The Materiality of Cyberthreats: Securitization Logics in Popular Visual Culture
The Materiality of Cyberthreats: Securitization Logics in Popular Visual Culture
The Materiality of Cyberthreats: Securitization Logics in Popular Visual Culture
To cite this article: Myriam Dunn Cavelty (2019): The materiality of cyberthreats: securitization
logics in popular visual culture, Critical Studies on Security, DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2019.1666632
Article views: 99
ARTICLE
ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
Critical security studies literature has only recently begun to take into Cybersecurity; cyberthreats;
account the influence of material aspects in the field of cybersecurity. This material turn; popular visual
article traces securitization logics in popular visual culture to show how culture; securitization;
these representations make sense of technical incidents politically via security politics; visual
studies; visuality
material objects. Using a mix of discourse analysis and semiology, three
types of threat representations are identified, showing a shift from depict-
ing computers themselves as the main threat to the manipulation of data as
exercise of power and finally, the wielding of code as weapon to create
physical damage. Material objects define the space of engagement, being
both the threat and what is threatened. By destabilising old authority
structures, they pose questions about legitimate political alternatives in
a world where only a handful of technical geniuses have the power to
shape rules and take on the role of ‘the protector’.
Introduction
The frictionless operation of digital technologies is considered an essential foundation for prospering
economies and stable societies in many parts of the world. As a result, threat discourses focusing on
cyberincidents, understood as disruptions of these routine operations, have come to hold a prominent
position in (inter)national security. Whereas the cybersecurity discourse was characterised by
attempts to mobilise political and economic resources through future-oriented doomsday scenarios
in the late 1990s until the early 2000s (cf. Lawson 2013), it has taken a new turn in the last decade due
to a mounting number of what is generally considered strategically motivated cyberincidents.1
For some years, critical security studies literature has favoured the application of securitization
theory to cybersecurity issues, an approach that is biased towards studying speech acts of political
elites or more generally, written texts of an official nature (Huysmans 2011, also Hansen 2011). In
contrast, with the increase of actual incidents, material aspects of cybersecurity are coming into
focus, not least because such a crucial part of cyberthreats is inherently material: Many cyber-
operations are conducted with the help of malicious software, in short ‘malware’. Malware is
written to execute sequences of actions in machines, producing physical effects according to the
semantics of the instructions in the program. Without actual execution, ‘code is imperceptible in
the phenomenological sense of evading the human sensorium’ (Parikka 2010, 118). Cyberthreats
therefore become visible and explicable through their performance and in extension, their
material effects. At first, though, the effects of malware unfold inside a machine. To become
security politically relevant, these technical effects need to be put into a broader context and
connected to something of value considered at threat (which is often an object, cf. Burgess 2007;
Aradau 2010). Between the initial effect of code in the machine and the succeeding political
reading thus lies a process of meaning-making, a securitization process during which some
technical incidents are turned into visible cybersecurity incidents with security politically rele-
vance and impact.
In theory-guided critical research on cyberthreats, this recent shift to material aspects has not yet
been sufficiently taken into account. This article makes a contribution towards closing this gap both
theoretically and empirically. Given the intriguing and little understood relationship between invisible
code and visible effects, it analyses the visual representations that occupy the space in which the
technical is made political via the material. This way, the article makes the following contributions:
Theoretically, it amalgamates visual security studies with securitization theory and adds a particular
focus on materiality and practices. Empirically, it investigates the representation of cyberthreats in
popular visual culture.
Following in the footsteps of Francois Debrix’ insights about media-induced fears in the case of
cyberterror, this article starts from the premise that any technical computer incident meets an
already familiar discursive formation into which it is necessarily folded (Debrix 2007). It is that
formation that organises cyberthreats ‘into categories, strategies, typologies’, allowing us to speak
about them in a certain, organised and socially accepted manner and provides us with
a framework to situate ‘the truth’ (Debrix 2007, 28). Visual representations are part of this
formation, signifying a ‘temporary embodiment of social processes that continually construct
and deconstruct the world’ (Cresswell and Dixon 2002, 1). Even more, visuals occupy a special
place in this process: First, popular visual culture is the only site where we can experience
technical and political effects together, allowing an exclusive way of approaching the issue barred
to us in real life. Second, popular visual culture influences society’s knowledge about threats more
directly than other forms that are less easily approachable, like expert reports. Studying these
visual representations in a systematic manner thus provides us with extra insights into socially
shared discursive systems of knowledge and truth in the case of cyberthreats.
