Short History of Mu 035015 MBP

A SHORT HISTORY OF
MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
FROM THE CONQUEST OF ISLAM

TO THE DEATH OF AURANGZEB
BY
ISHWARI PRASAD, M.A., D.Litt., LL.B.

Reader in History in the University of Allahabad
t The essence of royal protection consists in protecting

I the life and property of the subjects. They (kings) should
J use the principles of justice and equality in all their
A dealings with all classes of people, and should in-
Jstruct powerful officials so that they may try their best to
Irefrain from cruelty and oppression in their jurisdiction.
-SHER SHAH
PUBLISHED BY
THE INDIAN PRESS, LIHITHD
ALLAHABAD
Stcond Edition
*fd and published by K. Mittra at
Indian Press, Ltd., Allahabad
CONTENTS
CHAPTEK PAGK
I. Pre-Muhammadan India . ..1
II. The Arab Invasion of Sindh .. 29
III. The Rise and Fall of the Ohaznavidefi . 43
IV. The Conquest of Hindustan .. .66
V. The Slave Dynasty ... ... 74
VI. Khilji Imperialism . . ... 103
VII. The Tughluq Dynasty ... ... 132
VIII. Break-up of the Empire of Delhi ... .. 180
IX. An Era of Decline ... .. , 227
X Society and Culture in the Middle Ages ... 245
XI. India at the Opening of the Sixteenth
Century ... .. .. ... 279
XII. Foundation of the Mughal Empire ... 293
XIII. Humayun and Sher Shah ... ... 324
XIV. Era of Reconstruction — Akbar . 349
XV. The Empire at its Zenith— jahangir and
Shahjahan .. ... ... ... 482
XVI. The Turn in the Tide— Aurangzeb 646
XVII. Society and Culture in Mughal India J . . 739
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
THE first edition of this book was very favourably received

by students of Muslim history all over India. Its use-
fulness isshown by the fact that a second edition has
become necessary in such a short space of time. I regret
that owing to other engagements of a pressing nature I
have not been able to add a chapter on the later Mughals as
I had promised in the first edition. But the index has
been provided, and care has been taken to remove the
errors and discrepancies suggested by scholars of history.
I am fully aware of the imperfections that still exist,
but 1 Lope kindly critics will continue to favour me
with their valuable suggestions from time to time. In
their appreciation lies my reward and in their well-
informed criticism my chance of further improvement
THE UNIVERSITY OF AULAHABAD

ISHWARI PR AS AD
Dated August 24^ 1931
PREFACE
HTHE purpose of the present book is to provide a.
*• general history of Muhammadan rule in India up
to the death of Aurangzeb for the use of teachers
in secondary schools and students in Indian Colleges.
The want of a book of this kind has long been felt The
older histories of the middle ages by European writers
have now become inadequate and out of date owing to
the rapid progress of knowledge in recent times, tytost
of the errors based on imperfect acquaintance with the
original sources are repeated in all text-books, and the
student of history, who aims at precise knowledge,,
demands more than what is contained in Elphinstone,
Lane-Poole^ and Vincent Smith. Excellent as they are
in their own way, they are found sketchy in these days*
The author has kept the requirements of the modern
student always in view, and he hopes he has done his best
to meet them.
The earlier portion of the book is largely an abridge-
ment of the author's History of Mediaeval India with
which students of history are already familiar. The
sketch of Mughal history, which is new, is fairly full, and
will be found useful by those wly> will consult it, whether
for the purpose of passing an examination or acquiring
a knowledge qf Indian history under the Mughals. The
best authorities on the subject, original as well as
secondary, have been utilised, and no topic of importance
has been omitted. Attempt has been made to awaken
11
the critical faculty of students by discussing controver-

sial matters and by presenting the views of different
^writers in regard to them.
The advanced student for whom the book is not
intended may find it inadequate for his purpose. He will
be sadly disappointed, if he makes it a substitute for
•original sources into which he must dive deep himself, if he
aims at specialised knowledge. The professed object of this
volume is to present to the reading public a concise and
readable narrative of the achievements of our Muslim
conquerors, both Mughal and pre-Mughal, up to the death
of Aurangzeb. The author hopes to add a chapter on
later Mughals in a subsequent edition.
An important feature of the book is that the
narrative is not confined merely to political history.
rAn attempt has been made to describe the social and
economic condition of the people at different periods.
The life of a people must be viewed as a whole and to
enable the reader to understand it fully, enough has been
said about the growth of religion and literature. The
interaction of political and cultural currents has been
-explained with a view "to liberalise the student's concep-
tion of history and to enable him to develop a sense of
right perspective.
Proper names have been generally spelt according
to the method approved by the Royal Asiatic Society
and diacritical marks have been placed over unfamiliar
names and terms.
My acknowledgments are due to my friend and pupv
Mr. Ktinwar Bahadur, M.A., LL.B., who has helped me >
various ways in preparing this book. Most ol the proo*
sheets have been read by him, and hi the selection erf
Ill
illustrations and maps, his atlvice has been of considerable

help to me. Still there must be many imperfections
which have escaped the author's notice. He will
gratefully receive all corrections and suggestions for
further improvement
ALLAHABAD, ]
\ ISHWARI PRASAD.
July 26, 1930. ]
CHAPTER I
PRE MUHAMMADAN INDIA
After Harga's death in 647 A.D. India broke up into a

number of independent states, always fighting against one
another. Most of these were founded by
Break-up of Rajput chief s who were distinguished for
their valour and devotion to the military art.
m" Among these warring states Kanauj rose to
the position of a premier state, but even her pre-eminence
was not universally acknowledged in the country.
Kashmir was not included in Harsa's empire, though
the local ruler was compelled by him to yield a valuable
relic of Buddha. It became a powerful state
Kashmir. Muktaplda (725-52 A.D.)
of the Karkota dynasty, He was a capable ruler
arho extended his dominion beyond Kashmir and the
neighbouring countries, and once led an expedition against
*;he ruler of Kanauj. Towards the beginning of the ninth
century the K§rkot# dynasty declined in importance, and
was succeeded by the Utpala dynasty.
This dynasty produced two remarkable rulers, Avantivar-
inan and 6ankaravarman. After the latte^'s death in 902, a
aeries of worthless rulers followed, under whom the country
suffered much from misrule and anarchy and finally passed
nto the hands of a local Muhammadan dynasty in 1339.
In 1640 Babar's well-known cousin Mirza Haidar Daghlfit,
2 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
the historian, conquered the valley and established his

sway. After his death in 1551 disorder ensued and puppet
kings were set up by rival factions. This state of affairs
was finally ended by Akbar when the kingdom was annex-
ed to the Mughal empire in 1586.
Kanauj rose early into prominence after the death of •
Harsa. Yasovarman was a powerful ruler, but his successors
tvanaui. were unable to resist the aggressions of neigh-
bounng states. It was the Gurjara chief
(840—90 A.D.) who retrieved the
fortunes of Kanauj and built up an empire including
the Sutlej districts of the Punjab, the greater part
of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh and the
Gwalior territory. His successor, Mahpnr*rflPHla. kept his
father's dominions intact, but the next ruler
succumbed to the power of the Rastrakuta Indra in 916
and although he recovered his dominions owing to the
negligence of the latter, he suffered another defeat at the
hands of the Chandela ruler of Jaijakbhukti. The process
of decadence continued and the kingdom of Kanauj los^
one province after another. The repeated invasions of th
Muhammadans further weakened it and in 1018 A.D. wh§
Mahmud of Ghazni appeared before the gates of Kanauj th
Pratihar ruler, Raivapala. offered no resistance and made a
abject submission. This cowardly act gave offence to h;
fellow-princes and the Chandela Rsn'a Ganda n^ga™***
Ganda's son Vidyadhai
marched against him at the head of a large army, inflicted
crushing defeat upon him and murdered him. Rajyapala'
successors vainly struggled to retain their power until the.
were finally subdued about 1090 A.D. by a Raja of thu
GaharwSr clan.
PEE-MUHAMMADAN INDIA 3
Another important Rajput clan was that of the Chohans

2JL Sashay — in Pfljpntfltin Ajm6r was included in the
principality of Sambhar. The earliest ruler
i)eihi.mer and °^ whom we have an authentic record was
Vigraharaja IV better known as Eiaal&-
flpva n^mi, distinguished alike for his valour and learn-
ing. He fought against the Muhammadans, wrested Delhi
from the Pratihars and established a kingdom, extending
from the base of the Himalayas to the Vindhyas in the
Deccan. At his court were produced the two famous
dramas, the Lalitaviqraharq(jn-fnnfrb.a. and the Harakeli-
which are still preserved in the museum gt
He also founded a college at Ajmer which was
destroyed by the soldiers of Muhammad Ghori. The
most remarkable of the line was Prithvirajp whose deeds
of valour are still sung by bards all over Northern
India. In 1182 he invaded the Chandela territory and
defeated Raja Parmal of Mahoba. He also nrg-anispd a f*on.-
federacy of Rajput nrincea whir.h defeated the. Muslim Jbost
inrl^r Mnhammad Ghori inJlgJ. But the latter reappeared
lext year and inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Rajputs.
Prithviraja wag captured and killed. The Hindu power
suffered an irreparable blow, and yet Raja Jayachandra of
Kanauj stood apart and refused to combine with the Chohans
with whom he had a family feud. Next, Muhammad Ghori
.urned against Jayachandra himself and defeated him.
Several members of the Gaharwar clan left Kanauj and
migrated to Rajputana, while the able generals of
Muhammad Ghori completed the work of conquest by reduc-
ing Gwalior, Anhil waând Kalanjar. Soon after Qutbuddin,
the gallant slave of Muhammad, was enthroned at Delhi as
•the overlord of the princes of Northern India.
4 HISTORY 07 MUSLIM RULE
Two other Rajput dynasties of importance in Northern

India were the Chandelaa of Javjflkhhnkti (modern Bundel-
khand) and the Kalachuris of Chedi (modern
deiashe °han" Central Provinces). The country was called
ti. i.e., the territory or bhukti of
, one of the earliest kings of the Chandela dynasty.
The Chandelas do not emerge into history until the
ninth century when Nannuk Chandela established a small
kingdom for himself. At first feudatories of the Gurjar-
Pratihar kings of Kanauj, they became independent during
the first half of the tenth century. Harsa Chandela raised
the status of the family by helping the ruler of Kanauj
against Indra, the Rastrakuta king of the Deccan, and by
marrying a Chohan princess. His son Yasovarman was a
great conqueror. He captured the fortress of Kalanjarand
forced the ruler of Kanauj to surrender a valuable image of
Visnu. He was succeeded by his son Dhanga.
Dhanga extended the boundaries of his father's domi-
nions and*joined the Rajput confederacy which was formed
by Jayapala to repel the invasion of Subuktagin, king of
Ghazni. After his death, his son and successor Ganda carried
on the. warlike policy of his father. In 1018 when Sultan
Mahmud of Ghazni advanced against Kanauj, its ruler
Rajyapala made an abject submission. Enraged by this
unworthy conduct of their suzerain, the chiefs of Northern
India combined against RSjyapala under the leadership of
Ganda's son Vidygdhara. Rajyapala could offer no resistance
and was slain by Arjuna, the Kachchapaghata chief of
Gwalior. When Sultan Mahmud heard of this inhuman
murder, he set out from Ghazni in 1019 to punish the wrong-
doers, hn|>-QaTTiâ fl*H J" *hq "Jgh* without encountering
Mahmud on the field of battle. A few years later Mahmud
PRE-MUHAMMAflAN INDIA 5
again marched against him and compelled him to sign a

treaty by which Ganda ceded the fort of Kalanjar and
acknowledged his suzerainty.
After the death of Ganda the history of the Chandelas
is a record of wars with the neighbouring states. The Kalfl-
churis of Chprii ftefpatf>rl the Chandela king Kirt.ivarma-
deva and deprived him of his kingdom, but the latter soon
recovered his position through the assistance of his Brahman
minister Gopala. The Chandela power once again rose
to its highest point under Madanavarman who was a
contemporary of Kumarapala of Gujarat and Govinda-
chandra of Kanauj. Madana's eldest son died during
his lifetime and he was succeeded by his grandson
Parmardin.
With Parmardin 's accession to power the Chandelas
plunged into bitter and prolonged wars with the Chohans
of Delhi. In 1182 he was completely defeated by
Prithviraja who followed him into the heart of his kingdom
as far as Madanapur. He offered no help to Prithviraja
and Jayachandra when Muhammad of Ghor directed his
arms against them. His own turn came in 1202 when
Muhammad's general Qutbuddin attacked Kalanjar and
inflicted a crushing defeat upon him. Parmardin hero-
ically struggled to save his power but he fell in the fight.
Henceforward the Chandelas ceased to have any political
importance and a similar process of decadence overtook
the Kalachuris of Chedi.
The Parmar kingdom of Malwa was founded by Krisna
Raja alias Upendra in the ninth century A.D. The kings
riM-»£» Infirm PITS of Malwa were originally feudatories of
of Malwa. the Gurjar-Pratihars of Kanauj but towards
the close of the tenth century Slyak II
established his independence. The kingdom of Malwa in-

cluded a large part of the ancient kingdom of Avanti
/up to the Narbada in the south. /Ceaseless wars were,
Iwaged between the Parmars of Malwa, the Chandelas of
Mahoba, the Kalachuris of Chedi, the Solankis of Gujarat
and the Chalukyas of the Deccan./ Munja who came to
the throne in 974 A.D. inflictea several defeats upon
the Chalukyas of the Deccan, but was himself fatally
wounded by them during the years 993—97 A.D. He
extended his patronage to men of letters, and authors
like Padmagupta, Dhananjaya and Halayudha lived at
his court.
The most illustrious ruler of the dynasty was Munja 's
Nephew Bhoia (1010—60 A.D. ) who is known in history
as a great warrior and patron of learning. He was himself
a scholar and a poet, and established a Sanskrit college
at Dhara called the Saraswati Kanthabharan, the ruins
of which exist to this day. In this college, he had several
works on poetry, grammar, astronomy and other branches
of learning incised on slabs of stone. The college was
afterwards turned into a mosque by the Muhammad ans
Bhoja also constructed a lake to the south of Bhopal which
extended over an area of 250 miles, the waters of which
were afterwards drained by the Muslim rulers.
Towards the close of his life the enemies of Bhoja be-
came very strong. He was defeated and slain in battle
by Kama of Dahala and Bhima of Gujarat. The Parmar
power steadily declined after Bhoja's death, and the last
king of the dynasty was compelled to embrace Islam
by the generals of Alauddin Khilji, who effected
the complete conquest of the entire province in
1310 A.D.
PRE-MUHAMMADAN INDIA 7
After the fall of the kings of Vallabhi the Chapotakas

or Chavaâs ruled Gujarat for a long time, but towards the
close of the ninth century it became a part
of 1Gufa°mtnklS of the empire
Kanauj. of the princes
The Chalukya Gurjar-Pratihars
at first becameof
the vassals of the empire, but in 943 A.D. a Chalukya prince
Mulraja (960—95 A.D.) founded an independent dynasty
called the Chalnfrva dvnaRt.ynfAnahilanat.aVR. The history of
this dynasty is fully revealed in the works nf r»nn temporary
Jain afthnlara. Tftfllraja flonqnered the. Parmgrs of AbUj and
fought against Vigraharaja(Blsaladeva II) who defeated him
and devastated his kingdom. Better success attended his
arms, when he marched against the combined forces of the
chiefs of Sindh, Cutch and Vanthali in Kathiawad. Great
valour was shown in this battle by the prince of Abu who
fought on the side of Mulraja. Mfilraja hm'lt the prpaj;
temple of %Hr^|^^Halaya which was dedicated to £iva at
but he did not live to finish it. The installation'
of the deity in the tpmple was celebrated with great spjen-
dnur, and Brahmans from Thanesar, Kanauj, and other parts
of North India were invited to assist in the solemn ceremony.
Mulraja died in 995 and was succeeded by his son Chamunda-
raja whn pleiir mhqH-1eSinHhn|ffia. theParmar kinôf Malwa.
which led to bitter animosities between the two kingdoms.
Chamundaraja was succeeded by his son Vallabharaja,
but he died after a short reign of six months. His son
Durlabharaja, who was married to a Chohan princess of
Nadol, reigned for 12 years (1009—21 A.D.), and after his
death was succeeded by his nephew Bhima I who is welt
known in the annals of Gujarat
Bhima continued the bitter feud against the king of
Malwa and invaded his territory. He humbled the Parmar
ruler of Abu, and made his power felt by the Chohans of

Nadol.
But a great calamity was in store for Bhlma. When
Mflhmpri of Ghaani invaded Hnj^ygt in order to seize the
vast wealth of the temple of Somnath, situated on .the sea*
™ygf ffgrytli nf ftflifriflYfc^ RhTma tied from his kingdom
and sought refuge in a fortress in Cutch. After the depar-
ture of the Turkish invaders he recovered his country and
rebuilt the desecrated fpmplp nf Somnath.
Bhima died in 1063 A.D. and was succeeded by his third
son Kama I who established order in the country by subdu-
ing the Kols and Bhils. His successor Java Singh, surnam^d
ffiflflharsja, who came to the throne in 1093, is one of the
most remarkable Solanki kings of Gujarat, He inflicted
a crushing defeat on the ruler of Malwa, annexed the
country to his dominions, and .assumed the title of king of
Avanti. He fought against the Yadava prince of Girnar,
suppressed the wild tribes, and defeated the Chohan prince
of Ajmer with whom he afterwards made peace. Jîddhfl-
rjrjfl was a just, kirul and sagacious ruler. He extended his
patronage to learned men, and ah^wfld Wm'a] fay*'"" **» -T^'n
scholars, the chief of whom was Hemachandra or Herpa-
Shacya. He had no son, and therefore when he died in 1142,
he was succeeded by Kumarapala, a descendant of Kama, the
third son of Bhlma I, of whom mention has been made before,
jiumarapala is by common consent the most remarkable
of all Solanki kings of Gujarat. He showed great respect
to Hemachandra Suri, the learned Jain scholar, whom he
elevated to the position of chief minister. KumarapSla
invaded the territory of Ajmer twice. The first expedition
was a failure, but in the second the Gujarat forces obtained
a victory over the Chohan prince. The rulers of Malwa and
.Abu were defeated, and Mallikarjuna, the chief of Konkan,

had to acknowledge the supremacy of Kumarapala. Thus the
original kingdom of Gujarat was considerably enlarged, and
certain portions of Malwaand Rajputana were included in it.
Kumarapala was a patron of learning. Many scholars
lived on his bounty, but those specially worthy of mention
are the two Gujarati scholars Ramachandra and Udaya-
His minister Hemachandra was a great scholar
Sanskrit, and composed a number of works
on history f-mf* roiiginyi xyhinfr were dedicated to the king.
Kumarapala embraced the Jain faith through the influence
of Hemachandra, and forbade any kind of kimsa (injury to
living beings) throughout his wide dominions
Kumarapala died after a reign of nearly thirty-one years
in 1173, and was succeeded by his nephew Aiayaâla. With
Ajayapala's accession to the throne began the decline of the
kingdom which was further accelerated during the reigns
of his weak successors Mulraja II and Bhlma II. The last
Chalukya king was Tribhuvanapala, a mere figurehead, from
whom power was snatched by the Baghela branch of the
Solankis sometime about 1243 A.D. This dynasty produced a
number of kings who were constantly troubled by the new
invaders of India- -the Muhammadans, The last king was
who was overpowered by Ulugh Khan and Nusrat
, the two famous generals of Alauddin Khilji, in 1296,
and whose power was finally destroyed by Kafur in
1310 A.D. With Kama's defeat and death the line of the
independent Solankis of Gujarat came to an end.
Besides Rajput kingdoms described before there were
many others in Rajputana on the eve of Muhammadan
conquest. The chief of them were
Rajputana.
Jesalmir. Bundi. Jalor anxL Nadol. The
10 HISTORY -OP MUSLIM RULE
principality of Jodhpur was founded after MuhammacJ
Ghori's conquest of Hindustan, and Amber (modern
Jeypore) and Bikanir did not rise into prominence until the
advent of Mughals in the sixteenth century. The Rajputs
of Mewar, Jesalmir, Ranthambhor and Jalor struggled hard
with the early Turks and bravely opposed them on the field
of battle. An account of these struggles will be given in
subsequent pages.
Bengal as far as Assam was included in the empire of
Harsa, but like other provinces it suffered after his
death from anarchy and misrule In the
eiShth century, the people, tired of disorder,
Bihar and elected Gopala as their king Gopala was a
enga " Buddhist and he reigned for nearly 45 years
over Magadha and South Bihar. His successor Dharmapala
defeated the ruler of Kanauj, and his suzerainty was
acknowledged by the kings of Afghanistan, Punjab, certain
portions of Rajputana and the Kangra Valley. He built
magnificent monastery of Vikramasila. which
107 tpTflplpifl and fi ro)1^00 fnr Hnrat.ifl!L-in
Devapala, the next ruler, is described as the
most powerful ruler of the dynasty. He conquered Assam
and Kalinga and waged ceaseless wars for the propagation
Of his faith. He received a^ PT^hasfrgy frnm thp king nf
Javajto obtain permission for building a temple of Buddha at
Nalanda. Devapala received the mission well, and granted
five villages in the districts of Patna and Gaya for the
maintenance of the temple, built by the Javanese king.
After a reign of forty years the Palas were tempo-
rarily overpowered by the hill tribe of the Kambojas. But
the Kamboja rule was short-lived. MahlpSla recovered
the lost power of his house and sent a mission for the
PRE-MUHAMMADAfc INDIA 11
revival of Buddhism in Tibet. He was a staunch follower of

Buddhism ; he built several buildings at Nalanda, Bodhgaya
and Vikramaslla and repaired many Buddhist shrines.
In 1084 Ramapala ascended the throne of his forefathers,
and conquered Mithila, and reduced the kings of Assam
and Orissa to the position of tributaries His son Kumara-
pSla turned out a weak ruler, and he found it impossible
to keep the power of his dynasty intact. Samanta Sena,
who probably came from the Deccan, seized a large part
of the kingdom of Palas, and laid the foundations of the
new dynasty of Senas in Bengal towards the close of
the eleventh century A.D. Samanta Sena's grandson,
Vijaya Sena, conquered Western Bengal, and firmly establish-
ed the power of his house. His successor
came to the throne in ] 155, and besides maintaining the
dominion of his father intact, promoted learning, and
introduced the practice of Kulinism among the Brahmans,
the Vaidyas and the Kayasthas of Bengal. Brahmanism
regained its ascendancy under him, and missions were
sent abroad for propaganda work. Ballala Sena was suc-
ceeded by Laligmana^Sfiiis in 1170. He succumbed to
the raid of ftlnhnnnmQH hin RalrfrHyar KlvIJ1' in 1199,
and a large part of Bengal passed into the hands of the
Muhammadans.
The origin of the Rajputs is a matter of controversy.
Historical ingenuity has been much exercised in determin-
. ing with precision the origin of the Rajputs,
Rajputs.0 e and the difficulty has been considerably
aggravated by the lofty pedigrees assigned
to them in Brahmanical literature and the bardic chronicles.
The Rajputs claim to be the lineal descendants of the Ksatri-
yas of Vedic times. They trace their pedigree from the
12 HISTORY* OF MUSLIM RULE
sun and the moon, and some of them believe in the theory
of ^qnikula. ThA wnrd Tfajpnt in common parlance, in
Certain states of Rajnntana./fe used to rtennt.g f,hp illflgiti-
nriftfP grnig nf n Kqgfn'yQ /»hipf nr jfigfrdnr But in reality it
is the corrupted form of the Sanskrit word
* am'nn nf thp rnyal hlnpfL' The WOrd OCCUrS in the
Puranas, and is used in Ra[pafa Hgrsachgrita in the sense of
high-born Ksatriya— a fact which goes to show that the
word was used in early times and in the seventh and eighth
centuries A.D.
Much has been written about the origin of the .Rajputs.
Some hold them to be the descendants of the foreign settlers
iff Indja, while others trace their pedigree back to the
Ksatriyas of Vedic times. Tod, the famous historian of
Rajasthan, started the theory that fop Rajputs w?re the
descendants of tlje Scythians or Sakas who came into India
about the sixth century A.D.
European scholars have accepted Tod's view of the
origin of the Rajputs. Dr. Vincent Smith in his Early
History of India (Revised edition, p 425), speaking of
the foreign immigration of the Sakas and the Yue-chi or
Kushans in the second and first centuries B.C., writes :—
" I have no doubt that the ruling families of both the

£akas and the Kushans, when they became Hinduised,
were admitted to rank as Kshatriyas in the Hindu
caste system, but the fact can be inferred only from the
analogy of what is ascertained to have happened in
later ages— it cannot be proved.''
Dr. Smith dwells at length upon the effects of the Hun
invasions, and observes that they " disturbed Hindu institu-
tions and the polity much more deeply than would be
PRE-MUHAMMADAN' INDIA 1&
supposed from perusal of the Puranas and other literary

works. " He goes on to add that the invasions of foreign
tribes in the fifth and sixth centuries shook Indian society
in Northern India to its foundations, and brought about a
re-arrangement of both castes and ruling families. This
view is supported by TV n R T^hanHflrkar, and the
editor of Tod's Annals, Mr. William Crooke, who writes in
his Introduction that the origin of many Rajput clans dates
from the Saka or Kushan invasion, which began about the
middle of the second century B C., or, more certainly, from
that of the White Huns who destroyed the Gupta Empire
about 480 A.D.
But in recent times certain Indian scholars have attempt-
ed in their researches to point out the error of Tod and
other European scholars. Mr. Gaurishankar Ojha discusses
the question at length in his History of Rajputana and
comes to the conclusion that the Rajputs are the descendants
of the ancient Ksatriyas, and that Tod was misled by the
similarities in the manners and customs of the Rajputs and
the foreigners who settled in India.
One may or may not wholly agree with Mr. Ojha's
view, but it is clear that the foreign tribes who settled
in India made a fresh re-arrangement of social groups
inevitable, and as possessors of political power they were
connected with the ancient Ksatriyas by their Brahman
advisers.
The theory of Agnikula that four Rajput clans -the
Jqwar (Pyamflr) Pflrihftr (Prati'l^fir^ Chohan (Chahumana)
inri Snlanki or Cfralukva— sprang frorq Va6igth£>>g £**"*&****
f fount nn -mnn^ g[Ki] jp ^^hoy-fl Hfljpntanfl. still finds
credence among the Rajputs. Dr. Bhandarkar and others
have found in this myth a confirmation of their theory of«
the foreign origin of the Rajputs. They hold that the

Agnikula myth represents fr rite nf purgation bv fire, the
-scene of which was in southern Rajputana, whereby the
impurity of the foreigners was removed, and they became
fitted to enter the caste system. The story of the Agnikula
is related in the f^rithvlr71^ Rnfinw The Rasau, whatever
its date, contains many interpolations, and sometimes
inextricably combines history with legend so that we cannot
accept everything that it says as historical truth. The
fictitious character of the story is obvious, and it is unneces-
sary to adduce evidence to prove it. It represents only a
Brahmanical effort at finding a lofty origiyi for tfrgjjgogle^
who stood very high in the §pcial order, and whose
munificence flowed in an unstinted measure to the priestly
class, which reciprocated that generosity with great enthu-
siasm. Itwill be absurd to contend that the Rajputs are
the pure descendants of the Ksatriyas of the ancient Vedic
times. The original Ksatriyas were mixed up with the hordes
of immigrants who poured into India in the fifth and sixth
centuries of the Christian era. Dr. Smith writes that some
of the Rajputs are descended from the indigenous tribes
such as the Gonds and Bhars— a fact which is borne out by
the distinctions that still exist among them. It is too large
»an assumption, and is scarcely justified by the historical
data available to us. There are similar distinctions among
the Brahmans also, but that does not prove that certain
Brahmans are descended from the lower orders in the Hindu
social system. To make such a generalisation would be
against all canons of historical research.
The various tribes of the foreign settlers became so
deeply intermixed with one another in course of time
that all marked dissimilarities were obliterated, and a
PRE-MUHAMMADA"N INDIA 15
-certain kind of homogeneity was developed by the adoption

of similar social customs and religious rites. The tribal
individuality vanished, and a process of amalgamation
set in which made scrupulous differentiation impossible.
A high feeling of chivalry and honour, of indepeTjd..
qnfte and patriotism animated all RaiDUtS. and this same-
ness had much to do with the fusion of the various clans
which had ethnologically stood apart from one another.
The architectural activity of the Hindus during this
period was mainly confined to the building of temples.
u;The most famous temples of the period in
Art and Northern India are those of Bhuvanesvara.
Literature. built
, -i in• the
i seventh i century
^ ' AA ^D.t of
*„
'Khajuraho in Bundelkhand, and of Puri in Orissa. The Jain

at Abu was built early in the eleventh century, and
is one of the most exquisite examples of Indian architecture
of the pre-Musalman period. In the Deccan also numerous
.temples were built, the most famous of which are those
built by the rulers of the Hoysa)? dynasty. The first at
Somanathapq? was built by Vinaditya Ballala in the
eleventh century, the second at Belur by Visnuvardhana
Hoysala in the twelfth century, and the third at Halevid
built by another prince of the same dynasty towards the
close of the twelfth century. The Pallavas, Chalukyas, and
Cholas were also great builders. The Pallavas adorned their
capital Kanchi with beautiful temples, some of which
belong to the seventh century A.D The temple of Tan-
jore, which was built by R§ja R5ja Chola about 1090 A.D.,
bears testimony to the skill of the southern master-builders.
The Chalukyas were also great patrons of art. They,
adorned their capital Badami with magnificent temples
-and one of them, Vikramaditya II (733—47 A.D.), built the
>famous temple of Virupaksa at Pattadakal which was prob-

ably a recognised seat of learning in the South. The
faindn architecture is an expression of the Hindu religJOIL
(To the Hindu, his whole life is an affair of religion. It is
his religion which regulates his conduct in everyday life,
and its influence permeates through the various grades of
the Hindu society. Nowhere is the religiousness of
.the Hindu more clearly manifest than in his architecture
and sculpture, for it was through these, as a distinguished
Indian scholar points out, that he sought to realise the
all-embracing notion of his faith.
The temples, tanks and embankments of the Hindu
kings were wonderful works of art. The Arab scholar
Al-Biruni writes regarding them : —
" In this they have attained to a very high degree of
art, so that our people (the Muslims) when they see
them, wonder at them, and are unable to describe
them, much less to construct anything like them."
Even such an iconoclast as Mahmud of Ghazni was
moved with admiration, when he saw the beautiful temples
of the city of Mathura during one of his Indian raids— a
fact which is recorded by his official chronicler, Utbi.
The triumph of Brahmanism was followed by an enor-
mous growth of religious and secular literature. The
religious controversies of the time produced an abundance
of philosophical literature of which the most important are
the qflynmentaries of aar^kara on the
Brahmasutra. The court of DhSrS was
adorned by such eminent literary men as Padmagupta,
ari%irnf thf> NnvaAnhafintyfaeharitft., nhanRfij^ author of
theDa&arupaka, phanifa^ commentator of the Dasarupaka^
commentator of Pinoalachhandahsutra and
other works, and Amitag;ati, author of the Subhayi*
taratnasandoh. Among the dramatists of the period are
Bhavabhuti, author of the Malatlmadhava, the Mafya-
vlracharita and the Uttararamacharita, who flourished
in the eighth century A.D. ; VififtkhaHafi-a, ant.hnr of f.he
and BhflftQ NTsraya^fi, author of the Venl-
samhara (800 A. D.) and Raiasekhara. author of the Kar(
puramanjan and other works, who wrote in the early
part of the tenth century A.D.
'^ The Kavya literature also deserves a passing mention
\». a well-known work which draws
its materials from the Mahabharata, and describes the story
of the destruction of 6isupala by Krisna. Another mahakavycn
of importance is the Naisadhacharita of &ri JHarga (1150
A.D.) who wrote probably under the patronage of Jaya-
chandra of Kanauj. Besides the Kavyas proper there were
written during this period historical Kavyas. Among them
the most remarkable are the Navasahasankacharita of
Padmapnpta who was a court poet of the king of Dhara,
and of whom mention has previously been made and the
Vikramankacharita of Bilhana written to commemorate
the exploits of Vikramaditya VI, the Chalukya ruler of
Kalyan. The most remarkable historical work in verse is
composed in the middle of the
twelfth century A.D. KalhaJljajvas a well-educated native
of Kashmir who had taken part in the politics of his coun-
try* and who was fully conversant with its affairs. He
attempts to give his readers a complete history of Kashmir,.
and, though like all mediaeval frifitaringrfrphers he combiner
faf* with fif*tjnnT he sincerely endeavours to consult the
varied sources of history. Among the lyrical poets the mqst
F. 2
remarkable is Jayadeva, the author of the Gita Govinda,

who flourished in Bengal in the twelfth century, and of
whom mention will be made in another chapter.
The institution of caste existed. The superiority of the
Brahmans was acknowledged and the highest honours
Social Life were accorded to them by kings as well as
the common people. But the Rajputs were
no less high in the social scale. Brave and warlike, the
Rajput was ever devoted to the championship of noble
causes. Tod has in his masterly way delineated the
character of the Rajput in these words : /" High courage,
patriotism, loyalty, honour, hospitality and simplicity are
qualities which must at once be conceded to them ; and
if we cannot vindicate them from charges to which human
nature in every clime is obnoxious ; if we are compelled
to admit the deterioration of moral dignity from the
continual inroads of, and their subsequent collision with,
rapacious conquerors ; we must yet admire the quantum of
virtue which even oppression and bad example have failed
to banish. The meaner vices of deceit and falsehood, which
the delineators of national character attach to the Asiatic
without distinction, I deny to be universal with the
Rajputs, though some tribes may have been obliged from
position to use these shields of the weak against continuous
oppression. "l/ The Rajput had a high sense of honour and
a strict regard for truth. He was generous towards his
foes, and even when he was victorious, he seldom had
recourse to those acts of barbarity which were the inevitable
concomitants of Muslim conquest He never employed
1 Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Raj as than, edited by Crooke,

II, p. 744.
•deceit or treachery in war and scrupulously abstained

from causing misery to the poor and innocent people. The
test of the civilisation of a community, writes a great
thinker, is the degree of esteem in which women are
held in it. Tfr$ Rajput honnnrftd his women, and though
their lot was one of " appalling hardship " they showed
wonderful courage and determination in times of difficulty,
and performed deeds of valour which are unparalleled
in the history of the world. Their devotion to their hus-
bands, their courage in moments of crisis — and these
were unfortunately many in a Rajput woman's life —
and their fearless example exercised a healthy influence
on Rajput society in spite of the apnlnsjn^ fn whinh they we^p
Jiapt. But their noble birth, their devotion to their husbands,
their high sense of honour, and their conspicuous resource-
fulness and courage all combined to make their lives highly
uncertain. The custom of " Jauhar " or self-immolation—
though its cruelty seems revolting to us— had its origin in
that high feeling of honour and chastity, which led Rajput
women to sacrifice themselves in the extremity of peril, when
the relentless invaders hemmed in their husbands on all
sides, and when all chances of deliverance were lost.
But if the virtues of the Rajputs are patent, their
faults are equally obvious. Their inconstancy of temper,
their liability to emotion or passion, #LGJV oltH>fooling,
their Cfjpf fvial frnffoj their UBS of opium, their incapacity
to present a united front to the common enemy— all these
placed them in a highly disadvantageous position, when
they were matched against foes of tougher stuff. The
pjflf.Hn.ft nf infantif»j(fa was common amongst them, and
female children were seldom suffered to exist even in the
/most respectable families. Equally baneful was the custom
20 HISTORY OP MUSLIM RULE
of Sati which resulted from time to time in the deaths*

of a number of women in royal households which were
universally polygamous. The practice became so common
that even womeil_nf nrdinnry status burnt themselves to
death ao.mfftMea of t]lftir nwn free will, but more often
under the pressure nf parents ^pfl kinsmenôbsessed by a
false notion of family pride. The Rajput never had re-
course to treachery or deceit in time of war and dealt fairly
and honourably with his enemies. His wars did not disturb
the ordinary husbandman in the peaceful pursuit of his
occupation. Sieges, battles, massacres— all left him un-
moved with the result that he became completely indifferent
to political revolutions, and readily transferred his allegiance
from one king to another.
The Hindu society was stirred by the religious move-
ments of reformers like Ramanuiacharva, who preached
the cult of bhaktL and whose teachings marked a reaction
against Sahara's Advaita philosophy. He preached against
Sankara's Vedanta and laid stress upon the attributes of a
personal god who could be pleased by means of bhakti or
^devotion. Hejgrmed a link between the nprtl) and south,
and succeeded in establishing his spiritual hegemony over
a considerable body of Hindus in both parts of the country.
Pilgrimages became common, and men moved about visiting
Isacred places—a fact which imparted a great stimulus to
the deep religious fervour which was at this time a remark-
able feature of Hindu society. Svayamvaras were not
frequently held, the last recorded one of importance being"
that of the daughter of Jayachandra of Kanauj, but Sati was
common, and in beleaguered fortresses and cities no mercy
was shown to the weaker sex, when it fell into the hands of
the enemy.
PRE-MUHAMMABAN INDIA 21
The government of the Rajputs was of a feudal charac-

ter. The kingdom was divided into estates or fiefs held
by JaglrdSrs, who were often of the same
The strength and
Go^mLeirt* security the prince.
family asof the state depended upon their
loyalty and devotion. The khalsa land of the state was
directly under the prince and was administered by him.
The nobles or their vassals were divided into several classes,
and the etiquette of each class was prescribed by imme-
morial usage which was scrupulously observed. The chief
source of income was the revenue from the khalsa lands
which was further increased by taxes on commerce and
trade. The vassals or fief-holders of the prince had to
render military service, when they were called upon to
do so. They loved and honoured their prince and cheerfully
followed him to the field of battle. They were bound
to him by ties of pgrôpa} Devotion and service, and were
ever anxious to prove their fidelity in times of difficulty
or danger. No price could purchase them, and no tempta-
tion could wean them away from their chief. These feudal
barons, if we may so call them, had to make payments
to their chief resembling very much the feudal incidents
qf iriPdlflPval F.nrftpp The knight's fee and scutage were
not unknown ; feudal obligations were mutually recognised,
and we often find that greedy rulers had recourse to
scutage to obtain money. Such government was bound
to be inefficient. It fostered individualism, and prevented
the coalition of political forces in the state for a common
end. The king was the apex of the system, and as long as
he was strong and powerful, affairs were properly managed,
but a weak man was soon reduced to the position of a poli-
tical nullity. The internal peace of the state often depended
upon the absence of external danger. When there was no

fear of a foreign foe, the feudal vassals became restless, and
feuds broke out between the various clans with great
violence, as* is shown by the feuds of the clans of Chondawat
and Saktawat in the seventeenth century in the time of
Jahangir.
The Deccan
The Chalukyas, who were a family of Rajput origin,

entered the Deccan in the sixth century A.D. The most
remarkable of the line was îlflkfiff1*11 T{ who
lukyas6 ° h a" ascended
ceaseless the
wars throne
againstinthe
611 rulers
A.D. ofHeGujarat,
waged
Raj put an a, Malwa and Konkan and annexed the territories
of the Pallavas of Vengi and Kanchipura. His brother, who
was originally appointed as the viceroy of the conquered
territories, founded a separate kingdom known in history as
that of the Eastern Chalukyas. In fi2Q A.D. Pulakesin
of Kanaii]. an achievement
which was considered a remarkable feat of valour by his
contemporaries. The Cholas and Pandyan nlnn mtfrpd into
jjendly relations wfr.h Pnlnlcftain- The Chinese pilgrim
iuen Tsang who visited the Deccan in 639 A.D. was
much impressed by his power and greatness.
But the perpetual wars of Pulakesin implied a heavy
strain upon the military and financial resources of his
empire. The Pallavas under Narasinhavarman inflicted
a crushing defeat upon Pulakesin. Pulakesin's son Vikra-
mSditya declared war upon the Pallavas and seized their
capital K&nchl, and the struggle went on with varying
success until a chieftain of the RSgtrakuta clan supplanted
the jx>wer of the Chalukyas.
PRE-MUHAMMAt)AN INDIA 23
The Rggtraknfas werfl originally inhfl.hitfl.nta nf

and are mentioned in the inscriptions of A£oka
Rasfcra- as âttas or Rathikas. Formerly they were
a"ra subject to the Chalukyas of Bad ami, but
Dantidurga had established his independence
after defeating the Chalukya ruler Klrttivarman II. Danti-
durga died childless, and was succeeded by his uncle Krisna 1
who considerably increased the territories inherited from
his nephew. Krigpa erected the beautiful rocWnt tfiT^P1^
of &va at Ellnra. His successors further extended their
dominions by their conquests. Amoghavar§a who came
to the throne in 815-16 A. D. ruled over all the territories
included in the kingdom of Pulakesin II. He defeated
the Chalukyas of Vengi and founded the new capital
Manyakheta or Malkhed in the Nizam's dominions. Amogha-
varsa professed the Jain faith. He extended his pat-
ronage to Jain scholars, and it is said that an important
work on the philosophy of the Jains of the Digambara
sect was written during his reign. Amoghavarsa retired
from public work in his old age, and was succeeded by
his son Krisna II who had married a daughter of the
Chedis of Dahala. Krisna's successor Indra III allied
himself with the Chedis by means of marriage, and with
their aid he invaded the territories of the Gurjar-Pra-
tihars. He invaded Malwa, conquered Ujjain, and his
troops ravaged the Gangetic plain. The Ra?frakutas of
Gujarat were reduced to submission, and the Gurjar-
Pratihars lost their power owing to his ceaseless attacks.
Under the successors of Indra III the power of the
Rastrakutas declined. They exhausted their treasure on
wars and thus crippled their resources. The Chalukyas
gained fresh strength, and the last RS§trakut» monarch
24 HISTORY Cfr MUSLIM RULE
was defeated and killed in battle by Tailapa II in 982

A.D.
A new dynasty known as the Chalukyas of Kalyani
was founded, and the house of Rastrakufras under whom
the temple at Ellura and frescoes of Ajanta were built)
and commercial relations with the Arabs were maintained
came to an end.
Tailapa II proved a powerful and energetic ruler. He
brought all the territories over which the Chalukyas had
once ruled under his sway, and defeated
The Western
Ohalukyas of
Munja, the Parmar
. Raja of Dhara. Tailapa
• •«••«•
found a formidable adversary in Raja R5ja
Chola who harried the Vengi territory after
his death. But Tailapa's successor Somesvara, 'the
wrestler in battle/ defeated the reigning Chola king, and
also made successful attacks upon Dhara and Ranch!.
Vikramaditya VI who ascended the throne in 1076 had an
unusually peaceful reign of fifty years. Art and literature
flourished under him. Bilhana. the poet, and the famous
jurist Viift5neshwaraT the author of the Mitaksara. both
wrote their works during his reign. After the death of
Vikrama the power of the Chalukyas began to decline
rapidly. Bijjala, a former minister of Tailapa, usurped
authority and founded a new dynasty.
The usurpation of BijjSla coincided with the revival of
J§iva worship. Basava was the leader of the new movement.
The Lingayat sect flourished, gathered strength and consi-
derably weakened the hold of Buddhism and Jainism. The
Chalukyas tried once again to grasp the sceptre, but were un-
able to do so. The Deccan was divided between the Ysdavas
with their capital atuDexagir* the KSkatiyas at Warangal
and th$ HoxsalaJBall&la^who ruled at DwSrsamudra.
These three powers contended for supremacy in the
Deccan with the result that they weakened themselves
paved the way for the Muhammadans.
the famous general of Alauddin Khilji, defeated the
powerful Yadava ruler and compelled the Kakatiyas and
the Ballalas to render allegiance to Delhi.
In the earliest times there were three important king-
doms in the Far South, namely, the PanHvar th? flbpla and
m^ The Pandya kingdom
The _Par 0South.t f
covered the area now occupied by the Madura
and Tinnevelly districts with portions of Trichinopoly and
Travancore state. The Chola kingdom extended over
Madras and several other British districts on the east as
well as the territory now included in the Mysore state.
The limits of the principality of Chera or Kerala cannot be
defined with precision, but scholars are of opinion that it
included approximately the Malabar districts ajid the greater
part of the Cochin and Travancore states. The three king-
doms enjoyed a position of power and influence during the
•centuries before the Christian era, and had trade relations
with ancient Rome and Egypt But in the second century
A.D. a new power rose into prominence and that was of
the Pallavas, who ruled over the Telugu and west-coast
districts from Vengipura and Plakaddu (PalghSt) respec-
tively. They gradually increased their power in South
India, overpowered the ancient kingdoms, and came into
•conflict with the Chalukyas. The Chalukya king, Pulakesin
II, inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Pallava ruler,
Mahendravardhan I, and annexed the Vengi province to
his dominions. Exasperated at the loss of an important
part of their territory, the Pallavas organised their forces,
and paid the Chalukya king in his own coin next year,
These dynastic feuds were inherited by the R2$trakQt»s,.

when they supplanted the Chalukyas in the Deccan in the
middle of the eighth century A.D. Before the continued
attacks of a youthful and vigorous dynasty, which had
just emerged on the stage of history, the Pallavas found it
difficult to defend themselves. Internal disorder together
with the rebellion of the Southern Gangas accelerated the
decline of the Pallavas ; and the supremacy of the South
passed into the hands of the Cholas, and Raja Raja Chola,
who assumed sovereign authority in 985 A.D., extended
his conquests far and wide. By the end of 1005 A.D. he
defeated all his rivals, and built for himself a magnificent
empire. But the incessant strain of war proved too great
even for this mighty ruler of the South, and in 1011 A.D.
he sheathed his sword with pleasure, and devoted himself
to the task of organising the administration. His son
Rajendra Chqla (1018—1042 A.D.) was, in accordance with
the Chola custom, associated with him in the administration
of the affairs of the kingdom. He turned out an able ruler
and vigorously carried on the warlike policy of his father.
His arms penetrated as far as the territory now occupied
by the provinces of Prome and Pegu in modern Burma,
and Bengal in the east. Orissa was overrun, and the
Andaman and Nicobar Islands were also conquered.
The Gangas of Mysore, who had given much trouble to
the Pallavas, were also subdued ; and this astute
ruler consummated his policy of aggrandisement by
forming a matrimonial alliance with the Chalukya ruler
of Kalyaiil, who was a formidable rival. The offspring
of this marriage was Kulottunga I (1070—1118 A.D.) wha
united in his person the power of the Cholas and the
Phalukyas.
PRE-MUHAMMADAH INDIA 2T
After the death of Rajendra, the Chola kingdom began
to decline ; and the neighbouring powers who had suffered
much at the hands of its rulers now arrayed their forces
against it. The Chola ruler was defeated by the Chalukya
army, and this defeat led to the defining of the Chalukya
and Chola frontiers. The Pandyas, the Cheras, and the
Gangas withheld their allegiance, and the confusion into
which the kingdom had fallen is illustrated by the fact
that several rulers occupied the throne in quick succession
only to be removed from power, either by military force
or by assassination. In 1070 A. D. Somesvara II and his
younger brother Vikramaditya contended for succession
to the Chalukya throne, while Vlra Rajendra Chola had a
powerful rival in Rajendra Chola of the Eastern Chalukya
dynasty. Vikramaditya won a victory in this civil war ;
he seized the Chalukya throne, and restored his brother-
in-law 5dhi-Rajendra Chola to his patrimony. But Adhi-
Rajendra who depended entirely upon Chalukya support
failed to win the confidence of his subjects, and was shortly
afterwards assassinated He left no male heir, and, there-
fore, the crown passed to Rajendra Chalukya who is better
known as Kulottunga I (1070—3118 A.D.).
Kulottunga I, who was a capable ruler, established
complete tranquillity throughout his wide dominions. He
made large conquests, but he is distinguished from his
predecessors by the care which he bestowed upon
the organisation of the administration on a sound and
efficient basis. Towards the close of his reign, the Hoysala
Prince Bitti Deva, otherwise known as Vignuvardhana
(1100—1141 A.D.), drove out the Chola governors from
the Ganga territory, and before his death, established his
sway over the country now covered by the Mysore state.
The Pandyas, meanwhile, developed their power, and
the Chola empire had to bear the blows of the Hoysalas,
the KSkatiyas, and the Pandyas. The last powerful ruler
of the Pandya dynasty was Sundaram Pandya, J who died
in 1293 A.D. after having conquered the whole Tamil cpun-
try and Ceylon. The great Venetian traveller Marco Polo,
who visited South India in the thirteenth century, speaks of
the great wealth and power of the Pandya king. But in
1310 A.D. Kafur's raids, backed by the fanaticism of the
entire Muslim community, destroyed the political system of
the South, and plunged the whole country into a state of
utter confusion. The Chola and Pandya kingdoms rapidly
declined in power, and were finally destroyed by Muslim
attacks. The Deccan was not united again until the rise
of the Vijayanagar kingdom in 1336 A.D.
Marco Folo found him ruling at Madura.

CHAPTER II
THE ARAB INVASION OF SINDH

The earliest Muslim invaders of Hindustan were not
the yqrka hnt tha Amhar who issued out from their desert
homes after the death of the great Arabian
The Arabs. prophet to enforce belief at the point of the
which was, according to them, " jhe kev of heaven
Wherever they went, plunder, destruction and
cruelty of a most wanton type marched in their train.
Their virility and vigour enabled them to make them-
selves masters of Syria, Palestine, Egypt and Persia within
a short space of twenty years. The conquest of Persia
made them think of their expansion eastward, and when
they learnt of the fabulous wealth and idolatry of India
from the merchants who sailed from Shiraz and Hurmuz
and landed on the Indian coast, they recked little of the
difficulties and obstacles which nature placed in their way,
and resolved on an expedition to India. The first recorded
expedition was sent from Uman to pillage the coasts of
India in the year 636-37 A.D. during the Khilafat of Omar
was t.hfl nhw.Hvft of these earlv
raids, but the task was considered so difficult and dangerous
that the Khalifa disapproved of such distant campaigns
and prohibited all further attempts in this direction. He
had a great repugnance to naval expeditions, which is said to
have been caused by the description of the sea furnished tjo
29
30 HISTOR? OP MUSLIM RULE
him by one of his lieutenants, as "a great pool which some

senseless people furrow, looking like worms upon logs
•of wood." But Omar's successors relaxed the prohibition,
and expeditions were planned and undertaken, so that
every year the Muslims marched from their homes in search
of new countries. In 643-44 A.D. Abdulla bin Amar bin
Rabi invaded Kirman, and marched towards Sistan or
Siwistan, and besieged the ruler of the place in his capital
^nd compelled him to sue for peace. Peace being made,
the victorious general proceeded towards Mekran, where
he was opposed by the combined forces of the rulers of
Sindh and Mekran, but the latter sustained a defeat in a
night encounter. Abdulla wished to follow up his victory
and to win further success on the other side of the Indus ;
but the cautious policy of the Khalifa stood in his way
and forbade all further progress.
The arms of Islam achieved splendid success every-
where. Egypt, Syria, Carthage, Africa, -all were reached
within a few years, and jr^ 710 \ p. at the battle of Gâda-
lete the Gothic kingdom WQQ dgatmypd hy the Moorar who
established their own power in the country and introduced
the elements of Arabian culture among the semi-civilised
European rqces^ Persia had already been overrun as far
as the river Oxus, and attempts had been made to annex
the lands beyond that river to the Caliphate. These eastern
-conquests greatly increased the power and prestige of the
Khilafat which attained to its pinnacle of fame under the
Omayyads. Under Hajjaj, the governor of IrSq, who
practically ruled over the entire country formerly com-
prised inthe kingdom of Persia, and who was an imperialist
to the core, the spirit of conquest found its fullest
tfeope, and Bokhara, Khojand, Samarqand, and Farghana
THE ARAB INVASION OP SINDH 31
were conquered by Muslim arms. Qutaiba was dent to

Kashgar where a treaty was concluded with the native
Chinese. An army was also sent against the king of Kabul
and another to chastise the pirates of Debal1 IT? Sindh, who
[had plundered eight vessels full of valuable prrnmts fifmt hy
|the ruler nf (Tfiylnn fnr rh* ITVHJfc flnri Hajjaj. But this
punitive expedition against Debal, which the Khalifa had
sanctioned at the special request of Hajjaj, failed, and the
Arab general who captained it was defeated and put to
death by the Sindhians. Struck with shame and humiliation
at this disastrous failure, Hajjaj who was a man of
sensitive nature vowed vengeance upon the Sindhians, and
planned a fresh expedition, better organised and equipped
than the previous one. It was entrusted toMuhanrpa^ hm
<3&fiim, who was pointed out by the astrologers as the
luckiest man to be placed in charge of it.
The story of Muhammad bin Qasim's invasion of Sindh
flf thp rnmnn/»off ^f hifltmj7 HlS blooming youth, his
dash and heroism, his noble deportment
throughout the expedition and his tragic fall
invasion of have invested his career with the halo of
Bmdh, 712 _ ,
A.D. martyrdom. Buoyed up with great expecta-
tions that were formed of him on account of
his youthful and warlike spirit, this gallant prince started
on his Indian expedition, well-accoutred, y>-h ft,
Trftflimi Wftrrmrfl flpnf hy Haiifti, withlan equal
number of armed camel-riders and a baggage train of 3,000
1 Thatta is synonymous with Debal. Mr. Abbott discusses the

whole question at length in his interesting monograph on Sindh
(pp. 43—66). Also see Major Raverty's translation of the Tab%at-i-Naairi,
I, p. 395 (note 2).
32 HISTORy OF MUSLIM RULE
Bactrian camels. Nfto.Pftaftrjpg as well as luxuries

amnlv supplied bv the Khaliffl. who had appointed Muham-
mad bin Qasim more on the score of his kinship with him
than mere personal merit. When Muhammad reached
Mekran, he was joined by the governor, Muhammad
HarGn, who supplied reinforcements and five catapulta
which were sent to Debal with the necessary equipments.
Besides these Arab troops, Muhammad bin Qasim enlisted
under his banner a large'number of the discontented Jats
and Meds, who had old accounts to settle with the intoler-
ant Hindu government, which had inflicted great humi-
liations upon them. They had been forbidden to ride in
saddles, wear fine clothes, to uncover the head, and thia
condemnation to the position of mere hewers of wood and
drawers pf water had embittered animosities to such an
extent that they readily threw in their lot with the
foreigner. Though Muhammad bin Qasim treated them with
scant respect as soon as he had gained a foothold in the
country, this division of national sympathies was of incal-
culable help to him in acquiring knowledge of the country
with which his men were but imperfectly acquainted.
Muhammad reached Debal in the spring of 712 A.D.
There he was reinforced by a large supply of men and
munitions. Forthwith Muhammad's men set themselves
to the task of digging entrenchments defended by spear-
men, each body of warriors under its own banners, and
the manjnlq called the ' * bride " was placed with 500
men to work it. There was a large temple at Debal on the
top of which floated a red flag which was pulled down by the
Muslims to the complete horror of the idolaters. A hard fight
ensued in which the Hindus were defeated by the Muslims.
The city was given up to plunder, and a terrible scene of
THE ARAB INVASION OF SINDH 3?
carnage followed, which lasted for three days. The

governor of the town fled away without offering any
resistance and left the field clear for the victorious general,
who laid out a Muslim quarter, built a mosque and entrusted
the defence of the city to a garrison of 4,000 men.
Having taken Debal by storm, Muhammad bin Qasim
proceeded to Nirun, ' the inhabitants of which purchased
their freedom by furnishing supplies and making a complete
surrender. He then ordered a bridge of boats to be con-
structed inorder to cross the Indus. This unexpected move
took Dffliir bv surprise, and with his men he fell back upon
Rawar where he set his forces in order to fight against the
enemy. Here the Arabs encountered an imposing array
of war-elephants and a powerful army, thirsting to give
battle to the Muslims under the command of
Thakurs (chiefs). A naphtha arrow struck D§hir's howdah
and set it ablaze. Dahir fell upon the ground, but he at
once raised himself up and had a scuffle with an Arab, who
" struck him with a sword on the very centre of his head
and cleft it to his neck." Driven to despair by the death
of their valiant king and leader, the Hindus assailed the
Muslims with relentless fury, but they were defeated, and
the faithful " glutted themselves with massacre." ffihiV^
wiffi> pgnT RgT. and his son betook themselves to the
fortress of Rfiwar, where the last extremity of peril called
forth the shining qualities of those hapless men and women
whom death and dishonour stared in the face. After the
manner of her tribe, this brave lady resolved to fight the
enemies of her husband. She reviewed the remnant of her
1 Nirun was situated on the high road from ThattS to Haidrttb&d, a

little below Jarak. (Elliot, I, pp. 896—401.)
F. 3
34 HISTORY .OF MUSLIM RULE
garrison, 15 thousand in number in the fort, and forthwith

stones from mangonels and balistas, as well as arrows
•and javelins, began to be rained down thickly upon the
Arabs, who were encamped under the walls of the fort. But
the Arabs proved too strong for the forlorn hope of RSwar
and conducted the siege with great vigour and intrepidity.
When the Rani saw her doom inevitable, she assembled all
the women in the fort and addressed them thus :— " God
forbid that we should owe our liberty to those outcaste
cow-eaters. Our honour would be lost. Our respite is at
an end, and there is nowhere any hope of escape ; let us
collect wood, cotton and oil, for I think we should burn
ourselves and go to meet our husbands. If any wish to save
herself, she may." They entered into a house, where they
burnt themselves, and by means of this ghastly holocaust
vindicated the honour of their race.
Muhammad took the fort, qaassacred the 6.000 men
whom he found there, and seized all the wealth ,sand
treasure that belonged to Dahir. Flushed with success,
he proceeded to prghmq^qhaH ' where the people at once
submitted to him. A settlement of the country followed
immediately ; those who embraced Islam were exempted
from slavery, tribute and the Jeziya, while those who
adhered to the faith of their fathers had to pay the poll-
tax, and were allowed to retain possession of their lands
and property. The poll-tax was levied according to three
grades. The first grade was to pay silver equal to forty-
eight dirhams, the second grade twenty-four dirhams, and
1 It is a ruined city in the Sinjhoro Taluka of Thar and Parkar,

district Siudh, Bombay, situated in 26° 52' N. and 68° 62' B., about 11
' (Imperial
miles south-east of Shahdadpur
Gazetteer, IX, p. 8.) in HaidrSbad, and 21 miles from Hala.
THE ARAB INVASION OF SINDH 85
the lowest grade twelve dirhams. When the people of

