oh, surely here in the homes of the people are lodged at last the strength and the
responsibility of this government, the hope and the promise of this republic.”
—HENRY W. GRADY.
SUGGESTIVE SCENES
One thing in life calls for another; there is a fitness in events and places. The sight of a
pleasant arbor puts it in our mind to sit there. One place suggests work, another idleness, a
third early rising and long rambles in the dew. The effect of night, of any flowing water, of
lighted cities, of the peep of day, of ships, of the open ocean, calls up in the mind an army
of anonymous desires and pleasures. Something, we feel, should happen; we know not
what, yet we proceed in quest of it. And many of the happiest hours in life fleet by us in
this vain attendance on the genius of the place and moment. It is thus that tracts of young
fir, and low rocks that reach into deep soundings, particularly delight and torture me.
Something must have happened in such places, and perhaps ages back, to members of my
race; and when I was a child I tried to invent appropriate games for them, as I still try, just
as vainly, to fit them with the proper story. Some places speak distinctly. Certain dank
gardens cry aloud for a murder; certain old houses demand to be haunted; certain coasts are
set aside for shipwreck. Other spots again seem to abide their destiny, suggestive and
impenetrable, “miching mallecho.” The inn at Burford Bridge, with its arbours and green
garden and silent, eddying river—though it is known already as the place where Keats
wrote some of his Endymion and Nelson parted from his Emma—still seems to wait the
coming of the appropriate legend. Within these ivied walls, behind these old green shutters,
some further business smoulders, waiting for its hour. The old Hawes Inn at the Queen’s
ferry makes a similar call upon my fancy. There it stands, apart from the town, beside the
pier, in a climate of its own, half inland, half marine—in front, the ferry bubbling with the
tide and the guard-ship swinging to her anchor; behind, the old garden with the trees.
Americans seek it already for the sake of Lovel and Old-buck, who dined there at the
beginning of the Antiquary. But you need not tell me—that is not all; there is some story,
unrecorded or not yet complete, which must express the meaning of that inn more fully. ... I
have lived both at the Hawes and Burford in a perpetual flutter, on the heel, as it seemed, of
some adventure that should justify the place; but though the feeling had me to bed at night
and called me again at morning in one unbroken round of pleasure and suspense, nothing
befell me in either worth remark. The man or the hour had not yet come; but some day, I
think, a boat shall put off from the Queen’s ferry, fraught with a dear cargo, and some
frosty night a horseman, on a tragic errand, rattle with his whip upon the green shutters at
the inn at Burford.
—R. L. STEVENSON, A Gossip on Romance.
Clang! Clang! Clang! the fire-bells! Bing! Bing! Bing! the alarm! In an instant quiet
turns to uproar—an outburst of noise, excitement, clamor—bedlam broke loose; Bing!
Bing! Bing! Rattle, clash and clatter. Open fly the doors; brave men mount their boxes.
Bing! Bing! Bing! They’re off! The horses tear down the street like mad. Bing! Bing!
Bing! goes the gong!
“Get out of the track! The engines are coming! For God’s sake, snatch that child from
the road!”
On, on, wildly, resolutely, madly fly the steeds. Bing! Bing! the gong. Away dash the
horses on the wings of fevered fury. On whirls the machine, down streets, around corners,
up this avenue and across that one, out into the very bowels of darkness, whiffing,
wheezing, shooting a million sparks from the stack, paving the path of startled night with a
galaxy of stars. Over the house-tops to the north, a volcanic burst of flame shoots out,
belching with blinding effect. The sky is ablaze. A tenement house is burning. Five
hundred souls are in peril. Merciful Heaven! Spare the victims! Are the engines coming?
Yes, here they are, dashing down the street. Look! the horses ride upon the wind; eyes
bulging like balls of fire; nostrils wide open. A palpitating billow of fire, rolling, plunging,
bounding, rising, falling, swelling, heaving, and with mad passion bursting its red-hot sides
asunder, reaching out its arms, encircling, squeezing, grabbing up, swallowing everything
before it with the hot, greedy mouth of an appalling monster.
How the horses dash around the corner! Animal instinct, say you? Aye, more. Brute
reason.
“Up the ladders, men!”
The towering building is buried in bloated banks of savage, biting elements. Forked
tongues dart out and in, dodge here and there, up and down, and wind their cutting edges
around every object. A crash, a dull, explosive sound, and a puff of smoke leaps out. At the
highest point upon the roof stands a dark figure in a desperate strait, the hands making
frantic gestures, the arms swinging wildly—and then the body shoots off into frightful
space, plunging upon the pavement with a revolting thud. The man’s arm strikes a
bystander as he darts down. The crowd shudders, sways, and utters a low murmur of pity
and horror. The faint-hearted lookers-on hide their faces. One woman swoons away.
“Poor fellow! Dead!” exclaims a laborer, as he looks upon the man’s body.
“Aye, Joe, and I knew him well, too! He lived next door to me, five flights back. He
leaves a widowed mother and two wee bits of orphans. I helped him bury his wife a
fortnight ago. Ah, Joe! but it’s hard lines for the orphans.”
A ghastly hour moves on, dragging its regiment of panic in its trail and leaving
crimson blotches of cruelty along the path of night.
“Are they all out, firemen?”
“Aye, aye, sir!”
“No, they’re not! There’s a woman in the top window holding a child in her arms—
over yonder in the right-hand corner! The ladders, there! A hundred pounds to the man
who makes the rescue!”
A dozen start. One man more supple than the others, and reckless in his bravery,
clambers to the top rung of the ladder.
“Too short!” he cries. “Hoist another!”
Up it goes. He mounts to the window, fastens the rope, lashes mother and babe, swings
them off into ugly emptiness, and lets them down to be rescued by his comrades.
“Bravo, fireman!” shouts the crowd.
A crash breaks through the uproar of crackling timbers.
“Look alive, up there! Great God! The roof has fallen!”
The walls sway, rock, and tumble in with a deafening roar. The spectators cease to
breathe. The cold truth reveals itself. The fireman has been carried into the seething
furnace. An old woman, bent with the weight of age, rushes through the fire line, shrieking,
raving, and wringing her hands and opening her heart of grief.
“Poor John! He was all I had! And a brave lad he was, too! But he’s gone now. He lost
his own life in savin’ two more, and now—now he’s there, away in there!” she repeats,
pointing to the cruel oven.
The engines do their work. The flames die out. An eerie gloom hangs over the ruins
like a formidable, blackened pall.
And the noon of night is passed.
—ARDENNES JONES-FOSTER.
1. Write two paragraphs on one of these: the race horse, the motor boat,
golfing, tennis; let the first be pure exposition and the second pure
description.
2. Select your own theme and do the same in two short extemporaneous
speeches.
3. Deliver a short original address in the over-ornamented style.
4. (a) Point out its defects; (b) recast it in a more effective style;
(c)show how the one surpasses the other.
5. Make a list of ten subjects which lend themselves to description in
the style you prefer.
6. Deliver a two-minute speech on any one of them, using chiefly, but
not solely, description.
7. For one minute, look at any object, scene, action, picture, or person
you choose, take two minutes to arrange your thoughts, and then deliver a
short description—all without making written notes.
8. In what sense is description more personal than exposition?
9. Explain the difference between a scientific and an artistic description.
10. In the style of Dickens and Irving (pages 234, 235), write five
separate sentences describing five characters by means of suggestion—one
sentence to each.
11. Describe a character by means of a hint, after the manner of Chaucer
(p. 235).
12. Read aloud the following with special attention to gesture:
His very throat was moral. You saw a good deal of it. You looked over a very low
fence of white cravat (whereof no man had ever beheld the tie, for he fastened it behind),
and there it lay, a valley between two jutting heights of collar, serene and whiskerless
before you. It seemed to say, on the part of Mr. Pecksniff, “There is no deception, ladies
and gentlemen, all is peace, a holy calm pervades me.” So did his hair, just grizzled with an
iron gray, which was all brushed off his forehead, and stood bolt upright, or slightly
drooped in kindred action with his heavy eyelids. So did his person, which was sleek
though free from corpulency. So did his manner, which was soft and oily. In a word, even
his plain black suit, and state of widower, and dangling double eye-glass, all tended to the
same purpose, and cried aloud, “Behold the moral Pecksniff!”
—CHARLES DICKENS, Martin Chuzzlewit.
She was a blooming lass of fresh eighteen, plump as a partridge, ripe and melting and
rosy-cheeked as one of her father’s peaches.
—IRVING.
She was a splendidly feminine girl, as wholesome as a November pippin, and no more
mysterious than a window-pane.
—O. HENRY.
Small, shining, neat, methodical, and buxom was Miss Peecher; cherry-cheeked and
tuneful of voice.
—DICKENS.
14. Invent five epithets, and apply them as you choose (p. 235).
15. (a) Make a list of five figures of speech; (b) define them; (c) give an
example—preferably original—under each.
16. Pick out the figures of speech in the address by Grady, on page 240.
17. Invent an original figure to take the place of any one in Grady’s
speech.
18. What sort of figures do you find in the selection from Stevenson, on
page 242?
19. What methods of description does he seem to prefer?
20. Write and deliver, without notes and with descriptive gestures, a
description in imitation of any of the authors quoted in this chapter.
21. Reëxamine one of your past speeches and improve the descriptive
work. Report on what faults you found to exist.
22. Deliver an extemporaneous speech describing any dramatic scene in
the style of “Midnight in London.”
23. Describe an event in your favorite sport in the style of Dr. Talmage.
Be careful to make the delivery effective.
24. Criticise, favorably or unfavorably, the descriptions of any travel
talk you may have heard recently.
25. Deliver a brief original travel talk, as though you were showing
pictures.
26. Recast the talk and deliver it “without pictures.”
The art of narration is the art of writing in hooks and eyes. The principle consists in
making the appropriate thought follow the appropriate thought, the proper fact the proper
fact; in first preparing the mind for what is to come, and then letting it come.
—WALTER BAGEHOT, Literary Studies.
Our very speech is curiously historical. Most men, you may observe, speak only to
narrate; not in imparting what they have thought, which indeed were often a very small
matter, but in exhibiting what they have undergone or seen, which is a quite unlimited one,
do talkers dilate. Cut us off from Narrative, how would the stream of conversation, even
among the wisest, languish into detached handfuls, and among the foolish utterly
evaporate! Thus, as we do nothing but enact History, we say little but recite it.
—THOMAS CARLYLE, On History.
Only a small segment of the great field of narration offers its resources
to the public speaker, and that includes the anecdote, biographical facts, and
the narration of events in general.
Narration—more easily defined than mastered—is the recital of an
incident, or a group of facts and occurrences, in such a manner as to
produce a desired effect.
The laws of narration are few, but its successful practise involves more
of art than would at first appear—so much, indeed, that we cannot even
touch upon its technique here, but must content ourselves with an
examination of a few examples of narration as used in public speech.
In a preliminary way, notice how radically the public speaker’s use of
narrative differs from that of the storywriter in the more limited scope,
absence of extended dialogue and character drawing, and freedom from
elaboration of detail, which characterize platform narrative. On the other
hand, there are several similarities of method: the frequent combination of
narration with exposition, description, argumentation, and pleading; the
care exercised in the arrangement of material so as to produce a strong
effect at the close (climax); the very general practise of concealing the
“point” (dénouement) of a story until the effective moment; and the careful
suppression of needless, and therefore hurtful, details.
So we see that, whether for magazine or platform, the art of narration
involves far more than the recital of annals; the succession of events
recorded requires a plan in order to bring them out with real effect.
It will be noticed, too, that the literary style in platform narration is
likely to be either less polished and more vigorously dramatic than in that
intended for publication, or else more fervid and elevated in tone. In this
latter respect, however, the best platform speaking of today differs from the
models of the preceding generation, wherein a highly dignified, and
sometimes pompous, style was thought the only fitting dress for a public
deliverance. Great, noble and stirring as these older masters were in their
lofty and impassioned eloquence, we are sometimes oppressed when we
read their sounding periods for any great length of time—even allowing for
all that we lose by missing the speaker’s presence, voice, and fire. So let us
model our platform narration, as our other forms of speech, upon the
effective addresses of the moderns, without lessening our admiration for the
older school.
The Anecdote
In two anecdotes, told also in “The New South,” Mr. Grady illustrated
another way of enforcing the application: in both instances he split the idea
he wished to drive home, bringing in part before and part after the recital of
the story. The fact that the speaker misquoted the words of Genesis in
which the Ark is described did not seem to detract from the burlesque
humor of the story.
I bespeak the utmost stretch of your courtesy tonight. I am not troubled about those
from whom I come. You remember the man whose wife sent him to a neighbor with a
pitcher of milk, who, tripping on the top step, fell, with such casual interruptions as the
landings afforded, into the basement, and, while picking himself up, had the pleasure of
hearing his wife call out:
“John, did you break the pitcher?
“No, I didn’t,” said John, “but I be dinged if I don’t.”
So, while those who call to me from behind may inspire me with energy, if not with
courage, I ask an indulgent hearing from you. I beg that you will bring your full faith in
American fairness and frankness to judgment upon what I shall say. There was an old
preacher once who told some boys of the Bible lesson he was going to read in the morning.
The boys, finding the place, glued together the connecting pages. The next morning he read
on the bottom of one page: “When Noah was one hundred and twenty years old he took
unto himself a wife, who was”—then turning the page—“one hundred and forty cubits
long, forty cubits wide, built of gopher wood, and covered with pitch inside and out.” He
was naturally puzzled at this. He read it again, verified it, and then said, “My friends, this is
the first time I ever met this in the Bible, but I accept it as an evidence of the assertion that
we are fearfully and wonderfully made.” If I could get you to hold such faith to-night, I
could proceed cheerfully to the task I otherwise approach with a sense of consecration.
Men will stand as Indian fakirs do, with their arms above their heads until they stiffen
there. They will perch themselves upon pillars like Simeon Stylites, for years, till the birds
build their nests in their hair. They will measure all the distance from Cape Comorin to
Juggernaut’s temple with their bodies along the dusty road. They will wear hair shirts and
scourge themselves. They will fast and deny themselves. They will build cathedrals and
endow churches. They will do as many of you do, labor by fits and starts all thru your lives
at the endless task of making yourselves ready for heaven, and winning it by obedience and
by righteousness. They will do all these things and do them gladly, rather than listen to the
humbling message that says, “You do not need to do anything—wash.” Is it your washing,
or the water, that will clean you? Wash and be clean! Naaman’s cleaning was only a test of
his obedience, and a token that it was God who cleansed him. There was no power in
Jordan’s waters to take away the taint of leprosy. Our cleansing is in that blood of Jesus
Christ that has the power to take away all sin, and to make the foulest amongst us pure and
clean.
One final word must be said about the introduction to the anecdote. A
clumsy, inappropriate introduction is fatal, whereas a single apt or witty
sentence will kindle interest and prepare a favorable hearing. The following
extreme illustration, by the English humorist, Captain Harry Graham, well
satirizes the stumbling manner:
The best story that I ever heard was one that I was told once in the fall of 1905 (or it
may have been 1906), when I was visiting Boston—at least, I think it was Boston; it may
have been Washington (my memory is so bad).
I happened to run across a most amusing man whose name I forget—Williams or
Wilson or Wilkins; some name like that—and he told me this story while we were waiting
for a trolley car.
I can still remember how heartily I laughed at the time; and again, that evening, after I
had gone to bed, how I laughed myself to sleep recalling the humor of this incredibly
humorous story. It was really quite extraordinarily funny. In fact, I can truthfully affirm that
it is quite the most amusing story I have ever had the privilege of hearing. Unfortunately,
I’ve forgotten it.
Biographical Facts
MARIUS IN PRISON
The peculiar sublimity of the Roman mind does not express itself, nor is it at all to be
sought, in their poetry. Poetry, according to the Roman ideal of it, was not an adequate
organ for the grander movements of the national mind. Roman sublimity must be looked
for in Roman acts, and in Roman sayings. Where, again, will you find a more adequate
expression of the Roman majesty, than in the saying of Trajan—Imperatorem oportere
stantem mori—that Cæsar ought to die standing; a speech of imperatorial grandeur!
Implying that he, who was “the foremost man of all this world,”—and, in regard to all
other nations, the representative of his own,—should express its characteristic virtue in his
farewell act—should die in procinctu—and should meet the last enemy as the first, with a
Roman countenance and in a soldier’s attitude. If this had an imperatorial—what follows
had a consular majesty, and is almost the grandest story upon record.
Marius, the man who rose to be seven times consul, was in a dungeon, and a slave was
sent in with commission to put him to death. These were the persons,—the two extremities
of exalted and forlorn humanity, its vanward and its rearward man, a Roman consul and an
abject slave. But their natural relations to each other were, by the caprice of fortune,
monstrously inverted: the consul was in chains; the slave was for a moment the arbiter of
his fate. By what spells, what magic, did Marius reinstate himself in his natural
prerogatives? By what marvels drawn from heaven or from earth, did he, in the twinkling
of an eye, again invest himself with the purple, and place between himself and his assassin
a host of shadowy lictors? By the mere blank supremacy of great minds over weak ones.
He fascinated the slave, as a rattlesnake does a bird. Standing “like Teneriffe,” he smote
him with his eye, and said, “Tune, homo, audes occidere C. Marium?”—“Dost thou,
fellow, presume to kill Caius Marius?” Whereat, the reptile, quaking under the voice, nor
daring to affront the consular eye, sank gently to the ground—turned round upon his hands
and feet—and, crawling out of the prison like any other vermin, left Marius standing in
solitude as steadfast and immovable as the capitol.
—THOMAS DE QUINCY.
A REMINISCENCE OF LEXINGTON
One raw morning in spring—it will be eighty years the 19th day of this month—
Hancock and Adams, the Moses and Aaron of that Great Deliverance, were both at
Lexington; they also had “obstructed an officer” with brave words. British soldiers, a
thousand strong, came to seize them and carry them over sea for trial, and so nip the bud of
Freedom auspiciously opening in that early spring. The town militia came together before
daylight, “for training.” A great, tall man, with a large head and a high, wide brow, their
captain,—one who had “seen service,”—marshalled them into line, numbering but seventy,
and bade “every man load his piece with powder and ball. I will order the first man shot
that runs away,” said he, when some faltered. “Don’t fire unless fired upon, but if they want
to have a war, let it begin here.”
Gentlemen, you know what followed; those farmers and mechanics “fired the shot
heard round the world.” A little monument covers the bones of such as before had pledged
their fortune and their sacred honor to the Freedom of America, and that day gave it also
their lives. I was born in that little town, and bred up amid the memories of that day. When
a boy, my mother lifted me up, one Sunday, in her religious, patriotic arms, and held me
while I read the first monumental line I ever saw—“Sacred to Liberty and the Rights of
Mankind.”
Since then I have studied the memorial marbles of Greece and Rome, in many an
ancient town; nay, on Egyptian obelisks have read what was written before the Eternal
raised up Moses to lead Israel out of Egypt; but no chiseled stone has ever stirred me to
such emotion as these rustic names of men who fell “In the Sacred Cause of God and their
Country.”
Gentlemen, the Spirit of Liberty, the Love of Justice, were early fanned into a flame in
my boyish heart. That monument covers the bones of my own kinsfolk; it was their blood
which reddened the long, green grass at Lexington. It was my own name which stands
chiseled on that stone; the tall captain who marshalled his fellow farmers and mechanics
into stern array, and spoke such brave and dangerous words as opened the war of American
Independence,—the last to leave the field,—was my father’s father. I learned to read out of
his Bible, and with a musket he that day captured from the foe, I learned another religious
lesson, that “Rebellion to Tyrants is Obedience to God.” I keep them both “Sacred to
Liberty and the Rights of Mankind,” to use them both “In the Sacred Cause of God and my
Country.”
—THEODORE PARKER.
That evening, at ten o’clock, eight hundred British troops, under Lieutenant-Colonel
Smith, took boat at the foot of the Common and crossed to the Cambridge shore. Gage
thought his secret had been kept, but Lord Percy, who had heard the people say on the
Common that the troops would miss their aim, undeceived him. Gage instantly ordered that
no one should leave the town. But as the troops crossed the river, Ebenezer Dorr, with a
message to Hancock and Adams, was riding over the Neck to Roxbury, and Paul Revere
was rowing over the river to Charlestown, having agreed with his friend, Robert Newman,
to show lanterns from the belfry of the Old North Church—“One if by land, and two if by
sea”—as a signal of the march of the British.
It was a brilliant night. The winter had been unusually mild, and the spring very
forward. The hills were already green. The early grain waved in the fields, and the air was
sweet with the blossoming orchards. Already the robins whistled, the bluebirds sang, and
the benediction of peace rested upon the landscape. Under the cloudless moon the soldiers
silently marched, and Paul Revere swiftly rode, galloping through Medford and West
Cambridge, rousing every house as he went spurring for Lexington and Hancock and
Adams, and evading the British patrols who had been sent out to stop the news.
There is a modern English picture which the genius of Hawthorne might have inspired.
The painter calls it, “How they met themselves.” A man and a woman, haggard and weary,
wandering lost in a somber wood, suddenly meet the shadowy figures of a youth and a
maid. Some mysterious fascination fixes the gaze and stills the hearts of the wanderers, and
their amazement deepens into awe as they gradually recognize themselves as once they
were; the soft bloom of youth upon their rounded cheeks, the dewy light of hope in their
trusting eyes, exulting confidence in their springing step, themselves blithe and radiant
with the glory of the dawn. Today, and here, we meet ourselves. Not to these familiar
scenes alone—yonder college-green with its reverend traditions; the halcyon cove of the
Seekonk, upon which the memory of Roger Williams broods like a bird of calm; the
historic bay, beating forever with the muffled oars of Barton and of Abraham Whipple;
here, the humming city of the living; there, the peaceful city of the dead;—not to these only
or chiefly do we return, but to ourselves as we once were. It is not the smiling freshmen of
the year, it is your own beardless and unwrinkled faces, that are looking from the windows
of University Hall and of Hope College. Under the trees upon the hill it is yourselves
whom you see walking, full of hopes and dreams, glowing with conscious power, and
“nourishing a youth sublime;” and in this familiar temple, which surely has never echoed
with eloquence so fervid and inspiring as that of your commencement orations, it is not
yonder youths in the galleries who, as they fondly believe, are whispering to yonder maids;
it is your younger selves who, in the days that are no more, are murmuring to the fairest
mothers and grandmothers of those maids.
Happy the worn and weary man and woman in the picture could they have felt their
older eyes still glistening with that earlier light, and their hearts yet beating with
undiminished sympathy and aspiration. Happy we, brethren, whatever may have been
achieved, whatever left undone, if, returning to the home of our earlier years, we bring with
us the illimitable hope, the unchilled resolution, the inextinguishable faith of youth.
—GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS.
1. Clip from any source ten anecdotes and state what truths they may be
used to illustrate.
2. Deliver five of these in your own language, without making any
application.
3. From the ten, deliver one so as to make the application before telling
the anecdote.
4. Deliver another so as to split the application.
5. Deliver another so as to make the application after the narration.
6. Deliver another in such a way as to make a specific application
needless.
7. Give three ways of introducing an anecdote, by saying where you
heard it, etc.
8. Deliver an illustration that is not strictly an anecdote, in the style of
Curtis’s speech on page 259.
9. Deliver an address on any public character, using the forms illustrated
in this chapter.
10. Deliver an address on some historical event in the same manner.
11. Explain how the sympathies and viewpoint of the speaker will color
an anecdote, a biography, or a historical account.
12. Illustrate how the same anecdote, or a section of a historical address,
may be given two different effects by personal prejudice.
13. What would be the effect of shifting the viewpoint in the midst of a
narration?
14. What is the danger of using too much humor in an address? Too
much pathos?
Sometimes the feeling that a given way of looking at things is undoubtedly correct
prevents the mind from thinking at all. . . . . In view of the hindrances which certain kinds
or degrees of feeling throw into the way of thinking, it might be inferred that the thinker
must suppress the element of feeling in the inner life. No greater mistake could be made. If
the Creator endowed man with the power to think, to feel, and to will, these several
activities of the mind are not designed to be in conflict, and so long as any one of them is
not perverted or allowed to run to excess, it necessarily aids and strengthens the others in
their normal functions.
—NATHAN C. SCHAEFFER, Thinking and Learning to Think.
When we weigh, compare, and decide upon the value of any given
ideas, we reason; when an idea produces in us an opinion or an action,
without first being subjected to deliberation, we are moved by suggestion.
Man was formerly thought to be a reasoning animal, basing his actions
on the conclusions of natural logic. It was supposed that before forming an
opinion or deciding on a course of conduct he weighed at least some of the
reasons for and against the matter, and performed a more or less simple
process of reasoning. But modern research has shown that quite the
opposite is true. Most of our opinions and actions are not based upon
conscious reasoning, but are the result of suggestion. In fact, some
authorities declare that an act of pure reasoning is very rare in the average
mind. Momentous decisions are made, far-reaching actions are determined
upon, primarily by the force of suggestion.
Notice that word “primarily,” for simple thought, and even mature
reasoning, often follows a suggestion accepted in the mind, and the thinker
fondly supposes that his conclusion is from first to last based on cold logic.
The Basis of Suggestion
Note also Mr. Bryan’s attempt to secure the confidence of his audience
in the following introduction to his “Cross of Gold” speech delivered before
the National Democratic Convention in Chicago, 1896. He asserts his own
inability to oppose the “distinguished gentleman;” he maintains the holiness
of his cause; and he declares that he will speak in the interest of humanity—
well knowing that humanity is likely to have confidence in the champion of
their rights. This introduction completely dominated the audience, and the
speech made Mr. Bryan famous.
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: I would be presumptuous indeed to
present myself against the distinguished gentlemen to whom you have listened if this were
a mere measuring of abilities; but this is not a contest between persons. The humblest
citizen in all the land, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the
hosts of error. I come to speak to you in defense of a cause as holy as the cause of liberty—
the cause of humanity.
Some speakers are able to beget confidence by their very manner, while
others can not.
To secure confidence, be confident. How can you expect others to accept
a message in which you lack, or seem to lack, faith yourself? Confidence is
as contagious as disease. Napoleon rebuked an officer for using the word
“impossible” in his presence. The speaker who will entertain no idea of
defeat begets in his hearers the idea of his victory. Lady Macbeth was so
confident of success that Macbeth changed his mind about undertaking the
assassination. Columbus was so certain in his mission that Queen Isabella
pawned her jewels to finance his expedition. Assert your message with
implicit assurance, and your own belief will act as so much gunpowder to
drive it home.
Advertisers have long utilized this principle. “The machine you will
eventually buy,” “Ask the man who owns one,” “Has the strength of
Gibraltar,” are publicity slogans so full of confidence that they give birth to
confidence in the mind of the reader.
It should—but may not!—go without saying that confidence must have
a solid ground of merit or there will be a ridiculous crash. It is all very well
for the “spellbinder” to claim all the precincts—the official count is just
ahead. The reaction against over-confidence and over-suggestion ought to
warn those whose chief asset is mere bluff.
A short time ago a speaker arose in a public-speaking club and asserted
that grass would spring from woodashes sprinkled over the soil, without the
aid of seed. This idea was greeted with a laugh, but the speaker was so sure
of his position that he reiterated the statement forcefully several times and
cited his own personal experience as proof. One of the most intelligent men
in the audience, who at first had derided the idea, at length came to believe
in it. When asked the reason for his sudden change of attitude, he replied:
“Because the speaker is so confident.” In fact, he was so confident that it
took a letter from the U. S. Department of Agriculture to dislodge his error.
If by a speaker’s confidence, intelligent men can be made to believe
such preposterous theories as this where will the power of self-reliance
cease when plausible propositions are under consideration, advanced with
all the power of convincing speech?
Note the utter assurance in these selections:
I know not what course others may take, but as for me give me liberty or give me
death.—PATRICK HENRY.
INVICTUS
Professor Alfred Russell Wallace has just celebrated his 90th birthday. Sharing with
Charles Darwin the honor of discovering evolution, Professor Wallace has lately received
many and signal honors from scientific societies. At the dinner given him in London his
address was largely made up of reminiscences. He reviewed the progress of civilization
during the last century and made a series of brilliant and startling contrasts between the
England of 1813 and the world of 1913. He affirmed that our progress is only seeming and
not real. Professor Wallace insists that the painters, the sculptors, the architects of Athens
and Rome were so superior to the modern men that the very fragments of their marbles and
temples are the despair of the present day artists. He tells us that man has improved his
telescope and spectacles, but that he is losing his eyesight; that man is improving his
looms, but stiffening his fingers: improving his automobile and his locomotive, but losing
his legs; improving his foods, but losing his digestion. He adds that the modern white slave
traffic, orphan asylums, and tenement house life in factory towns, make a black page in the
history of the twentieth century.
Professor Wallace’s views are reinforced by the report of the commission of
Parliament on the causes of the deterioration of the factory-class people. In our own
country Professor Jordan warns us against war, intemperance, overworking, underfeeding
of poor children, and disturbs our contentment with his “Harvest of Blood.” Professor
Jenks is more pessimistic. He thinks that the pace, the climate, and the stress of city life,
have broken down the Puritan stock, that in another century our old families will be
extinct, and that the flood of immigration means a Niagara of muddy waters fouling the
pure springs of American life. In his address in New Haven Professor Kellogg calls the roll
of the signs of race degeneracy and tells us that this deterioration even indicates a trend
toward race extinction.
—NEWELL DWIGHT HILLIS.
From every side come warnings to the American people. Our medical journals are
filled with danger signals; new books and magazines, fresh from the press, tell us plainly
that our people are fronting a social crisis. Mr. Jefferson, who was once regarded as good
Democratic authority, seems to have differed in opinion from the gentleman who has
addressed us on the part of the minority. Those who are opposed to this proposition tell us
that the issue of paper money is a function of the bank, and that the government ought to
go out of the banking business. I stand with Jefferson rather than with them, and tell them,
as he did, that the issue of money is a function of government, and that the banks ought to
go out of the governing business.
—WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN.
Authority is the great weapon against doubt, but even its force can
rarely prevail against prejudice and persistent wrong-headedness. If any
speaker has been able to forge a sword that is warranted to piece such
armor, let him bless humanity by sharing his secret with his platform
brethren everywhere, for thus far he is alone in his glory.
There is a middle-ground between the suggestion of authority and the
confession of weakness that offers a wide range for tact in the speaker. No
one can advise you when to throw your “hat in the ring” and say defiantly at
the outstart, “Gentlemen, I am here to fight!” Theodore Roosevelt can do
that—Beecher would have been mobbed if he had begun in that style at
Liverpool. It is for your own tact to decide whether you will use the
disarming grace of Henry W. Grady’s introduction just quoted (even the
time-worn joke was ingenuous and seemed to say, “Gentlemen, I come to
you with no carefully-palmed coins”), or whether the solemn gravity of Mr.
Bryan before the Convention will prove to be more effective. Only be sure
that your opening attitude is well thought out, and if it change as you warm
up to your subject, let not the change lay you open to a revulsion of feeling
in your audience.
Example is a powerful means of suggestion. As we saw while thinking
of environment in its effects on an audience, we do, without the usual
amount of hesitation and criticism, what others are doing. Paris wears
certain hats and gowns; the rest of the world imitates. The child mimics the
actions, accents and intonations of the parent. Were a child never to hear
anyone speak, he would never acquire the power of speech, unless under
most arduous training, and even then only imperfectly. One of the biggest
department stores in the United States spends fortunes on one advertising
slogan: “Everybody is going to the big store.” That makes everybody want
to go.
You can reinforce the power of your message by showing that it has
been widely accepted. Political organizations subsidize applause to create
the impression that their speakers’ ideas are warmly received and approved
by the audience. The advocates of the commission-form of government of
cities, the champions of votes for women, reserve as their strongest
arguments the fact that a number of cities and states have already
successfully accepted their plans. Advertisements use the testimonial for its
power of suggestion.
Observe how this principle has been applied in the following selections,
and utilize it on every occasion possible in your attempts to influence
through suggestion:
The war is actually begun. The next gale that sweeps from the North will bring to our
ears the clash of resounding arms. Our brethren are already in the field. Why stand ye here
idle?
—PATRICK HENRY.
With a zeal approaching the zeal which inspired the Crusaders who followed Peter the
Hermit, our silver Democrats went forth from victory unto victory until they are now
assembled, not to discuss, not to debate, but to enter up the judgment already rendered by
the plain people of this country. In this contest brother has been arrayed against brother,
father against son. The warmest ties of love, acquaintance, and association have been
disregarded; old leaders have been cast aside when they refused to give expression to the
sentiments of those whom they would lead, and new leaders have sprung up to give
direction to this cause of truth. Thus has the contest been waged, and we have assembled
here under as binding and solemn instructions as were ever imposed upon representatives
of the people.
—WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN.
Mr. McKinley was nominated at St. Louis upon a platform which declared for the
maintenance of the gold standard until it can be changed into bimetallism by international
agreement. Mr. McKinley was the most popular man among the Republicans, and three
months ago everybody in the Republican party prophesied his election. How is it today?