In the first part of this article, existing cybersecurity literature in critical security studies is
discussed and theoretical insights about the importance of popular visual culture for threat
representations are added. The second part of the paper uses a mix of discourse analysis and
semiology, the default method in visual studies (Rose 2016, 188), to study films and TV series for
representation of cyberthreats for the types of securitization logics that are present. Third, the
article identifies the discursive formation these representations belong to and talks about what this
signifies for the making and unmaking of cybersecurity as a political issue.
aspects of the issue (Stevens 2016; Balzacq and Dunn Cavelty 2016; Collier 2018; Shires 2018).
This literature recognises that the political reading of cyberincidents cannot be divorced from the
material realities of computer disruptions and the knowledge practices in technical communities.
However, since it is strongly rooted in Science Technology Studies, which favours looking at
socio-technical orders on the national level, the literature has difficulties linking its findings to
international political communities that are of importance in security studies and international
relations (cf. McCarthy 2018, 236ff.)
This article attempts to bring critical security studies and particularly securitization theory back
into this more recent focus on material aspects of cyberthreats. It does so by using insights from
visual security studies to show how popular visual culture influences the discursive formation of
cyberthreats (cf. Carver 2010, 426) and how its ways of making the threat visual offer particular
ways of securitizing technical incidents through material and practical aspects.
In the visual security studies literature, it is mainly the link between popular culture and national
security identity that has been studied (for example: Löfflmann 2013; MacLennan 2016). It is under-
stood that popular visual culture co-produces a shared understanding of politics, whereby acceptable
behaviour of state and non-state actors is both legitimated and naturalised by it (Lacy 2003; also
Weber 2001, 133–134; Dodds 2005, 267). However, the projection and legitimisation of foreign policy
strategies is only one aspect popular visual culture can illuminate. Another is the representation of
threats (Valantin 2005, xi). As done in this article, focusing on threat images in popular visual culture
as part of the discursive formation adds an additional dimension to the more common focus on
identity. For security risks, where there is no clearly responsible threat agent or enemy (like pandemics
or climate change) or where the form of the malicious actor is amorphous and shifting (like terrorism),
the details of how the threat itself is constructed becomes more important to understand political
effect. Popular visual culture co-produces imaginaries of threats by providing us with particular
visuals, which shape our propensity to recognise threats as threats in the first place and also our
expectations for how we should deal with them. They steer political actors to implicitly or explicitly
recognise cyberincidents they are actually confronted with as both similar to and different from these
imaginations, but always within the specific boundaries of the discourse formation that popular visual
culture co-shapes. This way, popular visual culture helps to co-produce ‘the limits and boundaries for
what is done and what can be done’ (Andersen, Vuori, and Mutlu 2015, 89) in politics.
To anchor the article in securitization literature, Lene Hansen and Helen Nissenbaum’s three
logics of security in the ‘cyber’-sector are used as an analytical frame: hypersecuritization, which
refers to the use of ‘multi-dimensional cyber disaster scenarios’ to create a sense of urgency;
everyday security practices, which refer to the mobilisation of the individual to perform cyber-
hygiene practices as part of the national security enterprise; and technification, which is about the
special status given to technological expertise in the discourse (Hansen and Nissenbaum 2009).
The interplay between the three logics will be pointed out in the analysis below and the role of
material factors highlighted.
point out in what ways the securitization logics play out in them. In the first, the main threat is
a machine – either in the form of an immobile mainframe computer or in the form of robots –
that is ‘out-of-control’ and threatens human existence. In the second, the threat emanates from
corrupt organisations that have power because they possess specific data. In the third, computers
are used as weapons. Common in all three representations is the strong dominance of material
aspects of the threat over the immaterial/virtual aspects.
cyberincident is a (logical) decision by the machine that results in a life threatening situation for the
entire human race. In sum, the threat is fundamentally ‘material’, crystallised in the computer as
malicious object with its own agency.