Brahmanabad implored Muhammad bin Qasim to grant
them freedom of worship, he referred the matter to
Hajjaj, who sent the following reply :— "As they
have made submission and have agreed to pay taxes to
the Khalifa, nothing more can be properly required
from them. They have been taken under our protection and
we cannot, in any way, stretch out our hands upon their
lives or property. Permission is given them to worship
ftbair goffe. Nobody must he forbidden or prevented from
folio winy his f\^r\ feliîpn. Tfrev may IJVP in t.hrir hnnya
in. whatever manner thevlifre."1 Muhammad bin Qasim
then devoted himself to the settlement of the country. The
-whole population was divided into four classes and twelve
ydirhams' weight of silver was allotted to each man because
their property had been confiscated. The Brahmans were,
treated well and their dignity was maintained. They wertiu
entrusted with offices in the administration and the
country was placed under their charge. To the revenue *
officers Muhammad said : " Deal honestly between the
people and the Sultan, and if distribution is required, make
it with equity, and fix the revenue according to the
ability to pay. Be in concord among yourselves and
oppose not each other, so that the country may not be
•distressed." Rp(lig-inna fraeifopi wfr$ grante4 and in the
matter of worship the wishes of the Brahmans were
respected.
The victory of Brahmanabad was followed by the
•conquest of Multan, the chief city of the upper Indus. The
•garrison in the fort was put to the sword, and the families
1 GhSchnSmSt Blliot, I, pp. 185*86.
of the chief s and warriors of Multan were enslaved. The-

people of Multan, merchants, traders, and artisans, together
with the Jats and Meds of the surrounding country, whom
the native government had persecuted, waited upon the
conqueror and paid him homage. The usual settlement of
territory followed, and Muhammad bin Qasim granted
toleration to all unbelievers, and spared their lives on pay-
ment of a poll-tax. Having conquered Multan he sent
one of his generals, Abu Hakim, at the head of ten
thousand horse towards Kanauj, but before he could
open a fresh campaign, he received from the Khalifa the
ominous decree of his doom.
But all these glorious conquests spelled disaster for
Muhammad, and nothing availed to save him from the tragic
fate that awaited him. His fall was as sud-
The death of den as his meteoric rise. When the captive
Muhammad
bin Qasim. daughters of Raja Dahir. Parmal Devi and
Snraj Devij were presented to the Khalifa
to be introduced into his seraglio, the princesses, in order
toavenpe their father's (foftth, invented tViA afrnry, that
before sending them to the Khalifa Muhammad bin Qasim
had dishonoured them both, suggesting thereby that they
were unfit for the commander of the faithful. The Khalifa2
lost his temper, and peremptorily issued an order that
Muhammad bin Qasim should be sewn in the raw hide of
an ox and be sent to the capital. So great was the might
and majesty of the Khalifa, that Muhammad, on receipt of
this order, voluntarily sewed himself in raw hide, and Mir
MBsOm writes that " three days afterwards, the bird of life
I The Khalifa's name was Walid ibn- Abdul Malik. He became-
f&alifa in 86 A.H. (706 A.D.) and died in 96 A.H. (715 A.D.).
left his body and flew to heaven. " His dead body, enclosed
in a box, was sent to the Khalifa, who ordered it to
be opened in the presence of the daughters of Dshir. The
princesses expressed unalloyed satisfaction at the death
of their father's* murderer, but told the Khalifa that he was
innocent. The Khalifa was struck with remorse ; but how
could he make amends for his mistake ? He ordered the
princesses to be tied to the tails of horses and be dragged
until they were dead/ Thus perished the young hero,
who had, in the short space of three years, conquered
Sindh and established the Khalifa's sway on Indian soil.
This story partakes of the nature of a myth. There is a
great disagreement among our authorities on the point of
Muhammad bin Qasim's death, but the account of Futuhu-i-
Buldan, which says that Muhammad was seized,* put in
chains and tortured to death by the order of the Khalifa,
seems to be more probable than the rest.
As a matter of necessity rather than of choice, the ad-
ministration was left in the hands of the natives. The con-
quest placed plenty of land in the hands of the
The Arab oc-
cupation of Arabs. ,_. The - iqtUs were held. by grantees
...^ , on the
condition of military service and were exempt
from all taxes except the alms (Sadqah). The
Muslim soldiers were not allowed to cultivate lands, and
therefore the main burden of agricultural labour fell upon
the natives who were ' reduced to the condition of villeins
and serfs/ Some soldiers held grants of land while others
received fixed salaries. As laid down in the sacred law,
1 MTr M3*8um writes that after two months, the princesses were
presented to the Khalifa and an interpreter was called in. When the
veil was removed from their faces, the Khalifa fell in love with them.
They told him that Muhammad had kept them for three days in his
haram. (Tarikh-i-M&sBmT, KhudRbakhsha, M8. F. 16.)
four-fifths of the spoils was given to the troops and one-fifth

was kept for the Khalifa and it appears that the Khalifas
observed this rule, because they were afraid of the opposi-
tion of these military men. Religious endowments were
made, and land was given in waqf (free-gift) to holy men
and heads of monasteries, The Arab soldiers settled in
the country, married Indian women and thus slowly a
number of small military colonies came into existence, where
in the enjoyment of domestic happiness these men forgot
the pain of exile.
The Arabs were not so fanatical as the Turks who
followed them later. They granted toleration to the
Hindus. They did so not because they felt respect for
other faiths, but because they were convinced of the im-
pos ibility of suppressing the faiths of the conquered
peoples. At first there was a fearful outbreak of religious
bigotry in several places, and temples were wantonly
desecrated. The temple of the Sun at Mult an was ravaged ,
and its treasures were rifled by Muhammad bin Qasim.
The principal sources of revenue were the land-tax and
the poll-tax. The land-tax was rated at two-fifths of the
produce of wheat and barley, if the fields were watered by
public canals, and one-fourth if unirrigated. Of dates, grapes
and garden produce one-third was taken, either in kind or
cash, and one-fifth of the yield of wines, fishing, pearls and of
other produce, not derived from cultivation. Besides these,
there were several other taxes, which were generally farmed
out to the highest bidder. Some of the tribes had to comply
with demands which carried much humiliation with thenu
At one time the Jats living beyond the river Aral had to
bring a dog when they came to pay their respects to the
governor and were branded on the hand. Sumptuary law&
were rigorously enforced, and certain tribes were forbidden

to wear fine apparels, to ride on horses and to cover their
heads and feet. Theft by the subject race was held to be a
serious crime, and it was punished by burning to death the
women and children of the thief. The native population
had to feed every Muslim traveller for three days and nights,
and had to submit to many other humiliations which are
mentioned by the Muslim historians. The Jeziya wa&
always exacted " with rigour and punctuality, and frequent-
ly with insult." The unbelievers, technically called Zimmla,
had to pay according to their means, and exemption waa
granted to those who embraced Islam. There were na
tribunals for deciding cases between the Hindus and Mus-
lims. The amirs and chiefs, who still maintained their
independence, exercised the right of inflicting capital punish-
ment upon offenders within their jurisdiction. The Qazi
decided cases according to the principles of the Quran, and
the same practice was followed in cases between the Hindus
and the Muslims, which, of course, resulted in great injustice
to the former. In the matter of public and political
offences, the law made no distinction between Hindus and
Muslims, but all suits relating to d$bts, contracts, adultery,
inheritance, property and the like, were decided by the
Hindus in their panchayats or arbitration boards which
worked with great efficiency. The public tribunals were
to the EJindus " only the means of extortion and forcible
conversion." They always fretted and chafed under the
foreign tutelage, but their own disunion was responsible
for it. The absence of that bond of sympathy between
the conqueror and the conquered, which arises from mutual
confidence, was a conspicuous feature of the Arab adminis-
tration inSindh.
The conquest was accomplished by tribes who were so

different in their habits and sentiments that they could
never act in unison. When religious fana-
The
manence imper-
ofticism had t subsided, they
. ." showed
, _ them-
._,.
Arab conquest, selves as utterly incapable, as the shifting
sands of their own desert, of coalescing into
a system of concord and subordination." The hereditary
feuds among the various clans further weakened their posi-
tion, which was rendered worse by the persecution of the
Shias and several other heretical sects. The Arab con-
quest, asStanley Lane-Poole rightly observes, was only " an
episode in the history of India and of Islam, a triumph with-
out Result s." The province of Sindh was well-known for the
infertility of its soil, and the Arabs soon discovered that it
was an unremunerative appanage of the Khilafat. The
Hindu world, deeply conservative and philosophical, treated
with supreme disdain the wealth and greatness of its
physical conquerors, so that the even tenor of Hindu life
was not at all disturbed by this " barbarian inroad.*' It
was impossible for the Arabs to found a permanent power
in India, for the Rajputs still held important kingdoms in
the north and east, and were ever ready to contest every
inch of ground with any .foreign intruder, who ventured
to invade their territory, f Muhammad bin Qasim's work
of conquest was left uncompleted, and after his death
the stability of the Arab position was seriously shaken
owing to the ineffectual aid, which the Khalifas sent, to
their representatives in that inhospitable region. The
decline in the power of the Khilafat seriously affected its
possessions abroad, and the distant provinces gradually
ceased to respect the authority of the imperial government
SiiWhwas divided into several petty states which were
practically independent. The Arabs who settled in Sindh

•established their own dynasties, and the chiefs of the
Saiyyad families exercised authority over the upper and
the lower Indus. Only a few settlements and a few families
constituted the memorial of Arab conquest in India. The
Arabs have left no legacy behind in the shape of buildings,
camps, and roads. Language, architecture, art, tradition,
customs, and manners were little affected by them, and
all that remained was the dtbria of ancient buildings, which
proclaimed to the world the vandalism of their destroyers.
Out of the materials of the buildings which they demo-
lished they built castles, cities and fortresses which have
been destroyed by the ravages of time.
It may be conceded at once that the Arab conquest of
>Sindh, from the political point of view, was an insignificant
event in the history of Islam. But the effects
'effecteso1ltThe of this conQuest upon Muslim culture were
Arab conquest profound and far-reaching. When the Arabs
came to India, they were astonished at the
superiority of the civilisation which they found in the coun-
try. The sublimity of Hindu philosophical ideas and the
richness and versatility of Hindu intellect were a strange
revelation to them. The cardinal doctrine of Muslim theology
that there is one God, was already known to the Hindu
saints and philosophers and they found that in the nobler
arts, which enhance the dignity of man, the Hindus far ex-
celled them. The Indian musician, the mason, and the painter
were as much admired by the Arabs as the philosopher and
the man of learning. The Arabs learnt from the Hindus
a great deal in the practical art of administration, and the
employment of Brahman officials on a large scale was due
to their better knowledge, experience, and fitness for
42 HISTORY *OF MJJSLIM RULE
discharging efficiently the duties of administration. Muslim
historians are apt to forget or minimise the debt which the
Saracenic civilisation owed to Indo-Aryan culture. A great
many of the elements of Arabian culture, which afterwards
had such a marvellous effect upon European civilisation,
were borrowed from India. The court at Baghdad extended
its patronage to Indian scholarship, and during the Khilafat
of Mansur (753-774 A.D.) Arab scholars went from India to
Baghdad, who carried with them two books, the Brahma
Siddhanta of Brahmagupta and his Khanda-khtidydMT
which were translated into Arabic with t¥eTielp"3f " 'Indian
scholars. It was from them that the Arabs learnt the
first principles of scientific astronomy.1 The cause of
Hindu learning received much encouragement from the
ministerial family of the Barmaks during the Khilafat of
HSrun (786-808 A.D.). They invited Hindu scholars to
Baghdad, and appointed them as the chief physicians of
their hospitals, and asked them to translate from Sanskrit
into Arabic works on medicine, philosophy, astrology and
other subjects. When the Khilafat of Baghdad lost its
importance after the extinction of the Abbasid dynasty
at the hands of HalagG, the Arab governors of Sindh became
practically independent. The cultural connection was brok-
en and the Arab scholars, no longer in contact with Indian
savants, turned to the study of Hellenic art, literature,
philosophy and science. We may endorse Stanley Lane-
Poole's view that the conquest of Sindh produced no perma-
nent political results, but it must be added that the Arabs,
derived much benefit from the culture and learning of the:
Hindus.
°l Al-Biruni, India, translated by Sachau, Introduction, p. xxxi.

CHAPTER III
THE RISE AND FALL OF THE GHAZNAWIDES
The Arab invasion was a failure because it was directed
against a barren and unproductive province. The progress
of Islamic conquest was checked for the time,
of the Turks.°e but it was resumed with great zeal and ear-
nestnes inthe tenth century by the Turks
who poured into India from beyond the Afghan hills in
ever-increasing numbers. After the fall of the Omayyads
in 750 A,D., the A bbasides who succeeded to the Khilafat
transferred the capital from Damascus to Al-Kufa, and
removed all distinctions between the Arabs and the non-
Arabs. The Khilafat now lost its sole spiritual leadership
in the Islamic world ; and its authority was circumscribed
by the independent dynasties that had lately come into exist-
ence. The Arabs had now sunk into factious voluptuaries,
always placing personal or tribal interests above the interests
of Islam. The Abbasides accelerated the process of decadence
by systematically excluding the Arabs from office. The
provincial governors showed a tendency towards indepen-
dence, as the central government became weaker and
weaker. The barbarian Turkish guards whom the Khalifas
employed to protect their person grew too powerful to be <
controlled, and they became 43mere tools in their hands. The
44 HISTORY bF MUSLIM RULE
Turks grew in importance from Egypt to Samarqand,
•and when the Samanid kingdom was overthrown by them,
they founded small principalities for themselves. The more
ambitious of these petty chiefs turned to India to find
an outlet for their martial ardour and love of conquest.
In 933 A.D. Alaptagin seized Ghazni where his father had
been governor under the SamSnids and established his own
independent power.
After his death in 976 A.D. he was succeeded by his
slave Subuktagin. As he seemed to be a man of promise,
. . QHubuk-
Amir , , Alaptagin, gradually
- _raised him
. to posts of
tag in— The trust, and conferred upon him, in course of
5rHinTdu8atann was time' the title of Amir-uL-Umra.
a talented Subuktagin
and ambitious ruler. Not
content with the petty kingdom of his master, he organised
the Afghans into a compact body, and with their help con-
quered Lamghan and Sistan, and extended the sphere of his
influence. The Turkish attacks upon the Samanid power
further gave him the long-desired opportunity of securing
the province of Khorasan for his son Mahmud in 994 A.D.
Eager to acquire religious merit, Subuktagin turned toj
the conquest of India, a country of idolaters and infidels.
Jayapala, whose kingdom extended from Sarhind to Lam-
ghan and from Kashmir to Multan, was the first Indian
ruler likely to check his advance. When the Afghans encamp-
ed on the border of the Lamghan territory, JayapSla, who
was frightened beyond measure on seeing the heavy odds
arrayed against him, sued for peace, and offered to pay
tribute in acknowledgment of the conqueror's sovereignty.
Mahmud dissuaded his father from acceding to these terms
of peace, and urged battle for " the honour of Islam and of
JkCttsalmaiis." JayapSla, however, renewed his overtures
THE RISE AND PALL OF THE GHAZNAWIDES 4&
and sent the following message to Subuktagin :— " You

have seen the impetuosity of the Hindus and their indiffer-
ence to death, whenever any calamity befalls them, as at
this moment. If, therefore, you refuse to grant peace in
the hope of obtaining plunder, tribute, elephants, and
prisoners, then there is no alternative for us but to mount
the horse of stern determination, destroy our property,
take out the eyes of our elephants, cast our children into
the fire, and rush on each other with sword and spear, so
that all that will be left to you, is stones and dirt, dead
bodies, and scattered bones.'*
At this, peace was made, and Jayapala bound himself
to pay a tribute of a million dirhams, 50 elephants, and
some cities and fortresses in his dominions. But he
soon changed his mind and cast into prison two officers
sent by Subuktagin to see that he made good his promise.
When the Amir heard of this breach of faith, he hastened
with his army towards Hindustan to punish JayapSla for
his ' wickedness and infidelity/ Jayapala received help
from his fellow-princes of Ajmer, Delhi, Kalanjar, and
Kanauj, and at the head of a hundred thousand men he
advanced to meet the invader on the same field of battle.
The issue of the battle was a foregone conclusion.
Subuktagin urged his fanatical followers to fight as well as
they could for the honour of the faith. The
inTaseion.eC°nd Hindus were defeated in a sharp engagement.
Subuktagin levied a heavy tribute and obtain-
ed an immense booty. His sovereignty was acknowledged,
and he appointed one of his officers to the government of
Peshawar* India was not conquered, but the Muslims
discovered the way that led to her fertile plains. After
ruling his subjects with prudence and moderation for
46 HISTORY^ OP MUSLIM BULB
twenty years, Subuktagin died in August 997 A.D., leaving
-a large and well-established kingdom for his son Mahmud J>
After the death of Subuktagin, the sceptre of Ghazni
passed into the hands of his eldest son, Mahmud, who
quickly attained to the position of one of the
G ha*™1?— Hie mightiest rulers of Asia, famed in far-off
early
tions. ambi- lands for his riches, valour, and justice. To
the qualities of a born soldier, he added bound-
less religious zeal which has ranked him among the great
leaders of Islam. Mahmud was indeed a fierce and fanatical
Muslim with an insatiable thirst for wealth and power.
Early in life he formed the grim resolve for spreading the
faith of the Prophet at the point of the sword, and his in-
vestiture by the Khalifa further sharpened his zeal. To
such a greedy iconoclast, India with her myriad faiths and
fabulous wealth presented a favourable field for the exercise
of his religious and political ambitions. Again and again, he
led jihads against the Hindus, bringing back with him
vast booty obtained by the plundering Turkish hordes
who followed him into Hindustan.
Having settled the affairs of his kingdom, Mahmud
turned his attention towards Hindustan, and led as many
as seventeen invasions during the years
1000—1026 A. a The first expedition in 1000
raid on fron- ^.D. resulted in the capture of several
frontier fortresses and districts which were
entrusted by Mahmud to his own governors.
Next year he again set out from Ghazni at the head of
ten thousand picked horsemen. Thereupon, JayapSla, the
Raja of Bhatinda, mustered all his forces, and
on the 8th Muharram, 392 A.H. (November
28, 1001 A.D.), a severe action was fought at
THE RISE AND FALL OF THE GtfAZNAWIDES 47
Peshawar, in which the Musalmans defeated the Hindus.

Jayapala was captured with his kinsmen, and an immense
booty fell into the hands of the conqueror. The former agreed
to give fifty elephants and his son and grandson as hos-
tages as a security for fulfilling the conditions of the peace.
But Jayapala personally preferred death to dishonour,
•and perished in the flames to save himself from
humiliation. '
The third expedition was aimed against the city of
Bheera (1004-05 A.D.) on the left bank of the Jhelam, below
the Salt Range, which was soon annexed to
Against the kingdom of Ghazni. Abul Fatah Daud,
. the heretic ruler of Multan, purchased a par-
don by promising an annual tribute of twenty
thousand golden dirhams, when he learnt of the defeat of
JayapSla's son AnandapSla near Peshawar. Mahmud entrust-
ed his Indian possessions to Sevakapala, a Hindu convert, and
returned to Ghazni, but as soon as the conqueror turned
his back, Sevakapala abjured Islam and withheld allegiance
to Ghazni. Thereupon, Mahmud marched against him and
•defeated him. He was compelled to pay 400 thousand
-dirhams as penalty for his disloyalty and bad faith.
The sixth expedition (1008-09 A.D.) was aimed against
AnandapSla for having assisted Daud of Multan in his
treasonable designs. Anandapala like the
AntndapaFa? * aaslant RM»

confederacy Mewar oforganised
of theof Rajas
San£a Ujjain,
Gwalior, Kalanjar, Kanauj, Delhi and Ajmer and marched
1 Firishta writes that a custom prevailed among the Hindus that

when a Raja was overpowered twioe by strangers, he became disquali-
fied to reign. (Briggs, I. p. 88.) Utbi also refers to this custom though
with AS light variation. (Elliot* II, p. 97.)
48 HISTORY. OF MUSLIM RULE
towards the Punjab to give battle to the invader. The*

response to the appeal of the Punjab chief showed that the*
Rajput princes were fully alive to the danger to their
civilisation. The high and the low, the rich and the poor,
were all stirrecTto "heroic action. The Muslim historian
writes that Hindu women ' sold their jewels and sent the
money from distant parts to be used against the Musalmans.
The poorer women worked day and night at tha^spinnin^
wheel or as hired labourers to be able to send something to*
the men of the army. The Khokhars also threw in their lot
with the Hindus.
Mahmud's archers were repulsed by the bareheaded
and barefooted Khokhars who rushed fearlessly into the
thick of the fight and slew and smote three or four thou-
sand Musalmans. Dismayed by this furious charge, the
Sultan was about to stop the fight, when suddenly Ananda-
pSla's elephant took fright and fled from the field of battle.
the~HIndus were panic-stricken and the Ghaznawide army
pursued them for two days and nights. Many were put to
death, and enormous booty fell into the hands of the victors.
Flushed with success, Mahmud marched against the
fort of Kangra, also known as Nagarkot or Bhimnagar. 1
^ The fortress was reputed to hold untold
est of Naglr- treasures, all dedicated to Hindu gods. Whea
k<^t, ioos-09 the Muhammadans besieged the fortress,
the Hindus opened the gates out of fear,.
and Mahmud easily became master of it and seized
immense booty. The Sultan returned in triumph to
1 Kangra is a most fertile plateau in the Himalayas with a snow-clad

range at its back and with perennial streams running through it into*
three OP four rivers. The fort of Kangra was permanently conquered
by Jahangir in 1621.
THE RISE AND FALL OF THE GHAZNAWIDES 49
Ghazni with a vast collection of jewels which far exceeded!

the treasures of the mightiest kings of the world.
/ The acquisition of vast treasures whetted the rapacity
of Mahmud's followers, and they repeated their raids with
a remarkable frequency. The dissensions of
the Hindus, though they were numerically
superior to their invaders, made their task
easy. There was little feeling of national patriotism in,
the country. The masses were indifferent to political
revolutions. Whenever a confederacy was organised^
its members often fell out among themselves, and the
pride of the clan or the tribe interfered with the
discipline of the coalition and paralysed the plans of leaders.
Self-interest always predominated over the interests of(
Hindustan, while the Muslims never experienced dearth
of recruits owing to their boundless fanaticism.
After the conquest of Ghor, Mahmud marched towards
Multan in 1010 A.D., and defeated, and punished the rebel-
lious chief Daud. Three years later he proceeded against
Bhimapala, captured his fortress, and seized vast booty.
The Muslims pursued the Raja who fled to Kashmir.
Mahmud appointed his own governor, and after plunder-
ing Kashmir, and forcing a great many people to embrace
Islam he returned to Ghazni.
But far more important than these raids was his expedi-
tion against Thanesar in the year 1014 A.D. The Hindus
fought desperately against the invaders, but
TiineLi .n 8 * they
with were defeated,
a large andinto
booty fell the the
forthands
of Thanesar
of the
conqueror.
Ardent spirits offered themselves as volunteers to fight
in the crusades against infidelity, and the armies of
F.4
50 HISTORY 6F MUSLIM RULE
Mahmud soon swelled to enormous dimensions. Mahmud

now determined to invade Kanauj, renowned
in the East a8 the imperial Kpatriya capital
of Hindustan. In 1018 A.D. he started
from Ghazni and crossed the Jamna on the 2nd December,
1018 A.D. He captured all the forts that blocked his way.
The Raja of Baran (Bulandshahr) tendered his submission,
and according to Muslim historians with ten thousand
men embraced Islam. The Sultan then marched against
the chief of Mahawan on the Jamna. The Hindus put forth
a gallant fight but they were defeated. The Raja killed
himself to escape humiliation, and an enormous booty fell
into the hands of the Sultan who now proceeded against
Mathura, the sacred city of the Hindus, which, according
to the Muslim historian, was unrivalled in population and
edifices, and the wonderful things which it contained could
not be described by the tongue of man. Muslim iconoclasm
proved too much for the defenders, and the exquisite temples
were razed to the ground by the orders of the conqueror
Mahmud, then, proceeded against Kanauj and appeared
before its gates in January 1019 A.D. Rajyapala, the Prati-
har Raja of Kanauj, however, submitted without offering
any resistance. The Sultan sacked the whole town and
destroyed the temples, seizing an enormous amount of their
wealth. Passing through the country of Bundelkhand
Mahmud returned to Ghazni.
The abject surrender of RajyapSla gave offence to his
fellow Rajput princes, and Vidyadhara, son of the Chandela
Raja of Kalanjar, attacked RajyapSla* and
The Defeat of 8iew him in battle. Resenting the murder
Prince of his vassal, Mahmud left Ghazni in
1019 A.D. to chastise tfce Chandela Prince.
THE RISE AND PALL OP THti GHAZNAWIDES 51
The Chandela Raja was ready for battle with a huge army,
but he was curiously struck with a panic, and luckily for
Mahmud fled from the field of battle, leaving his entire
baggage for the invaders. In 1021-22 A.D. Mahmud again
returned to India and after compelling the submission of
the chief of Gwalior proceeded towards Kalanjar. The
Chandela Raja elected to conclude a peace with the Sultan.
Having accepted immense riches and jewels, Mahmud vic-
toriously returned to Ghazni.
But the most momentous expedition was aimed against
Somnath in the year 416-17 A.H. (1025-26 A.D.). Having
Expedition heard of the fabulous wealth whictt this
against
nath Som- temple was supposed to contain, he resolved to
proceed against it. Marching through diffi-
cult country by way of Ajmer, the Sultan stood before the
gates of Somnath ' in a few days. He invested the fortress
which stood on the sea-shore, and was washed by
the waves. The Rajput princes, from far and near,
gathered to protect their cherished idol. When the
Muslims began the attack, the Hindus repelled the assault
with stubborn courage, and when the besiegers tried to
scale the walls next morning, the defenders hurled them
down with irresistible fprce. Mahmud was filled with
dismay ; but when he addressed a fervent appeal to God for
assistance, the hearts of the ignorant zealots of Islam were
touched. With one voice they declared their resolve to
fight and die for him.
The battle raged loud and fierce, and a scene of terrible
carnage followed, and about 5,000 Hindus were slain.
1 The temple of Somnath was situated in Kathiawad in Gujarat.
The old temple is in ruins and a new temple has been built by Ahalyabai
near the site of the old, but the grandeur of the temple is still indicated
toy the ruins that exist.
Mahmud then entered the temple and broke the idol into
Dieces. He ordered some fragments of the idol to be sent to
Ghazni where they were thrown down at the threshold of
the great mosque to give satisfaction to the true be-
lievers. Itis related that when Mahmud was thus breaking
the idol, the priests offered him immense wealth, only if he
spared what remained of their god, but he replied with
callous indifference that he wished to be known in the world
as Mahmud, the breaker of idols, and not as Mahmud,
the seller of idols.1 All appeals for pity, all offers
of wealth made by the priests in charge of the temple
produced no effect on this relentless fanatic, who by another
blow broke the sacred lingam into pieces. The Muslim
soldiers of Mahmud ruthlessly sacked the temple and easily
obtained possession of a large heap of diamonds, rubies, and
pearls of incalculable value.2
Thus did Mahmud figure, in the eyes of his followers,
as a devoted champion of the faith. They followed him
uncomplainingly wherever he led them. The Raja of
JNehrwala was attacked next for taking part in the defence
of Somnath. He fled, and his country was easily conquered.
This was followed by the subjugation of the Bhatti Rajputs.
On his return journey Mahmud was much troubled by
Bhima Deva, the chief of Gujarat, and the troops suffered
considerably in the Ran of Kutch. He adopted a more
westerly route and proceeded to Ghazni by way of Sindh.
1 Mr. Habib's statement that the offer of the Brahmans and Mah-
mud's rejection of the offer is a fable of later days lacks confirmation
by Muslim authorities. There is no improbability in the offer made by
the Brahmans. (Habib, Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni, p. 53.)
* Firishta's story that the idol of Somnath was hollow does not seen*
"to be correct. Al-Biruni says the lingam was made o! solid gold.
THE RISE AND PALL OP TÊ GHAZNAWIDES 53
The last expedition of Mahmud was undertaken to

chastise the Jats of the Salt Range as they had molested the
Muslim army on its return journey from
the Somnath. The Jats were defeated and many
of them were put to the sword.
Mahmud was a great king. It was no mean achievement
to develop a small mountain principality into a large and
prosperous empire by sheer force of arms.
off Mahmud.
chievement ft js true, __the fall of the Samanids, dissen-
sions of the Hindu princes, the waning power
of Persia, and the boundless fanaticism of the Turks-
callow converts to Islam— all these were factors which
favoured his rise and contributed to his success. The per-
manent conquest of Hindustan was impossible, and that
wasHnot the objective 'of the Sultan. Besides, the Turks
still fondly looked back to their hilly native land, and
found the sultry climate of India unbearable. All that
Mahmud wanted was the vast wealth which India possessed,
and when this was obtained, he returned to Ghazni, un-
mindful of annexation or permanent conquest. But, still,
the task was formidable, and Mahmud was made of the stuff
of which martyrs are made. His expeditions testify to the
boldness of conception, vigour of mind, and undaunted cour-
age against heavy odds. A born military leader, he never
shrank from war, always sustained in his endeavours by
the thought that he was fighting for the glory of Islam.
He died in April 1030 at Ghazni at the age of sixty,
leaving untold treasures and vast possessions behind.
Although a great conqueror, Mahmud was no barbarian.
Himself illiterate, he appreciated the works
Estimate
-Mahmud.
of of art, and
_ . _ . ,
drew around
.
himself
, by . means
• of,
t his lavish generosity a galaxy of pmmenjt
poets and scholars among whom were some leading

figures of the eastern world of letters, such as the
êrsatilÂJ-Biruni, the mathematician, philosopher, as-
tronomer *m<T^ scholar ^tJtbi, the historian, Parabi,
ihe philosopher, and Baihaki, whom Stanley Lane-Pool $
aptly describes as the*"*4 brieiital Pepys. " It was an age
of poetry, and some of the poets who lived at Mahmud ?s
court were well-known all over Asia. Among these were
^ Ujpari, the poet-laureate of Ghazni, Farrukhi, and Asjadi
who is the author of the following well-known quatrain :
1 1 do repent of wine and talk of wine
Of idols fair with chins like silver fine
A lip-repentance and a lustful heart,
0 God, forgive this penitence of mine/
But the most famous of all these was Firdausi, the-
author of the world-famed Shahnama, whose great epic
has placed Mahmud among the immortals of history,
Mahmud gave him only 60 thousand silver dirhams for
completing the Shahnama, though he had promised
60 thousand mishkals of gold. At this the poet was
so offended that he wrote a satire upon the king and
left Ghazni for good. ' Mahmud at last made amends for his
1 This is Browne's rendering of Firdausi' s satire in his " Literary

History * of Persia " :
Long years this Shahnama I toiled to complete,
That the king might award me some recompense meet,
But naught save a heart writhing with grief and despair
Did I get from those promises empty as air !
Had the sire of the king been prince of renown,
My forehead had surely been graced by a crown I
[ Were his mother a lady of high pedigree,
tln silver and gold had I stood to knee!
3ut, being by birth not a prince but a boor,
The praise of the noble he could not endure ! s
THE RISE AND FALL OF iftE GHAZNAWIDES 55
mistake, but when the belated 60 thousand gold coins

arrived, the poet's corpse was being carried in a bier to
the grave.
Mahmud was stern and implacable in administering
justice and was always ready to protect the persons and
property of his subjects. There is no need to repeat
the charge of avarice brought against the Sultan, as it can-
not be refuted. Mahmud loved money passionately, but
he also spent it lavishly. He promoted learning by estab-[
lishing a university at Ghazni, a library, and a museum,
adorned with the trophies of war, which he brought from
conquered lands. It was through his liberality that beautiful
edifices rose at his capital, making it one of the finest
cities in Asia.
It is not difficult to determine Mahmud's place in his*
tory. To the Musalmans of his day, he was a Gha&i who
tried to extirpate infidelity in heathen lands. To the Hindus,
he is to this day a veritable Hun who destroyed their most
sacred shrines and wounded their religious feelings. The
impartial enquirer, however, must record a different verdict.
To him, the Sultan was a born leader of men, a just and
upright ruler, an intrepid and gifted soldier, a dispenser of
justice, a patron of letters, and deserves to be ranked among
the greatest personalities of the world.
But his work did not endure. The mighty fabric
that he had built up crumbled to pieces in the hands of his
weak successors, as consolidation did not keep pace with
conquest.
Firdausi was born at Tus in Rhorasan about 960 A.D., and died
in 1020 A.D. Mahmud had promised him a handsome reward, but he
was deprived of it through the intrigues of Ayaz, one of Mahmud's
favourites who entertained ill feelings towards the poet. (Elliot, IV*
pp. 190—92.)
vMahmud failed to establish peace and order in the

lands which he conquered by sheer dint of his valour. A
Muslim mystic is reported to have said of him : " He is a
stupid fellow. Without being able to manage what he
already possesses he yet goes out to conquer new countries."
Lawlessness prevailed in the empire, jand brigand chiefs
practised their* nefarious trade with impunity. // There was
no well-organised system of police to put down crime and
check the forces of disorder. ^Mahmud devised no laws
or institutions for the benefit of his subjects.^Local liberties
were suppressed,7and men of different nationalities were
formed into an empire by force, r No bond united them
except their subordination or subservience to a common chief.
IThe officers of Mahmud who were all imperialists followed
their master, and showed greater interest in the expansion
of the empire than in the establishment of an orderly and
methodical administration. Such a political organisation
as Mahmud 's could not last long and as soon as his master-
hand was stiffened in death, the elements of disorder
asserted themselves with great vigour and undermined
the imperial capacity for resistance. As Mr. Habib puts
it when the Saljuqs knocked down the purposeless structure
no one cared to weep over its fate.
Mahmud came to India as a religious zealot ac-
companied by men who were prepared to sacrifice
themselves in what they deemed a sacred
and cause. He fully exploited the religious
sentiments of his followers, though he
found no time to make conversions from among' the
native population. The following observations of a
modern Muslim writer will be found interesting in this
connection :
THE RISE AND PALL OF THE GHAZNAWIDES 57
No honest historian should seek to hide, and no

Musalman acquainted with his faith will try to justify
the wanton destruction of temples that followed in
the wake of the Ghaznavide army. Contemporary as
well as later historians do not attempt to veil the nefari-
ous acts but relate them with pride. It is easy, to twist
one's conscience ; and we know only too well how easy
it is to find a religious justification for what people
wish to do from worldly motives. Islam sanctioned
neither the van<Jalism^*ior the plundering motives of
the invader ; no principle known to the Shariat justi-
fied the uncalled for attack on Hindu princes who had
done Mahmud and his subjects no harm ; the shameless
destruction of places of worship * is condemned in
law of every creed. And yet Islam, though it was
not an inspiring motive, could be utilised as an
a posteriori justification of what had been done. It
was not difficult to mistake the spoliation of non-
Muslim populations for a service to Islam, and per-
sons to whom the argument was addressed found it
too much in consonance with the promptings of their
own passions to examine it critically. So the precepts
of the Quran were misinterpreted or ignored and the
tolerant policy of the second Caliph was cast aside,
in order that Mahmud and his myrmidons might be
able to plunder Hindu temples with a clear and un-
troubled conscience. " l
Abu RihSn better known as Al-Biruni was born in 973
in the 'country of modern KhlvS and was captured by Mah-
Al-Biruni mud' When h6 Con(31uered {t in 1017 A-D- He
came to India in the train of Mahmud and
1 Habib, ' Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin,' p. 79.
stayed in the country for some time. He sympathetically

studied the manners, customs, and institutions of the
Hindus and has left us a vivid account of them which
throws much light upon the conditions of those times. He
writes that the country was parcelled out among petty
chiefs, all independent of one another and often fighting
amongst themselves. He mentions Kashmir, Sindh, Malwa,
Gujarat, Bengal, and Kanauj as important kingdoms.
About the social condition of the Hindus he writes that
child marriage prevailed among them ; widows were not
permitted to marry again, and Sati was in vogue. Idol
worship was common throughout the land, and vast riches
were accumulated in temples which fired the lust of
Muhammadan conquerors. Al-Biruni studied and appre-
ciated the philosophy of the Upani§a^. He writes that
the vulgar people were polytheists, but the cultured classes
believed God to be 'one, eternal, without beginning and
end, acting by free will, almighty, all-wise, living, giving
life, ruling and preserving.'
The administration of justice, though crude and pri-
mitive in many ways, was liberal and 'humane. Written
complaints were filed, and cases were decided on the testi-
mony of witnesses. The criminal law was mild, and Al-
Biruni compares the mildness of the Hindus with the
leniency of the Christians. Brahmans were exempt from
capital punishment. Theft was punished according to the
value of the property stolen, and mutilation of limbs was re-
cognised as an appropriate penalty for certain offences. Taxa-
tion was mild. The state took only one-sixth of the produce
of the soil, and Brahmans were exempt from taxation.
There is ample evidence in Al-Biruni's pages of India's,
degeneracy and decay. Politically she was disunited, and.
THE RISE AND FALL OF THE GHAZNAWIDES 59
rival states fought against one another in complete dis-

regard of national interests. Probably the word national
had no meaning for them. Religion was encumbered by
superstition, and society was held in the grip of a rigid
caste system which rendered the unification of the various
groups impossible. Indeed, in many respects India present-
ed a parallel to mediaeval Europe, and as a distinguished
writer observes, " Everything bore the appearance of dis-j
integration and decay ; and national life became extinct." !
Masud, who proclaimed himself king in 1031 A.D.
after his father's death by setting aside his younger brother.
was a true son of his father, full of ambition,
s^J.lesser. U d 9 of
courage, and warlike
the court zeal. was
of Ghazni The unequalled
magnificencein
that age, and Baihaki relates in his memoirs how the
Sultan passed his days in pomp and splendour. Though
drunken orgies were not unusual for even the great
Mahmud, Masud carried them to excess, and himself
became the leader of a notorious party of drunkards and
debauchees.
But Masud had an able minister in Khwaja Ahmad
Maimandi, whom he had liberated from prison and restored
to office with great honours. The Khwaja
HEasnaktion °f set himself to the task of organising his office,
which had become notorious for delay and
lack of promptness under his predecessor. Under his care
the administration soon began to display a new vigour and
activity. While the Khwaja was thus honoured, his pre-
deces or inoffice, Hasnak, accused of Karmatian heresy,
was put in chains, tried, and executed. After the execu-
tion, Hasnak 's head was served up in a dish at a feast held
by Bu'Suhal to the complete horror of the guests. Such
«60 HISTORY0 OF MUSLIM RULE
was the uncertainty of life and tenure of office under the
demoralised Ghaznawides.
But Masud was no roi faineant. His contemporaries
feared him both on the score of his physical prowess and his
kingly dignity. He now turned his attention
to the affairs in India> which had been left
in charge of Ariyarak.
Secure in the possession of a vast territory, the ambi-
tious Ghaznawide commander of Hind had begun to behave
as an autocrat and cared little for the fiats of his sovereign.
Masud, though a slave to drink and dissipation, knew how
to assert his dignity when his own authority was flouted
or disregarded. Ariyarak was induced to proceed ,to
Ghazni where he was cast into prison, and probably
poisoned. Ahmad Niyaltgin was appointed to the command
of the Indian province, though he had to leave his son at
Ghazni as a hostage under a nominal pretext. The new
viceroy was hardly less ambitious than his predecessor,
and he too, in Baihaki's words, " turned away from the
path of rectitude and took a crooked course."
Ahmad Niyaltgin, on coming to India, found it difficult
to get on with his colleague, Qazi Shiraz, and as he did not
Trea son of consu^ 'ê latter in the discharge of his duties,
Ahmad Niyait- a quarrel soon broke out between the two.
*in* But when the matter was referred to
Ghazni, the Qazi received a strong rebuff, and was ordered
to leave military affairs alone. Thereupon, Niyaltgin
undertook an expedition to Benares, tempted by the prospect
of plundering the wealth of this ancient and venerated
city of the Hindus. The expedition was a great success.
The Qazi, however, could not bear the success of his
rival, and sent spies to inform the Sultan that Niyaltgin
THE RISE AND FALL OF THE GHAZNAW1DES 61
gave himself out as the son of Sultan Mahmud, and

aimed at independence. In every possible way, the
enemies of Niyaltgin poisoned the Sultan's mind and im-
pressed upon him the necessity of immediate interven-
tion.
Official after official volunteered to go to Hindustan to
restore order, but the choice, at last, fell upon Tilak, a
Hindu of low birth, but of great ability and courage. As
a mark of royal favour, he was granted a gold-embroidered
robe, a jewelled necklace of gold, a canopy and an umbrella;
and kettle-drums were beaten, and ensigns with gilded
tops were unfurled at his residence, in accordance with
Hindu fashion, to proclaim his elevation to high official
dignity. The philosophical Baihaki wrote, "Wise men do
not wonder at such facts, because nobody is born great-
men become such."
When Tilak reached Lahore, his presence struck terror
into the hearts of the followers of Ahmad Niyaltgin, and
the rebellious governor fled for dear life. He was, however,
defeated in a sharp engagement, and a price of 500,000 dir-
hams was set upon his head by Tilak, when the rebel eluded
the grasp of his pursuers. The Jats, who were all familiar
with the desert and the wilds, caught hold of Ahmad, and
cut off his head. Masud was delighted at the news of vic-
tory, and encouraged by this success he determined to fulfil
his old vow of capturing the fort of Hansi. l In vain did the
veteran Khwaja urge upon him the impolicy of such a step,
but the obstinate Sultan replied: "The vow is upon my
neck, and accomplish it, I will, in my own person/' The
1 Hansi is a city with a ruined castle, eleven miles to the east of
Hisar.
"62 HISTORY OF MUSLIM BULB
ministers bowed their heads in profound submission, and
the Khwaja was invested with plenary authority at
<5hazni.
The Sultan started from Ghazni in October 1037 A.D.,
-and after a long march reached the town of Hansi. The
invaders laid siege to the fortress hitherto
e °f deemed impregnable by the Hindus. Though
the garrison heroically defended itself, the
Muslims took the fortress by storm, and seized an enormous
booty. Having placed the fortress in charge of a reliable
official, the Sultan marched towards Sonpat, a place not far
from Delhi. The Muslims easily captured it, as the chief
offered no resistance and the victorious Sultan returned
to Ghazni.
The expedition to India turned out a blunder. Taking
advantage of the Sultan's absence, the Saljuq Turks harried
the territories of Ghazni, and sacked a portion of the capital.
Masud marched against the invaders, but at Dandankan,
near Merv, he was overpowered by them on March 24,
1040 A.D. This crushing defeat at the hands of the
Saljuqs compelled the Ghaznawides to withdraw towards
India.
The vanquished Sultan fled towards Hindustan in spite
of the advice of the aged minister who vainly pleaded with
him to remain at Ghazni. When the royal
totoSuiflight Party reached Marigalah,1 the Turkish and
Hindu slaves mutinied, and placed upon the
throne the Sultan's younger brother Muhammad. Masud
was cast into prison and put to death in 1041 A.D.
1 A pass situated between Rawalpindi and Attock, a few miles east

of Hasan Abdal.
THE RI8B AND FALL OF TBE 6HAZNAWIOES 63
Thus perished by the cruel hand of the assassin, a king

•who, like his father, extended his patronage to men of
letters, built mosques, and endowed schools and colleges
in the various cities of his wide dominions. Thus does Bai-
haki observe in a characteristically fatalistic vein :" Man
has no power to strive against fate.'*
After Masud's death, his son Maudud ascended the
throne, and defeated his uncle Muhammad in an engage-
The weakof ment> ÛQ avenging the death of his father.
successors Maudud was succeeded by a series of weak
Masud. rulers whose uneventful careers deserve little
mention. TheSaljuq pressure continued, and the Ghaz*
nawide empire lost much of its territory. The Saljuqs even-
tually inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Ghaznawides, and
the last independent ruler of Ghazni, Arslan, fled to Hindus-
tan where he died in a state of misery in the year 1117 A.D.
The Saljuqs thus established their influence at Ghazni,
and dominated the titular Ghaznawide ruler, Bahram,
who owed his crown to them. Bahrain's reign would
have ended gloriously, had it not been for the quarrels that
arose between him and the Maliks of Ghor, a small mountain
principality between Ghazni and Herat. These warlike
Afghans had fought under the banner of Mahmud, but when
the sceptre of Ghazni passed into feeble hands, they treated
them with scant respect. Matters came to a crisis, when a
Suri prince was put to death by Bahrain's order. The brother
of the deceased led an attack against Ghazni, but he was de-
feated and killed. Alauddin Husain, another brother, swore
to wreak vengeance upon the house of Ghazni. He marched
upon Ghazni, at the head of a large army, and won a splendid
victory in. 1150 A.D. Bahrain escaped to India, but he
returned to Ghazni again and recovered his lost power.
64 HISTORY* OP MUSLIM RULE
Bahrain died in 1152 A.D. and was followed by his soft
Khusrau Shah who was quite unfit to deal with the new
situation. The Ghuzz Turkomans advanced upon Ghazni,
whereupon Khusrau Shah escaped to India. The implacable
Alauddin destroyed the finest buildings of the city and
massacred the whole populace. Khusrau Shah died in
exile at Lahore in 1160 A.D.
The condition of the empire grew worse, and under
Khusrau Malik, the new pleasure-loving ruler of Ghazni,
the administration fell into a state of utter chaos. The
power of Ghazni rapidly declined, and the house of Ghor rose
into prominence. Alauddin's nephew Ghiyas-ud-din brought
Ghazni under his control, about the year 1173, and entrusted
it with its dependencies including Kabul to the charge of
his brother, Muiz-ud-din bin Sam, better known in history
as Muhammad Ghori. Muiz-ud-din, who had an inborn apti-
tude for war and adventure, led repeated attacks against
Hindustan, and compelled Khusrau Malik to make peace and
surrender his son as security for the fulfilment of treaty obli-
gations. Later, even Khusrau was taken prisoner by strata-
gems and false promises, and put to death in 1201 A.D. A
similar catastrophe befell his son Bahram Shah, and the line
of Subuktagin came to an inglorious end. The sovereignty
of Ghazni now passed into the hands of the Ghori chiefs.
Thus after nearly two centuries, the empire of Ghazni
disappeared from history. An empire which rested purely
upon a military basis, could not last long with-
1 the out capable and warlike rulers. Mahmud had
established no institutions which could hold
his wide dominions together. The unwieldy empire had no
principle of cohesion or unity, and speedily broke up after
hjs death. The untold wealth obtained from Hindustan
THE RISE AND FALL OP THE GHAZNAWIDES 65
fostered luxury among his weak successors and rendered

them unfit for the strenuous duties of war. Once the
rotten character of the political system became known,
disorders began on all sides. The profligate Ghaznawides
were no match for their enemies who continued to seize
large slices of Ghazni territory. As disorder increased in
the Afghan regions, India also began to seethe with dis-
content The multifarious troubles of the rulers of Ghazni
made it difficult for them to deal properly with the Indian
problem. But the chiefs of Ghor were men of a different
stamp. They were better fitted to lead and command the
unruly Turks, and knew how to employ their valour and
zeal for purposes of self-aggrandisement.
CHAPTER IV
THE CONQUEST OF HINDUSTAN

Muhammad Ghori's attempt to seize the Muslim prov-
inces of Hindustan was a remarkable success. His expedi-
Muhammad's tion to Uccha against the Bhatti Raj puts suc-
indian Cam- ceeded on account of treachery. He took
paigB' Multan from the Karmatian heretics in 1174
A.D. Bhima Deva, the Raja of Nehrwala, however, inflicted
a crushing defeat upon the invaders who then captured
Peshawar, and subdued the whole of Sindh down to the
sea-coast. Having failed to capture the fortress of Lahore,
Mohammad concluded a peace with Khusrau Malik, and
returned to Ghazni. After his departure, Khusrau Malik
laid siege to the fortress of Sialkot, assisted by the Khokhar
tribes, but failed to capture it. When the news reached the
Sultan, he again undertook an expedition against Lahore,
and by a stratagem he captured Khusrau Malik in 1186 A.D.,
and put an end to the rule of the dynasty of Subuktagin.
Lahore passed into the hands of the victorious chieftain.
Muhammad was still far from being master of Hindu-
stan. In the interior, lay Rajput kingdoms, wealthy and
powerful, which were always ready to give battle to the
foreigner who dared to invade their territory. The hillmen
of Ghazni and Ghor had never encountered such dauntless
fighters as the Rajputs. But Jthejeudal organisation of the
.Rajput society was the principal cause of its weakness.
•The rivalries and feuds of the dans hampered unity of
THE CONQUEST OF HINDUSTAN 67
action, and the Invidious caste distinction prevent^

Inferior classes among the Ralputa from being
with the prftfflj pohiPga* Only fh* moii-Knm could hold
Heis, and this exclusive spirit tended to make the aristo-
cracy hereditary and selfish. It was impossible for these
Rajput governments, based as they were upon a system of
feuds, to last long, and, no wonder, if the first shock of the
Muslim invasion shook Rajput India to its foundations.
Having organised his forces, Muhammad marched
towards the frontier town of Sarhind, which had a greal
strategic importance in the middle ages, and captured it
The most powerful Rajput clans which exercised authority
in Northern India were (1) the Gaharwars, afterwards
known as the Rathors of Kanauj, (2) the^ChohSns of
Delhi and(4) Ajmer,
Bengal, (3) theof Palas
the Baghelas and and
Gujarat, Senas" of Bihar
(5) the and
Chandelas
of Bundelkhand. The most powerful of these were the
rulers of Delhi and Kanauj, whose rivalry made it impos-
sible for them to stem the tide of foreign invasion.
Prithviraja, who had succeeded to the kingdoms of
Delhi and Ajmer, and who had established a great reputa-{
tion for chivalry and heroic exploits, marched
viraja. aga{nst fae Qhori chief, and encountered the
Muslim host atjarainj a village fourteen miles from
Thanesar in 1191 A. D. Jayachandra, the Rathor Raja of
Kanauj, was the only prince who kept aloof from this war ;
for Prithviraja had insulted him by carrying off h?^ dfflif *****-
by force. The Sultan followed the time-honoured tactics
of the right, left, and centre, and himself occupied a posi-
tion in the middle of his army. The Rajputs charged both
1 In most histories it is written as Narain, which is incorrect,
.Lane Poole too incorrectly writes Narain. (Mediaeval India, p. 61.)
wings of the Muslim army with tremendous vigour and

scattered it in all directions, while Govind Rai, the Raja's
brother, inflicted a severe wound on the Sultan, who was
luckily carried off the field of battle by a faithful Khilji
warrior. This disaster caused a panic among the Muslims
who immediately dispersed in all directions. Never before,
had they experienced such a terrible rout at the hands of
the Hindus. When the Sultan reached Ghor, he publicly
disgraced those officers who had fled from the field of battle.
With a large army, well-organised and accoutred, the
Sultan marched from Ghazni towards Hindustan in 1192
A.D. to wreak vengeance upon the Hindu
°f Princes- The forces of the Sultan again en-
camped near Tarain. Alarmed for the safety
of Hindu India, Prithviraja called upon his fellow Rajput
princes to rally round his banner to fight the Turks. His
appeal met with an enthusiastic response, and as many as
150 Rajput princes joined the colours of the Chohan
warrior.
From morning till sunset the battle raged fiercely.
While the enemy was tired, the Sultan, at the head of
12,000 horse, made a desperate charge and " carried death
and destruction throughout the Hindu camp." The Rajput
valour proved of no avail against these mounted archers,
and a fearful slaughter ensued on all sides. The result
of the battle was a foregone conclusion. The Hindus in
spite of their numbers were defeated by the Muslims. The
Muhammadan historians write that Prithviraja fled from
the field, but he was captured near Sirsuti, ' and finally
4 despatched to hell/
1 It vas a city on the banks of the ancient Saraswati. In Akbar's-
me Sirsuti was one of the mahals of Sarkar Sambhal.
THE CONQUEST OF HINDUSTAN 69
The defeat of Prithviraja was an irreparable blow to

Eajput power. The demoralisation caused by this defeat
was great, and the Muslims easily captured Sirsuti, Saraana,
Kuhram and Hansi. The Sultan proceeded towards Ajmer,
which was given up to plunder, and some thousands of the
inhabitants were put to the sword. The city was made
over to a natural son of Prithviraja on promise of punc-
tual payment of tribute. Having left his faithful
lieutenant Qutb-ud-din Aibek in charge of his Indian
possessions, the Sultan returned to Ghazni. Qutb-ud-din,
in a short time, conquered Mirat (Meerut), Kol l
and Delhi, the last of which he made the seat of his
government.
Beyond Delhi, in the heart of the Doab, lay the
principality of the Rathor clan with its capital at
Kanauj renowned all over India as a nur-
°f sery of warriors and statesmen. Its ruler
Jayachandra, famous alike in legend and
history, was reputed as one of the most powerful
princes of the time. Jayachandra had, perhaps, hoped
that, after the defeat of Prithviraja, he would become the
paramount sovereign of all Hindustan, but his hopes were
doomed to disappointment. In 1194 A.D. Sultan Muham-
mad marched from Ghazni against the Raja of Eanauj.
No confederacy seems to have been organised by the latter
to withstand the Muslim attack ; probably the defeat of
Prithviraja had cooled the enthusiasm and crushed the
spirit of the Rajputs who might have otherwise rallied
round his banner. The Muslims inflicted a crushing defeat
upon the Rajput army encamped in the plain between
1 Kol is a place near Aligarh. It has an old fortress which still
-exists.
Ghandwar and Etawah. Jayachandra received a mortal

wound from an arrow and fell down on the earth. The
Rathors, after this discomfiture, migrated to Rajputana,
where they founded the principality of Jodhpur. The
victorious Sultan now marched against Benares, where he
destroyed temples and ordered mosques to be built in their
places. He then returned to the fort of Kol, and, laden
with the spoils of war, returned to Ghazni.
Qutb-ud-din's career in Hindustan was one of unbroken
triumph. He marched against Ajmer, and restored its
Other 0 o n*
lawful
i
ruler, a vassal of Ghazni, but
•» *• • . .
appoint- 1*
quests. e(* a Muslim governor to exercise control
over him. From Ajmer, Aibek marched his
forces against Bhima Deva, the Raja of Nehrwala,
whom he defeated. Gwalior, Biyana, and other places
were compelled to acknowledge the suzerainty of Ghazni.
Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar Khilji, an ' intrepid, bold,
and sagacious ' general, accomplished the conquest of
Bihar with astonishing ease. He led an or-
Ôonquest of ganiged attack against the province, probably
in 1197 A.D., at the head of a small detach-
ment of 200 horsemen, and quickly captured the principal
fortresses. The Buddhist monasteries, or viharas, were
demolished, and a large number of books were seized,
and scattered by the invaders. It was the idolatry of
latter-day Buddhism which stimulated the zeal of the
Muslims, and the debris of Buddhist viharas and stupas
that exist to this day, bear testimony to their iconoclastic
zeal. The Muslim raid on Bihar gave a death-blow to
Buddhism ; but it appears from an inscription of Vidya-
dhara dated Samvat 1276 (1219 A.D.) that it did not
wholly disappear from Northern India.
THE CONQUEST OP HINDUSTAN 71
The conquest of Bihar was followed by that of Bengal.

The Muslim chronicler, relying upon the account furnished
of by a certain *°\<iteT of Parghana in the ser-
° vice of Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar, writes
that the intrepid general marched to the
city of Nudiah at the head of a small party of 18 horse-
men and that the aged Rai on hearing of his approach fled
from a back door of his palace and sought shelter at
Vikrampur near Sonargaon which was a place resorted
to by all discontented men at Gaur. ' This is an exaggerated
account of what actually happened. Muhammad des-
troyed the city of Nudiah and made Lakhnauti or
Gaur his capital. The khutba was read and coins were
struck in the name of Sultan Muiz-ud-din. A large portion
of the enormous booty seized by Muhammad was sent to
Qutb-ud-din.
In 1202 A.D. Qutb-ud-din marched against Parmardi,
the Chandela Prince of Bundelkhand. The latter found it
On t of *mposs*kle to resist effectively the Muslims,
Ka^njaT! ° and the fort
of the of Kalanjar
victors. fell into
The forts the hands
of Kalpi and
Badaon were subdued next, and in this way all the impor-
tant places in Northern India were brought under the
sway of Ghazni by Qutb-ud-din.
The kings of Ghazni were not satisfied with their
Indian possessions. They fondly looked towards the lands
The tide °f the °XUS' which the kin^s of Ghazni, ever

turn* le since the days of Mahmud, had tried in
vain to annex. Muhammad followed the
1 The account of the Tabqat-i-Naairi accepted in Mo by Dr.
Vincent Smith is undoubtedl y exaggerated. The old view has been
modified in the new and revised edition of his Early History of India*
same practice and invaded Khwarizm at the head of a

large army in the year 1204 A.D., but the troops of Ghori
were pressed so hard by the Shah of Khwarizm and
his allies that they were completely routed, and the
Sultan with difficulty escaped with his life. As soon
as the news of this disaster was circulated abroad, the
forces of confusion began to work. A Ghazni officer hastily
went to India and declared hjmself governor of Multan by
producing a forged royal order, and he was accepted by the
army. Ghazni shut its gates against the unlucky Sultan,
and the turbulent Khokhars stirred up strife and harried
the districts of the Punjab. The Sultan was, however, not
unnerved by this gloomy prospect. He quickly recovered
Multan and Ghazni, and then marched towards Hindustan
to chastise the Khokhars, who suffered a crushing defeat
near a ford of the Jhelam. Having obtained this victory,
the Sultan returned to Lahore.
The Khokhar snake was scotched but not killed. Having
failed in open engagement, the Khokhars had recourse to
treachery. Some of their chiefs who burnt with rage to
avenge the deaths of their kinsmen formed a conspiracy to
take the life of the Sultan. On his way from Lahore to
Ghazni, the Sultan halted at Dhamyak in the Jhelam district
where he was stabbed to death by a fanatic in March,
1246 A.D.
Not so fanatical as Mahmud, Muhammad was certainly
more political than his predecessor. He clearly perceived the
rotten political condition of India, and made
Estimate of i ••••/• i , . .
Muhammad. UP his mind to found a permanent dominion.
Mahmud's love of wealth had blinded him to
the gains of far-reaching importance, which the Indian con-
quest was bound to bring to the conqueror. Muhammad
THE CONQUEST OP HINDUSTAN 73
•Ghori, from the outset, took a different course ; he tried to

consolidate his conquests, and in this work he had the
valued assistance and co-operation of his able lieutenant,
Qutb-ud-din, who afterwards founded a dynasty of the
kings of Delhi.
Mahmud never aimed at permanent conquest ; he had
•come sweeping like a whirlwind and had returned to his
native land after the acquisition of vast booty. Wealth
-and the extirpation of idolatry were the objects of his
raids ; but Muhammad was a real conqueror. He conquered
the country and aimed at permanent settlement. A com-
plete conquest of India was impossible as long as warrior-
<blood throbbed within the veins of the Rajput race. But
for the first time the Muslims had brought extensive terri-
tory under their direct sway. Qutb-ud-din was appointed
viceroy of Hindustan, and charged with the duty of extend-
ing further the dominion of Islam— a fact which clearly
shows the object which Muhammad had in mind. It is
true, he turned his eyes westwards for territorial expansion,
but it would be wrong to blame Muhammad for following
a traditional policy. His work in India was more solid.
The Muslim power, which he founded in India, increased
•as time passed, and from humble beginnings the kingdom
of Delhi gradually developed into one of the greatest
-empires of the east. It was no mean contribution to the
greatness of Islam.
CHAPTER V
THE SLAVE DYNASTY1

(1206-90 A.D.)
Muhammad died without a male heir. Minhaj-us-Siw

writes that on one occasion when a favourite courtier spoke
to the Sultan about the default of male heirs,
. Qutb-ud-din's he replied with absolute indifference : " Other
thT throne * t0 monarchs may have one son, or two sons : I
have so many thousand sons, namely, my Turki
slaves, who will be the heirs of my dominions, and who,
after me, will take care to preserve my name in the khutbU
throughout those territories." After the death, of his
,master, Qutb-ud-din Aibek naturally came to the forefront.
He became the ruler of Hindustan and founded a dynasty
of kings, which is called after his name. Originally Aibek
was a slave. He was purchased by the Qazi of Nishapur,
through whose favour he acquired a reputation for courage
and manly bearing. After the Qazi's death he passed
into the hands of Sultan Muiz-ud-din. Though ^ ugly in
external appearance, Aibek was endowed with "laudable
qualities and admirable impressions" ; and by sheer dint of
merit he rose gradually to the position of Amir Akhur (mas-
ter of the stables). During the Sultan's expeditions to Hin-
dustan, Aibek loyally served him, and as a reward for his
1 This dynasty has been miscalled the Blare dynasty. The slaves who-
hadandbeen originally slaves but they were manu-
theirthrone
occupiedmitted bythe masters raised to the rank of freemen
74
THE SLAVE DYNASTY 75-
services, he was left in charge of the Indian possessions.