Why, the man who was once pleased to think that he looked like Napoleon—that man
shudders today when he remembers that he was nominated on the anniversary of the battle
of Waterloo. Not only that, but as he listens he can hear with ever-increasing distinctness
the sound of the waves as they beat upon the lonely shores of St. Helena.
Had Thomas Carlyle said: “A false man cannot found a religion,” his
words would have been neither so suggestive nor so powerful, nor so long
remembered as his implication in these striking words:
A false man found a religion? Why, a false man cannot build a brick house! If he does
not know and follow truly the properties of mortar, burnt clay, and what else he works in, it
is no house that he makes, but a rubbish heap. It will not stand for twelve centuries, to
lodge a hundred and eighty millions; it will fall straightway. A man must conform himself
to Nature’s laws, be verily in communion with Nature and the truth of things, or Nature
will answer him, No, not at all!
Observe how the picture that Webster draws here is much more
emphatic and forceful than any mere assertion could be:
Sir, I know not how others may feel, but as for myself when I see my alma mater
surrounded, like Caesar in the senate house, by those who are reiterating stab after stab, I
would not for this right hand have her turn to me and say, “And thou too, my son!”—
WEBSTER.
The very name of logic is awesome to most young speakers, but so soon
as they come to realize that its processes, even when most intricate, are
merely technical statements of the truths enforced by common sense, it will
lose its terrors. In fact, logic1 is a fascinating subject, well worth the public
speaker’s study, for it explains the principles that govern the use of
argument and proof.
Argumentation is the process of producing conviction by means of
reasoning. Other ways of producing conviction there are, notably
suggestion, as we have just shown, but no means is so high, so worthy of
respect, as the adducing of sound reasons in support of a contention.
Since more than one side of a subject must be considered before we can
claim to have deliberated upon it fairly, we ought to think of argumentation
under two aspects: building up an argument, and tearing down an argument;
that is, you must not only examine into the stability of your structure of
argument so that it may both support the proposition you intend to probe
and yet be so sound that it cannot be overthrown by opponents, but you
must also be so keen to detect defects in argument that you will be able to
demolish the weaker arguments of those who argue against you.
We can consider argumentation only generally, leaving minute and
technical discussions to such excellent works as George P. Baker’s “The
Principles of Argumentation,” and George Jacob Holyoake’s “Public
Speaking and Debate.” Any good college rhetoric also will give help on the
subject, especially the works of John Franklin Genung and Adams Sherman
Hill. The student is urged to familiarize himself with at least one of these
texts.
The following series of questions will, it is hoped, serve a triple
purpose: that of suggesting the forms of proof together with the ways in
which they may be used; that of helping the speaker to test the strength of
his arguments; and that of enabling the speaker to attack his opponent’s
arguments with both keenness and justice.
TESTING AN ARGUMENT
During the Boer War it was found that the average Englishman did not measure up to
the standards of recruiting and the average soldier in the field manifested a low plane of
vitality and endurance. Parliament, alarmed by the disastrous consequences, instituted an
investigation. The commission appointed brought in a finding that alcoholic poisoning was
the great cause of the national degeneracy. The investigations of the commission have been
supplemented by investigations of scientific bodies and individual scientists, all arriving at
the same conclusion. As a consequence, the British Government has placarded the streets
of a hundred cities with billboards setting forth the destructive and degenerating nature of
alcohol and appealing to the people in the name of the nation to desist from drinking
alcoholic beverages. Under efforts directed by the Government the British Army is fast
becoming an army of total abstainers.
The Governments of continental Europe followed the lead of the British Government.
The French Government has placarded France with appeals to the people, attributing the
decline of the birth rate and increase in the death rate to the widespread use of alcoholic
beverages. The experience of the German Government has been the same. The German
Emperor has clearly stated that leadership in war and in peace will be held by the nation
that roots out alcohol. He has undertaken to eliminate even the drinking of beer, so far as
possible, from the German Army and Navy.—RICHMOND PEARSON HOBSON, Before the
U. S. Congress.
Men ought not to smoke tobacco, because to do so is contrary to best medical opinion.
My physician has expressly condemned the practise, and is a medical authority in this
country.
Men ought not to swear profanely, because it is wrong. It is wrong for the reason that
it is contrary to the Moral Law, and it is contrary to the Moral Law because it is contrary to
the Scriptures. It is contrary to the Scriptures because it is contrary to the will of God, and
we know it is contrary to God’s will because it is wrong.
Fiske’s histories are authentic because they contain accurate accounts of American
history, and we know that they are true accounts for otherwise they would not be contained
in these authentic works.
12. What do you understand from the terms “reasoning from effect to
cause” and “from cause to effect?” Give examples.
13. What principle did Richmond Pearson Hobson employ in the
following?
What is the police power of the States? The police power of the Federal Government
or the State—any sovereign State—has been defined. Take the definition given by
Blackstone, which is:
The due regulation and domestic order of the Kingdom, whereby the
inhabitants of a State, like members of a well-governed family, are bound to
conform their general behavior to the rules of propriety, of neighborhood
and good manners, and to be decent, industrious, and inoffensive in their
respective stations.
Would this amendment interfere with any State carrying on the promotion of its
domestic order?
Or you can take the definition in another form, in which it is given by Mr. Tiedeman,
when he says:
The business of manufacturing and selling liquor is one that affects the
public interests in many ways and leads to many disorders. It has a tendency
to increase pauperism and crime. It renders a large force of peace officers
essential, and it adds to the expense of the courts and of nearly all branches
of civil administration.
Ye are the salt of the earth; but if the salt have lost his savour, wherewith shall it be
salted? it is thenceforth good for nothing but to be cast out, and to be trodden under foot of
men.
Behold the fowls of the air; for they sow not, neither do they reap nor gather into
barns; yet your heavenly Father feedeth them. Are ye not much better than they?
And why take ye thought for raiment? Consider the lilies of the field; how they grow;
they toil not, neither do they spin; And yet I say unto you, that even Solomon in all his
glory was not arrayed like one of these. Wherefore, if God so clothe the grass of the field,
which today is, and tomorrow is cast into the oven, shall he not much more clothe you, O
ye of little faith?
Or what man is there of you, whom if his son ask bread, will he give him a stone? Or
if he ask a fish, will he give him a serpent? If ye then, being evil, know how to give good
gifts unto your children, how much more shall your Father which is in heaven give good
things to them that ask him?
16. Prepare either the positive or the negative side of the following
question for debate: The recall of judges should be adopted as a national
principle.
17. Is this question debatable? Benedict Arnold was a gentleman. Give
reasons for your answer.
18. Criticise any street or dinner-table argument you have heard
recently.
19. Test the reasoning of any of the speeches given in this volume.
20. Make a short speech arguing in favor of instruction in public
speaking in the public evening schools.
21. (a) Clip a newspaper editorial in which the reasoning is weak. (b)
Criticise it. (c) Correct it.
22. Make a list of three subjects for debate, selected from the monthly
magazines.
23. Do the same from the newspapers.
24. Choosing your own question and side, prepare a brief suitable for a
ten-minute debating argument. The following models of briefs may help
you:
DEBATE
RESOLVED: That armed intervention is not justifiable on the part of any
nation to collect, in behalf of private individuals, financial claims against
any American nation.1
BRIEF OF AFFIRMATIVE ARGUMENT
First speaker—Chafee
Armed intervention for collection of private claims from any American
nation is not justifiable, for
1. It is wrong in principle, because
(a) It violates the fundamental principles of international law for a
very slight cause
(b) It is contrary to the proper function of the State, and
(c) It is contrary to justice, since claims are exaggerated.
Second speaker—Hurley
2. It is disastrous in its results, because
(a) It incurs danger of grave international complications
(b) It tends to increase the burden of debt in the South American
republics
(c) It encourages a waste of the world’s capital, and
(d) It disturbs peace and stability in South America.
Third speaker—Bruce
3. It is unnecessary to collect in this way, because
(a) Peaceful methods have succeeded
(b) If these should fail, claims should be settled by The Hague
Tribunal
(c) The fault has always been with European States when force has
been used, and
(d) In any case, force should not be used, for it counteracts the
movement towards peace.
Second speaker—Stone
Third speaker—Dennett
1 McCosh’s Logic is a helpful volume, and not too technical for the beginner. A brief
digest of logical principles as applied to public speaking is contained in How to Attract and
Hold an Audience, by J. Berg Eaenwein.
1 For those who would make a further study of the syllogism the following rules are
given: 1. In a syllogism there should be only three terms. 2. Of these three only one can be
the middle term. 3. One premise must be affirmative. 4. The conclusion must be negative if
either premise is negative. 5. To prove a negative, one of the premises must be negative.
Summary of Regulating Principles: 1. Terms which agree with the same thing agree
with each other; and when only one of two terms agrees with a third term, the two terms
disagree with each other. 2. “Whatever is affirmed of a class may be affirmed of all the
members of that class,” and “Whatever is denied of a class may be denied of all the
members of that class.”
1 All the speakers were from Brown University. The affirmative briefs were used in
debate with the Dartmouth College team, and the negative briefs were used in debate with
the Williams College team. From The Speaker, by permission.
CHAPTER XXIV
INFLUENCING BY PERSUASION
Him we call an artist who shall play on an assembly of men as a master on the keys of
a piano,—who seeing the people furious, shall soften and compose them, shall draw them,
when he will, to laughter and to tears. Bring him to his audience, and, be they who they
may,—coarse or refined, pleased or displeased, sulky or savage, with their opinions in the
keeping of a confessor or with their opinions in their bank safes,—he will have them
pleased and humored as he chooses; and they shall carry and execute what he bids them.
—RALPH WALDO EMERSON, Essay on Eloquence.
More good and more ill have been effected by persuasion than by any
other form of speech. It is an attempt to influence by means of appeal to
some particular interest held important by the hearer. Its motive may be
high or low fair or unfair, honest or dishonest, calm or passionate, and
hence its scope is unparalleled in public speaking.
This “instilment of conviction,” to use Matthew Arnold’s expression, is
naturally a complex process in that it usually includes argumentation and
often employs suggestion, as the next chapter will illustrate. In fact, there is
little public speaking worthy of the name that is not in some part
persuasive, for men rarely speak solely to alter men’s opinions—the ulterior
purpose is almost always action.
The nature of persuasion is not solely intellectual, but is largely
emotional. It uses every principle of public speaking, and every “form of
discourse,” to use a rhetorician’s expression, but argument supplemented by
special appeal is its peculiar quality. This we may best see by examining
The Methods of Persuasion
What has been the practical statesmanship which comes from your ideals and your
sentimentalities? You have wasted nearly six hundred millions of treasure. You have
sacrificed nearly ten thousand American lives—the flower of our youth. You have
devastated provinces. You have slain uncounted thousands of the people you desire to
benefit. You have established reconcentration camps. Your generals are coming home from
their harvest bringing sheaves with them, in the shape of other thousands of sick and
wounded and insane to drag out miserable lives, wrecked in body and mind. You make the
American flag in the eyes of a numerous people the emblem of sacrilege in Christian
churches, and of the burning of human dwellings, and of the horror of the water torture.
Your practical statesmanship which disdains to take George Washington and Abraham
Lincoln or the soldiers of the Revolution or of the Civil War as models, has looked in some
cases to Spain for your example. I believe—nay, I know—that in general our officers and
soldiers are humane. But in some cases they have carried on your warfare with a mixture of
American ingenuity and Castilian cruelty.
Your practical statesmanship has succeeded in converting a people who three years
ago were ready to kiss the hem of the garment of the American and to welcome him as a
liberator, who thronged after your men, when they landed on those islands, with
benediction and gratitude, into sullen and irreconciliable enemies, possessed of a hatred
which centuries cannot eradicate.
Mr. President, this is the eternal law of human nature. You may struggle against it, you
may try to escape it, you may persuade yourself that your intentions are benevolent, that
your yoke will be easy and your burden will be light, but it will assert itself again.
Government without the consent of the governed—authority which heaven never gave—
can only be supported by means which heaven never can sanction.
The American people have got this one question to answer. They may answer it now;
they can take ten years, or twenty years, or a generation, or a century to think of it. But will
not down. They must answer it in the end: Can you lawfully buy with money, or get by
brute force of arms, the right to hold in subjugation an unwilling people, and to impose on
them such constitution as you, and not they, think best for them?
Senator Hoar then went on to make another sort of appeal—the appeal
to fact and experience:
We have answered this question a good many times in the past. The fathers answered
it in 1776, and founded the Republic upon their answer, which has been the corner-stone.
John Quincy Adams and James Monroe answered it again in the Monroe Doctrine, which
John Quincy Adams declared was only the doctrine of the consent of the governed. The
Republican party answered it when it took possession of the force of government at the
beginning of the most brilliant period in all legislative history. Abraham Lincoln answered
it when, on that fatal journey to Washington in 1861, he announced that as the doctrine of
his political creed, and declared, with prophetic vision, that he was ready to be assassinated
for it if need be. You answered it again yourselves when you said that Cuba, who had no
more title than the people of the Philippine Islands had to their independence, of right
ought to be free and independent.
—GEORGE F. HOAR.
Appeal to the things that man holds dear is another potent form of
persuasion.
Joseph Story, in his great Salem speech (1828) used this method most
dramatically:
I call upon you, fathers, by the shades of your ancestors—by the dear ashes which
repose in this precious soil—by all you are, and all you hope to be—resist every object of
disunion, resist every encroachment upon your liberties, resist every attempt to fetter your
consciences, or smother your public schools, or extinguish your system of public
instruction.
I call upon you, mothers, by that which never fails in woman, the love of your
offspring; teach them, as they climb your knees, or lean on your bosoms, the blessings of
liberty. Swear them at the altar, as with their baptismal vows, to be true to their country,
and never to forget or forsake her.
I call upon you, young men, to remember whose sons you are; whose inheritance you
possess. Life can never be too short, which brings nothing but disgrace and oppression.
Death never comes too soon, if necessary in defence of the liberties of your country.
I call upon you, old men, for your counsels, and your prayers, and your benedictions.
May not your gray hairs go down in sorrow to the grave, with the recollection that you
have lived in vain. May not your last sun sink in the west upon a nation of slaves.
No; I read in the destiny of my country far better hopes, far brighter visions. We, who
are now assembled here, must soon be gathered to the congregation of other days. The time
of our departure is at hand, to make way for our children upon the theatre of life. May God
speed them and theirs. May he who, at the distance of another century, shall stand here to
celebrate this day, still look round upon a free, happy, and virtuous people. May he have
reason to exult as we do. May he, with all the enthusiasm of truth as well as of poetry,
exclaim, that here is still his country.—JOSEPH STORY.
Through no fault nor wish of ours we are at war with Germany, the power which owes
its existence to three well-thought-out wars; the power which, for the last twenty years, has
devoted itself to organizing and preparing for this war; the power which is now fighting to
conquer the civilized world.
For the last two generations the Germans in their books, lectures, speeches and schools
have been carefully taught that nothing less than this world-conquest was the object of their
preparations and their sacrifices. They have prepared carefully and sacrificed greatly.
We must have men and men and men, if we, with our allies, are to check the onrush of
organized barbarism.
Have no illusions. We are dealing with a strong and magnificently equipped enemy,
whose avowed aim is our complete destruction. The violation of Belgium, the attack on
France and the defense against Russia, are only steps by the way. The German’s real
objective, as she always has told us, is England, and England’s wealth, trade and
worldwide possessions.
If you assume, for an instant, that the attack will be successful, England will not be
reduced, as some people say, to the rank of a second rate power, but we shall cease to exist
as a nation. We shall become an outlying province of Germany, to be administered with
that severity German safety and interest require.
We are against such a fate. We enter into a new life in which all the facts of war that
we had put behind or forgotten for the last hundred years, have returned to the front and
test us as they tested our fathers. It will be a long and a hard road, beset with difficulties
and discouragements, but we tread it together and we will tread it together to the end.
Our petty social divisions and barriers have been swept away at the outset of our
mighty struggle. All the interests of our life of six weeks ago are dead. We have but one
interest now, and that touches the naked heart of every man in this island and in the empire.
If we are to win the right for ourselves and for freedom to exist on earth, every man
must offer himself for that service and that sacrifice.
From these examples it will be seen that the particular way in which the
speakers appealed to their hearers was by coming close home to their
interests, and by themselves showing emotion—two very important
principles which you must keep constantly in mind.
To accomplish the former requires a deep knowledge of human motive
in general and an understanding of the particular audience addressed. What
are the motives that arouse men to action? Think of them earnestly, set them
down on the tablets of your mind, study how to appeal to them worthily.
Then, what motives would be likely to appeal to your hearers? What are
their ideals and interests in life? A mistake in your estimate may cost you
your case. To appeal to pride in appearance would make one set of men
merely laugh—to try to arouse sympathy for the Jews in Palestine would be
wasted effort among others. Study your audience, feel your way, and when
you have once raised a spark, fan it into a flame by every honest resource
you possess.
The larger your audience the more sure you are to find a universal basis
of appeal. A small audience of bachelor’s will not grow excited over the
importance of furniture insurance; most men can be roused to the defense of
the freedom of the press.
Patent medicine advertisement usually begins by talking about your
pains—they begin on your interests. If they first discussed the size and
rating of their establishment, or the efficacy of their remedy, you would
never read the “ad.” If they can make you think you have nervous troubles
you will even plead for a remedy—they will not have to try to sell it.
The patent medicine men are pleading—asking you to invest your
money in their commodity—yet they do not appear to be doing so. They get
over on your side of the fence and arouse a desire for their nostrums by
appealing to your own interests.
Recently a book-salesman entered an attorney’s office in New York and
inquired: “Do you want to buy a book?” Had the lawyer wanted a book he
would probably have bought one without waiting for a book-salesman to
call. The solicitor made the same mistake as the representative who made
his approach with: “I want to sell you a sewing machine.” They both talked
only in terms of their own interests.
The successful pleader must convert his arguments into terms of his
hearers’ advantage. Mankind are still selfish. They are interested in what
will serve them. Expunge from your address your own personal concern
and present your appeal in terms of the general good, and to do this you
need not be insincere, for you had better not plead any cause that is not for
the hearers’ good. Notice how Senator Thurston in his plea for intervention
in Cuba and Mr. Bryan in his “Cross of Gold” speech constituted
themselves the apostles of humanity.
Exhortation is a highly impassioned form of appeal, frequently used by
the pulpit in efforts to arouse men to a sense of duty and induce them to
decide their personal courses, and by counsel in seeking to influence a jury.
The great preachers, like the great jury-lawyers, have always been masters
of persuasion.
Notice the difference among these four exhortations, and analyze the
motives appealed to:
Revenge! About! Seek! Burn! Fire! Kill! Slay! Let not a traitor live!—
SHAKESPEARE, Julius Cæsar.
Strike—till the last armed foe expires,
Strike—for your altars and your fires,
Strike—for the green graves of your sires,
God—and your native land!
—FITZ-GREENE HALLECK, Marco Bozzaris.
Believe, gentlemen, if it were not for those children, he would not come here to-day to
seek such remuneration; if it were not that, by your verdict, you may prevent those little
innocent defrauded wretches from becoming wandering beggars, as well as orphans on the
face of this earth. Oh, I know I need not ask this verdict from your mercy; I need not extort
it from your compassion; I will receive it from your justice. I do conjure you, not as
fathers, but as husbands:—not as husbands, but as citizens:—not as citizens, but as men:—
not as men, but as
Christians:—by all your obligations, public, private, moral, and religious; by the
hearth profaned; by the home desolated; by the canons of the living God foully spurned;—
save, oh; save your firesides from the contagion, your country from the crime, and perhaps
thousands, yet unborn, from the shame, and sin, and sorrow of this example!
—CHARLES PHILLIPS, Appeal to the jury in behalf of Guthrie.
So I appeal from the men in silken hose who danced to music made by slaves and
called it freedom, from the men in bell-crown hats who led Hester Prynne to her shame and
called it religion, to that Americanism which reaches forth its arms to smite wrong with
reason and truth, secure in the power of both. I appeal from the patriarchs of New England
to the poets of New England; from Endicott to Lowell; from Winthrop to Longfellow; from
Norton to Holmes; and I appeal in the name and by the rights of that common citizenship
—of that common origin, back of both the Puritan and the Cavalier, to which all of us owe
our being. Let the dead past, consecrated by the blood of its martyrs, not by its savage
hatreds, darkened alike by kingcraft and priestcraft—let the dead past bury its dead. Let the
present and the future ring with the song of the singers. Blessed be the lessons they teach,
the laws they make. Blessed be the eye to see, the light to reveal. Blessed be tolerance,
sitting ever on the right hand of God to guide the way with loving word, as blessed be all
that brings us nearer the goal of true religion, true republicanism, and true patriotism,
distrust of watchwords and labels, shams and heroes, belief in our country and ourselves. It
was not Cotton Mather, but John Greenleaf Whittier, who cried:
Goethe, on being reproached for not having written war songs against
the French, replied, “In my poetry I have never shammed. How could I
have written songs of hate without hatred?” Neither is it possible to plead
with full efficiency for a cause for which you do not feel deeply. Feeling is
contagious as belief is contagious. The speaker who pleads with real feeling
for his own convictions will instill his feelings into his listeners. Sincerity,
force, enthusiasm, and above all, feeling—these are the qualities that move
multitudes and make appeals irresistible. They are of far greater importance
than technical principles of delivery, grace of gesture, or polished
enunciation—important as all these elements must doubtless be considered.
Base your appeal on reason, but do not end in the basement—let the
building rise, full of deep emotion and noble persuasion.
1. (a) What elements of appeal do you find in the following? (b) Is it too
florid? (c) Is this style equally powerful today? (d) Are the sentences too
long and involved for clearness and force?
Oh, gentlemen, am I this day only the counsel of my client? No, no; I am the advocate
of humanity—of yourselves—your homes—your wives—your families—your little
children. I am glad that this case exhibits such atrocity; unmarked as it is by any mitigatory
feature, it may stop the frightful advance of this calamity; it will be met now, and marked
with vengeance. If it be not, farewell to the virtues of your country; farewell to all
confidence between man and man; farewell to that unsuspicious and reciprocal tenderness,
without which marriage is but a consecrated curse. If oaths are to be violated, laws
disregarded, friendship betrayed, humanity trampled, national and individual honor stained,
and if a jury of fathers and of husbands will give such miscreancy a passport to their
homes, and wives, and daughters,—farewell to all that yet remains of Ireland! But I will
not cast such a doubt upon the character of my country. Against the sneer of the foe, and
the skepticism of the foreigner, I will still point to the domestic virtues, that no perfidy
could barter, and no bribery can purchase, that with a Roman usage, at once embellish and
consecrate households, giving to the society of the hearth all the purity of the altar; that
lingering alike in the palace and the cottage, are still to be found scattered over this land—
the relic of what she was—the source perhaps of what she may be—the lone, the stately,
and magnificent memorials, that rearing their majesty amid surrounding ruins, serve at
once as the landmarks of the departed glory, and the models by which the future may be
erected.
Preserve those virtues with a vestal fidelity; mark this day, by your verdict, your horror
of their profanation; and believe me, when the hand which records that verdict shall be
dust, and the tongue that asks it, traceless in the grave, many a happy home will bless its
consequences, and many a mother teach her little child to hate the impious treason of
adultery.
—CHARLES PHILLIPS.
2. Analyze and criticise the forms of appeal used in the selections from
Hoar, Story, and Kipling.
3. What is the type of persuasion used by Senator Thurston (page 50)?
4. Cite two examples each, from selections in this volume, in which
speakers sought to be persuasive by securing the hearers’ (a) sympathy for
themselves; (b) sympathy with their subjects; (c)self-pity.
5. Make a short address using persuasion.
6. What other methods of persuasion than those here mentioned can you
name?
7. Is it easier to persuade men to change their course of conduct than to
persuade them to continue in a given course? Give examples to support
your belief.
8. In how far are we justified in making an appeal to self-interest in
order to lead men to adopt a given course?
9. Does the merit of the course have any bearing on the merit of the
methods used?
10. Illustrate an unworthy method of using persuasion.
11. Deliver a short speech on the value of skill in persuasion.
12. Does effective persuasion always produce conviction?
13. Does conviction always result in action?
14. Is it fair for counsel to appeal to the emotions of a jury in a murder
trial?
15. Ought the judge use persuasion in making his charge?
16. Say how self-consciousness may hinder the power of persuasion in a
speaker.
17. Is emotion without words ever persuasive? If so, illustrate.
18. Might gestures without words be persuasive? If so, illustrate.
19. Has posture in a speaker anything to do with persuasion? Discuss.
20. Has voice? Discuss.
21. Has manner? Discuss.
22. What effect does personal magnetism have in producing conviction?
23. Discuss the relation of persuasion to (a) description; (b) narration;
(c) exposition; (d) pure reason.
24. What is the effect of over-persuasion?
25. Make a short speech on the effect of the constant use of persuasion
on the sincerity of the speaker himself.
26. Show by example how a general statement is not as persuasive as a
concrete example illustrating the point being discussed.
27. Show by example how brevity is of value in persuasion.
28. Discuss the importance of avoiding an antagonistic attitude in
persuasion.
29. What is the most persuasive passage you have found in the
selections of this volume. On what do you base your decision?
30. Cite a persuasive passage from some other source. Read or recite it
aloud.
31. Make a list of the emotional bases of appeal, grading them from low
to high, according to your estimate.
32. Would circumstances make any difference in such grading? If so,
give examples.
33. Deliver a short, passionate appeal to a jury, pleading for justice to a
poor widow.
34. Deliver a short appeal to men to give up some evil way.
35. Criticise the structure of the sentence beginning with the last line of
page 296.
CHAPTER XXV
INFLUENCING THE CROWD
Success in business, in the last analysis, turns upon touching the imagination of
crowds. The reason that preachers in this present generation are less successful in getting
people to want goodness than business men are in getting them to want motorcars, hats,
and pianolas, is that business men as a class are more close and desperate students of
human nature, and have boned down harder to the art of touching the imaginations of the
crowds.—GERALD STANLEY LEE, Crowds.
Today the crowd is as real a factor in our socialized life as are magnates
and monopolies. It is too complex a problem merely to damn or praise it—it
must be reckoned with, and mastered. The present problem is how to get the
most and the best out of the crowd-spirit, and the public speaker finds this
to be peculiarly his own question. His influence is multiplied if he can only
transmute his audience into a crowd. His affirmations must be their
conclusions.
This can be accomplished by unifying the minds and needs of the
audience and arousing their emotions. Their feelings, not their reason, must
be played upon—it is “up to” him to do this nobly. Argument has its place
on the platform, but even its potencies must subserve the speaker’s plan of
attack to win possession of his audience.
Reread the chapter on “Feeling and Enthusiasm.” It is impossible to
make an audience a crowd without appealing to their emotions. Can you
imagine the average group becoming a crowd while hearing a lecture on
Dry Fly Fishing, or on Egyptian Art? On the other hand, it would not have
required world-famous eloquence to have turned any audience in Ulster, in
1914, into a crowd by discussing the Home Rule Act. The crowd-spirit
depends largely on the subject used to fuse their individualities into one
glowing whole.
Note how Antony played upon the feelings of his hearers in the famous
funeral oration given by Shakespeare in “Julius Cæsar.” From murmuring
units the men became a unit—a mob.
I. WHAT IS IMAGINATION?
Let us not seek for a definition, for a score of varying ones may be
found, but let us grasp this fact: By imagination we mean either the faculty
or the process of forming mental images.
The subject-matter of imagination may be really existent in nature, or
not at all real, or a combination of both; it may be physical or spiritual, or
both—the mental image is at once the most lawless and the most law-
abiding child that has ever been born of the mind.
First of all, as its name suggests, the process of imagination—for we are
thinking of it now as a process rather than as a faculty—is memory at work.
Therefore we must consider it primarily as
1. Reproductive Imagination
2. Productive Imagination
All of the foregoing examples, and doubtless also many of the
experiments you yourself may originate, are merely reproductive.
Pleasurable or horrific as these may be, they are far less important than the
images evoked by the productive imagination—though that does not infer a
separate faculty.
Recall, again for experiment, some scene whose beginning you once
saw enacted on a street corner but passed by before the dénouement was
ready to be disclosed. Recall it all—that far the image is reproductive. But
what followed? Let your fantasy roam at pleasure—the succeeding scenes
are productive, for you have more or less consciously invented the unreal
on the basis of the real.
And just here the fictionist, the poet, and the public speaker will see the
value of productive imagery. True, the feet of the idol you build are on the
ground, but its head pierces the clouds, it is a son of both earth and heaven.
One fact it is important to note here: Imagery is a valuable mental asset
in proportion as it is controlled by the higher intellectual power of pure
reason. The untutored child of nature thinks largely in images and therefore
attaches to them undue importance. He readily confuses the real with the
unreal—to him they are of like value. But the man of training readily
distinguishes the one from the other and evaluates each with some, if not
with perfect, justice.
So we see that unrestrained imaging may produce a rudderless steamer,
while the trained faculty is the graceful sloop, skimming the seas at her
skipper’s will, her course steadied by the helm of reason and her lightsome
wings catching every air of heaven.
The game of chess, the war-lord’s tactical plan, the evolution of a
geometrical theorem, the devising of a great business campaign, the
elimination of waste in a factory, the dénouement of a powerful drama, the
overcoming of an economic obstacle, the scheme for a sublime poem, and
the convincing siege of an audience may—nay, indeed must—each be
conceived in an image and wrought to reality according to the plans and
specifications laid upon the trestle board by some modern imaginative
Hiram. The farmer who would be content with the seed he possesses would
have no harvest. Do not rest satisfied with the ability to recall images, but
cultivate your creative imagination by building “what might be” upon the
foundation of “what is.”
By this time you will have already made some general application of
these ideas to the art of the platform, but to several specific uses we must
now refer.
1. Imaging in Speech-Preparation
(a) Set the image of your audience before you while you prepare.
Disappointment may lurk here, and you cannot be forearmed for every
emergency, but in the main you must meet your audience before you
actually do—image its probable mood and attitude toward the occasion, the
theme, and the speaker.
(b) Conceive your speech as a whole while you are preparing its parts,
else can you not see—image—how its parts shall be fitly framed together.
(c) Image the language you will use, so far as written or
extemporaneous speech may dictate. The habit of imaging will give you
choice of varied figures of speech, for remember that an address without
fresh comparisons is like a garden without blooms. Do not be content with
the first hackneyed figure that comes flowing to your pen-point, but dream
on until the striking, the unusual, yet the vividly real comparison points
your thought like steel does the arrow-tip.
Note the freshness and effectiveness of the following description from
the opening of O. Henry’s story, “The Harbinger.”
Long before the springtide is felt in the dull bosom of the yokel does the city man
know that the grass-green goddess is upon her throne. He sits at his breakfast eggs and
toast, begirt by stone walls, opens his morning paper and sees journalism leave vernalism
at the post.
For whereas Spring’s couriers were once the evidence of our finer senses, now the
Associated Press does the trick.
The warble of the first robin in Hackensack, the stirring of the maple sap in
Bennington, the budding of the pussy willows along the main street in Syracuse, the first
chirp of the blue bird, the swan song of the blue point, the annual tornado in St. Louis, the
plaint of the peach pessimist from Pompton, N. J., the regular visit of the tame wild goose
with a broken leg to the pond near Bilgewater Junction, the base attempt of the Drug Trust
to boost the price of quinine foiled in the House by Congressman Jinks, the first tall poplar
struck by lightning and the usual stunned picknickers who had taken refuge, the first crack
of the ice jamb in the Allegheny River, the finding of a violet in its mossy bed by the
correspondent at Round Corners—these are the advanced signs of the burgeoning season
that are wired into the wise city, while the farmer sees nothing but winter upon his dreary
fields.
But these be mere externals. The true harbinger is the heart. When Strephon seeks his
Chloe and Mike his Maggie, then only is Spring arrived and the newspaper report of the
five foot rattler killed in Squire Pettregrew’s pasture confirmed.
A hackneyed writer would probably have said that the newspaper told
the city man about spring before the farmer could see any evidence of it, but
that the real harbinger of spring was love and that “In the Spring a young
man’s fancy lightly turns to thoughts of love.”
2. Imaging in Speech-Delivery
When once the passion of speech is on you and you are “warmed up”—
perhaps by striking till the iron is hot so that you may not fail to strike when
it is hot—your mood will be one of vision.
Then (a) Re-image past emotion—of which more elsewhere. The actor
re-calls the old feelings every time he renders his telling lines.
(b) Reconstruct in image the scenes you are to describe.
(c) Image the objects in nature whose tone you are delineating, so that
bearing and voice and movement (gesture) will picture forth the whole
convincingly. Instead of merely stating the fact that whiskey ruins homes,
the temperance speaker paints a drunkard coming home to abuse his wife
and strike his children. It is much more effective than telling the truth in
abstract terms. To depict the cruelness of war, do not assert the fact
abstractly—“War is cruel.” Show the soldier, an arm swept away by a
bursting shell, lying on the battlefield pleading for water; show the children
with tear-stained faces pressed against the window pane praying for their
dead father to return. Avoid general and prosaic terms. Paint pictures.
Evolve images for the imagination of your audience to construct into
pictures of their own.
You remember the American statesman who asserted that “the way to
resume is to resume”? The application is obvious. Beginning with the first
simple analyses of this chapter, test your own qualities of image-making.