The cyberincident related to stealing and revealing information is central in uncovering hidden
power relationships. Hypersecuritization is present in the form of deadly disease (Johnny
Mnemonic) or a cyberterrorist (Skyfall, The Net), but in this second type of representation, it is
not the defining logic. The interaction with cyberspace has become a normal day-to-day activity
for many (everyday security practices), though they often do not realise how insecure the
technology is. Certain people have technical superpowers (technification), but since the threat is
no longer physically contained in one machine that can be destroyed but thoroughly networked, it
dodges easy containment. In sum, the threat is located with powerful entities, whose power is
a derivate of their ability to manipulate data. Computers are neutral, passive objects with no
agency – but they are powerful tools that are used to obtain specific political goals.
Cyberincidents threaten society due to its dependence on computers, making the ensuing scenarios
catastrophic and very violent. Due to their scope, these situations create extreme urgency. The
cyber-incident is used as a weapon, is very targeted and wielded with great efficiency.
The second, everyday security practices – or the lack of good cybe hygiene in targets – is the
underlying cause for this. Technological vulnerability makes a double-appearance. On the one hand,
unpatched vulnerabilities are exploited by malicious actors for malevolent deeds. On the other, it
leads to a fundamental distrust of digital technologies all around: The hackers in Die Hard 4 all have
redundant systems for communication in case the information infrastructure breaks down. The
(good) hacker in Blackhat tells his FBI handler that digitally stolen money needs to be ‘made real’:
the trick is to get the money out in cash from different ATM machines and walk away. Given this
somewhat amorphous picture of the technical, technification is manifest in a different form than
before. Hackers are still the actors with the most power, but their dominance is questioned. Both
McClane, the main protagonist in the Die Hard movies, as well as Bond in Golden Eye and Skyfall
represent the ‘old’ world, where things are done the traditional way and not with the help of
computers. McClane shouts at his hacker-helper: ‘It’s not a system. It’s a country – you are talking
about people’! The new world almost manages to throw Bond and all he stands for (‘We’re a bunch
of antiquated bloody idiots, fighting a war we don’t understand and can’t possibly win’) into a deep
identity crisis in Skyfall – but what counts in the end is the gritty reality of the old battlefield, where
true heroes fight face to face and familiar meaning can be restored.
From the technical to the political via the material: visualising securitization logics
As was shown in the previous section, popular visual culture shows a broad and multifaceted
relationship between the technical and the political. Of the three security logics identified by Hansen
and Nissenbaum, hypersecuritization appears as the most dominant. This is not surprising since it is
also the one that lends itself best to exciting visuals through an explicit destructive materiality.
However, the material aspects of computer insecurity are a strong feature in all threat representa-
tions, to the point where they define cyberthreats. Beyond linking code-producing, fast typing
fingers to the instant doom of exploding critical infrastructures, there is an even more fundamental,
lurking threat ever present: a threat rooted in the very existence of computing machines. If they are
not given to opportunity to turn into the big bad themselves, they are naturally (mis)used as tools to
do harm that would not be possible without them. It is always the real world in which security and
insecurity unfolds, with material objects defining the space of engagement, being both the threat and
what is threatened. Virtual space is an identifiable place with geographical dimensions and its rules
are either similar to the real world or at least easily manipulated by those with special skills.
Ultimately, this leads to cyberthreats emerging as familiar physical violence.
Such familiarity is accompanied by the normalisation of the threat over time. Computers and
their abilities are portrayed as exceptional or spectacular in the early years, but as we move
through time, the ‘cybered’ aspects of society become an everyday feature of life. With the
delegation of not only a few, but an increasing amount of tasks to machines, cyberthreats become
a systemic, even anticipated condition. With this normalisation comes advanced familiarity with
the threat in society, reflected in an ever closer relationship between fiction and reality. For
example, the plot in Die Hard is based on a threat scenario from an article published in the
WIRED Magazine called ‘Farewell to arms’ (Carlin 1997). In that same year, the Presidential
Commission on Critical Infrastructure Protection published their seminal report, in which the
link between critical infrastructures and cyberspace was established in the political realm (PCCIP
1997). The insider threat is also the one highlighted in this influential report, which makes
a repeated appearance in popular visual culture. Speaking to a similar trend, the attention given
to ‘hackuracy’ has increased over the years. Matrix Reloaded (2003) is the first major motion
picture to attempt to portray an actual hack: The female hacker Trinity does an ‘Nmap port scan’,
a common real-world prelude to an intrusion attempt. In Blackhat (2015), all the code that is
8 M. DUNN CAVELTY
visible on screen is real code. In Mr. Robot (2015-), each episode title relates to a specific technical
action taken in the main plot.