As viceroy of Hindustan, he secured and extended the
conquests made by his master. He strengthened himself
by matrimonial connections ; he married the daughter of
Taj-ud-din Eldoz, and gave his sister in marriage to Qubai-
chaf and his daughter to lltutmish, one of his own slaves.
Aibek captured Hansi, Meerut, Delhi, Ranthambhor
and Kol, and conquered the country as far as Benares. In
1197 A.D. Qutb-ud-din led his forces against
r^queT' °f Nehrwala. The chief was defeated in a hotly
contested engagement, and the whole country
was ravaged by the Muslims. For six years, i.e., from
1196 to 1202 A.D. there was cessation of warfare in India,
but in 1202 A.D. Aibek marched against the fort of
Kalanjar, captured it and seized enormous booty. Mahoba
was occupied next. Bengal and Bihar had already been
subjugated by Muhammad Khilji, son of Bakhtiyar, who
had acknowledged the suzerainty of Qutb-ud-din. All Hin-
dustan, from Delhi to Kalanjar and Gujarat, and from
Lakhnauti to Lahore, was brought under the sway of the
Muhammadans, though the distant lands comprised in the
empire of Delhi were not thoroughly subdued.
Qutb-ud-din was a high-spirited and open-handed mon-
arch. He administered the country well, dispensed even-
handed justice to the people, and exerted
1 md himself to promote the peace and prosperity
of the realm. The roads were freed from
robbers, and the Hindus were treated with kindness, though
the Sultan, like 'a mighty fighter in the way of God/
captured thousands as slaves during his wars. His generosity
is praised by all writers who style him as lakhbakhaha or
giver of lakhs.
Aibek was a powerful and capable ruler who always

maintained a high character. Brave and energetic, sagacious
and just, according to Muslim ideas, Aibek was devoted to
the faith, and as the founder of a large kingdom on foreign
.soil among races whose martial grow ess was well-known,
he ranks among the great pioneers of Muslim conquest in
India. He gave proof of his religious zeal by building two
mosques, one at Delhi and another at Ajmer. He died in
1210 A.D., from a fall from his horse, while he was playing
ohaugan, l leaving a large kingdom to his successor.
. Aram succeeded his father, but after a brief reign of
one year, Iltutmish, who was then governor of Badaon,
1 Conf u s i o n defeated and dethroned him. At the time
after Aibek's of Aram's death Hindustan was parcelled out
eat ' into four principalities— Sindh was held by
Qubaicha ; Delhi and its contiguous country were in the
possession of Iltutmish ; Lakhnauti was held by the Khilji
Maliks ; Lahore was held alternately by Qubaicha, and
Eldoz who was then supreme at Ghazni.
Iltutmish who ascended the throne in 1210 A.D. is the
greatest of the slave kings. He was the slave of a slave,2
i a h's w^° rose to em*nence ^y sheer dint of merit,
Iitut m on
accessi to and it was solely by virtue of his fitness that
-the throne. he superseded the hereditary claimants to the
throne. But he did not find the throne of Delhi a bed of
roses. He had to face a critical situation, as rivals like
Eldoz and Qubaicha aspired to universal dominion, while
1 Chang an was something like modern polo. In the early middle

«ages it was a favourite game in Persia and India.
* Iltutmish was purchased by a certain merchant Jaraal-ud-din
^who brought him to Ghazni. From there he was taken to Delhi and
sold to Qutb-ud-din along with another slave named Bak.
Qutbi Mosque, Delhi
To face page 76
THE SLAVE DYNASTY 77
some of the Muizzi and Qutbi amirs watched with sullen

resentment the usurpation by a slave of the throne which
lawfully belonged to the line of Aibek. Besides, there were
numerous Hindu princes and chieftains whose recognition
of the sovereignty of the Muhammadans was only nominal.
But lltutmish was not the man to fail or falter in the face of
difficulties, and in grim earnestness he set himself to the
task of dealing with the situation in a bold and decisive
manner ju^nvJLi.
Having overpowered all thejgfcactfliy amirs, he brought
the whole of the principality of Delhi under his control. But
his safety depended upon the suppression of
11 MS rivals, and he at once turned his attention
towards them.
Eldoz who had been purchased by Sultan Muhammad^
when he was young in years, won the confidence of the
Sultan by his ability and courage, and after the death
of his master, became ruler of Ghazni. But he was expelled
by Qutb-ud-din who made himself master of the country.
The people of Ghazni, however, soon got disgusted with the
drunken orgies of Qutb-ud-din, and invited Eldoz to assume
charge of the kingdom. Eldoz was a spirited soldier ; he
ultimately defeated Qubaicha, governor of Sindh, and estab-
lished himself in the Punjab. lltutmish, who could not
afford to see a formidable rival established so near the
northern frontier, marched against him, and inflicted a
crushing defeat upon him in 1215 A.D. in the vicinity of
Tarain. Eldoz was taken prisoner andj^juiin rtiulj^ The
defeat of Eldoz was followed by an
who, after an unsuccessful engag^
mission in 1217 A.D. But it
he was finally subdued.
This danger was nothing in comparison with the storm

which burst upon India in 1221 A.D. The Mongols' under
îngjz Jân came down fr°m their moun-
oiThe0 h invasion
i n g i z tain steppes in Central Asia and ravaged the
Khan' countries that came in their way. The Mon-
gol was a ferocious and blood-thirsty savage, and in fact the
word Mongol itself is derived from the word Mone, mean-
ing brave, daring, told.l£L*>*^^îÂ«*/^
Chingiz, who was a typical Mongol warrior, was born
in 1155 A.D. at Dilum Boldak near the river Oman. His
original name was Temujin. His father died when he was
only 13 years of age. As a result of this calamity, the young
lad had to struggle for years against adversity, and it was
only in 1203 A.D. that he was proclaimed Khan. With light-
ning speed he overran China, plundered and devastated the
Muhammadan countries of Western Asia. Balkh, Bokhara,
Samarqand, and many other famous, and beautiful cities
were ruined by his predatory raids. When Chingiz attacked
Jalal-ud-din, the last Shah of Khwarizm, he fled towards
Hindustan, whither he was pursued by the invaders. He
-encamped on the Indus and prepared to give battle to the
Mongols. He sent an envoy to Iltutmish requesting him
to grant a place for residence in Delhi for some time, but
the latter excused himself on the ground that the climate
of Delhi would not suit him, and had the envoy murdered.
Jalal-ud-din was eventually defeated by the Mongols, and he
had to escape with only a handful of followers. Having
allied himself with the Khokhars, he fell upon Nasir-ud-din
1 The forms Moghul and Mongol are used for one and the same
When the Mongols separated themselves from their ancestral
'dns and came to close quarters with the Musalman Inhabitants of
weafeecn 'states of Central Asia, their neighbours mispronounced
$ame qf their .original nation and called them Moghul*
<iubaicha, whom he drove into the fortress of Multaru

After a short time, however, he went to Persia, where he
learnt that the army in Iraq was ready to help him, but
he was murdered by a fanatic whose brother he had pre-
viously slain. The Mongols found the heat of India intoler-
able and went back to the lands to the west of the Indus,
which had a great attraction for them. Thus was India
saved from a great calamity, and Iltutmish now felt himseU
strong enough to crush his native enemies, f:
The Khilji Maliks had withdrawn their allegiance after
the death of Qutb-ud-din. Some of them, like Ali Mardan
n 4
Conquests. their
and Ghiyas-ud-din Khilji, had also struck
... own J coins
. andjcausedj ^their• names tc
be read in the khutba as independent rulers. In 1225 A.D,
Iltutmish sent an army against Ghiyas who concluded
a treaty and paid a large tribute. The khutba was read,
and coins were struck in his name. When the Sultan's
forces withdrew, Ghiyas expelled the governor of Bihai
and seized the province. Nasir-ud-din Mahmud Shah wh<
had the fief of Oudh marched against him. Ghiyas was
•defeated and slain, and the Khilji amirs were made captives
The whole of Lakhnauti passed into the hands of th<
prince. Ranthambhor fell in 1226 A..D. ; and Mandore in
the Sewalik hills followed suit a year later.
Qubaicha, another slave of Sultan Muiz-ud-din, was a man
of intellect and sound judgment, and, through his master's
favour, had acquired considerable influence.
<iubaicha. ° He was appointed governor of Uccha, where he
managed the affairs so well that in a short
time he made himself master of the whole country of Sindh
which now extended as farasSarhind, Kuhram, and Sirsuti.
His successes aroused the jealousy of his rival chief fit
Ghazni, and Lahore soon became a bone of contention be-

tween him and Eldoz. When the Khalj and Khwarizam
forces were defeated by Qubaicha, they found protection with
Iltutmish who espoused their cause. He started from Delhi
by way of Sarhind towards Uccha at the head of a large
army. Hearing of the approach of the Sultan, Qubaicha
entrenched himself in the fortress of Bhakkar. The royal
army invested the fortress of Uccha and captured it after a
protracted siege of two months and twenty-seven days in
1227 A.D. The capitulation of Uccha so disheartened Qubai-
cha that he embarked in a boat in order to save his life, but
he was drowned in the Indus.
In 1228 A.D. Iltutmish received a patent of investiture
from the Khalifa of Baghdad, the highest pontiff of Islam, a
recognition which enormously increased the
b the^haHfa Pres*J£€ °^ the Indo-Muhammadan power in

India. It legitimised the Sultan's authority
and silenced those who challenged his claim to the
throne on the score of his birth, and gave to his authority
the sanction of a name, honoured and cherished by the entire
J^lim_world._ The name of the Khalifa was inscribed on
* the coins issued from the royal mints, and the Sultan was
described as " Aid of the Commander of the Faithful Nasir
Amir-ul-Mumnin. " The currency was remodelled, and
Iltutmish was the first to introduce a purely Arabic
coinage ; and the silver tanka weighing 175 grains became
the standard coin.
When Nasir-ud-din Mahmud Shah died in Bengal, the
Khilji Maliks at Lakhnauti broke out into rebellion. The
The Conquest Sultan marched against the rebels at the head
of Bengal and of a large army and defeated them. The
Gwahor. government of Lakhnauti was conferred upon
Malik Alauddin Jani, and order was restored in the province.

In 1231 A.D. the Sultan undertook an expedition to Gwalior
which had thrown off the yoke of Delhi during the brief
reign of Aram Shah. Mangala Deva, the ruler of the place,
offered a desperate resistance, and it was after a prolonged
fight, jpfrich continued off and on for eleven months, that
the fortress was captured in 1232 A.D. Mangala Deva
effected his escape but a large number of his followers
were captured and slain.
13 JfA year later, the Sultan marched against Malwa and
captured the fort of Bhilsa, from which place he proceeded
rn. close
The . of. to Ujjain which easily fell into his hands.
a successful , The temple of Mahakali, one of the most
career. venerated shrines in that city, wasdemol^^
and the idols were^rneToirtoTJelhi. The Sultan had to
abandon the projected expedition against Banian on account
of his ill-health, which ultimately grew worse, and he
expired in his palace in 1235 A.D.
lltutmish is undoubtedly the real founder of the Slave
dynasty. It was he who consolidated the conquests that
had been made by his master Qutb-ud-duu
°f He brou£ht under his sway the whole of
Hindustan except a few outlying provinces
and displayed extraordinary vigour and intrepidity in deal-
ing with his foes. Though he was always busy in military
campaigns, he extended his patronage to the pious and the
learned. He was deeply religious, and his observance of the
faith led the Mulahidas to form a conspiracy to take his life,
but luckily it proved abortive. The 3ultan was a great
builder, and the Qutb Minar, whose massive grandeur and
beauty of design are unrivalled, still stands as a worthy
memorial of his greatness. As long as he lived, he
p. 6
behaved like a great monarch, and the contemporary chro-
nicler Minhaj-us-Siraj extols his virtues in these words :
'"never was a sovereign of such exemplary faith, of such
kindness and reverence towards recluses, devotees, divines
and doctors of religion and law, from the mother of creation
ever enwrapped in swaddling bands of dominio*"
Iltutmish, who was well aware of the incapacity of his
sons, had nominated his daughter Reziya as his heir. But
the nobles, who had a prejudice against the
successors of succession of a female, placed upon the throne
Iitutmish. prince Rukn-ud-din, a son of Iltutmish, a
notorious debauchee, addicted to the most degrading sensual
enjoyments. While the young prince was immersed in
pleasures, the affairs of state were managed by his
mother Shah Turkan, an ambitious lady, who had an
inordinate love of power. But when mother and son
Brought about the cruel murder of Qutb-ud-din, another
ttince of the blood royal, the maliks and amirs assumed
an attitude of hostility towards them. The governors of
Oudh, BadSon, Hansi, Multan, and Lahore became openly
hostile, while the crisis was precipitated by an attempt
of the Queen-mother to take the life of Sultan Reziya, the
eldest daughter and heiress-designate of Iltutmish. The con-
spiracy was nipped in the bud, and Shah Turkan was taken
prisoner by the infuriated mob. Rukn-ud-din was also seized,
and thrown into prison where he died in 1236 A.D. The nobles
now rallied round Reziya and saluted her as their sovereign.
When Reziya was formally nominated as heir-apparent
by her father, the ministers of the Sultan felt scandalised
Sultan Rezi- at the elevation of a woman to royal dignity,
ya's accession an(j urged upon him the imprudence of
tp the throne. ^ ^ ^^^ ^ he replMf •« My SOM
engrossed in the pleasures of youth, and none of them

possesses the capacity to manage the affairs of the country.
After my death it will be seen that not one of them will
be found to be more worthy of the heir-apparentship than
my daughter." The advocates of male succession were
thus^lenced, and Reziya was acknowledged heir to the
throne. *
Muhammad Junaidi, Wazir of the kingdom, did not
acknowledge her right to the throne, and the provincial
governors too offered opposition. It was a
critical situation for Reziya, but Nasrat-ud-din
Tayarsi, the feudatory of Oudh, who owed his
position to her, came to her rescue. By her courage and
diplomacy, the queen soon put down the rebellious maliks,
and restored order throughout the kingdom. In the words
of the chronicler, " from Lakhnauti to Debal and Damrilah
all the maliks and amirs tendered obedience and submission." -
Reziya was a talented woman. The contempora
chronicler describes her as a " great sovereign and sagacic
just, beneficent, the patron of the learnc
Htr policy 1-1
causes d i s- a disposer of justice, the chensher of
content. j^ subjects, and of warlike talent, and was
endowed with all the admirable attributes and qualifications
necessary for a king ; but, as she did not attain the destiny
in her creation, of being computed among men, of what
advantage were all these excellent qualifications to her."
She tried her best to play the King. She cast off female
garments, abandoned the seclusion of the zenana, donned
the head-dress of a man, and transacted business in open
darbar. She took an active part in campaigns against the
Hindus and the rebellious Muslim chiefs, and herself led
-an expedition against the governor of Lahore, who was
compelled to acknowledge her authority. But her sex:

proved her worst disqualification. As Elphinstone remarks,
her talents and virtues were insufficient to protect her
from a single weakness. It was shown in extraordinary
marks of favour to her master of the horse, who, to*
make her partiality more degrading, was an Abyisinian
slave, Jamal-ud-din YaqQt. The freeborn Khans, whom
the corps of the Turkish mamluks known as "the
forty'' had superseded in power, resented the preference-
which the queen showed to the Abyssinian. The feeling
against the queen was further accentuated by her public
appearance which shocked the orthodox Muslims.
The first to raise the standard of revolt was Altunia,
the rebel governor of Sarhind. Reziya forthwith started
from the capital to put down the revolt.
n ' a 8 When she reached Tabarhindah, the Turkish
amirs slew her favourite Yaqut and imprison-
ed her in the fort. But the artful queen proved too clever
for her captors. She cast her spell on Altunia who con-
tracted amarriage with her, and marched towards Delhi to
recover the kingdom. Muiz-ud-din Bahram Shah, brother
of Reziya, who had been proclaimed king by the amirs,
led an army against the queen and her consort, and defeat-
ed them. The partisans of Altunia deserted him, and
together with his spouse he fell into the hands of the
Hindus who put them to death in 1240 A.D. Reziya's
reign lasted for three and a half years.
Bahram Shah, brother of Reziya, who succeeded her,
was a prince "fearless, full of courage and sanguinary."
The confusion His reign was full of murder, treachery, and
after Reriya's intrigue ; and disaffection became widespread
^ when he adopted drastic measures to put
down conspiracies. The Mongols made their appearance In

Hindustan in 1241 A.D. and captured Lahore, Shortly
afterwards the Sultan was assassinated, and waft
succeeded by Alauddin Masud Shah, a grandson of
Iltutmish. In 1245 A. D., the Mongols appeared again in
Indik, but they were repelled with heavy losses. During
the latter part of his reign, the Sultan began to behave
like a tyrant and became inordinately fond of pleasure.
Disaffection grew apace; and the amirs and maliks invited
Nasir-ud-din, another son of Iltutmish, to take charge of the
kingdom. Masud was thrown into prison in May 1246 A.D.,
where he died shortly afterwards.
The throne of Delhi now fell to the lot of Nasir-ud-din
Mahmud Shah, a younger son of Iltutmish, in 1246 A.D.
He was a pious, God-fearing and kind-hearted
Mahmudddin ruler who patronised the learned and sym-
pathised with the poor and the distressed.
He led the retired and obscure life of a darvesh, denied to
himself the pleasures of royalty, and earned his living by
copying verses from the Quran. By character and tempera-
ment he was unfitted to rule the kingdom of Delhi at a
time, when internal factions and Hindu revolts conspired
to weaken the monarchy, and the Mongols hammered upon
the gates of India. But fortunately the Sultan had an
able minister ifl ( BalbaiL- who guided the domestic as well
as the foreign policy of the state throughout his master's
reign.
Balban was a Turk of the tribe of Ilbari, and his father
was a Khan of 10,000 families. He was, in his youth,
captured by the Mongols, who conveyed him
to Baghdad, where he was purchased by
Khwaja Jamal-ud-din of Basra* The latter
took him to Delhi where he was purchased by lltutmish.

Balban was appointed Khasah-bardar (personal attendant)
to the Sultan, and was enrolled in the famous corps of
forty slaves. Under Reziya he was Dromoted to the rank of
Amir-i-Shikar (Lord of the Hunt). QBahram entrusted to
him the fief of Rewari, to which was afterwards added
the district of HanSK
When the Mongols under their leader Mangu, invaded
Sindh and laid siege to the fortress of Uccha in 1245 A.D.,
Balban organised a large army to repel their attack. It was
his military vigour and intrepidity which inflicted a crushing
defeat on the Mongols, and won such brilliant success for the
arms of Islam. When Nasir-ud-din ascended the throne in
1246 A.D., he was appointed principal minister of the state.
r Balban crossed the Ravi in 1246 A.D., ravaged the Jud
anckJilam hills, and suppressed the Khokhars and other con-
tumacious tribes. He undertook several expeditions to the
Doab to chastise the refractory Hindu Rajas. The Rana of
Malaki, the country between Kalanjar and Kara, was
subdued, and Mewat and Ranthambhar were ravaged. The
rebellious Muslim governors were suppressed, and Gwalior,
Chanderi, Malwa, and Narwar were subduedA
Six months later, when the Sultan marched towards
Uccha and Multan, Imad-ud-din Rihan, who was jealous of
Balban's influence, excited the maliks and poisoned the ears
of the Sultan against him. The great minister was con-
sequently banished from the court in 1253 A.D., and
Imad-ud-din was installed as Vakil-i-dar l at the capital.
Imad-ud-din was a renegade Hindu, and his tutelage
now galled, the pride of the maliks and nobles of the court,
1 The principal duty of the Vakil-i-dar was to hold the keys of the
gate of the king's palace. The office existed among the Mughals also
abd was no doubt considered important by them.
who were all " Turks of pure lineage and Tajziks of

noble birth," and looked upon it as a disgrace to serve
under him. The administration grew lax, and from all
sides requests poured in upon the Sultan to dismiss the
vile upstart. The powerful maliks eventually persuaded
the Sultan to order the dismissal of Rihan. He was ordered
to the fief of Badaon, and Balban returned to the capital
in triumph in February 1254 A.D.
When Qutlugh Khan, governor of Oudh, revolted in
1255 A.D., Balban marched against him and obliged him
to withdraw. The former was assisted by
of RebenS a11 the disaffected maliks and Hindus, and
was joined by Iz-ud-din Balban Kashlu Khan,
governor of Sindh, who, also, following the evil example
of Qutlugh Khan, revolted. The two maliks effected a
junction of their armies near Saman# and marched towards
the capital, but were unable to put into execution their
ppfariong project. Towards the close of the year 1257 A.D.
the Mongols again invaded Sindh, but when the royal
forces marched against them, they retreated.
The last expedition was against the hilly country of
Mewat in the year 1259 A.D., where the rebels under their
leader Malka, a Hindu, plundered and de-
pedition 8t ex~ stroyed villages, and
in the districts of harassed
Hariana, the peasantry
Sewalik and
Biyana. Ulugh Khan crushed the rebels and cleared the
whole country of these pests.
For full two decades Balban preserved the state from
many a danger, and put down with an iron hand the ele-
ments of disorder and- strife. The frontier
posts were strongly garrisoned ; a large and
efficient army was constructed, and the
Mongols were successfully repelled. The rebellions of the

refractory Hindus were effectively suppressed, and the
disaffected amirs and maliks too were curbed. But for
Balban's vigour and energy, the kingdom of Delhi would
have hardly survived the shocks of internal revolts and
external invasions.
After Nasir-ud-din's death in 1266 A.D., the mantle of
sovereignty devolved upon Balban. His first task was to
reorganise the administration, and to take
effective steps to prevent the recurring Mon-
gol raids. Barani writes : "Fear of the
governing power, which is the basis of all good government,
and the source of the glory and splendour of states, had
departed from the hearts of all men, and the country had
fallen into a wretched condition. " By means of drastic-
punishments and relentless measures the new Sultan, who
was an adept in the art of government, suppressed the
elements of disorder anjL taught people obedience and
submissiveness.
The first need of Balban was a large and efficient army.
The cavalry and infantry, both old and new, were placed
under maliks of experience, who had given
proof of their couraê and loyalty in many
battles. With the help of this army, he es-
tablished order in the lands of the Doab and the environs
of Delhi. The turbulence of the Mewatis had become a
serious menace to the throne of Delhi. They carried their
predatory raids in the vicinity of the capital, and at night
" they used to come prowling into the city, giving all kinds
of trouble, depriving the people of their rest/' So great was
their audacity that the western gate of the capital had to
be closed at the time of afternoon prayer, and even the
rgarb of a mendicant was no protection against their high-

handedness. The Sultan cleared the jungles and inflicted
a crushing defeat upon them. rTo provide for the security
-of the capital, he built outposts which were strongly
garrisoned by Afghans, to whom grants of land were made
for maintenance. The noblemen and officers, who were
left in charge of the country, thoroughly subjugated it, and
put to the sword thousands of these miscreants. In the
heart of the Doab the greatest insecurity prevailed ; and
Kampil, Patiali, and Bhojpur were the strongholds of
robbers, who infested the roads and rendered impossible
the transport of merchandise from one place to another.
The Sultan^ proceeded in person to quell these disorders,
anft posted strong Afghan garrisons to put down brigand-
age) and lawlessness. " The den of the robbers was
thus converted into a guard-house, and Musalmans and
guardians of the way took the place of highway robbers/'
so that sixty years afterwards Barani was able to record
with satisfaction that the roads had been freed from robbers
and the lives of the wayfarers rendered secure.
y Having suppressed the outlaws, the Sultan led an
expedition into the mountains of Jud and chastised the
hill tribes. Two years later he proceeded against the fort
which had been destroyed by the Mongols. The whole
country was laid waste, and order was restored. This
brief campaign once again revealed to the Sultan the
unfitness of the old Shams! veterans, who had enjoyed
liberal grants of land for the last thirty or forty years.
It appeared that about 2,000 horsemen of the army of
-Shams-ud-din held villages in the Doab in lieu of salary.
Many of the grantees were old and infirm, and many had
<died, and their sons had taken possession of their lands
and caused their names to be entered in the records of

the Ariz (muster-master). These holders of service lands
called themselves proprietors and professed to have received
the lands in free gift from Sultan Shams-ud-din. Some
of them performed their military duties in a leisurely
manner, others stayed at home making excuses, and bribed
the Deputy Muster-master and his officials to condone
their neglect of duty. The Sultan at once issued an order
for holding an enquiry into the condition of these service
tenures, and a list of all grantees was prepared. This
order caused a feeling of dismay among the members of
the military oligarchy, which had held so far a monopoly
of all favour and privilege in the state. Some of these
old Khans approached Fakhr-ud-din, the Kotwal of Delhi,
who was supposed to have influence with the Sultan, and
requested him to intercede in their behalf. The Kotwal
eloquently pleaded the cause of these aged veterans, and
the Sultan was moved with compassion to cancel the
resumption of their estates. Though the original order
was revoked, the Khans lost much of their former influence
and tamely submitted to Balban's dictation.
( Balban organised the internal administration on a most
efficient basis. It wasjfralf civil, half military. He was
himself the fountain of all authority, and
government!1 enforced his commands with the greatest
rigour. Even his own sons who held import-
ant provinces were not allowed much initiative, and had to
refer to the Sultan all complicated matters on which he
passed final orders, which were to be strictly enforced. In
administering justice he never showed partiality even
towards his own kith and kin, and when any of his relations
or associates committed an act of injustice, he never failed
to grant redress to the aggrieved party. So great was the-

dread of the Sultan's inexorable justice that no one dared
to ill-treat his servants and slaves. When Malik Barbak,
one of the courtiers, who held a jSglr of 4,000 horse and
the fief of Badaon, caused one of his servants to be scourged
to death, his widow complained to the Sultan. He ordered
the Malik to be flogged similarly in the presence of the
complainant, and publicly executed the spies who had
failed to report his misconduct. A well;_est^
tern „ of espionage iaJnseparable from despotism, and Bal-
ban with a view to make the administration of justice
more efficient appointed spies in his fiefs, who reported
to him all acts of injustice. To make these reports
accurate and honest, he greatly restricted the field of
individual observation, and when the report was made, he
showed no indulgence on the score of rank or birth. Even
Bughra Khan's movements were watched by the spies,
and it is said that the Sultan took great pains to keep himself
informed of his activities. These spies no doubt checked
crime and protected innocent persons against the high-
handednes ofthose in power, but their presence must have
demoralised the community and led to the suppression of even
the most legitimate and harmless amenities of social lif&j).
But the one all-absorbing pre-occupation of the Sultan
was the fear of the recurring Mongol invasions. Although
he possessed a large and disciplined army, he
goiT M ° " " safeguard
never left his
Delhi, and devised
dominions against measures to
the raids of
these nomad hordes. The Mongols had seized Lahore and
every year harried the lands of Sindh and the Punjab. The
Sultan never moved from the capital, and kept a vigilant
watch upon the vulnerable parts of the empire. The
$2 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
provinces of Multan and Samana, which were most exposed

to attack, being near to the northern frontier, were
-entrusted to his own sons, Muhammad and Bugrhra Khan,
who maintained large and well-trained armies to fight against
the Mongols. But this constant fear greatly influenced the
foreign policy of Balban. He never attempted the conquest
of any distant country ; his whole attention was concen-
trated upon measures to guard himself and his kingdom
-against the Mongols. Even the administrative organisation
was carried out with a view to strengthen the government
to cope with these calamitous raids. IFrom Amir KhusrauV
description of these nomad savaglj, which is somewhat
tinged by the poet's own feelings, for he had on one occasion
fallen into their hands, we can form some idea of the horrors
which their recurring raids implied. He writes: "There"
were more than a thousand Tartar infidels and warriors of
other tribes, riding on camels, great commanders in battle, ,
^11 with steel-like bodies clothed in cotton ; with faces like
fire, with caps of sheepskin, with heads shorn. Their eyes'
were so narrow and piercing that they might have bored
4 hole in a brazen vessel. . . Their faces were set on
their bodies as if they had no neck. Their cheeks resembled
soft leathern bottles, full of wrinkles and knots. Their noses
extended from cheek to cheek, and their mouths from
cheek-bone to cheek-bone. . . Their moustaches were of
1 Abul Hasan, better known by his now de plume of Amir Kbusrau
by far the greatest Muslim poet of India, was born at Patiali in 651 A.H.
•(1263 A.D.), and died at Delhi in 726 A.H. (1324-26 A.D.) While yet a
boy, he became a disciple of Shaikh Nizam-ud-din Aulia. He entered the
service of Balban as an attendant on his son Prinoe Muhammad, who
was fond of the society of the learned. Gradually he rose into promi-
flffcf atnence th«
and wasd^h
elevated to ffl-vmirite
of hifl the Fflflifr'™ "f fl*\ft
saint nnnfi fa"™"!^ He He
Nizam-ud-dinAulia. diedHasof
Written
pp. 67— 92, numerous
623—67. works' brie! notices of which are fWen Iff Elliot, III,
THE SLAVE DYNASTY 9&
extravagant length. They had but scanty beards about their

chins . . . They looked like so many white demons, and the
people fled from them everywhere in affright/1 1 Hardy and
heartless invaders such as these, coming from the cooler
regions beyond the Hindukush, could not be trifled with,
and Balban was led by the instinct of sheer self-preserva-
tion to ignore all other things and keep his army ever on,
the war-path to repel their oft-repeated incursions.
Tughril Khan, the governor of Bengal,2 who had beea
appointed by Balban, was led astray by his evil counsellors.
Tughril's Be- They tol(i him that the Sultan was old and hiS
rbeiiioD, 1279 two sons were occupied in dealing with the
AlD- Mongol attacks, and the leaderless nobler
possessed neither men nor munitions to march to Lakhnauti
to frustrate his attempt at independence. Tughril readily
listened to this false and mischievous advice ftnd " allowed
the egg of ambition to be hatched in his head. " He attacked
Jajnagar, carried off a large booty consisting of valuable
goods and elephants, and kept it all for himself. This act
of disloyalty was consummated by a formal declaration of
independence, when he assumed the royal title of Sultan
Mughis-ud-din, struck coins, and caused the khutba to be
read in his own name. The possession of vast wealth en-
abled him to bestow large gifts upon his associates. As
Barani writes, money closed the eyes of the clear-sighted,
and greed of gold kept the more politic in retirement.
Sedition became so rife that the soldiers as well as the
1 For further account of these savages, see Elliot, III, Appendix,

pp. 528-29.
* Tughril was originally a Turkish slave who had been purchased
, by Balban. Being a brave and warlike man, he subdued the Rajas of
; the neighbouring countries and compelled them to pay tribute.
•94 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE *
citizens ceased to fear the sovereign power, and gave their
adhesion to the rebellious governor.
The Sultan was much disturbed by the news of this
revolt. A royal army crossed the SarjQ and marched to-
wards Lakhnauti, but when it reached Bengal, it Was opposed
and defeated by Tughril, who had drawn to his banner by
means of his liberality numerous adherents frpm the country
districts. The troops of Delhi fled, and many of them
deserted their colours and went over to the enemy.
Another expedition met with a like fate. Emboldened by
his success, Tughril marched out of Lakhnauti, fell upon the
army of Delhi, and completely defeated it. The news of this
defeat overwhelmed the Sultan with shame and anger, and
he swore vengeance upon the rebels. Having entrusted the
affairs of Delhi to Malik Fakhr-ud-din, he proceeded towards
Samana and Sunnam, and asked his son Bughra Khan to
accompany him to Bengal. Prince Muhammad was asked to
take care of the province in his charge, and to keep a vigilant
eye upon the Mongols. At the head of a large army, the
Sultan started for Lakhnauti in spite of the rains. He order-
ed a general levy in Oudh, and enrolled about two lakhs of
men in his army. A large flotilla of boats was constructed,
and the royal troops crossed the Sarju, but their passage
in the marshy land of Bengal was delayed by the rains.
The royal army wended its way through mud and water
to the capital of Bengal only to find that the rebel, deeming
himself unable to withstand the Sultan, had fled towards
the wilds of Jajnagar, taking with him treasure, elephants
and a picked body of fighting men. He was pursued by
the royal troops, and the Sultan publicly declared that he
would never abandon the pursuit, cost him what time and
•trouble it might. He gave the soldiers some idea of his
mighty resolve, when he told them that they were playing

for half the kingdom of Delhi, and, if Tughril took to the
water, he would pursue him and would never return to
Delhi, or even mention it, until the 'blood of the rebel and
his followers had been poured out. Many of them despaired
<>f ever returning to their homes and made their wills. A
large party of horsemen was sent in search of Tughril, but
no trace of him was to be found. After a diligent search
the camp of Tughril was discovered, and the royal horsemen
rudely interrupted the joyous life led by him and his men
in these bucolic surroundings. His army fled from the field
panic-stricken, and he himself, mounted asaddleless horse
^nd tried to gallop to a stream which ran hard by. He was
pursued by the royalists, and an arrow which pierced him
on the side at once brought him down. His head was
severed from the body, which was flung into the river,
and his women, children, and dependents were all captured
by the victors. The Sultan was pleased to hear of the
success of this expedition, and suitably rewarded the men
who had risked their lives in his service
Balban returned to Lakhnauti where gibbets were erected
on both sides in the bazar, and the relations and accomplices
of Tughril were hanged mercilessly. These terrible punish-
ments went on for two or three days, and it is said that
even the Qazis and Muftis obtained their pardon with great
difficulty. When the work of slaughter was over, Balban
made arrangements for the restoration of order in the
country. He entrusted the province to his son Bughra Khan
whom he asked to recoveând hold in peace the rest of
Bengal and to eschew convivial parties. Then he asked
the Prince
Prince did notwith a stern what
understand look:hisMjD|dst thpusee?"
father meant The
to convey
by this enigmatical question. The Sultan again said, "Didst:

tfiou see ? " The perplexed Prince returned no answer and
the Sultan repeated the question for the third time and
added, ''You saw my punishments in the bazar." The
Prince bent down his head in profound submission, and
the pitiless father addressed him in these words : "If ever-
designing and evil-minded persons should incite you to-
waver in your allegiance to Delhi and to throw off its
authority, then remember the vengeance which you have
seen exacted in the bazar. Understand me and forget
not that if the governors of Hind or Sindh, of Malwa or
Gujarat, of Lakhnauti or Sonargaon, shall draw the sword
and become rebels to the throne of Delhi, then such punish-
ment as has fallen upon Tughril and his dependents will
fall upon them, their wives, their children, and all their
adherents. " He called Bughra Khan again for a second
interview and gave him valuable advice about political
affairs. On the day of his departure, he embraced him
affectionately and bade him farewell. On his return to
Delhi he ordered gibbets to be erected again for the
execution of those residents of Delhi and its environs, who
had assisted in the late rebellion. It was with great
difficulty that the Qazi of the army was able to persuade
the Sultan to desist from such a frightful proceeding.
The rebellion was effectively suppressed, but a great
lomestic bereavement befell the Sultan. When the Mongols
Death of under their lead^rjjajowu invaded the Punjab-
in 1285 A.D., his son, Prince Muhammad,
^Q was placed in charge of Multan, marched
awards Lahore and Dipalpur to repel their attack. He was
tefeated and killed in the encounter that followed, and hia
jqprifiee won him the posthumous title of the " Martyr
THE SLAVE DYNASTY - 97
Prince." The Sultan was so stricken with grief that,

shortly afterwards, he died in 1286 A.D., leaving a will
in which he nominated his grandson Kai-Khusrau as his
successor. No sooner were his eyes closed in death than
the nobles and officers opposed his last testament and elevat-
ed Kaiqubad to the throne, an unhappy choice, which ulti-
mately led to the fall of the Slave dynasty.
I^Balban's
over a period career,
of fortyfullyears,
of strenuous
is uniqueactivity,
in the extending
annals of
mediaeval India. He enhanced the dignity
of BaTb8^ ahty * of the kingly office, and established peace and
order by a policy of 'blood and iron/ He
maintained a splendid court where he presented himself
on public occasions with great magnificence. He always
behaved like a well-bred oriental monarch ; his sense of
kingly dignity was so great that he never appeared but in
full dress even before his private servants. He never
laughed aloud nor joked in his darbar ; nor did he permit
any one to indulge in laughter or amusement in his presence.
He despised the company of the low and the vulgar, and
nothing could ever draw him into unnecessary familiarity
either with friends or strangers. So punctilious was he in
maintaining the prestige of his office that on one occasion
he refused a proffered gift of some lakhs from a rich upstart
who had accumulated a vast fortune, but who could not
boast of a lofty gedjgcee. Low birth was the greaê^ dis-
qualification forpublic office, and the nobles and officers
never dared to recommend any but a well-born man for
employment in the state. Balban had been food of wine in
his youth,, Jbjut he sswud&t^J j»ye it upHwhaa he became
king. He took delight in hunting excursiQRSl fuwi oftto
went out on long expeditions. In his private life, he wad*a
F. 7
kind-hearted man. He loved his sons and relatives* and

even towards strangers who sought shelter at his court, he
behaved with great generosity. Though his lot was cast in
stormy times* he took interest in letters and extended his
patronage to literary men. All things considered* Balban
was a most remarkable ruler who saved the infant Muslim
State in India from the Mongol peril, and by establishing
social order paved the way for the military and administra-
tive reforms of Alauddin Khilji. \l
Balban's death left a void thatVould not be filled. There
was none among his survivors, who could wield the sceptre
which he had swayed for twenty years with
°f such *bility and success. The personal factor
counted for much in mediaeval politics, and
as soon as the master-hand of Balban was removed by death,
the affairs of the state fell into confusion, and the old
confidence in the justice and strength of the administration
was completely shaken.
Kaiqubad who was only seventeen years of age was
elevated to the throne through the intrigues of the Kotwal
of Delhi. From his childhood, he had been brought up
with such care that he was never allowed to have even a
look at a fair damsel, or taste a cup of wine. Day and
night he was watched by his tutors who taught him tfie
polite arts and manly exercises, and never permitted him to
do an improper act or utter an indecent word. Such a prince
found himself all of a sudden in the possession of a mighty
kingdom, the vast wealth of which could afford everything
that was needed for personal enjoyment. He cast to the
winds all lessons of prudence and self-restraint, and at once
changed his enforced Puritanism for a life of debauch and
pleasure. Balban's work was undone ; the example of the
king was followed by the nobles and the ministers so that

court life became notoriously corrupt, and men of all ranks
gave themselves up to the pursuit of pleasure.
While Kaiqubad spent his time in drunken revels and
orgies, the business of government was carried on by Malik
Nizam-ud-din, son-in-law of the influential Kotwal of Delhi,
who had deftly wormed himself into the confidence of the
Sultan. Nizam-ud-din was a highly ambitious man; his
arrogance and ascendancy offended the veteran Khans,
who had since the days of Aibek and lltutmish served the
state with signal devotion. Bughra Khan's absence in
Bengal, the decline of the power of the nobles, and the
intemperance and licentiousness of Kaiqubad led Nizam-ud-
din to harbour designs of usurping the throne at a favour-
able moment. But this nefarious plan could not succeed
unless Kai Khusrau, the heir-designate of Balban, who still
commanded the respect and esteem of the nobility, was got
rid of. With such thoughts in his mind the minister ap-
proached his insensate master, and obtained his assent to the
prince's murder in a state of intoxication. The unsuspecting
young prince was called away from Multan, and on his way
to Delhi was murdered near Rohtak.
This murder sent a thrill of horror throughout the
whole country. Parties were formed, and the Khilji Amir
Jalal-ud-din Firuz, who held the office of the AriH-wcfc-
malik (muster-master) placed himself at the head of a
powerful faction. The power of Jalal-ud-din increased, and
several Turkish Maliks and Amirs went over to his side,
thinking that resistance was impossible. Two days later
Sultan Kaiqubad was murdered in his .palace of mirrors by
a Khilji Malik, and his corpse was thrown into the Jamna.
Suck was the inglorious end of the Slave kings of Deity.
100 THE HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
Jalal-ud-din Firuz now obtained the support of friends and

foes and ascended the throne at Kilughari. But the people
of Delhi were hostile to the Khiljis ; they extended no wel-
come to Firuz, and it took him some time to reconcile then*
to his usurpation.
The conquest of Hindustan accomplished with great
ease by the Muslims was primarily due to the weakness of
The causes ê Etin(*u soc*ety which .had lost its old
of Muslim sue- vigour owing to mutual jealousies and dis~
ce88" sensions. The whole country was split up
into a number of independent states, often fighting against
one another. There was no dearth of military talent in the
country, for the Rajputs were the finest soldiers and were
scarcely inferior to the Muslims in courage and determina-
tion. The Muslims came from the cooler regions beyond the
Afghan hills and displayed much vigour and energy in actual
campaign. They possessed better organisation, discipline
and coherence. Islam is one great brotherhood in which the
high and the low, the rich and the poor are all alike and no
distinctions are made between man and man. The practice
of proselytism ordained by Islam inspired its followers with
the fanatical zeal of the missionary which made them stand
united in a solid phalanx against their enemies. As Lane*
Poole says, " the very bigotry of their creed was an instru-
ment of self-preservation ; in mere self-defence they must
hold together as God's elect in the face of the heathen, and
they must win over proselytes from the Hindus, whether by
persuasion or by to
ft was devotion the the
sword,
faithto swell
which their
madeisolated
them minority."
so violent
and aggressive in dealing with non-Muslims. The Musal-
man cheerfully risked his life in the service of his faith
and made the heaviest sacrifices. As compared with the
Muslims, the Hindus were weak and divided and had only
clan or caste interests to uphold. The caste system created
artificial barriers which prevented the unification of the
various groups for purposes of common defence and safety.
Even the most distinguished generals and warriors found
it difficult to shake off the influence of caste, and were often
arrayed in hostile camps even when they were confronted
by a common enemy.
The military system of the Hindus was out of date and
old-fashioned. Their too much dependence upon elephants
was dangerous when they had to fight against fierce and
well-trained cavalry leaders. Experiei^ce furnished ample
warning, but it was constantly disregarded by Hindu
generals who adhered with great tenacity to their old
methods of warfare. The Musalmans had an excellent
recruiting ground in the countries beyond the Afghan hills,
from where they could constantly bring fresh levies to fight
against the Hindu hosts. Large numbers of men, attracted
by the wealth of India and the love of adventure, enrolled
themselves in the armies of men like Mahmud of Ghazni
and Muhammad of Ghor, whereas the Hindus had to confine
themselves to one country and very often to a single prin-
cipality, whose dimensions were not greater than those of
a modem province. The political system of the Hindus
restricted military duties to a particular class, so that the
great mass of the people were either unfit for military
service or indifferent to the political revolutions which shook
Indian society to its base. Every time, the Rajputs tried
to check the advance of the foreigners, but unsupported by
national will or national strength, they could not hold out
long against such formidable foes. Thus, the Muslims,
when they came in contact with the disunited and enfeebled
faces of Hindustan, found little difficulty in obtaining*

victory over them. The war between the two peoples was
really a struggle between two different social systems, the
one, old and decadent, and the other, full of youthful vigour
and enterprise.
Another great source of strength to the Muslims was
their slave system. Sometimes it produced extremely
capable men like lltutmish and Balban, who were infinitely
superior to the average men who inherited crowns and
kingdoms by the mere accident of birth. To be the slave
of a great king or captain of war was looked upon as a
privilege in the Islamic east, and often men of servile origin
were deemed equal or even superior to the purest aristocrats.
Stanley Lane-Poole's remarks on the efficacy of the slave
system
qon is aptdeserve
to be a to be quoted:
failure, the slaves"JiVhile
of a reala leader
brilliantofruler'a
mep
have often proved the equals of their master. The reason,
of 66Uf86, IB that tbe son is a mere speculation, he may
or may not inherit his father's talents : even if he does, the
SUCCeSS and power ** thy fathAr orâtea an
of luxury that does not encourage effort : and, gopd or
Jifesonis an immovable fixture: oplv a father with an
exceptional sense of public duty would execute an incom-
petent son to make room for a talented slave. On the
other hand the slave is the ' survival of the fittest' ; he is
chosen for physical and mental abilities, and he can hope
to retain his position in his master's favour only by vigilant
effort and hard service. Should he be found wanting, his
fate is sealed/'1
* Medical India, p. 64
KHILJI IMPERIALISM
"^MMMMHMWWIMMMMMW» *
'
The throne of Delhi now passed into the hands of the
Khilji Turks, and in a public Durbar held at Kilughari
T - p Uti ,,. the soldiers and citizens all tendered fealty
the new Sultan. Gradually he established
> an(j the " excellence of his
character, his justice, his generosity and devotion gradual-
ly removed the aversion of the people, and hopes of
grants of land assisted in conciliating, though grudging-
ly and unwillingly, the affections of his people. " Firug
was a good old man of seventy, who was averse to bloocf
shed and war, but his mildness and tenderness fostered
sedition in the state and encouraged the spirit of rebel-
lion and disorder. In the second year of the reigr
Balban's nephew Malik Chajju, who held the fief of Kara,
broke out into rebellion. He marched towards Delhi a1
the head of a considerable force, but when the royal armj
approached, his followers dispersed in fear. Those who
were captured were brought before the Sultan who
granted them a pardon and entrusted Kara to his
nephew and son-in-law Alauddin.
The Sultan's foreign policy was as weak and timid as
his domestic policy. The expedition against Ranthambhor
failed, and the Sultan's army returned in disappointment
to the capital. Better. success attended his anna
108
tiie Mongols invaded Hindustan under their leader HalSkEL

They were defeated and massacred in large numbers. At
last peace was made with them and they were allowed to
settle near Delhi. This policy had disastrous consequences:
for Mughalpur became a centre of intrigue and disaffec-
tion and caused much anxiety to the rulers of Delhi.
Alauddin, the Sultan's nephew and son-in-law, had
been entrusted with the fief of Kara and Oudh. Removed
from the control of the Sultan, Alauddin,
expedition
Devagir, 1294"to fc^who was an ambitious man, conceived the
project of making a raid upon Devagir,
which is one of the most memorable feats
in the annals of mediaeval India. He had heard of
the fabulous wealth of Devagir, the capital of the
Yadava Rajas of Maharashtra, and eagerly longed to
obtain possession of it.
He marched at the head of 8,000 horse and reached
Elichpur not far from the frontiers of the Maratha king-
dom. From Elichpur he proceeded towards Ghati-lajaura,
at a distance of 12 miles from Devagir without encounter-
ing any opposition. When Ramachandra, the Raja of
Devagir, heard of the enemy's advance, he shut himself
up in his fortress and resolved to face the attack of the
Muslims. Meanwhile Alauddin's troops entered the town
and levied a heavy contribution upon the merchants and
bankers. Ramachandra was frightened by the rumour
that the Sultan was also coming towards the Deccan at
the head of 20,000 horse, and he offered to make peace.
He agreed to pay a ransom of fifty mans of gold, seven
man* of pearls, and other valuable things in addition to
forty elephants, some thousands of horses, and the
plunder which he had already collected from the city.
KHILJI IMPERIALISM 105
When Ramachandra's son Sankara Deva heard of this

peace, he hastened to the rescue of his father and asked
Alauddin to restore whatever booty he had seized from
his father and to leave the province quietly. Alauddin
treated this demand as an insult and proceeded to attack
&ankara, leaving a thousand horse to invest the fort, but
in the encounter that followed, the Maratha army
defeated the Muslims and dispersed them in all direc-
tions. The arrival of the force which Alauddin had left
to conduct the siege of the fort, infused a fresh hope
into the Musalman army. A panic seized the Hindus,
and they sustained a severe defeat. Enormous booty
fell into the hands of the victorious general, who demand-
ed the cession of Elichpur for the support of the garri-
son which he intended to leave behind. These terms
having been accepted by Ramachandra, Alauddin return-
ed to Kara in triumph.
The Sultan was delighted at the success of his
nephew. Accompanied by a scanty retinue, he crossed
the Ganges in a barge and met Alauddin with a few
adherents. When the old man affectionately embraced
him, he was murdered, and the royal party was put to
the sword. The Sultan's head was paraded in the army,
and Alauddin was proclaimed king of Delhi.
On his accession to the throne Alauddin found himself
confronted with a difficult situation. The Jalali nobles had
Aiauddin'8 not yet completely forgotten the murder of
early difficui- their good old chief, and secretly plotted to
tie8' avenge it. The Queen-mother MalikaJahan,
whomJBarani describes *' aa ong 9^ thfi-sillifist-QfJJie silly* n
fomented intrigues to push forward the claims of her own
aons» Arkali Khan and Qadr Khan. The hostile nobles an{L
106 THE HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULES
— bv laviflH gjftfl omotJQtifl
hiyh office, while the common people were reconciled ta
the new regime by scattering gold stars amongst them
from mcmynia** Malika Jahan, who had raised to the*
throne Qadr Khan under the title of Rukn-ud-din Ibrahim,
wrote to Arkali Khan at Multan asking him to come ta
Delhi, but he excused himself on the ground that the
defection of the nobles had made the task of restoration
absolutely impossible. When Alauddin reached near the
capital, Rukn-ud-din Ibrahim came out of the city to op-
pose his progress, but in the middle of the night, the left
wing of his army went over to the enemy. The prince,.
taking some bags full of gold tankSs and a few horses*
from the stables, made off for Multan. Alauddin then
made his triumphal entry into the plain of Siri, where he
received the homage of all parties. K^rani- describes the
situation in these words : "the throne was now secure,
and the revenue officers and the keepers of elephants
with their elephants, and the kotwals with the keys of
the forts, and the magistrates and the chief men of the
city came out to Alauddin, and a new order of things was
established. His wealth and power were great ; so
whether individuals paid their allegiance or whether
they did not, mattered little, for the KutbS was read
and coins were struck in his name."
Having secured his power, Alauddin turned to combat
the great danger of the ever- recurring Mongol raids. He
completed the work of Balban and effectively
** garrisoned the frontier outposts of the king-
dom. The Mongols came again and again,
tot they were repulsed with heavy tosses. In the second
of the reign, Amir Daud, the ruler of Tranaoxian*
KH1LJI IMPERIALISM 10T
advanced with an army of 100,000 Mongols with a view

to conquer Multan, the Punjab and Sindh, but Ulugh
Khan drove them back with heavy losses. The Mongols
did.not mind this discomfiture and appeared again under
their leader Saldj. Zaf ar Khan marched against them and
QM^MpKiremongol Saldi and his 2,000 followers, and
sent them in chains to Delhi. But the most dreadful*
invasion of the Mongols occurred in the year 1298 A.D.r
when flutlugfr Jfchwaia. at the head of a countless host,
advanced against Delhi. A feeling of consternation
spread among the population, and a war council was
forthwith summoned by the Sultan fd devise means of
repelling the attack of the enemy. Zafar Khan and
Ulugh Khan proceeded against them, and the Sultan
himself took the field in person at the head of 12,000
well-equipped volunteers. The Mongols were defeated
and dispersed, though Zafar Khan, the greatest warrior
of the age, was slain in the thick of the fight. Just at
this time, Targhi, another Mongol leader, appeared at the
head of aTWnsfcterable force, but the danger was averted
through the good offices of Nizam-ud-din Aulia. Notwith-
standing these reverses, the Mongol raids did not cease,
and in 1304 A.D.f jMiJBeg and Khwaja Tash, marching to
the incursion
an north of into Lahore "and skirtffig13ie^walik
Hindustan, and penetrated hills,
as farmadeas
Amroha. Ghazi Tughluq, who was warden of the marches
at Dipalpur, marched against them and inflicted heavy
losses upon them. This was followed by other raids, but
Ghazi Tughluq again rose equal to the occasion and
repulsed the invading hordes. When Iqbalmandg came
with a large force, the Sultan sent an army aganurt him.
He was defeated and slain, and thousands of Mongda
108 THE HISTORY OP MUSLIM RULE
were massacred. Several of the Mongol Amirs who were

commanders of one thousand or one hundred were
captured alive, and were trampled under the feet of
elephants by the order of the Sultan. The Mongols were
30 frightened by his forays into their country that they
never appeared again in Hindustan. To ^gSl&jtr his
dominions against the Mongols, the Sultan adopteS*the
frontier policy of Balban. All old forts that lay on the
route of the Mongols were repaired, and veteran com-
manders were placed in charge of them. The outposts of
Samana and Dipalpur were garrisoned and kept in a state
of defence. The royal army was considerably strengthen-
ed, and in the workshops of the state engineers were
employed to manufacture weapons of all kinds, to fight
against the enemy.
Having got rid of these nomad hordes, Alauddin turned
his attention to foreign conquest Ulugh Khan and Nusrat
Khan had conquered Gujarat and Nehrwala,
The g r a
designs of nthed an(j
,subjected
, , the merchants
_, _ of. Cambay
. _. . to
^
Sultan. a heavy blackmail. The Baghela Rajput,
Karan, had fled from his country, leaving
his wife and children to be captured by the invaders in
1297 A.D. From all sides came the news of success, and
enormous booty flowed into the coffers of the Sultan.
Barani writes : "All this prosperity intoxicated him.*
Vast desires and great aims far beyond him formed their
germs in his brain, and he entertained fancies which had
never occurred to any king before him. In his exulta-
tion, ignorance and folly, he quite lost his head, forming
the most impossible schemes and nourishing the most
extravagant desires. He was bad-tempered, obstinate
and hard-hearted, but the world smiled upon him,
fortune befriended him and his schemes were generally

iccessful, so he only became the more reckless and
brrogaut." He became so presumptuous that he began
to cherish the dream of founding a new religion and
going out into the world in search of conquest like
Alexander the Great. On these ambitious schemes he
used to expatiate in the following manner : — " God Al-
mighty gave the blessed Prophet four friends, through
whose energy and power the law and religion were estab-
lished, and through this establishment of law and religion
the name of the Prophet will endure to the day of judg
ment. God has given me also four friends, Ulugh Khan,
Zafar Khan, Nusrat Khan, Alap Khan, who, through my
prosperity, have attained to princely power and dignity.
If I am so inclined, I can , with the help of these four
friends, establish a new religion and creed ; and my
sword, and the swords of my friends, will bring all men
to adopt it. Through this religion, my name and that of
my friends will remain among men to the last day, like the
names of the Prophet and his friends .... I have wealth,
and elephants, and forces beyond all calculation. My wish
is to place Delhi in charge of a vicegerent, and then I
will go out myself into the world, like Alexander, in pur
suit of conquest, and subdue the whole habitable world."
Qazi Ala-ul-mulk, uncle of the historian Zia BaranL
was consulted by the Sultan, who thus expressed his
opinion on the subject: " Religion and law spring from
heavenly revelation ; they are never established by the plans
and designs of men. Prom the days of Adam till now they
have been the mission of Prophets and Apostles, as rule and
government have been the duty of kings. The prophetic
office has never appertained to kings, and never will, so
long as the world lasts, though some Prophets have dis-

charged the functions of royalty. My advice is that Your
Majesty should never talk about these matters. Your
Majesty knows what rivers of blood Chingiz Khan made
to flow in Muhammadan cities, but he never was able to
establish the Mughal religion or institutions among:
Muhammadans. Many Mughals have turned Musalmans
but no Musalman has ever become a Mughal. " On the
subject of conquest the Qazi thus expressed his opinion :
" The second design is that of a great monarch for it is a
rule among kings to seek to bring the whole world under
their sway ; but these are not the days of Alexander, and
where will there be found a Wazir like Aristotle. . . .
There were two important undertakings open to the king,
which ought to receive attention before all others. One is
the conquest and subjugation of all Hindustan, of such
places as Ranthambhor, Chittor, Chanderi, Malwa, Dhar
and Ujjain, to the east as far as the Saryu, from the
Siwalik to Jalor, from Multan to Damrila, from Palam to
Lahore and Dipalpur ; these places should all be reduced
to such obedience that the name of rebel should never be
heard* The second and more important duty is that of
closing the road of Multan against the Mughals. " Before
closing his speech, the Qazi said : " What I have recom-
mended can never be accomplished unless Your Majesty
gives up drinking to excess, and keeps aloof from convivial
parties and feasts. ... If you cannot do entirely
without wine, do not drink till the afternoon, and then take
it alone without companions. " The Sultan appreciated
the Qazi's advice and richly rewarded him.
With the full concurrence of his ministers and generals,
Alauddin now resolved to capture the famous fortress of
Hanthambhor in 1299 A.D. Ulugh Khan and N.usrat Khan

marched from their respective fiefs towards
BajpStlaena.°f Rajputana
and at the
succeeded in capturing a large
head of the army,of
fortress
Jhain. Ranthambhor was besieged, but during the siege
the imperial commandant Nusrat Khan, while he was
superintending the construction of a redoubt, was struck
with a stone discharged from a catapult (maghribi) in the
fort. The wound proved fatal, and the brave man suc-
cumbed to it after a couple of days. Rana Hammir carne
out of the fort, and in a short time drew to his banner
200,000 well-equipped men, with whose help he delivered
a tremendous attack upon the Muslims, and compelled
Ulugh Khan to fall back upon Jhain with heavy losses.
When the news of this disaster reached the Sultan, he
proceeded in person towards Ranthambhor, but on his
way he was attacked and wounded by his nephew Aqat
Khan, who wished to seize the throne with the help of
some disaffected new Muslims. But his attempt failed,
and he was punished with death for his treason. There
were other conspiracies to deprive the Sultan of his
throne, but they were successfully put down. Freed
from this danger, the royalists concentrated their full
vigour upon Ranthambhor, and the siege was pushed
on for a whole year. By means of bags filled with sand,
the besiegers escaladed the walls of the fortress, and
forcibly obtained possession of it. Hammir and his family
were put to death, and so were the remnant of the garri-
,son, who had heroically battled for their chief to the last.1
1 The frightful rite of *'Jauhar" was performed, and in Amir
Khusrau's words, one night the Rai lit a fire at the top of the hill, and
threw his women and family into the flames, and rushing on the enemy
with a few devoted adherents, they sacrificed their lives in despair.
Eanmal, the minister of the Rana, paid in full the penal-

ty of his defection by suffering an ignominious death.
But even in these bloody annals, we, now and then, come
across men of true heroism and loyalty. When Mir
Muhammad Shah, a Mongol general in the service of
Hammir, lay wounded on the field of battle, Alauddin
asked him what he would do if he ordered his wounds
to be dressed and saved his life from peril. In scornful
pride the vanquished hero replied, "If I recover from
my wounds, I would have thee slain and raise the son of
Hammir Deo upon the throne." Such fidelity was rare
indeed in the Muslim camp, where an atmosphere of
intrigue and self-seeking prevailed, and though the
spirited warrior was thrown down under the feet of an
elephant to be trampled unto death, the victor's heart
was touched by his manliness, and he ordered a decent
burial to be accorded to him. The fort was taken in
July, 1301 A. D., and the palaces and other forts of the
"stinking Rai" were razed to the ground. Having
placed Ulugh Khan in charge of Ranthambhor and Jhain,
the Sultan returned to the capital.
Emboldened by this success, Alauddin directed his
forces against Mewar, the premier state of Rajputana.
No Muhammadan ruler had yet ventured to penetrate
into that secluded region, protected by long chains of
mountains and deep forests. The physical features of
Mewar rendered it difficult for any conqueror to bring it
under his effective sway, and the fort of Chittor, situat-
ed on a hill-top, strongly fortified by nature, had always
defied the foreign invader. Cut out of a huge rock, the
famous fortress stood in its awful grandeur, overlooking
the vast plain below, where the Hindu and Muslim hosts
KHILJl IMPERIALISM 113
were to engage each other in a death grapple. But the

impregnability of the fortress did not deter the ambitious
Sultan from attempting its conquest, and in 1303 A.D.
he marched his forces against Mewar. The immediate
cause of the invasion was his passionate desire to obtain
possession of Padmini, the peerless queen of Rana Ratan
Singh, renowned for her beauty all over Hindustan. It
is no longer necessary to repeat the story of the
chivalrous manner in which the Rana agreed to gratify
the Sultan's wish by allowing him to behold the
princess through the medium of mirrors, and the foul
treachery of Alauddin in capturing him, when he accom-
panied him out of courtesy to the outer gate of the
fortress. From his camp, he sent word to the Rani that
her husband would be released if she chose to come into
his harem. But how could the Rajputs brook this indelible
stain upon their national honour ? They debated amongst
themselves as to the course which was to be adopted. Like
a brave Rajput matron, more anxious for the honour of
her race than for her own safety, the queen expressed her
willingness to abide by their decision. She consented to go
to the Muslim camp, and Alauddin, whose reason was
clouded by lust, permitted her to do so in a manner befitting
her rank and dignity. Seven hundred covered litters
containing brave Rajput warriors, well-equipped with arms
proceeded to the royal camp and demanded the strictest
privacy. They rescued the Rana and carried him off to
Chittor. A deadly fight raged at the outer gate of the
fort, where the Rajputs bravely resisted the invaders, but,
at last, they were overpowered. When they saw that there
was no chance of escape, they prepared to die after the
manner of their race. The frightful rite ofjauhar was
P. 8
performed and the fairest ladies of the royal family

perished in the flames. Amir Khusrau, who accompanied
the Sultan during this expedition, gives a detailed account
of the siege. He writes : ' The fort of Chittor was taken
on Monday, the llth Muharram, 703 A. H. (August 26, 1303).
The Rai fled, but afterwards surrendered himself. After
ordering a massacre of thirty thousand Hindus he bestowed
the government of Chittor upon his son Khizr Khan and
named the place Khizrabad. He bestowed upon him a red
canopy, a robe embroidered with gold and two standards—
one green and the other black— and threw upon him rubies
and emeralds. He then returned towards Delhi/ All
accounts agree that the fight before Chittor was terrible.
The fort was entrusted to Prince Khizr Khan and the
town was re-named Khizrabad. Khizr Khan remained in
Chittor for some time, but about the year 1311 he was
obliged to leave it owing to the pressure of the Rajputs.
The Sultan then made it over to the Sonigra chief Maldeva
who held it for seven years, at the end of which period it
was recovered by Rana Hammir by means of |reachery
and intrigue. Under Hammir Chittor once more regained
its former splendour and became one of the premier states
in Rajputana.
The fall of Chittor was followed by the submission of
the Rai of Malwa, who fought against the armies of Islam
at the head of a large force, but he was defeated and
killed, and Malwa was placed in charge of a Muslim gover-
nor. Soon afterwards the cities of Mandu, Ujjain, Dhara-
nagari and Chanderi were conquered, and their rulers were
compelled to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Khilji
war-lord. By the end of 1305 A.D., practically the whole
of Northern India came into the hands of Alauddin, and
the policy of imperialism, of which he was the author and

champion, gathered a fresh momentum with every new
conquest and annexation.
Having conquered Northern India the Sultan turned
his attention to the Deccan. The physical features of
The Deccen ê country> ê hostility of Hindu Rajas,
—Conquest of the long distance from the capital of the
evagir' empire- all made its permanent subjugation
difficult, if not impossible. But Alauddin was not the
man to flinch back from his resolve. He invested his
slave Kafur with the supreme command of the royal
forces. On his way to the Deccan, Kafur passed through
Malwa and Gujarat and inflicted a crushing defeat upon
Karan, the Baghela ruler, who was obliged to surrender
owing to shortage of supplies. Ulugh Khan, the Sultan's
brother, forcibly seized Devaldevi, the daughter of Rai
Karan, who was admitted into the royal seraglio, and was
afterwards married to Prince Khizr Khan, the heir-
apparent. Kafur laid waste the whole country, and
secured the submission of Ramachandra Yadava who was
sent to the court. He was well received by the Sultan who
conferred upon him the title of Raya RaySw.
The defeat of the Yadavas of Devagir prepared the
way for the fall of the other Hindu princes of the south.
In 1309 Kafur started on his expedition
°f a£ainst the Kakatiya Rajas of Warangal1
in Telingana. Marching through difficult
and inhospitable regions, he reached before the fort of
Warangal. Raja Pratap Rudra Deva, caLte4- Xadar Deo
by Muslim historians, shut himself ye&A itJUTQ /£>>t, and
Warangal was the ancient capi

offered stubborn resistance. The fort, in the words of

Amir Khusrau, was so strong that a spear of steel could
not pierce it, and if a ball from a western catapult were to
strike against it, it would rebound like a nut, which
children play with. After a prolonged siege, Pratap
Rudra Deva Kskatiya submitted and sued for peace He
agreed to pay annual tribute and " sent a golden image of
himself, with a gold chain round its neck in acknowledg-
ment of his submission " ; but Kafur refused to listen to
his overtures* In vain did the Brahman plenipotentiaries
of the Kakatiya prince plead for quarter for their master.
The relentless general promised to desist from a general
massacre of the Hindus, only on the condition that their
chief should give up all his treasures, and agree to send
tribute annually to Delhi. Driven to extremities, Pratap
Rudra Deva accepted the humiliating conditions, and
purchased his safety by offering a large booty. Kafur,
with the laurels of victory on his brow, fc* left Warangal
and returned to Delhi with a thousand camels, groaning
under weight of treasure," in March 1310, by way of
Devagir. Dhar and Jhain.
The success which attended this expedition and the
vast wealth that flowed into the coffers of the state, as
the result of his enterprises, strengthened
MdbLr!168* °f Alauddin's belief in his destiny, and he
resolved to extend the limits of hi$ empire
to the farthest extremity of the South. Dvarasamudra
and Mabar1 still remained outside the pale of his empire.
the name given to the strip of land which according to
WassSf, Polo and Abul Peda extended from Kulam to Nils war (Nellore).
Wassaf writes in his Tazriyat-ul-Amaar that Mabar extended from
Kulam to Nilawar (Nellore), nearly three hundred parasangs along,
the sea-coast. (Elliot, II Ir p. *32.)
Under Vira BallSla III, the son of Nara Siihha, the