One by one practise the several kinds of images; then add—even invent—
others in combination, for many images come to us in complex form, like
the combined noise and shoving and hot odor of a cheering crowd.
After practising on reproductive imaging, turn to the productive,
beginning with the reproductive and adding productive features for the sake
of cultivating invention.
Frequently, allow your originating gifts full swing by weaving complete
imaginary fabrics—sights, sounds, scenes; all the fine world of fantasy lies
open to the journeyings of your winged steed.
In like manner train yourself in the use of figurative language. Learn
first to distinguish and then to use its varied forms. When used with
restraint, nothing can be more effective than the trope; but once let
extravagance creep in by the window, and power will flee by the door.
All in all, master your images—let not them master you.
Whenever I read a book or a passage that particularly pleased me, in which a thing
was said or an effect rendered with propriety, in which there was either some conspicuous
force or some happy distinction in the style, I must sit down at once and set myself to ape
that quality. I was unsuccessful, and I knew it; and tried again, and was again unsuccessful,
and always unsuccessful; but at least in these vain bouts I got some practice in rhythm, in
harmony, in construction and coordination of parts.
I have thus played the sedulous ape to Hazlitt, to Lamb, to Wordsworth, to Sir Thomas
Browne, to Defoe, to Hawthorne, to Montaigne.
That, like it or not, is the way to learn to write; whether I have profited or not, that is
the way. It was the way Keats learned, and there never was a finer temperament for
literature than Keats’.
It is the great point of these imitations that there still shines beyond the student’s
reach, his inimitable model. Let him try as he please, he is still sure of failure; and it is an
old and very true saying that failure is the only highroad to success.
“Sixty years and more ago, Lord Brougham, addressing the students of
the University of Glasgow, laid down the rule that the native (Anglo-Saxon)
part of our vocabulary was to be favored at the expense of that other part
which has come from the Latin and Greek. The rule was an impossible one,
and Lord Brougham himself never tried seriously to observe it; nor, in truth,
has any great writer made the attempt. Not only is our language highly
composite, but the component words have, in De Quincey’s phrase,
‘happily coalesced.’ It is easy to jest at words in -osity and -ation, as
‘dictionary’ words, and the like. But even Lord Brougham would have
found it difficult to dispense with pomposity and imagination.”1
The short, vigorous Anglo-Saxon will always be preferred for passages
of special thrust and force, just as the Latin will continue to furnish us with
flowing and smooth expressions; to mingle all sorts, however, will give
variety—and that is most to be desired.
Books of reference are tripled in value when their owner has a passion
for getting the kernels out of their shells. Ten minutes a day will do wonders
for the nut-cracker. “I am growing so peevish about my writing,” says
Flaubert. “I am like a man whose ear is true, but who plays falsely on the
violin: his fingers refuse to reproduce precisely those sounds of which he
has the inward sense. Then the tears come rolling down from the poor
scraper’s eyes and the bow falls from his hand.”
The same brilliant Frenchman sent this sound advice to his pupil, Guy
de Maupassant: “Whatever may be the thing which one wishes to say, there
is but one word for expressing it, only one verb to animate it, only one
adjective to qualify it. It is essential to search for this word, for this verb,
for this adjective, until they are discovered, and to be satisfied with nothing
else.”
Walter Savage Landor once wrote: “I hate false words, and seek with
care, difficulty, and moroseness those that fit the thing.” So did Sentimental
Tommy, as related by James M. Barrie in his novel bearing his hero’s name
as a title. No wonder T. Sandys became an author and a lion!
Tommy, with another lad, is writing an essay on “A Day in Church,” in
competition for a university scholarship. He gets on finely until he pauses
for lack of a word. For nearly an hour he searches for this elusive thing,
until suddenly he is told that the allotted time is up, and he has lost! Barrie
may tell the rest:
Essay! It was no more an essay than a twig is a tree, for the gowk had stuck in the
middle of his second page. Yes, stuck is the right expression, as his chagrined teacher had
to admit when the boy was cross-examined. He had not been “up to some of his tricks;” he
had stuck, and his explanations, as you will admit, merely emphasized his incapacity.
He had brought himself to public scorn for lack of a word. What word? they asked
testily; but even now he could not tell. He had wanted a Scotch word that would signify
how many people were in church, and it was on the tip of his tongue, but would come no
farther. Puckle was nearly the word, but it did not mean so many people as he meant. The
hour had gone by just like winking; he had forgotten all about time while searching his
mind for the word.
. . . . . . . .
The other five [examiners] were furious. . . . “You little tattie doolie,” Cathro roared,
“were there not a dozen words to wile from if you had an ill-will to puckle? What ailed you
at manzy, or—”
“I thought of manzy,” replied Tommy, woefully, for he was ashamed of himself, “but
—but a manzy’s a swarm. It would mean that the folk in the kirk were buzzing thegither
like bees, instead of sitting still.”
“Even if it does mean that,” said Mr. Duthie, with impatience, “what was the need of
being so particular? Surely the art of essay-writing consists in using the first word that
comes and hurrying on.”
“That’s how I did,” said the proud McLauchlan [Tommy’s successful competitor]. . . .
“I see,” interposed Mr. Gloag, “that McLauchlan speaks of there being a mask of
people in the church. Mask is a fine Scotch word.”
“I thought of mask,” whimpered Tommy, “but that would mean the kirk was crammed,
and I just meant it to be middling full.”
“Flow would have done,” suggested Mr. Lorrimer.
“Flow’s but a handful,” said Tommy.
“Curran, then, you jackanapes!”
“Curran’s no enough.”
Mr. Lorrimer flung up his hands in despair.
“I wanted something between curran and mask,” said Tommy, doggedly, yet almost at
the crying.
Mr. Ogilvy, who had been hiding his admiration with difficulty, spread a net for him.
“You said you wanted a word that meant middling full. Well, why did you not say middling
full—or fell mask?”
“Yes, why not?” demanded the ministers, unconsciously caught in the net.
“I wanted one word,” replied Tommy, unconsciously avoiding it.
“You jewel!” muttered Mr. Ogilvy under his breath, but Mr. Cathro would have
banged the boy’s head had not the ministers interfered.
“It is so easy, too, to find the right word,” said Mr. Gloag.
“It’s no; it’s difficult as to hit a squirrel,” cried Tommy, and again Mr. Ogilvy nodded
approval.
. . . . . . . .
And then an odd thing happened. As they were preparing to leave the school [Cathro
having previously run Tommy out by the neck], the door opened a little and there appeared
in the aperture the face of Tommy, tear-stained but excited. “I ken the word now,” he cried,
“it came to me a’ at once; it is hantle!”
Mr. Ogilvy .... said in an ecstasy to himself, “He had to think of it till he got it—and he
got it. The laddie is a genius!”
Many an orator, like Thackeray, has made the best part of his speech to
himself—on the way home from the lecture hall. Presence of mind—it
remained for Mark Twain to observe—is greatly promoted by absence of
body. A hole in the memory is no less a common complaint than a
distressing one.
Henry Ward Beecher was able to deliver one of the world’s greatest
addresses at Liverpool because of his excellent memory. In speaking of the
occasion Mr. Beecher said that all the events, arguments and appeals that he
had ever heard or read or written seemed to pass before his mind as
oratorical weapons, and standing there he had but to reach forth his hand
and “seize the weapons as they went smoking by.” Ben Jonson could repeat
all he had written. Scaliger memorized the Iliad in three weeks. Locke says:
“Without memory, man is a perpetual infant.” Quintilian and Aristotle
regarded it as a measure of genius.
Now all this is very good. We all agree that a reliable memory is an
invaluable possession for the speaker. We never dissent for a moment when
we are solemnly told that his memory should be a storehouse from which at
pleasure he can draw facts, fancies, and illustrations. But can the memory
be trained to act as the warder for all the truths that we have gained from
thinking, reading, and experience? And if so, how? Let us see.
Twenty years ago a poor immigrant boy, employed as a dish washer in
New York, wandered into the Cooper Union and began to read a copy of
Henry George’s “Progress and Poverty.” His passion for knowledge was
awakened, and he became a habitual reader. But he found that he was not
able to remember what he read, so he began to train his naturally poor
memory until he became the world’s greatest memory expert. This man was
the late Mr. Felix Berol. Mr. Berol could tell the population of any town in
the world, of more than five thousand inhabitants. He could recall the
names of forty strangers who had just been introduced to him and was able
to tell which had been presented third, eighth, seventeenth, or in any order.
He knew the date of every important event in history, and could not only
recall an endless array of facts but could correlate them perfectly.
To what extent Mr. Berol’s remarkable memory was natural and
required only attention, for its development, seems impossible to determine
with exactness, but the evidence clearly indicates that, however useless
were many of his memory feats, a highly retentive memory was developed
where before only “a good forgettery” existed.
The freak memory is not worth striving for, but a good working
memory decidedly is. Your power as a speaker will depend to a large extent
upon your ability to retain impressions and call them forth when occasion
demands, and that sort of memory is like muscle—it responds to training.
What Not to Do
Concentrated attention at the time when you wish to store the mind is
the first step in memorizing—and the most important one by far. You forgot
the fourth of the list of articles your wife asked you to bring home chiefly
because you allowed your attention to waver for an instant when she was
telling you. Attention may not be concentrated attention. When a siphon is
charged with gas it is sufficiently filled with the carbonic acid vapor to
make its influence felt; a mind charged with an idea is charged to a degree
sufficient to hold it. Too much charging will make the siphon burst; too
much attention to trifles leads to insanity. Adequate attention, then, is the
fundamental secret of remembering.
Generally we do not give a fact adequate attention when it does not
seem important. Almost everyone has seen how the seeds in an apple point,
and has memorized the date of Washington’s death. Most of us have—
perhaps wisely—forgotten both. The little nick in the bark of a tree is
healed over and obliterated in a season, but the gashes in the trees around
Gettysburg are still apparent after fifty years. Impressions that are gathered
lightly are soon obliterated. Only deep impressions can be recalled at will.
Henry Ward Beecher said: “One intense hour will do more than dreamy
years.” To memorize ideas and words, concentrate on them until they are
fixed firmly and deeply in your mind and accord to them their true
importance. LISTEN with the mind and you will remember.
How shall you concentrate? How would you increase the fighting-
effectiveness of a man-of-war? One vital way would be to increase the size
and number of its guns. To strengthen your memory, increase both the
number and the force of your mental impressions by attending to them
intensely. Loose, skimming reading, and drifting habits of reading destroy
memory power. However, as most books and newspapers do not warrant
any other kind of attention, it will not do altogether to condemn this method
of reading; but avoid it when you are trying to memorize.
Environment has a strong influence upon concentration, until you have
learned to be alone in a crowd and undisturbed by clamor. When you set out
to memorize a fact or a speech, you may find the task easier away from all
sounds and moving objects. All impressions foreign to the one you desire to
fix in your mind must be eliminated.
The next great step in memorizing is to pick out the essentials of the
subject, arrange them in order, and dwell upon them intently. Think clearly
of each essential, one after the other. Thinking a thing—not allowing the
mind to wander to non-essentials—is really memorizing.
Association of ideas is universally recognized as an essential in memory
work; indeed, whole systems of memory training have been founded on this
principle.
Many speakers memorize only the outlines of their addresses, filling in
the words at the moment of speaking. Some have found it helpful to
remember an outline by associating the different points with objects in the
room. Speaking on “Peace,” you may wish to dwell on the cost, the cruelty,
and the failure of war, and so lead to the justice of arbitration. Before going
on the platform if you will associate four divisions of your outline with four
objects in the room, this association may help you to recall them. You may
be prone to forget your third point, but you remember that once when you
were speaking the electric lights failed, so arbitrarily the electric light globe
will help you to remember “failure.” Such associations, being unique, tend
to stick in the mind. While recently speaking on the six kinds of
imagination the present writer formed them into an acrostic—visual,
auditory, motor, gustatory, olfactory, and tactile, furnished the nonsense
word vamgot, but the six points were easily remembered.
In the same way that children are taught to remember the spelling of
teasing words—separate comes from separ— and as an automobile driver
remembers that two C’s and then two H’s lead him into Castor Road,
Cottman Street, Haynes Street and Henry Street, so important points in your
address may be fixed in mind by arbitrary symbols invented by yourself.
The very work of devising the scheme is a memory action. The
psychological process is simple: it is one of noting intently the steps by
which a fact, or a truth, or even a word, has come to you. Take advantage of
this tendency of the mind to remember by association.
Repetition is a powerful aid to memory. Thurlow Weed, the journalist
and political leader, was troubled because he so easily forgot the names of
persons he met from day to day. He corrected the weakness, relates
Professor William James, by forming the habit of attending carefully to
names he had heard during the day and then repeating them to his wife
every evening. Doubtless Mrs. Weed was heroically longsuffering, but the
device worked admirably.
After reading a passage you would remember, close the book, reflect,
and repeat the contents—aloud, if possible.
Reading thoughtfully aloud has been found by many to be a helpful
memory practise.
Write what you wish to remember. This is simply one more way of
increasing the number and the strength of your mental impressions by
utilizing all your avenues of impression. It will help to fix a speech in your
mind if you speak it aloud, listen to it, write it out, and look at it intently.
You have then impressed it on your mind by means of vocal, auditory,
muscular and visual impressions.
Some folk have peculiarly distinct auditory memories; they are able to
recall things heard much better than things seen. Others have the visual
memory; they are best able to recall sight-impressions. As you recall a walk
you have taken, are you able to remember better the sights or the sounds?
Find out what kinds of impressions your memory retains best, and use them
the most. To fix an idea in mind, use every possible kind of impression.
Daily habit is a great memory cultivator. Learn a lesson from the
Marathon runner. Regular exercise, though never so little daily, will
strengthen your memory in a surprising measure. Try to describe in detail
the dress, looks and manner of the people you pass on the street. Observe
the room you are in, close your eyes, and describe its contents. View closely
the landscape, and write out a detailed description of it. How much did you
miss? Notice the contents of the show windows on the street; how many
features are you able to recall? Continual practise in this feat may develop
in you as remarkable proficiency as it did in Robert Houdin and his son.
The daily memorizing of a beautiful passage in literature will not only
lend strength to the memory, but will store the mind with gems for
quotation. But whether by little or much add daily to your memory power
by practise.
Memorize out of doors. The buoyancy of the wood, the shore, or the
stormy night on deserted streets may freshen your mind as it does the minds
of countless others.
Lastly, cast out fear. Tell yourself that you can and will and do
remember. By pure exercise of selfism assert your mastery. Be obsessed
with the fear of forgetting and you cannot remember. Practise the reverse.
Throw aside your manuscript crutches—you may tumble once or twice, but
what matters that, for you are going to learn to walk and leap and run.
Memorizing a Speech
Now let us try to put into practise the foregoing suggestions. First,
reread this chapter, noting the nine ways by which memorizing may be
helped.
Then read over the following selection from Beecher, applying so many
of the suggestions as are practicable. Get the spirit of the selection firmly in
your mind. Make mental note of—write down, if you must—the succession
of ideas. Now memorize the thought. Then memorize the outline, the order
in which the different ideas are expressed. Finally, memorize the exact
wording.
No, when you have done all this, with the most faithful attention to
directions, you will not find memorizing easy, unless you have previously
trained your memeory, or it is naturally retentive. Only by constant practise
will memory become strong and only by continually observing these same
principles will it remain strong. You will, however, have made a beginning,
and that is no mean matter.
I do not suppose that if you were to go and look upon the experiment of self-
government in America you would have a very high opinion of it. I have not either, if I just
look upon the surface of things. Why, men will say: “It stands to reason that 60,000,000
ignorant of law, ignorant of constitutional history, ignorant of jurisprudence, of finance, and
taxes and tariffs and forms of currency—60,000,000 people that never studied these things
—are not fit to rule. Your diplomacy is as complicated as ours, and it is the most
complicated on earth, for all things grow in complexity as they develop toward a higher
condition. What fitness is there in these people? Well, it is not democracy merely; it is a
representative democracy. Our people do not vote in mass for anything; they pick out
captains of thought, they pick out the men that do know, and they send them to the
Legislature to think for them, and then the people afterward ratify or disallow them.
But when you come to the Legislature I am bound to confess that the thing does not
look very much more cheering on the outside. Do they really select the best men? Yes; in
times of danger they do very generally, but in ordinary time, “kissing goes by favor.” You
know what the duty of a regular Republican-Democratic legislator is. It is to get back again
next winter. His second duty is what? His second duty is to put himself under that
extraordinary providence that takes care of legislators’ salaries. The old miracle of the
prophet and the meal and the oil is outdone immeasurably in our days, for they go there
poor one year, and go home rich; in four years they become moneylenders, all by a trust in
that gracious providence that takes care of legislators’ salaries. Their next duty after that is
to serve the party that sent them up, and then, if there is anything left of them, it belongs to
the commonwealth. Someone has said very wisely, that if a man traveling wishes to relish
his dinner he had better not go into the kitchen to see where it is cooked; if a man wishes to
respect and obey the law, he had better not go to the Legislature to see where that is
cooked.
HENRY WARD BEECHER.
From a lecture delivered in Exeter Hall, London,
1886, when making his last tour of Great Britain.
In Case of Trouble
But what are you to do if, notwithstanding all your efforts, you should
forget your points, and your mind, for the minute, becomes blank? This is a
deplorable condition that sometimes arises and must be dealt with.
Obviously, you can sit down and admit defeat. Such a consummation is
devoutly to be shunned.
Walking slowly across the platform may give you time to grip yourself,
compose your thoughts, and stave off disaster. Perhaps the surest and most
practical method is to begin a new sentence with your last important word.
This is not advocated as a method of composing a speech—it is merely an
extreme measure which may save you in tight circumstances. It is like the
fire department—the less you must use it the better. If this method is
followed very long you are likely to find yourself talking about plum
pudding or Chinese Gordon in the most unexpected manner, so of course
you will get back to your lines the earliest moment that your feet have hit
the platform.
Let us see how this plan works—obviously, your extemporized words
will lack somewhat of polish, but in such a pass crudity is better than
failure.
Now you have come to a dead wall after saying: “Joan of Arc fought for
liberty.” By this method you might get something like this:
“Liberty is a sacred privilege for which mankind always had to fight.
These struggles [Platitude—but push on] fill the pages of history. History
records the gradual triumph of the serf over the lord, the slave over the
master. The master has continually tried to usurp unlimited powers. Power
during the medieval ages accrued to the owner of the land with a spear and
a strong castle; but the strong castle and spear were of little avail after the
discovery of gunpowder. Gunpowder was the greatest boon that liberty had
ever known.”
Thus far you have linked one idea with another rather obviously, but
you are getting your second wind now and may venture to relax your grip
on the too-evident chain; and so you say:
“With gunpowder the humblest serf in all the land could put an end to
the life of the tyrannical baron behind the castle walls. The struggle for
liberty, with gunpowder as its aid, wrecked empires, and built up a new era
for all mankind.”
In a moment more you have gotten back to your outline and the day is
saved.
Practising exercises like the above will not only fortify you against the
death of your speech when your memory misses fire, but it will also provide
an excellent training for fluency in speaking. Stock up with ideas.
Right thinking fits for complete living by developing the power to appreciate the
beautiful in nature and art, power to think the true and to will the good, power to live the
life of thought, and faith, and hope, and love.
—N. C. SCHAEFFER, Thinking and Learning to Think.
And let him be sure to leave other men their turns to speak.
—FRANCIS BACON, Essay on Civil and Moral Discourse.
Perhaps the most brilliant, and certainly the most entertaining, of all
speeches are those delivered on after-dinner and other special occasions.
The air of well-fed content in the former, and of expectancy well primed in
the latter, furnishes an audience which, though not readily won, is prepared
for the best, while the speaker himself is pretty sure to have been chosen for
his gifts of oratory.
The first essential of good occasional speaking is to study the occasion.
Precisely what is the object of the meeting? How important is the occasion
to the audience? How large will the audience be? What sort of people are
they? How large is the auditorium? Who selects the speakers’ themes? Who
else is to speak? What are they to speak about? Precisely how long am I to
speak? Who speaks before I do and who follows?
If you want to hit the nail on the head ask such questions as these.1 No
occasional address can succeed unless it fits the occasion to a T. Many
prominent men have lost prestige because they were too careless or too
busy or too self-confident to respect the occasion and the audience by
learning the exact conditions under which they were to speak. Leaving too
much to the moment is taking a long chance and generally means a less
effective speech, if not a failure.
Suitability is the big thing in an occasional speech. When Mark Twain
addressed the Army of the Tennessee in reunion at Chicago, in 1877, he
responded to the toast, “The Babies.” Two things in that after-dinner speech
are remarkable: the bright introduction, by which he subtly claimed the
interest of all, and the humorous use of military terms throughout:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: “The Babies.” Now, that’s something like. We haven’t
all had the good fortune to be ladies; we have not all been generals, or poets, or statesmen;
but when the toast works down to the babies, we stand on common ground—for we’ve all
been babies. It is a shame that for a thousand years the world’s banquets have utterly
ignored the baby, as if he didn’t amount to anything! If you, gentlemen, will stop and think
a minute—if you will go back fifty or a hundred years, to your early married life, and
recontemplate your first baby—you will remember that he amounted to a good deal—and
even something over.
The Rapidan suggests another scene to which allusion has often been
made since the war, but which, as illustrative also of the spirit of both
armies, I may be permitted to recall in this connection. In the mellow
twilight of an April day the two armies were holding their dress parades on
the opposite hills bordering the river. At the close of the parade a
magnificent brass band of the Union army played with great spirit the
patriotic airs, “Hail Columbia,” and “Yankee Doodle.” Whereupon the
Federal troops responded with a patriotic shout. The same band then played
the soul-stirring strains of “Dixie,” to which a mighty response came from
ten thousand Southern troops. A few moments later, when the stars had
come out as witnesses and when all nature was in harmony, there came
from the same band the old melody, “Home, Sweet Home.” As its familiar
and pathetic notes rolled over the water and thrilled through the spirits of
the soldiers, the hills reverberated with a thundering response from the
united voices of both armies. What was there in this old, old music, to so
touch the chords of sympathy, so thrill the spirits and cause the frames of
brave men to tremble with emotion? It was the thought of home. To
thousands, doubtless, it was the thought of that Eternal Home to which the
next battle might be the gateway. To thousands of others it was the thought
of their dear earthly homes, where loved ones at that twilight hour were
bowing round the family altar, and asking God’s care over the absent
soldier boy.
—GENERAL J. B. GORDON, C. S. A.
WELCOME TO KOSSUTH
(Extract)
Let me ask you to imagine that the contest, in which the United States asserted their
independence of Great Britain, had been unsuccessful; that our armies, through treason or a
league of tyrants against us, had been broken and scattered; that the great men who led
them, and who swayed our councils—our Washington, our Franklin, and the venerable
president of the American Congress—had been driven forth as exiles. If there had existed
at that day, in any part of the civilized world, a powerful Republic, with institutions resting
on the same foundations of liberty which our own countrymen sought to establish, would
there have been in that Republic any hospitality too cordial, any sympathy too deep, any
zeal for their glorious but unfortunate cause, too fervent or too active to be shown toward
these illustrious fugitives? Gentlemen, the case I have supposed is before you. The
Washingtons, the Franklins, the Hancocks of Hungary, driven out by a far worse tyranny
than was ever endured here, are wanderers in foreign lands. Some of them have sought a
refuge in our country—one sits with this company our guest to-night—and we must
measure the duty we owe them by the same standard which we would have had history
apply, if our ancestors had met with a fate like theirs.
—WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT.
When the excitement of party warfare presses dangerously near our national
safeguards, I would have the intelligent conservatism of our universities and colleges warn
the contestants in impressive tones against the perils of a breach impossible to repair.
When popular discontent and passion are stimulated by the arts of designing partisans
to a pitch perilously near to class hatred or sectional anger, I would have our universities
and colleges sound the alarm in the name of American brotherhood and fraternal
dependence.
When the attempt is made to delude the people into the belief that their suffrages can
change the operation of national laws, I would have our universities and colleges proclaim
that those laws are inexorable and far removed from political control.
When selfish interest seeks undue private benefits through governmental aid, and
public places are claimed as rewards of party service, I would have our universities and
colleges persuade the people to a relinquishment of the demand for party spoils and exhort
them to a disinterested and patriotic love of their government, whose unperverted operation
secures to every citizen his just share of the safety and prosperity it holds in store for all.
I would have the influence of these institutions on the side of religion and morality. I
would have those they send out among the people not ashamed to acknowledge God, and
to proclaim His interposition in the affairs of men, enjoining such obedience to His laws as
makes manifest the path of national perpetuity and prosperity—GROVER CLEVELAND,
delivered at the Princeton Sesqui-Centennial, 1896.
EULOGY OF GARFIELD
(Extract)
Great in life, he was surpassingly great in death. For no cause, in the very frenzy of
wantonness and wickedness, by the red hand of murder, he was thrust from the full tide of
this world’s interest, from its hopes, its aspirations, its victories, into the visible presence of
death—and he did not quail. Not alone for the one short moment in which, stunned and
dazed, he could give up life, hardly aware of its relinquishment, but through days of deadly
languor, through weeks of agony, that was not less agony because silently borne, with clear
sight and calm courage, he looked into his open grave. What blight and ruin met his
anguished eyes, whose lips may tell—what brilliant, broken plans, what baffled, high
ambitions, what sundering of strong, warm, manhood’s friendships, what bitter rending of
sweet household ties! Behind him a proud, expectant nation, a great host of sustaining
friends, a cherished and happy mother, wearing the full rich honors of her early toil and
tears; the wife of his youth, whose whole life lay in his; the little boys not yet emerged
from childhood’s day of frolic; the fair young daughter; the sturdy sons just springing into
closest companionship, claiming every day and every day rewarding a father’s love and
care; and in his heart the eager, rejoicing power to meet all demand. Before him, desolation
and great darkness! And his soul was not shaken. His countrymen were thrilled with
instant, profound and universal sympathy. Masterful in his mortal weakness, he became the
centre of a nation’s love, enshrined in the prayers of a world. But all the love and all the
sympathy could not share with him his suffering. He trod the wine press alone. With
unfaltering front he faced death. With unfailing tenderness he took leave of life. Above the
demoniac hiss of the assassin’s bullet he heard the voice of God. With simple resignation
he bowed to the Divine decree.—JAMES G. BLAINE, delivered at the memorial service
held by the U. S. Senate and House of Representatives.
EULOGY OF LEE
(Extract)
At the bottom of all true heroism is unselfishness. Its crowning expression is sacrifice.
The world is suspicious of vaunted heroes. But when the true hero has come, and we know
that here he is in verity, ah! how the hearts of men leap forth to greet him! how
worshipfully we welcome God’s noblest work—the strong, honest, fearless, upright man.
In Robert Lee was such a hero vouchsafed to us and to mankind, and whether we behold
him declining command of the federal army to fight the battles and share the miseries of his
own people; proclaiming on the heights in front of Gettysburg that the fault of the disaster
was his own; leading charges in the crisis of combat; walking under the yoke of conquest
without a murmur of complaint; or refusing fortune to come here and train the youth of his
country in the paths of duty,—he is ever the same meek, grand, self-sacrificing spirit. Here
he exhibited qualities not less worthy and heroic than those displayed on the broad and
open theater of conflict, when the eyes of nations watched his every action. Here in the
calm repose of civil and domestic duties, and in the trying routine of incessant tasks, he
lived a life as high as when, day by day, he marshalled and led his thin and wasting lines,
and slept by night upon the field that was to be drenched again in blood upon the morrow.
And now he has vanished from us forever. And is this all that is left of him—this handful
of dust beneath the marble stone? No! the ages answer as they rise from the gulfs of time,
where lie the wrecks of kingdoms and estates, holding up in their hands as their only
trophies, the names of those who have wrought for man in the love and fear of God, and in
love-unfearing for their fellow-men. No! the present answers, bending by his tomb. No! the
future answers as the breath of the morning fans its radiant brow, and its soul drinks in
sweet inspirations from the lovely life of Lee. No! methinks the very heavens echo, as melt
into their depths the words of reverent love that voice the hearts of men to the tingling
stars.
Come we then to-day in loyal love to sanctify our memories, to purify our hopes, to
make strong all good intent by communion with the spirit of him who, being dead yet
speaketh. Come,
child, in thy spotless innocence; come, woman, in thy purity; come, youth, in thy
prime; come, manhood, in thy strength; come, age, in thy ripe wisdom; come, citizen;
come, soldier; let us strew the roses and lilies of June around his tomb, for he, like them,
exhaled in his life Nature’s beneficence, and the grave has consecrated that life and given it
to us all; let us crown his tomb with the oak, the emblem of his strength, and with the
laurel, the emblem of his glory, and let these guns, whose voices he knew of old, awake the
echoes of the mountains, that nature herself may join in his solemn requiem. Come, for
here he rests, and
On this green bank, by this fair stream,
We set to-day a votive stone,
That memory may his deeds redeem,
When, like our sires, our sons are gone.
—JOHN WARWICK DANIEL, on the
unveiling of Lee’s statue at Washington and
Lee University, Lexington, Virginia, 1883.
Here bring your will into action, for your trouble is a wandering attention.
You must force your mind to persist along the chosen line of conversation
and resolutely refuse to be diverted by any subject or happening that may
unexpectedly pop up to distract you. To fail here is to lose effectiveness
utterly.
Concentration is the keynote of conversational charm and efficiency.
The haphazard habit of expression that uses bird-shot when a bullet is
needed insures missing the game, for diplomacy of all sorts rests upon the
precise application of precise words, particularly—if one may paraphrase
Tallyrand—in those crises when language is no longer used to conceal
thought.
We may frequently gain new light on old subjects by looking at word-
derivations. Conversation signifies in the original a turn-about exchange of
ideas, yet most people seem to regard it as a monologue. Bronson Alcott
used to say that many could argue, but few converse. The first thing to
remember in conversation, then, is that listening—respectful, sympathetic,
alert listening—is not only due to our fellow converser but due to ourselves.
Many a reply loses its point because the speaker is so much interested in
what he is about to say that it is really no reply at all but merely an irritating
and humiliating irrelevancy.
Self-expression is exhilarating. This explains the eternal impulse to
decorate totem poles and paint pictures, write poetry and expound
philosophy. One of the chief delights of conversation is the opportunity it
affords for self-expression. A good conversationalist who monopolizes all
the conversation, will be voted a bore because he denies others the
enjoyment of self-expression, while a mediocre talker who listens
interestedly may be considered a good conversationalist because he permits
his companions to please themselves through self-expression. They are
praised who please: they please who listen well.
The first step in remedying habits of confusion in manner, awkward
bearing, vagueness in thought, and lack of precision in utterance, is to
recognize your faults. If you are serenely unconscious of them, no one—
least of all yourself—can help you. But once diagnose your own
weaknesses, and you can overcome them by doing four things:
1. WILL to overcome them, and keep on willing.
2. Hold yourself in hand by assuring yourself that you know precisely
what you ought to say. If you cannot do that, be quiet until you are clear on
this vital point.
3. Having thus assured yourself, cast out the fear of those who listen to
you—they are only human and will respect your words if you really have
something to say and say it briefly, simply, and clearly.
4. Have the courage to study the English language until you are master
of at least its simpler forms.
Conversational Hints
Choose some subject that will prove of general interest to the whole
group. Do not explain the mechanism of a gas engine at an afternoon tea or
the culture of hollyhocks at a stag party.
It is not considered good taste for a man to bare his arm in public and
show scars or deformities. It is equally bad form for him to flaunt his own
woes, or the deformity of some one else’s character. The public demands
plays and stories that end happily. All the world is seeking happiness. They
cannot long be interested in your ills and troubles. George Cohan made
himself a millionaire before he was thirty by writing cheerful plays. One of
his rules is generally applicable to conversation: “Always leave them
laughing when you say good bye.”
Dynamite the “I” out of your conversation. Not one man in nine
hundred and seven can talk about himself without being a bore. The man
who can perform that feat can achieve marvels without talking about
himself, so the eternal “I” is not permissible even in his talk.
If you habitually build your conversation around your own interests it
may prove very tiresome to your listener. He may be thinking of bird dogs
or dry fly fishing while you are discussing the fourth dimension, or the
merits of a cucumber lotion. The charming conversationalist is prepared to
talk in terms of his listener’s interest. If his listener spends his spare time
investigating Guernsey cattle or agitating social reforms, the discriminating
conversationalist shapes his remarks accordingly. Richard Washburn Child
says he knows a man of mediocre ability who can charm men much abler
than himself when he discusses electric lighting. This same man probably
would bore, and be bored, if he were forced to converse about music or
Madagascar.
Avoid platitudes and hackneyed phrases. If you meet a friend from
Keokuk on State Street or on Pike’s Peak, it is not necessary to observe:
“How small this world is after all!” This observation was doubtless made
prior to the formation of Pike’s Peak. “This old world is getting better every
day.” “Farmer’s wives do not have to work as hard as formerly.” “It is not
so much the high cost of living as the cost of high living.” Such
observations as these excite about the same degree of admiration as is
drawn out by the appearance of a 1903-model touring car. If you have
nothing fresh or interesting you can always remain silent. How would you
like to read a newspaper that flashed out in bold headlines “Nice Weather
We Are Having,” or daily gave columns to the same old material you had
been reading week after week?