There are two sides to this normalisation. On the one hand, a threat that we live with loses part
of its terror, which helps against tendencies to simplify the threat. Indeed, with the increase of
actual incidents as ‘reality check’, hypersecuritization has lost some of its mobilising power –
extreme scenarios are not as easily presented as fiction that may become reality one day, but
appear as fiction far from reality when they simply do not measure up. On the other hand, if we
take a threat for granted, we stop questioning and resisting its logics. That becomes even more
obvious when we focus on the second logic of security identified by Hansen and Nissenbaum
(everday security practices). This aspect is present, yet never foregrounded, neither visually nor
narratively. Indeed, such is the nature of this type of logic: It is there but not easily noticed, yet
shaping social interactions and political expectations constantly. In popular visual culture, indi-
viduals are always the ones portrayed as responsible for and capable of countering the threat – the
state is either absent or unable to help.
The strong message is that the state and its institutions are quasi-powerless vis-à-vis this threat,
shaping a political image of necessary self-help. This responsibilization of individuals mirrors the
solutions propagated in a majority of national cybersecurity strategies and is based on a liberal
market logic. In short: You must protect what you own. With relatively little variation across
polities, the protection policies in place consist of a three-pronged approach: A law enforcement
pillar for countering cybercrime, private-public partnerships for critical infrastructure protection,
and private and public self-help for the rest of the networked infrastructure. Importantly, it has
been made a common practice that everybody is responsible for ‘their own’ assets as far as
possible: governments protect government networks, militaries only military ones, companies
protect theirs, and individual citizens are in charge of their own computer security (Dunn Cavelty
2018).
However, real world incidents that are presented as security political and urgent in nature have
put this hands-off approach by states under increasing pressure. Finding themselves caught
between the obligation and even desire to take on a more forceful role as ‘protector’ in this
space and their repeated inability to do so, states grapple with the difficulty of defining their role
in cybersecurity (cf. Dunn Cavelty and Egloff 2019). This becomes even clearer in the third logic.
Technification is almost as important as the focus on survival and disaster and triggers similar
images of the political. To have power means to have the ability to manipulate the machine world
through special practices.
Whereas the depiction of the ‘good’ hacker is relatively constant throughout the years, the ‘bad’
hacker emerges as the epitome of threat especially sometime in the 1990s (for a similar argument
see Nissenbaum 2004). Often, they possesses special insider knowledge, which guarantees their
ability to do maximum harm. With this focus on special skills comes another pervasive proble-
matization of the state and its security bureaucracies: They are either portrayed as a direct threat
due to rampant corruption and power abuse or as an indirect threat due to their blatant
incompetence in handling cyber-emergencies. It is by virtue of being outside the state apparatus,
both in terms of rules but also in terms of values, that (anti-)heroes can emerge as victorious and
ultimately as saviours. Beyond this, the state in itself becomes problematic by virtue of its ascribed
security role and organisational structure. Since the keeping of secrets is one of the prerogatives of
states and those who have the skills to save the world are always acting from the belief that
keeping secrets is a misuse of power, digital resistance emerges as a viable and morally just
counterstrategy aimed at the state itself.
Little remains of the traditional authority of the state if only technological geniuses who toe
illegality can battle the threat. Delegation of security provision to state authorities is no longer possible,
it is society who has to ensure that the skills needed to navigate the new world can emerge from its
midst. At the most, the state can temporarily entice these individuals to lend their services to the
CRITICAL STUDIES ON SECURITY 9
greater good. This way, state authorities become mere managers of talent that is not theirs to
command; they have lost their ability to be providers of security entirely.
Conclusion
Driven by an interest to understand how visual representations of cyberthreats make sense of technical
effects politically, this article focused on cyberthreats in popular visual culture since the early 1980s.
Three dominant representations of cyberthreats were discussed and some of the commonalities
between them identified, with a particular focus on securitization logics aided by material aspects.
Change in representations over the years reflects a change in the discourse formation which is strongly
influenced by the reading of ‘real world’ incidents as security politically relevant.