Hoysala dominions above and below the Ghats had been
reunited ; and this powerful ruler held sway over the
whole of Kangu and a portion of the Konkan and the
whole of what is now known as the Mysore country. l
Ballala was a capable prince, who, like the other Hindu
princes of his day, had consolidated his power by abolish-
ing vexatious imposts and granting charitable religious
endowments. Bitter rivalry existed between the Hoysalas
and the Yadavas, and each tried to ruin the other. At last
these mutual feuds and strifes disabled both of them and
made room for a third power, namely, the Muslims. On
November 18, 1310 A.D., the royal army under the leader-
ship of Kaf ur left Delhi, and having crossed deep rivers,
ravines, and mountain valleys, reached the country of
M&bar. Vira Ballala suffered a crushing defeat and sur-
rendered himself to the victorious general. But Kaf ur was
not satisfied with mere surrender ; he informed the Rai
that he must either embrace Islam or accept the position
of a Zimmi.2 The Rai accepted the latter alternative,
paid a huge war indemnity, and became a vassal of Delhi.
The Muslims captured a large booty, which consisted of
36 elephants and an abundant quantity of gold, silver,
jewels, and pearls. Vira Ballala was sent to Delhi along
with the elephants and horses, and a reference to this
visit occurs in his inscriptions.
Kafur next turned against the Pandyas of Madura.
What gave the Muslims their long-desired opportunity was
1 Vira Ballala was crowned in 1292 A.D., and died fighting against
the Turks in 1342 A.D.
2 A Zimmi Is an unbeliever who does not accept Islam, but for a
.monetary consideration is allowed security of life and property.
a quarrel between the two brothers Sundara Pandya and

Vlra Pandya, an illegitimate son of the ruler of the Pandya
kingdom. He set out for the Deccan at the head of a
large army. Amir Khusrau in his Tarikh-i-Alai gives a
graphic account of the progress of this valiant general
through the distant and inaccessible regions of the south.
On his way he seized elephants and demolished temples at
several places, and on the 17th of Zilqada, 710 A.H.
(April 1311), he arrived at 'Kham' from where he marched
towards Madura, the capital of the Pandya kings. The
Rai fled on the approach of the invaders who captured
elephants and destroyed temples. According to Amir
Khusrau the booty seized consisted of 512 elephants, five
thousand horses and five emeralds and rubies. It appears
Kafur reached as far as Rame6varam, a well-known place
of Hindu pilgrimage. The great temple was plundered, the
idol destroyed, after which Kafur returned to Delhi to-
wards the close of the year 1311 A.D. Having subdued
the whole country, Kafur returned to Delhi on the 4th
Zil-hijja, 710 A.H. (April 24, 1311 A. D.), laden with the
spoils of war, and was accorded a cordial welcome by
the Sultan. The victory was proclaimed from the pulpits,
and rich rewards were distributed among the nobles and
officers of the empire.
After Rama Deva's death, his son Sankara Deva had
ceased to pay the customary tribute and had refused to
fulfil the obligations of an ally during
6ank!laaDeva,f Kafur's expedition against the Hoysalas.
Alauddin's wrath was kindled at this infideli-
ty, and for the fourth time the slave- warrior was sent to the
Deccan at the head of a large force in 1312 A.D. The
whole of Maharashtra was ravaged, and the Yadava prince
was, after a feeble resistance, defeated and beheadea.j

The whole of South India now lay at the feet of Kafur,
and the ancient dynasties of the Cholas, the Cheras, thej
Pandyas, the Hoysalas> the Kskatiyas, and the YSdavasj
were all overthrown, and made to acknowledge thcj
suzerainty of Delhi. By the end of 1312 Alauddin's empirej
embraced the whole of the north and the south and all
the leading princes owned his sway.
Alauddin was opposed to the interference of the ulama
In matters of state, and in this respect he departed from the
Alauddin's traditions of the previous rulers of Delhi.
jheory of king- The law was to depend upon the will of the
3 lp* monarch, and had nothing to do with the
law of the Prophet -this was the guiding maxim of the
new monarch. The Sultan's political theory is clearly set
forth in the words which he addressed to Qazi Mughis-ud-
whom he consulted about the legal position of the
sovereign power in the state. He upheld the royal prero-
gative of punishment and justified the mutilation of dis-
honest and corrupt officers, though the Qazi declared
it contrary to canon law. Then the Sultan asked him,
"That wealth which I acquired while I was a Malik,
with so much bloodshed at Devagir, does it belong to me
or to the public treasury? " The Qazi replied, " I am
bound to speak the truth to your Majesty. The treasure
obtained at Devagir was obtained by the prowess of the
army of Islam, aad whatever treasure is so acquired belongs
to the public treasury. ' If your Majesty had gained it
yourself alone in a manner allowed by the law, then it
would belong to you." The Sultan flared up with wrath
and asked the Qazi how such treasure could belong to the
1 The public treasury is called the * Bet-ul-mal ' in legal language.
state. The Qazi meekly answered, " Your Majesty has put
to me a question of law ; if I were not to say what I have
read in the book, and your Majesty to test my opinion
were to ask some other learned man, and his reply, being
in opposition to mine, should show that I had given a false
opinion to suit your Majesty's pleasure, what confidence
would you have in me, and would you ever afterwards
consult me about the law ? ' '
The Qazi was confronted with a fresh question about
the rights of the king and his children upon the public
treasury, the Bet-ul-mal. Frightened by the Sultan's
stern demeanour, the Qazi screwed up courage with
great difficulty to return a reply and said, " If your
Majesty will follow the example of the most enlightened
Khalifas, and will act upon the highest principle, then
you will take for yourself and your establishment the
same sum as you have allotted to each fighting man,
two hundred and thirty-four tankas. If you would
rather take a middle course and should think that you
would be disgraced by putting yourself on a par with the
army in general, then you may take for yourself and your
establishment as much as you have assigned to your chief
officers, such as Malik Kiran and others. If your Majesty
follows the opinions of politicians, then you will draw from
the treasury more than any other great man receives, so
that you may maintain a greater expenditure than any
other, and not suffer your dignity to be lowered. I have put
before your Majesty three courses, and all the crores of
money and valuables which you take from the treasury and
bestow upon your women you will have to answer for on the
day of account." The Sultan was filled with wrath and
threatened the Qazi with severe punishment When he
again recounted his proceedings, the Qazi placed his fore-

head on the ground and cried with a loud voice, " My
liege ! whether you send me, your wretched servant, to
prison, or whether you order me to be cut in two, all this
is unlawful, and finds no support in the sayings of the
Prophet, or in the expositions of the learned. " The expo-
nentof the canon law knew that his fate was sealed, but to
his utter astonishment when he went to the court the next
day, the Sultan treated him kindly and handsomely reward-
ed him. With a politeness, which was agreeably surpris-
ing, he explained to the Qazi his doctrine of kingship in
these significant words : — " To prevent rebellion in which*1
thousands perish, I issue such orders as I conceive to be
for the good of the state, and the benefit of the people.:
Men are heedless, disrespectful, and disobey my commands ;
I am then compelled to be severe to bring them into obe-
dience. /do not knoiv whether this is lawful or unlawful ;
whatever I think to be for the good of the state, or suitable
for the emergency, that I decree and as for what may
happen to me on the approaching day of Judgment that I
know not." This new doctrine of sovereignty was the
outcome of the circumstances of the time. The people
readily acquiesced in it, and cared nothing for the claims
-of the ulama. They tamely submitted to him because he
gave them the much coveted gifts of peace and order.
The support which he received from public opinion made
him irresistible as long as he lived.
Alauddin brought to bear upon his methods of admi-
nistration ability and insight, which we rarely find in men
endowed with mere military genius. Rebel-
lions an<J conspiracies roused him from his
lethargy, and convinced him of the necessity
of undertaking drastic measures to put an end to sedition

in the state. He calmly sat down to find out the causes of
political disorders, and came to the conclusion that they
were due to four things :— (1) the Sultan's disregard of the
affairs of the nation, (2) wine-drinking, (3) friendship and
frequent social intercourse of the Maliks, Amirs, and
grandees of the empire, and (4) superfluity of wealth
which intoxicated men's minds and fostered treason andji-
disaffection.
This searching analysis led to a highly repressive legis*
lation, and the first measure which the Sultan undertook
was the confiscation of property. All gratuities, pensions,
and endowments were confiscated to the state, and all
the villages that were held as milk (in proprietary right)
or inam (in free gift), or waqf <as charitable endowment)
were resumed and incorporated with the crown lands.
The fear of conspiracy and murder upset the Sultan, and
he established an elaborate system of espionage, by which
he tried to keep himself informed of the doings of his
officials and subjects. The spies reported everything that
took place in the houses of the nobles, and often in their
zeal to win royal favour, they carried the silly gossips of
the bazar to the ears of the emperor. Spirituous liquor was
strictly forbidden ; and the Sultan himself set an example-
by giving up the habit of drink. All the china and glass
vessels of the Sultan's banqueting room were broken into
fragments, and " jars and casks of wine were brought
out of the royal cellars, and emptied at the Badayun gate
in such abundance, that mud and mire was produced as in
\ the rainy season. " But this regulation weighed too heaviljr
!upon the people, and wine was secretly brought into the
city by vintners, The nobles were permitted to drink
individually at their houses, but all social intercourse was

strictly prohibited. All festive gatherings and convivial
parties were forbidden in private as well as public houses,,
with the inevitable result that the amenities of social
life disappeared, and, life became an intolerable burden.
The Hindus were treated with special severity. In the
Doab they had to pay 50 per c ent of the total produce oi
their land witho ut making any deductions,
°f an(* M rigorous was the assessment that not
even a biswah of land was spared. A grazing
tax was imposed upon cattle, and a house-tax was alsa
levied. The same regulations were applied to the khuts and
the balahars } so as to save the poor from the heavy burden
of taxation. So rigorously were the new rules enforced,
' that the chaudhris, khuts, and muqaddams were not able
to ride on horse-back, to find weapons, to get fine clothes,
or to indulge in betel.' The policy of the state was that
the Hindus should not have so much as to enable them to
ride on horseback, wear fine clothes, carry arms and
cultivate luxurious habits. They were reduced to a state
of abject misery to such an extent that the wives of the
khuts and muqaddams went and served for hire in the
houses of the Musalmans. Barani speaks highly of the
wazirof the empire and says that he brought all the
provinces under one revenue law as if they were all one
village. He investigated all cases of embezzlement and
inflicted the severest punishment upon the wrong-doers.
If the ledger of the patwari showed a single jital standing
against the name of any officer, he was punished with
1 Khut and Balahar are obviously used for landed classes. Most,
probably they are used here for landlords and tenants. [Elliot, III
(Appendix), p. 623.]
torture and imprisonment. The post of revenue clerk

came to be looked upon as dangerous, and only the bolder
spirits offered themselves as candidates for it. l
Alauddinwas a true militarist. He saw clearly that his
empire could not be maintained without a permanent
.
Organisation ,
standing army. With this object__
in view
,
he
of the army undertook military reform. He fixed the
of the m^ket1 that soldierwith
of aa man
pay of two tankas
at 234 horses at year
a 78 and
tankas
more. But it was impossible to maintain a large army
unless the necessaries of life were cheapened. For this
reason the Sultan fixed the prices of all commodities
required for daily use. Grain was to be stored in royal
granaries and in the Khalsa villages of the Doab, the
revenue of the state was realised not in cash but in kind.
The prices of all;articles of food were fixed, and the shop-
keepers were severely punished, if they did not observe
these regulations. Spies and agents were employed who
reported to the Sultan the condition of the market.
All merchants, whether Hindus or Musalmans, had
to register themselves and to enter into engagements
by which they bound themselves to bring their articles to
the Serai adl, an open space inside the Badaon gate,
where all articles were exposed for sale. Advances were
made from the treasury to these wealthy and respectable
Multani traders, to enable them to purchase goods in large
-quantities. The Diwan issued permits to those Maliks
1 Barani writes (Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, Bibliotb. Ind., p. 289) that
the office of revenue clerk fell into such bad odour that nobody would
£ive his daughter in marriage to him and the post of mushrif was
-accepted only by those who did not pay any heed to their lives. These
me n^ we re frequently cast into prison.
and Amirs who purchased costly articles. This device was

adopted to prevent merchants from buying articles in the
market at cheap rates and then selling them at higher
rates in the country.
The market was superintended by two officers— the
Diwan*i-riyasat and the Shahna-i-mandi. These officers
performed their duties with the strictest honesty and
regularity. The cattle market was also controlled, and the
price of cattle fell considerably. Horses of the first class
could be purchased for 100 to 120 tankas, of the second
for 80 to 90, of the third for 65 to 70 tankas, while small
ponies could be had for 10 to 25 tankas. A milch cow could
be had for three or four tankas and a she-goat for ten or
twelve or fourteen jitals. The prices of slaves and maid-
servants fell considerably. The punishments for the viola-
tion of the tariff laws were exceptionally severe. If the
shopkeepers weighed less, an equal quantity of flesh was
cut off from thejrhaunches to make up the deficiency in
weight. The vendors i were frequently kicked out of their
shops for dishonest dealings. The result of all this was
that the bazar people became quite submissive, and ceased
to practise deceit, and often gave more than the fixed
quantity.
These reforms succeeded well enough. The increased
strength and efficiency of the army guaranteed security
against Mongol invasions, and held in check
the refractory Rajas and chieftains. All sedi-
tion was stamped out, and men's habits were
so disciplined that crime was considerably lessened. The
cheapness of the necessaries of life increased the happiness
of the people, and bound them more closely to the personal
despotism of the emperor. Though the stress of war
pressed too severely upon the resources of the state, nu-

merous works of public utility were constructed, and the
•emperor extended his patronage to the learned and the
pious. Amir Khusrau, the poet-laureate of the empire,
shed lustre on his reign, and pious men like Shaikh Nizam-
ud-din Aulia and Shaikh Rukn-ud-din did not a little to
augment its prestige, but the most important result of
these measures was the solidity which they imparted to
the central government. The disorderly habits of the
grandees of the empire were put down with a high hand,
and all particularism was kept under firm control. The
governors in the distant provinces obeyed the orders of
the emperor with perfect obedience. The agents of the
government were allowed no freedom of action, and the
disregard of the royal will was treated as a grave offence
for which severe punishments were laid down.
\. The foundations of the political system which Alaud-
jdin had built up were unsound. 3. /The new discipline which
he had imposed upon the people drove discon-
°f tent deep underground }The Hindu Rajas,
who had been deprived of their indepen-
dence, sullenly brooded over their losses and waited for an
opportunity to strike a blow for their freedom JfThe nobles,
accustomed to a life of gaiety, were sick of the obnoxious
laws which they had to obey ; the merchants resented the
policing of the market, while the Hindus groaned under
the humiliations inflicted upon them. C The new Muslims
always plotted and intrigued against the Sultan, i Over-
centralisation, repression, and espionage, all undermined
the imperial authority. %.s the emperor advanced in years,
he became violent and whimsical, and his suspicious nature
estranged from him the sympathies of his leading nobles.
IRE, 1315 A.D.
THE EARLY TURKISH EMP
KHILJ1 IMPERIALISM 127 ,
To form a class of officials entirely dependent on himself, he

Taised base-born men to positions of honour and eminence.
Too much depended upon the personality of the Sultan in
this age ; and Alauddin made the mistake of minimising
the importance of this powerful factor in the politics
of his day.l'He neglected the education of his sons,
.and under Kafur's influence he treated them with great
severity. Besides, Kafur secretly intrigued to obtain power
for himself. j& He induced the emperor to execute a will
nominating his son, Shihab-ud-din, heir to the throne. The-'
authority of the emperor ceased to command respect, and
insurrectionary movements were set on foot in the outly-
ing provinces of the empirel^Jn the words of the Muslim
chronicler, " Fortune proved, as usual, fickle; and destiny
drew her poniard to destroy him," and the mighty monarch
' bit his own flesh with fury/ as he saw the work of his
lifetime being undone before his eyes. In the midst of
these distressing circumstances, the emperor who was
already in the grip of a mortal disease, died in 1316, and
was buried in a tomb in front of the Jam-i-masjid.
Alauddin was by nature a cruel and implacable despot.
He swept aside the dictates of religious and canon law, if
they interfered with his policy. He had no
°f re£ard for kinship and inflicted punishments
without distinction. He possessed the qua-
? lities of a born military leader and a civil administrator and
kept his vast possessions under firm control as long as he
lived. He clearly saw the dangers of his time and guarded
against them. He enjoyed the confidence of his soldiers
and his example fired their zeal. In organising his civil
administration he displayed great originality and mental
^vigour, and his control of the market is one of the marvels
of mediaeval statesmanship. He ruled with a strong hand

and exercised personal supervision over the conduct of
his officials. No one was allowed to take a pice from
the cultivators, and fraudulent practices were sternly
put down. He was himself illiterate, but extended his
patronage to the learned and pious, and granted stipends-
and lands for their maintenance. Among the early Muslim
rulers he was the first who had the courage to oppose the
orthodox policy of the ulama, and who represented in his
person to the fullest extent the virility and vigour of Islam.
Alauddin's death was a signal for civil war and the
scramble of rival parties for power. Malik Kafur removed
from his path the princes of the blood royal
The weak
successors of
one
,
by one<
^
an(j .produced
. a_ spurious will of
Aiauddin. the late Sultan in which Omar Khan was
nominated heir to the throne. As Omar was
a little child of six years of age, Kafur himself became
regent and began to manage the affairs of the state. The
first thing he did was to destroy the survivors of Aiauddin
All the princes except Mubarak Khan were put in prison
orjnurdered/ and Kafur bestowed the highest offices on
KIT favourites. This policy caused discontent among the
supporters of the old regime. A conspiracy was formed,
and the slaves of Aiauddin with the help of the army
killed Kafur and his leading partisans. After Kafur ;s
death Mubarak Khan succeeded to the throne under the
title of Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah in 1316 A,D.
Mubarak began his reign well. He released the
political prisoners, restored the confiscated lands to their
owners, and abolished the numerous taxes
which clogged the progress of trade and
industry. Barani writes that the regulations*
KH1LJ1 IMPERIALISM 129
of Alauddin fell into disuse, and men reverted to their old

ways and habits. But there was no serious rebellion
except that of Raja Harapala Deva of Devagir in 1318 ; it
was quickly suppressed and the rebel was flayed alive.
Khusrau, a man of low caste from Gujarat, who had
become a special favourite of the Sultan, undertook an
expedition to Telingana which met with great success.
The Rai submitted and ceded to Khusrau five districts
and promised to pay an annual tribute of ' more
than a hundred strong elephants as large as demons,
12,000 horses, and gold, jewels and gems beyond
compute.'
Good fortune spoiled Mubarak. He became proud,
vindictive and tyrannical and indulged in the worst
excesses. He lost all regard for decency and morality and
often appeared in public in the company of harlots. There
was a great demand for dancing girls, and the price of a
boy or handsome eunuch, or beautiful girl varied from 50Q
to 1,000 and 2,000 tankas. The Sultan cast all decency to
the winds when he allowed his unworthy associates to
insult in foul and obscene language the distinguished,
nobles of the court. Khusrau's influence increased every
day, and he conspired with his castemen to bring about
the king's death. The Sultan was informed of Khusrau's
evil intentions, but he paid no heed to the advice of hia
well-wishers. One night the conspirators entered the
palace and murdered the Sultan. A court was hastily
improvised at midnight hour, and with the forced consent
of the nobles and officers Khusrau mounted the throne
in 1320 under the title of Nasiruddin.
Khusrau began what the Muslim historians call a
reign of terror. He seized the treasures of the state, and
conferred lavish gifts upon the people at large to win

their support. Islam was treated with con-
tempt, and the old nobles and officers had to
make room for Khusrau's kinsmen. The
Alai nobles who had served the state in the past were
filled with grief at this deplorable state of affairs. There
was one among them who planned the overthrow of
Khusrau. He was Fakhruddin Juna, who afterwards
ascended the throne under the title of Muhammad Tughluq
He communicated everything to his father Ghazi Malik,
the Warden of the Marches at Depalpur. The veteran
warrior was moved with indignation and swore vengeance
upon the * unclean ' Parwans. He was joined by all the
nobles of the empire except the governor of Multan who
bore a personal grudge against him.
The news of Ghazi Malik's approach alarmed Khusrau,
and he began to organise his forces. The army of Delhi,
demoralised by indolence and debauchery, was no match
for the sturdy Muslims who followed the banner of Ghazi
Malik. Lack of experienced generalship, added to the
want of discipline, made the cause of Khusrau, from the
outset, hopeless. When the two armies came face to face,
âch side began to plan dexterous manoeuvres to over-
power the other. The rickety forces of Khusrau were
routed, and fled in confusion. The cause of the Parwarls
was doomed, and they were so frightened that ' hardly
any life was left in their bodies/
Having seized considerable spoil, the victorious
general commenced his march towards Delhi to deal a
decisive blow. Driven to despair, Khusrau looked for
help in all quarters. Like one ' despised by fortune or
worsted in gambling/ he brought out all the treasures and
KHILJI IMPERIALISM .131
distributed them among the soldiers to prevent defection

in the royal army. But this prodigality proved of no
avail ; the soldiers, who knew that Ghazi Malik's cause
was just and righteous, accepted Khusrau's gold, but
abandoned all intention of fighting under his colours.
Once more the usurper made a desperate effort to save
himself, and the forlorn hope of the Delhi army fought
-a hotly contested engagement, in which they carried
everything before them. Khusrau fled from the field of
battle, but he was captured and beheaded. His support-
ers were diligently traced out ; they were charged with
treason and made to suffer the fate which they so richly
merited. Ghazi Malik received the congratulations of the
assembled nobles, who offered him the keys of the palace.
The old leader shrank from the burden of the kingly
office, and enquired if there was any survivor of the stock
of Alauddin. The nobles answered in the negative and
dwelt upon the confusion and disorder that prevailed in
the empire owing to the abeyance of authority. With
one voice they appealed to him to assume the insignia of
royalty and placed him upon the throne. 7fe Rarani.
who is an orthodox chronicler, writes with exultation:
" Islam was rejuvenated and a new life came into it. The
•clamour of infidelity sank to the ground. Men's minds
were satisfied and their hearts contented. All praise for
Allah." The election of a plebeian to the kingly office
demonstrated in an unmistakable manner the democratic
spirit of Islam, and reaffirmed the principle of the survival
t>f the fittest, which dominated and controlled the Muslim
State in India in the 13th and 14th centuries.
CHAPTER VII
THE TUGHLUQ DYNASTY
(1320—1412 A.D.)
Ghazi Malik, the Warden of the Marches, ascended
the throne under the title of Ghiyasuddin Tughluq. He
was a man of humble origin ; his father was.
Ghiyasuddin a QaraunS Turk, ' and his mother was a Jat
36 A.D.
Tughluq. 1820-woman of- theA. 'Punjab.
. . He
„ ,had, risen to
high position by dint of personal merit, and

in the time of Alauddin had played an important part in
wars against the Mongols whom he had chased out of the
country again and again. When he assumed the reins of
office, the empire of Delhi was in a state of confusion,
and it was with great tact, prudence, and firmness that
Ghiyas restored order and recovered the moral prestige
of the monarchy. The magnanimity of his nature showed
itself in the generous treatment which he meted out ta
the relatives of Alauddin. He made a suitable provision
for them and appointed them to high offices in the state.
No just claim was ignored and no past service was for*
gotten. The claims of rank and birth were respected,
and many families that had been ruined were restored to
their former dignity.
1 Ibn Batmta writes that he heard from Shaikh Ruknuddin Sultan*
that Sultan Tughluq was of the stock of QaraunS Turks who lived in the
mountainous region between Sindh and Turkistan. In his early life he
was very poor and was obliged to take up service under some merchant
4n Sindh. Later he joined the army* and by sheer dint of merit rose ta
high position. 132
THE TUGHLUQ DYNASTY 138
Having settled the affairs of the empire, Ghiyas order-

ed an expedition against Warangal, the capital of the
KSkatiya Rajas of Telingana. Pratap Rudra
Expedition
agamst War-
Deva
. _
II had.greatly ,
increased his power- dur-
rr. .... _,,
^ngai. ing the reign of Mubarak Khilji. The Crown
Prince was sent at the head of a large force
to deal with him. After a desperate fight the Raja surren-
dered, and the whole country was subdued. The glory and
greatness of the Kakatiyas ended, and henceforward they
ceased to exist as a predominant power in Southern India.
The administration of Ghiyas was based upon the
principles of justice and moderation. The land revenue
was organised, and the Sultan took great care
to Prevent abuses. The jagirs granted by
Khusrau were resumed, and the finances of
the state were set in order. The cultivators were treated
well, and officials were severely punished for their mis-
conduct. The departments of justice and police worked
efficiently, and the greatest security prevailed in the
remotest parts of the empire. The army was also organised.
The soldiers were treated with kindness and liberality.
Strict discipline was enforced, and arms and weapons were
amply provided.
Towards the close of his reign, in 1324, the Sultan
marched towards Bengal to restore to the throne the
Princes of Lakhnauti, who had been expelled
GhiVas* * h °f by their brother Bahadur. Bahadur was pun-
ished, and the dispossessed princes were rein-
stated intheir territory. When the Sultan returned to Delhi,
he was killed by the fall of a pavilion which his son, Prince
Juna, had erected near Afghanpur at a distance of six miles
from the capital in 1325 A.D. The prince was suspected
of having planned the emperor's death, for the hasty con-

struction ofsuch a palace was entirely superfluous. What-
ever the real truth may be, there are strong reasons for
thinking that the Sultan's death was the result of a con-
spiracy inwhich the Crown Prince took part, and not of
accident.
Ghiyas was a mild and benevolent ruler. He loved
simplicity* and towards his quondam colleagues, he be-
haved with the same frank joviality which
hsd characterised him in his earlier days.
A pious and peace-loving Muslim, he practis-
ed rigidly the observances of his faith, and always tried to
promote the welfare of his co-religionists. Unlike many
other Muslim rulers he lived a pure life and eschewed
every kind of pleasure. As long as he lived he took the
best care of his subjects and ruled with a strong hand. ,A
new life was infused into the administration which had
been thrown out of gear during the reigns of the imbecile
Mubarak and the ' unclean ' Khusrau. The following
verse of Amir Khusrau is illustrative of the Sultan's
excellent methods of government :
'* He neyer did any thing that was not replete with wisdom and sense,
He might be said to wear a hundred doctor's hoods under his crown."
Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq was succeeded by his son,

Prince Juna, under the title of Muhammad Tughluq, in
1325 A.D. He was unquestionably the ablest
:>f Muh&ww*. man amon* the crowned heads of the middle
ages. Of all kings, who had sat upon the
throne of Delhi since the Muslim conquest, he was undoubt-
edly the most learned and accomplished. Nature had
endowed him with a marvellous memory, a keen and pene-
trating intellect, and an enormous capacity for assimilating
I
knowledge of all kinds. The versatility of his genius took

by surprise all his contemporaries. A lover of the fine arts*
a cultured scholar and an accomplished poet, he was equally
at home in logic, astronomy, mathematics, philosophy, and
the physical sciences. No one could excel him in composi-
tion and calligraphy ; he had at his command a good deal of
Persian poetry, of which he made a very extensive use in
his writings and speeches. He was an adept in the use of
similes and metaphors, and his literary productions were
saturated with the influence of the Persian classics. Even
the most practised rhetoricians found it difficult to rival the
brilliance of his imagination, the elegance of his taste, and
his command over the subtleties and niceties of expression.
He was a master of dialectics, well-versed in Aristotelian
logic and philosophy, and theologians and rhetoricians
feared to argue with him. Barani describes him as an elo-
quent and profoundly learned scholar, a veritable wonder of
creation, whose abilities would have taken by surprise such
men as Aristotle and Asaf . f He was highly generous, and
all contemporary writers are unanimous in extolling his
lavish gifts to the numerous suppliants who crowded his
gate at all times. He was a strict Muslim who rigidly
practised and enforced the observances laid down in the
Holy Book. But he was not an unrelenting bigot like some
of his predecessors. His liberalism is reflected in his desire
to be tolerant towardsjAie Hindus and in his humane attempt
to introduce ameliorative reforms like the suppression of
Sati, which was in vogue in the fourteenth century.
The Moorish traveller, Tfrn P0*"*5, who came to India
in 1333 A.D., thus describes the Sultan :— " Muhammad is
1 Barani, Tarikh-i-Firua Shahi, Biblioth. Ind., p. 461,

a man who, above all others, is fond of making presents and

shedding blood. There may always be seen at his gate
some poor person becoming rich, or some loving one con-
demned todeath. His generous and brave actions, and his
cruel and violent deeds, have obtained notoriety among the
people. In spite of this, he is the most humble of men, and
the one who exhibits the greatest equity. The ceremonies
of his religion are dear to his heart, and he is very severe
in respect of prayer and the punishment which follows its
neglect. He is one of those kings whose good fortune is
great and whose happy success exceeds the ordinary limit ;
but his distinguishing character is generosity. I shall
mention among the instances of his liberality, some mar-
vels, of which the like has never been reported of any
of the princes who have preceded him. "
' the Sultan seems to be an amazing
But he is not really so. The
charges of blood-thirstiness and madness, brought against
him by later writers, are mostly unfounded. No contem-
porary writer gives the barest indication of the Sultan's
madness. The charge of blood-thirstiness was bolstered
up by the members of the clerical party whom the Sultan
treated with open disregard. It is true, he was, like all
mediaeval despots, subject to greatjaroxysms of rage,
and inflicted the most brutal punishments upon those who
offended against his will, irrespective of the rank or order
to which they belonged ; but this is quite a different thing
from stigmatising him as a born tyrant, taking delight in
the shedding of human blood. A close examination of the
alleged murders and atrocities of the Sultan will reveal the
unsoundness of the common view that he found pleasure
in the destruction of human species and organised
* man-hunts.' The truth is that the Sultan combined a

head-strong temper with advanced ideals of administra-
tive reform, and when his subjects failed to respond to
his wishes, his wrath became terrible. His impatience
was the result of popular apathy, just as popular apathy
was the outcome of his startling innovations.
The earliest administrative measure, which the Sultan
introduced, was the enhancement of taxation in the Doab,
Barani says that ' it operated to the ruin of
<foe"oab?n in the country and the decay of the people/
while another historian, who is more cau-
tious in his remarks, says that c the duties levied on the
necessaries of life, realised with the utmost rigour, were
too great for the power of industry to cope with/
The taxes in the Doab were raised, according to
Barani, out of all proportion to the income of the people,
and some oppressive abwabs (cesses) were also invented
Avhich broke the back of the ryot, and reduced him to
utter poverty and misery. All historians dwell upon the
•distress which was caused by this fiscal measure, and
Barani, whose native district, Baran, also suffered from
the effects of this enhancement, bitterly inveighs against
the Sultan. He greatly exaggerates the suffering and
misery caused to the population, when he says the ryots
of distant lands, on hearing of the distress and ruin of
the people in the Doab, broke out into open rebellion, and
threw off their allegiance. Unfortunately, this measure
was carried out at a time when a severe famine was pre-
vailing in the Doab, and the distress of the people was
-greatly aggravated by its disastrous effects. But this does
not exonerate the Sultan altogether from blame ; for his
officials continued to levy taxes at the enhanced rate with
the utmost rigour, and made no allowance for famine. It

was long afterwards, that he ordered wells to be dug
and loans to be advanced to agriculturists to promote
cultivation in the affected areas. The remedy came too late ;
the famished population, whose patience was sorely tried
by the long duration of the famine, failed to profit by it,
andjraye up the ghost in sheer despair. Never were be-
nevolent schemes of reform more cruelly frustrated by
an evil fate than in the case of Muhammad Tughluq.
Another measure, which entailed much suffering on
the population, was the transfer of the capital to Devagir
Transfer of wîch was re-christened Daulatabad. The*
the capita], empire had grown to large dimensions fto-
"2T D* wards the north it embraced the Doab, the
^plains of the Punjab and Lahore with the territories
stretching from the Indus to the coast of Gujarat; towards
the east it comprised Bengal, and in the centre it included
such \ principalities as Malwa, Ujjain, Mahoba and
Dhar/) The Deccan had been subdued, and its prin-
cipal powers had acknowledged the suzerainty of Delhi.
Having fully weighed in his mind the drawbacks of Delhi *"
as an imperial capital, he decided to transfer it to
Daulatabad which was more centrally situated. It was
situated at a safe distance from the route of the Mongols
who frequently threatened the neighbourhood of Delhi
and made life and property insecure. It is clear that the
change was not dictated by the mere caprice of a whim-
sical despot. Obviously, considerations of safety and
1 Barani mentions the following provinces of the empire at the
beginning of Muhammad's reign :— (1) Delhi, (2) Gujarat, (3) Malwa,
(4) Devagir, (5) Telang, (6) Kampila, (7) Dhorsamundar, (8) Mabar,
(9) Tirhul, (10) Lakhnaubi, (11) SatgSon, (12) SonSrgSon.
' Barani, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, Biblioth. Ind., p. 468.
THE TUGHLUQ DYNASTY 139-
better government alone urged the Sultan to take such a
bold step. As regards his possessions in Hindustan, he
hoped to exercise control over them with the aid of the
simple means of communication which existed between
the north and south. l
This change might have been effected without causing
much hardship, if the Sultan had remained satisfied onljr
with the removal of the official machinery of the state.
But he made an egregious blunder in ordering the people
of Delhi, men, women and children, to go en masse to
Daulatabad with all their effects. All sorts of facilities
were provided ; a road was built from Delhi to Daulatabad
and food and accommodation were freely supplied to the
emigrants. Those, who had no money to feed themselves
during the journey, were fed at the expense of the state,
and the Sultan was ' ' bounteous in his liberality and favours
to the emigrants, both on their journey and on their
arrival."2 But all these concessions and favours proved of
no avail. The people, who had lived in Delhi for genera*
tions, and to whom the city was endeared by numerous
associations, left it with broken hearts. The sufferings
attendant upon a long journey of 700 miles, were incal-
culable, and a great many of them, wearied with fatigue
and rendered helpless by home-sickness, perished in the
way, and those who reached their journey's end found
exile in a strange, unfamiliar land unbearable, and
1 Ibn Batuta's statement that the people of Delhi dropped anony-

mous letters full of abuse into the king's Diwan, and the king took
so much offence at this that he ordered the capital to be changed, is
based upon hearsay, for when the transfer took place in 1326-27 A.D.^
he was not present in India.
2 Barani, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, Biblioth. Ind., p. 474.
Elliot, III, p. 239.
" gave up the ghost in despair/' Barani writes that the

Muslims, struck with despondency, laid down their
heads in that heathen land, and of the multitude of emi-
grants only a few survived to return to their homes. l
The unwarranted assumption of Ibn Batuta that a
search was instituted in Delhi under a royal mandate to
find out if any of the inhabitants still lurked in their
houses, and that it resulted in the discovery of two men,
one lame and the other blind, who were dragged to
Daulatabad, is based upon mere bazar gossip, invented
-afterwards to discredit the Sultan. It is true, the Sultan's
orders were carried out in a relentless manner, but it is a
calumny to assert that his object was to cause needless
suffering to the population. It must be said to his credit
that, when he saw the failure of his scheme, he ordered
the inhabitants to go back to Delhi, and on the return
journey treated them with great generosity and made
full amends for their losses. But Delhi was a depopulated
<rity. From far and near, the Sultan brought learned
men, merchants, and landholders to take up their abode
in the deserted capital ; but no inducement proved of any
avail to reconcile them to the changed surroundings. The
old prosperity did not return, and Delhi did not recover
Tier former grandeur, for the Moorish traveller found it
in 1334 A.D. uninhabited in some places and still bearing
the marks of desolation.
1 Barani, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, Biblioth. Ind., p. 474.
Elliot, III, p. 239
Zia Barani writes : "So complete was the ruin, that not a cat
-or a dog was left among the buildings of the city, in its palaces or in
its suburbs." A statement of this kind made by an oriental writer of
the middle ages is not to be taken too literally. European scholars,
unaccustomed to Indian forms of speech, have made this mistake.
Dr. Smith uncritically accepts Ibn Batuta's story related above. Oxford
History of India, p. 239.
Daalatabad remained. aaLane-Poole remarks, a monu-

ment of rnifl%P<»ted gngrgy. The scheme of transfer
failed disastrously. That it would have, in the event of
success, enabled the Sultan to keep a firm hold upon the
different parts of the empire, may well be doubted. He
failed to see that Daulatabad was situated at a lone
distance from the northern frontiers of the empire, which
needed to be constantly watched with vigilance. He
disregarded the warning, which experience amply fur-
nished, that Hindu revolts and Mongol inroads might at
any time jeopardise his possessions in the north. If
such a contingency were to arise, it would have been
an extremely difficult task for the Sultan, pressed by
the half-subdued races of the Deccfcn and the nomad
hordes of Central Asia, to cope with the forces of
disorder.
Muhammad Tughluq has rightly been called the prince
of moneyers. One of the earliest acts of his reign was to
reform the entire system of coinage, to*
The token
currency, 1830
determine
„
the
_
relative
, ^ -
value
,
of.the ...
pre-
A.D. cious metals, and to found coins which
might facilitate exchange and form con-
venient circulating media. But far more daring and
original was his attempt to introduce a token currency.
Historians have tried to discover the motive which led the
Sultan to attempt this novel experiment. The heavy drain,
upon the treasury has been described as the principal
reason which led to the issue of the token coins. It can-
not be denied that a great deficiency had been caused in
the treasury by the prodigal generosity of the Sultan, the
huge expenditure that had to be incurred upon the trans-
fer of the capital, and the expeditions fitted out to quell
armed rebellions. But there were other reasons which
must be mentioned in giving an explanation of this
measure. The taxation policy in the Doab had failed ;
and the famine that still stalked the most fertile part of
the kingdom, with the consequent decline in agriculture,
must have brought about a perceptible fall in the revenue
of the state. It is not to be supposed that the Sultan was
faced with bankruptcy ; his treasury was not denuded of
specie, for he subsequently paid genuine coins for the
new ones, and managed a most difficult situation with
astonishing success. He wished to increase his resources
in order to carry into effect his grand plans of conquest
and administrative reform, which appealed so powerfully
to his ambitious nature. There was another reason : the
Sultan was a man of genius who delighted in originality
and loved experimentation. With the examples of the
-Chinese and Persian rulers before him, he decided to try
the experiment without the slightest intention of defraud-
ing or cheating bis own subjects, as is borne out by the
legends on his coins. Copper coins were introduced and
made legal tender; but the state failed to make the
issue of the new coins a monopoly of its own. The
result was as the contemporary chronicler points out in
right orthodox fashion, that the house of every Hindu—
of course as an orthodox Muslim he condones the offences
of his co-religionists -was turned into a mint and the
Hindus of the various provinces manufactured lakhs
and crores of coins. Forgery was freely practised by
the Hindus and the Muslims ; and the people paid their
taxes in the new coin and purchased arms, apparels, and
other articles of luxury. The village headmen, mer-
chants, and landowners suppressed their gold and silver,
-and forged copper coins in abundance, and paid their dues

with them. The result of this was that the state lost heavi-
ly, while private individuals made enormous profits. The
-state was constantly defrauded, for it was impossible to dis-
tinguish private forgeries from coins issued by the royal
mint. Gold and silver became scarce ; trade came to a
stand-still, and all business was paralysed. Great confusion
prevailed; merchants refused to accept the new coins which
became as "valueless as pebbles or potsherds." When the
Sultan saw the failure of the scheme, he repealed his former
edict and allowed the people to exchange gold and silver
£oins for those of copper. Thousands of men brought these
<x>ins to the treasury and demanded gold and silver coins in
return. The Sultan who meant no deception was defrauded
by his own people, and the treasury was considerably
-drained by these demands. All token coins were completely
withdrawn, and the silence of Ibn Batuta who visited Delhi
only three years later, proves that no disastrous results
ensued, and the people soon forgot the token currency.
The failure of the scheme was inevitable in the India
of the fourteenth century. To the people at large copper
was copper, however benevolent the intentions of the
Sultan might be. The Sultan who pitched his expectations
too high made no allowance for the conservative character
of the people, whose acceptance of a token currency even
in modern times is more in the nature of a submission to
an inevitable evil than a willingness to profit by the use of
« convenient circulating medium. The mint was not a
state monopoly ; qpd the Sultan failed to provide adequate
safeguards to prevent forgery. Elphinstone's statement
that the failure of the token currency was due to the king's
Barani, Tarikh-i-Firuz Bhahi, Biblioth. lad., p. 486.
insolvency and the instability of his government, is not

justified by facts, for the Sultan withdrew all coins at
once, and his credit remained unshaken. Mr. Gardner
Brown has ascribed this currency muddle to the shortage
in the world's supply of silver in the fourteenth century.
Soon after his accession Muhammad Tughluq introduced
a gold dinar of 200 grains and an adali or a silver coin of
140 grains in place of the gold and silver tankas which
had hitherto been in use, and which had weighed 17&
grains each. The introduction of the gold dinar and the
revival of the adali show that there was an abundance of
gold and a relative scarcity of silver in the country. The
prize money brought by Kafur from the Deccan consisted
largely of jewelry and gold, and it was this which had
brought about a fall in the value of gold. The scarcity of
silver continued even after the death of Sultan Muham-
mad. Only three silver coins of Firuz have come to light,
and Edward Thomas mentions only two pieces of Muham-
mad bin Firuz, one of Mubarak Shah, one of Muhammad
bin Farid, and none of Alam Shah and his successors of
the Lodi dynasty, and it is not until the middle of the 16th
century that we come across a large number of silver coins,,
issued from the mints of Sher Shah Suriand his successors.
Regarding the failure of this scheme, Edward Thomas, a
numismatist of repute, has rightly observed, " There was
no special machinery to mark the difference of the fabric
of the royal mint and the handiwork of the moderately
skilled artisan. Unlike the precautions taken to prevent
the imitation of the-Chinese paper notes, there was posi-
tively no check upoq the authenticity of the copper token,
and no limit to th^ power of production by the masses at
large.
Muhammad Tughluq adopted a policy which ran coun-

ter to the cherished prejudices of the orthodox school. He
levied many taxes in addition to the four legal
character ôf ones1 prescribed by the Quran, and showed 8
totion.dmini8" £reater ties of there£ard
Hindusfor than
the religious susceptibili-
his predecessors had
ever done. Unlike his weak-minded cousin, Firuz, he was no
unreasonable bigot. His culture had widened his outlook,
and his converse with philosophers and rationalists had
developed in him a spirit of tolerance for which Akbar is
so highly praised. He employed some of them in high
positions in the state, 2 and, like the great Akbar after him,
tried to stop the horrible practice of Sati. The independ-
ent Rajput states were left unmolested ; for the Sultan
knew that it was impossible to retain »permanent posses-
sion of such strongholds as .Chittor and Ranthambhor— a
policy which was not liked by the clerical party. He con-
tinued Alauddin's practice of appropriating four-fifths of
the share of plunder to himself, leaving the rest -to the
soldiers. But the feelings of the ulama were deeply embit-
tered, when he deprived them of the monopoly of the
administration of justice. His love of justice was so great
that he personally looked into the details of the judicial
administration, and submissively accepted the decrees of
the courts passed against himself.
He made himself the Supreme Court of Appeal, and
when his judgment differed from that of tl^Muftis, he
1 The four legal taxes are Khiraj,
* Ibn Batuta speaks of a Hindu,
Sultan's service. The traveller praises
Paris ed., Ill, pp. 105-106.
overruled them and adhered to his own view. To curtail

the influence of the orthodox party, he invested some of
the distinguished officers of the state with judicial powers
in spite of the fact that they were not Qazis, Muftis, or
professed canonists. He was very strict in administering
justice. He laid his hapda freely npn^ the jgembers of
the Prigstlvclass when they were found guilty of rebellion-
open sedition, or embezzlement of public funds. Neither
birth nor rank, nor piety availed aught to afford protec-
tion to an offender from the pun ishment which his guilt
merited, and that is why Ibn Batuta who had visited many
lands and seen a great deal of men and affairs, recorded the
verdict, when he was in his own country, no longer afraid
of the Sultan's wrath, that "of all men this king is the
most humble, and of all men he most loves justice."
The Sultan organised the services of the State on an
efficient basis. As there was a dearth of capable officers in
the country, he employed foreigners in his service and
bestowed rich rewards and gifts upon them. This policy
caused discontent among the native nobility and led to
rebellions in the empire. The Sultan's generosity knew no
.bounds. He maintained several departments, two of which
are specially worthy of mention— the department of pre-
sents which regulated the giving and taking of presents
and the Industrial Department which managed the pre-
paration ofcostly fabrics for the use of the royal ladies
and the wives of the nobles.
The Sultan like his great predecessor Alauddin cherish-
ed magnificent schemes of foreign conquest. Early in
The Sultan's *ê refen he was induced by some Khorasani
schemes of nobles who had sought refuge at his court to
conquest. Attempt an invasion of their country. There
was nothing fantastic or absurd in the plan. The condition

of Khorasan under Abu Said had become highly unsatis-
factory. The Chaghtai chief Tarmashirin Khan and the
ruler of Egypt were eager to grab Persian territory.
Muhammad who had established friendly relations with
the ruler of Egypt collected a large army containing
570,000 men who were paid for one whole year from the
public treasury. But the scheme did not materialise. The
task was beyond the strength of the armies of Delhi at
this period. It was an act of wisdom on the part of
Muhammad Tughluq to abandon the scheme and to
concentrate his attention upon India
Another project which has brought much odium upon
the Sultan was the so-called Chinese expedition. All
modern writers on Indian history, following the lead of
Firishta, have made the mistake of supposing that the
expedition was aimed against China. But the contempo-
rary chronicler, Barani, says that the design of Sultan
was to conquer the mountain of Qarachal or Qarajal which
lies between the territories of Hind and China. Ibn Batuta
states clearly that the expedition was directed against
the QarSjal mountain, which is situated at a distance
of ten stages from Delhi, This shows that the mountain
meant was Himachal (the Himalayas), which constitutes
-an impassable barrier between China and India. The
expedition was obviously directed against a refractory hill
1 Briggs, Piriahta, I, p. 416.
Blphinstone, Historry of India, p. 396.
Firishta writes: " Having heard of the great wealth of China,
Muhammad Tughluq conceived the idea of subduing that empire; but
in order to accomplish his design it was found necessary first to conquer
-the country of Him&chal." He further says that the nobles and coun-
cillors of the king tried to convince him of the futility of the scheme,
but failed to do so. B a rani's testimony is, of course, more reliable. Ibn
BatOta supports Barani.
chieftain who had refused to own the suzerainty of Delhi.