1 It must be remembered that the phrasing of the subject will not necessarily serve for
the title.
APPENDIX D
Tonight our study concerns little Belgium, her people, and their part in
this conflict. Be the reasons what they may, this little land stands in the
center of the stage and holds the limelight. Once more David, armed with a
sling, has gone up against ten Goliaths. It is an amazing spectacle, this, one
of the smallest of the States, battling with the largest of the giants! Belgium
has a standing army of 42,000 men, and Germany, with three reserves,
perhaps 7,000,000 or 8,000,000. Without waiting for any assistance, this
little Belgium band went up against 2,000,000. It is as if a honey bee had
decided to attack an eagle come to loot its honeycomb. It is as if an antelope
had turned against a lion. Belgium has but 11,000 square miles of land, less
than the States of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut. Her
population is 7,500,000, less than the single State of New York. You could
put twenty-two Belgiums in our single State of Texas. Much of her soil is
thin; her handicaps are heavy, but the industry of her people has turned the
whole land into one vast flower and vegetable garden. The soil of
Minnesota and the Dakotas is new soil, and yet our farmers there average
but fifteen bushels of wheat to the acre. Belgium’s soil has been used for
centuries, but it averages thirty-seven bushels of wheat to the acre. If we
grow twenty-four bushels of barley on an acre of ground, Belgium grows
fifty; she produces 300 bushels of potatoes, where the Maine farmer
harvests 90 bushels. Belgium’s average population per square mile has risen
to 645 people. If Americans practised intensive farming; if the population
of Texas were as dense as it is in Belgium—100,000,000 of the United
States, Canada and Central America could all move to Texas, while if our
entire country was as densely populated as Belgium’s, everybody in the
world could live comfortably within the limits of our country.
And yet, little Belgium has no gold or silver mines, and all the treasures
of copper and zinc and lead and anthracite and oil have been denied her.
The gold is in the heart of her people. No other land holds a race more
prudent, industrious and thrifty. It is a land where everybody works. In the
winter when the sun does not rise until half past seven, the Belgian cottages
have lights in their windows at five, and the people are ready for an eleven-
hour day. As a rule all children work after 12 years of age. The exquisite
pointed lace that has made Belgium famous, is wrought by women who
fulfill the tasks of the household fulfilled by American women, and then
begins their task upon the exquisite laces that have sent their name and
fame throughout the world. Their wages are low, their work hard, but their
life is so peaceful and prosperous that few Belgians ever emigrate to foreign
countries. Of late they have made their education compulsory, their schools
free. It is doubtful whether any other country has made a greater success of
their system of transportation. You will pay 50 cents to journey some
twenty odd miles out to Roslyn, on our Long Island railroad, but in Belgium
a commuter journeys twenty miles in to the factory and back again every
night and makes the six double daily journeys at an entire cost of 37 cents
per week, less than the amount that you pay for the journey one way for a
like distance in this country. Out of this has come Belgium’s prosperity. She
has the money to buy goods from other countries, and she has the property
to export to foreign lands. Last year the United States, with its hundred
millions of people, imported less than $2,000,000,000, and exported
$2,500,000,000. If our people had been as prosperous per capita as
Belgium, we would have purchased from other countries $12,000,000,000
worth of goods and exported $10,000,000,000.
So largely have we been dependent upon Belgium that many of the
engines used in digging the Panama Canal came from the Cockerill works
that produce two thousands of these engines every year in Liege. It is often
said that the Belgians have the best courts in existence. The Supreme Court
of Little Belgium has but one Justice. Without waiting for an appeal, just as
soon as a decision has been reached by a lower Court, while the matters are
still fresh in mind and all the witnesses and facts readily obtainable, this
Supreme Justice reviews all the objections raised on either side and without
a motion from anyone passes on the decision of the inferior court. On the
other hand, the lower courts are open to an immediate settlement of disputes
between the wage earners, and newsboys and fishermen are almost daily
seen going to the judge for a decision regarding a dispute over five or ten
cents. When the judge has cross-questioned both sides, without the presence
of attorneys, or the necessity of serving a process, or raising a dollar and a
quarter, as here, the poorest of the poor have their wrongs righted. It is said
that not one decision out of one hundred is appealed, thus calling for the
existence of an attorney.
To all other institutions organized in the interest of the wage earner has
been added the national savings bank system, that makes loans to men of
small means, that enables the farmer and the working man to buy a little
garden and build a house, while at the same time insuring the working man
against accident and sickness. Belgium is a poor man’s country, it has been
said, because institutions have been administered in the interest of the men
of small affairs.
Perhaps one or two chapters torn from the pages of Belgium’s history
will enable us to understand her present-day heroism, just as one golden
bough plucked from the forest will explain the richness of the autumn. You
remember that Venice was once the financial center of the world. Then
when the bankers lost confidence in the navy of Venice they put their jewels
and gold into saddle bags and moved the financial center of the world to
Nuremburg, because its walls were seven feet thick and twenty feet high.
Later, about 1500 A. D., the discovery of the New World turned all the
peoples into races of sea-going folk, and the English and Dutch captains
vied with the sailors of Spain and Portugal. No captains were more
prosperous than the mariners of Antwerp. In 1568 there were 500 marble
mansions in this city on the Meuse. Belgium became a casket filled with
jewels. Then it was that Spain turned covetous eyes northward. Sated with
his pleasures, broken by indulgence and passion, the Emperor Charles the
Fifth resigned his gold and throne to his son, King Philip. Finding his
coffers depleted, Philip sent the Duke of Alva, with 10,000 Spanish
soldiers, out on a looting expedition. Their approach filled Antwerp with
consternation, for her merchants were busy with Commerce and not with
war. The sack of Antwerp by the Spaniards makes up a revolting page in
history. Within three days 8,000 men, women and children were massacred,
and the Spanish soldiers, drunk with wine and blood, hacked, drowned and
burned like fiends that they were. The Belgian historian tells us that 500
marble residences were reduced to blackened ruins. One incident will make
the event stand out. When the Spaniards approached the city a wealthy
burgher hastened the day of his son’s marriage. During the ceremony the
soldiers broke down the gate of the city and crossed the threshold of the
rich man’s house. When they had stripped the guests of their purses and
gems, unsatisfied, they killed the bridegroom, slew the men, and carried the
bride out into the night. The next morning a young woman, crazed and half
clad, was found in the street, searching among the dead bodies. At last she
found a youth, whose head she lifted upon her knees, over which she
crooned her songs, as a young mother soothes her babe. A Spanish officer
passing by, humiliated by the spectacle, ordered a soldier to use his dagger
and put the girl out of her misery.
Having looted Antwerp, the treasure chest of Belgium, the Spaniards set
up the Inquisition as an organized means of securing property. It is a strange
fact that the Spaniard has excelled in cruelty as other nations have excelled
in art or science or invention. Spain’s cruelty to the Moors and the rich Jews
forms one of the blackest chapters in history. Inquisitors became fiends.
Moors were starved, tortured, burned, flungin wells, Jewish bankers had
their tongues thrust through little iron rings; then the end of the tongue was
seared that it might swell, and the banker was led by a string in the ring
through the streets of the city. The women and the children were put on
rafts that were pushed out into the Mediterranean Sea. When the swollen
corpses drifted ashore, the plague broke out, and when that black plague
spread over Spain it seemed like the justice of outraged nature. The
expulsion of the Moors was one of the deadliest blows ever struck at
science, commerce, art and literature. The historian tracks Spain across the
continents by a trail of blood. Wherever Spain’s hand has fallen it has
paralyzed. From the days of Cortez, wherever her captains have given a
pledge, the tongue that spake has been mildewed with lies and treachery.
The wildest beasts are not in the jungle; man is the lion that rends, man is
the leopard that tears, man’s hate is the serpent that poisons, and the
Spaniard entered Belgium to turn a garden into a wilderness. Within one
year, 1568, Antwerp, that began with 125,000 people, ended it with 50,000.
Many multitudes were put to death by the sword and stake, but many, many
thousands fled to England, to begin anew their lives as manufacturers and
mariners; and for years Belgium was one quaking peril, an inferno, whose
torturers were Spaniards. The visitor in Antwerp is still shown the rack
upon which they stretched the merchants that they might yield up their
hidden gold. The Painted Lady may be seen. Opening her arms, she
embraces the victim. The Spaniard, with his spear, forced the merchant into
the deadly embrace. As the iron arms concealed in velvet folded together,
one spike passed through each eye, another through the mouth, another
through the heart. The Painted Lady’s lips were poisoned, so that a kiss was
fatal. The dungeon whose sides were forced together by screws, so that
each day the victim saw his cell growing less and less, and knew that soon
he would be crushed to death, was another instrument of torture. Literally
thousands of innocent men and women were burned alive in the market
place.
There is no more piteous tragedy in history than the story of the decline
and ruin of this superbly prosperous, literary and artistic country, and yet
out of the ashes came new courage. Burned, broken, the Belgians and the
Dutch were not beaten. Pushed at last into Holland, where they united their
fortunes with the Dutch, they cut the dykes of Holland, and let in the ocean,
and clinging to the dykes with their finger tips, fought their way back to the
land; but no sooner had the last of the Spaniards gone than out of their rags
and poverty they founded a university as a monument to the providence of
God in delivering them out of the hands of their enemies. For, the Sixteenth
Century, in the form of a brave knight, wears little Belgium and Holland
like a red rose upon his heart.
But some of you will say that the Belgian people must have been rebels
and guilty of some excess, and that had they remained quiescent, and not
fomented treason, that no such fate could have overtaken them at the hands
of Spain. Very well. I will take a youth who, at the beginning, believed in
Charles the Fifth, a man who was as true to his ideals as the needle to the
pole. One day the “Bloody Council” decreed the death of Egmont and
Horn. Immediately afterward, the Duke of Alva sent an invitation to
Egmont to be the guest of honor at a banquet in his own house. A servant
from the palace that night delivered to the Count a slip of paper, containing
a warning to take the fleetest horse and flee the city, and from that moment
not to eat or sleep without pistols at his hand. To all this Egmont responded
that no monster ever lived who could, with an invitation of hospitality, trick
a patriot. Like a brave man, the Count went to the Duke’s palace. He found
the guests assembled, but when he had handed his hat and cloak to the
servant, Alva gave a sign, and from behind the curtains came Spanish
musqueteers, who demanded his sword. For instead of a banquet hall, the
Count was taken to a cellar, fitted up as a dungeon. Already Egmont had all
but died for his country. He had used his ships, his trade, his gold, for
righting the people’s wrongs. He was a man of a large family—a wife and
eleven children—and people loved him as to idolatry. But Alva was
inexorable. He had made up his mind that the merchants and burghers had
still much hidden gold, and if he killed their bravest and best, terror would
fall upon all alike, and that the gold he needed would be forthcoming. That
all the people might witness the scene, he took his prisoners to Brussels and
decided to behead them in the public square. In the evening Egmont
received the notice that his head would be chopped off the next day. A
scaffold was erected in the public square. That evening he wrote a letter that
is a marvel of restraint.
“Sire—I have learned this evening the sentence which your majesty has
been pleased to pronounce upon me. Although I have never had a thought,
and believe myself never to have done a deed, which would tend to the
prejudice of your service, or to the detriment of true religion, nevertheless I
take patience to bear that which it has pleased the good God to permit.
Therefore, I pray your majesty to have compassion on my poor wife, my
children and my servants, having regard to my past service. In which hope I
now commend myself to the mercy of God. From Brussels, ready to die,
this 5th of June, 1568.
“LAMORAL D’ EGMONT.”
Thus died a man who did as much probably for Holland as John Eliot
for England, or Lafayette for France, or Samuel Adams for this young
republic.
And now out of all this glorious past comes the woe of Belgium.
Desolation has come like the whirlwind, and destruction like a tornado. But
ninety days ago and Belgium was a hive of industry, and in the fields were
heard the harvest songs. Suddenly, Germany struck Belgium. The whole
world has but one voice, “Belgium has innocent hands.” She was led like a
lamb to the slaughter. When the lover of Germany is asked to explain
Germany’s breaking of her solemn treaty upon the neutrality of Belgium,
the German stands dumb and speechless. Merchants honor their written
obligations. True citizens consider their word as good as their bond;
Germany gave treaty, and in the presence of God and the civilized world,
entered into a solemn covenant with Belgium. To the end of time, the
German must expect this taunt, “as worthless as a German treaty.” Scarcely
less black the two or three known examples of cruelty wrought upon
nonresisting Belgians. In Brooklyn lives a Belgian woman; She planned to
return home in late July to visit a father who had suffered paralysis, an aged
mother and a sister who nursed both. When the Germans decided to burn
that village in Eastern Belgium, they did not wish to burn alive this old and
helpless man, so they bayonetted to death the old man and woman, and the
daughter that nursed them.
Let us judge not, that we be not judged. This is the one example of
atrocity that you and I might be able personally to prove. But every loyal
German in the country can make answer: “These soldiers were drunk with
wine and blood. Such an atrocity misrepresents Germany and her soldiers.
The breaking of Germany’s treaty with Belgium represents the dishonor of
a military ring, and not the perfidy of 68,000,000 of people. We ask that
judgment be postponed until all the facts are in.” But, meanwhile, the man
who loves his fellows, at midnight in his dreams walks across the fields of
broken Belgium. All through the night air there comes the sob of Rachel,
weeping for her children, because they are not. In moods of bitterness, of
doubt and despair the heart cries out, “How could a just God permit such
cruelty upon innocent Belgium?” No man knows. “Clouds and darkness are
round about God’s throne.” The spirit of evil caused this war, but the Spirit
of God may bring good out of it, just as the summer can repair the ravages
of winter. Meanwhile the heart bleeds for Belgium. For Brussels, the third
most beautiful city in Europe! For Louvain, once rich with its libraries,
cathedrals, statues, paintings, missals, manuscripts—now a ruin. Alas! for
the ruined harvests and the smoking villages! Alas, for the Cathedral that is
a heap, and the library that is a ruin. Where the angel of happiness was there
stalk Famine and Death. Gone, the Land of Grotius! Perished the paintings
of Rubens! Ruined is Louvain. Where the wheat waved, now the hillsides
are billowy with graves. But let us believe that God reigns. Perchance
Belgium is slain like the Saviour, that militarism may die like Satan.
Without shedding of innocent blood there is no remission of sins through
tyranny and greed. There is no wine without the crushing of the grapes from
the tree of life. Soon Liberty, God’s dear child, will stand within the scene
and comfort the desolate. Falling upon the great world’s altar stairs, in this
hour when wisdom is ignorance, and the strongest man clutches at dust and
straw, let us believe with faith victorious over tears, that some time God
will gather broken-hearted little Belgium into His arms and comfort her as a
Father comforteth his well-beloved child.
HENRY WATTERSON
Eight years ago tonight, there stood where I am standing now a young
Georgian, who, not without reason, recognized the “significance” of his
presence here, and, in words whose eloquence I cannot hope to recall,
appealed from the New South to New England for a united country.
He is gone now. But, short as his life was, its heaven-born mission was
fulfilled; the dream of his childhood was realized; for he had been
appointed by God to carry a message of peace on earth, good will to men,
and, this done, he vanished from the sight of mortal eyes, even as the dove
from the ark.
Grady told us, and told us truly, of that typical American who, in Dr.
Talmage’s mind’s eye, was coming, but who, in Abraham Lincoln’s
actuality, had already come. In some recent studies into the career of that
man, I have encountered many startling confirmations of this judgment; and
from that rugged trunk, drawing its sustenance from gnarled roots,
interlocked with Cavalier sprays and Puritan branches deep beneath the soil,
shall spring, is springing, a shapely tree—symmetric in all its parts—under
whose sheltering boughs this nation shall have the new birth of freedom
Lincoln promised it, and mankind the refuge which was sought by the
forefathers when they fled from oppression. Thank God, the ax, the gibbet,
and the stake have had their day. They have gone, let us hope, to keep
company with the lost arts. It has been demonstrated that great wrongs may
be redressed and great reforms be achieved without the shedding of one
drop of human blood; that vengeance does not purify, but brutalizes; and
that tolerance, which in private transactions is reckoned a virtue, becomes
in public affairs a dogma of the most far-seeing statesmanship.
So I appeal from the men in silken hose who danced to music made by
slaves—and called it freedom—from the men in bell-crowned hats, who led
Hester Prynne to her shame—and called it religion—to that Americanism
which reaches forth its arms to smite wrong with reason and truth, secure in
the power of both. I appeal from the patriarchs of New England to the poets
of New England; from Endicott to Lowell; from Winthrop to Longfellow;
from Norton to Holmes; and I appeal in the name and by the rights of that
common citizenship—of that common origin—back of both the Puritan and
the Cavalier—to which all of us owe our being. Let the dead past,
consecrated by the blood of its martyrs, not by its savage hatreds—
darkened alike by kingcraft and priestcraft—let the dead past bury its dead.
Let the present and the future ring with the song of the singers. Blessed be
the lessons they teach, the laws they make. Blessed be the eye to see, the
light to reveal. Blessed be Tolerance, sitting ever on the right hand of God
to guide the way with loving word, as blessed be all that brings us nearer
the goal of true religion, true Republicanism, and true patriotism, distrust of
watchwords and labels, shams and heroes, belief in our country and
ourselves. It was not Cotton Mather, but John Greenleaf Whittier, who
cried:—
JOHN MORLEY
ROBERT TOOMBS
The success of the Abolitionists and their allies, under the name of the
Republican party, has produced its logical results already. They have for
long years been sowing dragons’ teeth and have finally got a crop of armed
men. The Union, sir, is dissolved. That is an accomplished fact in the path
of this discussion that men may as well heed. One of your confederates has
already wisely, bravely, boldly confronted public danger, and she is only
ahead of many of her sisters because of her greater facility for speedy
action. The greater majority of those sister States, under like circumstances,
consider her cause as their cause; and I charge you in their name to-day:
“Touch not Saguntum.”1 It is not only their cause, but it is a cause which
receives the sympathy and will receive the support of tens and hundreds of
honest patriot men in the nonslaveholding States, who have hitherto
maintained constitutional rights, and who respect their oaths, abide by
compacts, and love justice.
And while this Congress, this Senate, and this House of Representatives
are debating the constitutionality and the expediency of seceding from the
Union, and while the perfidious authors of this mischief are showering
down denunciations upon a large portion of the patriotic men of this
country, those brave men are coolly and calmly voting what you call
revolution—aye, sir, doing better than that: arming to defend it. They
appealed to the Constitution, they appealed to justice, they appealed to
fraternity, until the Constitution, justice, and fraternity were no longer
listened to in the legislative halls of their country, and then, sir, they
prepared for the arbitrament of the sword; and now you see the glittering
bayonet, and you hear the tramp of armed men from your capitol to the Rio
Grande. It is a sight that gladdens the eyes and cheers the hearts of other
millions ready to second them. Inasmuch, sir, as I have labored earnestly,
honestly, sincerely, with these men to avert this necessity so long as I
deemed it possible; and inasmuch as I heartily approve their present
conduct of resistance, I deem it my duty to state their case to the Senate, to
the country, and to the civilized world.
Senators, my countrymen have demanded no new government; they
have demanded no new Constitution. Look to their records at home and
here from the beginning of this national strife until its consummation in the
disruption of the empire, and they have not demanded a single thing except
that you shall abide by the Constitution of the United States; that
constitutional rights shall be respected, and that justice shall be done. Sirs,
they have stood by your Constitution; they have stood by all its
requirements, they have performed all its duties unselfishly, uncalculatingly,
disinterestedly, until a party sprang up in this country which endangered
their social system—a party which they arraign, and which they charge
before the American people and all mankind with having made
proclamation of outlawry against four thousand millions of their property in
the Territories of the United States; with having put them under the ban of
the empire in all the States in which their institutions exist outside the
protection of federal laws; with having aided and abetted insurrection from
within and invasion from without with the view of subverting those
institutions, and desolating their homes and their firesides. For these causes
they have taken up arms.
I have stated that the discontented States of this Union have demanded
nothing but clear, distinct, unequivocal, well-acknowledged constitutional
rights—rights affirmed by the highest judicial tribunals of their country;
rights older than the Constitution; rights which are planted upon the
immutable principles of natural justice; rights which have been affirmed by
the good and the wise of all countries, and of all centuries. We demand no
power to injure any man. We demand no right to injure our confederate
States. We demand no right to interfere with their institutions, either by
word or deed. We have no right to disturb their peace, their tranquillity,
their security. We have demanded of them simply, solely—nothing else—to
give us equality, security and tranquillity. Give us these, and peace restores
itself. Refuse them, and take what you can get.
What do the rebels demand? First, “that the people of the United States
shall have an equal right to emigrate and settle in the present or any future
acquired Territories, with whatever property they may possess (including
slaves), and be securely protected in its peaceable enjoyment until such
Territory may be admitted as a State into the Union, with or without slavery,
as she may determine, on an equality with all existing States.” That is our
Territorial demand. We have fought for this Territory when blood was its
price. We have paid for it when gold was its price. We have not proposed to
exclude you, tho you have contributed very little of blood or money. I refer
especially to New England. We demand only to go into those Territories
upon terms of equality with you, as equals in this great Confederacy, to
enjoy the common property of the whole Union, and receive the protection
of the common government, until the Territory is capable of coming into the
Union as a sovereign State, when it may fix its own institutions to suit itself.
The second proposition is, “that property in slaves shall be entitled to
the same protection from the government of the United States, in all of its
departments, everywhere, which the Constitution confers the power upon it
to extend to any other property, provided nothing herein contained shall be
construed to limit or restrain the right now belonging to every State to
prohibit, abolish, or establish and protect slavery within its limits.” We
demand of the common government to use its granted powers to protect our
property as well as yours. For this protection we pay as much as you do.
This very property is subject to taxation. It has been taxed by you and sold
by you for taxes.
The title to thousands and tens of thousands of slaves is derived from
the United States. We claim that the government, while the Constitution
recognizes our property for the purposes of taxation, shall give it the same
protection that it gives yours.
Ought it not to be so? You say no. Every one of you upon the committee
said no. Your senators say no. Your House of Representatives says no.
Throughout the length and breadth of your conspiracy against the
Constitution there is but one shout of no! This recognition of this right is
the price of my allegiance. Withhold it, and you do not get my obedience.
This is the philosophy of the armed men who have sprung up in this
country. Do you ask me to support a government that will tax my property:
that will plunder me; that will demand my blood, and will not protect me? I
would rather see the population of my native State laid six feet beneath her
sod than they should support for one hour such a government. Protection is
the price of obedience everywhere, in all countries. It is the only thing that
makes government respectable. Deny it and you can not have free subjects
or citizens; you may have slaves.
We demand, in the next place, “that persons committing crimes against
slave property in one State, and fleeing to another, shall be delivered up in
the same manner as persons committing crimes against other property, and
that the laws of the State from which such persons flee shall be the test of
criminality.” That is another one of the demands of an extremist and a rebel.
But the nonslaveholding States, treacherous to their oaths and compacts,
have steadily refused, if the criminal only stole a negro and that negro was a
slave, to deliver him up. It was refused twice on the requisition of my own
State as long as twenty-two years ago. It was refused by Kent and by
Fairfield, governors of Maine, and representing, I believe, each of the then
federal parties. We appealed then to fraternity, but we submitted; and this
constitutional right has been practically a dead letter from that day to this.
The next case came up between us and the State of New York, when the
present senior senator [Mr. Seward] was the governor of that State; and he
refused it. Why? He said it was not against the laws of New York to steal a
negro, and therefore he would not comply with the demand. He made a
similar refusal to Virginia. Yet these are our confederates; these are our
sister States! There is the bargain; there is the compact. You have sworn to
it. Both these governors swore to it. The senator from New York swore to it.
The governor of Ohio swore to it when he was inaugurated. You can not
bind them by oaths. Yet they talk to us of treason; and I suppose they expect
to whip freemen into loving such brethren! They will have a good time in
doing it!
It is natural we should want this provision of the Constitution carried
out. The Constitution says slaves are property; the Supreme Court says so;
the Constitution says so. The theft of slaves is a crime; they are a subject-
matter of felonious asportation. By the text and letter of the Constitution
you agreed to give them up. You have sworn to do it, and you have broken
your oaths. Of course, those who have done so look out for pretexts.
Nobody expected them to do otherwise. I do not think I ever saw a perjurer,
however bald and naked, who could not invent some pretext to palliate his
crime, or who could not, for fifteen shillings, hire an Old Bailey lawyer to
invent some for him. Yet this requirement of the Constitution is another one
of the extreme demands of an extremist and a rebel.
The next stipulation is that fugitive slaves shall be surrendered under
the provisions of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, without being entitled
either to a writ of habeas corpus, or trial by jury, or other similar
obstructions of legislation, in the State to which he may flee. Here is the
Constitution:
“No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or
regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall
be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor
may be due.”
This language is plain, and everybody understood it the same way for
the first forty years of your government. In 1793, in Washington’s time, an
act was passed to carry out this provision. It was adopted unanimously in
the Senate of the United States, and nearly so in the House of
Representatives. Nobody then had invented pretexts to show that the
Constitution did not mean a negro slave. It was clear; it was plain. Not only
the federal courts, but all the local courts in all the States, decided that this
was a constitutional obligation. How is it now? The North sought to evade
it; following the instincts of their natural character, they commenced with
the fraudulent fiction that fugitives were entitled to habeas corpus, entitled
to trial by jury in the State to which they fled. They pretended to believe
that our fugitive slaves were entitled to more rights than their white
citizens; perhaps they were right, they know one another better than I do.
You may charge a white man with treason, or felony, or other crime, and
you do not require any trial by jury before he is given up; there is nothing to
determine but that he is legally charged with a crime and that he fled, and
then he is to be delivered up upon demand. White people are delivered up
every day in this way; but not slaves. Slaves, black people, you say, are
entitled to trial by jury; and in this way schemes have been invented to
defeat your plain constitutional obligations.
Senators, the Constitution is a compact. It contains all our obligations
and the duties of the federal government. I am content and have ever been
content to sustain it. While I doubt its perfection, while I do not believe it
was a good compact, and while I never saw the day that I would have voted
for it as a proposition de novo, yet I am bound to it by oath and by that
common prudence which would induce men to abide by established forms
rather than to rush into unknown dangers. I have given to it, and intend to
give to it, unfaltering support and allegiance, but I choose to put that
allegiance on the true ground, not on the false idea that anybody’s blood
was shed for it. I say that the Constitution is the whole compact. All the
obligations, all the chains that fetter the limbs of my people, are nominated
in the bond, and they wisely excluded any conclusion against them, by
declaring that “the powers not granted by the Constitution to the United
States, or forbidden by it to the States, belonged to the States respectively or
the people.”
Now I will try it by that standard; I will subject it to that test. The law of
nature, the law of justice, would say—and it is so expounded by the
publicists—that equal rights in the common property shall be enjoyed. Even
in a monarchy the king can not prevent the subjects from enjoying equality
in the disposition of the public property. Even in a despotic government this
principle is recognized. It was the blood and the money of the whole people
(says the learned Grotius, and say all the publicists) which acquired the
public property, and therefore it is not the property of the sovereign. This
right of equality being, then, according to justice and natural equity, a right
belonging to all States, when did we give it up? You say Congress has a
right to pass rules and regulations concerning the Territory and other
property of the United States. Very well. Does that exclude those whose
blood and money paid for it? Does “dispose of” mean to rob the rightful
owners? You must show a better title than that, or a better sword than we
have.
What, then, will you take? You will take nothing but your own
judgment; that is, you will not only judge for yourselves, not only discard
the court, discard our construction, discard the practise of the government,
but you will drive us out, simply because you will it. Come and do it! You
have sapped the foundations of society; you have destroyed almost all hope
of peace. In a compact where there is no common arbiter, where the parties
finally decide for themselves, the sword alone at last becomes the real, if
not the constitutional, arbiter. Your party says that you will not take the
decision of the Supreme Court. You said so at Chicago; you said so in
committee; every man of you in both Houses says so. What are you going
to do? You say we shall submit to your construction. We shall do it, if you
can make us; but not otherwise, or in any other manner. That is settled. You
may call it secession, or you may call it revolution; but there is a big fact
standing before you, ready to oppose you—that fact is, freemen with arms
in their hands.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT
INAUGURAL ADDRESS
(1905)
ON AMERICAN MOTHERHOOD
(1905)
In our modern industrial civilization there are many and grave dangers
to counterbalance the splendors and the triumphs. It is not a good thing to
see cities grow at disproportionate speed relatively to the country; for the
small land owners, the men who own their little homes, and therefore to a
very large extent the men who till farms, the men of the soil, have hitherto
made the foundation of lasting national life in every State; and, if the
foundation becomes either too weak or too narrow, the superstructure, no
matter how attractive, is in imminent danger of falling.
But far more important than the question of the occupation of our
citizens is the question of how their family life is conducted. No matter
what that occupation may be, as long as there is a real home and as long as
those who make up that home do their duty to one another, to their
neighbors and to the State, it is of minor consequence whether the man’s
trade is plied in the country or in the city, whether it calls for the work of
the hands or for the work of the head.
No piled-up wealth, no splendor of material growth, no brilliance of
artistic development, will permanently avail any people unless its home life
is healthy, unless the average man possesses honesty, courage, common
sense, and decency, unless he works hard and is willing at need to fight
hard; and unless the average woman is a good wife, a good mother, able and
willing to perform the first and greatest duty of womanhood, able and
willing to bear, and to bring up as they should be brought up, healthy
children, sound in body, mind, and character, and numerous enough so that
the race shall increase and not decrease.
There are certain old truths which will be true as long as this world
endures, and which no amount of progress can alter. One of these is the
truth that the primary duty of the husband is to be the home-maker, the
breadwinner for his wife and children, and that the primary duty of the
woman is to be the helpmate, the house-wife, and mother. The woman
should have ample educational advantages; but save in exceptional cases
the man must be, and she need not be, and generally ought not to be, trained
for a lifelong career as the family breadwinner; and, therefore, after a
certain point, the training of the two must normally be different because the
duties of the two are normally different. This does not mean inequality of
function, but it does mean that normally there must be dissimilarity of
function. On the whole, I think the duty of the woman the more important,
the more difficult, and the more honorable of the two; on the whole I
respect the woman who does her duty even more than I respect the man
who does his.
No ordinary work done by a man is either as hard or as responsible as
the work of a woman who is bringing up a family of small children; for
upon her time and strength demands are made not only every hour of the
day but often every hour of the night. She may have to get up night after
night to take care of a sick child, and yet must by day continue to do all her
household duties as well; and if the family means are scant she must usually
enjoy even her rare holidays taking her whole brood of children with her.
The birth pangs make all men the debtors of all women. Above all our
sympathy and regard are due to the struggling wives among those whom
Abraham Lincoln called the plain people, and whom he so loved and
trusted; for the lives of these women are often led on the lonely heights of
quiet, self-sacrificing heroism.
Just as the happiest and most honorable and most useful task that can be
set any man is to earn enough for the support of his wife and family, for the
bringing up and starting in life of his children, so the most important, the
most honorable and desirable task which can be set any woman is to be a
good and wise mother in a home marked by self-respect and mutual
forbearance, by willingness to perform duty, and by refusal to sink into self-
indulgence or avoid that which entails effort and self-sacrifice. Of course
there are exceptional men and exceptional women who can do and ought to
do much more than this, who can lead and ought to lead great careers of
outside usefulness in addition to—not as substitutes for—their home work;
but I am not speaking of exceptions; I am speaking of the primary duties, I
am speaking of the average citizens, the average men and women who
make up the nation.
Inasmuch as I am speaking to an assemblage of mothers, I shall have
nothing whatever to say in praise of an easy life. Yours is the work which is
never ended. No mother has an easy time, the most mothers have very hard
times; and yet what true mother would barter her experience of joy and
sorrow in exchange for a life of cold selfishness, which insists upon
perpetual amusement and the avoidance of care, and which often finds its fit
dwelling place in some flat designed to furnish with the least possible
expenditure of effort the maximum of comfort and of luxury, but in which
there is literally no place for children?
The woman who is a good wife, a good mother, is entitled to our respect
as is no one else; but she is entitled to it only because, and so long as, she is
worthy of it. Effort and self-sacrifice are the law of worthy life for the man
as for the woman; tho neither the effort nor the self-sacrifice may be the
same for the one as for the other. I do not in the least believe in the patient
Griselda type of woman, in the woman who submits to gross and long
continued ill treatment, any more than I believe in a man who tamely
submits to wrongful aggression. No wrong-doing is so abhorrent as wrong-
doing by a man toward the wife and the children who should arouse every
tender feeling in his nature. Selfishness toward them, lack of tenderness
toward them, lack of consideration for them, above all, brutality in any form
toward them, should arouse the heartiest scorn and indignation in every
upright soul.