Clearly, Hansen and Nissenbaum’s statement that ‘the digital networked character of cyber
security – and the absence of prior disasters – is hard to represent through images’ (2009, 1165)
needs to be revised. Popular visual culture has filled the political space with images for decades,
inspired by and at the same time inspiring politics. When in reality, sophisticated malware often
seeks to hide its performance as long as possible to be able to deliver maximum effect, there is no
such invisibility in popular visual culture: The representations of cyberthreats are always linked to
instantaneous effects that cannot evade the human sensorium.
These representations provide a somewhat soothing doubt-free representation of cyberthreats.
The materiality of the threat anchors it in the real world and defines its parameters throughout all
three representations. Since cyberthreats are produced by or with machines, they always co-define
the limits and possibilities of action. However, if they were just (isolated) objects of danger,
removing them would solve the security threat. But they also are a much desired physical
extensions of a post-human society, where digital bodies are just as relevant as physical ones
and where other objects of values and computing machines form intricate networks of power and
wealth. Cyberthreats emerge as far broader and more closely interwoven with human life than just
as disrupting, temporary incidents. Popular visual culture presents us with a technological world
that is pervasively insecure, and in which the threat is multifaceted, all-embracing, and systemic
because of the existence of computing machines. However, the distinct materiality of the threat is
also what opens up possibilities for its management. Indeed, the visibility of the threat or rather,
the active ‘making visible’ of causes and effects, is emerging as a powerful counterstrategy. In all
representations, visibility is essential for the attribution of agency, of political acts and, ultimately,
decision and responsibility.
In 2009, Hansen and Nissenbaum held that ‘the most significant lesson of bringing the
Copenhagen School to cyber security may be to bring the political and normative implications
of “speaking security” to the foreground’ (2009, 1172). What political and normative implications
emerge from making cybersecurity visible in the ways shown in this article? If the prime message
is that cyberthreats cannot be handled by the state or worse, that they unmask the state itself as the
root of the problem, we are faced with questions about desired political alternatives. Machines
destabilise old authority structures and enable new ones, but what should a different, legitimate
forms of politics look like in a space where only a handful of technical geniuses have the power to
shape rules and take on the role of ‘the protector’ if they wish so?
For democratic politics, technification is a big challenge. By making cybersecurity an issue of
the genius few, technification makes contestation from those with less technical expertise hard if
not impossible or makes it easy for those with the expertise to discredit others that do not have
it. In addition, the power of technical expertise comes with a claim of being ‘neutral’ or
‘a-political’, and hence, as more valid than anything that is based on ethics or morals. For the
study of cybersecurity in critical security studies, it will be important to further analyse the
interrelationship between all three security logics, but with a particular focus on technification
and its effects.
10 M. DUNN CAVELTY
Notes
1. Prominent examples are: Stuxnet, the computer worm that sabotaged the Iranian nuclear program (Farwell
and Rohozinski 2011), the hacking of Sony networks and the subsequent blackmailing to prevent the
distribution of a movie making fun of North Korea’s leader (Siboni and Siman-Tov 2014), the hacking of
a power grid during Russia’s military campaign against the Ukraine (Zetter 2016), or the meddling with US
elections with the help of confidential information obtained through computer infiltrations (Shane and
Mazzetti 2018).
2. This topic is well-loved by Hollywood in general but also plays a considerable role in many Japanese animes.
As early as 1927, Fritz Lang’s Metropolis depicted a robot which unleashes chaos and is ultimately burnt at
the stake as a witch, leading to a long list of mobile computers and their relationship with humanity.
HAL9000 (Heuristically programmed ALgorithmic computer) and his iconic red glare in 2001: A Space
Odyssey (1968) kills the crew of the spaceship he controls and monitors when conflicts in HAL’s program-
ming cause severe paranoia. Skynet from the Terminator Movie (1984) becomes self-aware and decides that
humans are a menace that needs to be eliminated.
3. The movie War Games gave the hacker technique ‘war dialling’ its name. Previously to War Games, it was
called ‘hammer dialling’ or ‘demon dialling’.