The first attack of the imperialists was a success, but when
the rainy season set in, the troops became demoralised,
and it became impossible to obtain supplies from the
headquarters. The troops suffered heavily, and the entire
baggage of the army was plundered by the wily mountain-
eers. Only ten horsemen returned to tell the story of
this terrible disaster. But the object of the expedition
was realised ; the mountain prince made peace with the
Sultan and agreed to pay tribute, for it was impossible
for him to cultivate the low lands at the foot of the hills
without acknowledging the authority of the ruler of
Delhi, of whose kingdom they formed a part.
From the year 1835 there was a perceptible decline in
the fortunes of Muhammad Tughluq. It was due partly to
his harsh policy in the latter years of his life,
The disorders and partly to famine, which continued for
Ahwn Shah's several years and produced enormous suffer-
revolt. ing in all parts of Hindustan. When public
revenue, the principal mainstay of the
administration, decreased, rebellions broke out in all parts
of the empire. The earliest rebellion of importance was.
that of Jalal-ud-din Ahsan Shah in Mabar, which occurred
in 1385 A.D.1 Although Delhi was in a deplorable condition,
owing to the famine and lawlessness prevailing in its
vicinity, the Sultan marched in person to chastise the
rebel ; but when he reached Telingana, cholera broke out
and carried off a large number of men belonging to the
1 The date 1388-39 given by Smith on page 242 in his Oxford History
of India is incorrect.
Ahsan Shah rebelled in 1335 A.D He began to issue his coins as
an independent ruler in this year. Dr. Hultzsch who has examined these
coins with care assigns this rebellion to 1335 A.D.
J. R. A. 8., 1909, pp. 667— 83.
king's retinue. The expedition against Ahsan Shah was

abandoned under the pressure of unforeseen troubles,
and he was allowed to become independent.
Bengal had never been a loyal appanage of the empire
of Delhi since the days of Muhammad, son of Bakhtiyar.
Fakhr-ud-din, the armour-bearer of Qadr
Khan> the governor of Lakhnauti, slew his
master and usurped his territories in 737-38
A.H. (1337 A.D.). Taking advantage of the state of con-
fusion into which the affairs of the kingdom of Delhi had
fallen, he proclaimed himself independent ruler of Bengal
and struck coins in his own name. The Sultan, who was
busily occupied with greater troubles in other parts of his
wide dominions, could not pay attention to this upstart
rebel. As there was no interference from him, Fakhr-ud-
din successfully overcame the local opposition to his
assumption of royal power. He soon brought the whole
country under his control and governed it with ability
and vigour.
The rebellion in Bengal was followed by others of less
importance, but they were speedily put down. The most
important rebellion, however, was that of
Revolt
Ain-nl-mulk,
of Ain-ul-mulk, the governor of Oudh andZafra-
1-1.11 ±. • j_i_ 10^ *<*
1340-41 A.D. bad, which broke out m the year 1340-41.
Ain-ul-mulk was a distinguished nobleman
who had rendered great services to the state, and who
was held in high favour at court. When the Sultan remov-
ed his court to Saragdwari in the Farrukhabad district
on account of famine, Ain-ul-mulk and his brothers ren-
dered great assistance in mitigating its severity. Asingular
lack of foresight on the part of the Sultan drove the
Joyal governor into rebellion. Having heard of the
misconduct of certain Deccan officers, the Sultan decided

to appoint Ain-ul-mulk governor of that country, and
ordered him to go there with his family and dependents.
This peremptory order of transfer took the Malik
by surprise. His ears were poisoned by those persons
who had sought shelter in Oudh and Zafrabad to escape
from the wrath of the Sultan. All of a sudden,
Ain-ul-mulk, who suspected danger, revolted, and
with his brothers seized the entire royal baggage which
was in his charge. The Sultan was at first dumbfounded
at the news of this revolt, but he at once devised measures
to strengthen his forces. He paid special attention to the
morale of the army, and himself superintended the opera-
tions. After a prolonged and stubborn fight, Ain-ul-mulk
was defeated and brought as a prisoner to the royal camp.
His associates were cruelly put to death, but he was par-
doned in recognition of his past services and appointed
superintendent of the royal gardens.
Destiny allowed no respite to this unlucky monarch,
and no sooner did he quell disturbances in one quarter
Suppression *kan trou")les of greater magnitude broke
of brigandage out in another. This evil was the greatest
in Bindh. in gindlu The Sultan marched thither With
his forces and scattered the ruffians. Their leaders were
captured and forced to embrace Islam. By the end of the
year 1342 A.D., order was established in Hindustan, but
disorders of greater magnitude soon afterwards broke
out in the Deccan. They assumed formidable dimensions,
and the Sultan found himself powerless to stamp out sedi-
tion and overcome resistance to his own authority.
The Deccan was a hot-bed of intrigue and seditious
conspiracy. In the early part of the reign, the Sultan had
effectively brought under his sway such distant provinces

as Mabar, Warangal and DvSrsamudra, and
his empire embraced practically the whole
of the Deccan. But Mftbar became an independent princi-
pality^jij 1335, and in 1336 Hari Kara and his brother
Bukka founded the kingdom of Vijayanagar as a protest
against the Muslim power, of which a full account will be
given later. In 1344 Kanya N§ik or Krigna Nayak, son of
Pratap Rudra Deva Kskatiya, organised a confederacy of
the Hindus of the south. The great Deccan revolt began,
and through the efforts of Ballala IV, Hari Kara and
Krisna Nayak, followed by many lesser leaders, it finally
culminated in the disappearance of Muslim power in
Warangal, Dvarsamudra and the country along the
Coromandel coast. The fall of the Hoysalas in 1346 A.D*
enabled Hari Hara to place his power upon a firm footing,
and henceforward Vijayanagar became a leading state
in the south and a bulwark against the Muslim invasions
from the north.
Gujarat and Devagir alone were left in the hands of
Muhammad Tughluq. His many failures had soured hia
temper, and he had lost that quality of human sympathy
without which no conciliation of hostile people is possible.
He removed QutlughKhan, theveterangovernorof Devagir,
from his office, and appointed his brother in his place— an
arrangement which caused much discontent in the country.
The revenue declined, and the officers of the state began
to extort money for themselves from the hapless ryots.
The recall of Qutlugh Khan was followed by a fresh blunder
in the massacre of the foreign Amirs by the foolish vintner's
son, Aziz Khummar, who had been entrusted with the
fiefs of Malwaj and Dhar. The crime of Aziz produced
a feeling of consternation among the Amirs and they took

dp arms in self-defence. Disorder rapidly spread in the
Dec can, and the troops became mutinous everywhere. The
Sultan proceeded in person to suppress the rebellion in
Gujarat, and from Broach he sent a message to Nizam-ud-
din Alim-ul-mulk, brother of Qutlugh Khan, the new gover-
nor of Daulatabad, asking him to send the foreign Amirs
immediately to the royal camp. The Amirs of Raichur,
Mudgal, Gulbarga, Bidar, Bijapur, Berar and other places
obeyed the royal command and started for Gujarat, but on
the way a sudden panic seized them, and they entertained
the suspicion that the Sultan intended to take their lives.
They attacked the royal escort, killed some of the men in a
skirmish that followed, and returned to Daulatabad where
they seized Nizam-ud-din and made him prisoner. The
fort of Daulatabad fell into their hands ; they seized the
royal treasure, divided the Mahratta country amongstthem-
selves, and elected one of their leaders, Malik Ismail Makh
Afghan, as their king. When the Sultan received intelli-
gence of these developments, he marched towards Daulata-
bad and defeated the rebels in an open engagement. Malik
Makh Afghan entrenched himself in the fort of Devagir,
and Hasan Kangu, another Afghan leader, with his
followers went away in the direction of Gulbarga. The
Sultan laid siege to Daulatabad and sent his general Imad-
ul-mulk Sartez in pursuit of the rebels. Daulatabad was
recovered ; but soon afterwards the Sultan had to leave
the place on account of the rebellion of Taghi in Gujarat.
As soon as the Sultan's back was turned, the foreign
Amirs, once again, made a vigorous effort to recover
their lost power. They besieged the fort of Devagir and
baffled the attempts of the imperialists to recapture it.
THE TUGHLUQ DYNASTY
'The imperial general Imad-ul-mulk was defeated in an

.action by Hasan, and the rebels occupied Daulatabad.
Ismail Makh whom they had chosen as their king
"voluntarily aud gladly " resigned in favour of Hasan, a
young and high-spirited warrior, who had taken a
prominent part in these campaigns. Hasan assumed
sovereignty under the title of Alauddin wad-din Abul-
MuzaffarBahman Shah on August 13, 1347 A J). Thus was
founded the famous Bahmani kingdom, of which a full
account will be given in another chapter.
Hearing of the rebellion of Taghi, the Sultan left
Devagir for Gujarat. It was a mistake on his part to
resolve to put down the traitor Taghi before
theh8uditanh °f dealing effectively with the foreign Amirs.
He pursued the rebel from place to place,
but the latter succeeded in eluding his grasp. He subdued
the Rai of Karnal and brought the entire coast under his
sway. From there he proceeded to Gondal where he fell
ill and was obliged to halt for some time. Having collected
a large force he marched towards Thatta, but when he was
about three or four days' march from that place, he got
fever and died on March 20, 1351 A.D.
Such was the end of this unlucky monarch. All his
life, he battled against difficulties and never abandoned
his task in despair. It is true, he failed,
Mohammad. °f Stance&over
but his failurewhich
was helargely dueor to
had little rirftiim-
no control.
A severe famine which lasted for more than a decade
marred the glory of his reign and set his subjects against
him. The verdict that declares him a cruel and blood-
thirsty tyrant like Nam oy f!a]jynifl dn*q little justice to
his great genius, and ignores his conspicuous plans to cope
with famine and his efforts to introduce ameliorative re-
forms. There is ample evidence in the pages of Barani
and Ibn BatutS to show that he was not fond of shedding
blood for its own sake, and that he could be kind, generous
and just even towards his enemies. He possessed an
intellect and a passion for practical improvement, which
we rMely^fe^lP mediaeval rulers. But his task was an
extremely onferous one. He had to deal with the problems
of an ever-growing empire with a staff of officers who
never loyally co-operated with him. He had also to reckon
with the orthodox Ulama who clamoured for privilege and
who resented his attempt to enforce justice and equality
ramong his subjects.
All modern writers repeat the charge of madness
against the Sultan, but neither in the pages of Ibn Batuta
nor in the history of Barani there is any mention of it.
The charge of bloodthirstiness is equally untenable. The
Sultan was no monster of iniquity who loved crime for
its own sake. He inflicted severe punishments on the
wrongdoers, but punishments were always severe in his
day both in Europe and Asia. There is little point then
in the denunciations of European writers, who are
always severe in judging the actions of oriental statesmen
and rulers. In pronouncing a verdict on Muhammad
we must bear his difficulties in mind.
A most interesting source of information regarding the
reign of Muhammad Tughluq is the account of his travels
given by the Moorish traveller, Ibn Batuta.
Ibn Batuta. * _
Abu-Abdulla Muhammad, commonly known
as Ibn Batuta, was born at Tangier on the 24th February,
1304 A.D. He had an inborn liking for travel, and as soon
as he grew to manhood, he made up his mind to fulfil his.
heart's desire. At the early age of 21, he started on his

journey, and after wandering through the countries of
Africa and Asia, he came to India through the passes of the
Hindukush. He reached the Indus on the 12th September,
1383 A.D.; thence he proceeded to Delhi, where he was.
hospitably received. He was appointed Qazi of Delhi by
Muhammad Tughluq and admitted to his court, where
he had close opportunities of acquainting himself with
the habits, character, and acts of this most extraordinary
monarch. He lived in India for eight years and left
the service of the Sultan in 1342 A.D. He throws
much light on the customs and manners of both Hindus
and Muslims in those days and supplements Zia Barani
in many respects. He was sent on an embassy to
China on a diplomatic mission by Muhammad Tughluq, but
he was prevented by unforeseen circumstances from
fulfilling it He returned to his native land in 1349
and recorded his experiences. He died at the age of 73 in
1377-78 A.D.
There can be no doubt about the general veracity of
Ibn Batuta, for his statements are very often corroborated
by other historians. He describes the gifts and
punishments, the kindnesses and severities of his patron
with considerable impartiality. His view of the Sultan's
character is corroborated by Zia Barani who is more
fulsome in his adulations and less balanced in his denun-
ciations. The character of Ibn Batuta, as it is reflected in
the pages of his narrative, is profoundly interesting.
Full of freshness, life, daring, a kind of superstitious,
piety, and easy confidence, Ibn Batuta is a man of extra-
vagant habits, prone to fall into pecuniary difficulties, out
of which he is more than once extricated by his indulgent
patron, tp whom he clung like a veritable horse-leech, as

long as he lived in India.
The death of Muhammad Tughluq near Thatta plung-
ed the entire royal camp into confusion, and a feeling of
despair seized the leaders of the army as
The accession well as the rank and file. The Mongol
ofFiruz . ,,-, .,.,1
"Tughiuq. mercenaries who had come to assist in the
expedition against Taghi began to plunder
the royal camp, and the army found it difficult to retreat
in safety towards the capital. The situation was further
aggravated by the fact that Muhammafl had left no
male heir, and it was apprehended by the nobles that
disastrous consequences might follow, if they did not at
once proceed to choose a successor. Barani who was an
eye-witness of these events writes that the late Sultan
Finis aa his heir-apparent, a statement
which is corroborated, by another contemporary writer,
Shams-i-Sirai Afif. According to this testament of the
late Sultan they offered the crown to Firuz and appealed
to him to save the families of the generals and soldiers
from the Mongols by accepting it. Piruz, who was utterly
devoid of ambition and who wished to lead the life of a
religious recluse at first demurred to the proposal, and
said that he contemplated a pilgrimage to Mecca. But
the pressure of the nobles became irresistible, and at
last he had to concede to their wishes in the interests of
the state. Firuz 's acceptance of the crown had a calm-
ing effect on the army, and order was quickly restored.
But in Delhi the Khwaja Jahan's attempt to set up a
supposititious son of Muhammad had created a serious
situation. The Khwajs cannot be charged with treason, for
&e had done so in public interestlon receiving the news of
the disappearance of Firuz and Tatar Khan, the principal

leaders of the imperial army, from the field of battle.
Firuz enquired of the nobles and officers of the state if
the late Sultan had left a son, and received a reply in the
negative The Khwaja repented of his conduct, and with
every mark of abject submission appeared before Firuz
to implore forgiveness. The latter was inclined to take a
lenient view of his offence on the score of his past services,
but the nobles refused to condone what they described as
" unpardonable treason/' The Khwaja was asked to go
to the fief of Samana, but on his way he was murdered.
Thus did the weak and irresolute Firuz acquiesce in the
murder of a trusted friend and colleague, of whose guilt-
lessness he was probably fully convinced.
Firuz Tughluq mounted the throne on the 24th March,
1351 A.D., with little ambition and less fitness for that
Jiigh position. lrhe contemporary Muslim
F^racter of chroniclers liave bestowed lavish praise
upon him, for his reign marked the begin-
ning of that religious reaction, which became a prominent
feature of his administrative policy. Barani writes that
since the days of Muiz-ud-din Muhammad bin Sam,
there was no ruler of Delhi, so numoie, merciful, truth-
loving, faithful ana pious. Shams'i-fciiraj Afif pronounces
upon him a fulsome eulogy, and extols his virtues in terms
of hyperbolical praise. He was a bigot who observed the
Holy Law with great strictness, and on the occasion
of^reiigious festivals behavedlike a pious Muslim. He
encouraged his ' infidel ' subjects to embrace Islam and
exempted the converts from the payment of the jeziya,
The Brahmans were taxed, and their protests were con-
temptuously disregarded. All decorations in the royal
palace were forbidden. The Sultan himself used earthen

vessels instead of plates of gold and silver for dining
purposes. But his vaunted devotion to the Quran did
not prevent him from seeking the gratification of his
lower appetites. On one occasion, in the midst of a
campaign, when Tatar Khan paid him a visit, he saw him
lying half naked with wine cups concealed in his bed. The
Khan reproached him for this depravity, and the Sultan
promised to observe abstinence as long as Tatar Khan
was with the army. But the weakness of will soon assert-
ed itself, and the Khan was transferred to the neigh-
bourhood ofHisar Firuza.
Though riffidlv ortftQfiny. Firuz was generous^ and
humane. He behaved towards his co-religionists with
great generosity and liberally helped the poor and the un-
employed. tiisldndness is reflected in his reform of the legal
system. He abolished torture, simplified the legal proce-
dure, and discouraged espionage. He extended his patron-
age to learned men and established schools and colleges for
theological instruction. Several measures were devised by
him tO promote the welfflrft nf his
the chief of which were the facilities of irrigatiop and a
hospital at Delhi where medical aid was given free of cost.
Firuz is well known in history for his administrative
reform, but he had nothing of the ability, intrepidity, and
vigour of Alauddin Khilji or Muhammad Tughluq.. He walT
aTweak-mindefl map who listened too much to the advice
-of muftis and maul vis. The results of this policy were
seen after a generation in the complete disintegration of
the Sultanate of Delhi.
During the confusion that followed the death of
-Muhammad Tughluq, Bengal completely separated itself
from Delhi, and Haji Ilyas proclaimed himself an

independent ruler under the title of Shams-
The first ex- ud-din. The Sultan marched towards
KSSTiast Ben»al at the head of a large army, and
$4 A.D' on reaching there issued a proclamation to
his Bengali subjects, in which he explained
the wrongs of Haji Ilyas and his own desire to do justice
to the people and to govern the country well.
When Haji Ilyas heard of his approach he entrenched
himself in the fort of Iqdala. To induce him to leave the
fortress Firuz had recourse to a clever strategical move ; he
retraced his steps a few miles backwards in the hope that
the enemy would come out of the fort in order to harass
the retreating army. The expected happened, and Shams-
ud-din followed the royal army at the head of a consider-
able force consisting of 10,000 horse and 20,000 foot,
-all eager to fight against the Delhwis. The Sultan arrang-
ed his troops in battle array according to the time-honour-
ed practice of mediaeval warfare in three divisions -the
right, left, and centre, and
organising the campaign* A terrible battle ensued in which
the protagonists on either side fought with great valour
•and determination. When Shams-ud-din saw the day going
against him, he fled from the field of battle and took shel-
ter again in the fort of IqdalS. The royalists followed up
their success and invested the fort in full vigour. But the
shrieks and wails of women who pathetically demonstrated
their grief, moved the compassionate heart of the Sultan,
.and he forthwith decided to abandon the fruits of a hard-
This is how the official historian of the
incapacity to deal with a difficult
situation : ' To storm the fort, put more Musalmans to the
sword, and expose honourable women to ignominy, would!

be a crime for which he could not answer on the day of
judgment, and which would leave no difference between,
him and the Mughals.' Tatar Khan, the imperial com-
mandant, urged the annexation of the province, but with
his characteristic weakness Firuz rejected his advice on
tjie plea that Bengal was a land of swamps, andjhat it
jwas not worth while^to retain possession^ it
On his returrT from Bengal the Sultan devoted
himself with great energy and vigour to the organisation
of his administration. But a second expe-
The d8*t°nd dition to Bengal became necessary, when
1359^60 A.D. ' Zafar Khan, the son-in-law of Fakhr«ud-din,
the first independent ruler of Bengal, com-
plained of the high-handedness of Shams-ud-din and
begged the Sultan to intercede on his behalf. Zafar Khan
was well received at the court, and his heart was elated
with joy when the Sultan ordered the Khan-i- Jahan to
make preparations for a second expedition to Bengal.
Popular enthusiasm rose to such a high pitch thatjiumerous
vnfaptftftrg enrolled themselves in the armv which consist-
ed of 70.000 Tinrae. innumerable Jbpt, 470 elephants and
a large flotilla of boats. Shams-ud-din had been dead for
some time, and his son Sikandar had succeeded him.
Following the example of his father, he shut himself up in
the fort of IqdalS. The fortress was besieged, and the
royalists made breaches in its walls, which were soon re-
paired bythe Bengalis, who displayed great courage and
vigour. But the patience of both sides was soon exhausted
by this interminable siege, and negotiations for peace
began. Sikandar 's envoy conducted the negotiations with
great patience, tact and firmness. He agreed to the
restoration of SonargSon to Zafar Khan and sent 40 ele-

phants and valuable presents to the Sultan to cement their
friendship. But Zafar Khan who was the chief cause of
all this trouble gave up the idea of retiring to his country
and preferred to remain at Delhi. Once again Firuzj
weakness prevented him from asserting his sovereijgaty
over a province which was well-nigh within his grasp.
""" On Ms returrTfrdm Bengal, the Sultan halted at Jaun-
pur, from where he marched against Jajnagar (modern
Orissa), which was in a flourishing condition.
gation of the The Rai of Jajnagar fled at the approach of
J&J" ê ro^ armY andtook shelter in an island,
whither he was pursued by the Sultan's
forces. The temple of Jagannath at Puri was desecrated
and the idols were thrown into the sea. At last, dismayed
by the heavy odds arrayed against him, he sent his emis-
saries to negotiate the terms of peace. To their utter sur-
prise, the Sultan informed them that he was entirely
ignorant of the cause of their master's flight. The Rai
explained his conduct and agreed to furnish a fixed num-
ber of elephants every year as tribute. The Sultan accept-
ed these terms, and having obtained the submission of
several other Hindu chieftains and Zamindars on his way,
he returned to the capital.
The fortress of Nagarkot had been conquered by Mu-
hammad Tughluq in 1837 A.D. ; but during the latter part
of his reign its Rai had established himself
Na^r/kVtf as an ^dependent ruler. JThe temple ^f
1860-61 A.D. ' Jwalamukhi in Nagarkot was an old and
venerated shrine which was visited by thou-
sands of Hindu pilgrims who made rich offerings to the
i3oT Its sanctity was an additional reason which led the
bigoted Firuz to undertake this expedition ; and the con-

temporary cnromcier writes thai when the Sultan paid a
visitto the temple, he addressed the assembled Rais, Ranas,
and Zamindars in these words : " Of what avail is the
worship of this stone ? What desire of yours will be ful-
filled bypraying to it ? It is declared in our Holy Law that
those who act contrary to it will go to hell." The fort of
Nagarkot was besieged, and manjniqs and arradas were
placed on all sides. After a protracted siege of six months,
which well-nigh exhausted the patience of the combatants
on both sides, Firuz offered pardon to the Rai, who " came
down from his fort, apologised, and threw himself at the
feet of the Sultan, who placed his hand on his back, be-
stowed upon him rich robes of honour and sent him back
to his fort."
The Thatta expedition is one of the most interesting
episodes in the reign of Firuz Tughluq. It originated in
adesjre to avenge the wrongs done by thg
uLhofThatn" peopl€! °£ Thatta to the late Sultan- Pw
1871-72 A.D.tai parations for the campaign were made, and
volunteers were enrolled in the army which
consisted of 00,000 cavalry, numerous infantry and 480
elephants. A large flotilla of five thousand boats was also
constructed and placed under experienced admirals. Jam
Babiniya, the chieftain of Sindb, arranged in battle array
Ms forces which numbered 200,000 horse and 40,000 foot,
and prepared for action. Meanwhile in the Sultan's camp
provisions became scarce owing to famine and pestilence,
which decimated the troops and swept away nearly one-
fourth of ike cavalry.
Reduced to sore straits, the Sultan retreated towards
Gujarat mnd lost liis way in the Han of Kutch. Having
reached Gujarat, he organised his army and spent about

two crores in obtaining the sinews of war. The royal
army was further strengthened by the reinforcements
sent by the Khan-i-Jahan from Delhi. The Sindhians
were frightened and expressed their willingness to
surrender* The Jam offered submission ; he was taken to
Delhi where a liberal pension was granted to him and his
brother was reinstated in the Jamship.
Firuz revived the Jaffir system which had been dis-
continued by Alauddin. The whole empire was divided
jntojfiefs and the fiefs into districts held
d8°trlt!ondrain" *>y M» officers.
of land, In addition
the officers to were
of the state
allowances which enabled them to accumulate large
fortunes. The interests of the agriculturists were well
protected. The Sultan constructed four canala which
irrigated large areas of land and levied a small irrigation
cess which amounted to 10 per cent of the produce of the
fields. The system of taxation was reorganise^ and made
to conformj*) the lawôf Islam. All vexatious taxes were
abolished and Firuz in his Fatuhat-i-Firuashahi takea
-credit for abolishing 23 such taxes. He levied only four
taxes allowed by theJHoly Law, namely, the Khiraj,
ZakaL Jeziya andj£ham&. The spoils of war and conquest
won by the arms of the faithful were to be aharad bv
the army and the state in the proportion laid down in the
•flaeredjfts^ The new policy of taxation had a beneficial
effect on the development of trade and agriculture Prices
were low, and no scarcity of necessaries was ever felt.
In administering law and justice Firuz actecTJIke an
•ôrthodox Muslim. He followed thg Quran with the strict-
est fidelity. The mu# Axpouztfed the law, and the
judgment, the legal system waa reformed^

Torture was abolished, and leniency was shownjn award-
ing punishments to wrong-doers.
The Sultan was kindly disposed towards the poor and
the unemployed. The Kotwals majj^jists of^ Jhqse who
were in want and forwardM^hemTto i the Diwan where
Suitable occupations
Himself acquaintedwere
withjroyided for ofthezrT
the science ~
medicine, the
Sultan established a hospital (Dar~ul-Shafn) at Delhi
where medicines were distributecf to the sick free of cost.
The patients were supplied with food at the expense of
the state, and competent physicians were appointed to
look after them.
The military organisation of the empire rested on a
feudal basis. Grants of land were made to the soldiers
mi. A .of the army for their maintenance while the
The Army. ~ - 7
irregulars *(ghairwajh)
_ .
were paid from the
royal treasury, and those who received neither salary nor
grants of land were given assignments upon the revenue.
The royal army consisted of 80 or 90 thousand cavalry in
addition to tne retainers 01 tne feudal barons and grandees
of the state, who numbered a little less than two hundred
thousand. Horsemen were required to bring the right
kind of animals to the registration office, and the corrupt
practices that had formerly attended this business were
put an end to by the vigilant Malik Razi, the N&ib Ariz-i-
mamnlik (deputy muster-master). The soldiers were
treated kindly and were provided with all sorts of com-
f<a±p. But the rSultan's misplaced generosity, seriously
impaired the efficiency of the army by allowing aged and
infirm persons, no Jonêr fit for active service, to re~
main in it. A new regulation laid down that when a
soldier became unfit on account of old age, his son, or

son-in-law, or slave should succeed him, and in this way
" the veterans were to remain at home in ease and the
their strength/7
forth infeatures ""~
youngOnewere of totherideprincipal of the reign of Firuz
was the unusual growth of the slave system. From the
various parts of the empire slaves were
** V e were granted allowances bv
the state. Owing to the Sultan's favour the
number of slaves rapidly multiplied, so that in a few years
in the metropolis and the provinces of the empire their
total number reached the high figure of 180.000. For the
proper management of this army of slaves, a separate
department with a regular staff of officers was established,
which must have caused a heavy drain upon the treasury.
Firuz was a gre'at builder. He founded the towns
,of Firuzabad, Fatahabad^ Jaunpurând several others:
built n>Q9cmea. palaces, monasteriea^Jid inna
for tlie convenience of travellers, and re-
paired numerous buildinfta which had
suffered from the ravages of time. Numerous artisans
were employed by the state, and
dentjwas appointed to supervise the work of each class of
artisans. The plan of every new building was examined
in the finance ôffice (Diwan 4- Wizarat) and then money
was sanctioned for its construction.
The Sultan was a great gardener. He rebuilt 30 old
gardens of Alauddin and laid out 1,200 new ones in the vici-
nity of DelhL Numerous gardens and orchards were laid
. which yielded to the state a large revenue. Much waste
land was reclaimed, and though the extent of the empire
reduced. its revenue increased by several millions.
196 HISTORY OF KtfSLIM BULB
Firuz took interest in **>* Pr?aflTTat1'ftP "*

msnumenta, and caused two monoliths of Afoka to be
yed to his new city. Learned Brahmans were called
to decipher the inscriptions on the pillars, but they failed
to make out the script which was totally different from
the language with which they were familiar. Some
to please t*1* Sl1W h.y
recorded in the inscriptions that no one woi]]^ h^ flMfi ^
.remove the monoliths until the advent of Firuz.
Though not a finished scholar like his cousin Muham-
mad Tughluq, the Sultan was interested in the promotion
^" " * of learning. He extended his patronage to
iePa?n?n°g!0n °f £b*ikhs and hearty
them a most learnedreception
men andin accorded to
his Palace
of Grapes. H^gHHlCTTeiiisions and .gratuities to them
and made it a part of his state policy to encourage learn-
ed men in all parts of the empire. He yasjond of his-
tory, and the works of 2ia Barani and Shams-i-Siraj Afif,
besides
during ^£tlier works Numerous
his reign. on lawândcollects
theology,
ând. were written
moaasterifia.
were established, where men devoted themselves to study
and meditation, and to each collecre was attached a
mosque for worship.
Ine MoBiri-i-Rahimi of Abdul Baqi states that he
built fifty Madrasas. Nizamuddin and Firishta estimate
the number to be thirty. Firuz speaks of such institu-
tions inhis FatuhaL The Firuzshahi Madrasa at Firuza-
bad was liberally endowefl and surpassed in scfrplastto
attdrnnfiyita fJi^ other Mad™*™ nf thA tim^ The Sultan
caused several works to be translated from Sanskrit
info perakm. One of these was the Dalaml-i-Firuzshahi
which was seized during the conquest of Nagarkot.
THB TUGHLUQ DYNASTY 167
No account of Firuz's reign would be complete with-

out a mention of his able and energetic minister Khan-i-
Jahan MaqbQl. He was originally a Hindu
but had latterly embraceS
Islam. HeHaad acquired much valuable
experience of public affairs under Sultan Muhammad'
Tughluq, who had entrusted to him the fief of Multian..
When friruz ascended the throne, Maqbul was elevated
to the position of the Jirst minister of the realm after*
the fall of Ahmad bin Ayaz. When he went on distant,
expeditions, he left the minister in charge of the capital.
and the Jatter managed the affairs of the state with
such ability and vigour that., the. long absence of the
Sultan had no effect upon the administration. Though a
great statesman, devoted to the interests of the state, the
minister was like most men of rank in ftis age addicted to
the pleasures of the haram, It is said, he had two thousand
women of different nationalities in his seraglio and a large
number of children, who were all liberally provided for/
by the state. The Khan-i-Jahan lived up to a ripe old
age. When he died in 1370 A.D. his son Juna Shah,
who was born at Multan during the reign of Muhammad
Tughluq, was confirmed in his office, and the title which
his father had so long enjoyed was bestowed upon him.
The last days of Piruz were clouded by sorrow and
anxiety, and the even tenor of his life was disturbed by
the dissensions of parties and factions. The
olpira?* day8 infirmities of age had compelled him to dele-
gate his authority to the minister Khan-i-
Jahan, but the latter's overweening pride and insolence
filled the old nobility with disgust. In order to put Prince
Muhammad out of his way, the minister informed the
Sultan that the Prince had entered into a confederacy with

certain disaffected nobles and intended to take his life. So
skilfully did the wily minister play upon the fears of the
weak-minded Firuz that he readily granted him permission
to arrest the conspirators. But the Prince proved too clever
for him, and by a dexterous move foiled the intrigues of his
enemy. Having secured permission for his ladies to visit
the royal seraglio, he put on his armour and got into one of
the palanquins. When he reached the palace, he threw
himself at the feet of his father and begged forgiveness.
He was pardoned and the Sultan declared him his heir-
apparent. Secure in his position, the Prince spent his time
in pleasure and appointed his own unworthy favourites to
positions of honour. Opposition to the Prince grew apace,
and civil war ensued. The nobles sought the protection of
the old Sultan, and his^gpe^y^nce had a magical eflpQ^t pn
the hostile troops. The Prince fled towards the Sirmur hills,
and order was quickly restored. Piruz once more assumed
sovereignty, but advancing age rendered him unfit for the
proper discharge of kingly duties. The last public act
of his life was the conferment of the royal insignia upon
his grandson, Tughluq Shah bin Fatah Khan, to whom
he delegated his authority. Not long afterwards the old
Sultan, who was nearly eighty years old, died in the month
of Ramzan, 790 A.H. (October 1388). His death was
followed by the scramble of rival princes and parties for
power which will be described in the next chapter.
After the death of Firuz Tughluq the empire of Delhi
which had shrunk to the dimensions of a small principality*
rapidly declined in importance. It had been
greasy disturbed by the convulsions of Mu-
hammad's reign, and
tejrecover the lost prcn '^ces. As a result of his policy the

centrifugal tendencies, so common in Indian history, began
to work, and province after pro vince separated itself from
the empire. Ambitious chiefs and disloyal governors
hoisted the flag of revolt, and defied the authority of the
central power, which had become incapable of asserting
itself. The basic principle of the Muslim State in the four-
teenth century was force ; but the awe and fear in which
the ruling class was held had disappeared owing to the
relaxation of authority, and Firuz was loved and not
feared by his subjects. The Muslims, accustomed to a
life of ease at the court, lost their old vigour and man-
liness, and behaved like a disorderly rabble in the midst
of a campaign. The jagir system led to great abuses,
and often the feudatories attempted to set up as inde-
pendent rulers. ^ ne slaves of Firuz whose number had
exceeded all reasonable limits were another source of
weakness. The whole institution had undergone a radical
change, and the slaves, no longer capable and loyal like
their forbears in the time of Balban and Alauddin,
embroiled themselves in disgraceful intrigues, and added
to the disorders of the time. The incompetence of the
later Tughluqs led to a recrudescence of Hindu revolts
particularly in the Doab, where Zamindars and Khuts
withheld tribute and began to play the role of petty
despots. The revenue was not realised, and the whole
administration fell into a state of chaos. A kingdom
which depended for its existence mainly on military
strength was bound to be pulled to pieces like a child's
map, when its destinies were controlled by men who were
neither warriors nor statesmen, and who could be utilised
by self-seeking adventurers for their own aggrandisement
By their incompetence, the successors of Firuz accelerated

the process of disintegration, the seeds of which hadL
been sown during his r eign. '
The successor of Firuz was his grandson Tughluq
Shah, son of Prince Fatah Khan, who assumed the title of
Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq II. This young and
suc^ss^s6 aokf inexperienced no idea
ruler had that of the magni-
Piruz. tude of the difficulties surrounded him
and the dangers that threatened the empire
of Delhi. He gave himself up to debauch and pleasure,
and neglected the affairs of the state. His conduct
alienated the sympathies of the great officials and Amirs,
and when he threw into prison Abu Bakr, son of Zaf ar
Khan, they formed a conspiracy to overthrow him. The
conspirators entered the palace, and the Sultan who
knew that they had designs on him escaped with the
wazir towards the river. But he was pursued and over-
taken by one of the conspirators, just when he was about
to cross the river, and was beheaded on the spot on
February 19, 1389 A. D. Abu Bakr succeeded him ; gradual-
ly he established his hold over Delhi, and his influence and
authority began to wax from day to day. But the peace of
the realm was disturbed by the news of the murder of the
Amir ol Samana, who had been sent against Prince
1 8tanley Lane-Poole mentions inter-marriage with the Hindus

innnp.nft.bft o.a.Vftpa of d is migration. Tkia 18 narfllv norrect. P Irtig
himself, who was born of a Hindu mother, never showed any Hindu pro-
clivities. On the contrary, he was a bigot, who always deemed it an
act of merit to persecute the " infidels. " Besides, Lane-Poole's state-
ment is not borne out by subsequent history The great Mughal Emperor
Akbar adopted the policy of matrimonial alliances with a view to streng-
then the empire, and this policy succeeded remarkably well: The empire
continued as vigorous as before under his two successors, and it broke up-
only when Aurangzeb abandoned the policy of religious toleration which
bis great-grandfather had inaugurated.
THE TUGHLDQ DYNASTY 171
Muhammad, the your ~<*r eon of Sultan Firuz Shah. The-

latter readily grasped at this opportunity, and forthwith
proceeded to Samana, where he proclaimed himself em-
peror. Encouraged by the offers of help from some of the
Amirs and nobles at the capital, he marched towards Delhi
and encamped in its neighbourhood. A terrible civil war
became imminent, and ambitious chiefs and slaves began
to sway the scale on one side or the other. Bahadur Nahir
of Mewat joined Abu Bakr, and with his help the armies
of Delhi succeeded in inflicting a defeat upon Prince
Muhammad in the battle of Firuzabad. The vanquished
prince went into the Doab and began to make efforts to
obtain fresh allies. His troops, mortified by their defeat,
ravaged the lands of the Doab, and plundered the estates
of the nobles and Amirs of Delhi. Sharp skirmishes with
the Zamindars and petty chieftains followed and the lex
talionis was freely resorted to. Abu Bakr's indifference
to these depredations turned his nobles against him, and
many of them went over to the side of the enemy.
Having organised his forces, Muhammad returned ta
Jalesar, where he encamped and busied himself in making
preparations for battle. A battle was fought near
Panipat, but fortune again favoured Abu Bakr, and
Prince Humayun, Muhammad's son, suffered a severe
defeat. Muhammad, who was assisted by a faction at
Delhi, did not lose heart, and when Abu Bakr left for
Mewat to seek the help of Bahadur Nahir, the disaffected
nobles invited him to come to the capital. In response
to this invitation Muhammad marched towards Delhi,
where he was cordially received by his partisans. Having
effected a safe entry into the capital, Prince Muhammad
took his abode in the palace, and ascended the throne at
Firuzabad under the title of Nasir-ud-din Muhammad in

August 1390. In order to consolidate his power, the
new Sultan deprived the old Firuzshahi slaves, who were
partisans of Abu Bakr, of the custody of elephants.
They protested against this step but in vain, and one
night they fled with their wives and children to join Abu
Bakr. The Sultan sent Prince Humayun and Islam Khan
against his rival and the slaves of the old regime. Islam
Khan's intrepid action overpowered Abu Bakr, and when
the latter saw that his cause was lost, he made his sub-
mission. The Sultan pardoned Bahadur Nahir and im-
prisoned Abu Bakr in the fort of Meerut, where he died
afterwards.
The Sultan returned to Delhi, but the good effect of
his victory was marred by the rebellion of the Zamindars
of the Doab. The revolt of Narasingh, Zamindar of
Etawah, was successfully put down, but Islam Khan's
treasonable conduct caused the Sultan much anxiety.
On the evidence of a kinsman of his own, Islam was
condemned to death without a trial. But more formidable
in magnitude than all these was the rebellion of Bahadur
Nahir of Mewat, who began to make inroads into the
environs of Delhi. The Sultan, although in a state of
feeble health, proceeded against him, and compelled him
to seek refuge in his own fortress. His health declined
rapidly, and he died on January 15, 1394. He was
succeeded by his son Humayun, but his life was cut short
.by a "violent disorder," and he died after a few days.
JThe vacant throne now fell to the lot of Prince
M ah mud, the youngest son of Muhammad, who assumed
the sceptre under the title of Nasir-ud-din Mahmud
Tughluq. The problems which confronted the new
THE TUGHLUQ DYNASTY if*
government were difficult and multifarious. At the

capital, the scramble of parties and factions made the
establishment of a strong administration well-nigh im-
pos ibleabroad,
; the Hindu chiefs and Muslim governors
openly disregarded the authority of the central govern-
ment. The whole country from Kanauj to Bihar and
Bengal was in a state of turmoil, and many of the chiefs
and Zamindars had begun to exercise de facto sovereignty
within their territorial limits. Khwaja Jahan who had
been created Malik-us-Sharq (Lord of the East) became
independent at Jaunpur ; the Khokhars revolted in the
north; Gujarat declared its independence, and Malwa
and Khandesh followed suit. The government found it
impossible to arrest the forces of disorder, which was
aggravated by the acrimonious disputes of contending
parties at Delhi Some of the nobles put forward Nusrat
Khan, a grandson of Firuz Tughluq, as a rival claimant
to the throne. The Amirs and Maliks at Piruzabad, to-
gether with the slaves of the old regime, espoused the
cause of Nusrat, while those at Delhi gave their support
to Mahmud Tughluq. Thus, there were two Sultans
arrayed in hostile camps, and the imperial crown was
tossed to and fro like a shuttlecock between the contend-
ing factions. A large number of party leaders arose,
but the most distinguished among them were Bahadur
Nahir, Mallu Iqbal, and Muqarrab Khan. Fighting went
on ceaselessly ; and the protagonists on either side keenly
contested for supremacy without any appreciable result.
The provincial governors took no part in these civil wars ;
but they vigilantly watched the fluctuations in the fortunes
of rival parties. Towards the close of the year 1397, came
the news that the army of Timur had crossed the Indus
174 HISTORY OP MU8LIM BULB
•and laid siege to Uchha The effect of the advent of a

foreign army was soon felt at the capital, where the
parties began to shift their positions with astonishing
rapidity. Mallu Iqbal went over to the side of Nusrat
Khan, and the new allies swore fealty to each other, but
the compact was too hastily formed to last long. Sultan
Mahmud and his powerful allies, Muqarrab Khan and
Bahadur Nahir, occupied old Delhi. Mallu Iqbal trea-
<5herously attacked Nusrat, but the prince having got
scent of his treasonable designs escaped to Tatar Khan at
Panipat. Mallu Iqbal now turned against his irreconcil-
able foe, Muqarrab, and determined to drive him out of
the capital. A fierce fight raged between them, and it was
after two months that a peace was patched up through
the intervention of some noblemen. But Mallu was not
the man to abide by his plighted word ; he attacked
Muqarrab at his residence and had him cruelly put to
death. Muqarrab's death broke, as it were, the right arm
of Sultan Mahmud, who, deprived of all royal authority,
became a tool in the hands of Mallu Iqbal. He made
efforts to reorganise the administration, but the grim
spectre of a foreign invasion stared him in the face. The
ominous news flashed forth that Amir Timur was advanc-
ing upon Hindustan with his myriad hosts.
Timurwas born in 1336 A.D. at Kech in Transoxiana,
fifty miles south of Samarqand. He was the son of Amir
Turghav. chief of the Gurkan branch of the
. Tim u r/8 Barias, a noble Turkish tribe, and a nephew
A.D.9 oFaaji Barias. At the age of 33 he became
the head of the CfraghtIB Turks and con-
stantly waged war against Persia and the adjoining lands.
Having made himself master of the countries of central
Asia, he resolved on the invasion of Hindustan, which

was at the time in a state of anarchy. His motive in
doing so was ' to purify the land itself from the filth of
infidelity and polytheism, '
The advance guard of Timur 's army under Pir Muham-
mad soon reached India. crossedjhÎlldU3, capturedUchha.
and then advanced upon Multan, which also capitulated
after a protracted siege of six months. Having collected
•a large army from all parts of his wide dominions,
Timur marched across the Hindukushjtnd crossed the river
Indus on September 24f 1398. When he reached the neigh-
bourhood of Dipalpur^ the people who had murdered
Musafir Qabuli whom Pir Muhammad had appointed
.governor of their city, fled out of fear and took refuge
in the fort of Bhatnir, which was one of the most
renowned fortresses irT Hindustan. The generals of
Timur attacked the fort on the right and left and
captured it. The Rai submitted, but the_Amir J!?fl!$te<l
heavy punishments upon thelnhabitaiitg_of Bhatnir. Men
«id women were slain, their goods were forcibly seized.
and the buildings and the fort were razed to the ground.
From Iffiatnir Tjprmr parched tp Siranti which was
easily conquered, and when he reached Kaithal which
is at a distance of 34 miles from Samana, he began
to make preparations for an attack upon Delhi. As the
-army progressed in its journey, the inhabitants of the
towns through whifeh it pasted flad fa
houses and goods at the dianoaul of thP _
.after town surrendered^ and in a short time Timur reached
the Jahanuma.
.distance a finefrompalace
of six miles Delhi.built
The by F1*1™ ing
neighbour Shflfr ftt~ft
country
was ravaged, and the soldiers were permitted to obtain
food and fodder for themselves and their cattle by means

of plunder. When Timur reached near Delhi, he ordered
that the 100,000 Hindustwho were in his camp should be
put to death, for he thought that on the great day of
battle, they might 4 break their bonds ' and go over to the
enemy. Even such a pious man as Maulana Naair-ud-din
Omar, who had never killed a sparrow in his life, slew
who happened to be his prisoners!
Timur organised his forces in battle array and made
ready for action. Sultan Mahmud and Mallu Iqbal collect-
ed an army, which contained 10,000 well-trained horse,
40,000 foot and 125 elephants. The two armies confronted
each other outside Delhi. In the battle that followed, the
Delhi army fought with desperate courage, but it was
defeated, Mahmud and Mallu Iqbal fled from the field
of battle, and Timur hoisted his flag on the ramparts of
Delhj. The city was thorou^ljrsacked, and th(T iniiabi-
tants were massacred. According to the Zafarnama men
and women were madq slaves, and vast booty fell into
the hands of the enemy, S^v^ya! tho^ân4 craftsmen
and mechanics were brought out of the city and were
divided among the jPrinceg^jLmirs, and Aghas, who had
.assisted in the conquest.
Timur halted at Delhi for a fortnight which he spent
in pleasure and enjoyment. After that he moved towards
Mgei^tr and thfin flronftftdftd tn Hard wnr where afierce fight
raged between the Hindus and Muslims. This was follow-
ed by a sucgfiasf ul raid in the Siwalik hills. The Raj waa
defeated, and vast booty fell into the hands of the victors.
\ Having completed the conquest of a Siwalik country,
tlmur marched toward* Jamm^ Th^Bgjawasdefeated
and takqn prisoner, and forced to embraceTsIaqa. ~*
THE INVASION OF TIMUR, 1398 A.D.
The task of conquest was now over, Timur felt that

it was time to go. Having entrusted the fiefs of Lahore.
Mul tan and Dipalpur to Khizr Khan, hejeftfor Samarqapd.
Timur's invasion caused widespread anarchy in fTiir
<lustan. The^government at Delhi was completely para-
lysed, and in the vicinity of the capital as
wel1 as in the Provinces of the empire, the
greatest confusion prevailed. To the
sufferings consequent upon a war, conducted by heartlesg
ruffians, fired by a fanatical thirst for bloodshed and
-plunder, were added the horrors of famine and pestilence.
which destroyed men and Battle, and caused a_susE£nsion
of agriculture. The dislocation of the entire social
systemT~coupled
capable with the
of enforcing peaceabeyance of political
and order, authority
favoured the
plans of the military adventurers, who harried the land and
harassed thejagojale for their own aggrandisement. The
small military cliques, working for their own selfish ends,
became the chief curse of the time. In March 1399,
Sultan Nusrat Shah, who had fled into the Doab, recovered
possession of Delhi, but it soon passed into the hands of
Iqbal Khan, whose sway extended over a few districts in
the Doab and the fiefs in the neighbourhood of the capital. '
1 The rest of the empire was parcelled out into fiefs which were
independent
Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, Elliot, IV, p. 37.
The following were the principal fiefs of the empire :—
Delhi and the Doab ... .. Iqbal Khan.
Gujarat with all its districts and Zaiar
Mulk.Khan Wajih-ul-
dependencies.
Multan, Dipalpur and parts of Sindh Khizr Khan.
Mahoba and Kalpi Mahmud Khan.
Kanauj, Oudh, Kara, Dalmau. Sandila, Khwaja Jahan.
Bahraich, Bihar and Jaunpur,
Dhar .. Dilawar Khan.
Samana .. Ghalib Khan.
Biyana ~ Shams Khan.
Iqbal gradually asserted his authority, and in 1401 he was

joined by Sultan Mahmud, whom he formally received
in the capital. But as real power was in the hands of
Iqbal, Sultan Mahmud chafed against the restraint imposed
upon him, and sought in vain the help of Ibrahim Shah
of Jaunpur. Thus foiled in his efforts to effect a coalition
against Iqbal, the Sultan settled at Kanauj, where the
disbanded troops and retainers rallied round his banner.
Iqbal marched towards Gwalior to chastise the local ruler
Bhima Deva, but he was obliged to raise the siege and
return to Delhi. His expedition against the Hindu chiefs
of Etawah was more successful ; but when he marched
towards Multan, Ehizr Khan, the governor, opposed him,
and in a battle that ensued Iqbal was slain in 1405. The
death of Iqbal removed from the path of Mahmud a formid-
able opponent, and on being invited by Daulat Khan and
other nobles, he proceeded to Delhi, but the imbecility of
his character soon made him unpopular with the army,
and prevented him from making a proper use of his restor-
ed rights. The author of the Tg/nkh-i-Mubarak Sh&hi
who has carefully chronicled the events of this troubled
period, writes : " The whole business was fallen into the
greatest disorder. The Sultan gave no heed to the duties
of his station, and had no care for the permanency of the
throne; his whole time was devoted to pleasure and
debauchery. "
Sultan Mahmud died in 1412, and with him, as Firishta
writes, fell the kingdom of Delhi from the race of the
Turks, who had mightily swayed the sceptre for more than
two centuries. After his death the Amirs and Maliks
chose Daulat Khan as their leader and gave him their
adhesion. Daulat Khan received no honours of royalty ;
he occupied only the position of the head of a military

p%flrn.hv which was trying to save itself from a highly
difficult situation. Shortly after his assumption of this
quasi-royal office, Daulat Khan led an expedition to
Katehar and received the submission of the Hindu
chiefs. At this time came the disquieting news that
Ibrahim of Jaunpur was besieging Qadr Khan in his
fortress at Kalpi, but Daulat Khan had no forces at his
command to march to his relief. Meanwhile Khizr Khan,
the governor of Multan and Timur's deputy in Hindustan,
who had been watching the disordered state of things,
advanced upon Delhi, and after a siege of four months
compelled Daulat Khan to surrender on May 28, 1414.
Fortune befriended Khizr Khan ; he easily acquired pos-
session of Delhi and laid the foundations of a new
dynasty.
CHAPTER VIII
BREAK-UP OF THE EMPIRE

(i) The Rise of Provincial Dynasties
In the tenth century the kingdom of Malwa fell into the
hands of the Parmar Rajputs, and under their rule it
attained to great prominence During the
Malwa> reign of Raja Bhoja of Dhara, Malwa became
very famous. In 1235lltutmish raided Ujjain and demolished
the famous temple of MahakSli. Alauddin conquered it in
1310, land from that time it continued to be held by Muslim
governors until the break-up of the kingdom of Delhi after
(the death of Firuz TughluQ. In 1401 Dilawar Khan, a des-
cendant ofMuhammad Ghori and one of the fief-holders of
Firuz Tughluq, established his independence during the
period of confusion that followed the invasion of Timur and
made Dhar the capital of his kingdom. l DilSwar was suc-
ceeded by his son, Alap Khan, under the title of Hushang
Shah (1405—1434 A.D.), who transferred his capital to
Mandu, which he adorned with many beautiful buildings.
The situation of Malwa and the fertility of its lands involved
it in wars with the neighbouring kingdoms of Delhi, Jaun-
pur, and Gujarat, which greatly taxed her resources. Hush-
ang was defeated in a war with Gujarat and was taken
prisoner, but he was soon liberated and restored to his king-
dom. He was succeeded by his son Ghazni Khan, a worth-
Jess debauchee, who was murdered by his minister Mahmud
1 Firishta has given a connected account of the kings of Malwa. See
Brigge, IV, pp. 167—279.
180
BREAK-UP OF THE EMPIRE 181
Khan,1 aKhilji Turk, who usurped the throne and assumed

the honours of royalty. Under Mahmud Khilji (1436—69
A.D.) Malwa rose to be a powerful and prosperous kingdom
and its ruler established his fame as a great general and
warrior all over Hindustan, by his unending wars against the
rulers of Raj put an a, Gujarat, and the Sultans of the Bah-
mani dynasty. Mahmud was a brave soldier ; his fondness
for war was so great that his whole life was spent in the
military camp. As an administrator he was just and gener-
ous, and Firishta writes of him: "Sultan Mahmud was.
polite, brave, just, and learned ; and during his reign,
his subjects, Muhammadans as well as Hindus, were happy,
and maintained a friendly intercourse with each other.
Scarcely a year passed that he did not take the field, so that
his teiftbecame his home, and the field of battle, his resting
place. His leisure hours were devoted to hearing the his-
tories and memoirs of the courts of different kings of the
earth read."
Mahmud Khilji greatly enlarged his dominion, which
extended in the south to the Satpura range, in the west to
the frontier of Gujarat, on the east to Bundelkhand, and on
the north to Mewar and Herauti. In 1440 the ambitious']
Sultan proceeded against Delhi, which was in a state of de-
cline, but Bahlol Lodi successfully resisted his advance. His
war with Rana Kumbha of Chittor about the same time waa
indecisive. Both sides claimed the victory. The Rana
1 Mahmud Khilji was the son of Malik Mughis Khilji. Both fathei
and son acted as ministers to Hushang Hushang's son, Ghazni Khan,
who assumed the title of Muhammad Ghori, was married to the sister of
Mahmud Khilji. Being a debauchee and a drunkard, he left the busi-
ness of the state entirely in the hands of Mahmud Khilji, whose ambition
led him to imprison his royal patron. Briggs, IV, pp. 186, 191, 193,
Elliot, IV, pp. 562—54.
commemorated his triumph by building the " Tower of

Victory " at Chittor, iwhile the Khilji war-lord erected a
seven-storied tower at Mandu as a monument of his success.
Mahmud was succeeded by his son Ghiy5s-ud-din in 1469
A.D., who was poisoned to death by his son Nasir-ud-din,
who ascended the throne in 1500 A.D. Nasir-ud-din's mur-
der of his father does not seem to have shocked Muslim
sentiment at the time it was committed, but nearly a cen-
tury later it received a most scathing condemnation from
Jahangir, who ordered the ashes of the parricide to be cast
into the fire.
Nasir-ud-din turned out a miserable sensualist and a brut-
al tyrant, and Jahangir's informant told him, when he
visited the place in 1617, that there were 15,000 women in
his haram, accomplished in all arts and crafts, and that
whenever he heard of a beautiful virgin, he would not desist
until he obtained possession of her. In a fit of drunken-
ness, when he fell into the Kaliyadaha lake, none of his
attendants had the courage to pull him out, for he had mer-
cilessly punished them for similar service on a previous
occasion, and he was left to be drowned. He was succeeded
in 1510 by Mahmud II, who called in the Rajputs to curb
the turbulence of the Muslim oligarchy^ which had become
powerful in the state. He appointed a Rajput nobleman,
Medini Rao, to the office of minister with the result that
Hajput influence became predominant at his court. Dis-
trustful of the motives of his powerful minister, he called in
the aid of Muzaffar Shah, king of Gujarat, to expel him
and re-establish his power. A believer in the efficacy of
the sword, Mahmud came into conflict with Rana Sanga,
the redoubtable ruler of Mewar, who captured him, but
with the magnanimity of a Rajput released him afterwards
Tower of Victory at Ohittor
To face page 182
and restored him to his kingdom. The unwise Sultan, who
ill-appreciated this act of generosity, again led an attack
upon the Rana's successor, but he was captured by his ally,
Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, who defeated and executed him.
All the male members of the royal house were put to death,
the sole survivor being one who was at Humayun's court.
The kingdom of Malwa was annexed to Gujarat in 1531, and
continued to be a part of it until it was conquered by Huma-
yun. Humayun expelled Bahadur Shah from Malwa in 1535,
and defeated him at Mandasor and Mandu. When the
sovereignty of Delhi passed into the hands of Sher Shah, he
entrusted the province to one of his co-ad jutors. Shujat
Khan, who was succeeded on his death by his son, Malik
Bayazid, known as Baz Bahadur, so famous in folk-lore and1
legend by reason of his passionate attachment to the beauti-
ful and accomplished princess, Rupmati of Sarangpur. In
1562 the conquest of Malwa was effected with terrible cruel-
ty by Akbar's generals, Adam Khan and Pir Muhammad,
and it was annexed to the Mughal empire. Baz Bahadur,
after a futile struggle, acknowledged Akbar as his suzerain,
and received the command of 2,000 horse as a mark of royal
favour.
The province of Gujarat was one of the most fertile and
wealthy provinces of India, and had always attracted the
,, . ,
Gujarat. attention of foreign invaders. • Mahmud of
Ghazni was the first Muslim invader, whose
famous raid upon the temple of Somnath was the prelude
to further Muslim invasions. But the permanent conquest
of Gujarat was not attempted until the reign of Alauddin
Khilji, who annexed it to the Sultanate of Delhi in 1297.
The province was henceforward held by Muslim governors
who were subordinate to the rulers of Delhi, but whose
loyalty fluctuated according to the strength or weakness of

the central government. After the invasion of Timur, when
the affairs of the Delhi kingdom fell into confusion, Zafar
Khan, the governor, assumed the position of an independent
prince in 1401, and formally withdrew his allegiance. His
son Tatar Khan conspired with some of the discontented
nobles to get rid of his father, who was an obstacle to his
assumption of royal dignity. He threw him into confine-
ment, and assumed royal honours under the title of Nasir-ud-
din Muhammad Shah in 1403. But this glory was short-
lived, for he was soon afterwards poisoned by Shams Khan,
one of his father's confidants. Zafar Khan was brought
from Asawal, and with the consent of the nobles and officers
of the army, he assumed the honours of royalty under the
title of Muzaffar Shah. He subdued Dhar and undertook
several other expeditions to consolidate his power. But four
years later, he was poisoned by his grandson Ahmad Shah
who was anxious to usurp the throne for himself.
A 4w&e was the true founder of the independence of Gujarat.
A brave and warlike prince, he spent his whole life in wag-
ing wars and conquering territories to en-
lar£e the boundaries of his small kingdom.
In the first year of his reign, he built the
city of Ahmadabad.on the left bank of the Sabarmati river
near the old tpwn of Asawal, and adorned it with beautiful
buildings, and invited artisans, and merchants to settle there.
|He was an orthodox Muslim, and waged wars against the
'Hindus, destroyed their temples, and forced them to em-
brace Islam. In 1414 he marched against Girnar and defeat-
ed the Rai who offered submission. He led an attack upon
Malwa in 1421 and laid siege to Mandu. Hushang whose
army was defeated in two skirmishes secured his pardon by
BREAK-UP OP THE EMPIRE 185,
promising fealty in the future. The last notable expedition,

was undertaken by the Sultan in 1437 to assist Prince Masud
Khan, grandson of Hushang of Malwa, who had fled from
the tyranny of Mahmud Khilji, the murderer of his father
and the usurper of his ancestral dominions. Mandu was
besieged, and the usurper Mahmud Khilji was defeated in a
hotly contested engagement. But the sudden outbreak of
a severe epidemic spoiled the fruits of victory, and the Sul-
tan was obliged to beat a hasty retreat towards Ahmadabad
where he breathed his last in 1441.
Ahmad Shah was a brave and warlike prince ; he was a
zealous champion of the faith. As long as he lived, he
practised the observances of Islam, and looked upon way
against_the _ Hindus as a religious duty. His love of
justice was unequalled. The claims of birth, rank, or
kinship were nothing in his eyes, and on one occasion, he
had^his son-in-law publicly executed in the bazar in cir-
cumstancesôf"
innocent exceptional
person. barbarity
The author of thefor the murder of* an
justly observes that the ''effect of this exemplary punish-
ment lasted from the beginning to the end of the Sultan's
reign, and no noble or soldier was concerned in murder."
Ahmad Shah was succeeded by his son Muhammad Shah
who was styled as " Zar bakhsha " or " bestowerôlgold."
He marched against Champanir, but the Raja called in the
aid of the ruler of Malwa, and the combined armies of Malwa
and Ghampanir put him to flight. His nobles conspired
against him and caused his death by poison in 1451. His
son Qutb-ud-din, who was placed upon the throne, spent
a large part of his time in expeditions against the Rana of
Chittor. After a short reign of eight years and a half, he
died in 1459, and was succeeded by his uncle Daud, a
notorious profligate, who by his meanness of character so

offended the nobles that, within a week of his accession to
the throne, they deposed him and installed in his place Fatah
Khan, a grandson of Ahmad Shah, under the title of Mah-
mud, commonly known as Mahmud Bigarha, in 1458 A.D.
Mahmud Bigarha may rightly be called the greatest of
the Gujarat kings. The author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari
M a h mud
Bigarha, 1458 gives
. a highly amusing account of his habits
— 1611 A D. m these words : —
" Notwithstanding his high dignity and royalty, he
had an enormous appetite. The full daily allowance of
food for the Sultan was one man of Gujarat weight.
In eating this he put aside five sirs of boiled rice, and
before going to sleep he used to make it up into a pasty
and place one-half of it on the right-hand side of his
couch and the other half on the left, so that on
whichever side he awoke he might find something
to eat, and might then go to sleep again. In the
morning after saying his prayers, he took a cup full of
honey and a cup of butter with a hundred or a hundred
and fifty golden plantains. He often used to say, ' If
God had not raised Mahmud to the throne of Gujarat,
would have satisfied his hunger ? ' "
Mahmud was a brave and warlike prince. He rescued
Nizam Shah Bahmani from Mahmud Khilji of Malwa and
•compelled the Rai of Junagarh to acknowledge his authority.
He suppressed the pirates who infested the sea-coast of
Gujarat, and secured the submission of the Hindu
-chief. The Rajputs of Champanir were the next to submit,
-and the fort was surrendered to the Muslims in 1484.
Mahmud built a wall round the town of Champanir in
•commemoration of his victory, and renamed it Muhammad-

abad,
Towards the close of his reign in 1507 he led an ex-
pedition against the Portuguese, who had securely estab-
lished themselves on the Western Coast, and
cutoff the trade of the Muslims. He allied
himself with the Sultan of Turkey, who with
a view to put an end to the Portuguese interference with
ovejland trade fitted out a fleet of twelve ships, and des-
patched 15,000 men, commanded by Mir Hozem, to attack
their possessions in India. The Portuguese at last obtained
a victory which established their power on the sea-coast and
gave them an undisputed command of the sea-borne trade.
After a glorious reign of 52 years, the Sultan died in
1511. He was a great monarch ; his personal habits be-
came known even in Europe. As long as he lived, he
ruled with great ability and vigour, and the Muslim chro-
nicler speaks of his reign in these words :—
"He added glory and lustre to the kingdom of Guja-
rat, and was the best of all the Gujarat kings, including
all who preceded, and all who succeeded him ; and
whether for abounding justice and generosity ; for suc-
cess in religious war, and for the diffusion of the laws
of Islam and of Musalmans ; for soundness of judgment,
alike in boyhood, in manhood, and in old age ; for power,
for valour, and victory.— he was a pattern ofêxceHence."
The next ruler of importance was Bahadur Shah who
-came to the throne in 1526. A.D. He was a brave and warlike
B a h a d u r roêr- Soon after his accession he entered
*Shah, 1526— upon a brilliant career of conquest and an-
1587 A.D nexation. He captured Mandu and Chanderi
and stormed the fort of Chittor in 1534. Bahadur's ambition*

alarmed Humayun who marched against him, captured
Mandu and Champanir, and occupied Gujarat. But Bahadur
who was a capable military leader soon collected a large
force, and with its help defeated the imperialists, and reco-
vered Gujarat. His attempt to expel the Portuguese from the
island of Diu met with failure. They conspired against him
and had him barbarously murdered on board ship, when he
was barely 31 years of age. After Bahadur's death, Gujarat
fell into a state of anarchy and disorder. Rival factions
set up puppet kings who followed one another in rapid
succession. Such disorders continued until the annexation
of the province to the Mughal empire by Akbar in 1572.
When Firuz undertook his second expedition against
Sikandar Shah of Bengal in 1359-60 A.D., he was obliged to
Jaunpur. halt at Zafrabad l during the rains. It was
there that he conceived the idea of founding
a town in the neighbourhood which might serve as a
£2iMj?l appm for his military operations in Bengal.
On the bank of the river Gumti he caused a new town
to be built, which was named Jaunpur to commemorate
the name of his illustrious cousin, Muhammad^Juna,
and spared no pains to make it beautiful and attractive.
After the death of Firuz in 1388, nothing of importance
J Zafrabad was an old town. The inscription on the gate of the

palace of Hazarat-i-Chiragh-i-Hind shows that the name was known
in 721 A.H. in the time of Ghiy&s-ud-din Tughluq, king of Delhi. It is
a mistake to think that the town was founded by Prince Zafar, governor-
of Firuz Tughluq, in 1360 A.D.
The last line of the inscription runs thus : <k As the city was acquir-
ed by conquest and re-peopled, it was given the name of Zafrabad."
Fasih-ud-din,
tion No. 1 ) "The Sharqi Monuments of Jaunpur," p. 105 (Inscrip-
Also see FQhrer's note on Zafrabad in 4* The Sharqi Architecture ol"
Jaunpur," pp. 64—66.
occurred in the history of Jaunpur until the rise to power
of Khwaj5 Jahan in the reign of Muhammad. KhwSjS
Jahan, whose real name was Sarwar, was a eunuch, who
•had attained to high position by sheer dint of merit. The
title of Khwaja Jahan was conferred upon him in 1389, and
he was elevated to the rank of a wazir. A little later,
when the affairs of the fiefs of Hindustan fell into con-
fusion through the turbulence of the "base infidels,"
Khwaja Jahan received from Mahmud Tughluq in 1394 the
title of " Malik-us-sharq " or lord of the east, and the
administration of all Hindustan from Kanauj to Bihar was
entrusted to him. Forthwith, the new governor marched
into the interior of the Doab, and suppressing the rebellions
in Etawah, Kol, and Kanauj, proceeded to Jaunpur to
assume charge of his office. In a short time he brought
under his sway the fiefs of Kanauj, Kara, Oudh, Sandila,
Dalmau, Bahraich, Bihar, and Tirhut, and subdued the
refractory Hindu chieftains. So great was his power that^
/the Rai of Jajnagar and the ruler of Lakhnauti acknow^,
ledged his authority, and sent him the number of elephants
which they had formerly sent as tribute to Delhi. The
confusion and anarchy caused by Timur's invasion favoured
the KhwSja's ambitious plans, and he declared himself inde-
pendent, and assumed the title of Atabak-i-Azam.
The most remarkable ruler of Jaunpur wasÎbrahim, a
man of versatile talents who called himself Shams-ud-din
Ibrahim Shah Sharqi. Mahmud Tughluq who was a puppet
in the hands of Iqbal Khan wished to escape from the latter's
galling tutelage. While Iqbal was encamped at Kanauj,
"Mahmud effected his escape under the pretext of going
on a hunting excursion, approached Ibrahim, and solicited
.his aid against Iqbal. But Ibrahim made no response to
his appeal. Thus disappointed and humiliated, Mahmud re-

turned to the Delhi army, and quietly took possession of
Kanauj. Iqbal Khan made an attempt to recover the place,
but Mahmud offered successful resistance in 1405.
Iqbal's unexpected death in a battle against Khizr Khan,
the governor of Multan, left the field clear for Mahmud,
and some of the Amirs at Delhi invited him to take charge
of government. Ibrahim judged it a favourable opportu-
nity to recover his lost fief of Kanauj, but he was opposed
by the Delhi army, and withdrew to Jaunpur. Mahmud
returned to Delhi, but no sooner was his back turned than
Ibrahim mobilised his forces, and captured Kanauj after a
siege of four months. Success emboldened him to carry
his inroads into the Delhi territory in H07, but the news
of the advance of Muzaffar Shah of Gujarat, who had over-
powered the ruler of Dhar, compelled him to abandon the
conquered districts of Sambhal and Bulandshahar and to*
return to Jaunpur. Soon afterwards Ibrahim marched against
Qadr Khan of Kalpi, but he had to abandon the siege. Mean-
while a great change was brought about in Delhi politico
by Khizr Khan's elevation to the throne on May 23, 1414.
Ibrahim was a great lover of art and letters. He
extended his patronage to eminent scholars who made
Jaunpur a famous seat of learning in the east. The insecur-
ity of life which followed the invasion of Timur drove many
distinguished literary men to his court, the most widely
known of whom was Shihab-ul-din Malik-ul-ulama, who
dedicated several of his works to his generous patron. The
long interval of peace enabled the Sultan to construct
beautiful buildings to adorn his capital. The Atala mosque
was finished in 1408, which stands to this day as a
monument of Ibrahim's magnificent tastes.
But peace did not last long. The peculiar circumstances
of the time rapidly brought about a collision between Delhi
and Jaunpur, Ibrahim and his successors contended for
years against the rulers of Delhi ; and these wars will be
described in their proper place.
It was the timid policy of Piruz Tughluq which had
brought about the separation of Bengal from the empire of
Delhi. The wars between Firuz and Shams-
enga ' ud-din and his successor Sikandar Shah have
been described before. Although these rulers occasionally
sent presents to the Sultan of Delhi, they were in reality
independent.
The establishment of the power of the Husaini dynasty
opened a new era in Bengal. The first ruler of the dynasty
Husain Shah (1493—1519) was a man of ability who governed
the country wisely and well. He fully consolidated his
authority in the various provinces of his kingdom so that not
a single rebellion broke out during his reign. He built
mosques, and founded other charitable institutions, and
granted pensions to learned and pious men. His son Nusrat
Shah who came to the throne after his death was an equally
remarkable ruler. He enlarged the boundaries of his king-
dom by conquest and annexation, and became a prince of
substance in the country.
Babar in his Memoirs mentions him among the power-
ful princes of Hindustan. Like his father, Nusrat was fond
of learning and took great interest in architecture. He built
several mosques, which are known to this day for their
beauty and massive design. After the decline of the inde-
pendent dynasty of Bengal kings, power passed into the
hands of the Afghans. Sher Shah made himself master of
the east after defeating the Mughal Emperor Humayun*
and fully established his authority in Bihar and Bengal.