I believe in the woman keeping her self-respect just as I believe in the
man doing so. I believe in her rights just as much as I believe in the man’s,
and indeed a little more; and I regard marriage as a partnership, in which
each partner is in honor bound to think of the rights of the other as well as
of his or her own. But I think that the duties are even more important than
the rights; and in the long run I think that the reward is ampler and greater
for duty well done, than for the insistence upon individual rights, necessary
tho this, too, must often be. Your duty is hard, your responsibility great; but
greatest of all is your reward. I do not pity you in the least. On the contrary,
I feel respect and admiration for you.
Into the woman’s keeping is committed the destiny of the generations to
come after us. In bringing up your children you mothers must remember
that while it is essential to be loving and tender it is no less essential to be
wise and firm. Foolishness and affection must not be. treated as
interchangeable terms; and besides training your sons and daughters in the
softer and milder virtues, you must seek to give them those stern and hardy
qualities which in after life they will surely need. Some children will go
wrong in spite of the best training; and some will go right even when their
surroundings are most unfortunate; nevertheless an immense amount
depends upon the family training. If you mothers through weakness bring
up your sons to be selfish and to think only of themselves, you will be
responsible for much sadness among the women who are to be their wives
in the future. If you let your daughters grow up idle, perhaps under the
mistaken impression that as you yourselves have had to work hard they
shall know only enjoyment, you are preparing them to be useless to others
and burdens to themselves. Teach boys and girls alike that they are not to
look forward, to lives spent in avoiding difficulties, but to lives spent in
overcoming difficulties. Teach them that work, for themselves and also for
others, is not a curse but a blessing; seek to make them happy, to make them
enjoy life, but seek also to make them face life with the steadfast resolution
to wrest success from labor and adversity, and to do their whole duty before
God and to man. Surely she who can thus train her sons and her daughters
is thrice fortunate among women.
There are many good people who are denied the supreme blessing of
children, and for these we have the respect and sympathy always due to
those who, from no fault of their own, are denied any of the other great
blessings of life. But the man or woman who deliberately foregoes these
blessings, whether from viciousness, coldness, shallow-heartedness, self-
indulgence, or mere failure to appreciate aright the difference between the
all-important and the unimportant,—why, such a creature merits contempt
as hearty as any visited upon the soldier who runs away in battle, or upon
the man who refuses to work for the support of those dependent upon him,
and who tho able-bodied is yet content to eat in idleness the bread which
others provide.
The existence of women of this type forms one of the most unpleasant
and unwholesome features of modern life. If any one is so dim of vision as
to fail to see what a thoroughly unlovely creature such a woman is I wish
they would read Judge Robert Grant’s novel “Unleavened Bread,” ponder
seriously the character of Selma, and think of the fate that would surely
overcome any nation which developed its average and typical woman along
such lines. Unfortunately it would be untrue to say that this type exists only
in American novels. That it also exists in American life is made
unpleasantly evident by the statistics as to the dwindling families in some
localities. It is made evident in equally sinister fashion by the census
statistics as to divorce, which are fairly appalling; for easy divorce is now
as it ever has been, a bane to any nation, a curse to society, a menace to the
home, an incitement to married unhappiness and to immorality, an evil
thing for men and a still more hideous evil for women. These unpleasant
tendencies in our American life are made evident by articles such as those
which I actually read not long ago in a certain paper, where a clergyman
was quoted, seemingly with approval, as expressing the general American
attitude when he said that the ambition of any save a very rich man should
be to rear two children only, so as to give his children an opportunity “to
taste a few of the good things of life.”
This man, whose profession and calling should have made him a moral
teacher, actually set before others the ideal, not of training children to do
their duty, not of sending them forth with stout hearts and ready minds to
win triumphs for themselves and their country, not of allowing them the
opportunity, and giving them the privilege of making their own place in the
world, but, forsooth, of keeping the number of children so limited that they
might “taste a few good things!” The way to give a child a fair chance in
life is not to bring it up in luxury, but to see that it has the kind of training
that will give it strength of character. Even apart from the vital question of
national life, and regarding only the individual interest of the children
themselves, happiness in the true sense is a hundredfold more apt to come
to any given member of a healthy family of healthy-minded children, well
brought up, well educated, but taught that they must shift for themselves,
must win their own way, and by their own exertions make their own
positions of usefulness, than it is apt to come to those whose parents
themselves have acted on and have trained their children to act on, the
selfish and sordid theory that the whole end of life is to “taste a few good
things.”
The intelligence of the remark is on a par with its morality; for the most
rudimentary mental process would have shown the speaker that if the
average family in which there are children contained but two children the
nation as a whole would decrease in population so rapidly that in two or
three generations it would very deservedly be on the point of extinction, so
that the people who had acted on this base and selfish doctrine would be
giving place to others with braver and more robust ideals. Nor would such a
result be in any way regrettable; for a race that practised such doctrine—
that is, a race that practised race suicide—would thereby conclusively show
that it was unfit to exist, and that it had better give place to people who had
not forgotten the primary laws of their being.
To sum up, then, the whole matter is simple enough. If either a race or
an individual prefers the pleasure of more effortless ease, of self-
indulgence, to the infinitely deeper, the infinitely higher pleasures that come
to those who know the toil and the weariness, but also the joy, of hard duty
well done, why, that race or that individual must inevitably in the end pay
the penalty of leading a life both vapid and ignoble. No man and no woman
really worthy of the name can care for the life spent solely or chiefly in the
avoidance of risk and trouble and labor. Save in exceptional cases the prizes
worth having in life must be paid for, and the life worth living must be a life
of work for a worthy end, and ordinarily of work more for others than for
one’s self.
The woman’s task is not easy—no task worth doing is easy—but in
doing it, and when she has done it, there shall come to her the highest and
holiest joy known to mankind; and having done it, she shall have the reward
prophesied in Scripture; for her husband and her children, yes, and all
people who realize that her work lies at the foundation of all national
happiness and greatness, shall rise up and call her blessed.
ALTON B. PARKER
JOHN W. WESCOTT
HENRY W. GRADY
THE RACE PROBLEM
WILLIAM McKINLEY
LAST SPEECH
JOHN HAY
TRIBUTE TO MCKINLEY
From his memorial address at a joint session of the Senate and House of
Representatives on February 27, 1903.
For the third time the Congress of the United States are assembled to commemorate
the life and the death of a president slain by the hand of an assassin. The attention of the
future historian will be attracted to the features which reappear with startling sameness in
all three of these awful crimes: the uselessness, the utter lack of consequence of the act; the
obscurity, the insignificance of the criminal; the blamelessness—so far as in our sphere of
existence the best of men may be held blameless—of the victim. Not one of our murdered
presidents had an enemy in the world; they were all of such preëminent purity of life that
no pretext could be given for the attack of passional crime; they were all men of
democratic instincts, who could never have offended the most jealous advocates of equity;
they were of kindly and generous nature, to whom wrong or injustice was impossible; of
moderate fortune, whose slender means nobody could envy. They were men of austere
virtue, of tender heart, of eminent abilities, which they had devoted with single minds to
the good of the Republic. If ever men walked before God and man without blame, it was
these three rulers of our people. The only temptation to attack their lives offered was their
gentle radiance—to eyes hating the light, that was offense enough.
The stupid uselessness of such an infamy affronts the common sense of the world. One
can conceive how the death of a dictator may change the political conditions of an empire;
how the extinction of a narrowing line of kings may bring in an alien dynasty. But in a
well-ordered Republic like ours the ruler may fall, but the State feels no tremor. Our
beloved and revered leader is gone—but the natural process of our laws provides us a
successor, identical in purpose and ideals, nourished by the same teachings, inspired by the
same principles, pledged by tender affection as well as by high loyalty to carry to
completion the immense task committed to his hands, and to smite with iron severity every
manifestation of that hideous crime which his mild predecessor, with his dying breath,
forgave. The sayings of celestial wisdom have no date; the words that reach us, over two
thousand years, out of the darkest hour of gloom the world has ever known, are true to life
to-day: “They know not what they do.” The blow struck at our dear friend and ruler was as
deadly as blind hate could make it; but the blow struck at anarchy was deadlier still.
How many countries can join with us in the community of a kindred sorrow! I will not
speak of those distant regions where assassination enters into the daily life of government.
But among the nations bound to us by the ties of familiar intercourse—who can forget that
wise and mild autocrat who had earned the proud title of the liberator? that enlightened and
magnanimous citizen whom France still mourns? that brave and chivalrous king of Italy
who only lived for his people? and, saddest of all, that lovely and sorrowing empress,
whose harmless life could hardly have excited the animosity of a demon? Against that
devilish spirit nothing avails,—neither virtue nor patriotism, nor age nor youth, nor
conscience nor pity. We can not even say that education is a sufficient safeguard against
this baleful evil,—for most of the wretches whose crimes have so shocked humanity in
recent years were men not unlettered, who have gone from the common schools, through
murder to the scaffold.
The life of William McKinley was, from his birth to his death, typically American.
There is no environment, I should say, anywhere else in the world which could produce
just such a character. He was born into that way of life which elsewhere is called the
middle class, but which in this country is so nearly universal as to make of other classes an
almost negligible quantity. He was neither rich nor poor, neither proud nor humble; he
knew no hunger he was not sure of satisfying, no luxury which could enervate mind or
body. His parents were sober, Godfearing people; intelligent and upright, without
pretension and without humility. He grew up in the company of boys like himself,
wholesome, honest, self-respecting. They looked down on nobody; they never felt it
possible they could be looked down upon. Their houses were the homes of probity, piety,
patriotism. They learned in the admirable school readers of fifty years ago the lessons of
heroic and splendid life which have come down from the past. They read in their weekly
newspapers the story of the world’s progress, in which they were eager to take part, and of
the sins and wrongs of civilization with which they burned to do battle. It was a serious and
thoughtful time. The boys of that day felt dimly, but deeply, that days of sharp struggle and
high achievement were before them. They looked at life with the wondering yet resolute
eyes of a young esquire in his vigil of arms. They felt a time was coming when to them
should be addressed the stern admonition of the Apostle, “Quit you like men; be strong.”
The men who are living to-day and were young in 1860 will never forget the glory and
glamour that filled the earth and the sky when the long twilight of doubt and uncertainty
was ending and the time for action had come. A speech by Abraham Lincoln was an event
not only of high moral significance, but of far-reaching importance; the drilling of a militia
company by Ellsworth attracted national attention; the fluttering of the flag in the clear sky
drew tears from the eyes of young men. Patriotism, which had been a rhetorical expression,
became a passionate emotion, in which instinct, logic and feeling were fused. The country
was worth saving; it could be saved only by fire; no sacrifice was too great; the young men
of the country were ready for the sacrifice; come weal, come woe, they were ready.
At seventeen years of age William McKinley heard this summons of his country. He
was the sort of youth to whom a military life in ordinary times would possess no
attractions. His nature was far different from that of the ordinary soldier. He had other
dreams of life, its prizes and pleasures, than that of marches and battles. But to his mind
there was no choice or question. The banner floating in the morning breeze was the
beckoning gesture of his country. The thrilling notes of the trumpet called him—him and
none other—into the ranks. His portrait in his first uniform is familiar to you all—the short,
stocky figure; the quiet, thoughtful face; the deep, dark eyes. It is the face of a lad who
could not stay at home when he thought he was needed in the field. He was of the stuff of
which good soldiers are made. Had he been ten years older he would have entered at the
head of a company and come out at the head of a division. But he did what he could. He
enlisted as a private; he learned to obey. His serious, sensible ways, his prompt, alert
efficiency soon attracted the attention of his superiors. He was so faithful in little things
that they gave him more and more to do. He was untiring in camp and on the march; swift,
cool and fearless in fight. He left the army with field rank when the war ended, brevetted
by President Lincoln for gallantry in battle.
In coming years when men seek to draw the moral of our great Civil War, nothing will
seem to them so admirable in all the history of our two magnificent armies as the way in
which the war came to a close. When the Confederate army saw the time had come, they
acknowledged the pitiless logic of facts and ceased fighting. When the army of the Union
saw it was no longer needed, without a murmur or question, making no terms, asking no
return, in the flush of victory and fulness of might, it laid down its arms and melted back
into the mass of peaceful citizens. There is no event since the nation was born which has so
proved its solid capacity for self-government. Both sections share equally in that crown of
glory. They had held a debate of incomparable importance and had fought it out with equal
energy. A conclusion had been reached—and it is to the everlasting honor of both sides that
they each knew when the war was over and the hour of a lasting peace had struck. We may
admire the desperate daring of others who prefer annihilation to compromise, but the palm
of common sense, and, I will say, of enlightened patriotism, belongs to the men like Grant
and Lee, who knew when they had fought enough for honor and for country.
So it came naturally about that in 1876—the beginning of the second century of the
Republic—he began, by an election to Congress, his political career. Thereafter for
fourteen years this chamber was his home. I use the word advisedly. Nowhere in the world
was he so in harmony with his environment as here; nowhere else did his mind work with
such full consciousness of its powers. The air of debate was native to him; here he drank
delight of battle with his peers. In after days, when he drove by this stately pile, or when on
rare occasions his duty called him here, he greeted his old haunts with the affectionate zest
of a child of the house; during all the last ten years of his life, filled as they were with
activity and glory, he never ceased to be homesick for this hall. When he came to the
presidency, there was not a day when his congressional service was not of use to him.
Probably no other president has been in such full and cordial communion with Congress, if
we may except Lincoln alone. McKinley knew the legislative body thoroughly, its
composition, its methods, its habit of thought. He had the profoundest respect for its
authority and an inflexible belief in the ultimate rectitude of its purposes. Our history
shows how surely an executive courts disaster and ruin by assuming an attitude of hostility
or distrust to the Legislature; and, on the other hand, McKinley’s frank and sincere trust
and confidence in Congress were repaid by prompt and loyal support and coöperation.
During his entire term of office this mutual trust and regard—so essential to the public
welfare—was never shadowed by a single cloud.
When he came to the presidency he confronted a situation of the utmost difficulty,
which might well have appalled a man of less serene and tranquil self-confidence. There
had been a state of profound commercial and industrial depression from which his friends
had said his election would relieve the country. Our relations with the outside world left
much to be desired. The feeling between the Northern and Southern sections of the Union
was lacking in the cordiality which was necessary to the welfare of both. Hawaii had asked
for annexation and had been rejected by the preceding administration. There was a state of
things in the Caribbean which could not permanently endure. Our neighbor’s house was on
fire, and there were grave doubts as to our rights and duties in the premises. A man either
weak or rash, either irresolute or headstrong, might have brought ruin on himself and
incalculable harm to the country.
The least desirable form of glory to a man of his habitual mood and temper—that of
successful war—was nevertheless conferred upon him by uncontrollable events. He felt it
must come; he deplored its necessity; he strained almost to breaking his relations with his
friends, in order, first to prevent and then to postpone it to the latest possible moment. But
when the die was cast, he labored with the utmost energy and ardor, and with an
intelligence in military matters which showed how much of the soldier still survived in the
mature statesman, to push forward the war to a decisive close. War was an anguish to him;
he wanted it short and conclusive. His merciful zeal communicated itself to his
subordinates, and the war, so long dreaded, whose consequences were so momentous,
ended in a hundred days.
Mr. McKinley was reelected by an overwhelming majority. There had been little doubt
of the result among well-informed people, but when it was known, a profound feeling of
relief and renewal of trust were evident among the leaders of capital and industry, not only
in this country, but everywhere. They felt that the immediate future was secure, and that
trade and commerce might safely push forward in every field of effort and enterprise.
He felt that the harvest time was come, to garner in the fruits of so much planting and
culture, and he was determined that nothing he might do or say should be liable to the
reproach of a personal interest. Let us say frankly he was a party man; he believed the
policies advocated by him and his friends counted for much in the country’s progress and
prosperity. He hoped in his second term to accomplish substantial results in the
development and affirmation of those policies. I spent a day with him shortly before he
started on his fateful journey to Buffalo. Never had I seen him higher in hope and patriotic
confidence. He was gratified to the heart that we had arranged a treaty which gave us a free
hand in the Isthmus. In fancy he saw the canal already built and the argosies of the world
passing through it in peace and amity. He saw in the immense evolution of American trade
the fulfilment of all his dreams, the reward of all his labors. He was, I need not say, an
ardent protectionist, never more sincere and devoted than during those last days of his life.
He regarded reciprocity as the bulwark of protection—not a breach, but a fulfilment of the
law. The treaties which for four years had been preparing under his personal supervision he
regarded as ancillary to the general scheme. He was opposed to any revolutionary plan of
change in the existing legislation; he was careful to point out that everything he had done
was in faithful compliance with the law itself.
In that mood of high hope, of generous expectation, he went to Buffalo, and there, on
the threshold of eternity, he delivered that memorable speech, worthy for its loftiness of
tone, its blameless morality, its breadth of view, to be regarded as his testament to the
nation. Through all his pride of country and his joy of its success runs the note of solemn
warning, as in Kipling’s noble hymn, “Lest We Forget.”
The next day sped the bolt of doom, and for a week after—in an agony of dread,
broken by illusive glimpses of hope that our prayers might be answered—the nation waited
for the end. Nothing in the glorious life we saw gradually waning was more admirable and
exemplary than its close. The gentle humanity of his words when he saw his assailant in
danger of summary vengeance, “Do not let them hurt him;” his chivalrous care that the
news should be broken gently to his wife; the fine courtesy with which he apologized for
the damage which his death would bring to the great Exhibition; and the heroic resignation
of his final words, “It is God’s way; His will, not ours, be done,” were all the instinctive
expressions of a nature so lofty and so pure that pride in its nobility at once softened and
enhanced the nation’s sense of loss. The Republic grieved over such a son,—but is proud
forever of having produced him. After all, in spite of its tragic ending, his life was
extraordinarily happy. He had, all his days, troops of friends, the cheer of fame and fruitful
labor; and he became at last,
(1894)
I offer no apology for speaking upon a religious theme, for it is the most universal of
all themes. I am interested in the science of government, but I am interested more in
religion than in government. I enjoy making a political speech—I have made a good many
and shall make more—but I would rather speak on religion than on politics. I commenced
speaking on the stump when I was only twenty, but I commenced speaking in the church
six years earlier—and I shall be in the church even after I am out of politics. I feel sure of
my ground when I make a political speech, but I feel even more certain of my ground when
I make a religious speech. If I addrest you upon the subject of law I might interest the
lawyers; if I discust the science of medicine I might interest the physicians; in like manner
merchants might be interested in comments on commerce, and farmers in matters
pertaining to agriculture; but no one of these subjects appeals to all. Even the science of
government, tho broader than any profession or occupation, does not embrace the whole
sum of life, and those who think upon it differ so among themselves that I could not speak
upon the subject so as to please a part of the audience without displeasing others. While to
me the science of government is intensely absorbing, I recognize that the most important
things in life lie outside of the realm of government and that more depends upon what the
individual does for himself than upon what the government does or can do for him. Men
can be miserable under the best government and they can be happy under the worst
government.
Government affects but a part of the life which we live here and does not deal at all
with the life beyond, while religion touches the infinite circle of existence as well as the
small are of that circle which we spend on earth. No greater theme, therefore, can engage
our attention. If I discuss questions of government I must secure the coöperation of a
majority before I can put my ideas into practise, but if, in speaking on religion, I can touch
one human heart for good, I have not spoken in vain no matter how large the majority may
be against me.
Man is a religious being; the heart instinctively seeks for a God. Whether he worships
on the banks of the Ganges, prays with his face upturned to the sun, kneels toward Mecca
or, regarding all space as a temple, communes with the Heavenly Father according to the
Christian creed, man is essentially devout.
There are honest doubters whose sincerity we recognize and respect, but occasionally I
find young men who think it smart to be skeptical; they talk as if it were an evidence of
larger intelligence to scoff at creeds and to refuse to connect themselves with churches.
They call themselves “Liberal,” as if a Christian were narrow minded. Some go so far as to
assert that the “advanced thought of the world” has discarded the idea that there is a God.
To these young men I desire to address myself.
Even some older people profess to regard religion as a superstition, pardonable in the
ignorant but unworthy of the educated. Those who hold this view look down with mild
contempt upon such as give to religion a definite place in their thoughts and lives. They
assume an intellectual superiority and often take little pains to conceal the assumption.
Tolstoy administers to the “cultured crowd” (the words quoted are his) a severe rebuke
when he declares that the religious sentiment rests not upon a superstitious fear of the
invisible forces of nature, but upon man’s consciousness of his finiteness amid an infinite
universe and of his sinfulness; and this consciousness, the great philosopher adds, man can
never outgrow. Tolstoy is right; man recognizes how limited are his own powers and how
vast is the universe, and he leans upon the arm that is stronger than his. Man feels the
weight of his sins and looks for One who is sinless.
Religion has been defined by Tolstoy as the relation which man fixes between himself
and his God, and morality as the outward manifestation of this inward relation. Every one,
by the time he reaches maturity, has fixt some relation between himself and God and no
material change in this relation can take place without a revolution in the man, for this
relation is the most potent influence that acts upon a human life.
Religion is the foundation of morality in the individual and in the group of individuals.
Materialists have attempted to build up a system of morality upon the basis of enlightened
self-interest. They would have man figure out by mathematics that it pays him to abstain
from wrong-doing; they would even inject an element of selfishness into altruism, but the
moral system elaborated by the materialists has several defects. First, its virtues are
borrowed from moral systems based upon religion. All those who are intelligent enough to
discuss a system of morality are so saturated with the morals derived from systems resting
upon religion that they cannot frame a system resting upon reason alone. Second, as it rests
upon argument rather than upon authority, the young are not in a position to accept or
reject. Our laws do not permit a young man to dispose of real estate until he is twenty-one.
Why this restraint? Because his reason is not mature; and yet a man’s life is largely
moulded by the environment of his youth. Third, one never knows just how much of his
decision is due to reason and how much is due to passion or to selfish interest. Passion can
dethrone the reason—we recognize this in our criminal laws. We also recognize the bias of
self-interest when we exclude from the jury every man, no matter how reasonable or
upright he may be, who has a pecuniary interest in the result of the trial. And, fourth, one
whose morality rests upon a nice calculation of benefits to be secured spends time figuring
that he should spend in action. Those who keep a book account of their good deeds seldom
do enough good to justify keeping books. A noble life cannot be built upon an arithmetic; it
must be rather like the spring that pours forth constantly of that which refreshes and
invigorates.
Morality is the power of endurance in man; and a religion which teaches personal
responsibility to God gives strength to morality. There is a powerful restraining influence in
the belief that an all-seeing eye scrutinizes every thought and word and act of the
individual.
There is wide difference between the man who is trying to conform his life to a
standard of morality about him and the man who seeks to make his life approximate to a
divine standard. The former attempts to live up to the standard, if it is above him, and
down to it, if it is below him—and if he is doing right only when others are looking he is
sure to find a time when he thinks he is unobserved, and then he takes a vacation and falls.
One needs the inner strength which comes with the conscious presence of a personal God.
If those who are thus fortified sometimes yield to temptation, how helpless and hopeless
must those be who rely upon their own strength alone!
There are difficulties to be encountered in religion, but there are difficulties to be
encountered everywhere. If Christians sometimes have doubts and fears, unbelievers have
more doubts and greater fears. I passed through a period of skepticism when I was in
college and I have been glad ever since that I became a member of the church before I left
home for college, for it helped me during those trying days. And the college days cover the
dangerous period in the young man’s life; he is just coming into possession of his powers,
and feels stronger than he ever feels afterward—and he thinks he knows more than he ever
does know.
It was at this period that I became confused by the different theories of creation. But I
examined these theories and found that they all assumed something to begin with. You can
test this for yourselves. The nebular hypothesis, for instance, assumes that matter and force
existed—matter in particles infinitely fine and each particle separated from every other
particle by space infinitely great. Beginning with this assumption, force working on matter
—according to this hypothesis—created a universe. Well, I have a right to assume, and I
prefer to assume, a Designer back of the design—a Creator back of the creation; and no
matter how long you draw out the process of creation, so long as God stands back of it you
cannot shake my faith in Jehovah. In Genesis it is written that, in the beginning, God
created the heavens and the earth, and I can stand on that proposition until I find some
theory of creation that goes farther back than “the beginning.” We must begin with
something—we must start somewhere—and the Christian begins with God.
I do not carry the doctrine of evolution as far as some do; I am not yet convinced that
man is a lineal descendant of the lower animals. I do not mean to find fault with you if you
want to accept the theory; all I mean to say is that while you may trace your ancestry back
to the monkey if you find pleasure or pride in doing so, you shall not connect me with your
family tree without more evidence than has yet been produced. I object to the theory for
several reasons. First, it is a dangerous theory. If a man links himself in generations with
the monkey, it then becomes an important question whether he is going toward him or
coming from him—and I have seen them going in both directions. I do not know of any
argument that can be used to prove that man is an improved monkey that may not be used
just as well to prove that the monkey is a degenerate man, and the latter theory is more
plausible than the former.
It is true that man, in some physical characteristics resembles the beast, but man has a
mind as well as a body, and a soul as well as a mind. The mind is greater than the body and
the soul is greater than the mind, and I object to having man’s pedigree traced on one-third
of him only—and that the lowest third. Fairbairn, in his “Philosophy of Christianity,” lays
down a sound proposition when he says that it is not sufficient to explain man as an animal;
that it is necessary to explain man in history—and the Darwinian theory does not do this.
The ape, according to this theory, is older than man and yet the ape is still an ape while
man is the author of the marvelous civilization which we see about us.
One does not escape from mystery, however, by accepting this theory, for it does not
explain the origin of life. When the follower of Darwin has traced the germ of life back to
the lowest form in which it appears—and to follow him one must exercise more faith than
religion calls for—he finds that scientists differ. Those who reject the idea of creation are
divided into two schools, some believing that the first germ of life came from another
planet and others holding that it was the result of spontaneous generation. Each school
answers the arguments advanced by the other, and as they cannot agree with each other, I
am not compelled to agree with either.
If I were compelled to accept one of these theories I would prefer the first, for if we
can chase the germ of life off this planet and get it out into space we can guess the rest of
the way and no one can contradict us, but if we accept the doctrine of spontaneous
generation we cannot explain why spontaneous generation ceased to act after the first germ
was created.
Go back as far as we may, we cannot escape from the creative act, and it is just as easy
for me to believe that God created man as he is as to believe that, millions of years ago, He
created a germ of life and endowed it with power to develop into all that we see to-day. I
object to the Darwinian theory, until more conclusive proof is produced, because I fear we
shall lose the consciousness of God’s presence in our daily life, if we must accept the
theory that through all the ages no spiritual force has touched the life of man or shaped the
destiny of nations.
But there is another objection. The Darwinian theory represents man as reaching his
present perfection by the operation of the law of hate—the merciless law by which the
strong crowd out and kill off the weak. If this is the law of our development then, if there is
any logic that can bind the human mind, we shall turn backward toward the beast in
proportion as we substitute the law of love. I prefer to believe that love rather than hatred is
the law of development. How can hatred be the law of development when nations have
advanced in proportion as they have departed from that law and adopted the law of love?
But, I repeat, while I do not accept the Darwinian theory I shall not quarrel with you
about it; I only refer to it to remind you that it does not solve the mystery of life or explain
human progress. I fear that some have accepted it in the hope of escaping from the miracle,
but why should the miracle frighten us? And yet I am inclined to think that it is one of the
test questions with the Christian.
Christ cannot be separated from the miraculous; His birth, His ministrations, and His
resurrection, all involve the miraculous, and the change which His religion works in the
human heart is a continuing miracle. Eliminate the miracles and Christ becomes merely a
human being and His gospel is stript of divine authority.
The miracle raises two questions: “Can God perform a miracle?” and, “Would He
want to?” The first is easy to answer. A God who can make a world can do anything He
wants to do with it. The power to perform miracles is necessarily implied in the power to
create. But would God want to perform a miracle?—this is the question which has given
most of the trouble. The more I have considered it the less inclined I am to answer in the
negative. To say that God would not perform a miracle is to assume a more intimate
knowledge of God’s plans and purposes than I can claim to have. I will not deny that God
does perform a miracle or may perform one merely because I do not know how or why He
does it. I find it so difficult to decide each day what God wants done now that I am not
presumptuous enough to attempt to declare what God might have wanted to do thousands
of years ago. The fact that we are constantly learning of the existence of new forces
suggests the possibility that God may operate through forces yet unknown to us, and the
mysteries with which we deal every day warn me that faith is as necessary as sight. Who
would have credited a century ago the stories that are now told of the wonder-working
electricity? For ages man had known the lightning, but only to fear it; now, this invisible
current is generated by a man-made machine, imprisoned in a man-made wire and made to
do the bidding of man. We are even able to dispense with the wire and hurl words through
space, and the X-ray has enabled us to look through substances which were supposed, until
recently, to exclude all light. The miracle is not more mysterious than many of the things
with which man now deals—it is simply different. The miraculous birth of Christ is not
more mysterious than any other conception—it is simply unlike it; nor is the resurrection
of Christ more mysterious than the myriad resurrections which mark each annual seed-
time.
It is sometimes said that God could not suspend one of His laws without stopping the
universe, but do we not suspend or overcome the law of gravitation every day? Every time
we move a foot or lift a weight we temporarily overcome one of the most universal of
natural laws and yet the world is not disturbed.
Science has taught us so many things that we are tempted to conclude that we know
everything, but there is really a great unknown which is still unexplored and that which we
have learned ought to increase our reverence rather than our egotism. Science has disclosed
some of the machinery of the universe, but science has not yet revealed to us the great
secret—the secret of life. It is to be found in every blade of grass, in every insect, in every
bird and in every animal, as well as in man. Six thousand years of recorded history and yet
we know no more about the secret of life than they knew in the beginning. We live, we
plan; we have our hopes, our fears; and yet in a moment a change may come over anyone
of us and this body will become a mass of lifeless clay. What is it that, having, we live, and
having not, we are as the clod? The progress of the race and the civilization which we now
behold are the work of men and women who have not yet solved the mystery of their own
lives.
And our food, must we understand it before we eat it? If we refused to eat anything
until we could understand the mystery of its growth, we would die of starvation. But
mystery does not bother us in the dining-room; it is only in the church that it is a stumbling
block.
I was eating a piece of watermelon some months ago and was struck with its beauty. I
took some of the seeds and dried them and weighed them, and found that it would require
some five thousand seeds to weigh a pound; and then I applied mathematics to that forty-
pound melon. One of these seeds, put into the ground, when warmed by the sun and
moistened by the rain, takes off its coat and goes to work; it gathers from somewhere two
hundred thousand times its own weight, and forcing this raw material through a tiny stem,
constructs a watermelon. It ornaments the outside with a covering of green; inside the
green it puts a layer of white, and within the white a core of red, and all through the red it
scatters seeds, each one capable of continuing the work of reproduction. Where does that
little seed get its tremendous power? Where does it find its coloring matter? How does it
collect its flavoring extract? How does it build a watermelon? Until you can explain a
watermelon, do not be too sure that you can set limits to the power of the Almighty and say
just what He would do or how He would do it. I cannot explain the watermelon, but I eat it
and enjoy it.
The egg is the most universal of foods and its use dates from the beginning, but what
is more mysterious than an egg? When an egg is fresh it is an important article of
merchandise; a hen can destroy its market value in a week’s time, but in two weeks more
she can bring forth from it what man could not find in it. We eat eggs, but we cannot
explain an egg.
Water has been used from the birth of man; we learned after it had been used for ages
that it is merely a mixture of gases, but it is far more important that we have water to drink
than that we know that it is not water.
Everything that grows tells a like story of infinite power. Why should I deny that a
divine hand fed a multitude with a few loaves and fishes when I see hundreds of millions
fed every year by a hand which converts the seeds scattered over the field into an abundant
harvest? We know that food can be multiplied in a few months’ time; shall we deny the
power of the Creator to eliminate the element of time, when we have gone so far in
eliminating the element of space? Who am I that I should attempt to measure the arm of the
Almighty with my puny arm, or to measure the brain of the Infinite with my finite mind?
Who am I that I should attempt to put metes and bounds to the power of the Creator?
But there is something even more wonderful still—the mysterious change that takes
place in the human heart when the man begins to hate the things he loved and to love the
things he hated—the marvelous transformation that takes place in the man who, before the
change, would have sacrificed a world for his own advancement but who, after the change,
would give his life for a principle and esteem it a privilege to make sacrifice for his
convictions! What greater miracle than this, that converts a selfish, self-centered human
being into a center from which good influences flow out in every direction! And yet this
miracle has been wrought in the heart of each one of us—or may be wrought—and we
have seen it wrought in the hearts and lives of those about us. No, living a life that is a
mystery, and living in the midst of mystery and miracles, I shall not allow either to deprive
me of the benefits of the Christian religion. If you ask me if I understand everything in the
Bible, I answer, no, but if we will try to live up to what we do understand, we will be kept
so busy doing good that we will not have time to worry about the passages which we do
not understand.
Some of those who question the miracle also question the theory of atonement; they
assert that it does not accord with their idea of justice for one to die for all. Let each one
bear his own sins and the punishments due for them, they say. The doctrine of vicarious
suffering is not a new one; it is as old as the race. That one should suffer for others is one
of the most familiar of principles and we see the principle illustrated every day of our lives.