4. As an interesting side note with regards to the interlinkage between popular visual culture and hacker
resistance: The Guy Fawkes mask depicted in ‘V for Vendetta’ (2005) was adopted by the hacktivist
movement Anonymous and has become a cultural icon for hacker resistance.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes on contributor
Dr. Myriam Dunn Cavelty is a senior lecturer for security studies and deputy head of the Centre for Security
Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich. In addition to her teaching, research and publishing activities, she advises governments,
international institutions and companies in the areas of cyber security, cyber warfare, critical infrastructure
protection, risk analysis and strategic foresight.
ORCID
Myriam Dunn Cavelty http://orcid.org/0000-0002-3775-1284
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12 M. DUNN CAVELTY
(Continued).
Name Year Type Genre Plot summary (from IMDB) Country
11. Bloody 2008 TV Series Action, suspense A brilliant high school hacker, Fujimaru Japan
Monday, Takagi (Haruma Miura), gets drafted by
Season 1 the Japanese equivalent of the FBI (Third-
ブラッディ・ I), to help them stop a group of terrorists
マンデイ intending to attack Tokyo with
11 episodes a biological weapon. When his friends and
family members come under attack,
Fujimaru realises the seriousness of the
situation he has been asked to participate
in. A race against time begins as he helps
the Third-I track down those responsible
for the impending attack while the true
purpose of the terrorist’s plan comes to
light
12.Skyfall 2012 Movie Action, Adventure, Bond’s loyalty to M is tested when her past UK/USA
Thriller comes back to haunt her. Whilst MI6
comes under attack, 007 must track down
and destroy the threat, no matter how
personal the cost
13. Ghost/ 2012 TV Series Crime, action, A drama based on a cyber-investigation South
Phantom investigation squad. Kim Woo-Hyun is the only son of Korea
유령 a high ranking police officer. Woo-Hyun
20 episodes entered the police academy ranked first
and graduated from the academy ranked
first. As a detective, he then joins the
cyber investigation department. Woo-
Hyun then works to reveal the secrets of
those that hide within the cyber world
(http://wiki.d-addicts.com/)
14. 24: Live 2014 TV Series Action, Crime, Jack Bauer, Director of Field Ops for the USA
Another Day Drama Counter-Terrorist Unit of Los Angeles,
(Season 9) races against the clock to subvert terrorist
12 episodes plots and save his nation from ultimate
disaster
15. Prophecy 2015 Movie Mystery A man named Gates heads a mysterious Japan
予告犯 1h group called ‘Shinbunshi’ who don
59 min newspaper masks and post internet
videos informing the public of their crimes
of justice against people they deem guilty
of things not punishable by law.
Meanwhile, Erika Yoshino, an elite
inspector from the Tokyo Metropolitan
Police Department’s cyber-crime division
attempts to track down the members of
Shinbunshi and put a stop to their crimes.
However, the group gradually begins to
win over the support of the public with
their videos
16. Blackhat 2015 Movie Action, Crime, A furloughed convict and his American and USA
Drama Chinese partners hunt a high-level
cybercrime network from Chicago to Los
Angeles to Hong Kong to Jakarta
17. Mr. Robot, 2015- TV Series Crime, Drama, Follows a young computer programmer who USA
Season 1 ongoing Thriller suffers from social anxiety disorder and
10 episodes forms connections through hacking. He’s
recruited by a mysterious anarchist, who
calls himself Mr. Robot
(Continued)
14 M. DUNN CAVELTY
(Continued).
Name Year Type Genre Plot summary (from IMDB) Country
18. Pied Piper 2016 TV Series Action, thriller Pied Piper focuses on a police negotiation South
피리부는 사 task force that specialises in tense, worst- Korea
나이 case scenarios that require highly trained
16 episodes communication.
Obvious movies missing from this list are Sneakers (1992), Hackers (1995), Ghost in the Shell (1995), and Swordfish (2001). They
do not make an explicit appearance in the paper because their representations fit into the three categories outlined in the
article without any challenge. Black Mirror (2011-) is not included because it goes beyond the scope of what I analysed (films
and TV series in which computers are directly implicated in the emergence of a security threat).
Also, there is a question of cultural coherence and boundedness of ‘popular visual culture’. Is there such a thing as
‘global’ popular culture? Probably not, but the argument can be made that Hollywood productions have the biggest
reach and therefore have the biggest shaping power. That additional cultural products from Asia confirm the three
patterns seems to matter more here than the differences.