In the 10th and 15th centuries there was much religious stir
in Bengal. Ibn Batutg, the Moor who travelled in Bengal
in the fourteenth century, speaks of 150 gaddis of faqirs in
Bengal in Fakhr-ud-din's time. It was during this period
that the impact of Hinduism and Islam set in motion the
new forces which tended to bring the Hindus and Muslims
together, and gave a new colour to Hindu religion. The
•cult of Vaignavism made great progress in Bengal, and when
Chaitanya appeared upon the scene it prospered wonder-
fully. He preached the doctrine of Bhakti or personal devo-
tion, and by his inspiring personality electrified the souls
of his disciples and admirers. Krisna's name was chanted
all over Bengal, and the numerous men and women who
responded to the master's call ignored all social distinctions,
and became united by the bond of love.
The new forces, as has been said before, tended to
•bring about a rapprochement between the Hindus and
Muslims.
Husain Shah of Bengal was the founder of a new cult
called ôiaflaziLwhich aimed at uniting the Hindus and the
Muslims. Satyapir was coHfi922S2£ of ââ» a Sanskrit
word, and PIT which is an rffaKftword. It was the name
Df a deity whom both communities were to worship.
There are still in Bengali literature several poems composed
in honour of this new deity.
The province of Khandesh was situated in the valley
)f the Tapti river ; it was bounded in the north by the
Khandesh Vindhya
by and Satpura ranges and in the sduth
the Deccan plateau, in the east by Berar
_md in the west by the subah of Gujarat. It was a part
•of Muhammad Tughluq's empire, and continued to be a
feudatory of Delhi during the reign of Firuz, who entrusted
it to Malik Raja Farrukhi, one of his personal attendants
in the year 1370. After the death of Firuz, when the
empire of Delhi broke up, Malik Raja, a man of adventurous
and ambitious spirit, declared his independence. He was
a broad-minded ruler, who treated the Hindus well, and
tried to promote the welfare of his subjects. After his
death in 1399, he was succeeded by his son Malik Nfisir,
who captured the famous fortress of Asirgarh from AsS
Ahlr, a chieftain of considerable power. Malik NBsir
maintained a firm hold over the territories he had inherited
from his father, and when he died in 1437, he left to his
successor a united Khandesh. The princes who followed him,
possessed no ability, and during their nftigns the fortunes
of Khandesh rapidly declined. After the death of 5dil,
one of Nasir's grandsons, in 1520, a series of weak rulers
followed who found it difficult to resist the encroachments
of foreign powers. The latter took full advantage of the
weakness of the central power and the factious fights of
the nobles. In 1601 the fortress of Asirgarh was conquered
by Akbar, and Khandesh was annexed to the empire. The
local dynasty ceased to exist.
(ii) The Bahmani Kingdom
The break-up of the empire during Muhammad's reign

led the Amirs of the Deccan to revolt and set up an inde-
pendent kingdom at Daulatabad with Ismail
The rise of Makh as their king. Ismail, being a man of
retired habits, resigned in favour of Hasan, a
brave soldier who was elected king In 1347.
Firishta relates that Hasan was originally employed in the
F. 18
service of Gangu, a Brahman astrologer of Delhi, yho gn-

jpyed the confidence of Sultan Muhammad Tuqhfria. One
day while Hasan was ploughing the land of his master, he
came across & pot full nf gold coins whifth he at once made
over to his master. The Brahman was so pleased with
Hasan's honesty that he recommended him to Sultan
Muhammad who employed hinn fr *"« a*™i<*f> The Brahman
predicted a great deatfnv far Haa^ and expressed a wish,
that when he was elevated to royal dignity, he should
appoint him as his minister. To this Hasan agreed, and
when he was elevated to the kingly office, he asa^mgd
title Bahmani OUt of gratefulneaa to hia ol^
Modern research has exploded Firishta's error, and the
view now generally accepted is that Hasan was descended
from Bahman bin Isfandiyar, king of Persia. He called
himself a descendant of Bahmanshah, and this name is
inscribed on his coins. '
He chose Gulbarga as his capital. The whole country
was divided into larafs which were assigned to the Amirs
who had rendered him good service in the recent war. Each
of these Amirs was granted a jagir on feudal tenure and
had to render military service to the king. Hasan now em-
barked upon a brilliant career of conquest. The fort of
Qandhar was recovered, ana ms otricer, Sikandar Khan,
reduced Bidarand Malkaid. Groa, Dab hoi, Kolapur, and
Telingana were all conquered, and towards the close of his
reign his dominions extended from the east of Daulatabad to
1 The author of the Burhvn-i-Mdair clearly states that Hasan traced
his pedigree from Bahman bin Isfandiyar. He is supported by Nizam-
uddin Ahmad, the author of the Tabqot-i-Akbari, Ahmad Amin Raai,
tbfe author of the Haft-lqUm and Haji-ud-Dabir, the author of the
Arabic History of Gujarat. This statement is also supported by the
eridenoe of inscriptions and coins,
Bhongir now in the Nizam's dominions and from the river

Wainganga in the north to the river KrisnS in the south.
The pressure of unremitting exertions told upon his health,
and he died m 1359. He was succeeded by Muhammad
Shah I, whom he had nominated as his heir on his death-bed.
He continued his father's policy of conquest. The
principal event of his reign was the war with the neighbour-
ing Hindu kingdoms of Vijayanagar and
Telingana. He defeated the Hindus who
fought with great courage and determination.
Their country was plundered, and temples were razejd to the
ground. Muhammad enjoyed peace for about a cl^caae. But
the barbarous execution of the Telingana Prince for a trivial
offence again lit up the flames of war. The Hindus would
not tamely submit, and after a prolonged fight of two years
a peace was made, and the Raja agreed to surrender the
fort of Golkunda and to pay a huge war indemnity of 33
lakhs. Golkunda was fixed as the boundary line between the
two kingdoms. Soon afterwards war with Vijayanagar broke
out, which assumed formidable dimensions. The humilia-
tion of a Gulbarga messenger who had came to demand
mone^r from Vijayanagar was the immediate cause of the
war.
The Raja of Vijayanagar took the offensive, marched
into the Sultan's territory at the head of 30,000 horse,
100,000 foot, and 300 elephants, and laid waste the country
between the KrignS and the Tungabhadra. The fort of
Mudgal was captured, and the Muslim garrison was put to
the sword. Muhammad took an oath to take a terrible
revenge, and marched at the head of a huge army upon
Vijayanagar. He enticed the Hindu forces out of the fort
by a clever stratagem, and inflicted a terrible defeat upon
them. The Raja's camp was raided, though he effect-

ed his escape, but his soldiers and officers as well as the
inhabitants of the neighbourhood were butchered by the
ruthless Muslim soldiers. Peace was at last made with the
Raja of Vijayanagar, and the Sultan took an oath never to
shed the blood of innocent men in the future?^
Muhammad Shah acted ruthlessly in carrying out his
domestic policy. He ordered all public distilleries to be
closed and put down lawlessness with a high hand. After
a reign of 17 years and 7 months he died in 1373 and was
succeeded by his son Mujfihid Shah.
MujBhid showed a great preference for the Persians
and the Turks, and thus by his policy of exclusion he re-
vived the old feuds and jealousies between
the Deccanis and the foreigners, which had
wrecked the government of Muhammad Tugh-
luq. But the most important problem of the time was, as
usual, war with Vijayanagar over the possession of the
Raichur Doab, and the forts of Raich ur and Mudgal. He
marched twice on Vijayanagar, but had to retreat on
both occasions on account of the combination of the Hindus.
Peace was concluded, but the Sultan was murdered by
his cousin, Daud, who usurped the throne in 1377. He
in his turn was murdered in the following year by a
slave, hired by Ruh Parwar Agha, the foster-sister of
MujBhid.
After Daud's death, Muhammad Shah II came to the
throne in 1378. He was a man of peace. The cessation of
war enabled him to devote his time to the pursuit of
literature and science. He built mosques, established public .
schools and monasteries, and never allowed anyone to act j
against the Holy Law. No rebellion occurred during his
reign, and the nobles and officers all loyally served their
master. The Sultan evinced a great interest in the welfare
of his subjects ; and once when famine broke out, he
employed ten thousand bullocks to bring grain from Malwa
and Gujarat to mitigate its severity. In the last year of
his life his sons conspired to seize the throne. He died in
1397 and was succeeded by his sons who were deprived of
sovereignty after a brief period of six months by Firuz,
a grandson of Sultan Alauddin Hasan Shah. Firuz came
to Gulbarga, and with the help of the nobles and officers
seized the throne in February 1397.
The author of the Burhfin-i-Mcteir describes him as
" a good, just and generous king who supported himself by
copying the Quran, and the ladies of whose!
haram used to support themselves by embroi- 1
dering garments and selling them." The
same authority further says :— " As a ruler he was without
an equal, and many records of his justice still remain on the
page of time/' But this seems to be an exaggeration, for
Firishta clearly states, that although he observed the prac-
tices of his religion with strictness, he drank hard, was
passionately fond of music,rgnd nîntairajL a large haram
which included women of s^pt^niauohâlit^s. It is said
that about 800 women were daiiy^dmiitecr into the royal
seraglio by means of muta marriage. Frank and jovial to a
degree, Firuz took delight in social intercourse, and treated
his companions without the slightest reserve, but he never
allowed public matters to be discussed at such convivial
gatherings.
As usual, struggle with Vijayanagar began for the pos-
session ofthe fort of Mudgal in 1898. HariHar II marched
an army into the Raichur Doab. Firuz also mobilised his
198 HISTOHY OF MUSLIM RULE
forces, but he had also to check the Raya of Kehrla*

who had invaded Berar. The Raya was defeated, and a
treaty was made which restored the status quo, although
the Raya had to pay a large sum as ransom for the
release of the Brahman captives seized during the war.
The war was renewed again, and in 1419 Firuz led an
unprovoked attack upon the fort of Pangal, a dependency
of Vijayanagar. The Sultan's troops were defeated owing
to the outbreak of pestilence, and the victorious Hindus
butchered the Musalmans mercilessly, ravaged their
country, and desecrated their mosques.
Firuz was obliged by his failing health to leave the
affairs of state in the hands of his slaves. His brother
Ahmad Shah became the most powerful man in the king-
dom towards the close of his reign, and succeeded to the
throne after his death in 1422.
He ascended the throne without opposition. His
minister advised him to put to death the late Sultan's son in
order to ensure his safety, but he refused to
U&IH46 Shab' doso» and provided him with a liberal jagir
at Firuzabad, where the prince utterly devoid
of any political ambition frittered away his time in the
pursuit of pleasure. He waged war against Vijayanagar
and mercilessly put to death men, women, and children to-
the number of 20,000. This cruelty of Ahmad Shah so ex-
asperated the Hindus that they determined to take his life ;
and when he was engaged in a hunting excursion, they
chased him with tremendous fury, but he was saved by
his armour-bearer, Abdul Qadir. Ahmad Shah now reduced
the people of Vijayanagar to such distress that Deva Raya
was compelled to sue for peace. He agreed to pay all
arrears of tribute, and sent his son with 30 elephants, laden
with money, jewels and other articles of untold value to

the royal camp.
In 1424 he defeated the Raja of Warangal, and annexed
a large portion of his territory to his own dominions. He
also defeated the Muslim rulers of Malwa and the neigh-
bouring states, massacred a large number of men, and
captured rich booty. ^îAJU *^X5UA <wlw ,^>.
Hejajssumed the title pi JMFPoK ' and on his return laid
the foundation of the city of Bidar, which afterwards became
the recognised capital of the Bahmani kingdom. In 1429*
he went to war with the chiefs of the Konkan, and fought
an indecisive battle with the ruler of Gujarat. The
last expedition of the reign was against Telingana to put
down a Hindu revolt, after which he retired from public
life and resigned the throne to his son, Prince Zafar Khan*
He died of illness in 1435.
Zafar Khan ascended the throne under the title of
Alauddin II. He began his reign well, but later on his
Aiauddin ji, character degenerated, and he spent his time
1485—1467. jn debauchery an(j pleasure.
His brother, Muhammad, whom he treated well, rose
in rebellion and seized the Raichur Doab, Bijapur, and
other districts with the help of Vijayanagar. But he was
ultimately defeated, and pardoned, and allowed to hold the
district of Raichur as jagir. But the hereditary enemy of
Alauddin was the Raya of Vijayanagar who now led a
wanton attack against the Sultan's dominions. At first
the struggle was indecisive, but after a siege lasting for
some time, Deva Raya agreed to pay the stipulated tribute.
The administration was much disturbed by the feuds of the
Deccani Muslims, who were mostly Sunnis and foreigners
like the Arabs, Turks, Persians, and Mughals who
professed the Shia faith and thus led to a serious crime.

In 1454 Khalf Hasan Malik-ul-Tuj jSr suffered a crushing
defeat at the hands of a Hindu chief in the Konkan. As
the party were moving in order to save their lives, the
Deccani chief led the Sultan to believe that they meditated
treason. They were invited to a feast and treacherously
murdered. Alauddin died in 1457.
Alauddin was a profligate, but he did not wholly
neglect the interests of his subjects. He built mosques,
established public schools and charitable institutions. Order
was maintained throughout the kingdom, and thieves and
brigands were severely punished. Though not deeply
religious himself, he strictly enforced the observances of
the faith, and respected the feelings of his co-religionists.
Alauddin was succeeded by his eldest son Humayun. He
was a monster of cruelty. He might well be praised for his
,- learning, eloquence and wit, but at the same
' '" t*me we wou^ regret his fierce disposition.
He showed no compassion in shedding blood.
But he was fortunate in securing the services of Mahmud
GSwfin, who served the state with rare fidelity and devotion
to the last day of his life. The main interest of his reign
lies in the hideous forms of cruelty which he practised with
savage brutality. After the conspiracy which resulted in
the release of his brothers, Hasan and Yahiya, from prison,
he caused Hasan in his own presence to be thrown before
a Jerocious tiger who instantly killed and devoured him.
The king's ferocity exceeded all bounds.
In October 1461, Humayun died a natural death ;
but according to Firishta the more probable account is
that he was murdered by one of his servants in a state of
drunkenness.
After Humayun's death Nizam was selected as king

by Khwajja Jahan^ Mahmud Gawan, and the queen-mother,
who was one of the most remarkable women
I46i-63,8hah' that have appeared in the east. Nizam,
being a child of eight years, the government
itfas in the hands of the Dowage^^
Aided by Mahmud GSwan, she set at liberty all the innocent
persons who had been thrown into prison by her husband,
and reinstated in their offices all the servants of the state
who had been dismissed without cause.
She repelled an attack led by the Rais of Orissa and Te-
lingana ; but when Mahmud Khilji of Malwa occupied Bidar,
the Deccan army under Mahmud Gawan and Khwaja Jahan
suffered a crushing defeat in 1461. The queen-mother
secured in this hour of need the assistance of the ruler of
Gujarat on whose approach Mahmud Khilji retreated to
his country. A second attempt by Mahmud Khilji was
unsuccessful for the same reason. Nizam Shah died jdl of
a sudden in 1463, when he was about to be marriedZJwj^^
Muhammad Shah, brother of the late king, was selected
by the nobles. The new king had the KhwSjS JahBn
murdered on account of the embezzlement
U88 of public funds, and Mahmud Gawan became
—82. ' the chief authority in the state. He had un-
limited power. He loyally served the state
for several years. He fought wars, subdued countries, and
increased the Bahmani dominions to an extent never
reached before. He was sent with a large force against
the Hindu kingdom of Konkan, and compelled the chief to
surrender the fortress of Kalna, the modern Visalgarh.
He also compelled the Raja of Orissa to pay tribute, but
the most remarkable exploit of the Sultan was the raid on
Kanchi or Kanjivaram in the course of acampaign against

Narasinha, Raja of Vijayanagar. The city was captured,
and an immense booty fell into the hands of the
victors.
In 1474 a severe famine occurred in the Deccan which
is known as the Bijapur famine. InJ47p jVthnasius Niki^
tin, a Russian merchant, visited Bidar. He has made
observations regarding the country, its government and the
people. He also gives a description of the Sultan's hunting
expeditions and his palace.
Mahmud (jgwgir. was a_great administrator. In spite
of the feuds between the Two parties in the kingdom —
the Deccanis and J;he Iranls — which were a
s^™6 of £reat tr°uble, Mahmud G§w5n was
able to carry out his work of reform with
success. No department seems to have escaped his attention.
He organised the finances, improved the administration of
justice, encouraged public education, and instituted a survey
of village lands to make the state demand of revenue just
andjKjuitahte- Corrupt practices were put down ; the army
was reformed ; better *%dl?liflft wqq Qr>^nr^dT and the pros-
pects of the soldiers were improved .
But the Deccanis who were jealous of his influence
formed a conspiracy against him and forged a letter of trea-
sonable contents, purporting to have been
written by him to Narasinha Raya. The king
was persuaded to have him murdered as a
traitor, in a fit of drunkenness. Thus passed away by the
gruel hand of the assassin one of the purest characters of
the age, and Meadows Taylor rightly observes that with him
ieparted all the cohesion and the power of the BahmanI
Mahmud GSwfin was one of the most remarkable
nediseval statesmen. He was completely devoted to the
state, and served it all his life with great
- frkffity* an<* distinction. Much has already
been said about his public career, which was
s full of unremitting exertions for the benefit of
tê state. But the KhwajS shone better in private life. He
loved simplicity^ and always felt for the poor. All Muslim
chroniclers agree in saving that he was courageous, mag-
nanimous,lover
a of justice and free from the vices common
to
timethewasgreat men of
mostly his jge~
passed in theHiscompany
wants were few, and and
of scholars his*
divines. He possessed a fine library in his college_at^
'Bidarwhich
learned Khwaja Contained 3,000 the
repairedTto books.. Afterin the
college the day's toil and
evening, the
there found his most favourite recreation in the company
of learned men. He was well-versed in Mathematics, the
gftjffliM of Medicine, literature, and was a mastgrof
epistolary styleA Firishta attributes to him the authorship of
two works— thp Rauzat-ul-Imha and theîwan-i-ashr. But
although the KhwSja was pious and learned, he found it
difficult to rise above the religious prejudices of the age, and
often took part in crusades against idolatry. All things
said, the murder of such a devoted servant was a grave
Jjlujldfir, and more than anything else it accelerated the
ruin of the BahmanLdynasty.
luhammad Shah died in 1482, and was succeeded by
his son Mahmud Shah who was only 12 years of age. He
The downfall *urnec^ out an imbecile and spent his time in
oftheBahmani merriment and revelry. Disorders increased
kingdom. Qn ajj Bftea^ an(j provincial governors began
to declare their independence. The Bahmani kingdom
was now restricted to Bidar and the provinces near the

capital. Amir Barid, the new minister, was the virtual ruler;
he kept Mahmud in a state of humiliating dependence upon
himself. After Mahmud's death in 1518 the Bahmani
kingdom practically came to an end.
The kingdom broke up into five independent principali-
ties which were :—
1. The Imad Shahi dynasty of Berar.
2. The Nizam Shahi dynasty of Ahmadnagar.
3. The Adil Shahi dynasty of Bijapur.
4. The Qutb Shahi dynasty of Golkunda
5. The Barid Shahi dynasty of Bidar
The Bahmani dynasty contained in all fourteen kings.
Tney were with a few exceptions cruel and ferocious, and
never hesitated in shedding the blood of the
re- Hindus. The founder of the dynasty, Hassan
Kanga, was a capable administrator, but he
too was relentless in his attitude towards the Hindus. His
successors were mostly debauched and unprincipled tyrants
who were always hampered in their work by the dissensions
of the Deccani and foreign Amirs. Attempts at making the
administration efficient were made from time to time, but
they never succeeded except perhaps during the ministry of
Mahmud GawSn. The Hindus were employed by the state
in the lower branches of the administration, but that was
inevitable because they had better knowledge and expe-
rience of revenue affairs. JMahmud GgwSn reformed^the
system of revenue, and allowed the agriculturists to pay
their dues in cash or kind. Athnasius Nikitin says that the
^country was populous, the lands well cultivated, the roads
safe from robbers, and the capital ofjthe kingdom, amagni-
Acent city with parka and promenades. The nobles lived in
BREAK-UP OF THE EMPIRE 20&
great magnificence, but the lot of the people in the country

was hard and miserable. It is from his remarks that Dr.
Smith draws the conclusion that the country must have
been sucked dry. But he forgets that mediaeval monarchs
all over the world felt no scruples in spending the people's
money with a light heart on personal pleasures. It is
true the Bahmanids often plundered the property l>f their
enemies, but they were never guilty of levying oppressive
exactions even in the time of war. They provided facilities
of irrigation for the development of agriculture in their
dominions, and took interest in the welfare of the peasantry.
Some of them were patrons of arts and education, and made
endowments for the maintenance of the learned and pious.
They were not great builders. The only things worthy of
mention are the city of Bidar, which was full of beautiful
buildings, and certain forts which exist to this day.
In judging the Bahmanids it would be unfair to apply
to their conduct the standards of today. Even in the
West in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries religious
persecution was the order of the day. Religion and politics
were often mixed up, and ambitious rulers exploited
religious zeal for their own advantage. If we keep this
fact in mind, we can neither accept the unqualified praise
which Meadows Taylor bestows upon the Bahmanids nor
their wholesale condemnation which is to be found in
Dr. Vincent Smith's Oxford History of India.
THE FIVE MUHAMMADAN KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN
The Jmad Shahi dynasty was founded by Fatah
Ullah Imad Shah, onginaHy a Hindu from Carnatic. He
made a name in the service of Khan-i-
Berar* Jahan, the viceroy of Berar, and succeeded
him. He was the first to declare his independence. His

•dynasty ruled till 1574, when it was incorporated in the
Nizam Shahi dominions.
The Adil Shahi dynasty was founded by Yusuf Adil
Khan, a slave purchased by Mahmud Gawan. But
according to Firishta he was a son of
Bajapur. ^^ ^^ n Q£ Turkey who died in 14gL
When his eldest brother Muhammad came to the throne
he ordered the expulsion of all the male children of the
late Sultan ; but Yusuf was saved by the tact of his
mother. He rose to high rank through the favour of his
patron, Mahmud Gawan* He declared his independence
in 1489.
His formidable enemy Qasim Barid incited the Raya
of Vijayariagar to declare war upon Bijapur. But
Narasinha suffered a defeat. In 1495 he helped Qasim
Barid in defeating Dastur Dinar, the governor of
Gulburga, who had revolted. But he managed to have
Oulburga restored to him and saved his life. Yusuf
was anxious to obtain Gulburga for himself. Qasim was
defeated, and his defeat greatly enhanced the prestige of
Ali Adil Shah. In 1502 he declared the Shia creed to be
the religion of the state, but granted perfect toleration
to the Sunnis. Nevertheless/ the neighbouring powers
joined against him. He fled to Berar, restored the Sunni
faith, and withdrew to Khandesh.
Meanwhile Imadul-Mulk wrote to the allies that Amir
Barid was using them for his own selfish end. So the
Sultans of Ahmadnagar and Golkunda left the field. Amir
Barid, left alone, was defeated by Yusuf, who entered
Bijapu* in triumph. Yusuf Adil Shah is one of the most
remarkable rulers of the Deccan. He was a patron of
letters, and learned men from Persia, Turkistan, and Rum
<came to his court and enjoyed his bounty. He was free from
•bigotry, and religion in his eyes was no bar to public employ-
ment. Firishta says that he was 'handsome in person,
eloquent in speech, and eminent for his learning, liberality,
and valour.'
Yusuf Adil was followed by Ismail who was only nine
years of age at the time of his accession. The affairs of
Ismail.1 01
Shah.^ the state were managed by KamSl Khan, an
officer of the late king, but he proved a
traitor. His designs were frustrated by the queen-mother
who had him assassinated by a slave. Ismail now took the
reins of government in his own hands. But he had to fight
against Vijayanagar and Ahmadnagar. He was victorious in
all his wars, and recovered possession of the Raichur
Doab from Vijayanagar. Ismail died in 1534, and was
succeeded by Mallu Adil Shah, but he was blinded and
dethroned. After him his brother Ibrahim was proclaimed
king.
He first restored the Sunni faith and replaced all
foreigners in his service by the Deccanis and Abyssinians.
He defeated the rulers of Bidar, Ahmadna-
gar, and Golkunda and displayed commend-
able energy, but debauchery soon brought
about his ruin. He fell ill and died in 1557. , He was
succeeded by Ali Adil Shah.
The new Sultan restored the Shia faith and his policy
caused discontent in the country. With the help of
the Raya of Vijayanagar he ravaged the
Bhih. A d * l Ahmadnagar territory in 1658. The Hindus
perpetrated the most horrible excesses
which disgusted even their ally Ali Adil. The growing
power of Vijayanagar seemed to be a menace to the

existence of the Muslim monarchies. Bijapur, Bidar,
Ahmadnagar, Golkunda combined against Vijayanagar
and defeated Ram Raya at Talikota in 1565. Ali Adil w as-
assassinated in 1579.
The heir to the throne was a minor, and the govern-
ment was carried on by his mother Chand Bibi who is so
famous in Indian history. Ibrahim was suc-
cessful in a war with Ahmadnagar in 1594,
when the Sultan was slain in battle. He died
in 1626. He was the most remarkable ruler of his dynasty*
The Adil Shahis fought long and hard against the
Mughals, and Bijapur was finally annexed to the empire
in 1686 by Aurangzeb.
The Nizam Shahi dynasty was founded by Nizamul-
mulk Bahri, the leader of the Deccan party at Bidar.
After Mahmud.
Ahmadnagar. Gawan's death, he was.,
appointed minister. His son Malik Ahmad
was appointed governor of Junir. He intended to join,
his son, but his plans were foiled by the governor of Bidar,
who had him strangled to death with the king's per-
mission. Malik Ahmad declared his independence in 1498,
and transferred his court to Ahmadnagar. He obtained
possession of Daulatabad in 1499 after a hard fight. On
his death he was succeeded by his son Burhan Nizam
Shah.
Burhan (1508—58) was a minor ; and so the affairs of the
state were managed by his father 'sold officers. He married
a Bijapur princess. He fell out with the
kin« of Bijapur and brought about almost a
diplomatic revolution by concluding aa
alliance with the Raya of Vijayanagar.
BREAK-UP OF THE EMPIRE 20&
In 1553 he laid siege to Bijapur, but he died shortly
afterwards. The subsequent history of Ahmadnagar is>
unimportant except for the heroic defence made hv ffiflnd
Bibi against Prince Murad. Ahmadnagar was finally
conquered by the imperialists in 1600.
The Qutb Shahi dynasty was founded by Qutb-ul-mulk^
He was well educated, and was originally employed in
~ „ ,
Golkunda. the secretariat of Mahmud Shah Bahmani.
By dint of his ability he rose to be the
governor of Telingana. He declared his independence in
1518. On his death in 1543, he was succeeded by a series-
of weak rulers who maintained their independence against
the Mughals until 1687 when Golkunda was finally
annexed to the empire by Aurangzeb.
Amir Barid, son of Qasim Barid, assumed the title
of king, and declared his independence in 1526, when
Bidar Sultan, Kalimullah, fled to Bijapur.
The dynasty lingered till 1609, when it was.
supplanted by the Adil Shahis who annexed the province
to their dominions.
(iii) The RUe of Vijayana?ar

The rise of the kingdom of Vijayanagar dates from the
time of the disorders which occurred during the reign of
Muhammad Tughluq. Sewell, the historian of
of thenEampipre. the Vijayanagar Empire, gives seven tradition-
ary accounts of the origin of the empire* l But
the most probable account is that which attributes its origin;
to two brothers, Hari Kara and Bukka, who were employed
in the treasury of Pratap Rudra Deva KSkatiya of WarangaK
1 Sewell, A Forgotten Empire* pp. 20—22.

F. 14
They fled from their country in 1323 when it was overrun

by the Muslims. They took up service with the Raja of
Anagondi in the Raichur district, but they were taken to
Delhi when that country fell into the hands of the Muslims.
This excited the Hindus so much that they rose in rebellion,
and the Sultan released the two brothers, and restored
them to the country of Anagondi which they held as tri-
butaries of the empire of Delhi. With the help of the
famous sage and scholar Vidyaranya (literally, forest of
learning) they founded in the year 1336 A.D. the imperial
city on the bank of the Tungbhadra merely as a place of
shelter against the persecutions and aggressions of the
Muslim invaders, and Hari Hara became the first ruler of
the dynasty.
By the year 1340 Hari Hara had estab-
arly lished his sway over the valley °f the
Tungbhadra, portions of the Konkon, and
the Malabar coast.
Hari Hara and his brothers never assumed royal titles.
Muslim historians tell us that Hari Hara took part in the
•confederacy organised by Krigna Nayak, son of Pratap
Hudra Deva of Warangal, in 1344, to drive the Muslims out
'of the Deccan. The evidence of inscriptions also points
to the fact that Hari Hara I assisted in this confederacy,
and fought against the Muslim forces. The death of the
last king of the Hoysala dynasty— VirQpfik?a Ballala in 1346
coupled with the disappearance of the power of the Sultan
of Delhi enabled the valiant brothers to bring under their
control the dominions of the Hoysalas. The brothers then
embarked upon a brilliant career of conquest. Their efforts
were crowned with success, so much so, that within the
lifetime of Hari Hara, the kingdom extended from the KrifpK
in the north to the neighbourhood of the Kaveri in the
south, and comprised the whole country situated between
the eastern and western oceans. Bat the northward ex-
pansion ofthe rising kingdom was checked by the Bah-
manids. Both tried to be supreme in the Deccan, and their
ambitions led them to fight against each other with great
ferocity and pertinacity. Hari Kara divided his kingdom
into provinces, which he entrusted to scions of the royal
family ana trustworthy viceroys, whose loyalty had been
proved by long and faithful service. Hari Kara died about
1353, and was succeeded by his brother Bukka who completed
the building of the city of Vijayanagar, and enlarged its
dimensions. He is described in the inscriptions as the
master of the eastern, western, and southern oceans. This
is no doubt an exaggeration ; but we might easily conclude
that he was a remarkable ruler. He sent a mission to the
emperor of China, and waged wars against the Bahmani
kingdom. He was a tolerant and liberal-minded ruler ; and
it is said that on one occasion he brought about a reconcilia-
tion between the Jains and Vaignavas by his intervention.^
Bukka died in 1879^ and was succeeded by HarL JIara II
the first king of the dynasty who assumed imperial titles
and called himself Maharajadhiraj. He en*
(*owed ternPles» an(* tried to consolidate his
vast possessions. Sewell writes that he
was always a lover of peace, and Vincent Smith says that he
had a quiet time so far as the Muslims were concerned, and
enjoyed leisure which he devoted to consolidating his domi-
nion over the whole of Southern India, including Trichinopoly
and Conjeevaram (Kanchi). He turned his attention to other
countries of the south, and his general, Gunda, conquered
several new provinces. Hari Hara II die£ on the 90th
21g HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
August, 1404, and was succeeded by bis son who ruled only
for a short time. He was succeeded by Deva Raya who
had to fight again and again against the Bahmanids.
Firishta says that on one occasion Firuz compelled him to
give his daughter in marriage to the Sultan. But we may
well doubt whether the marriage took place, for the author
of the Burhan-i-MOsir, who is a detailed and accurate
chronicler, does not make even a casual mention of this
marriage, nor is there any mention of it in the inscriptions.
Deva Raya died in 1410, and was succeeded by his son
Vijaya Raya who reigned for nine years. He was succeeded
by Deva Raya II..
Deva Raya followed the military traditions of his pre-
decessors and declared war against the Bahmanids. Being
impressed by the superior strength of the
Muslim cavalry, he employed Muslim horse-
men in his service, but even this somewhat
unusual step proved of no avail. When the war broke out
again in 1443, the Muslims defeated ihe Raya's forces, and
compelled him to pay tribute. During Deva Raya H's reign
Vijayanagar was visited by two foreigners— one of them was
Nicolo Conti, an Italian sojourner, and the other was Abdur
Razzaq, an envoy from Persia. Both have left valuable obser-
vations regarding the city and the empire of Vijayanagar.
He visited Vijayanagar about the year
Nicol° Cont1' 1420 or 1421 and he describes it
thus :-
" The great city of Bizengalia is situated near very
steep mountains. The circumference of the city is sixty
miles ; its walls are carried up to the mountains and
enclose the valleys at their foot, so that its extent is,
thereby increased. In this city there are estimated to
be ninety thousand men, fit to bear arms.
BREAK-UP (fr THE EMPIRE 218
The inhabitants of this region marry as many
as they please, who are burnt with their dead
husbands. Their king is more powerful than all other
kings of India. He takes to himself 12TQOO wives, of
whom 4,000 follow him on foot wherever he may go,
and are employed solely in the service of the kitchen. A
like number, more handsomely equipped, ride on horse-
back. The remainder are carried by men in litters, of
whom 2,000 or 3,000 are selected as his wives, on con-
dition that at his death they should voluntarily burn
themselves with him, which is considered to be a great
honour for them.
^ "At a certain time of the year their idol is carried
through the city, placed between two chariots, in which
are joung women richly adorned, who sing hymns
to the god, and accompanied by a great concourse of
people. Many, carried away by the fervour of their
faith, cast themselves on the ground before the wheels,
in order that they may be crushed to death— a mode
of death which they say is very acceptable to their god,
others making an incision in their side, and inserting a
rope thus through their body, hang themselves to the
chariot by way of ornament and thus suspended and
half -dead accompany their idol. This kind of sacrifice
they consider the best and most acceptable of all.
3. " Thrice in the year they keep festivals of special
solemnity. On one of these occasions the males and
females of all ages, having bathed in the rivers or the
sea, clothe themselves in new garments, and spend
three entire days in singing, dancing and feasting. On
another of these festivals they fix up within
their temples, and on the outside on their roofs an
innumerable number of lamps of oil of auaimanni which

are kept burning ây- an d)night. On the third, which
lasts nine days, they set up in all the highways large
beams, like the masts of small ships, to the upper part
of which are attached pieces of very beautiful cloth of
various kinds interwoven with gold. On the summit
of each of these beams is each day placed a man of
pious aspiration, dedicated to religion, capable of endur-
ing all things with equanimity, who is to pray for the
favour of god. These men are assailed by the people,
who pelt them with orange, lemons, and other odori-
ferous fruits, all of which they bear most patiently,
There are also three other festival days, during which
they sprinkle all passers-by, even the king and queen
themselves, with saffron water, placed for the purpose
by the wayside. This is received by all with much
laughter."
Twenty years after Nicolo Conti, Abdur Razzaq,1
an envoy from Persia, visited Vijayanagar in 1442 He
Abdur Raz- staye(* in the famous city till the beginning
z&q's account of April 1448. He gives a detailed account
>f Vijayanagar.
are as follows : —
11 One day messengers came from the king to
summon me, and towards the evening I went to the
court, and presented five beautiful horses
Tke Raya. and- *
two trays .
each containing nine pieces
of 4§mask and satin. The king was seated in
yJ J s
hr <H ^ * ./ <
1 A detailed account of Abdur-Razzaq is given in the Matta-us-

Sadain. Elliot, IV, pp. 105—120* He was born a* Herat in 1413. Shah Rukb
of Persia sent him as an ambassador to Yijayanagar. He died in 1482.
great state in the forty-pillared hall, and a great crowd

of Brahmans and others stood on the right and left of him.
He was clothed in a robe of Zaitun satin and he had-
around his neck a collar composed of pure pearls of regal
excellence, the value of which a jeweller would find it
difficult to calculate. He was of an olive colour, of a
spare body and rather tall. He was exceedingly young,,
for there was only some slight down upon his cheeks and
none upon his chin. His whole appearance was very
prepossessing. . . The daily provision forwarded to me
comprised two sheep, four couple of fowls, five mans of
rice, one man of butter, one man of sugar, and two
varahas gold. This occurred every day. Twice a week
I was summoned to the presence towards the evening
when the king asked me several questions respecting
the Khakan-i-said, and each time I received a packet of
betel, a purse of fanams and some miskals of camphor.
4< TJie^city ofJBisanagar is such that eye has
nor ear heard of any place resembling it upon the
eartk It is so built that it has seven fortified
walls, one within the other. Beyond the cir-
cuit of the outer wall there is an esplanade extending
for about fifty yards, in which stones are fixed near one
another to the height of a man ; one-half buried firmly in
the earth, and the other half rises above it, so that
neither foot nor horse, however bold, can advance with
facility near the outer wall.
" Each class of men belonging to each
profession has shops contiguous the one to the other ; the
jewellers sell publicly in the bazar pearls,
robieSt emeralds, and diamonds. In this
agreeable locality, as well aa in the
216 HISTORY OF MUSLIM
king's palace, one sees numerous running streams

and canals formed of chiselled stone, polished and
smooth.
On the left of the Sultan's portico, rises the diwan-

khana (the council house) which is extremely large and
looks like a palace. In front of it is a hall, the height of
which is above the stature of a man, its length thirty
ghez, and its breadth ten. In it is placed the daftar-
khana (the archives), and 'here sit the scribes. . . In
the middle of this palace upon a high estrade is seated
an eunuch, called Daiang who alone presides over
the diWan. At the end of the hall stand tchobdars
(hussars) drawn up in line. Every man who comes upon
any business, passes between the tchobdars, offers
a small present, grostratea himself with his face to
the ground, then rising up explains the business which
brought him there and the Daiang pronounces his opi-
nion, according to the principles of justice adopted in
this kingdom, and no one thereafter is allowed to make
any appeal."
Deva Raya II probably died in 1449, and was succeeded
by his two sons one after the other. But they were too
weak to manage the large empire which
dy- he ^ j£ft t() them The throne wag
usurped by Saluva-Narasinha, the most
powerful noble in KarnSta and Telingana. This is known
as the first usurpation Saluva-Narasinha's power did not
last long. His successor had to make room for his redoubt-
able general Naresa Nayaka of Tuluva descent, who became
the founder of a new dynasty. The most famous king of
this dynasty was Kri?na Deva Raya.
Kriijna Deva Raya is said to have ascended the throne
Vijayanagar in 1509 A.D. Under him Vijayanagar
attained ty the zenith of its greatness and
char- prosperity. He fought the Muslims of the
per" Deccan on equal terms, and avenged the
wrongs that had been done to his predeces-
sors. He was an able and accomplished monarch. Paes
who saw him with his own eyes thus describes him :
-/ " Theandking
exion goodis figure,
of medium
rather height,
fat thanand
thinof; he
fairhascom-j
on
Tiis face signs of small-pox. He is the most feared and
perfect king that could possibly be, cheerful of disposition
and very merry ; he is one that seeks to honour foreign-
ers, and receives them kindly, asking about all their
affairs whatever their condition may be. He is a great
ruler and a man of much justice, but subject to sudden
fits of rage "
The history of this period is a record of bloody wars.
There is no ruler among the sovereigns of the Deccan,
both Hindu and Muslim, worthy of comparison with Kri$na
Deva Raya. Although a Vaisnava himself, he granted the
fullest liberty of worship to his subjects. He was very
kind and hospitable to foreigners, who speak highly of his
liberality, his genial appearance, and his elevated culture.
He was a brilliant conversationalist, and the inscriptions show
that he was a great patron of Sanskrit and Telugu litera-
ture. His court was adorned by eight celebrated poets, who
were known as the o$a diggaja. He was not wanting
in military prowess, and gave proof of his organising
capacity and valour in the wars he waged against his
-enemies. A fearless and renowned captain of war, Krigna
Deva Raya was a man of charitable disposition, and he

made numerous gifts to temples and Brahmans. All things-
considered, he was one of the most remarkable rulers that
have appeared in Southern India. Sew ell gives an in-
teresting account of the king's position and personality :
" Kri?na Deva was not only monarch de jure, was
in the practical fact an absolute sovereign of extensive
power and strong personal influence. He was the real
ruler. He was physically strong in his best days, and
kept his strength up to the highest pitch by hard bodily
exercise. He rose early and developed all his muscles
by the use of the Indian clubs and the use of the sword ;
he was a fine rider, and was blessed with a noble presence
which favourably impressed all who came in contact
with him. He commanded his enormous armies in person,,
was able, brave and statesmanlike, and was withal a
man of much gentleness and generosity of character. He
was beloved by all and respected by all. The only blot
on his scutcheon is, that after his great success over the
Muhammadan king he grew to be haughty and insolent
in his demands/'
Krigna Deva Raya's conquests extended far and wide.
He defeated the Raya of Orissa and married a princess of the
royal house. But his most important achieve-
ment was the defeat of Adil Shah of Bfiapur
in 1520. The Muslim camp was sacked, and
enormous booty fell into the hands of the Hindus. Adil
Shah's prestige was so completely shattered that for a time
he ceased to think of further conquest in the south, and con-
centrated his attention on organising his resources for a
fresh and more determined struggle. The Hindus behaved so*
haughtily in the hour of victory that their conduct gave
terrible offence to the Muslim powers, and made them the ob-
jects of universal hatred in all Muslim circles in the Deccan.
The Portuguese had friendly relations with the Raya
of Vijayanagar who greatly benefited by their trade in
Rei a t i o n s ôrses an<* other useful articles. In 1510 the
with the Portuguese governor Albuquerque sent a
ortuguese mission to Vijayanagar to obtain permission
to build a fort at Bhatkal. This was granted when the
Portuguese seized Goa, which has always been one of their
valuable possessions. The mutual feuds of the Hindu and
Muslim rulers of the Deccan increased the political impor-
tance of these foreign traders, for their assistance was
often sought by the contending parties.
The conquests of Krigna Deva Raya considerably enlarged
the extent of the empire. It extended over the area which
™1 U. 6 OX™
is now covered by the Madras Presidency,
tent of the the Mysore and certain other states of the
empire. Deccan. It reached to Cuttack in the east and
Salsette in the west, and towards the south it touched the
extreme border of the peninsula. The expansion of the
empire and its great resources were a matter of supreme
anxiety to the Muslim rulers of the Deccan, who always
kept themselves in a state of readiness for war, and left
no stone unturned to reduce its power or lower its prestige.
After Krisna Deva Raya's death a period of decline
began. The new ruler Achyut Deva, who was a brother
of the late king, was an incompetent man
* 'd e who found it difficult to guard the state
against his jealous neighbours. The Sultan
of Bijapur seized the fortresses of Raichur and Mudgal, and
thus humiliated the Raya. After his death in 1542, Achyut
^220 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
was succeeded by Sadasiva Raya, the son of a deceased
brother of his, but since he was merely a figure-head, all
power passed into the hands of Rama Raya Saluva, son of
Krishna Deva Raya's famous Minister Saluva Timma.
Rama Raya was a capable man, but his pride and arrogance
had given offence to his allies and opponents alike. In 1543
with the help of Ahmadnagar and Golkunda, he declared
war upon Bijapur, but it was saved by the diplomacy of
Ali Adil Shah's minister Asad Khan, who detached the Raya
from the coalition and made peace with Burhan. But a
fresh shuffle of cards followed when in 1557 Bijapur,
Golkunda, and Vijayanagar combined to attack
Ahmadnagar. The whole country was laid waste by the
Hindus and Firishta writes :—
"The infidels of Vijayanagar, who for many years
had been wishing such an event, left no cruelty
unpractised ; they insulted the honour of the
Musalman women, destroyed the mosques, and did
not even respect the sacred Quran."
This atrocious conduct of the Hindus outraged Muslim
sentiment and alienated their allies. They determined to
crush the Hindu State, and giving up all their differences
formed a grand alliance against Vijayanagar. In 1564
Bijapur, Ahmadnagar, Golkunda, and Bidar combined, but
Berar remained aloof from the confederacy. The formidable
coalition, called into existence by irreconcilable hatred, took
a revenge which has no parallel in the history of the south.
The allies began their southward march on December
25, 1564, and met near the town of ..Talikota on the bank
^ Battle of °^ *ke K^na. The Raya treated their move-
Taiikota, 1566 ments with indifference. He used ' scornful
A*D~ language towards their ambassadors and
regarded their enmity as of little moment.' But he soon

discovered his mistake. He sent his youngest brother
Tirumala with 20,000 horse, 100,000 foot and 500 elephants
to guard the passages of the Kri?na at all points, and des-
patched abrother with another force. The remaining troops
he kept under his command and marched to the field of bat-
tle. The allies also made mighty preparations. Such huge
armies had never met each other before on a field of battle
in the south. The fight began. At first the Hindus seemed
victorious, but the tide turned when the artillery wing
of the allied army charged the Hindu host with bags,
filled with copper coins, and in a short time 5,000 Hindus
were slain. This was followed by a fearful cavalry charge.
Rama Raya was captured and was beheaded by Husain
Nizamshah with the exclamation, "Now I am aveng-
ed of thee. Let God do what he will to me." The army was
instantly seized with panic. The battle ended in a complete
rout. About 100.000 Hindus were slain, and the plunder
was so great that "every man in the allied army became
rich in gold, jewels, effects, tents, arms, horses, and slaves,
as the Sultan left every person in possession of what he
had acquired only taking elephants for his own use.
Then the victorious allies proceeded towards the city of
Vijayanagar which was thoroughly sacked. Its wealth
was seized and its population was destroyed. No words
can describe the horrors and misery which the people of
Vijayanagar had to suffer at the hands of the Muslims.
The scene is described by Sewell in these words :—
" The third day saw the beginning of the end. The
victorious Musalmans had halted on the field of battle for
rest and refreshment, but now they had reached, the
HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
capital, and from that time forward for a space of five

months Vijayanagar knew no rest. The enemy had come
to destroy, and they carried out their object relentlessly.
They slaughtered the people without mercy ; broke down
the temples and palaces and wreaked such savage venge-
ance on the abode of the kings, that with the exception
of a few great stone-built temples and walls,
a h*ap "f ™in* tn mark thf3! p^ where once
stately buildings q*™^ They demolished the statues,
and even succeeded in breaking the limbs of the huge
Jfarsinha monolith. Nothing seemed to escape them.
They broke up the pavilions standing on the huge
platform from which the kings used to watch the
festivals and overthrew all the carved work. They lit
huge fires in the magnificently decorated buildings
forming the temple of Vitthalaswami near the river,
and smashed its exquisite stone sculptures. With fire
and sword, with crow-bars and axes, they carried on
•day after day their work of destruction. Never
perhaps in the history of the world has such havoc
been wrought, and wrought so suddenly, on so
splendid a city ; teeming with a wealthy and industrious
population in the full plenitude of prosperity one
day, and on the next, seized, pillaged, and reduced
to ruins, amid scenes of savage massacre and horrors
beggaring description."
The battle of Talikota is one of the most decisive
Battles iq frdian history. It sealed the fate of the great
Effect of the H*n<*u Empire of the South. Its fall was
battle of Tali- followed by anarchy and misrule, and the
%oto* Muslims who were elated at the ruin of their
formidable rival soon began to lose their strength and
vigour* The fear of Vijayanagar was to them a blessing
in disguise. It had kept them alert and active. But as
soon as this fear vanished, they quarrelled among them-
selves, and thus fell an easy prey to the ambitious Mughal
Emperors of the north.
After the fall of Rama Raya his brother Tirumala
exercised sovereignty in Sadasiva's name, but about the
year 1570 he usurped the throne, and laid the
dynasty * W second foundations of a new
son, Ranga dynasty.
II, was Tirumala's
succeeded on the
throne by Venkata I about 1586. He was the most
remarkable prince of the dynasty, a man of ability and
character, who extended his patronage to poets and learned
men. The successors of Venkata were powerless to pre-
serve intact the small dominion they had inherited from
him, and under them the dynasty gradually dwindled into
insignificance. The Muslims seized much of the territory
of the Empire, and the Naiks of Madura and Tanjore built
principalities for themselves out of its fragments.
The empire was a vast feudal organisation, and the
king was the apex of the whole system. He was assisted
by a council composed of ministers, provincial
toon.dmmiBtea" governors, military commanders, men of the
priestly class and poets* But the govern-
ment was highly centralised, and the king a perfect
autocrat. His authority was unlimited. He looked after
the civil administration, and directed the military affairs
of the empire, and acted as judge in cases that were
submitted to him for decision. The principal officers of
the state were the prime-minister, ijhe chief treasurer,
the Jkeeper of the royal jewels, thc^prefect of the police,
who were assisted by a number of lesser officials. The
224 BISTORT OF MUSLIM RULE
prime-minister was the king's chief adviser on all im-

portant questions* The prefect of the police was respon-
sible for maintaining order in the city. The kings of*
Vijayanagar maintained a splendid court on which they
spent huge sums of money. It was attended by nobles,
learned priests, astrologers and musicians, and on festive
occasions fireworks were displayed, and various other enter-
tainments were provided by the state.
There was a well-regulated system of local government.
The empire was divided into more than 200 provinces, sub-
divided into Nadus or Kottams, which were again subdivided
into small groups of villages and towns. Each province
was held by a viceroy, who either belonged to the royal
family or was a powerful noble of the state. The province
was merely a replica of the empire. The viceroy kept his
own army, held his own court, and practically acted as a
despot within his jurisdiction. But he had to render account
of his stewardship to the emperor, and in time of war he
was liable to render military service. Though the tenure of
the provincial governors was uncertain, they seem to have
thoroughly enjoyed their time, while they were in office.
The system of local government extended to vil-
lages. The village was, as it had been from time immemo-
rial, the TmTTof administration. The village moot managed
its own affairs through its hereditary officers, called the
Ayagars. Some of them decided petty disputes, collected
revenues, and enforced law and order. The village com-
munities served a great purpose. They kept the imperial
government in touch with the people.
The kings of Vijayanagar enjoyed a large income. The
pain source was the land revenue. The Portuguese chro-
nicler tells us.that theflcaptains held land from the king,, and
they made it over to husbandmen who paid nine-tenths of

their produce to their lords, who in their turn paid one-half
to the king. This seems to be an exaggeration, for the
peasantry could not live on barely one-tenth of the produce
of their labour, v Besides the land tax, the state levied a
large number of cesses which considerably augmented its
income. Eygp prnaflt^tea were taxed, and the large in-
come from this source was spent on maintaining a police
force which was attached to the prefect of the city. The
peasant was often rack-rented and heavily assessed, and
the tax-collectors dealt with him harshly.
The military organisation was also based on a feudal
basis. Besides the king's personal troops, the provincial
governors supplied their quota in time of war, and were re-
v quired to give every kind of assistance. There is a differ*
7 ence of opinion among historians regarding the total numeri-
" cal strength of the Vijayanagar armies. One authority
> writes that in 1520 Kri$na Deva Raya had at his disposal
a huge army consisting of 703,660 foot, 32,600 horse and
551 elephants and a large number of sappers and camp
followers. These figures are considerably over-estimated,
and it is highly improbable that the army of the Raya
should have been so large. The army was organised like
other Hindu armies of the middle ages. It consisted of
elephants, cavalry, and infantry, but in fighting strength
it was inferior to the Muslim armies of the north. Much
reliance was placed upon elephants, but these were
powerless against skilled archers and well-trained Muslim
cavalry leaders.
Justice was administered in a rough and ready fashion
According to the discretion of the authorities. Petitions could
be made to the king or to the prime-minister. Justice in
F. 16
226 HISTORY OF MUSLIM BULB
civil cases was dispensed according to the principles of