Take the family, for instance; from the day the mother’s first child is born, for twenty or
thirty years her children are scarcely out of her waking thoughts. Her life trembles in the
balance at each child’s birth; she sacrifices for them, she surrenders herself to them. Is it
because she expects them to pay her back? Fortunate for the parent and fortunate for the
child if the latter has an opportunity to repay in part the debt it owes. But no child can
compensate a parent for a parent’s care. In the course of nature the debt is paid, not to the
parent, but to the next generation, and the next—each generation suffering, sacrificing for
and surrendering itself to the generation that follows. This is the law of our lives.
Nor is this confined to the family. Every step in civilization has been made possible by
those who have been willing to sacrifice for posterity. Freedom of speech, freedom of the
press, freedom of conscience and free government have all been won for the world by
those who were willing to labor unselfishly for their fellows. So well established is this
doctrine that we do not regard anyone as great unless he recognizes how unimportant his
life is in comparison with the problems with which he deals.
I find proof that man was made in the image of his Creator in the fact that, throughout
the centuries, man has been willing to die, if necessary, that blessings denied to him might
be enjoyed by his children, his children’s children and the world.
The seeming paradox: “He that saveth his life shall lose it and he that loseth his life for
my sake shall find it,” has an application wider than that usually given to it; it is an epitome
of history. Those who live only for themselves live little lives, but those who stand ready to
give themselves for the advancement of things greater than themselves find a larger life
than the one they would have surrendered. Wendell Phillips gave expression to the same
idea when he said, “What imprudent men the benefactors of the race have been. How
prudently most men sink into nameless graves, while now and then a few forget themselves
into immortality.” We win immortality, not by remembering ourselves, but by forgetting
ourselves in devotion to things larger than ourselves.
Instead of being an unnatural plan, the plan of salvation is in perfect harmony with
human nature as we understand it. Sacrifice is the language of love, and Christ, in suffering
for the world, adopted the only means of reaching the heart. This can be demonstrated not
only by theory but by experience, for the story of His life, His teachings, His sufferings and
His death has been translated into every language and everywhere it has touched the heart.
But if I were going to present an argument in favor of the divinity of Christ, I would
not begin with miracles or mystery or with the theory of atonement. I would begin as
Carnegie Simpson does in his book entitled, “The Fact of Christ.” Commencing with the
undisputed fact that Christ lived, he points out that one cannot contemplate this fact
without feeling that in some way it is related to those now living. He says that one can read
of Alexander, of Cæsar or of Napoleon, and not feel that it is a matter of personal concern;
but that when one reads that Christ lived, and how He lived and how He died, he feels that
somehow there is a cord that stretches from that life to his. As he studies the character of
Christ he becomes conscious of certain virtues which stand out in bold relief—His purity,
His forgiving spirit, and His unfathomable love. The author is correct. Christ presents an
example of purity in thought and life, and man, conscious of his own imperfections and
grieved over his shortcomings, finds inspiration in the fact that He was tempted in all
points like as we are, and yet without sin. I am not sure but that each can find just here a
way of determining for himself whether he possesses the true spirit of a Christian. If the
sinlessness of Christ inspires within him an earnest desire to conform his life more nearly
to the perfect example, he is indeed a follower; if, on the other hand, he resents the reproof
which the purity of Christ offers, and refuses to mend his ways, he has yet to be born again.
The most difficult of all the virtues to cultivate is the forgiving spirit. Revenge seems
to be natural with man; it is human to want to get even with an enemy. It has even been
popular to boast of vindictiveness; it was once inscribed on a man’s monument that he had
repaid both friends and enemies more than he had received. This was not the spirit of
Christ. He taught forgiveness and in that incomparable prayer which He left as model for
our petitions, He made our willingness to forgive the measure by which we may claim
forgiveness. He not only taught forgiveness but He exemplified His teachings in His life.
When those who persecuted Him brought Him to the most disgraceful of all deaths, His
spirit of forgiveness rose above His sufferings and He prayed, “Father, forgive them, for
they know not what they do!”
But love is the foundation of Christ’s creed. The world had known love before; parents
had loved their children, and children their parents; husbands had loved their wives, and
wives their husbands; and friend had loved friend; but Jesus gave a new definition of love.
His love was as wide as the sea; its limits were so far-flung that even an enemy could not
travel beyond its bounds. Other teachers sought to regulate the lives of their followers by
rule and formula, but Christ’s plan was to purify the heart and then to leave love to direct
the footsteps.
What conclusion is to be drawn from the life, the teachings and the death of this
historic figure? Reared in a carpenter shop; with no knowledge of literature, save Bible
literature; with no acquaintance with philosophers living or with the writings of sages dead,
when only about thirty years old He gathered disciples about Him, promulgated a higher
code of morals than the world had ever known before, and proclaimed Himself the
Messiah. He taught and performed miracles for a few brief months and then was crucified;
His disciples were scattered and many of them put to death; His claims were disputed, His
resurrection denied and His followers persecuted; and yet from this beginning His religion
spread until hundreds of millions have taken His name with reverence upon their lips and
millions have been willing to die rather than surrender the faith which He put into their
hearts. How shall we account for Him? Here is the greatest fact of history; here is One who
has with increasing power, for nineteen hundred years, moulded the hearts, the thoughts
and the lives of men, and He exerts more influence to-day than ever before. “What think ye
of Christ?” It is easier to believe Him divine than to explain in any other way what he said
and did and was. And I have greater faith, even than before, since I have visited the Orient
and witnessed the successful contest which Christianity is waging against the religions and
philosophies of the East.
I was thinking a few years ago of the Christmas which was then approaching and of
Him in whose honor the day is celebrated. I recalled the message, “Peace on earth, good
will to men,” and then my thoughts ran back to the prophecy uttered centuries before His
birth, in which He was described as the Prince of Peace. To reinforce my memory I re-read
the prophecy and I found immediately following a verse which I had forgotten—a verse
which declares that of the increase of His peace and government there shall be no end,
And, Isaiah adds, that He shall judge His people with justice and with judgment. I had been
reading of the rise and fall of nations, and occasionally I had met a gloomy philosopher
who preached the doctrine that nations, like individuals, must of necessity have their birth,
their infancy, their maturity and finally their decay and death. But here I read of a
government that is to be perpetual—a government of increasing peace and blessedness—
the government of the Prince of Peace—and it is to rest on justice. I have thought of this
prophecy many times during the last few years, and I have selected this theme that I might
present some of the reasons which lead me to believe that Christ has fully earned the right
to be called The Prince of Peace—a title that will in the years to come be more and more
applied to Him. If he can bring peace to each individual heart, and if His creed when
applied will bring peace throughout the earth, who will deny His right to be called the
Prince of Peace?
All the world is in search of peace; every heart that ever beat has sought for peace, and
many have been the methods employed to secure it. Some have thought to purchase it with
riches and have labored to secure wealth, hoping to find peace when they were able to go
where they pleased and buy what they liked. Of those who have endeavored to purchase
peace with money, the large majority have failed to secure the money. But what has been
the experience of those who have been eminently successful in finance? They all tell the
same story, viz., that they spent the first half of their lives trying to get money from others
and the last half trying to keep others from getting their money, and that they found peace
in neither half. Some have even reached the point where they find difficulty in getting
people to accept their money; and I know of no better indication of the ethical awakening
in this country than the increasing tendency to scrutinize the methods of money-making. I
am sanguine enough to believe that the time will yet come when respectability will no
longer be sold to great criminals by helping them to spend their ill-gotten gains. A long
step in advance will have been taken when religious, educational and charitable institutions
refuse to condone conscienceless methods in business and leave the possessor of
illegitimate accumulations to learn how lonely life is when one prefers money to morals.
Some have sought peace in social distinction, but whether they have been within the
charmed circle and fearful lest they might fall out, or outside, and hopeful that they might
get in, they have not found peace. Some have thought, vain thought, to find peace in
political prominence; but whether office comes by birth, as in monarchies, or by election,
as in republics, it does not bring peace. An office is not considered a high one if all can
occupy it. Only when few in a generation can hope to enjoy an honor do we call it a great
honor. I am glad that our Heavenly Father did not make the peace of the human heart to
depend upon our ability to buy it with money, secure it in society, or win it at the polls, for
in either case but few could have obtained it, but when He made peace the reward of a
conscience void of offense toward God and man, He put it within the reach of all. The poor
can secure it as easily as the rich, the social outcasts as freely as the leader of society, and
the humblest citizen equally with those who wield political power.
To those who have grown gray in the Church, I need not speak of the peace to be
found in faith in God and trust in an overruling Providence. Christ taught that our lives are
precious in the sight of God, and poets have taken up the thought and woven it into
immortal verse. No uninspired writer has exprest it more beautifully than William Cullen
Bryant in his Ode to a Waterfowl. After following the wanderings of the bird of passage as
it seeks first its southern and then its northern home, he concludes:
Only those who believe attempt the seemingly impossible, and, by attempting, prove
that one, with God, can chase a thousand and that two can put ten thousand to flight. I can
imagine that the early Christians who were carried into the coliseum to make a spectacle
for those more savage than the beasts, were entreated by their doubting companions not to
endanger their lives. But, kneeling in the center of the arena, they prayed and sang until
they were devoured. How helpless they seemed, and, measured by every human rule, how
hopeless was their cause! And yet within a few decades the power which they invoked
proved mightier than the legions of the emperor and the faith in which they died was
triumphant o’er all the land. It is said that those who went to mock at their sufferings
returned asking themselves, “What is it that can enter into the heart of man and make him
die as these die?” They were greater conquerors in their death than they could have been
had they purchased life by a surrender of their faith.
What would have been the fate of the church if the early Christians had had as little
faith as many of our Christians of to-day? And if the Christians of to-day had the faith of
the martyrs, how long would it be before the fulfilment of the prophecy that “every knee
shall bow and every tongue confess?”
I am glad that He, who is called the Prince of Peace—who can bring peace to every
troubled heart and whose teachings, exemplified in life, will bring peace between man and
man, between community and community, between State and State, between nation and
nation throughout the world—I am glad that He brings courage as well as peace so that
those who follow Him may take up and each day bravely do the duties that to that day fall.
As the Christian grows older he appreciates more and more the completeness with
which Christ satisfies the longings of the heart, and, grateful for the peace which he enjoys
and for the strength which he has received, he repeats the words of the great scholar, Sir
William Jones:
RUFUS CHOATE
EULOGY OF WEBSTER
ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE
PASS PROSPERITY AROUND
We stand for a nobler America. We stand for an undivided Nation. We stand for a
broader liberty, a fuller justice. We stand for a social brotherhood as against savage
individualism. We stand for an intelligent coöperation instead of a reckless competition.
We stand for mutual helpfulness instead of mutual hatred. We stand for equal rights as a
fact of life instead of a catch-word of politics. We stand for the rule of the people as a
practical truth instead of a meaningless pretense. We stand for a representative government
that represents the people. We battle for the actual rights of man.
To carry out our principles we have a plain program of constructive reform. We mean
to tear down only that which is wrong and out of date; and where we tear down we mean to
build what is right and fitted to the times. We harken to the call of the present. We mean to
make laws fit conditions as they are and meet the needs of the people who are on earth to-
day. That we may do this we found a party through which all who believe with us can work
with us; or, rather, we declare our allegiance to the party which the people themselves have
founded.
For this party comes from the grass roots. It has grown from the soil of the people’s
hard necessities. It has the vitality of the people’s strong convictions. The people have
work to be done and our party is here to do that work. Abuse will only strengthen it,
ridicule only hasten its growth, falsehood only speed its victory. For years this party has
been forming. Parties exist for the people; not the people for parties. Yet for years the
politicians have made the people do the work of the parties instead of the parties doing the
work of the people—and the politicians own the parties. The people vote for one party and
find their hopes turned to ashes on their lips; and then to punish that party, they vote for the
other party. So it is that partisan victories have come to be merely the people’s vengeance;
and always the secret powers have played their game.
Like other free people, most of us Americans are progressive or reactionary, liberal or
conservative. The neutrals do not count. Yet to-day neither of the old parties is either
wholly progressive or wholly reactionary. Democratic politicians and office seekers say to
reactionary Democratic voters that the Democratic party is reactionary enough to express
reactionary views; and they say to progressive Democrats that the Democratic party is
progressive enough to express progressive views. At the same time, Republican politicians
and office seekers say the same thing about the Republican party to progressive and
reactionary Republican voters.
Sometimes in both Democratic and Republican States the progressives get control of
the party locally and then the reactionaries recapture the same party in the same State; or
this process is reversed. So there is no nation-wide unity of principle in either party, no
stability of purpose, no clear-cut and sincere program of one party at frank and open war
with an equally clear-cut and sincere program of an opposing party.
This unintelligent tangle is seen in Congress. Republican and Democratic Senators and
Representatives, believing alike on broad measures affecting the whole Republic, find it
hard to vote together because of the nominal difference of their party membership. When,
sometimes, under resistless conviction, they do vote together, we have this foolish
spectacle: legislators calling themselves Republicans and Democrats support the same
policy, the Democratic legislators declaring that that policy is Democratic and Republican
legislators declaring that it is Republican; and at the very same time other Democratic and
Republican legislators oppose that very same policy, each of them declaring that it is not
Democratic or not Republican.
The condition makes it impossible most of the time, and hard at any time, for the
people’s legislators who believe in the same broad policies to enact them into logical,
comprehensive laws. It confuses the public mind. It breeds suspicion and distrust. It
enables such special interests as seek unjust gain at the public expense to get what they
want. It creates and fosters the degrading boss system in American politics through which
these special interests work.
This boss system is unknown and impossible under any other free government in the
world. In its very nature it is hostile to general welfare. Yet it has grown until it now is a
controlling influence in American public affairs. At the present moment notorious bosses
are in the saddle of both old parties in various important States which must be carried to
elect a President. This Black Horse Cavalry is the most important force in the practical
work of the Democratic and Republican parties in the present campaign. Neither of the old
parties’ nominees for President can escape obligation to these old-party bosses or shake
their practical hold on many and powerful members of the National Legislature.
Under this boss system, no matter which party wins, the people seldom win; but the
bosses almost always win. And they never work for the people. They do not even work for
the party to which they belong. They work only for those anti-public interests whose
political employees they are. It is these interests that are the real victors in the end.
These special interests which suck the people’s substance are bi-partisan. They use
both parties. They are the invisible government behind our visible government. Democratic
and Republican bosses alike are brother officers of this hidden power. No matter how
fiercely they pretend to fight one another before election, they work together after election.
And, acting so, this political conspiracy is able to delay, mutilate or defeat sound and
needed laws for the people’s welfare and the prosperity of honest business and even to
enact bad laws, hurtful to the people’s welfare and oppressive to honest business.
It is this invisible government which is the real danger to American institutions. Its
crude work at Chicago in June, which the people were able to see, was no more wicked
than its skillful work everywhere and always which the people are not able to see.
But an even more serious condition results from the unnatural alignment of the old
parties. To-day we Americans are politically shattered by sectionalism. Through the two
old parties the tragedy of our history is continued; and one great geographical part of the
Republic is separated from other parts of the Republic by an illogical partisan solidarity.
The South has men and women as genuinely progressive and others as genuinely
reactionary as those in other parts of our country. Yet, for well-known reasons, these
sincere and honest southern progressives and reactionaries vote together in a single party,
which is neither progressive nor reactionary. They vote a dead tradition and a local fear, not
a living conviction and a national faith. They vote not for the Democratic party, but against
the Republican party. They want to be free from this condition; they can be free from it
through the National Progressive party.
For the problems which America faces to-day are economic and national. They have to
do with a more just distribution of prosperity. They concern the living of the people; and
therefore the more direct government of the people by themselves.
They affect the South exactly as they affect the North, the East or the West. It is an
artificial and dangerous condition that prevents the southern man and woman from acting
with the northern man and woman who believe the same thing. Yet just that is what the old
parties do prevent.
Not only does this out-of-date partisanship cut our Nation into two geographical
sections; it also robs the Nation of a priceless asset of thought in working out our national
destiny. The South once was famous for brilliant and constructive thinking on national
problems, and to-day the South has minds as brilliant and constructive as of old. But
southern intellect cannot freely and fully aid, in terms of politics, the solving of the
Nation’s problems. This is so because of a partisan sectionalism which has nothing to do
with those problems. Yet these problems can be solved only in terms of politics.
The root of the wrongs which hurt the people is the fact that the people’s government
has been taken away from them—the invisible government has usurped the people’s
government. Their government must be given back to the people. And so the first purpose
of the Progressive party is to make sure the rule of the people. The rule of the people
means that the people themselves shall nominate, as well as elect, all candidates for office,
including Senators and Presidents of the United States. What profiteth it the people if they
do only the electing while the invisible government does the nominating?
The rule of the people means that when the people’s legislators make a law which
hurts the people, the people themselves may reject it. The rule of the people means that
when the people’s legislators refuse to pass a law which the people need, the people
themselves may pass it. The rule of the people means that when the people’s employees do
not do the people’s work well and honestly, the people may discharge them exactly as a
business man discharges employees who do not do their work well and honestly. The
people’s officials are the people’s servants, not the people’s masters.
We progressives believe in this rule of the people that the people themselves may deal
with their own destiny. Who knows the people’s needs so well as the people themselves?
Who so patient as the people? Who so long suffering, who so just? Who so wise to solve
their own problems?
Today these problems concern the living of the people. Yet in the present stage of
American development these problems should not exist in this country. For, in all the world
there is no land so rich as ours. Our fields can feed hundreds of millions. We have more
minerals than the whole of Europe. Invention has made easy the turning of this vast natural
wealth into supplies for all the needs of man. One worker today can produce more than
twenty workers could produce a century ago.
The people living in this land of gold are the most daring and resourceful on the globe.
Coming from the hardiest stock of every nation of the old world their very history in the
new world has made Americans a peculiar people in courage, initiative, love of justice and
all the elements of independent character.
And, compared with other peoples, we are very few in numbers. There are only ninety
millions of us, scattered over a continent. Germany has sixty-five millions packed in a
country very much smaller than Texas. The population of Great Britain and Ireland could
be set down in California and still have more than enough room for the population of
Holland. If this country were as thickly peopled as Belgium there would be more than
twelve hundred million instead of only ninety million persons within our borders.
So we have more than enough to supply every human being beneath the flag. There
ought not to be in this Republic a single day of bad business, a single unemployed
workingman, a single unfed child. American business men should never know an hour of
uncertainty, discouragement or fear; American workingmen never a day of low wages,
idleness or want. Hunger should never walk in these thinly peopled gardens of plenty.
And yet in spite of all these favors which providence has showered upon us, the living
of the people is the problem of the hour. Hundreds of thousands of hard-working
Americans find it difficult to get enough to live on. The average income of an American
laborer is less than $500 a year. With this he must furnish food, shelter and clothing for a
family.
Women, whose nourishing and protection should be the first care of the State, not only
are driven into the mighty army of wage-earners, but are forced to work under unfair and
degrading conditions. The right of a child to grow into a normal human being is sacred;
and yet, while small and poor countries, packed with people, have abolished child labor,
American mills, mines, factories and sweat-shops are destroying hundreds of thousands of
American children in body, mind and soul.
At the same time men have grasped fortunes in this country so great that the human
mind cannot comprehend their magnitude. These mountains of wealth are far larger than
even that lavish reward which no one would deny to business risk or genius.
On the other hand, American business is uncertain and unsteady compared with the
business of other nations. American business men are the best and bravest in the world, and
yet our business conditions hamper their energies and chill their courage. We have no
permanency in business affairs, no sure outlook upon the business future. This unsettled
state of American business prevents it from realizing for the people that great and
continuous prosperity which our country’s location, vast wealth and small population
justifies.
We mean to remedy these conditions. We mean not only to make prosperity steady, but
to give to the many who earn it a just share of that prosperity instead of helping the few
who do not earn it to take an unjust share. The progressive motto is “Pass prosperity
around.” To make human living easier, to free the hands of honest business, to make trade
and commerce sound and steady, to protect womanhood, save childhood and restore the
dignity of manhood—these are the tasks we must do.
What, then, is the progressive answer to these questions? We are able to give it
specifically and concretely. The first work before us is the revival of honest business. For
business is nothing but the industrial and trade activities of all the people. Men grow the
products of the field, cut ripe timber from the forest, dig metal from the mine, fashion all
for human use, carry them to the market place and exchange them according to their
mutual needs—and this is business.
With our vast advantages, contrasted with the vast disadvantages of other nations,
American business all the time should be the best and steadiest in the world. But it is not.
Germany, with shallow soil, no mines, only a window on the seas and a population more
than ten times as dense as ours, yet has a sounder business, a steadier prosperity, a more
contented because better cared for people.
What, then, must we do to make American business better? We must do what poorer
nations have done. We must end the abuses of business by striking down those abuses
instead of striking down business itself. We must try to make little business big and all
business honest instead of striving to make big business little and yet letting it remain
dishonest.
Present-day business is as unlike old-time business as the old-time ox-cart is unlike the
present-day locomotive. Invention has made the whole world over again. The railroad,
telegraph, telephone have bound the people of modern nations into families. To do the
business of these closely knit millions in every modern country great business concerns
came into being. What we call big business is the child of the economic progress of
mankind. So warfare to destroy big business is foolish because it can not succeed and
wicked because it ought not to succeed. Warfare to destroy big business does not hurt big
business, which always comes out on top, so much as it hurts all other business which, in
such a warfare, never comes out on top.
With the growth of big business came business evils just as great. It is these evils of
big business that hurt the people and injure all other business. One of these wrongs is over
capitalization which taxes the people’s very living. Another is the manipulation of prices to
the unsettlement of all normal business and to the people’s damage. Another is interference
in the making of the people’s laws and the running of the people’s government in the unjust
interest of evil business. Getting laws that enable particular interests to rob the people, and
even to gather criminal riches from human health and life is still another.
An example of such laws is the infamous tobacco legislation of 1902, which
authorized the Tobacco Trust to continue to collect from the people the Spanish War tax,
amounting to a score of millions of dollars, but to keep that tax instead of turning it over to
the government, as it had been doing. Another example is the shameful meat legislation, by
which the Beef Trust had the meat it sent abroad inspected by the government so that
foreign countries would take its product and yet was permitted to sell diseased meat to our
own people. It is incredible that laws like these could ever get on the Nation’s statute
books. The invisible government put them there; and only the universal wrath of an
enraged people corrected them when, after years, the people discovered the outrages.
It is to get just such laws as these and to prevent the passage of laws to correct them,
as well as to keep off the statute books general laws which will end the general abuses of
big business that these few criminal interests corrupt our politics, invest in public officials
and keep in power in both parties that type of politicians and party managers who debase
American politics.
Behind rotten laws and preventing sound laws, stands the corrupt boss; behind the
corrupt boss stands the robber interest; and commanding these powers of pillage stands
bloated human greed. It is this conspiracy of evil we must overthrow if we would get the
honest laws we need. It is this invisible government we must destroy if we would save
American institutions.
Other nations have ended the very same business evils from which we suffer by
clearly defining business wrong-doing and then making it a criminal offense, punishable by
imprisonment. Yet these foreign nations encourage big business itself and foster all honest
business. But they do not tolerate dishonest business, little or big.
What, then, shall we Americans do? Common sense and the experience of the world
says that we ought to keep the good big business does for us and stop the wrongs that big
business does to us. Yet we have done just the other thing. We have struck at big business
itself and have not even aimed to strike at the evils of big business. Nearly twenty-five
years ago Congress passed a law to govern American business in the present time which
Parliament passed in the reign of King James to govern English business in that time.
For a quarter of a century the courts have tried to make this law work. Yet during this
very time trusts grew greater in number and power than in the whole history of the world
before; and their evils flourished unhindered and unchecked. These great business concerns
grew because natural laws made them grow and artificial law at war with natural law could
not stop their growth. But their evils grew faster than the trusts themselves because avarice
nourished those evils and no law of any kind stopped avarice from nourishing them.
Nor is this the worst. Under the shifting interpretation of the Sherman law, uncertainty
and fear is chilling the energies of the great body of honest American business men. As the
Sherman law now stands, no two business men can arrange their mutual affairs and be sure
that they are not law-breakers. This is the main hindrance to the immediate and permanent
revival of American business. If German or English business men, with all their
disadvantages compared with our advantages, were manacled by our Sherman law, as it
stands, they soon would be bankrupt. Indeed, foreign business men declare that, if their
countries had such a law, so administered, they could not do business at all.
Even this is not all. By the decrees of our courts, under the Sherman law, the two
mightiest trusts on earth have actually been licensed, in the practical outcome, to go on
doing every wrong they ever committed. Under the decrees of the courts the Oil and
Tobacco Trusts still can raise prices unjustly and already have done so. They still can issue
watered stock and surely will do so. They still can throttle other business men and the
United Cigar Stores Company now is doing so. They still can corrupt our politics and this
moment are indulging in that practice.
The people are tired of this mock battle with criminal capital. They do not want to hurt
business, but they do want to get something done about the trust question that amounts to
something. What good does it do any man to read in his morning paper that the courts have
“dissolved” the Oil Trust, and then read in his evening paper that he must thereafter pay a
higher price for his oil than ever before? What good does it do the laborer who smokes his
pipe to be told that the courts have “dissolved” the Tobacco Trust and yet find that he must
pay the same or a higher price for the same short-weight package of tobacco? Yet all this is
the practical result of the suits against these two greatest trusts in the world.
Such business chaos and legal paradoxes as American business suffers from can be
found nowhere else in the world. Rival nations do not fasten legal ball and chain upon their
business—no, they put wings on its flying feet. Rival nations do not tell their business men
that if they go forward with legitimate enterprise the pentitentiary may be their goal. No!
Rival nations tell their business men that so long as they do honest business their
governments will not hinder but will help them.
But these rival nations do tell their business men that if they do any evil that our
business men do, prison bars await them. These rival nations do tell their business men that
if they issue watered stock or cheat the people in any way, prison cells will be their homes.
Just this is what all honest American business wants; just this is what dishonest
American business does not want; just this is what the American people propose to have;
just this the national Republican platform of 1908 pledged the people that we would give
them; and just this important pledge the administration, elected on that platform, repudiated
as it repudiated the more immediate tariff pledge.
Both these reforms, so vital to honest American business, the Progressive party will
accomplish. Neither evil interests nor reckless demagogues can swerve us from our
purpose; for we are free from both and fear neither.
We mean to put new business laws on our statute books which will tell American
business men what they can do and what they cannot do. We mean to make our business
laws clear instead of foggy—to make them plainly state just what things are criminal and
what are lawful. And we mean that the penalty for things criminal shall be prison sentences
that actually punish the real offender, instead of money fines that hurt nobody but the
people, who must pay them in the end.
And then we mean to send the message forth to hundreds of thousands of brilliant
minds and brave hearts engaged in honest business, that they are not criminals but
honorable men in their work to make good business in this Republic. Sure of victory, we
even now say, “Go forward, American business men, and know that behind you,
supporting you, encouraging you, are the power and approval of the greatest people under
the sun. Go forward, American business men, and feed full the fires beneath American
furnaces; and give employment to every American laborer who asks for work. Go forward,
American business men, and capture the markets of the world for American trade; and
know that on the wings of your commerce you carry liberty throughout the world and to
every inhabitant thereof. Go forward, American business men, and realize that in the time
to come it shall be said of you, as it is said of the hand that rounded Peter’s Dome, ‘he
builded better than he knew.’”
The next great business reform we must have to steadily increase American prosperity
is to change the method of building our tariffs. The tariff must be taken out of politics and
treated as a business question instead of as a political question. Heretofore, we have done
just the other thing. That is why American business is upset every few years by
unnecessary tariff upheavals and is weakened by uncertainty in the periods between. The
greatest need of business is certainty; but the only thing certain about our tariff is
uncertainty.
What, then, shall we do to make our tariff changes strengthen business instead of
weakening business? Rival protective tariff nations have answered that question. Common
sense has answered it. Next to our need to make the Sherman law modern, understandable
and just, our greatest fiscal need is a genuine, permanent, non-partisan tariff commission.
Five years ago, when the fight for this great business measure was begun in the Senate
the bosses of both parties were against it. So, when the last revision of the tariff was on and
a tariff commission might have been written into the tariff law, the administration would
not aid this reform. When two years later the administration supported it weakly, the bi-
partisan boss system killed it. There has not been and will not be any sincere and honest
effort by the old parties to get a tariff commission. There has not been and will not be any
sincere and honest purpose by those parties to take the tariff out of politics.
For the tariff in politics is the excuse for those sham political battles which give the
spoilers their opportunity. The tariff in politics is one of the invisible government’s
methods of wringing tribute from the people. Through the tariff in politics the beneficiaries
of tariff excesses are cared for, no matter which party is “revising.”
Who has forgotten the tariff scandals that made President Cleveland denounce the
Wilson-Gorman bill as “a perfidy and a dishonor?” Who ever can forget the brazen
robberies forced into the Payne-Aldrich bill which Mr. Taft defended as “the best ever
made?” If everyone else forgets these things the interests that profited by them never will
forget them. The bosses and lobbyists that grew rich by putting them through never will
forget them. That is why the invisible government and its agents want to keep the old
method of tariff building. For, though such tariff “revisions” may make lean years for the
people, they make fat years for the powers of pillage and their agents.
So neither of the old parties can honestly carry out any tariff policies which they
pledge the people to carry out. But even if they could and even if they were sincere, the old
party platforms are in error on tariff policy. The Democratic platform declares for free
trade; but free trade is wrong and ruinous. The Republican platform permits extortion; but
tariff extortion is robbery by law. The Progressive party is for honest protection; and honest
protection is right and a condition of American prosperity.
A tariff high enough to give American producers the American market when they
make honest goods and sell them at honest prices but low enough that when they sell
dishonest goods at dishonest prices, foreign competition can correct both evils; a tariff high
enough to enable American producers to pay our workingmen American wages and so
arranged that the workingmen will get such wages; a business tariff whose changes will be
so made as to reassure business instead of disturbing it—this is the tariff and the method of
its making in which the Progressive party believes, for which it does battle and which it
proposes to write into the laws of the land.
The Payne-Aldrich tariff law must be revised immediately in accordance to these
principles. At the same time a genuine, permanent, non-partisan tariff commission must be
fixed in the law as firmly as the Interstate Commerce Commission. Neither of the old
parties can do this work. For neither of the old parties believes in such a tariff; and, what is
more serious, special privilege is too thoroughly woven into the fiber of both old parties to
allow them to make such a tariff. The Progressive party only is free from these influences.
The Progressive party only believes in the sincere enactment of a sound tariff policy. The
Progressive party only can change the tariff as it must be changed.
These are samples of the reforms in the laws of business that we intend to put on the
Nation’s statute books. But there are other questions as important and pressing that we
mean to answer by sound and humane laws. Child labor in factories, mills, mines and
sweat-shops must be ended throughout the Republic. Such labor is a crime against
childhood because it prevents the growth of normal manhood and womanhood. It is a
crime against the Nation because it prevents the growth of a host of children into strong,
partiotic and intelligent citizens.
Only the Nation can stop this industrial vice. The States cannot stop it. The States
never stopped any national wrong—and child labor is a national wrong. To leave it to the
State alone is unjust to business; for if some States stop it and other States do not, business
men of the former are at a disadvantage with the business men of the latter, because they
must sell in the same market goods made by manhood labor at manhood wages in
competition with goods made by childhood labor at childhood wages. To leave it to the
States is unjust to manhood labor; for childhood labor in any State lowers manhood labor
in every State, because the product of childhood labor in any State competes with the
product of manhood labor in every State. Children workers at the looms in South Carolina
means bayonets at the breasts of men and women workers in Massachusetts who strike for
living wages. Let the States do what they can, and more power to their arm; but let the
Nation do what it should and cleanse our flag from this stain.
Modern industrialism has changed the status of women. Women now are wage earners
in factories, stores and other places of toil. In hours of labor and all the physical conditions
of industrial effort they must compete with men. And they must do it at lower wages than
men receive—wages which, in most cases, are not enough for these women workers to live
on.
This is inhuman and indecent. It is unsocial and uneconomic. It is immoral and
unpatriotic. Toward women the Progressive party proclaims the chivalry of the State. We
propose to protect women wage-earners by suitable laws, an example of which is the
minimum wage for women workers—a wage which shall be high enough to at least buy
clothing, food and shelter for the woman toiler.
The care of the aged is one of the most perplexing problems of modern life. How is the
workingman with less than five hundred dollars a year, and with earning power waning as
his own years advance, to provide for aged parents or other relatives in addition to
furnishing food, shelter and clothing for his wife and children? What is to become of the
family of the laboring man whose strength has been sapped by excessive toil and who has
been thrown upon the industrial scrap heap? It is questions like these we must answer if we
are to justify free institutions. They are questions to which the masses of people are
chained as to a body of death. And they are questions which other and poorer nations are
answering.
We progressives mean that America shall answer them. The Progressive party is the
helping hand to those whom a vicious industrialism has maimed and crippled. We are for
the conservation of our natural resources; but even more we are for the conservation of
human life. Our forests, water power and minerals are valuable and must be saved from the
spoilers; but men, women and children are more valuable and they, too, must be saved
from the spoilers.
Because women, as much as men, are a part of our economic and social life, women,
as much as men, should have the voting power to solve all economic and social problems.
Votes for women are theirs as a matter of natural right alone; votes for women should be
theirs as a matter of political wisdom also. As wage-earners, they should help to solve the
labor problem; as property owners they should help to solve the tax problem; as wives and
mothers they should help to solve all the problems that concern the home. And that means
all national problems; for the Nation abides at the fireside.
If it is said that women cannot help defend the Nation in time of war and therefore that
they should not help to determine the Nation’s destinies in time of peace, the answer is that
women suffer and serve in time of conflict as much as men who carry muskets. And the
deeper answer is that those who bear the Nation’s soldiers are as much the Nation’s
defenders as their sons.
Public spokesmen for the invisible government say that many of our reforms are
unconstitutional. The same kind of men said the same thing of every effort the Nation has
made to end national abuses. But in every case, whether in the courts, at the ballot box, or
on the battlefield, the vitality of the Constitution was vindicated.
The Progressive party believes that the Constitution is a living thing, growing with the
people’s growth, strengthening with the people’s strength, aiding the people in their
struggle for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, permitting the people to meet all their
needs as conditions change. The opposition believes that the Constitution is a dead form,
holding back the people’s growth, shackling the people’s strength but giving a free hand to
malign powers that prey upon the people. The first words of the Constitution are “We the
people,” and they declare that the Constitution’s purpose is “to form a perfect Union and to
promote the general welfare.” To do just that is the very heart of the progressive cause.
The Progressive party asserts anew the vitality of the Constitution. We believe in the
true doctrine of states’ rights, which forbids the Nation from interfering with states’ affairs,
and also forbids the states from interfering with national affairs. The combined intelligence
and composite conscience of the American people is as irresistible as it is righteous; and
the Constitution does not prevent that force from working out the general welfare.
From certain sources we hear preachments about the danger of our reforms to
American institutions. What is the purpose of American institutions? Why was this
Republic established? What does the flag stand for? What do these things mean?
They mean that the people shall be free to correct human abuses.
They mean that men, women and children shall not be denied the opportunity to grow
stronger and nobler.
They mean that the people shall have the power to make our land each day a better
place to live in.
They mean the realities of liberty and not the academics of theory.
They mean the actual progress of the race in tangible items of daily living and not the
theoretics of barren disputation.
If they do not mean these things they are as sounding brass and tinkling cymbals.
A Nation of strong, upright men and women; a Nation of wholesome homes, realizing
the best ideals; a Nation whose power is glorified by its justice and whose justice is the
conscience of scores of millions of God-fearing people—that is the Nation the people need
and want. And that is the Nation they shall have.
For never doubt that we Americans will make good the real meaning of our
institutions. Never doubt that we will solve, in righteousness and wisdom, every vexing
problem. Never doubt that in the end, the hand from above that leads us upward will
prevail over the hand from below that drags us downward. Never doubt that we are indeed
a Nation whose God is the Lord.
And, so, never doubt that a braver, fairer, cleaner America surely will come; that a
better and brighter life for all beneath the flag surely will be achieved. Those who now
scoff soon will pray. Those who now doubt soon will believe.
Soon the night will pass; and when, to the Sentinel on the ramparts of Liberty the
anxious ask: “Watchman, what of the night?” his answer will be “Lo, the morn appeareth.”
Knowing the price we must pay, the sacrifice we must make, the burdens we must
carry, the assaults we must endure—knowing full well the cost—yet we enlist, and we
enlist for the war. For we know the justice of our cause, and we know, too, its certain
triumph.
Not reluctantly then, but eagerly, not with faint hearts but strong, do we now advance
upon the enemies of the people. For the call that comes to us is the call that came to our
fathers. As they responded so shall we.
“He hath sounded forth a trumpet that shall never call retreat,
He is sifting out the hearts of men before His judgment seat.
Oh, be swift our souls to answer Him, be jubilant our feet, Our God is marching on.”
RUSSELL CONWELL
ACRES OF DIAMONDS1
I am astonished that so many people should care to hear this story over again. Indeed,
this lecture has become a study in psychology; it often breaks all rules of oratory, departs
from the precepts of rhetoric, and yet remains the most popular of any lecture I have
delivered in the forty-four years of my public life. I have sometimes studied for a year
upon a lecture and made careful research, and then presented the lecture just once—never
delivered it again. I put too much work on it. But this had no work on it—thrown together
perfectly at random, spoken offhand without any special preparation, and it succeeds when
the thing we study, work over, adjust to a plan, is an entire failure.
The “Acres of Diamonds” which I have mentioned through so many years are to be
found in Philadelphia, and you are to find them. Many have found them. And what man has
done, man can do. I could not find anything better to illustrate my thought than a story I
have told over and over again, and which is now found in books in nearly every library.
In 1870 we went down the Tigris River. We hired a guide at Bagdad to show us
Persepolis, Nineveh and Babylon, and the ancient countries of Assyria as far as the Arabian
Gulf. He was well acquainted with the land, but he was one of those guides who love to
entertain their patrons; he was like a barber that tells you many stories in order to keep
your mind off the scratching and the scraping. He told me so many stories that I grew tired
of his telling them and I refused to listen—looked away whenever he commenced; that
made the guide quite angry. I remember that toward evening he took his Turkish cap off his
head and swung it around in the air. The gesture I did not understand and I did not dare
look at him for fear I should become the victim of another story. But, although I am not a
woman, I did look, and the instant I turned my eyes upon that worthy guide he was off
again. Said he, “I will tell you a story now which I reserve for my particular friends!” So
then, counting myself a particular friend, I listened, and I have always been glad I did.
He said there once lived not far from the River Indus an ancient Persian by the name
of Al Hafed. He said that Al Hafed owned a very large farm with orchards, grain fields and
gardens. He was a contented and wealthy man—contented because he was wealthy, and
wealthy because he was contented. One day there visited this old farmer one of those
ancient Buddhist priests, and he sat down by Al Hafed’s fire and told that old farmer how
this world of ours was made. He said that this world was once a mere bank of fog, which is
scientifically true, and he said that the Almighty thrust his finger into the bank of fog and
then began slowly to move his finger around and gradually to increase the speed of his
finger until at last he whirled that bank of fog into a solid ball of fire, and it went rolling
through the universe, burning its way through other cosmic banks of fog, until it condensed
the moisture without, and fell in floods of rain upon the heated surface and cooled the
outward crust. Then the internal flames burst through the cooling crust and threw up the
mountains and made the hills of the valley of this wonderful world of ours. If this internal
melted mass burst out and cooled very quickly it became granite; that which cooled less
quickly became silver; and less quickly, gold; and after gold diamonds were made. Said the
old priest, “A diamond is a congealed drop of sunlight.”
This is a scientific truth also. You all know that a diamond is pure carbon, actually
deposited sunlight—and he said another thing I would not forget: he declared that a
diamond is the last and highest of God’s mineral creations, as a woman is the last and
highest of God’s animal creations. I suppose that is the reason why the two have such a
liking for each other. And the old priest told Al Hafed that if he had a handful of diamonds
he could purchase a whole country, and with a mine of diamonds he could place his
children upon thrones through the influence of their great wealth. Al Hafed heard all about
diamonds and how much they were worth, and went to his bed that night a poor man—not
that he had lost anything, but poor because he was discontented and discontented because
he thought he was poor. He said: “I want a mine of diamonds!” So he lay awake all night,
and early in the morning sought out the priest. Now I know from experience that a priest
when awakened early in the morning is cross. He awoke that priest out of his dreams and
said to him, “Will you tell me where I can find diamonds?” The priest said, “Diamonds?
What do you want with diamonds?” “I want to be immensely rich,” said Al Hafed, “but I
don’t know where to go.” “Well,” said the priest, “if you will find a river that runs over
white sand between high mountains, in those sands you will always see diamonds.” “Do
you really believe that there is such a river?” “Plenty of them, plenty of them; all you have
to do is just go and find them, then you have them.” Al Hafed said, “I will go.” So he sold
his farm, collected his money at interest, left his family in charge of a neighbor, and away
he went in search of diamonds. He began very properly, to my mind, at the Mountains of
the Moon. Afterwards he went around into Palestine, then wandered on into Europe, and at
last when his money was all spent, and he was in rags, wretchedness and poverty, he stood
on the shore of that bay in Barcelona, Spain, when a tidal wave came rolling through the
Pillars of Hercules and the poor afflicted, suffering man could not resist the awful
temptation to cast himself into that incoming tide, and he sank beneath its foaming crest,
never to rise in this life again.
When that old guide had told me that very sad story, he stopped the camel I was riding
and went back to fix the baggage on one of the other camels, and I remember thinking to
myself, “Why did he reserve that for his particular friends?” There seemed to be no
beginning, middle or end—nothing to it. That was the first story I ever heard told or read in
which the hero was killed in the first chapter. I had but one chapter of that story and the
hero was dead. When the guide came back and took up the halter of my camel again, he
went right on with the same story. He said that Al Hafed’s successor led his camel out into
the garden to drink, and as that camel put its nose down into the clear water of the garden
brook Al Hafed’s successor noticed a curious flash of light from the sands of the shallow
stream, and reaching in he pulled out a black stone having an eye of light that reflected all
the colors of the rainbow, and he took that curious pebble into the house and left it on the
mantel, then went on his way and forgot all about it. A few days after that, this same old
priest who told Al Hafed how diamonds were made, came in to visit his successor, when he
saw that flash of light from the mantel. He rushed up and said, “Here is a diamond—here is
a diamond! Has Al Hafed returned?” “No, no; Al Hafed has not returned and that is not a
diamond; that is nothing but a stone; we found it right out here in our garden.” “But I know
a diamond when I see it,” said he; “that is a diamond!”
Then together they rushed to the garden and stirred up the white sands with their
fingers and found others more beautiful, more valuable diamonds than the first, and thus,
said the guide to me, were discovered the diamond mines of Golconda, the most
magnificent diamond mines in all the history of mankind, exceeding the Kimberley in its
value. The great Kohinoor diamond in England’s crown jewels and the largest crown
diamond on earth in Russia’s crown jewels, which I had often hoped she would have to sell
before they had peace with Japan, came from that mine, and when the old guide had called
my attention to that wonderful discovery he took his Turkish cap off his head again and
swung it around in the air to call my attention to the moral. Those Arab guides have a
moral to each story, though the stories are not always moral. He said, had Al Hafed
remained at home and dug in his own cellar or in his own garden, instead of wretchedness,
starvation, poverty and death in a strange land, he would have had “acres of diamonds”—
for every acre, yes, every shovelful of that old farm afterwards revealed the gems which
since have decorated the crowns of monarchs. When he had given the moral to his story, I
saw why he had reserved this story for his “particular friends.” I didn’t tell him I could see
it; I was not going to tell that old Arab that I could see it. For it was that mean old Arab’s
way of going around a thing, like a lawyer, and saying indirectly what he did not dare say
directly, that there was a certain young man that day traveling down the Tigris River that
might better be at home in America. I didn’t tell him I could see it.
I told him his story reminded me of one, and I told it to him quick. I told him about
that man out in California, who, in 1847, owned a ranch out there. He read that gold had
been discovered in Southern California, and he sold his ranch to Colonel Sutter and started
off to hunt for gold. Colonel Sutter put a mill on the little stream in that farm and one day
his little girl brought some wet sand from the raceway of the mill into the house and placed
it before the fire to dry, and as that sand was falling through the little girl’s fingers a visitor
saw the first shining scales of real gold that were ever discovered in California; and the
man who wanted the gold had sold this ranch and gone away, never to return. I delivered
this lecture two years ago in California, in the city that stands near that farm, and they told
me that the mine is not exhausted yet, and that a one-third owner of that farm has been
getting during these recent years twenty dollars of gold every fifteen minutes of his life,
sleeping or waking. Why, you and I would enjoy an income like that!
But the best illustration that I have now of this thought was found here in
Pennsylvania. There was a man living in Pennsylvania who owned a farm here and he did
what I should do if I had a farm in Pennsylvania—he sold it. But before he sold it he
concluded to secure employment collecting coal oil for his cousin in Canada. They first
discovered coal oil there. So this farmer in Pennsylvania decided that he would apply for a
position with his cousin in Canada. Now, you see, this farmer was not altogether a foolish
man. He did not leave his farm until he had something else to do. Of all the simpletons the
stars shine on there is none more foolish than a man who leaves one job before he has
obtained another. And that has especial reference to gentlemen of my profession, and has
no reference to a man seeking a divorce. So I say this old farmer did not leave one job until
he had obtained another. He wrote to Canada, but his cousin replied that he could not
engage him because he did not know anything about the oil business. “Well, then,” said he,
“I will understand it.” So he set himself at the study of the whole subject. He began at the
second day of the creation, he studied the subject from the primitive vegetation to the coal
oil stage, until he knew all about it. Then he wrote to his cousin and said, “Now I
understand the oil business.” And his cousin replied to him, “All right, then, come on.”
That man, by the record of the county, sold his farm for eight hundred and thirty-three
dollars—even money, “no cents.” He had scarcely gone from that farm before the man who
purchased it went out to arrange for the watering the cattle and he found that the previous
owner had arranged the matter very nicely. There is a stream running down the hillside
there, and the previous owner had gone out and put a plank across that stream at an angle,
extending across the brook and down edgewise a few inches under the surface of the water.
The purpose of the plank across that brook was to throw over to the other bank a dreadful-
looking scum through which the cattle would not put their noses to drink above the plank,
although they would drink the water on one side below it. Thus that man who had gone to
Canada had been himself damming back for twenty-three years a flow of coal oil which the
State Geologist of Pennsylvania declared officially, as early as 1870, was then worth to our
State a hundred millions of dollars. The city of Titusville now stands on that farm and those
Pleasantville wells flow on, and that farmer who had studied all about the formation of oil
since the second day of God’s creation clear down to the present time, sold that farm for
$833, no cents—again I say, “no sense.”
But I need another illustration, and I found that in Massachusetts, and I am sorry I did,
because that is my old State. This young man I mention went out of the State to study—
went down to Yale College and studied Mines and Mining. They paid him fifteen dollars a
week during his last year for training students who were behind their classes in mineralogy,
out of hours, of course, while pursuing his own studies. But when he graduated they raised
his pay from fifteen dollars to forty-five dollars and offered him a professorship. Then he
went straight home to his mother and said, “Mother, I won’t work for forty-five dollars a
week. What is forty-five dollars a week for a man with a brain like mine! Mother, let’s go
out to California and stake out gold claims and be immensely rich. “Now,” said his mother,
“it is just as well to be happy as it is to be rich.”
But as he was the only son he had his way—they always do; and they sold out in
Massachusetts and went to Wisconsin, where he went into the employ of the Superior
Copper Mining Company, and he was lost from sight in the employ of that company at
fifteen dollars a week again. He was also to have an interest in any mines that he should
discover for that company. But I do not believe that he has ever discovered a mine—I do
not know anything about it, but I do not believe he has. I know he had scarcely gone from
the old homestead before the farmer who had bought the homestead went out to dig
potatoes, and as he was bringing them in in a large basket through the front gateway, the
ends of the stone wall came so near together at the gate that the basket hugged very tight.
So he set the basket on the ground and pulled, first on one side and then on the other side.
Our farms in Massachusetts are mostly stone walls, and the farmers have to be economical
with their gateways in order to have some place to put the stones. That basket hugged so
tight there that as he was hauling it through he noticed in the upper stone next the gate a
block of native silver, eight inches square; and this professor of mines and mining and
mineralogy, who would not work for forty-five dollars a week, when he sold that
homestead in Massachusetts, sat right on that stone to make the bargain. He was brought
up there; he had gone back and forth by that piece of silver, rubbed it with his sleeve, and it
seemed to say, “Come now, now, now, here is a hundred thousand dollars. Why not take
me?” But he would not take it. There was no silver in Newburyport; it was all away off—
well, I don’t know where; he didn’t, but somewhere else—and he was a professor of
mineralogy.
I do not know of anything I would enjoy better than to take the whole time to-night
telling of blunders like that I have heard professors make. Yet I wish I knew what that man
is doing out there in Wisconsin. I can imagine him out there, as he sits by his fireside, and
he is saying to his friends, “Do you know that man Conwell that lives in Philadelphia?”
“Oh, yes, I have heard of him.” “And do you know that man Jones that lives in that city?”
“Yes, I have heard of him.” And then he begins to laugh and laugh and says to his friends,
“They have done the same thing I did, precisely.” And that spoils the whole joke, because
you and I have done it.
Ninety out of every hundred people here have made that mistake this very day. I say
you ought to be rich; you have no right to be poor. To live in Philadelphia and not be rich is
a misfortune, and it is doubly a misfortune, because you could have been rich just as well
as be poor. Philadelphia furnishes so many opportunities. You ought to be rich. But persons
with certain religious prejudice will ask, “How can you spend your time advising the rising
generation to give their time to getting money—dollars and cents—the commercial spirit?”
Yet I must say that you ought to spend time getting rich. You and I know there are
some things more valuable than money; of course, we do. Ah, yes! By a heart made
unspeakably sad by a grave on which the autumn leaves now fall, I know there are some
things higher and grander and sublimer than money. Well does the man know, who has
suffered, that there are some things sweeter and holier and more sacred than gold.
Nevertheless, the man of common sense also knows that there is not any one of those
things that is not greatly enhanced by the use of money. Money is power. Love is the
grandest thing on God’s earth, but fortunate the lover who has plenty of money. Money is
power; money has powers; and for a man to say, “I do not want money,” is to say, “I do not
wish to do any good to my fellowmen.” It is absurd thus to talk. It is absurd to disconnect
them. This is a wonderfully great life, and you ought to spend your time getting money,
because of the power there is in money. And yet this religious prejudice is so great that
some people think it is a great honor to be one of God’s poor. I am looking in the faces of
people who think just that way. I heard a man once say in a prayer meeting that he was
thankful that he was one of God’s poor, and then I silently wondered what his wife would
say to that speech, as she took in washing to support the man while he sat and smoked on
the veranda. I don’t want to see any more of that kind of God’s poor. Now, when a man
could have been rich just as well, and he is now weak because he is poor, he has done some
great wrong; he has been untruthful to himself; he has been unkind to his fellowmen. We
ought to get rich if we can by honorable and Christian methods, and these are the only
methods that sweep us quickly toward the goal of riches.
I remember, not many years ago a young theological student who came into my office
and said to me that he thought it was his duty to come in and “labor with me.” I asked him
what had happened, and he said: “I feel it is my duty to come in and speak to you, sir, and
say that the Holy Scriptures declare that money is the root of all evil. I asked him where he
found that saying, and he said he found it in the Bible. I asked him whether he had made a
new Bible, and he said, no, he had not gotten a new Bible, that it was in the old Bible.
“Well,” I said, “if it is in my Bible, I never saw it. Will you please get the text-book and let
me see it?” He left the room and soon came stalking in with his Bible open, with all the
bigoted pride of the narrow sectarian, who founds his creed on some misinterpretation of
Scripture, and he put the Bible down on the table before me and fairly squealed into my
ear, “There it is. You can read it for yourself.” I said to him, “Young man, you will learn,
when you get a little older, that you cannot trust another denomination to read the Bible for
you.” I said, “Now, you belong to another denomination. Please read it to me, and
remember that you are taught in a school where emphasis is exegesis.” So he took the
Bible and read it: “The love of money is the root of all evil.” Then he had it right. The
Great Book has come back into the esteem and love of the people, and into the respect of
the greatest minds of earth, and now you can quote it and rest your life and your death on it
without more fear. So, when he quoted right from the Scriptures he quoted the truth. “The
love of money is the root of all evil.” Oh, that is it. It is the worship of the means instead of
the end, though you cannot reach the end without the means. When a man makes an idol of
the money instead of the purposes for which it may be used, when he squeezes the dollar
until the eagle squeals, then it is made the root of all evil. Think, if you only had the
money, what you could do for your wife, your child, and for your home and your city.
Think how soon you could endow the Temple College yonder if you only had the money
and the disposition to give it; and yet, my friend, people say you and I should not spend the
time getting rich. How inconsistent the whole thing is. We ought to be rich, because money
has power. I think the best thing for me to do is to illustrate this, for if I say you ought to
get rich, I ought, at least, to suggest how it is done. We get a prejudice against rich men
because of the lies that are told about them. The lies that are told about Mr. Rockefeller
because he has two hundred million dollars—so many believe them; yet how false is the
representation of that man to the world. How little we can tell what is true nowadays when
newspapers try to sell their papers entirely on some sensation! The way they lie about the
rich men is something terrible, and I do not know that there is anything to illustrate this
better than what the newspapers now say about the city of Philadelphia. A young man
came to me the other day and said, “If Mr. Rockefeller, as you think, is a good man, why is
it that everybody says so much against him?” It is because he has gotten ahead of us; that is
the whole of it—just gotten ahead of us. Why is it Mr. Carnegie is criticised so sharply by
an envious world? Because he has gotten more than we have. If a man knows more than I
know, don’t I incline to criticise somewhat his learning? Let a man stand in a pulpit and
preach to thousands, and if I have fifteen people in my church, and they’re all asleep, don’t
I criticise him? We always do that to the man who gets ahead of us. Why, the man you are
criticising has one hundred millions, and you have fifty cents, and both of you have just
what you are worth. One of the richest men in this country came into my home and sat
down in my parlor and said: “Did you see all those lies about my family in the paper?”
“Certainly I did; I knew they were lies when I saw them.” “Why do they lie about me the
way they do?” “Well,” I said to him, “if you will give me your check for one hundred
millions, I will take all the lies along with it.” “Well,” said he, “I don’t see any sense in
their thus talking about my family and myself. Conwell, tell me frankly, what do you think
the American people think of me?” “Well,” said I, “they think you are the blackest-hearted
villain that ever trod the soil!” “But what can I do about it?” There is nothing he can do
about it, and yet he is one of the sweetest Christian men I ever knew. If you get a hundred
millions you will have the lies; you will be lied about, and you can judge your success in
any line by the lies that are told about you. I say that you ought to be rich. But there are
ever coming to me young men who say, “I would like to go into business, but I cannot.”
“Why not?” “Because I have no capital to begin on.” Capital, capital to begin on! What!
young man! Living in Philadelphia and looking at this wealthy generation, all of whom
began as poor boys, and you want capital to begin on? It is fortunate for you that you have
no capital. I am glad you have no money. I pity a rich man’s son. A rich man’s son in these
days of ours occupies a very difficult position. They are to be pitied. A rich man’s son
cannot know the very best things in human life. He cannot. The statistics of Massachusetts
show us that not one out of seventeen rich men’s sons ever die rich. They are raised in
luxury, they die in poverty. Even if a rich man’s son retains his father’s money even then he
cannot know the best things of life.
A young man in our college yonder asked me to formulate for him what I thought was
the happiest hour in a man’s history, and I studied it long and came back convinced that the
happiest hour that any man ever sees in any earthly matter is when a young man takes his
bride over the threshold of the door, for the first time, of the house he himself has earned
and built, when he turns to his bride and with an eloquence greater than any language of
mine, he sayeth to his wife, “My loved one, I earned this home myself; I earned it all. It is
all mine, and I divide it with thee.” That is the grandest moment a human heart may ever
see. But a rich man’s son cannot know that. He goes into a finer mansion, it may be, but he
is obliged to go through the house and say, “Mother gave me this, mother gave me that, my
mother gave me that, my mother gave me that,” until his wife wishes she had married his
mother. Oh, I pity a rich man’s son. I do. Until he gets so far along in his dudeism that he
gets his arms up like that and can’t get them down. Didn’t you ever see any of them astray
at Atlantic City? I saw one of these scarecrows once and I never tire thinking about it. I
was at Niagara Falls lecturing, and after the lecture I went to the hotel, and when I went up
to the desk there stood there a millionaire’s son from New York. He was an indescribable
specimen of anthropologic potency. He carried a gold-headed cane under his arm—more in
its head than he had in his. I do not believe I could describe the young man if I should try.
But still I must say that he wore an eye-glass he could not see through; patent leather shoes
he could not walk in, and pants he could not sit down in—dressed like a grasshopper! Well,
this human cricket came up to the clerk’s desk just as I came in. He adjusted his unseeing
eyeglass in this wise and lisped to the clerk, because it’s “Hinglish, you know,” to lisp:
“Thir, thir, will you have the kindness to fuhnish me with thome papah and thome
envelopehs!” The clerk measured that man quick, and he pulled out a drawer and took
some envelopes and paper and cast them across the counter and turned away to his books.
You should have seen that specimen of humanity when the paper and envelopes came
across the counter—he whose wants had always been anticipated by servants. He adjusted
his unseeing eye-glass and he yelled after that clerk: “Come back here, thir, come right
back here. Now, thir, will you order a thervant to take that papah and thothe envelopes and
carry them to yondah dethk.” Oh, the poor miserable, contemptible American monkey! He
couldn’t carry paper and envelopes twenty feet. I suppose he could not get his arms down. I
have no pity for such travesties of human nature. If you have no capital, I am glad of it.
You don’t need capital; you need common sense, not copper cents.
A. T. Stewart, the great princely merchant of New York, the richest man in America in
his time, was a poor boy; he had a dollar and a half and went into the mercantile business.
But he lost eighty-seven and a half cents of his first dollar and a half because he bought
some needles and thread and buttons to sell, which people didn’t want.
Are you poor? It is because you are not wanted and are left on your own hands. There
was the great lesson. Apply it whichever way you will it comes to every single person’s
life, young or old. He did not know what people needed, and consequently bought
something they didn’t want and had the goods left on his hands a dead loss. A. T. Stewart
learned there the great lesson of his mercantile life and said, “I will never buy anything
more until I first learn what the people want; then I’ll make the purchase.” He went around
to the doors and asked them what they did want, and when he found out what they wanted,
he invested his sixty-two and a half cents and began to supply “a known demand.” I care
not what your profession or occupation in life may be; I care not whether you are a lawyer,
a doctor, a housekeeper, teacher or whatever else, the principle is precisely the same. We
must know what the world needs first and then invest ourselves to supply that need, and
success is almost certain. A. T. Stewart went on until he was worth forty millions. “Well,”
you will say, “a man can do that in New York, but cannot do it here in Philadelphia.” The
statistics very carefully gathered in New York in 1889 showed one hundred and seven
millionaries in the city worth over ten millions apiece. It was remarkable and people think
they must go there to get rich. Out of that one hundred and seven millionaires only seven
of them made their money in New York, and the others moved to New York after their
fortunes were made, and sixty-seven out of the remaining hundred made their fortunes in
towns of less than six thousand people, and the richest man in the country at that time lived
in a town of thirty-five hundred inhabitants, and always lived there and never moved away.
It is not so much where you are as what you are. But at the same time if the largeness of the
city comes into the problem, then remember it is the smaller city that furnishes the great
opportunity to make the millions of money. The best illustration that I can give is in
reference to John Jacob Astor, who was a poor boy and who made all the money of the
Astor family. He made more than his successors have ever earned, and yet he once held a
mortgage on a millinery store in New York, and because the people could not make enough
money to pay the interest and the rent, he foreclosed the mortgage and took possession of
the store and went into partnership with the man who had failed. He kept the same stock,
did not give them a dollar capital, and he left them alone and went out and sat down upon a
bench in the park. Out there on that bench in the park he had the most important, and to my
mind, the pleasantest part of that partnership business. He was watching the ladies as they
went by; and where is the man that wouldn’t get rich at that business? But when John
Jacob Astor saw a lady pass, with her shoulders back and her head up, as if she did not care
if the whole world looked on her, he studied her bonnet; and before that bonnet was out of
sight he knew the shape of the frame and the color of the trimmings, the curl of the—
something on a bonnet. Sometimes I try to describe a woman’s bonnet, but it is of little use,
for it would be out of style to-morrow night. So John Jacob Astor went to the store and
said: “Now, put in the show window just such a bonnet as I describe to you because,” said
he, “I have just seen a lady who likes just such a bonnet. Do not make up any more till I
come back.” And he went out again and sat on that bench in the park, and another lady of a
different form and complexion passed him with a bonnet of different shape and color, of
course. “Now,” said he, “put such a bonnet as that in the show window.” He didn’t fill his
show window with hats and bonnets which drive people away and then sit in the back of
the store and bawl because the people go somewhere else to trade. He didn’t put a hat or
bonnet in that show window the like of which he had not seen before it was made up.
In our city especially there are great opportunities for manufacturing, and the time has
come when the line is drawn very sharply between the stockholders of the factory and their
employés. Now, friends, there has also come a discouraging gloom upon this country and
the laboring men are beginning to feel that they are being held down by a crust over their
heads through which they find it impossible to break, and the aristocratic money-owner
himself is so far above that he will never descend to their assistance. That is the thought
that is in the minds of our people. But, friends, never in the history of our country was
there an opportunity so great for the poor man to get rich as there is now in the city of
Philadelphia. The very fact that they get discouraged is what prevents them from getting
rich. That is all there is to it. The road is open, and let us keep it open between the poor and
the rich. I know that the labor unions have two great problems to contend with, and there is
only one way to solve them. The labor unions are doing as much to prevent its solving as
are the capitalists to-day, and there are positively two sides to it. The labor union has two
difficulties; the first one is that it began to make a labor scale for all classes on a par, and
they scale down a man that can earn five dollars a day to two and a half a day, in order to
level up to him an imbecile that cannot earn fifty cents a day. That is one of the most
dangerous and discouraging things for the working man. He cannot get the results of his
work if he do better work or higher work or work longer; that is a dangerous thing, and in
order to get every laboring man free and every American equal to every other American,
let the laboring man ask what he is worth and get it—not let any capitalist say to him: “You
shall work for me for half of what you are worth;” nor let any labor organization say: “You
shall work for the capitalist for half your worth.” Be a man, be independent, and then shall
the laboring man find the road ever open from poverty to wealth. The other difficulty that
the labor union has to consider, and this problem they have to solve themselves, is the kind
of orators who come and talk to them about the oppressive rich. I can in my dreams recite
the oration I have heard again and again under such circumstances. My life has been with
the laboring man. I am a laboring man myself. I have often, in their assemblies, heard the
speech of the man who has been invited to address the labor union. The man gets up before
the assembled company of honest laboring men and he begins by saying: “Oh, ye honest,
industrious laboring men, who have furnished all the capital of the world, who have built
all the palaces and constructed all the railroads and covered the ocean with her steamships.
Oh, you laboring men! You are nothing but slaves; you are ground down in the dust by the
capitalist who is gloating over you as he enjoys his beautiful estates and as he has his banks
filled with gold, and every dollar he owns is coined out of the hearts’ blood of the honest
laboring man.” Now, that is a lie, and you know it is a lie; and yet that is the kind of speech
that they are all the time hearing, representing the capitalists as wicked and the laboring
men so enslaved. Why, how wrong it is! Let the man who loves his flag and believes in
American principles endeavor with all his soul to bring the capitalist and the laboring man
together until they stand side by side, and arm in arm, and work for the common good of
humanity.
He is an enemy to his country who sets capital against labor or labor against capital.
Suppose I were to go down through this audience and ask you to introduce me to the
great inventors who live here in Philadelphia. “The inventors of Philadelphia,” you would
say, “Why we don’t have any in Philadelphia. It is too slow to invent anything. But you do
have just as great inventors, and they are here in this audience, as ever invented a machine.
But the probability is that the greatest inventor to benefit the world with his discovery is
some person, perhaps some lady, who thinks she could not invent anything. Did you ever
study the history of invention and see how strange it was that the man who made the
greatest discovery did it without any previous idea that he was an inventor? Who are the
great inventors? They are persons with plain, straightforward common sense, who saw a
need in the world and immediately applied themselves to supply that need. If you want to
invent anything, don’t try to find it in the wheels in your head nor the wheels in your
machine, but first find out what the people need, and then apply yourself to that need, and
this leads to invention on the part of the people you would not dream of before. The great
inventors are simply great men; the greater the man the more simple the man; and the more
simple a machine, the more valuable it is. Did you ever know a really great man? His ways
are so simple, so common, so plain, that you think any one could do what he is doing. So it
is with the great men the world over. If you know a really great man, a neighbor of yours,
you can go right up to him and say, “How are you, Jim, good morning, Sam.” Of course
you can, for they are always so simple.
When I wrote the life of General Garfield, one of his neighbors took me to his back
door, and shouted, “Jim, Jim, Jim!” and very soon “Jim” came to the door and General
Garfield let me in—one of the grandest men of our century. The great men of the world are
ever so. I was down in Virginia and went up to an educational institution and was directed
to a man who was setting out a tree. I approached him and said, “Do you think it would be
possible for me to see General Robert E. Lee, the President of the University?” He said,
“Sir, I am General Lee.” Of course, when you meet such a man, so noble a man as that, you
will find him a simple, plain man. Greatness is always just so modest and great inventions
are simple.
I asked a class in school once who were the great inventors, and a little girl popped up
and said, “Columbus.” Well, now, she was not so far wrong. Columbus bought a farm and
he carried on that farm just as I carried on my father’s farm. He took a hoe and went out
and sat down on a rock. But Columbus, as he sat upon that shore and looked out upon the
ocean, noticed that the ships, as they sailed away, sank deeper into the sea the farther they
went. And since that time some other “Spanish ships” have sunk into the sea. But as
Columbus noticed that the tops of the masts dropped down out of sight, he said: “That is
the way it is with this hoe handle; if you go around this hoe handle, the farther off you go
the farther down you go. I can sail around to the East Indies.” How plain it all was. How
simple the mind—majestic like the simplicity of a mountain in its greatness. Who are the
great inventors? They are ever the simple, plain, everyday people who see the need and set
about to supply it.