Hindu Law and local usage. The criminal law wag harsh
and barbarous. Fines were levied, and torture was fre-
quently resorted toA Theft, adultery, and treason were
punished with death or mutilation. The members of the
priestly order were exempt from capital punishment*
There was a great contrast between the splendour of
the court and the squalor and poverty of the cottage.
Foreign visitors dwell at length upon the
tbn°ial C°ndi" magnificence of royal processions and festivals
at the capital and the wealth and luxury of
the nobles. \ Duelling as looked upon was a recognised
method of settling disputes. 2The practice of Sati was in
vogue, and the Brahmans freely commended this kind of
self-immolation. 3 But the position of women at the capital
indicates a highly satisfactory state of affairs. There were
women wrestlers, astrologers, soothsayers, and a staff
of women clerks was employed within the palace gates
to keep accounts of the royal household. This shows
that women were fairly well educated and experienced in
the business of the state. Great laxity seems to have pre-
vailed inthe matter of diet. Though the Brahmans never
killed or ate any living thing, the people used nearly an
kinds of meat. The flesh of oxen and cows was strictly
prohibited, and even the kings scrupulously observed this
rule/ JEvery animal bad to be sold alive in the markets.
^ Brahmans were held in high esteem. They were
according to Nuniz, honest men, very good at accounts,
talented, welHformed but incapable of doing hard work.
Bloody sacrifices were common. The wealth of the capital
fostered luxury which brought in its train numerous vices.
CHAPTER IX
AN ERA OF DECLINE
Khizr Khan had secured the throne of Delhi, but his
position was far from enviable. He hesitated to assume
publicly the title of king and professed to rule
mer*ly as the yicegereflLof Timur. The
empire had suffered in prestige, and lost in
territory since the invasion of Timur owing to the ambition
and greed of provincial governors, and the process of disinr
tegration that had set in had not yet come to an end. At
the capital, the parties scrambled for power, and changed
their positions with astonishing rapidity, and their leaders
acted according to the dictates of self-interest. The Doab
had been, since the days of Balban, a most refractory part
of the empire, and the Zamindars of Etawah, mostly Raj-
puts of the Rathor clan, Katehar, Kanauj, and Badaon
withheld their tribute and disregarded the central power.
They stirred up strife with such persistence, that again and
again punitive expeditionajiad to be undertaken in order to
chastise them. The kingdoms of Malwa, Jaunpur, and
'Gujarat were quite independent of Delhi. They were
-engaged in fighting with their neighbours and amongst
themselves, and of ten encroached upon the territory of Delhi.
The rulers of Malwa and Gujarat fought among themselves
and with Rajputs whom they prevented from taking
any interest in the politics of Delhi. Not far from the capital,
the Mewatis were seething with discontent ; they withheld
tribute and wavered in their allegiance. Towards the
227
northern frontier, the Khokhars carried on their depreda-

tions at Multan and Lahore, and wished to profit by the
general anarchy that was prevailing all over the country.
The Turk-bacchas at Sarhind were equally restive. They
fomented intrigues, and formed conspiracies to establish
theirown influence. The Muslim governors in the provinces
waged war against their neighbours, and acted as inde-
pendent despots. The prestige of the monarchy was.
gone, and the Muslim community had lost its old strength
and vigour. There was no bond of sympathy between the
Hindus and Muslims, and they often fought among them-
selves. The political situation at the opening of the fifteenth
century was full of anxiety, and the task of social recon-
struction before the Saiyyads an exceedingly difficult one.
The political confusion that prevailed at Delhi enabled
Khizr Khan to acquire more power, and in 1414 he over-
powered Daulat Khan, and took possession of
ui^2i AJX* the him wasThehow most
beforecapital. to establish orderproblem
important in the
Doab and in those provinces, which still acknowledged
the suzerainty of Delhi. His Wazir Taj-ul-mulk marched
into the district of Katehar in 1414 and ravaged the
country.
Rai Hara Singh fled without offering resistance, but he
was pursued by the royal forces and compelled to surrender.
The Hindu Zamindars of Khor, l Kampila, Sakit,1 Parham,
1 Khor is modern Shamsabad in the Fairukbabad district in the
United Provinces situated on the south bank of the Buri Ganga river,
18 miles north-west of Fatehgarh town.
Farrukhabad Distt. Gaz., pp. 123-124.
* Sakit lies between Kampila and Rapari, 12 miles south-east of
Btah town. It was at Badoli in this par g ana that Bahlol Lodi died oa
hie return from an expedition against Gwalior.
AN ERA OF DECLINE 229
Gwalior, Seori and Chandwar submitted and paid tribute*

Jalesar1 was wrested from the Hindu chief of Chandwar,
and made over to the Muslims who had held it before. The
countries of the Doab, Biyana, and Gwalior broke out into
rebellion again and again, but order was restored, and the
chiefs were compelled to acknowledge the authority of
Delhi.
Having restored order in the Doab, Khizr Khan turned
his attention to the affairs of the northern frontier. The
rebellion of the Turk-bacchas at Sarhind was put down.
Trouble broke out afresh in the Doab, but the leading
Zamindars who stirred up strife were subdued. The Mewatis
were also suppressed. The Sultan himself marched against
the chiefs of Gwalior and Etawah who were reduced to
obedience. On his return to Delhi, Khizr Khan fell ill and
died on May 20, 1421 A.D.
Khizr Khan lived like a true Saiyyad. He never shed
blood unnecessarily, nor did he ever sanction an atrocious
crime either to increase his own power or to wreak
vengeance upon his enemies. If there was little adminis-
trative reform, the fault was not his ; the disorders of
the time gave him no rest, and all his life he was
engaged in preserving the authority of the state in
those parts where it still existed. Firishta passes a well-
deserved eulogy, upon him when he says : " Khizr
Khan was a great and wise king, kind and true to his
word ; his subjects loved him with a grateful affection
so that great and small, master and servant, sat and
mourned for him in black raiment till the third day, when
«nd 1Oudh.
Jalesar is 88 miles east of Muttra in the United Provinces of Ajrn
they laid aside their mourning garments, and raised his son?
Mubarak Shah to the throne/'
Khizr Khan was succeeded by his son Mubarak who
won the favour of ithe nobles by confirming them in their
possessions. The most remarkable thing
ShL£^4a"w about the histoi>y of this Period isthewide-
A.D. ' spread anarchy that prevailed in the country.
As before, the Zamindars of the Doab revolted
again, and the Sultan marched into Katehar in 1428 to
enforce the payment of revenue. The Rathor Rajputs of
Kampila and Etawah were subdued next, and Rai Sarwar's
son offered fealty and paid the arrears of tribute.
The most important rebellions of the reign were two— of
Jasrath Khokhar in 1428 and of Paulad Turk-baccha near,
Sarhind. The Khokhar chieftain suffered a severe defeat
and fled into the mountains to seek refuge. Paulad was
more defiant ; he offered a stubborn resistance and remained
at bay for more than a year. It was after persistent and
prolonged fighting that he was defeated and slain in
November 1433.
In order to make the administration more efficient, the
Sultan made certain changes in the distribution of the*
highest offices in the state. This gave offence to certain
nobles who conspired to take his life. When the
Sultan went to Mubarakabad, a new town which he had
founded, to watch the progress of constructions on the 20th
February, 1434, he was struck with a sword by the conspi-
rators so that he instantaneously fell dead on the ground.
Mubarak was a kind and merciful king. The contem-
porary chronicler records his verdict with touching brevity
I in these words : ' A clement and generous sovereign, full
I of excellent qualities.'
After Mubarak's death Prince Muhammad, a grand-

son of Khizr Khan, came to the throne. He found it
difficult to cope with the forces of disorder and rebellion.
Ibrahim Shah of Jaunpur seized several parganas belonging
to Delhi, and the Rai of Gwalior along with several other
Hindu chiefs ceased to pay tribute. Mahmud Khilji of
Malwa advanced as far as the capital, but he soon
retired after concluding a peace with Muhammad Shah,
for his capital Mandu was threatened by Ahmad Shah
of Gujarat. Bahlol Khan Lodi, the governor of Lahore
and Sarhind, who had come to the rescue of Muham-
mad Shah, pursued the retreating Malwa army, and seized
its baggage and effects. He was given the title of
Khani-Khanan, and the Sultan signified his affection
towards him by addressing him as his son. But Bahlol's
loyalty was short-lived. When Alauddin Alam Shah
came to the throne in 1445, the prestige of the govern-
ment declined further owing to his negligence and in-
competence. Bahlol slowly gathered strength, and deriv-
ed full advantage from the weakness of the central
power. In 1447 the Sultan betook himself to Badaon,
which he made his permanent residence in the teeth
of the opposition of the entire court and the minister. He
committed a serious blunder in attempting to kill his
Wazir, Hamid Khan, who thereupon invited Bahlol to
come to the capital and assume sovereignty. With a
traitorous party at the capital itself, it was not difficult
for Bahlol to realise his old dream, and by a successful
coup d'etat he seized Delhi. Alauddin Alam Shah volun-
tarily left to him the whole kingdom except his
favourite district of Badaon. Bahlol removed the name
of Alam Shah from the Khutba and publicly proclaimed
himself ruler of Delhi. 1 The imbecile Alauddin retired to

Badaon where he died in 1478.
Having obtained the throne, Bahlol proceeded with
studied caution and feigned humility to secure Hamid's
Bahlol con- confidence. At first he treated him with great
soiidates his respect but soon grew jealous of his power
power and influence. In order to remove him from
his path Bahlol had him arrested and thrown into prison.
Though Bahlol's name was proclaimed in the Khutba,
there were many malcontents who did not recognise his
title to the throne. When the Sultan left for Sarhind to
organise the North- West Provinces, they invited Mahmud
Shah Sharqi to advance upon the capital. Mahmud
marched at the head of a large army and laid siege to
Delhi. On hearing of this disaster, Bahlol at once turned
back and Mahmud withdrew to Jaunpur.
1 It is written in the Tarikh-i-Ibrahim Shahi and the Tarikh-i-
Nizami that Malik Bahlol was a nephew of Sultan Shah Lodi who
was appointed governor of Sarhind after the death of Mallu Iqbal
with the title of Islam Khan. His brothers, among whom was Malik
Kali, the father of Bahlol, also shared his prosperity. Malik Sultan,
impressed by the talents of Bahlol, appointed him his successor, and
after his death Bahlol became governor of Sarhind. Firishta writes
that Islam Khan married his daughter to Bahlol, and notwithstanding
the existence of his own sons he nominated Bahlol as his heir, because
he was by far the ablest of all. But Qutb Khan, the son of Islam
Khan, dissatisfied with this arrangement went to Delhi and complained
against Bahlol to the Sultan. Hasan Khan was sent against Bahlol
at the head of a considerable force, but he was worsted in battle.
An interesting anecdote is related of Bahlol, that one day when
lie was in the service of his uncle, he went to Zamana where he paid
i, visit to Saiyyad Ay en, a famous darvesh, with his friends. The
larvesh eaid : ' Is there any one who wishes to obtain from me the
empire of Delhi for two thousand tankas ?' Bahlol instantly pre-
lented the sum to the holy man who accepted it with the words : * Be
»he empire of Delhi blessed by thee.' The prophecy of the darvesh
uckily proved true.
Dora, Makhzan-i-Afghana, p. 43.
The Tarikh-i-Daudi has 1,300 tonkas instead of 2,000.
Allahabad University MB., p. 8.
This victory over the Sharqi king made a profound

Impression upon friends and foes alike. At home, it
strengthened his position and silenced the
malicious detractors of the new dynasty ;
abroad, it frightened into submission several
provincial fief-holders and chieftains who had enjoyed vary-
ing degrees of local autonomy. The Sultan proceeded
towards Mewat, and received the willing homage of Ahmad
Khan whom he deprived of seven parganas. The governor
of Sambhal, who had taken part in the late war against
the Sultan, was treated indulgently in spite of treason,
and the only penalty inflicted upon him was the loss of
seven parganas. At Kol Isa Khan was allowed to keep his
possessions intact, and similar treatment was accorded to
Mubarak Khan, the governor of Sakit, and Raja Pratap Singh
who was confirmed in his possession of the districts of
Mainpuri and Bhogaon. Etawah, Chandwar, and other
districts of the Doab, which had caused so much trouble
during the late regime, were also settled and made to
acknowledge the authority of Delhi.
The rebellious governors of the Doab were subdued but
Bahlol was not yet free from danger. His most formidable
enemy was the King of Jaunpur. At the in-
stigation of his wife Mahmud Shah Sharqi
made another attempt to seize Delhi, but
peace was made through the mediation of certain nobles,
and the status quo was restored.
But the terms of the treaty were soon violated, and war
with Jaunpur hîame .a serious affair when Husain Shah
succeeded to the(^ttarqinihrê. Husain was a ruler of great
ability and courage ; he was led by his courtiers to think that
Bahlol was a usurper and a plebeian by birth, and that he
himself had a valid title to the throne. He crossed the-

Jamna, but after some petty skirmishes in which the
Jaunpur forces had the advantage, a truce was concluded,
and the river Ganges was fixed as the boundary between
the two kingdoms. Husain retreated to Jaunpur leaving
his camp and baggage behind.
Bahlol soon broke the treaty and attacked the Jaunpur
army on its return march. He seized Husain's baggage and
captured his wife Malika Jahan. The Sultan treated his
exalted captive with every mark of respect, and escorted her
back with his Khwa ja Sara to Jaunpur. War broke out again,
and Husain was defeated in a battle near the Ealinadi by the
Delhi forces. Bahlol marched to Jaunpur and obtained pos-
session ofit. Husain made another attempt to recover his-
kingdom, but he was defeated and expelled from Jaunpur.
As the Sultan had little faith in the loyalty of the Afghan,
barons, he made over Jaunpur to his son Barbak Shah.
The conquest of Jaunpur considerably strengthened the
hands of Bahlol, and he marched against the chiefs of Kalpi,
Dholpur, Bari, and Alapur, who offered their submission. l
An expedition was sent to chastise the rebellious chief of
Gwalior, who was subdued and made to pay tribute. On his-
return from the expedition, the Sultan was attacked by
fever, and after a short illness died in 1488.
As the founder of a new dynasty and the restorer of
the waning prestige of the Delhi monarchy, Bahlol deserves
a high place in history. In personal charac-
whtevement.8 ter ê was

predecess ors ;*ar suPeri°r
brave, to h'is
generous, immediat
humane, e
and,
1 Kalpi is a city in the Jalaun district in the United Provinces of
Agra and Oudh. Dholpur is a state between Agra and Gwalior. Bari is
& town in the Dholpur State 19 miles west of Dholpur. Alapur is in the*
Gwalior State near Morena.
honest, he waa devoted to his religion, and followed the

letter of the law with the strictest fidelity. He waft
singularly free from ostentation ; he never sat upon the
throne, bedecked with jewels and diamonds in gorgeous
robes like other mediaeval rulers, and used to say that
it was enough for him that the world knew him to-
be a king without any display of royal splendour on
his part. He was kind to the poor, and no beggar ever turned
away disappointed from his gate. Though not a man of
learning himself, he valued the society of learned men, and
extended his patronage to them. His love of justice was
so great that he 'used to hear personally the petitions of his
subjects and grant redress. He kept no private treasure,
and ungrudgingly distributed the spoils of war among his-
troops. The author of the Tarikh-i-Daudi describes the
character of Bahlol in these words :
1 ' In his social meetings he never sat on a throne,,
and would not allow his nobles to stand ; and even
during public audiences he did not occupy the throne,
but seated himself upon a carpet. Whenever he
wrote a firman to his nobles, he addressed them aa
Masnad Ali ; and if at any time they were displeased
with him, he tried so hard to pacify them that he
would himself go to their houses, ungird his sword
from his waist, and place it before the offended
party ; nay, he would sometimes even take off his
turban from his head and solicit forgiveness, saying :
'If you think me unworthy of the station I occupy,*
choose some one else, and bestow on me some other}
office.' He maintained a brotherly intercourse with
all his chiefs and soldiers. If any one was ill, he
would himself go and attend on him."
After Bahlol's death, his son Nizam Khan was elevated to

the throne under the title of Sikandar Shah by the Amirs
and nobles, though not without a dissentient
8 i k a ndar'sto
accession vote While the question
^ of succession was
the throne. being mooted by the principal nobles and offi-
cers of state, the name of Barbak Shah was
suggested, but as he was far away, the proposal was
rejected, and after some heated discussion among the
nobles, the choice fell upon Nizam Khan mainly through
the help of Khan-i-Jahan and Khan-i-Khanan Farmuli.
Sikandar addressed himself to the task of organising
the government with great energy and vigour. The first
to feel the force of his arms was his brother
Barbak Shah who had assumed the title of
king. He was defeated and taken prisoner,
and the country was entrusted to the Afghan nobles.
The Zamindars of Jaunpur sent word to Husain Sharqi
to make once more a bold bid for his ancestral dominions.
At the head of a large army he marched to the field of
battle, but he was defeated near Benares, and his army was
put to flight. Husain Shah fled towards Lakhnauti where
he passed the remainder of his life in obscurity. With his
defeat, the independent Kingdom of Jaunpur ceased to exist.
The whole country was easily subdued, and the Sultan
appointed his own officers to carry on the government.
Sikandar next turned his attention to the Afghan chiefs
who held large jagirs. The accounts of some of the leading
Afghan officers were inspected by the Sultan,
the and there were startling disclosures. This
policy greatly offended them, because they
looked upon audit and inspection as an encroachment upon
their privileges. The king's attempts to suppress them with
a high hand led them to form a conspiracy against him, and

having finished their nefarious plans, they induced Prince
Fatah Khan, the king's brother, to join them. But the
prince, realising the dangerous consequences of his
conduct, divulged the whole plot to the Sultan who inflicted
severe punishments on the wrong-doers.
Experience had impressed upon the Sultan the necessity
of making the place where the city of Agra now stands the
headquarters of the army, so that he might
be able to exercise more effective control over
the fief-holders of Etawah, Biyana, Kol,
Gwalior, and Dholpur. With this object in view, he laid the
foundations of a new town on the site where the modern
city of Agra stands in 1504 A.D. A splendid town gradually
rose upon the chosen spot, and afterwards the Sultan also
took up his residence there.
Next year (911 A.H.=1505 A.D.) a violent earth-
quake occurred at Agra, which shook the earth to its founda-
tions, and levelled many beautiful buildings
and houses to the ground. The chronicler of
the reign writes that, 'it was in fact sa
terrible, that mountains were overturned, and all lofty
edifices dashed to the ground : the living thought, the day of
judgment was come ; and the dead, the day of resurrection/
No such earthquake had occurred before, and the loss of
life was appallingly heavy.
The remaining years of Sikandar's life were spent in
suppressing Rajput revolts and the attempts of provincial
governors to establish independent kingdoms
of their own* Dholpur' Gwalior, and Narwar
were subdued, and their chiefs were com-
pelled to pay homage to the Sultan. The prince of
€banderi also submitted, and though allowed to retain

nominal possession of the city, the administration was en*
trusted to the leading Afghan officers.
The last expedition was undertaken by the Sultan to
secure the fortress of Ranthambhor which was entrusted
to a nobleman who held it as a vassal of Delhi. The prince
•of Gwalior rebelled again. The Sultan put his forces in
order, but in the midst of these preparations he fell ill and
died on December 1, 1517 A.D., and was succeeded by his
son Ibrahim Lodi.
Sikandar was the ablest ruler of the Lodi dynasty. He
kept the Afghan barons in check and strictly enforced his
orders. He ordered an examination of the
tiotdmini8tra" accounts of Afghan governors and fief-holders,
and punished those who were found guilty
of embezzlement. The provincial governors feared him
and loyally carried out his orders. The Sultan took special
care to protect the interests of the poor. He abolished
the corn duties and took steps to encourage agriculture.
The roads were cleared of robbers, and the Zamindars
who had been notorious for their lawless habits were
sternly put down. The author of the Tarikh-i-Daudi
writes of Sikandar's administration :
" The Sultan daily received an account of the prices
of all things and an account of what had happened
in the different districts of the empire. If he perceived
the slightest appearance of anything wrong, he caused
instant inquiries to be made about it. . . In his reign,
•business was carried on in a peaceful, honest, straightfor-
ward way. The study of belles lettrea was not neglected.
... Factory establishments were so encouraged that
. ^11 the young nobles and soldiers were engaged in useful
AN BRA OF DECLINE 239
works. ... All the nobles and soldiers of Sikandar were

•satisfied : each of his chiefs was appointed to the
government of a district, and it was his especial desire
to gain the goodwill and affections of the body of the
people. For the sake of his officers and troops he put
an end to war and dispute with the other monarchs and
nobles of the period, and closed the road to contention
and strife. He contented himself with the territory
bequeathed him by his father, and passed the whole
of his life in this greatest safety and enjoyment, and
gained the hearts of high and low."
Sikandar was a man of handsome appearance, fond of
base, and well-versed in the accomplishments suited to men
^ of his rank. He was intensely religious, and
kkandar.fcer°f allowed himself to be guided and dominated
by the ulama in every detail of government.
He persecuted the Hindus and desired to banish 'idolatry
from the land. So great was his zeal for the faith, that he
once ordered the temples of Mathura to be destroyed, and
sarais and mosques to be built in their stead. The Hindus
were not allowed to bathe at the ghats on the bank of the
Jamna, and an order was passed prohibiting barbers from.
shaving the headland boards olthe Hindus in accordance
with their religious customs.
The Sultan loved justice. He listened to the complaints
of the poor himself and tried to redress them. He kept
himself informed of everything that happened in his empire.
The market was properly controlled, and all cases of fraud
or deceit were reported to the Sultan.
The Sultan was well-known for his sobriety and wisdom,
He never allowed men of dissolute character to come near
Aim. Himself a man, of literary tastes, he extended his
patronage to learned men, and often invited them to his-

palace to listen to their discourses.
During his lifetime Sikandar maintained order by his-
firm policy and held the turbulent barons in check, but
after his death when the crown passed to a man, who was-
inferior to him in ability and character, the forces which
he had controlled broke loose, and undermined the founda-
tions of the empire.
The character of the Afghan government changed under
Ibrahim. He was a man of headstrong and irritable temper,
who by his insolence and hauteur alienated
sympathies Of the Afghan nobles. The
Afghan gov- Afghans looked upon their king as a comrade
emmen . s ^ master, and willingly accorded to
him the honours of a feudal superior. Men of the Lohanu
Farmuli, and Lodi tribes held important offices in the state.
They had always been turbulent and factious ; and their
position and influence had enabled them to form conspiracies
against the crown. Their loyalty to their king fluctuated
according to the strength or weakness of the latter. Sikan-
dar had kept them under firm control, 'and severely punished
them when they flouted his authority. But when Ibrahim
attempted to put down their individualistic tendencies with
a high hand, in order to make his government strong and effi-
cient, they protested and offered resistance. As Erskine ob-
serves, the principal fief-holders looked upon their jagirs 'as
their own of right, and purchased by their swords rather
than as due to any bounty or liberality on the part of the
sovereign.' Ibrahim was confronted with a difficult situation.
The territory of the empire had increased in extent ; the
feudal aristocracy had become ungovernable ; and the ele-
ments ofdiscontent, which had accumulated for years silently
beneath the surface, began to assert themselves. The Hindus,

dissatisfied with Sikandar's policy of religious persecution,
heartily hated the alien government which offended against
theirmost cherished prejudices. The problem before Ibrahim
was somewhat similar to that which confronted the Tudors
in England towards the close of the fifteenth century. But he
lacked that tact, foresight, and strength of will which en-
abled Henry VII to put down with a high hand the overween-
ing feudal aristocracy, which tended to encroach upon the
royal domain. His drastic measures provoked the resentment
of the half-loyal nobility and paved the way for the disruption
of the Afghan empire. But Ibrahim is not wholly to blame.
The break-up of the empire was bound to come sooner or later,
for even if Ibrahim had kept the nobles attached to himself,
they would have tried to set up small principalities for them-
selves, and reduced him to the position of a titular king, a
mere figurehead in the midst of warring factions and cliques.
Though Ibrahim was jealous of the influence of the
barons and tried to crush them with a high hand, he never
neglected the interests of the people. During
prices? ne88 °f his rei£n»
prices of the
all cr°Ps
articleswere abundant, useandwere
of ordinary the
incredibly low. The Sultan took grain in payment of rent,
and all the fief-holders and nobles were asked to accept
payments in kind. No scarcity of grain was ever felt, and
the author of the Tarikh-i-Daudi writes that a respectable
man's services could be obtained for five tankGs a month,
and a man could travel from Delhi to Agra on one Bahloli
which was sufficient to maintain himself, his horse and his
small escort during the journey.
As has been said above, Ibrahim had by his indiscrimi-
nate severity talienated the sympathies of the Lodi Amirs,
P. 16
who conspired soon after his accession to place his brother

Prince Jalal upon the throne of Jaunpur. In
Jaiai's pursuance Of thjs pian the prince marched
from Kalpi and assumed charge of the govern-
ment of Jaunpur. But this arrangement was highly disap-
proved byKhan-i-Jahan Lodi, one of the most high-minded
Amirs of Sikandar. He sharply reprimanded the nobles for
their impolitic conduct, and pointed out the dangers of a
dual sovereignty to the empire. The Afghan nobles ac-
knowledged their mistake, and tried to persuade Prince
Jalal to withdraw from Jaunpur, but he refused to do so.
Negotiations having failed, Ibrahim issued a farman in
which he ordered the Amirs not to pay any heed to Jalal's
authority and threatened them with severe punishments, if
they failed to comply with the royal mandate. The more
influential among the Amirs were conciliated by gifts and
presents, and were detached from Prince Jalal. Deprived of
this support, he allied himself with the Zamindars, and with
their help improved the condition of his army Ibrahim
confined all his brothers in the fort of Hansi, and himself
inarched against Jalal, whose strength was considerably
diminished by the desertion of Azam Humayun, his
principal supporter. Kalpi was besieged ; the contest was
carried on with great vigour for some time, and the fort was
dismantled. Jalal fled towards Agra where the governor
opened negotiations with him, and offered him the undis-
turbed possession of Kalpi, if he waived all claims to
sovereignty. When Ibrahim came to know of this treaty
which was concluded without his consent, he disapproved
of it, and issued orders for the assassination of the
rebellious prince. Jalal fled to the Raja of Gwalior for
protection.
Having set the affairs of the capital in order, Ibrahim

sent his forces to reduce the fort of Gwalior. Jalal fled
towards Malwa but he was captured by the Zamindars of
Gondwana, who sent him in chains to Ibrahim. The Prince
was conveyed to Hansi, but on his way to that abode of
misery he was assassinated by the Sultan's orders.
The Sultan dismissed Azam Humayun from command
and deprived his son Islam Khan of the governorship of
Kara Manikpur. His disgrace alarmed the
Huma- other nobles» who Joined his banner and
run. incited him to raise the standard of rebellion.
So great was the discontent caused by Ibra-
him's policy that in a short time the rebels collected large
army which consisted of 40,000 cavalry, 500 elephantsa and a
large body of infantry, while the royal forces numbered
only 50,000. A desperate fight raged between the royalists
and the rebels of which a graphic account is given by the
author of the Makhzan-i-Afghana.
" Dead bodies, heap upon heap, covered the field ; and
the number of heads lying upon the ground is beyond the
reach of recollection. Streams of blood ran over the plain ;
and whenever for a length of time, a fierce battle took place
in Hindustan, the old men always observed that with this
battle no other one was comparable ; brothers fighting
against brothers, fathers against sons, inflamed by mutual
shame and innate bravery : bows and arrows were laid aside,
and the carnage carried on with daggers, swords, knives
.and javelins. " At last, Islam Khan lay dead on the field
x>f battle ; Said Khan was captured, and the rebels were
-defeated with heavy losses.
Ibrahim now tried to destroy the feudal chieftains in
his empire in order to strengthen his position, but the
attempt recoiled on himself and led to his ruin. The cruel

treatment he meted out to them has already
Ibrahim and fa^ mentioned. The veteran Mian Bhua had
barons. * &* fallen a victim to his wrath, and Azam Huma-
yun had been treacherously assassinated in
prison. Even the greatest barons trembled for their safety,
and Dariya Khan, Khan-i-Jahan Lodi, and Husain Khan Far-
muli, fearing lest a similar fate should overtake them, broke
out into open rebellion. Husain Khan Farmuli was assassinat-
ed in his bed by some holy men of Chanderi, and his tragic
death made the Afghan nobles bitterly hostile to the Sultan
and convinced them of his perfidious designs. Dariya Khan's
son, Bahadur Khan, assumed the title of Muhammad Shah,
struck coins in his name, and collected a large force with
which he successfully resisted the attempts of the Sultan to
crush him. The baronial discontent reached its climax when
Ibrahim cruelly treated the son of Daulat Khan Lodi. The
latter was summoned to the court, but he excused himself on
the ground that he would come later with the treasure of
the state, and sent his son Dilawar Khan to avert the wrath
of the Sultan. He was taken to the prison where he was
shown the victims of royal caprice, suspended from the walls.
To the young Afghan who trembled with fear at this awful
spectacle, the Sultan observed : "Have you seen the condition
of those who have disobeyed me ? " Dilawar Khan, who under-
stood the warning these ominous words conveyed, bowed
his head in profound submission, and quietly escaped to his
father to whom he communicated all that he had seen at
the capital. Alarmed for his safety, Daulat Khan addressed
through his son Dilawar Khan an invitation to Babar, the
ruler of Kabul, to invade Hindustan. The story of Babar's-
conquest of Hindustan will be related in another chapter*.
CHAPTER X
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN THE MIDDLE AGES
Muslim state in India, as elsewhere, was a theo-

jra'cv. The king was Caesar and Popejcombined in_ one, but
his authority in religious matters was strictly
stabte. I9lami° limited by the Holy Law. " He is the shadow
of God upon earth to whose refuge we are to
fly when oppressed by injury from the unforeseen occurH
rence of life." But he is merely to carry out God's will, and;
the civil law which he administers is to be subordinated to
the canon law. In such a state, naturally, the priestly class
will have a powerful voice. The Muslim kings of Hindus-
tan were sovereign in their own person ; they struck coins
and caused the Khutba to be read in their names, though
some of them invoked the Khalifa's aid to cement their
title as was done by Iltutmish, Muhammad Tughluq, and
Firuz Tughluq. The state rested upon the support of the
military class which consisted exclusively of the followers
of the faith. Their fanaticism was stirred up by the Ulama
who impressed upon them the duty of fighting under the
sacred banner by telling them, that death on the field of
battle will be rewarded with the honours of martyrdom.
Apart from the love of adventure and the hope of material
advantage, the prospect of posthumous canonisation in case
they died in battle led many an ardent spirit to risk his life
in the cause. The Ulama naturally came to possess enor-
mous influence in such a state. The extirpation of idolatry.
the extinction of every form of dissent from the accepted
dogma, the conversion of the infidel population— these came
to be looked upon as the functions of an ideal Muslim state. '
245
Most of the Muslim rulers attempted to conform to

ideal of the orthodox canonists according to their lights
and opportunities. Those who tried to meet their wishes
were praised lavishly by historians who were mostly mem-
bers of the class of Ulama. But among the earlier kings
in India Alauddin struck a new line. Like Akbar after
him, he was opposed to the interference of the Ulama in
matters of state. His political theory is clearly set forth
in the words which he addressed to Qazi Mughis, whom he
consulted about the legal position of the sovereign in the
state. Fully aware of the evils of a church-ridden
monarchy, he enunciated a new doctrine of sovereignty
'and claimed to be " God's vicar in things temporal, as is
(the priest in things spiritual." The people acquiesced in
this doctrine, merely because the political situation of the
time needed a strong man at the helm of the state, who
would repel the Mongol attacks and keep order at home.
Muhammad Tughluq's rationalism on which Barani pours
his cold scorn brought about a war between him and the
Ulama with the result that the latter conspired against
him and th^rted all his plans. Under his weak successor
they easily gained the upper hand, and persuaded him to
adjust the institutions of the state in accordance with the
principles laid down in the Quran. The taxes were reduced
to the number prescribed in the Law ; and the official
agency was freely used to put down heresy and infidelity.
After the period of anarchy which followed the death of
Firuz, when the empire regained a settled form, the E/Zawa,
recovered their ascendancy ; and under Sikandar Lodi a cam-
paign of bitter persecution was revived against the Hindus.
On the whole, during this period the Ulama continued to
exercise much influence on political affairs. Indeed, it
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN THE MIDDLE AGES 247
required an extraordinary strength of will to discard their

advice and follow a line of action in opposition to the tradi-
tions and dogmas of the orthodox church. That the influ-
ence of the priestly order was injurious to the interests of
the state cannot be denied.
The state imposed great disabilities upon the non-
Muslims. Forcible conversions were ordered, but they were
neither frequent nor systematic owing to the pressure of
war and the recurrence of Mongol raids, which often com-
pelled the suspension of all other activities of the adminis-
tration. The non-Muslims, technically called the Zimmis,
had to pay a poll-tax called the Jezi,ya for the protection of
their lives and property. It was a sort of commutation money
which they had to pay in lieu of military service. Humility
and submissiveness are mentioned as their duties in the
sacred law. The Quran says, ' Let there be no compulsion in
religion. Wilt thou compel men to become believers ? No soul
can believe, but by the persuasion of God.'
It may be conceded at once that the Prophet for-
bade conversion by force and enjoined preaching and
persuasion as the sole method of propagating the faith,
but his commands were not carried out by his zealous
1 According to the Hanafi doctors Jeziya is paid by the Zimmis as
a compensation for being spared from death. By the payment of the
Jeziya the non-Muslims purchase their lives and escape death. Agh-
nides, Muhammadan Theories of Finance, LXX, pp. 398, 407. This
may not _be accepted on all bands. The correct view seems to be that
the Jeziya was a military tax levied upon the Zimmis.
The capitation-tax which is levied by a Muslim ruler upon subjects
who are of a different faith* but claim protection (aman) is founded
upon a direct injunction of the Quran :—
" Make war upon such of those to whom the scriptures have been:
given as believe not in God or in the last day, and forbid not that which
God and his apostles have forbidden, and who profess not the profession
of truth, until they pay tribute out of their hand and they be humbled.""
Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, p. 248.
followers. Instances are not rare in which the non-Muslims

were treated with great severity. They were not allowed
to enlist in the army even if they wished to do so. The
practice of their religious rites even with the slightest
publicity was not allowed, and cases are on record of men
who lost their lives for doing so. Some of these kings were
so bigoted that they did not allow any new temple to be
built or an old one to be repaired. There were others like
Sikandar Lodi who were so intolerant of idolatry as to order
a wholesale demolition of temples. Toleration under Muslim
domination in India in the early middle ages was not the
rule but the exception. A liberal-minded ruler like Muham-
mad Tughluq would be traduced and condemned by the
Ulama and charged with bartering away the honour of
Islam. What the orthodox party wanted was conformity
to their interpretation of the law, no matter what the
consequences might be.
The Islamic state fostered luxury among the members of
the ruling class. The highest offices in the state were held
by Muslims, and elevation to positions of
n the honour was generally determined by royal
will and not by merit. The easy acquisition
of wealth and the participation in the festivities of the court
led to great vices, and the Muslims towards the close of the
fourteenth century lost their old vigour and manliness. The
•early Muslim Twho served Iltutm.ish, Balban, and Alauddin
were soldier-martyrs who cheerfully braved risks for the
glory of Islam, but their descendants who had no induce-
ment to work degenerated into mediocres, who had neither
the ability nor the enthusiasm of their ancestors. The
partiality of the state towards them destroyed their spirit of
independence, and the large Khanqahs or charity establish-
merits reduced them to the position of the hangers-on of the

state, utterly devoid of self-respect, energy, or initiative. As
the Muslims were few in number, they escaped the rough
toil which was the inevitable lot of the average non-
Muslim husbandman. They held land and paid only one-
tenth as tax (ashr) to the state, and could thus enjoy a
degree of affluence to which non-Muslims in the empire
could never aspire. The effects of Muslim domination upon
the Hindus were of a different kind. They fretted and
chafed against the disabilities imposed upon them. They
were overtaxed, and Zia Barani writes that Alauddin took
from the Hindus of the Doab 50 per cent of their produce.
They had no inducement to accumulate wealth, and the
bulk of them led a life of poverty, want, and struggle, earn-
ing just sufficient to maintain themselves and their family.
The standard of living among the subject classes was low,
and the incidence of taxation fell mainly upon them. They
were excluded from high offices, and in such circumstances
of distrust and humiliation, the Hindus never got an oppor-
tunity ofdeveloping their political genius to its fullest extent
The Muslims were the favoured children of the state.
As everything depended upon the valour and strength of
*• the faithful, the state accorded to them a pre-
tionCial C°ndi" ferential treatment. From time to time con-
cessions had to be made to their religious
demands by the state, and their interests had to be consult-
ed before all others. Social distinctions prevailed among
the Muslims, and some of t^g kings <npv*»r appoint^ any bvifr
men of noble birth to high offices. Balban, who was highly
punctilious in observing the etiquette of the court never
•encouraged upstarts, and on one occasion refused a large gift
fipm a man of low origin who had amassed a large fortune
/
by means of usury and monopolies. Wine-drinking and*,
gambling seem to have been the common vices in the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Balban issued an edict
prohibiting the use of liquor, "and the example of his son,
Muhammad, who drank wine with moderation and never-
encouraged any kind of foolish talk in his presence, had a
salutary effect upon the manners and morals of the society
which gathered round him at Lahore. Alauddin also adopt-
ed drastic measures to combat the evil of drink, and for-
bade gambling and all kinds of social intercourse among the
nobles. As long as he lived, he strictly enforced his rules,
but after his death the usual laxity prevailed. A small
band of the old Alai nobles wondered at the depravity of
Qutb-ud-din Mubarak's court ; and Barani writes that the
price of a boy, or handsome eunuch, or beautiful girl varied
from 500 to 1,000 and 2,000 tanJcas. But the social tastes
improved considerably under Tughluq Shah and his illustri-
ous son Muhammad Tughluq, both of whom were free from
the grosser vices of the age. The character of the state did
not wholly deteriorate even under Firuz Tughluq, though its-
military vigour declined and, barring a few exceptions, me-
diocrity took the place of genius in all departments of the ad-
ministration. The pomp and magnificence of the state was
fully maintained, and Afif tells us that on every Friday after
public service musicians, athletes, story-tellers, numbering
about two or three thousand used to assemble in the palace-
and entertain the populace with their performances. Slav-
ery was common, and slaves of ability like Khan-i-Jahan
MaqbQl could rise to the highest position in the state. As ]
wealth increased in Muslim society, the hold of religion
became somewhat weaker, and superstition and ignorance
began to gain ground. Firuz in his Fatuhat-i-Firuz Shahi
speaks of a number of heretical sects which he suppressed

with a high hand, and whose leaders he caused to be im-
prisoned, or put to death. The liberty of women was re-
strictethey
d; were not allowed to go to visit the tombs oi
holy men outside the city, and Firuz showed his intolerance
by prescribing drastic penalties against those women who
disobeyed his edict.
The Hindus had becomejieggiigEate with the loss of poli-
tical power. They were looked upon as the worst enemies
of thejilien government that had been set up in their midst.
With rare exceptions, they were invariably excluded from
high offices, and toleration was granted to them only on con-
dition of paying the Jeziya. During the reign of Alauddin
the Hindus of the Doab were treated with severity, and the
khuts, balahars, chowdhris and muqaddams were reduced
to a state of abject misery. Qazi Mughis-ud-dinfo opinion
about the position of the Hindus in a Muslim state, which
has been explained in a previous chapter, was the view of
the average mediaeval canonist and was acted upon by
Muslim rulers in normal circumstances. Barani writes that
no Hindu could hold up his head ; and in their houses no
sign of gold or silver tankas or jitals was to be seen ; and
chowdharis and khuts had not means enough to ride on
horseback, to find weapons, to get fine clothes, or to
indulge in betel. So great was the destitution of these people
writes the same authority, that their wives went to serve
in the houses of the Muslims. The state encouraged con-
versions, and in describing the reign of Qutb-ud-din Mubarak
Shah Ibn BatutS writes, that when a Hindu wished to be-
come aMuslim, he was brought before the Sultan who gave
him rich robes and bangles of gold. The orthodox party had
such a great aversion for the Hindus that Barani on seeing.
their slightly improved condition under Qutb-ud-din Mubarak

Shah, which was due partly to the relaxation of the rules
of Alauddin and partly to the pro-Hindu policy of Khusrau,
laments that the " Hindus again found pleasure and happi-
ness and were beside themselves with joy." There was no
active persecution under the first two Tughluqs, but Firuz
reversed the policy of his predecessors. He crowned his
policy of bigotry by levying the Jeziya upon the Brahmans,
who had hitherto been exempt. When the Brahmans re-
monstrated against this step, the Sultan reduced the scale
•of assessment but retained the tax. The Hindus profited
much by the disorders that followed the death of Firuz, but
when the Lodis established their power, they were again
persecuted by Sikandar, and although there was no econo-
mic distress, they had to live like helots_within the empire.
Ibn Batuta has given us an interesting picture of India
in the fourteenth century, and from his narrative we learn a
great deal about the social customs and manners of the
time. The learned class had lost its prestige, and Mu-
hammad Tughluq, who was terribly stern in administering
justice, freely punished Shaikhs and Maulvis for their mis-
conduct. Slavery was common, but the state encouraged
the practice of manumission. ! To keep slave girls was a
recognised fashion of the time, and Badr-i-Chach, the famous
poet, had to offer on one occasion 900 dinars for a beautiful
and accomplished girl. The traveller praises the hospitality
•of the Hindus, and observes that caste rules were strictly
observed. The Hindus were treated as inferior to the Mus-
lims. When a Hindu came to offer his presents to the Sul-
tan in the Durbar, the Hajibs shouted out 'Hadnk AllahS
1 Ibn BatUta, III, p. 236.

SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN THE MIDDLE AGES 25$
or may God bring you to the right path. Moral offences

were severely punished, and even members of the royal
family were dealt with like ordinary men. Prince Masud's
mother was stoned to death in accordance with the law for
committing adultery. The use of wine was interdicted,
and the author of the Masalik-al-absar writes that the in-
habitants ofIndia have little taste for wine and content
themselves with betel leaves. l The same authority says, the-
people love to hoard money, and whenever a man is asked
about the extent of his property, he replies : " I do not
know, but I am the second or third of my family who has
laboured to increase the treasure which an ancestor deposit-
ed in a certain cavern, or in certain holes, and I do not know
how much it amounts to."2 Men buried their wealth, as
they do even now, and accepted nothing but coined money
in their daily transactions. Ibn Batuta has given an interest-
ing account of the law of debt as it prevailed in the four-
teenth century, and he is supported by Marco Polo who-
visited India before him. The creditors resorted to the court
to seek the king's protection in order to recovertheir money.
When a big Amir was in debt, the creditor blocked his way
to the royal palace and shouted in order to implore the
Sultan's help. The debtor in this awkward situation either
paid or made a promise to pay at some future date. Some-
times the Sultan himself interfered and enforced payments.3
Thejpractice of Sati and self-destruction was in vogue, but
l Masalik, Elliot, III, p. 581.
a Masahk, Elliot, III, p. 584.
Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, p. 284.
He says, the accumulation of large hoards was essentially a
feature of Hindu civilisation.
8 Ibn Batuta, III, p.4 11.
Yule, Marco Polo, II, pp. 279-80.
no woman could become a Sati without obtaining the king's

permission.1 Riding on ass was looked upon with con-
tempt as it is today, and a man was flogged and paraded on
an ass when he was punished for some offence proved
against him.a Men believed in witchcraft, magic, and
miracles as they did in mediaaval Europe, and the per-
formances ofthe Hindu ascetics called Jogis by'/Ibn BatutS
were witnessed even by the Sultan. Charity was practised
on a large scale, and men endowed large khanqahs (charity-
houses) where food was distributed gratis to the poor.
Though the Sultan's purity of character had a wholesome
effect on Muslim society, it does not appear that the
sanctity of the marriage tie was always recognised. A
man like Ibn Batuta married more than four times in a
most irresponsible manner and abandoned his wives one
after another. 8 The education of women was not altogether
neglected, and the traveller writes that when he reached
Hanaur. he found there 13 schools for girls and 23 for
t>oys— a thing which agreeably surprised him.
The customs and manners of the people of the Deccan
were in many respects different from those of the
north. The customs of self-immolation and Sati prevailed,
^nd numerous stone obelisks are still found commemorating
the latter practice. The Brahmans were treated with
special respect, and the Guru was held in high esteem.
The dues payable from Brahmans were touched and remit-
ted. Polyandry prevailed among the Nairs of Malabar and
excited no scandal. From Ibn Batata's account it appears
1 Ibn Batuta, III, pp. 137—89.
Men drowned themselves in the Ganges and looked upon it as an
•act of piety. This was called Jal Samadhi.
* Ibn BatUta, III, p. 441.
8 Ibid., Ill, pp. 887-38.
*that punishments were extremely severe in Malabar even

for the most trivial offences. A man was sometimes punish-
ed with death even for stealing a cocoanut
During the early days of the Muslim conquest the
inhabitants of India were robbed of their wealth by the
Muslim invaders, and Firishta has mentioned
•condition.1"1"0 the vast ofbooty

Mahmud Ghazniwhich
from was
this carried
country.off The
by
early Muslim rulers were occupied too much with conquest.
Balban was the first ruler who paid attention to the mainte-
nance of internal peace and order. He cleared the neigh-
bourho d ofKampila and,Patiali of robbers and highwaymen
so that cultivation flourished, and merchants could take
their goods from one place to another without much
-difficulty.1 Under the Khiljis the economic conditions
radically changed. They have been mentioned in a previous
•chapter. A famine occurred in Firuz's reign, and Barani
writes that grain in Delhi rose to a jital per sir. The
appalling hardship caused by the scarcity of food and fodder
was so great in the Siwalik hills, that the Hindus of that
-country came to Delhi with their families, and twenty or
thirty of them drowned themselves in the Jamna when
they found life unbearable.2 But it does not appear that
the administration exerted itself to mitigate human suffer-
ing. The next ruler, the greatest of the line, was a daring
political economist and a bold tariff -legislator. His ambi-
tion of world-conquest led him to build up an economic
system which is one of the marvels of mediaeval statesman-
ship. There was no scarcity of wealth in the country, and
Alauddin's state entry into Delhi soon after his accession
1 Elliot, III, p. 105.
1 Barani, p. 212.
was marked by the distribution of rich gifts among the-

people. Five mans of gold stars were placed in a majniq
and were discharged upon the spectators who had thronged
in front of the royal canopy. * The revenue system was-
thoroughly organised, and the distant provinces in the empire
were correctly surveyed and assessed. The khuts, chowdhri*
and muqaddams were reduced to a state of abject poverty,
and Barani expresses great satisfaction at their miserable
condition. The most remarkable achievement, however,
of Alauddin was his tariff -legislation. The prices were so
low that a soldier with one horse could live comfortably with
234 tankas a year, i.e., less than twenty tankas per
mensem, which will barely suffice to meet even the cost of
a horse in these days. Grain was stored in royal granaries-
and was sold to the people at low rates in times of scarcity.
Ibn Batuta relates that he witnessed with his own eyes
in Delhi rice which had been stored in the cellars of
Alauddin. The economic system of Alauddin collapsed
after his death, for it rested upon a complete disregard of
the laws of political economy. The reaction began after
his death. The bazar people rejoiced and sold their goods
at their own price. The tariff laws fell into disuse, and
Barani laments the disappearance of cheap prices ; but there
was no deficiency of crops, and the state never experienced
any financial break-down. Nasir-ud-din Khusrau squandered
the treasures of the state in order to win adherents from
among the nobles, and yet Muhammad Tughluq found
sufficient money to enable him to embark upon costly ex-
periments. Muhammad's economic measures failed disas-
trously, but his financial position remained unshaken. The
1 Barani, p. 245.
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN THE MIDDLE AGES 25T
failure of the token currency did not affect the stability

of the state or destroy its credit, for the Sultan at once
repealed his edict and permitted the people to exchange
gold and silver coins for those of copper. For about a
decade, famine stalked the land and reduced the people
to a state of utter helplessness. A vigorous famine policy
was adopted by the administration, and Barani writes that
in two years about 70 lakhs of tankaa were advanced as
Sondhar or Taqavi to the agriculturists. Ibn BatutS dwells
at length upon the Sultan's famine policy and says that
grain was supplied from the royal stores, and the faqias
and qazis were required to make lists of needy men in
each parish, which were submitted to the Sultan for orders.
On another occasion when dire distress prevailed, the Qazis,
clerks, and Amirs, went from parish to parish, and gave
relief to the famine-stricken people at the rate of one and a
half western ritals per day. Large khanqahs assisted the
state in administering relief, and Ibn Batuta writes that
hundreds of men were fed at the khanqahs of Qutb-ud-din,.
of which he was the mutwalli, and which contained a staff
of 460 men. The state gave liberal encouragement to
industry. There was a state manufactory in which 400 silk
weavers were employed, and stuff of all kinds was prepared.
There were also 500 manufacturers of golden tissues in
the service of the Sultan, who wove gold brocades for the
royal household and the nobility. Trade was carried on
with foreign countries ; and Marco Polo and Ibn Batuta
both speak of ports which were visited by merchants from
foreign countries. Broach and Calicut were famous centres
of trade, and Ibn BatutS says of the latter that merchants
from all parts of the world came there to buy
goods.
F. 17
The trade conditions were favourable in the thirteenth

and fourteenth centuries. Wassaf describes Gujarat as a rich
and populous country containing 7,000 villages and towns and
the people rolling in wealth. The cultivation was prosperous.
The vineyards yielded blue grapes twice a year. The soil was
so fertile that the cotton plants spread their branches like
willows and plane trees, and yielded crops for several years
in succession. Marco Polo also speaks of extensive cotton
cultivation, arid says that the cotton trees were full six paces
high and attained to the age of twenty years. Pepper, ginger,
and indigo were produced in large quantities. The local
manufacturers prepared mats of red and blue leather, inlaid
with figures of birds and beasts, and embroidered with gold
and silver wires. Cambay is also described as a great centre
of trade where indigo was produced in abundance. Merchants
came with ships and cargoes, but what they chiefly brought
into the country was gold, silver, and copper. The traveller
writes : "the inhabitants are good and live by their trade and
manufacture. " Mabar was full of wealth, but much of it, as
Marco Polo says, was spent in purchasing horses which were
very scarce in that country. Bengal is described by Ibn
Batuta as a rich and fertile province. Prices were cheap,
and men could live in ease and comfort with small incomes.
From 1351 to 1388 the economic prosperity remained at
a high level. The irrigation facilities provided by Firuz
Tughluq gave a great stimulus to agriculture, and the
revenue multiplied. The revenue of Delhi and its territories
rose to six crores and 85 lakhs of tank&s, while the revenue
of the Doab alone amounted to 85 lakhs of tankas. The
cheapness of prices enabled officials of the state and Amirs
to amass large fortunes. Prices were so cheap that men
could go from one place to another with paltry amounts.
A man going from Delhi to Firuzabad had to pay four

silver jitals for a carriage, six for a mule, 12 for a horse,
and half a tanka for a palanquin. Coolies were found ready
for employment, and the contemporary chronicler writes
that they earned a decent income.
The age of economic distress began towards the close
or the fourteenth century. The empire broke up into several
independent states, and Timur's invasion in 1399 caused
much confusion and drained the wealth of the country.
Trade and agriculture were dislocated, and the cities that
lay on the route of the invader were robbed of their wealth.
The empire of Delhi lost its importance, and provincial
kingdoms became famous for their wealth, military
resources, and architectural activities, which have been
described in their proper place.
Art flourished remarkably in the early middle ages.
The debt of Indo-Moslem art to India is a matter of contro-
Art versy. There are some who hold that it is
a variety of Islamic art, while others like
Havel 1 maintain that it is a modified form of Hindu art.
The truth lies midway between these two extreme views.
There is no doubt that Islamic art was considerably
modified by Hindu master-builders and architects, but it is
wrong to suppose that it had no ideals of its own. By the
time the Muslim power was established in India, the
Muslims had acquired a fine taste for buildings and had
developed their own notions about architecture* The condi-
tions in which the Jndo-Moslem art grew up madte it
necessary that there should be a fusion of tb*v two
ideals. Hinduism recommended idolatry whiM . Islam
forbade it; Hinduism favoured decoration and
ness white Islam enjoined puritanical
These different ideals, so strangely in contrast with each

other, produced by their junction a new kind of art which
for the sake of convenience has been called the Indo- Mos-
lem art. Gradually as the Hindu master-builders and crafts-
men began to express Islamic ideas in the shape of brick
and stone, the process of amalgamation set in. Both learnt
from each other, and though the Muslim's handling of
ornament was not so exquisite, he derived the fullest advan-
tage from the new ideas and materials supplied to him by
the Indian conquest. Sir John Marshall describes with clear-
ness the process of fusion in these words :—
" Thus, a characteristic feature of many Hindu
temples, as well as of almost every Muslim mosque—
a feature derived from the traditional dwelling
house of the East and as familiar in India as in other
parts of Asia — was the open court encompassed by
chambers or colonnades, and such temples as were built
on this plan naturally lent themselves to conversion
into mosques and would be the first to be adopted for
that purpose by the conquerors. Again, a fundamental-
characteristic that supplied a common link between the
two styles was the fact that both Islamic and Hindu art
were inherently decorative. Ornament was as vital to
the one as to the other ; both were dependent on it for
their very being."
The Arabs reared no buildings, but they 'appreciated
Hindu culture and admired the skill of the Indian architects
and craftsmen. Mahmud of Ghazni was so struck with the
skill of Hindu architects that he carried to Ghazni thousands
of masons and artisans whom he employed in building the
famous mosque known as the 'celestial bride.' He was
followed by other warriors of Islam like Muhammad of

Ghor and his gallant slaves Qutb-ud-din and Iltutmish who
accomplished the conquest of Northern India during the
years 1193—1236 A.D. The principal monuments erected
during the reigns of Qutb-ud-din and Iltutmish were the
mosque at Ajmer, the Qutb mosque and Minar at Delhi
and certain buildings at Badaon. Hindu craftsmen were
employed to construct these buildings, and the influence of
Hindu architecture is still traceable in them. The most
striking thing in the Qutb mosque is the screen of eleven
pointed arches of which Fergusson speaks in terms of great
admiration. The Qutb Minar was begun by Qutb-ud-din
who built the first storey, but it was finally completed by
Iltutmish. It was named after the famous saint Qutb-
ud-din who is popularly known as Qutb Shah. It is nearly
242 feet high, and is still looked upon as a great work of
art. The minar was struck by lightning in the time of
Firuz Tughluq who ordered the fourth storey to be dis-
mantled, and replaced by two smaller storeys as is shown by
an inscription of the same king. In 1503 the upper storeys
were again repaired by Sikandar Lodi. The adhai din ka
jhonpara at Ajmer built by Qutb-ud-din was beautified
by Iltutmish with a screen which still exists. The story
that it was constructed in two and a half days seems to be
a myth, for no amount of skill or industry could have reared
a building of this kind in such a short time. Probably the
name dates from the Maratha times when an annual fair was
held there which lasted for two and a half days. Other not-
able buildings of this period are the Hauz-i-Shamshi and the^
Shamsi Idgah built by Iltutmish during his governorship
of Badaon (1203—9) and the Jam»i-masjid which was built
in 1223 twelve years after his accession to the throne.
Under Alauddin Khilji the power of the Sultanate of