I was once lecturing in North Carolina, and the cashier of the bank sat directly behind
a lady who wore a very large hat. I said to that audience, “Your wealth is too near to you;
you are looking right over it.” He whispered to his friend, “Well, then, my wealth is in that
hat.” A little later, as he wrote me, I said, “Wherever there is a human need there is a
greater fortune than a mine can furnish.” He caught my thought, and he drew up his plan
for a better hat pin than was in the hat before him, and the pin is now being manufactured.
He was offered fifty-five thousand dollars for his patent. That man made his fortune before
he got out of that hall. This is the whole question: Do you see a need?
I remember well a man up in my native hills, a poor man, who for twenty years was
helped by the town in his poverty, who owned a wide-spreading maple tree that covered the
poor man’s cottage like a benediction from on high. I remember that tree, for in the spring
—there were some roguish boys around that neighborhood when I was young—in the
spring of the year the man would put a bucket there and the spouts to catch the maple sap,
and I remember where that bucket was; and when I was young the boys were, oh, so mean,
that they went to that tree before that man had gotten out of bed in the morning, and after
he had gone to bed at night, and drank up that sweet sap. I could swear they did it. He
didn’t make a great deal of maple sugar from that tree. But one day he made the sugar so
white and crystalline that the visitor did not believe it was maple sugar; thought maple
sugar must be red or black. He said to the old man: “Why don’t you make it that way and
sell it for confectionery?” The old man caught his thought and invented the “rock maple
crystal,” and before that patent expired he had ninety thousand dollars and had built a
beautiful palace on the site of that tree. After forty years owning that tree he awoke to find
it had fortunes of money indeed in it. And many of us are right by the tree that has a
fortune for us, and we own it, possess it, do what we will with it, but we do not learn its
value because we do not see the human need, and in these discoveries and inventions this is
one of the most romantic things of life.
I have received letters from all over the country and from England, where I have
lectured, saying that they have discovered this and that, and one man out in Ohio took me
through his great factories last spring, and said that they cost him $680,000, and said he, “I
was not worth a cent in the world when I heard your lecture ‘Acres of Diamonds;’ but I
made up my mind to stop right here and make my fortune here, and here it is.” He showed
me through his unmortgaged possessions. And this is a continual experience now as I
travel through the country, after these many years. I mention this incident, not to boast, but
to show you that you can do the same if you will.
Who are the great inventors? I remember a good illustration in a man who used to live
in East Brookfield, Mass. He was a shoemaker, and he was out of work, and he sat around
the house until his wife told him to “go out doors.” And he did what every husband is
compelled by law to do—he obeyed his wife. And he went out and sat down on an ash
barrel in his back yard. Think of it! Stranded on an ash barrel and the enemy in possession
of the house! As he sat on that ash barrel, he looked down into that little brook which ran
through that back yard into the meadows, and he saw a little trout go flashing up the stream
and hiding under the bank. I do not suppose he thought of Tennyson’s beautiful poem:
But as this man looked into the brook, he leaped off that ash barrel and managed to
catch the trout with his fingers, and sent it to Worcester. They wrote back that they would
give him a five dollar bill for another such trout as that, not that it was worth that much, but
they wished to help the poor man. So this shoemaker and his wife, now perfectly united,
that five dollar bill in prospect, went out to get another trout. They went up the stream to its
source and down to the brimming river, but not another trout could they find in the whole
stream; and so they came home disconsolate and went to the minister. The minister didn’t
know how trout grew, but he pointed the way. Said he, “Get Seth Green’s book, and that
will give you the information you want.” They did so, and found all about the culture of
trout. They found that a trout lays thirty-six hundred eggs every year and every trout gains
a quarter of a pound every year, so that in four years a little trout will furnish four tons per
annum to sell to the market at fifty cents a pound. When they found that, they said they
didn’t believe any such story as that, but if they could get five dollars apiece they could
make something. And right in that same back yard with the coal sifter up stream and
window screen down the stream, they began the culture of trout. They afterwards moved to
the Hudson, and since then he has become the authority in the United States upon the
raising of fish, and he has been next to the highest on the United States Fish Commission in
Washington. My lesson is that man’s wealth was out there in his back yard for twenty
years, but he didn’t see it until his wife drove him out with a mop stick.
I remember meeting personally a poor carpenter of Hingham, Massachusetts, who was
out of work and in poverty. His wife also drove him out of doors. He sat down on the shore
and whittled a soaked shingle into a wooden chain. His children quarreled over it in the
evening, and while he was whittling a second one, a neighbor came along and said, “Why
don’t you whittle toys if you can carve like that?” He said, “I don’t know what to make!”
There is the whole thing. His neighbor said to him: “Why don’t you ask your own
children?” Said he, “What is the use of doing that? My children are different from other
people’s children.” I used to see people like that when I taught school. The next morning
when his boy came down the stairway, he said, “Sam, what do you want for a toy?” “I want
a wheelbarrow.” When his little girl came down, he asked her what she wanted, and she
said, “I want a little doll’s washstand, a little doll’s carriage, a little doll’s umbrella,” and
went on with a whole lot of things that would have taken his lifetime to supply. He
consulted his own children right there in his own house and began to whittle out toys to
please them. He began with his jack-knife, and made those unpainted Hingham toys. He is
the richest man in the entire New England States, if Mr. Lawson is to be trusted in his
statement concerning such things, and yet that man’s fortune was made by consulting his
own children in his own house. You don’t need to go out of your own house to find out
what to invent or what to make. I always talk too long on this subject.
I would like to meet the great men who are here to-night. The great men! We don’t
have any great men in Philadelphia. Great men! You say that they all come from London,
or San Francisco, or Rome, or Manayunk, or anywhere else but here—anywhere else but
Philadelphia—and yet, in fact, there are just as great men in Philadelphia as in any city of
its size. There are great men and women in this audience. Great men, I have said, are very
simple men. Just as many great men here as are to be found anywhere. The greatest error in
judging great men is that we think that they always hold an office. The world knows
nothing of its greatest men. Who are the great men of the world? The young man and
young woman may well ask the question. It is not necessary that they should hold an
office, and yet that is the popular idea. That is the idea we teach now in our high schools
and common schools, that the great men of the world are those who hold some high office,
and unless we change that very soon and do away with that prejudice, we are going to
change to an empire. There is no question about it. We must teach that men are great only
on their intrinsic value, and not on the position that they may incidentally happen to
occupy. And yet, don’t blame the young men saying that they are going to be great when
they get into some official position. I ask this audience again who of you are going to be
great? Says a young man: “I am going to be great.” “When are you going to be great?”
“When I am elected to some political office.” Won’t you learn the lesson, young man; that
it is prima facie evidence of littleness to hold public office under our form of government?
Think of it. This is a government of the people, and by the people, and for the people, and
not for the office-holder, and if the people in this country rule as they always should rule,
an office-holder is only the servant of the people, and the Bible says that “the servant
cannot be greater than his master.” The Bible says that “he that is sent cannot be greater
than him who sent him.” In this country the people are the masters, and the office-holders
can never be greater than the people; they should be honest servants of the people, but they
are not our greatest men. Young man, remember that you never heard of a great man
holding any political office in this country unless he took that office at an expense to
himself. It is a loss to every great man to take a public office in our country. Bear this in
mind, young man, that you cannot be made great by a political election.
Another young man says, “I am going to be a great man in Philadelphia some time.”
“Is that so? When are you going to be great?” “When there comes another war! When we
get into difficulty with Mexico, or England, or Russia, or Japan, or with Spain again over
Cuba, or with New Jersey, I will march up to the cannon’s mouth, and amid the glistening
bayonets I will tear down their flag from its staff, and I will come home with stars on my
shoulders, and hold every office in the gift of the government, and I will be great.” “No,
you won’t! No, you won’t; that is no evidence of true greatness, young man.” But don’t
blame that young man for thinking that way; that is the way he is taught in the high school.
That is the way history is taught in college. He is taught that the men who held the office
did all the fighting.
I remember we had a Peace Jubilee here in Philadelphia soon after the Spanish war.
Perhaps some of these visitors think we should not have had it until now in Philadelphia,
and as the great procession was going up Broad street I was told that the tally-ho coach
stopped right in front of my house, and on the coach was Hobson, and all the people threw
up their hats and swung their handkerchiefs, and shouted “Hurrah for Hobson!” I would
have yelled too, because he deserves much more of his country than he has ever received.
But suppose I go into the High School to-morrow and ask, “Boys, who sunk the
Merrimac?” If they answer me “Hobson,” they tell me seven-eighths of a lie—seven-
eighths of a lie, because there were eight men who sunk the Merrimac. The other seven
men, by virtue of their position, were continually exposed to the Spanish fire, while
Hobson, as an officer, might reasonably be behind the smokestack. Why, my friends, in this
intelligent audience gathered here to-night I do not believe I could find a single person that
can name the other seven men who were with Hobson. Why do we teach history in that
way? We ought to teach that however humble the station a man may occupy, if he does his
full duty in his place, he is just as much entitled to the American people’s honor as is a
king upon a throne. We do teach it as a mother did her little boy in New York when he said,
“Mamma, what great building is that?” “That is General Grant’s tomb.” “Who was General
Grant?” “He was the man who put down the rebellion.” Is that the way to teach history?
Do you think we would have gained a victory if it had depended on General Grant
alone? Oh, no. Then why is there a tomb on the Hudson at all? Why, not simply because
General Grant was personally a great man himself, but that tomb is there because he was a
representative man and represented two hundred thousand men who went down to death
for their nation and many of them as great as General Grant. That is why that beautiful
tomb stands on the heights over the Hudson.
I remember an incident that will illustrate this, the only one that I can give to-night. I
am ashamed of it, but I don’t dare leave it out. I close my eyes now; I look back through
the years to 1863; I can see my native town in the Berkshire Hills, I can see that cattle-
show ground filled with people; I can see the church there and the town hall crowded, and
hear bands playing, and see flags flying and handkerchiefs streaming—well do I recall at
this moment that day. The people had turned out to receive a company of soldiers, and that
company came marching up on the Common. They had served out one term in the Civil
War and had reënlisted, and they were being received by their native townsmen. I was but a
boy, but I was captain of that company, puffed out with pride on that day—why, a cambric
needle would have burst me all to pieces. As I marched on the Common at the head of my
company, there was not a man more proud than I. We marched into the town hall and then
they seated my soldiers down in the center of the house and I took my place down on the
front seat, and then the town officers filed through the great throng of people, who stood
close and packed in that little hall. They came up on the platform, formed a half circle
around it, and the mayor of the town, the “chairman of the Selectmen” in New England,
took his seat in the middle of that half circle. He was an old man, his hair was gray; he
never held an office before in his life. He thought that an office was all he needed to be a
truly great man, and when he came up he adjusted his powerful spectacles and glanced
calmly around the audience with amazing dignity. Suddenly his eyes fell upon me, and then
the good old man came right forward and invited me to come up on the stand with the town
officers. Invited me up on the stand! No town officer ever took notice of me before I went
to war. Now, I should not say that. One town officer was there who advised the teacher to
“whale” me, but I mean no “honorable mention.” So I was invited up on the stand with the
town officers. I took my seat and let my sword fall on the floor, and folded my arms across
my breast and waited to be received. Napoleon the Fifth! Pride goeth before destruction
and a fall. When I had gotten my seat and all became silent through the hall, the chairman
of the Selectmen arose and came forward with great dignity to the table, and we all
supposed he would introduce the Congregational minister, who was the only orator in the
town, and who would give the oration to the returning soldiers. But, friends, you should
have seen the surprise that ran over that audience when they discovered that this old farmer
was going to deliver that oration himself. He had never made a speech in his life before,
but he fell into the same error that others have fallen into, he seemed to think that the office
would make him an orator. So he had written out a speech and walked up and down the
pasture until he had learned it by heart and frightened the cattle, and he brought that
manuscript with him, and taking it from his pocket, he spread it carefully upon the table.
Then he adjusted his spectacles to be sure that he might see it, and walked far back on the
platform and then stepped forward like this. He must have studied the subject much, for he
assumed an elocutionary attitude; he rested heavily upon his left heel, slightly advanced the
right foot, threw back his shoulders, opened the organs of speech, and advanced his right
hand at an angle of forty-five. As he stood in that elocutionary attitude this is just the way
that speech went, this is it precisely. Some of my friends have asked me if I do not
exaggerate it, but I could not exaggerate it. Impossible! This is the way it went; although I
am not here for the story but the lesson that is back of it:
“Fellow citizens.” As soon as he heard his voice, his hand began to shake like that, his
knees began to tremble, and then he shook all over. He coughed and choked and finally
came around to look at his manuscript. Then he began again: “Fellow citizens: We—are—
we are—we are—we are—We are very happy—we are very happy—we are very happy—
to welcome back to their native town these soldiers who have fought and bled—and come
back again to their native town. We are especially—we are especially—we are especially—
we are especially pleased to see with us to-day this young hero (that meant me)—this
young hero who in imagination (friends, remember, he said “imagination,” for if he had not
said that, I would not be egotistical enough to refer to it)—this young hero who, in
imagination, we have seen leading his troops—leading—we have seen leading—we have
seen leading his troops on to the deadly breach. We have seen his shining—his shining—
we have seen his shining—we have seen his shining—his shining sword—flashing in the
sunlight as he shouted to his troops, ‘Come on!’”
Oh, dear, dear, dear, dear! How little that good, old man knew about war. If he had
known anything about war, he ought to have known what any soldier in this audience
knows is true, that it is next to a crime for an officer of infantry ever in time of danger to go
ahead of his men. I, with my shining sword flashing in the sunlight, shouting to my troops:
“Come on.” I never did it. Do you suppose I would go ahead of my men to be shot in the
front by the enemy and in the back by my own men? That is no place for an officer. The
place for the officer is behind the private soldier in actual fighting. How often, as a staff
officer, I rode down the line when the Rebel cry and yell was coming out of the woods,
sweeping along over the fields, and shouted, “Officers to the rear! Officers to the rear!” and
then every officer goes behind the line of battle, and the higher the officer’s rank, the
farther behind he goes. Not because he is any the less brave, but because the laws of war
require that to be done. If the general came up on the front line and were killed you would
lose your battle anyhow, because he has the plan of the battle in his brain, and must be kept
in comparative safety. I, with my “shining sword flashing in the sunlight.” Ah! There sat in
the hall that day men who had given that boy their last hardtack, who had carried him on
their backs through deep rivers. But some were not there; they had gone down to death for
their country. The speaker mentioned them, but they were but little noticed, and yet they
had gone down to death for their country, gone down for a cause they believed was right
and still believe was right, though I grant to the other side the same that I ask for myself.
Yet these men who had actually died for their country were little noticed, and the hero of
the hour was this boy. Why was he the hero? Simply because that man fell into that same
foolishness. This boy was an officer, and those were only private soldiers. I learned a
lesson that I will never forget. Greatness consists not in holding some office; greatness
really consists in doing some great deed with little means, in the accomplishment of vast
purposes from the private ranks of life; that is true greatness. He who can give to this
people better streets, better homes, better schools, better churches, more religion, more of
happiness, more of God, he that can be a blessing to the community in which he lives to-
night will be great anywhere, but he who cannot be a blessing where he now lives will
never be great anywhere on the face of God’s earth. “We live in deeds, not years, in feeling,
not in figures on a dial; in thoughts, not breaths; we should count time by heart throbs, in
the cause of right.” Bailey says: “He most lives who thinks most.”
If you forget everything I have said to you, do not forget this, because it contains more
in two lines than all I have said. Bailey says: “He most lives who thinks most, who feels
the noblest, and who acts the best.”
VICTOR HUGO
HONORE DE BALZAC
Gentlemen: The man who now goes down into this tomb is one of those to whom
public grief pays homage.
In one day all fictions have vanished. The eye is fixed not only on the heads that reign,
but on heads that think, and the whole country is moved when one of those heads
disappears. To-day we have a people in black because of the death of the man of talent; a
nation in mourning for a man of genius.
Gentlemen, the name of Balzac will be mingled in the luminous trace our epoch will
leave across the future.
Balzac was one of that powerful generation of writers of the nineteenth century who
came after Napoleon, as the illustrious Pleiad of the seventeenth century came after
Richelieu,—as if in the development of civilization there were a law which gives
conquerors by the intellect as successors to conquerors by the sword.
Balzac was one of the first among the greatest, one of the highest among the best. This
is not the place to tell all that constituted this splendid and sovereign intelligence. All his
books form but one book,—a book living, luminous, profound, where one sees coming and
going and marching and moving, with I know not what of the formidable and terrible,
mixed with the real, all our contemporary civilization;—a marvelous book which the poet
entitled “a comedy” and which he could have called history; which takes all forms and all
style, which surpasses Tacitus and Suetonius; which traverses Beaumarchais and reaches
Rabelais;—a book which realizes observation and imagination, which lavishes the true, the
esoteric, the commonplace, the trivial, the material, and which at times through all realities,
swiftly and grandly rent away, allows us all at once a glimpse of a most sombre and tragic
ideal. Unknown to himself, whether he wished it or not, whether he consented or not, the
author of this immense and strange work is one of the strong race of Revolutionist writers.
Balzac goes straight to the goal.
Body to body he seizes modern society; from all he wrests something, from these an
illusion, from those a hope; from one a catchword, from another a mask. He ransacked
vice, he dissected passion. He searched out and sounded man, soul, heart, entrails, brain,—
the abyss that each one has within himself. And by grace of his free and vigorous nature;
by a privilege of the intellect of our time, which, having seen revolutions face to face, can
see more clearly the destiny of humanity and comprehend Providence better,—Balzac
redeemed himself smiling and severe from those formidable studies which produced
melancholy in Molière and misanthropy in Rousseau.
This is what he has accomplished among us, this is the work which he has left us,—a
work lofty and solid,—a monument robustly piled in layers of granite, from the height of
which hereafter his renown shall shine in splendor. Great men make their own pedestal, the
future will be answerable for the statue.
His death stupefied Paris! Only a few months ago he had come back to France. Feeling
that he was dying, he wished to see his country again, as one who would embrace his
mother on the eve of a distant voyage. His life was short, but full, more filled with deeds
than days.
Alas! this powerful worker, never fatigued, this philosopher, this thinker, this poet, this
genius, has lived among us that life of storm, of strife, of quarrels and combats, common in
all times to all great men. To-day he is at peace. He escapes contention and hatred. On the
same day he enters into glory and the tomb. Thereafter beyond the clouds, which are above
our heads, he will shine among the stars of his country. All you who are here, are you not
tempted to envy him?
Whatever may be our grief in presence of such a loss, let us accept these catastrophes
with resignation! Let us accept in it whatever is distressing and severe; it is good perhaps,
it is necessary perhaps, in an epoch like ours, that from time to time the great dead shall
communicate to spirits devoured with skepticism and doubt, a religious fervor. Providence
knows what it does when it puts the people face to face with the supreme mystery and
when it gives them death to reflect on,—death which is supreme equality, as it is also
supreme liberty. Providence knows what it does, since it is the greatest of all instructors.
There can be but austere and serious thoughts in all hearts when a sublime spirit makes
its majestic entrance into another life, when one of those beings who have long soared
above the crowd on the visible wings of genius, spreading all at once other wings which we
did not see, plunges swiftly into the unknown.
No, it is not the unknown; no, I have said it on another sad occasion and I shall repeat
it to-day, it is not night, it is light. It is not the end, it is the beginning! It is not extinction, it
is eternity! Is it not true, my hearers, such tombs as this demonstrate immortality? In
presence of the illustrious dead, we feel more distinctly the divine destiny of that
intelligence which traverses the earth to suffer and to purify itself,—which we call man.
1Saguntum was a city of Iberia (Spain) in alliance with Rome. Hannibal, in spite of
Rome’s warnings in 219 B. C, laid siege to and captured it. This became the immediate
cause of the war which Rome declared against Carthage.
1From his speech in Washington on March 13, 1905, before the National Congress of
Mothers. Printed from a copy furnished by the president for this collection, in response to a
request.
1 Used by permission.
1 Reported by A. Russell Smith and Harry E. Greager. Used by permission.
On May 21, 1914, when Dr. Conwell delivered this lecture for the five thousandth
time, Mr. John Wanamaker said that if the proceeds had been put out at compound interest
the sum would aggregate eight millions of dollars. Dr. Conwell has uniformly devoted his
lecturing income to works of benevolence.
GENERAL INDEX
Names of speakers and writers referred to are set in CAPITALS. Other references are
printed in “lower case,” or “small,” type. Because of the large number of fragmentary
quotations made from speeches and books, no titles are indexed, but all such material will
be found indexed under the name of its author.
A
Accentuation, 150.
ADDISON, JOSEPH, 134.
ADE, GEORGE, 252.
After-Dinner Speaking, 362–370.
Analogy, 223.
Analysis, 225.
Anecdote, 251–255; 364.
Anglo-Saxon words, 338.
Antithesis, 222.
Applause, 317.
Argument, 280–294.
ARISTOTLE, 344.
Articulation, 148–149.
Association of ideas, 347, 348.
Attention, 346, 347.
Auditory images, 324, 348, 349.
B
BACON, FRANCIS, 225, 226, 362.
BAGEHOT, WALTER, 249.
BAKER, GEORGE P., 281.
BALDWIN, C. S., 16, 92.
BARRIE, JAMES M., 339–341.
BATES, ARLO, 222–223.
BEECHER, HENRY WARD, 3, 6, 31, 76–78; 113, 139, 186, 188, 223, 265, 275, 343, 346,
351–352.
BERNHARDT, SARA, 105.
BEROL, FELIX, 344.
BEVERIDGE, ALBERT, J., 22, 35, 46, 67, 107, 470–483.
BIRRELL, AUGUSTINE, 97.
BLAINE, JAMES G., 368.
BONCI, SIGNOR, 124.
Books, 191–197; 207–210.
Breathing, 129–131.
Briefs, 177, 210–214, 290–294.
BRISBANE, ARTHUR, 19.
BROOKS, PHILLIPS, 356.
BROUGHAM, LORD, 338.
BRYAN, WILLIAM JENNINGS, 32, 60, 116, 157, 269, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 302, 448–
464.
BRYANT, WILLIAM CULLEN, 366–367.
BURNS, ROBERT, 39.
BURROUGHS, JOHN, 116.
BYRON, LORD, 64, 87, 145, 188, 189, 199.
C
CAESAR, JULIUS, 175.
CAMPBELL, THOMAS, 121.
CARLETON, WILL, 334.
CARLYLE, THOMAS, 42, 57, 105, 109, 194, 218, 249, 277–278.
CATO, 356, 372.
CHAMBERS, ROBERT, 19.
Change of pace, 39–49.
Character, 357–358.
CHANNING, WILLIAM ELLERY, 177.
Charm, 134–144.
CHILD, RICHARD WASHBURN, 376.
CHOATE, RUFUS, 464–469.
CHURCHILL, WINSTON SPENCER, 89.
CICERO, 115.
Classification, 224.
CLEVELAND, GROVER, 367–368.
COHAN, GEORGE, 376.
COLERIDGE, S. T., 373.
COLLINS, WILKIE, 60.
COMFORT, W. L., 235.
Comparison, 19.
Conceit, 4.
Concentration, 3, 57, 80–84; 346–347; 374.
Confidence, 1–8; 184, 263–275; 350, 358–360.
Contrast, 19, 222.
Conversation, 372–377.
CONWELL, RUSSELL, 200, 483–503.
CORNWALL, BARRY, 138, 184.
COWPER, WILLIAM, 69, 121.
CRANCH, CHRISTOPHER P., 72.
CROMWELL, OLIVER, 95, 105.
Crowd, Influencing the, 262–278; 308–320.
Ctesiphon, 116.
CURTIS, GEORGE WILLIAM, 258–260.
D
DANA, CHARLES, 18, 200.
DANIEL, JOHN WARWICK, 369–370.
DANTE, 106.
DE AMICIS, EDMONDO, 238.
Debate, Questions for, 290, 379–382.
Definition, 222, 224.
Delivery, methods of, 171–181.
DE MAUPASSANT, GUY, 187, 339.
DEMOSTHENES, 67, 363.
DEPEW, CHAUNCEY M., 365.
DE QUINCEY, THOMAS, 255–256; 338.
Description, 231–247.
DICKENS, CHARLES, 5, 234, 246, 247.
Discarding, 224.
DISRAELI, ISAAC, 101, 321.
Distinctness, 146–152.
Division, 224, 225.
E
Egotism, 376.
EMERSON, RALPH WALDO, 10, 97, 103, 104, 105, 122, 144, 168, 188, 201, 231, 295,
321, 357, 362, 372.
Emphasis, 16–24; 31–32; 47, 73.
Enthusiasm, 101–109; 267, 304, 311.
Enunciation, 150–152.
EVERETT, EDWARD, 78–79.
Example, 223.
Exposition, 218–228.
Extemporaneous Speech, 179.
F
Facial Expression, 163.
Feeling, 101–109; 240, 264–265; 295–305; 312, 317, 320.
Figures of speech, 235, 277, 331.
FLAUBERT, GUSTAVE, 339.
Fluency, 115–123; 179, 184–197; 354, 373.
Force, 87–97.
G
GALTON, FRANCIS, 323.
GASKELL, MRS., 186.
Generalization, 226.
GENUNG, JOHN FRANKLIN, 55, 92, 220, 226, 281.
GEORGE, HENRY, 344.
Gesture, 150–168.
GIBBON, EDWARD, 175.
GLADSTONE, WILLIAM E., 2, 8, 124, 157, 372.
GOETHE, J. W. VON, 117, 372.
GOLDSMITH, OLIVER, 121.
GORDON, G. B., 365–366.
GOUGH, JOHN B., 188.
GRADY, HENRY W., 38, 240–242; 252–253; 268, 365, 425–438.
GRAHAM, HARRY, 255.
Gustatory images, 325, 348.
H
Habit, 190, 349.
HALLECK, FITZ–GREENE, 302.
HAMLET, 88–89; 152–153.
HANCOCK, PROF. ALBERT E., 335.
HART, J. M., 338.
HAY, JOHN, 443–448.
HEARN, LAFCADIO, 238.
HENLEY, WILLIAM ERNEST, 122, 271–272.
HENRY, O., 247, 328–329.
HENRY, PATRICK, 22, 102, 103, 107, 110–112; 201, 271, 276.
HESIOD, 146.
HILL, A. S., 92, 281.
HILLIS, NEWELL DWIGHT, 24, 32, 191–193; 273–274; 394–402.
HOAR, GEORGE, 296–297.
HOBSON, RICHMOND PEARSON, 285–286; 287–289.
HOGG, JAMES, 139.
HOLMES, G. C. V., 226.
HOLMES, OLIVER WENDELL, 148, 373.
HOLYOAKE, GEORGE JACOB, 280, 281.
HOMER, 146, 235.
HOUDIN, ROBERT, 350.
HUBBARD, ELBERT, 3.
HUGO, VICTOR, 107, 503–505.
Humor, 251–255; 363–365.
HUXLEY, T. H., 227.
I
Imagination, 321–333.
Imitation, 335–336.
Inflection, 69–74.
INGERSOLL, ROBERT J., 68, 175.
IRVING, WASHINGTON, 5, 235, 236, 246.
IRVING, SIR HENRY, 158.
J
JAMES, WILLIAM, 349.
JAMESON, MRS. ANNA, 69.
JONES–FOSTER, ARDENNES, 243–245.
JONSON, BEN, 343.
K
KAUFMAN, HERBERT, 42–44.
KIPLING, RUDYARD, 4, 299–300.
KIRKHAM, STANTON DAVIS, 360.
L
LANDOR, WALTER SAVAGE, 339.
LEE, GERALD STANLEY, 308.
Library, Use of a, 207–210.
LINCOLN, ABRAHAM, 50, 107, 166.
LINDSAY, HOWARD, 40.
LOCKE, JOHN, 188, 343.
LONGFELLOW, H. W., 117, 124, 136.
LOOMIS, CHARLES BATTELL, 365.
LOTI, PIERRE, 238.
LOWELL, JAMES RUSSELL, 235.
M
MACAULAY, T. B., 76.
MACLAREN, ALEXANDER, 254.
MCKINLEY, WILLIAM, Last Speech, 438–442; Tribute to, by John Hay, 443.
MASSILLON, 188.
Memory, 343–354.
MERWIN, SAMUEL, 72.
MESSAROS, WALDO, 147.
MILL, JOHN STUART, 355.
MILTON, JOHN, 137.
Monotony, Evils of, 10–12; How to conquer, 12–14; 44.
MORLEY, JOHN, 403–410.
MOSES, 115.
Motor images, 324, 348.
MOTTE, ANTOINE, 10.
MOZLEY, JAMES, 235.
N
NAPOLEON, 13, 104, 141, 184, 321.
Narration, 249–260.
Naturalness, 14, 29, 58, 70.
Notes, see Briefs.
O
Observation, 167–168; 186–188; 206–207; 223, 227, 350.
Occasional speaking, 362–370.
Olfactory images, 325, 348.
Outline of speech, 212–214.
P
Pace, Change of, 39–49.
PAINE, THOMAS, 122.
PARKER, ALTON B., 423.
PARKER, THEODORE, 257–258.
PATCH, DAN, 2.
PAUL, 2, 107.
Pause, 55–64.
Personality, 355–360.
Persuasion, 295–307.
PHILLIPS, ARTHUR EDWARD, 227, 229.
PHILLIPS, CHARLES, 302–305.
PHILLIPS, WENDELL, 25–26; 34–35; 38, 72, 97, 99–100.
Pitch, change of, 27–35; low, 32, 69.
PITTENGER, WILLIAM, 1, 66.
Platitudes, 376, 377.
POPE, ALEXANDER, 122, 175, 231.
Posture, 165.
Practise, Necessity for, 2, 14, 118.
Precision of utterance, 146–152.
Preparation, 4–5; 179, 184–215; 362–365.
PREYER, WILHELM T., 188.
Proportion, 205.
PUTNAM, DANIEL, 80.
Q
QUINTILIAN, 344.
R
Reading, 191–197.
REDWAY, 170.
Reference to Experience, 226.
Repetition in memorizing, 348.
Reserve power, 184–197.
Right thinking, 355–360.
ROBESPIERRE, 153–155.
ROGERS, SAMUEL, 343.
ROOSEVELT, THEODORE, 275, 416–422.
RUSKIN, JOHN, 89, 90, 188.
S
SAINTSBURY, GEORGE, 55.
SAVONAROLA, 158, 161.
SCALIGER, 343.
SCHAEFER, NATHAN C., 262, 355.
SCHEPPEGRELL, WILLIAM, 27.
SCHILLER, J. C. F., 117.
SCOTT, WALTER DILL, 8.
SCOTT, SIR WALTER, 271.
Self-confidence, See Confidence.
Self-consciousness, 1–8.
SEWARD, W. H., 65–68.
SHAKESPEARE, WILLIAM, 22, 32, 82, 88–89; 122, 152–153; 161, 164, 227, 295, 302,
312–317; 321.
SHEPPARD, NATHAN, 147, 156, 170.
SIDDONS, MRS., 48, 70.
SIDNEY, SIR PHILIP, 188.
Sincerity, 109.
SMITH, F. HOPKINSON, 365.
SPENCER, HERBERT, 58, 69.
Stage fright, 1–8.
STEVENSON, R. L., 122, 196, 201, 238, 242–243; 335–336.
STORY, JOSEPH, 298.
Subject, Choosing a, 201–204.
Subjects for speeches and debates, 121–123; 379–393.
Suggestion, 262–278; 308–320.
SUNDAY, “BILLY,” 90, 158.
Suspense, 59–61.
Syllogism, 286.
T
Tactile images, 325, 348.
TALMAGE, T. DEWITT, 237.
Tempo, 39–49.
TENNYSON, ALFRED, 121, 141–143.
THACKERAY, W. M., 343.
THOREAU, H. D., 188.
Thought, 184–197; 265, 347, 355–360.
THURSTON, JAMES MELLEN, 50–54; 302.
Titles, 215.
TOOMBS, ROBERT, 410–415.
TWAIN, MARK, 343, 363, 365.
V
VAN DYKE, HENRY, 365.
Visualizing, 323, 348, 349.
Vocabulary, 334–341.
Voice, 32, 124–144.
VOLTAIRE, 4.
W
WATTERSON, HENRY, 303, 402–403.
WEBSTER, DANIEL, 2, 73, 103, 109, 201, 278; Eulogy of, by Rufus Choate, 464–469.
WEED, THURLOW, 349.
WENDELL, PROF. BARRETT, 93.
WESCOTT, JOHN W., 424–425.
WHITEFIELD, GEORGE, 161.
WHITTIER, J. G., 48.
Will power, 356–359; 373, 375.
Words, 92, 93, 336–341; 374.
Y
YOUNG, EDWARD, 90.