Delhi increased enormously. Though his time was largely
spent in wars, he ordered the construction of several forts,
tanks, and palaces. The fort of Siri was built by him near
a village of the same name at a distance of two miles to
the north-east of Qila Rai Pithaura. The walls of the fort
were built of stone and masonry, and its fortifications were
extremely strong. The palace of Hazar Situn (or thousand
pillars) was built by Alauddin, and Barani writes that
the heads of thousands of Mughals were buried in the found-
ations and walls of this magnificent building. The Alai
Darwaza which was built in 1311 is ' one of the most trea-
sured gems of Islamic architecture ' ; other notable monu-
ments are the Hauz Alai and the Hauz-i-Khas which are so
famous in history. The fourteenth century was a period of
great stress and storm in the history of the Delhi Sultanate.
The Mongols constantly hammered at the gates of Delhi, and
the Hindu Rajas defied the authority of the central power
The result of this was that the architecture of the Tughluq
period became massive and simple. The most typical build-
ing of this style is the tomb of Tughluq Shah which still exists
near the old fort of Tughluqabad. Firuz was a magnificent
builder, who spent vast sums of money on towns, palaces,
mosques, tanks, reservoirs and gardens. Many new build-
ings were constructed, and old ones were repaired. He
founded the city of Firuzabad, the ruins of which still-
exist near the modern Shahjahanbad, and supplied it with
abundant water by means of a well- managed canal system/
He built two other cities Fatahabad and Hisar Firoza, and
laid the foundations of a third called Jaunpur on the bank
of the Gomti to commemorate the name of his illustrious,
cousin Muhammad Tughluq. He caused two Asokan pillars.
SOCIETY AND CULTUKE IN THE MIDDLE AGES 263
to be removed to Delhi, one from Tobra in the Ambala

district and the other from a village in the Meerut district.
The contemporary chronicler Afif has given a highly in-
teresting account of the transfer of these monoliths. The
Sultan's interest in buildings was so keen that he never
permitted the construction of any building unless its plan
was carefully scrutinised by the Diwan-i-wizarat and finally
approved by him. As Firuz was an orthodox Muslim, the
austerity of the new style remained undisturbed, and it was
left for the provincial dynasties which came into existence
after his death to give an impetus to the development of
art.
The kings of Jaunpur were great patrons of art and
literature Their buildings exist to this day, and are fine
specimens of the Indo-Muhammadan art The Atala
masjid which was completed in the reign of Sultan Ibrahim,
the Jam-i-masjid, built under the patronage of Husain Shah,
the Lai Darwaza mosque, and the broken fagade of the
Jahangiri, the Khalis Mukhlis are some of the most remark-
able specimens of Indian architecture. Similar interest in
art was shown by the Sunni rulers of Gaur who developed a
style different from that of Delhi and Jaunpur. The build-
ings of Gaur are made entirely of brick, and seem to bear
traces of the imitation of Hindu temple architecture. The
most remarkable buildings are the tomb of Husain Shah,
the greater and lesser Golden Mosques, and the Qadam
Rasul built by Sultan Nusrat Shah. The small Golden or
Eunuch's Mosque is a solidly constructed building whichi
' is carved inside and out with beautifully chiselled designs,
including the Indian lotus. ' But the most striking of all
is the Adina Mosque at Pandua, twenty miles from
which was built by Sikandar Shah in 1368 A.D.
The most beautiful of all provincial styles of architecture

was that of Gujarat. Before the Muslim conquest, Gujarat
was under the influence of Jainism, and naturally when the
country passed into the hands of the Muslims, the master-
builders whom the Muslims employed to construct their
buildings adopted Hindu and Jain designs with necessary
modifications to suit the puritanical tastes of Islam Ahmad
Shah was a great builder. He founded the city of Ahmada-
bad in the first half of the 15th century and built mosques
and palaces. Numerous buildings were erected during the
15th century at Ahmadabad, Cam bay, Champanir and other
important places. One of the most beautiful buildings is the
mosque of Muhafiz Khan which was built towards the close
of the century. Besides mosques and tombs Gujarat is fa-
mous for its step-wells, irrigation works, and public orchards.
Mandu was equally famous for its buildings in the 15th
century. The massive buildings that exist to this day bear
testimony to the power and magnificence of the Sultans of
Mandu. Some of the most remarkable buildings are the
Jam-i-masjid, the Hindola mahal, the Jahaz mahal, the
tomb of Hushang Shah, and the palaces of Baz Bahadur
and Rupmati.
It was not only in North India that art made progress,
but in the Deccan also it received encouragement from the
Bahmani and Vijayanagar kings. The Bahmani kings found-
ed cities and built mosques and fortresses. The mosques at
Gulburga and Bidar are noble specimens of Deccan art.
Some of the important buildings constructed by them are'
the Jam-i-masjid at Gulbarga, built by Persian architects,
the Ghand Minar at Dauiatabad, and the college of Mahmud
GSwan, also built in the Persian style. But the Bahmanids
are famous in history for their fortresses, the chief of which
I
those of Gwaligarh, Narnala and Mahur in the Adilabad

district which was built as an outpost against the Hindu
-chiefs of the Satpura ranges. The fortresses of Parenda,
Naldurg, and Panhala were built by them to consolidate
their power. At Gulburga there are two groups of import-
ant buildings. One group contains the tombs of Alauddin
Hasan Bahman Shah, Muhammad Shah, Muhammad Shah
II, and two others of a later date. The other group known
-collectively as the Haft Gumbad or seven domes contains
the tombs of Mujahid Shah, Daud Shah, Ghiyasuddin and
his family, and Firuz Shah and his family. All these bear a
great resemblance to one another The city of Bidar was
laid out by Ahmad Shah. It has a fort and contains two
other buildings of note, the tomb of Ahmad Shah Wali and
the Sola mosque which was built in the reign of Muhammad
Shah III. The most remarkable architecture is that of Bija-
pur among the Deccan kingdoms. The tomb of Muham-
mad Adil Shah, known as the Gol Gumbaj, is a stately
•edifice, scarcely inferior to any other building of the same
kind.
The kings of Vijayanagar were in no way behind the
Bahmanids in this respect. They had a great enthusiasm for
building council chambers, public offices, irrigation works,
aqueducts, temples and palaces which were richly deco-
rated. There is evidence to prove that an excellent
system of irrigation prevailed throughout the city, and
large tanks were built for the storage of water. Numer-
ous temples were built, the most famous of which was the
Vithala temple described by Fergusson as a most characteris-
tic specimen of the Dravidian style. Sculpture and painting
were not unknown, and it appears that artists acquired
considerable proficiency in these branches as is shown by
the accounts of the Portuguese chroniclers and the Persian

envoy Abdur Razzaq.
It is impossible to give here an exhaustive account of
the various branches of mediaeval literature, and all that can
be done here is to give a succinct summary
iterative, ^ ê work (jone by famous writers and
scholars. Persian literature flourished remarkably under
court patronage. Amir Khusrau, the poet laureate of the
empire under the Khiljis and Tughluqs, was the greatest
poet of the time. He wrote copiously, and his numerous
works are still read with interest His contemporary,
Mir Hasan Dehlvi, was also a poet of no mean order.
He enjoyed the patronage of Muhammad, the martyr
prince, and Sultan Muhammad Tughluq. He composed a
Diwan and wrote the memoirs of his patron saint Shaikh
Nizam-ud-din Aulia. The works of the court historians are
too many to mention The most famous of them are the
Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi of Zia-ud-din Barani and Shams-i-Siraj
Afif and the Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi of Yahya bin Abdullah
and the works of Afghan historians. Jaunpur was a famous
seat of learning in the middle ages, and Ibrahim Shah
Sharqi was a generous patron of letters. Several literary,
philosophical, and theological works were written during
his reign.
The Muslim scholars were not wholly unacquainted
with Sanskrit. Al Biruni who came to India in the tenth
century was a profound Sanskrit scholar who translated
several works on philosophy and astronomy from Sanskrit
into Arabic. His Tarikh-i-Hind is still a mine of information
about Hindu civilisation. In the 14th century when Firuz
Tughluq captured the fort of Nagarkot, he ordered a work
on philosophy, divination and omens to be translated into
Persian and named it Dalayal-i-Firuzshahi. Literary ac-

tivity did not altogether cease under the Lodis. During
Sikandar's reign a medical treatise was translated from
Sanskrit into Persian.
The Hindus were not behind the Muslims in literary ad-
vancement. Though court patronage was denied to them, they
continued to produce high class literature both in Sanskrit
and Hindi in centres away from Muslim influence. Rama-
nuja wrote his commentaries on the Brahma Sutras in
which he expounded the doctrine of Bhakti. In the twelfth
century Jayadeva wrote his Gita Govinda, a noble specimen
of lyrical poetry which describes the love of Krisna and
Radha, their estrangement and final union, and the sports
of Krisna with the milkmaids of Vraj. The Drama flourished
in those parts of India where the Muslim power was slow
to reach. Some of the Dramas worthy of mention are the
Lalita Vigraharaja Nataka, Harikeli Nataka, Parvati-
parinaya, Vidagdha Madhava and Lalita Madhava. Re-
garding legal literature it may be said that some of the best
commentaries were written during this period. Works on
astronomy were also written, but Hindu scholars paid little
attention to history. The only work which has any claim to
be called a historical treatise is Kalhana's Rajatarangini
or * River of Kings * which was composed towards the
middle of the twelfth century.
A word may be said about the development of verna-
cular literature during this period. The earliest writers of
Hindi are Chandbardqj. Jagnayak. the author of Alahkhand,
Amir Khusrau, the parrot of Hind, and Baba Gorakhnatb.
who flourished in the fourteenth century. Later the BhaktL
cult gave a great impetus to the Hindi literature. Jtabir,
Nanak, and Miraba^composed their hymns and devotional
songs in Hindi, and their contributions greatly enriched the

literature of the language. The preachers of the Radha
Kri§na cult wrote and sang in Vrajbha$a and consider-
ably helped the growth of Hindi literature. In Bengal, Guja-
rat, Maharashtra, and even in the distant south the verna-
culars made much progress. In Bengal, a vernacular transla-
tion of the Sanskrit Ramayana was prepared by Krittivasa
whose work is ' in fact the Bible of the people of the Gange-
tic valley. ' The Bhagwat and the Mahabharata were also
translated under the patronage of the state. Namadeva,
the Maratha saint, largely wrote in Marathi, and some of his
hymns are still preserved in the Granth Sahib, the Bible of
the Sikhs. In the South, the earliest works in Tamil and
Kanarese were produced by the Jains, but in the 13th and
14th centuries a great impetus was given to literary effort by
the £aiva movement. It was during this period that Sayana
and Madhava Vidyaranya, two brothers, wrote their works
which have placed them among the leaders of Sanskrit scho-
larship. The former wrote his famous commentary on the
Vedas, and the latter followed his brother's example by writ-
ing several philosophical works. The Telugu literature
received much encouragement from the kings of Vijayana-
gar. Krisna Deva Raya took a keen interest in letters, and
was himself the author of several works of merit.
The advent of Islam wrought great changes in the
religious and social outlook of the people of India. Hindu-
ism failed to absorb the Muslims as it
had absorbed the Greeks, Huns, Scythians
and Sakas, who became completely merged
in the native population. It was because the Muslim
had a clear, definite faith of his own to which he
adhered with a tenacity and enthusiasm unknown to
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN THE MIDDLE AGES 269*
the Hindus. He considered his religion to be in no way

inferior to that hydra-headed Hinduism which he found
prevalent among- the vanquished races in India, and this
conviction of superiority further strengthened bis belief
in the Quran and the Prophet. The idolatry and elaborate
ritual of the Hindus suggested to him by contrast the
value of his own religion, which mainly consisted in its
simplicity and emphasis on the unity of the God-head. But
in spite of these differences it was inevitable that the
Hindus and Muslims should come in contact with each other
Time applied its healing balm to old bitternesses, and culti-
vated minds on both sides began to desire some sort of
rapprochement between the two peoples The early Turks
who invaded Hindustan did not bring their wives with
them. They married in the country, and their offspring
naturally became less Turkish and more Indian in their
habits and sentiments. The Indian women who dominated
the Turkish household exerted a potent influence in mould-
ing the character of the future generation of Musalmans,
and as Havel 1 puts it : ' the traditional devotion and tender-
ness of Indian motherhood helped greatly to soften the
ferocity of the Turki and Mongol nomad.' There were other
factors which helped the process of reconciliation. Royal
patronage and sympathy won the goodwill of the Hindus
in certain cases, and improved the social relations between
the two races. The Musalman realised the impossibility of
completely crushing out the Hindus, while the Hindu learnt
by slow and painful experience that it was useless to wage
perpetual war against foes who had come to stay in the
land. The Hindu converts who were obliged to renounce
their faith from political pressure or economic necessity
did not wholly give up their habits and usages. Their
contact with Muslims naturally produced an intermingling

of the two faiths and removed many angularities on both
sides. It created a sympathetic frame of mind which
greatly assisted the forces that were steadily working to
bring about a better understanding between the two peoples.
Islam held out a new hope of progress and social justice to
the low caste Hindus, who were inclined to regard it with-
out feelings of aversion or contempt. Then, there was the
influence of Muslim saints like Parid Shakarganj of Pak-
patan and Nizamuddin Aulia of Delhi in Northern India
and of Ghisudaraz in the south. They counted their
•disciples among the members of both communities, and
their teachings appealed to all men without distinction of
caste or creed. All differences were overlooked in their pre-
sence, and a new bond of sympathy was created which
united those who offered homage to them.
The Muslims introduced a new spirit into Hindu society
by laying stress on the Unity of God. The doctrine of the
Unity of God was not unknown to the Hindus, but its
emphatic assertion in Islam had a great effect on teachers
like Namadeva, Ramanand, Kabir and Nanak in whom we
see a happy blending of Hindu and Muslim influences.
Impressed by the simplicity of the Muslim creed and its
insistence on the oneness of God, they denounced idolatry
and caste and preached that true religion did not consist in
meaningless ritual and empty forms but in Bhakti or true
devotion to God. The Bhakti cult made great progress
under the influence of the great masters who followed
Ramanuja, and who dominated the religious mind of India
during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
The first great exponent of Bhakti was Ramanuja
who lived in the twelfth century and preached the worship
of Visnu in Southern India. His work marks a reaction
against Ankara's advait doctrine. He maintained that
individual souls are not essentially one with the Supreme,
though they all emanate from him as sparks from fire, and
that the Supreme is not purely abstract Being, but
.possesses real qualities of goodness and beauty in an infinite
degree. Thus he inculcated devotion to a Saguna I&vara9
endowed with a number of beautiful qualities, and his
teachings appealed to large numbers of men in South India.
Another teacher who laid stress on Bhakti was Rama-
nand —fifth in apostolic succession from Ramanuja— who
flourished in the fourteenth century in Northern India.
The special feature of Ramanand 's teachings is that he
entirely discarded caste rules, enjoined in the Brahmanical
system. He wandered about the country, visiting holy
places and establishing the worship of Rama and Sita. He
admitted to his discipleship men of all castes, and is said
to have twelve chief disciples (chelas) among whom were
included a barber, a chamar and a weaver. Ramanand was
the first reformer who employed Hindi, the chief vernacular
of Northern India, to interpret his doctrines, and therefore
acquired much popularity with the submerged classes among
the Hindus. His followers worship Visnu under the form
of Ramchandra with his consort Sita, and their chief centre
^s Ajodhia, the ancient capital of Kosala in the United
Provinces. Of all the disciples of Ramanand Kabir was
the most famous.
Another offshoot of Vaisnavism was the Kri§na cult of
which Vallabhacharya was the most distinguished preacher.
He was a Tailang Brahman and was born in 1479 in the
Telugu country in the south. From his early boyhood he
.showed signs of genius, and in a short time acquired an
immense amount of learning. He visited Mathura, Brinda-

ban, and many other sacred places, and finally settled in
Benares where he wrote his philosophical works. Vallabha
Swami taught that there is no distinction between the
Brahma and the individual soul, and that the latter could
get rid of its bondage by means of Bhakti. In one of his-
works he says that the home, the centre of all worldly
desires, should be renounced in every way, but if it be
impracticable, one should dedicate it to the service of God,
for it is He alone who can free man from evil. The wor~
ship of Krisna was inculcated, and the disciples were
required to offer everything in his service. The formula of
dedication had no other meaning except that the
disciple should consecrate everything to his God. But
those who came after Vallabhacharya departed from
the true spirit of his teachings. They interpreted them in
a material sense. And hence the system lent itself to-
great abuse. They taught by precept and example that
God should be pleased not by self-denial and austerities,
but by sanctifying all human pleasures in his service*
This interpretation appealed to their rich followers mostly
of the commercial classes who lacked the necessary
intellectual equipment to ascertain the true doctrines of
the founder of the sect. A movement has recently been
set on foot to reform the evil practices which have crept
into the system, and a number of devoted workers have
made efforts to restore it to its original purity and
vigour.
The great Vaisnavite teacher Lord Chaitanya of Nawa-
dwipa was a contemporary of Vallabha Swami. Born in 1485,
he renounced the world at the early age of 25, and became a
Sanyasi. He wandered about the country, preaching the
doctrine of love and the worship of Krisna. The mesmeric

influence of his presence was felt wherever he went, and
thousands of men fell at his feet in reverential devotion as
they heard from his lips the thrilling message of love
and peace. Love was so great a passion with him that the
thought of Krisna playing upon his flute in the wild woods
of Brindaban threw him into an ecstasy. He laid stress on
humility and said that a Vai§nava should be absolutely
without pride. ' Krisna dwells in every soul and therefore
gives respect to others, without seeking any for himself.'
As he uttered these words a feeling of humility over-
powered his soul, and he broke forth :
' Neither do I want followers, nor wealth, nor
leartring, nor poetical powers, give unto my soul a bit
of devotion for thee. Great pride never produces any
good. How will He who is called the vanquisher of
the proud bear with your pride ? '
His heart, full of compassion for the poor and the
weak, melted with pity as he saw the sorrows of
mankind. He denounced caste and proclaimed the universal
brotherhood of man and the worship of Hari as the only
means of attaining the highest bliss. Krisna's name knew
not the barriers of caste and race. He asked his disciples to
teach unto all men down to the lowest Chandala the lesson
of devotion and love. He freely touched Haridas, one of
his disciples, who was outcasted by his fellows. He
begged the master not to touch him for he was unclean
and outcasted. There was fire in the master's eye; his
heart welled up with emotion ; and he rushed forward in
wild joy to embrace the outcast and said : ' you have dedi-
cated yourself to me ; that body of yours is mine in every
respect ; an all-sacrificing and all-loving spirit dwells in it ;
F. 18
it is holy as a temple. Why should you consider yourself un-

clean ?' That is why the high and the low, the Brahman
and the Sudra listened to his message and followed him.
He was the very image of love and often exhorted his
followers to sacrifice everything on the altar of love. A
true devotee must show his love for Krisna by offering his
services day and night to him as well as to the world.
Vaisnavism was to be a living force, a rule of life and not
merely a religion to be practised by ascetics and recluses.
To religious teachers his advice was :—
11 Do not take too many disciples, do not abuse gods
worshipped by other peoples and their scriptures, do
not read too many books and do not pose as a teacher
continually criticising and elucidating religious views.
Take profit and loss in the same light. Do not stay there
where a Vaisnava is abused. Do not listen to village
tales. Do not by your speech or thought cause pain to
a living thing. Listen to the recitation of God's name.
Recollect his kindness, bow to him and worship him.
Do what He wills as a servant, believe Him to be a
friend and then dedicate yourself to Him."
Chaitanya's name is a household word in Bengal, and
there are millions of men who still worship him as an in-
carnation ofSri Kri§na and utter his name with a feeling
of devotion and love.
The influence of Islam is clearly manifest in the teachings
of Naraadeva, Kabir and Nanak, who all condemned caste,
polytheism and idolatry and pleaded for true faith, sincerity
and purity of life. The cardinal doctrine on which they laid
stress was that God is the God of Hindus as well as Muslims,
of Brahmans as well as of Chandalas and that before Him
.all are equal. The trammels of caste and superstition must
foe discarded, if the worshipper wants to know the true

path. The first in point of time was Namadeva, the Maratha
saint, a man of low origin, whose probable date of birth
must be fixed sometime early in the 15th century. Nama-
deva preached the unity of God, deprecated idol-worship
and all outward observances. He feels his dependence on
God and thus gives expression to it :
" Of me who am blind thy name, O King, is the prop
I am poor, I am miserable, thy name is my support.
Bountiful and merciful Allah, thou art onerous ;
Thou art a river of bounty, thou art the Giver, thou art
exceeding wealthy ;
Thou alone givest and takest, there is none other ;
Thou art wise, Thou art far-sighted, what conception
can I form of thee.
0 Nama's lord, Thou art the Pardoner, 0 God."
Kabir was the greatest disciple of Ramanand. He was
>born about 1398. His origin is shrouded in mystery. Tradi-
tion says, he was born of a Brahman widow who cast him
off near a tank in order to escape social odium. The child
was picked up by a weaver, Niru, and was brought up by
his wife with great affection and care. When he grew up,
he took up his father's trade, but found time to moralise
and philosophise.
The whole back-ground of Kabir's thought is Hindu.
He speaks of Rama. He seeks freedom from transmigration,
and hopes to attain the true path by means of Bhakti.
He has an aversion for theological controversy and con-
demns all insincerity and hypocrisy, which are mis-
taken for true piety. He makes no distinction between
the Hindu and the Turk, who, he says, are pots of the
/same clay, and who are striving by different routes to
reach the same goal. He pointed out the futility of

mere lip-homage to the great ideals of truth and religion.
Of what avail is the worship of stone and bathing in,
the Ganges, if the heart is not pure? Of what avail
is a pilgrimage to Mecca, if the pilgrim marches towards,
the Kaaba with a deceitful and impure heart? Men
are saved by faith and not by works. None can under-
stand the mind of God ; put your trust in Him and let
Him do what seemeth Him good. He condemns idolatry
and says : ' If by worshipping stones one can find God,
I shall worship a mountain; better than these stones-
(idols) are the stones of the flour mill with which men grind
their corn/ He reproached Brahmans and Maul vis alike for
their theological controversies and asked them to give up-
their petty pride. He denounced caste and emphatically
declared :
"Vain too are the distinctions of caste. All
shades of colour are but broken arcs of light ; all
varieties in human nature are but fragments of
humanity. The right to approach God is not the
monopoly of Brahmans but is freely granted to all
who are characterised by sincerity of heart/'
No modern crusader against caste can equal the fervour
of these inspiring utterances which came from the
deepest depths of the master's soul. Caste could be no
obstacle in the way of God. Forms of worship were
immaterial to him for he says :
"Suffer all men to worship God according to their
convictions. Be not the slaves of tradition and love-
not controversy for its own sake. Fear not to walk
upon unbeaten tracks, if such tracks bring you near to
Him who is the truth."
Kabir's great disciple was Nanak, the founder of the

Sikh religion, who was born in 1469 A.D. at Talwandi, a
village in the Lahore district. From his boyhood Nanak
showed a religious bent of mind and paid no attention to his
studies. Like Kabir, he also preached the unity of God,
condemned idolatry, and urged that the barriers of caste and
race must give way before the name of God who transcends
them all. He exhorted men to give up hypocrisy, selfish-
ness, worldliness, and falsehood for "all men's accounts
shall be taken in God's court and no one shall be saved
without good works." He laid stress on love and purity of
life and preached that good deeds were more efficacious
in securing salvation than metaphysical discussions. His
<crp*/1 is summed up in these words :
" Religion consisteth not in mere words ;
He who looketh on all men as equal is religious.
Religion consisteth not in wandering to tombs or
places of cremation, or sitting in attitudes of
contemplation.
Religion consisteth not in wandering in foreign
countries, or in bathing at places of pilgrimage.
Abide pure amidst the impurities of the world;
^ Thus shalt thou find the way to religion."
The movement of reform did not end with Nanak. The
stream of thought continued to flow on ; a number of saints
and reformers arose whose achievements will be discussed
later. We may again emphasise the harmonising tendency
of the social and religious movements in mediaeval India. At-
tempts were made to bridge the gulf between the Hindus
and Muslims, and although the Sultans of Delhi were mostly
-cruel and bigoted tyrants, there were a few who listened
to the voice of reason and tried to promote concord and
co-operation between the two races. Religious teachers ren-

dered agreat service to the cause of unity. The Hindus
began to worship Muslim saints, and the Muslims began to
show respect for Hindu gods. And this mutual goodwill is
typified in the cult of Satyapir, founded by Husain Shah of
Jaunpur, which represents a synthesis of the two religions.
But the age was not yet ripe for introducing political re-
forms along these lines. For this a mighty man of genius
was needed, and India had to wait till the advent of Akbar
for the realisation of the dreams of her great teachers. It
was only then that the Hindus and Muslims stood shoulder
to shoulder in the service of a common empire, and shed their
religious prejudices to an extent never reached before since
the Islamic conquest of our country. It was the voice of
Kabir and Nanak which spoke through the imperial lips
and created a storm in orthodox circles.
CHAPTER XI
INDIA AT THE OPENING OF THE

SIXTEENTH CENTURY
At the opening of the sixteenth century the kingdom
of Delhi was considerably reduced in extent. Ibrahim's
sway did not extend beyond Delhi, Agra, the
India'* hern Doab> Biyana and Chanderi. The Punjab
was held by Daulat Khan and his son Ghazi
Khan and Dilawar Khan who were alarmed at the un-
bridled tyranny of Ibrahim, and who eagerly waited for
an opportunity to deliver themselves from his yoke. Like
other Afghan nobles they thought rebellion safer than
subordination to a prince, whose capricious temper put
their lives and property in peril. Sindh and Multan to-
wards the west and Jaunpur, Bengal and Orissa towards
the east had formed themselves into independent princi-
palities. Inthe central region lay the kingdoms of Malwa
and Khandesh, which were ruled by Muhammadan princes.
Between the kingdoms of the north and the central region
lay the Rajput states, whose strength had silently increas-
ed owing to the decline of the power at Delhi and the
unending quarrels of the Muslim states of the north.
To the south-east lay the kingdom of Jaunpur, which
corresponded roughly to the districts now included in the
eastern portions of the province of Agra and Oudh. The
resources of its kings were by no means inconsiderable.
They possessed large armies and fought against the
Afghan power at Delhi with great tenacity and vigour. In
1491 Sikandar Lodi extended his conquests over the whole
of Bihar and drove away Husain Shah, the last ruler of
Jaunpur, to seek refuge with the ruler of Bengal.
279
Ibrahim Lodi bungled as was his wont in the affairs of

Jaunpur, where the Afghan vassals had always been very
powerful. At the earliest exhibition of Ibrahim's haughty
meddlesomeness in their affairs, the Afghan barons re-
belled under the leadership of Nasir Khan Lohani of
Ghazipur, Maruf Farmuli, and others.
Darya Khan Lohani of Bihar became the leader of the
confederacy of rebels, and inflicted several defeats upon
the forces sent by Ibrahim to quell the rebellion. After
his death his son was acclaimed as their leader by the
rebels, who continued to fight as before against the ruler
of Delhi. Bengal had separated from the empire of Delhi
during the reign of Firuz Tughluq who had recognised
its independence. Sikandar, son of Ilyas Shah, had
brought nearly the whole of Bengal under his sway as is
testified by hia coins. At the opening of the sixteenth
century, the Husaini dynasty had well established its
power, and its first ruler Alauddin Husain Shah (1493—1519
A.D.) was a remarkable man who greatly enlarged his
kingdom by conquest. His son Nusrat Shah maintained
a splendid court and commemorated his regime by raising
noble works of art. He is mentioned by Babar in his
Memoirs as a prince of considerable substance in Hindus-
tan. In the central region there were three important
Muslim states which will be described below.
The dynasty of the independent kings of Gujarat was
founded by Zaf ar Khan who was appointed to the charge
in 1391 A.D. The dynasty produced a num-
ber of able and ambitious rulers like Mah-
mud' Ahmad Shah and Mahmud Blgafla, who
Khan- greatly increased its power and influence.
desh- After the death of Sultan Mahmud Blgafla,
INDIA IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 281
Muzaffar Shah II succeeded to the throne in 1511 A.D.

He had to contend against formidable rivals, the prince
of Malwa, Sultan Mahmud Khilji II (1510-31 A.D.), the
last ruler of the independent Malwa dynasty, and the
Rajput ruler of Mewar. In 1518 the ruler of Gujarat in
response to the request of Mahmud, the legitimate ruler,
who was thrown into the shade by his powerful minister
Medini Rao, a Rajput chief, who had usurped all authority
in the state marched into Malwa at the head of a large
army and captured the fort of Mandu. The Rajputs offered
a gallant resistance, and it is said that nearly 19 thou-
sand perished in the final encounter with the Gujarat
forces, and Medini Rao's son was among the slain. Medini
'Rao lost his hard-won influence, but he was reinstated
in Chanderi by Rana Sanga, the redoubtable chief of
Mewar. His gratitude found expression in his adhesion
to the Rana's cause, when the latter marched against
Babar to fight the historic battle at Kanwah in 1527.
Feelings of jealousy had existed between Gujarat and
Mewar for a long time, and Rana Sanga got his long-
'desired opportunity through the indiscretion of the Muslim
governor of Idar. The latter used abusive language to-
wards the Rana which was communicated to him. The
Hana marched against Idar at the head of 40,000 brave
Rajputs, and obtained a victory over the Gujarat forces.
:Sanga's generals urged him to advance upon Ahmadabad,
the capital of the Gujarat kings, but he felt reluctant to
-do so and returned. We do not know what relations
-existed at this time between the kingdoms of Delhi and
-Gujarat. The author of Mirat-i-Sikandari writes (Bay ley ,
B>p. 276-77) in recording the events of the year 1525 that
Alam Khan, uncle of Sultan Ibrahim of Delhi, paid a
visit to Muzaffar and sought his help against his over-

weening nephew. Apparently no help seems to have
been given, and Alam Khan was dismissed with an escort
courteously provided by his host. About the same time
Prince Bahadur, the second son of Muzaffar, reached
Delhi to seek protection against the hostile designs of his
elder brother Sikandar. He was well received at the
court, but when Ibrahim suspected him of siding with dis-
affected persons he left for Jaunpur. Soon after came
the news of his father's death, and the ambitious
Bahadur hastened back to Gujarat.
To the north of Khandesh lay the important kingdom
of Malwa. The origin of the kingdom has been described
before. The founder of the independent line of kings was
Dilawar Khan Ghori who was a feoffee of Sultan Firuz
Tughluq of Delhi. Dilawar Khan threw off the imperial
yoke in 1398 during the anarchy which followed the in-
vasion of Timur. The Ghori dynasty ended in 1435 A.D.
when power was usurped by Mahmud Khan, the minister
of the Ghori chieftain, who ascended the throne under
the title of Mahmud Khilji. Mahmud was a remarkable
ruler who ceaselessly fought against Gujarat and Me war,
and passed during his life through vicissitudes of no mean
order. Firishta rightly says that his tent was his home
and the field of battle his resting place. During the reign
of Mahmud II (1512-30), the fourth ruler of the Khilji
dynasty, the Rajputs dominated the affairs of Malwa, and
the gallant chief Medini Rao, who had helped him in
securing the throne, had fully established his as-
cendancy. But the Rajput influence was an eyesore
to the Muslims, and they conspired to drive Medini Rao*
from the position he occupied in the state. The Sultan.
secretly escaped to Gujarat to seek help from the

ruler of that country. Muzaffar received him well and
promised assistance against the ' infidels/ He marched
upon Gujarat at the head of a large army and reinstated
Mahmud at Mandu. Soon afterwards Mahmud marched
against Medini Rao who received assistance from Rana.
Sanga of Chittor. A fierce battle raged between the
Rajputs and the Malwa forces which suffered a total defeat,
and the Sultan was himself wounded. The magnanimous
Rana treated him with great kindness, took him to his tent
where he ordered his wounds to be dressed, and released
him from captivity, when he became convalescent. Such
was the state of Malwa in the year 1525. Mahmud was dis-
tracted byinternal dissensions, and the country was torn
by civil war. Meanwhile a fresh calamity came from an-
other quarter. In 1526 Mahmud offered shelter to Bahadur's
brother, Chand Khan, who had succeeded Muzaffar in the
gaddi of Gujarat. He had listened also to the overtures of one
Razi-ul-Mulk, a nobleman from Gujarat, who had espoused
the cause of Chand Khan and had applied to Babar for aid.
Bahadur advanced upon Mandu and inflicted a sharp defeat
upon Mahmud and his forces. Mahmud was put in chains,
and sent as a prisoner along with his sons to Champanir in
the custody of Asaf Khan. Five days later the escort led
by Asaf Khan was attacked by 2,000 Bhils and Kols in camp
at Dohud. Asaf considered it an attempt to deliver the
royal family from his custody, and ordered the king and
his sons to be put to death. Thus ended the Khilji dynasty
of Malwa, and the territories over which it held swajr
became subject to the ruler of Gujarat.
The other state lying in the central region was Khan-
desh. Khandesh was formerly a province of the Delhi
-empire, but it became an independent principality under

Malik Raja FarQqi who was appointed governor of the place
by Firuz Tughluq in 1370. After Malik Raja's death in 1399
his more able and ambitious son Malik Nasir Khan suc-
ceeded tothe throne. The treacherous manner in which he
overpowered Ssa Ahlr and his men has been described in
a previous chapter. Asirgarh fell into the hands of Nasir,
but he shrank from using the treasures found in the fortress.
The last notable ruler of Khandesh was Adil Khan Faruqi
(1457—1503 A.D.) who did much to increase the material
prosperity of his kingdom. Under Adil Burhanpur grew to
be one of the most beautiful cities in India. It was he who
completed the fortifications of Asirgarh. The manufactures
of gold and silver thread and brocaded silks and muslins
reached a high degree of development under the Faruqi
kings, and are still in a flourishing condition. The annals
of the dynasty have no special importance. The Faruqi
Kings allied themselves with the rulers of Gujarat by
means of matrimonial connections, and often received
support from them in their wars against the Muslim states
of the south. At the time of Babar's invasion of Hindustan
Khandesh was ruled by Miran Muhammad who had
succeeded to the throne in 1520 A.D. The commonplace
character of the history of this dynasty obtrudes itself
upon our notice as we read through the pages of Firishta,
and we feel relieved to see, in the words of a modern
writer, Khandesh affording a good example of the manner
in which the amenities of life may flourish under
conditions which prohibit the exercise of the arts of
politics.
Ever since the death of Alauddin Khilji the states of
.Rajputana bad played no part in the affairs of the Delhi
Empire. Alauddin had entrusted the fort of Chittor to,

Rajputana. the Soni*ra <*feftain Maldeva of Jalor, but
the latter seems to have lost all influence-
after the death of the war-lord of Delhi. TheSisodia.
Prince Hamir who had remained in a state of sulleiL
hostility all this time increased his resources and began to
seize portions of the Mewar territory during the lifetime
of Maldeva. Gradually after the death of the latter
Hamir defeated Maldeva's son, Jaisa, and acquired pos-
session of the entire principality of Mewar. Hamir was a
powerful prince, who, according to the Rajput chronicles
seems to have encountered with success the forces of the
Delhi Sultan. That may or may not be correct, but in an in-
scription of Maharana Kumbha's time dated 1438 A.D.
Hamir is described as the achiever of renown by slaying
countless Muslims in the field of battle. ' There is other
evidence to prove that Hamir conquered Jilwara from the
mountaineers (Bhils) on whom he inflicted a crushing
defeat, and similar success attended his arms when he
marched against Jitkarna, the prince of Idar. Tod's state-
ment that the ancestors of the present princes of Marwar
and Jaipur brought their levies, paid homage, and obeyed
the summons of the prince of Chittor as did the chiefs of
Bundi, Gwalior, Chanderi, Raisin, Sikri, Kalpi, Abu, etc.,
is doubtless an exaggeration. Hamir died about the year
1364 A.D. leaving Mewar a fairly large and prosperous
kingdom. His son K?etra Singh worthily upheld the tradi-
tions of his father and made his power felt by the neigh-
bouring chieftains. His son Lskha who ascended the gaddi
in 1382 A.D. distinguished himself by winning victories
1 Bombay Branch A. 8. J., XXXIII, p. 50.

-over his foes and by raising works of public utility.

But when LakhS's grandson, Rana Kumbha, who is so
famous in the annals of Mewar, succeeded to the
throne in 1433 A.D. the position of Mewar was seriously
affected by the rise of the Muslim states of Malwa and
Gujarat. The Muslim rulers were eager to extinguish the
independence of Mewar and left no stone unturned to reduce
her power. It is needless to enter into a detailed account
of the struggle between these rival powers in which victory
rested sometimes with the Muslims and sometimes with the
Rajput chieftain. The Rana was assassinated in 1468 A.D.
by his son Uda who was probably impatient to obtain
possession of the gaddi of Mewar. The people of Mewar
rightly refused to see the face of the parricide and
denounced his unfilial and inhuman conduct. Want of
confidence made his task difficult, and the throne was
seized by his brother Raimal after a period of five years
in 1473. After his death in May 1509, Sangram Singh, his
youngest son, succeeded to the gaddi of Mewar. His
accession marked the dawn of a new era in the history of
that country.
The empire of Delhi had lost much of its former great-
ness, and Sangram Singh had little to fear from Sikandar
Lodi who had his own difficulties to overcome, but Malwa
and Gujarat were ruled at this time by Nasir Shah and
Muhammad Blgaâ who were bound to come in conflict
with him. During the early years of his reign, Sangram
Singh established his prestige by defeating the forces of
Gujarat, and by effective interference in the affairs of Idar.
The Rana had been grabbing for several years small por-
tions of the Delhi territory, but when Ibrahim Lodi came
to the throne, he led an attack against Mewar at the head
•of a considerable force. Victory rested with the Rajputs,

•and the Rana ended the conflict with the seizure of certain
•districts of Malwa, which had been annexed to Delhi by
Sikandar Lodi.
Next came the turn of Malwa. The Sultan of Malwa
Mahmud II had admitted the Rajput chief Medini Rao of
Chanderi to his councils to act as a counterpoise to the
influence of his turbulent amirs. The amirs appealed to
the rulers of Delhi and Gujarat for help against the
' infidels. ' But Medini Rao proved equal to the occasion.
He defeated the allied forces of Delhi and Gujarat and
re-established the authority of Mahmud. Thus foiled in
their designs, the hostile amirs intrigued with success
to poison the ears of Sultan Mahmud against Medini Rao.
The Sultan appealed to Muzaff ar Shah of Gujarat for
aid, and the latter escorted him back in triumph to
Mandu and reinstated him in his throne. Medini Rao
sought the help of Sanga who marched against Mahmud
at the head of 50,000 men, and in the encounter that
followed the Sultan of Mandu was badly wounded. The
Rana conveyed the royal captive to his camp, and finally
took him to Chittor where he was kept as a prisoner for
three months. He was afterwards liberated on the
payment of an indemnity (the expenses of war) and the
surrender of a prince as a guarantee for his good behaviour
in the future. This misplaced generosity aggravated the
Rana's difficulties and afforded encouragement to his
avowed enemies.
Sultan Muzaffar of Gujarat combined with the Sultan
of Malwa against the Rana to wipe out the disgrace of his
former defeat. Malik Ayaz, the governor of Sorath, who
had joined with 20,000 horse and some field pieces was
placed in command. The Rana was put on his mettle byr

the preparations of his allies, and marched against them
at the head of a large army. Ayaz retreated to his charge-
without risking an engagement with the Rana, and the
Sultan of Mandu did likewise. What the Muslim historians-
have described as a retreat compelled by the dissensions of
the military officers was in all probability a defeat at the
hands of the Mewar forces.
These campaigns spread Rana Sanga's fame far andi
wide. Foreign princes feared him, and Mewar became the
refuge of dispossessed or disinherited heirs By the year
1525 it had developed into a first class military state. Her
resources were thoroughly organised, and it was clear that
any foreigner who attempted the conquest of Hindustan
will have to grapple with the warlike ruler of Mewar.
The Haras of Bundi had begun to assert themselves
against the dominant influence of Mewar, but they had no>
connection with the Muslim government at Delhi. The
Rathor monarchy at Jodhpur under Rao Ganga (1516—32)
was weakened by internecine civil strife towards the begin-
ning of the sixteenth century, but the sons of Jodha united
their forces against the Chaghtai invader and joined the-
confederacy of Rana Sanga.
The province of Sindh was too far away from Delhi to
exercise any influence on the politics of Hindustan. Early
in the 14th century it formed a part of
8indh< the empire of Alauddin Khilji, and Alaud-
din's brother Ulugh Khan held the governorship of Multan.
Later it was included in Muhammad Tughluq's empire,
but towards the close of his life the Sumras had given
shelter to Taghi who had rebelled against the Sultan. The
latter pursued the rebel and died in Thatta. The Jama
got their long-desired opportunity, and it is said that

after the death of Muhammad Jam Khairuddin adopted a
sulky attitude and refused to pay homage to Firuz. Piruz
marched against his son Jam Babiniya and conquered
Sindh, though he afterwards restored him to office. The
Sumras soon lost their ascendancy, and their place was
taken by the Samtna dynasty towards the middle of
the fourteenth century. The fortunes of the Sammas
were seriously affected by the turn affairs were tak-
ing in the Afghan regions. In 1516 Babar marched
against Shah Beg Arghun, the governor of Qandhar
and laid siege to the fort. Unable to withstand the
rising power of Babar, Shah Beg Arghun made a
treaty with him by which he was compelled to
surrender Qandhar to Babar's officers. The Shah ratified
the cession by sending to the conqueror the keys of the
fortress. The" loss of Qandhar obliged the Shah to seek
another field of activity, and he turned towards Sindh.
Thatta was occupied and given up to plunder in 1520.
The Jam made his submission, and with every mark of
abject humility implored the forgiveness of the con-
queror. The Arghun dynasty was thus established in
Sindh, and its power was considerably increased by Shah
Beg's son Shah Husain, who annexed Multan and ex-
tinguished the Langah dynasty. At the time Babar was
planning his invasion of Hindustan, these two dynasties
were grappling with each other in order to establish their
ascendancy in Sindh. There seems to have been no
connection between the decrepit empire of Delhi and
the desert province.
The history of the southern plateau is interesting only
in ao far as it shows the growth of the imperialistic idea in
F. 19
the Deccan, while it was steadily declining in the north.

m. _ The Afghan empire in Hindustan had
The Deccan. , . ,. , ...../. , T. , .
dwindled into insignificance under Ibrahim,
but below the Vindhyas two formidable empires had risen
into prominence, the empire of the Bahmanids and the
Hindu empire of Vijayanagar. Their political designs
brought them inevitably into conflict, and backed by their
unlimited zeal they engaged in wars which caused much
suffering and loss to the combatants on either side. They
fought long and hard for supremacy but exercised little
or no influence on the political affairs of northern India.
The kingdom of Vijayanagar was founded as has been
said before by two brothers Harihar and Bukka, who
were in the service of the Raja of Telingana in 1336,
and since then it had developed its territory and its
prestige owing to the efforts of a series of remarkable
rulers. {The reign of Krigna Deva Raya which lasted
from 1509 to 1580 A.D. is a glorious period in the annals
of the empire of Vijayanagar. Krisna De\/a Raya orga-
nised alarge army, and waged several wars against the
Muslim powers of the south. His conquest of the Raichur
valley greatly increased his prestige! and so weakened the
power of Adil Shah that he ceased to think for the time
being, at any rate, of any conquest in the south. It seared
upon the minds of the Muslims the lesson that their
separatist tendencies greatly injured their interests and
that unity was essential for effectively curbing the
" arrogance and insolence " of the Hindus. When Abdul
RazzSq, the Persian ambassador, visited the Deccan in
1542—44 the Hindu empire was at the height of its power.
He has given an elaborate description of the glory and
grandeur of the great city, which has been reproduced in
a previous chapter in this volume. The empire was

destroyed by the Muslims in 1565 at the battle of Talikota,
but at the opening of the 16th century it was in the
plenitude of power. It is true, it had no connection with
the Muslim empire of the north, but as Professor Rush-
brook-Williams suggests with great force it effectively
prevented the states of the Deccan from acquiring such
ascendancy as would have jeopardised the inde-
pendence of the Rajput states. It checked the north-
ward expansion of the Muslim states which in turn pre-
vented it from seeking a field of conquest in the trans-
Vindyan region like Indra and Tailapa, who carried
their arms triumphantly into the territory of Malwa and
Dhar. The Bahmani kingdom which was founded in 1347
by Hasan Kangu, an Afghan officer in the service of
Sultan Muhammad Tughluq of Delhi, broke up into five
[independent principalities after the execution of tfre
[famous minfofcr Mahmnd C5w5n in Uftl fl,]). The resour-
ces of the Bahmanids enabled them to fight on equal terms
with the empire of Vijayanagar, but notwithstanding
their vast territories, riches, and power they failed to
attain much political importance in the south. Surprising
as it may seem, it was the result of the restraint which was
imposed upon their activities by the rulers of Vijayanagar
who vigilantly watched their movements and applied
the break whenever it was felt necessary. The dismem-
berment of the Bahmani kingdom reduced Muslim energy
in the Deccan to fragments, and the small states which
took its place could never acquire that eminence which
concentration and consolidation alone can give to a vast
dominion, acting under undivided leadership and follow-
ing a common principle.
Babar gives an account of Hindustan on the eve of

his invasion. He speaks of five Muslim and two Hindu
kings of substance. The greater part of
Babar's01 rim-
count ac- Hindustan, says he, was in the possession
duetan. of the empire of Delhi, but in the country
there were many independent and powerful
kings. The leading kingdoms noted by him are —the
Afghan kingdom which extended from Behreh to Bihar;
of Jaunpur and Bengal in the east ; of Malwa in Central
India ; of Gujarat with the Muslim kingdoms of the Deccan
which arose out of the ruins of the Bahmani kingdom.
The two pagan princes mentioned by him are the
Raya of Vijayanagar and Rana Sanga of Chittor. Of
these princes Babar writes :—
"The five kings who have been mentioned are
great princes, and are all Musalmans, and possessed
of formidable armies and rulers of vast territories.
The most powerful of the pagan princes, in point of
territory and army, is the Raja of Bijanagar. Another
is the Rana Sanga, who has attained his present high
eminence, only in these later times, by his own valour
and his sword. His original principality was Chitur."
India was thus a congeries of states at the opening
of the sixteenth century and likely to be the easy prey
of an invader who had the strength and will to attempt
her conquest.
CHAPTER XII
FOUNDATION OF THE MUGHAL EMPIRE
Babar was born on Friday, the 24th of February,
1483 A.D. He was descended from Timur, the Lame, in
the fifth degree on his father's side, while
through his mother he could trace descent
from the great Mongol conqueror Chingiz,
Khan. ' His father Umar Shaikh Mirza held the small
kingdom of Farghana which is now a small province of
Russian Turkistan about 50,000 square miles in extent.
In 1494, after his father's death which was caused
by an accident, Babar, though only eleven years
of age, succeeded to the throne of Farghana. The early
training of the young prince must have been exceptionally
well managed, for in later years he had little time to
devote himself to intellectual pursuits, During these
years he acquired mastery over Turki and Persian, the
two languages which he wrote and spoke with great ease
and facility. His maternal grandmother, a lady of much
sense and sagacity, moulded and shaped his character in
early boyhood and instilled in him the love of virtue,
valour and devotion. '
Though master of FarghSna, Babar who was only
a tender stripling, was surrounded on all sides by formi-
dable enemies. These were his own kinsmen and the
1 Babar was not a Mughal. He was a Ohaghtai Turk descended
from Ohingiz Khan on his father's side. His mother was a daughter of
YUnus Khan, a Mongol or Mughal chief of Central Asia. The so-called
Emperors of India were in reality Turks.
293
Uzbeg chief Shaibani Khan with whom he had to fight

for his very existence. Though young in years, Babar
formed the resolve of conquering Samarkand and seating
himself in the throne of the mighty Timur. He advanced
upon Samarqand and was unsuccessfully opposed by
Shaibani Khan, the Uzbeg chief. He entered the city
in triumph and received the homage of 'nobles and braves,
one after the other.' But these triumphal scenes were
soon disturbed by the news that a conspiracy was formed
in Farghan§ to deprive him of his patrimony. Babar
hurried to the scene, but as soon as he turned his back
Samarqand was lost. He again attempted an invasion of
Samarqand and captured the city with a small force of 240
men. Once more did he instal himself on the throne of
Timur and received the homage of the nobles and grandees.
But the throne of Samarqand was not a bed of roses. The
fUzbeg chief collected a large army and defeated Babar in
y highly contested battle at Archian (June 1503). Babar
ûcceeded with difficulty m saving his life and wandered
as a homeless exile for about a year in great misery, but
not even these reverses could destroy the serenity jand
cheerfulness of his temper. - Farghana was also lost.
Shaibani Khan had in the meantime acquired easy
possession of the whole country of Khorasan, and there
was none to check his rising power. Even Babar trembl-
ed for his safety, and anxiously watched the movements
of his foes, who had ravaged Transoxiana, Khwarizm,
Farghfina and Khorasan, and had driven the Timurids
from their thrones. The Uzbegs advanced upon Qandhar
and their approach alarmed Babar who retired towards
Hindustan. But luckily for him a rebellion occurred in
another part of Shaibani's dominions which obliged him to
FOUNDATION OF THE MUGHAL EMPIRE 295
raise the siege of Qandhar. This hasty retreat enabled

Babar to return to his capital soon afterwards. It was at
this time that he assumed the title of Padshah— ' emperor, '
a title not yet adopted by any Timurid. Though his
throne was far from secure, the adoption of this new
title marked an important change in his political ideas.
Having established himself firmly at Kabul, Babar
once again tried to conquer Samarqand. The destruction
of Shaibani Khan at the hands of Ismail, the founder of the
Saf vi line of the kings of Persia, encouraged him in his
designs. With his help Babar marched against the Uzbegs.
His name worked like magic, and the people of town and
countryside extended to him a cordial welcome. Bokhara
was soon reached, and Babar acquired it without encoun-
tering any resistance. From Bokhara he advanced upon
Samarqand and entered it in triumph in October 1511,
after an absence of nine-years.
But his position was far from secure. The fates had
ruled that Babar should not sway Timur's sceptre. His
outward conformity to the Shia formulae, which was one
of the conditions of his treaty with Shah Ismail, provoked
the resentment of his subjects who lost confidence in him
and began to look upon him as a heretic. For eight months
he enjoyed himself in the capital of Timur, but he was soon
alarmed by the news that the Uzbegs under Shaibani's
son were about to march against Bokhara. Forthwith he
proceeded against them ; but in the battle that followed he
was utterly routed in 1512. Thus defeated, he withdrew to
the fortress of Hisar, The Persian force sent by Shah
Ismail to aid him was defeated by the Uzbegs, and its
general was slain in battle. Babar was reduced to great
straits and in despair he once again turned to Kabul. He
was now convinced of the impossibility of gaining success

in the west, and therefore made up his mind to try his.
luck in the east.
Babar's final invasion of Hindustan was preceded by a
number of preliminary raids in Indian territory which
deserve a passing mention. The fortress of
Raid? Indian Bajour was captured after a gallant defence
by the beleagured garrison and Babar right*
ly regarded it as the first. He marched against Bhira
(1519) on the Jhelam which he captured without encounter-
ing any resistance. The people were treated kindly and
the soldiers who were guilty of excesses were put to
death. At the suggestion of his advisers he sent an
ambassador to Sultan Ibrahim Lodi to demand the restoration
of the ' countries which from old times had belonged to
the Turks, ' but he was detained by DaulatKhan at Lahore
so that he returned after five months without a reply.
Having subdued Bhira, Khushab and the country of the
Chenab, Babar returned to Kabul by the Kurram Pass.
During this period he had a surfeit of pleasure and merri-
ment. He became a hard drunkard and began to drug him-
self with opium. In the cwnpany of his friends and generals
Babar held drinking boufs which often grew so uproarious
and noisy as to become ' burdensome and unpleasant. '
Though Babar frequently gave a free rein to mirth and
excess, he was not a slave to his senses. The Bacchanalian
revels of which the Memoirs speak with striking candour,
did not interfere with the progress of his expeditions. In
1520 Badakhshan was seized, and Prince Humayun was
appointed to its charge. Two years later he wrested
Qandhar from the Arghuns and entrusted it to his
younger son Kamran Mirza.
Freed from danger in the Afghan region, Babar again

turned his attention towards Hindustan. The government
of Ibrahim Lodi, the Afghan ruler at Delhi, was deservedly
unpopular, and the leading Afghan barons were driven into
revolt by his hauteur and policy of persecution. The dis-
content of the barons reached its highest pitch when
Ibrahim cruelly treated Dilawar Khan, son of Daulat Khan
Lodi. Annoyed at this treatment, the latter sent through
his son an invitation to Babar at Kabul to invade Hindustan.
Such a proposal was welcome to Babar who had long
cherished the dream of the conquest of Hindustan. Babar
started from Kabul in 1524 and advanced upon Lahore
where he routed an Afghan army The city fell into his
hands, but Daulat Khan who had masked his allegiance
under the cloak of ambition disapproved of these proceed-
ings. Babar did not mind his murmurs and entrusted to
him the fief of Jalandhar and Sultanpur, but Daulat Khan
soon fell out of favour owing to his hostile intrigues. He
was deprived of his jagir which was conferred upon
Dilawar Khan who had revealed Daulat's hostile plans to
Babar. Having made over Dipalpur to Alam Khan,
Babar returned to Kabul
Babar's departure brought Daulat Khan once more
upon the scene. He wrested Sultanpur from his son and
drove AlamKhan from Dipalpur. Alam Khan fled to Kabul
and made a treaty with Babar by which he agreed to cede
to him Lahore and the country to the west of it, if he were
seated upon the throne of Delhi. Alam Khan, who was a,
nerveless ad venturer, shortly afterwards, broke this treaty
at the instigation of Daulat Khan, and both together made
a joint attack upon Ibrahim Lodi, but the latter drove
them from the field of battle with heavy losses.
Babar was eager for the conquest of Hindustan but

as Professor Rushbrook-Williams, rightly observes the
intrigues of Daulat Khan and the faithless*
PanlpaV I62°6f ness of Alam Khan had jmodified ito
collaboration ~wKole situation.
with them, He could decided
and therefore no longer
to act in
striice
unaided for the empire ofHindustan. When he reached
Daulat Khan made fresh overtures and
implored forgiveness. With his usual magnanimity he
pardoned his offences and allowed him to retain possession
of his tribal villages, but deprived him of the rest of his
property. The Punjab easily came into his hands, but the
more difficult task was to conquer Delhi His resources
were inadequate for this enterprise ; he had to fight not
only against frontier tribes but against the whole might of
an organised empire in a country with which he was but
imperfectly acquainted. These seeming disadvantages did
not damp his enthusiasm, and he embarked on his task
with his usual courage and optimism, as is shown by the
following passage which we come across in the Memoirs :
" Having placed my foot in the stirrup of resolu-
tion and my hand on the reins of confidence in God, I
marched against Sultan Ibrahim, son of Sultan Sikan-
dar, son of the Sultan Bahlal Lodi Afghan, in whose
possession throne of Delhi and the dominions of Hindus-
tan at that time were. " l
Babar 's approach was welcomed by the discontented ele-
ments in the country. It appears that at this time he
received a message from Rana Sangram Singh of Mewar,
he afterwards accused of the non-fulfilment of his
1 King, Memoirs II, p. 174.

promise.1 Hearing the news of Babar's approach,

Ibrahim sent two advance parties to deal with him, but
both of them were defeated and Babar advanced un-
hindered as far as Sirsawah Here he busied himself in
making preparations for a decisive contest with the
Afghans. As the latter outnumbered him by thousands,
he realised that he could defeat them only by an effective
•combination of his highly trained cavalry and his new
artillery. His generals Ustad Ali and Mustafa could
easily scatter an undisciplined host, if they were proper-
ly assisted by infantry and cavalry men, and on this
Babar concentrated his full attention He collected 700
gun carts which, fastened together by twisted raw bull
hides, were to form a laager for the protection of the
musketeers and matchlockmen. Between each pair of
waggons were constructed small breastworks (tura) in
large numbers along that portion of the front which
Ustad Ali and Mustafa were to occupy.
Two marches brought Babar and his army to Panipat
4 small village near Delhi, where the fate of India has been
thrice decided, on April 12, 1526. He took up a position
which was strategically highly advantageous. His right
wing was to be sheltered by the town of Panipat; in the
•centre were posted cannon and matchlockmen, and he
.strengthened it with the line of breastworks and waggons,
which he had already prepared. The left was strengthened
1 In recording the events which occurred after the battle of Panipat

•Babar writes :—
" Although Rana
an ambassador with Sanga, the Pagan,
professions when I was and
of attachment in Kabul* had sentwith
had arranged me
me, that* if I would march from that quarter into the vicinity of Delhi,
the would march from the other side upon Agra ; vet when I defeated
Ibrahim, and took Delhi and Agra, the Pagan, during all my operations,
did aot make a single movement." King, Memoirs, II, p. 254.
by digging a ditch and constructing an abatis of felled

trees. The line which protected the centre was not conti-
nuous, and Babar took care to leave gaps, at intervals of a
bowshot, large enough for a hundred or hundred and fifty
men to charge abreast. Such were the preparations which
Babar made for his coming encounter with the enemy.
Sultan Ibrahim had also reached Panipat at the head
of a large army. Babar estimated that he had with him
one hundred thousand men— a formidably large number
—which must have included non-effectives also* He writes
in his Memoirs that Ibrahim might have collected a large
force still had he not been so niggardly in spending
money, for in Hindustan, it is easy to obtain soldiers for
hire. The Afghan side was weaker partly because
Ibrahim's soldiers were mostly mercenaries and partly
because the Sultan himself was an inexperienced man,
' who marched without order, retired or halted without
plan and engaged in battle without foresight. H
The two armies faced each other for eight days but
neitl er side took the offensive. At last Babar 's patience-
was tired out, and he resolved on prompt action. He divided
his men after the traditional manner of the east into three
sections -the right, centre and left -and posted flanking
parties of Mongols on the extreme right and left to effect
the charge of the tulughma—a well-known Mongol ma-
noeuvre inorder to produce a deadly effect on the enemy.
The army of Delhi advanced to attack Babar's right'
whereupon he ordered the reserve to march to its rescue.
The Afghans pressed on, but when they approached the-
ditches, abatis and hurdles, they hesitated for a moment,.

FOUNDATION OP THE MUGHAL EMPIRE 301
not knowing: whether they should attack or retire. The

rear ranks pushed forward, and their pressure from
behind caused some disorder of which Babar took full
advantage. His flanking parties on both extremes wheeled
round and attacked the enemy in rear, while the right and
left wings pressed forward and the centre discharged fire
with deadly effect. The battle raged fiercely, and the
Afghan wings were driven into hopeless confusion by
Babar's flankers. They were hemmed in on all sides and
attacked with arrows and artillery. Ustad Ali and
Mustafa, Babar's captains of artillery, poured death
upon the disorderly Afghan crowd which was now unable
to advance or retreat. The men fought with great cour-
age but hopeless confusion followed. The carnage last-
ed some hours, and the troops, pressed from all sides,
sought refuge in flight. Ibrahim's army was utterly
-defeated, and the losses on his side were appallingly
heavy. According to the calculation of Babar's officers
about 15 or 16 thousand men perished on the field of battle.
Ibrahim died fighting like a valiant Afghan, and his
xiead body was discovered amidst a heap of corpses that
lay near him. Babar learnt afterwards at Agra that
altogether forty or fifty thousand men had fallen in this
battle. ! The success of Babar was due to skilled general-
ship and a scientific combination of cavalry Hand artillery.
IbrafimP's head was brought to Babar along with a large
number of prisoners and spoils of all kinds. The battle
lasted till mid-day and Babar writes that by the grace
and mercy of Almighty God the mighty army of Delhi was
in the space of half a day laid in the dust.
1 Babar writes that on reaching Agra he found from the accounts
of the natives of Hindustan that forty or fifty thousand men had fallen
in the field. Memoirs II, p. 187.
„ 802 HISTORY OP MUSLIM RULE
The battle of Panipat placed the empire of Delhi in

Babar's hands. The power of the Lodi dynasty was shat-
tered to pieces, and the sovereignty of Hindustan passed
to the Chaghtai Turks. Babar distributed the vast booty
that came into his hands among his kinsmen and officers..
Offerings were sent to Mecca and Medina, and so great
was the generosity shown by the conqueror that every
living person in Kabul received a silver coin as a token
of royal favour. Immediately after the battle he sent
Prince Humayun to capture Agra and followed himself
soon afterwards. Humayun accorded to him a warm wel-
come and presented to him the famous diamond which he
had obtained from the Raja of Gwalior, but Babar with
his usual generosity gave it back to his son.
Babar was not yet firmly seated upon the throne of
Delhi. He had to wrest the country from the Afghan
barons who held large fiefs all over Hindustan. How
was this to be accomplished ? His officers dreaded thejhot
weather and felt anxious to get back to their homes. A
war council was summoned and Babar appealed to his Begs
to stay and to renounce their seditious purposes. The
appeal produced the desired effect, and with the exception
of one man all expressed their determination to remain
with him. This decision of Babar was momentous for two
reasons. In the first place, itjogened the eyes of the Raj-
puts to^the greatjangerjhat loomed on the horizon, and
the submission of several
notable chiefs in the Doab and elsewhere. His own chiefs*
werTsaHsiie* tjr the grant of jagirs and helped him in
reducing a large part of the country to submission. Biyana,
Gwalior and Dholpur were all subdued. Jaunpur, Ghazipur
and Kalpi were conquered by Humayun, while Babar
remained at Agra thinking out ways and means of dealing

with the Rajputs. It was at this time that an unsuccess-
ful attempt was made to poison him by the mother of
Ibrahim Lodi. Had- her nefarious design succeeded, the
histORMtfJndfe would .have been different.
)(The most formidable chieftain against whom Babar
had still to fight was Rana Sangram Singh, better known
to fame as Rana Sanga, of Mewar. ) He came
the Rajput °f the noble
nownecT ^tockôf
alFover RajastKan as aandwasTe^
Sisodja prince of
great intellect, valour and virtue, and occupied a'premier
position among his f ellow-princes.J His^gmiêxploits are
commemoratecLJn the Rajput Saga, ^ndlhe^Dards of
Rajasthan still relate the tale ofhis heroic achievements.
He waged wars against his neighbours, and by his con-
quests greatly enlarged the small principality of Mewar.
He had undertaken several successful campaigns against
the ruler of Malwa. He had conquered Bhilsa, Sarangpur,
Chanderi and Ranthambhor and entrusted them to vassals
of his own. The princes of Marwar and Amber acknow-
ledged his preeminence and the Raos of Gwalior, Ajmer,
Sikri,Raiseen,Kalpi, Chanderi, Bundi,Gagraon, a Rampura,
and Abu paid homage as his feudatories. MThe M
the Delhi empire and the constant quarrels of the Afghan
Barons had indirectly strengthened Sanga by giving him
an opportunity of developing his power unhindered.^ His
military resources exceeded those of all other princes of
his time, and Tod writes that eighty thousand horse, seven
Rajas of the highest rank, nine Raos and one hundred
and four chieftains bearing the titles of Rawal and Rawat
1 Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, edited by Grooke, I,
pp. 848-49.
with five hundred war elephants followed him to the field

of battle. ' He made his power felt in Central India and
Gujarat and greatly added to the prestige of his house, so
much so indeed, that even Bqbar. who found injiim a foe
worthy ofjhisjgteel, won âdmitsbythat
his the position
valour and '•to* which Our
sword. he
admiration for him increases all the more when we learn
how much his wars had cost his iron frame. He had lost
one eye, one arm and one If^ in han-io all of which con-
stituted proofs of his unremi^tijoêxertions in war. No
wonder, then, if the spirits of Babar 's soldiers aricl officers
sank before the men who swept like an avalanche towards
the battlefield of Kanwah under the leadership of the
greatest Hindu warrior of the age.
The Rana had opened negotiations with Babar when
he was at Kabul, but had not kept his promise. Erskinein
his History of India puts forward the view that it seems to
have been arranged between the parties that while Babar
attacked Sultan Ibrahim from the Delhi side, Rana Sanga
was to attack him from the side of Agra.2 Both accused
each other of bad faith, and the Rana claimed Kalpi,
Dholpur, and Biyana which had been occupied by Babar's
officers. The Rana advanced towards Biyana and was
joined by Hasan Khan Mewati. One of his sons had been
captured by Babar in the battle of Panipat and detained
as a hostage. At Hasan's presistent entreaties he was
released in the belief that this act of magnanimity will be
appreciated by the Mewati chieftain. But it turned out a
vain hope. No sooner was the young man released than
1 Tod, 1, p. 848.
1 History of India, Vol. I, p. 462.
his father joined Rana Sanga and made common cause

with him.
The alliance of these two formidable antagonists
greatly perturbed Babar and on the llth of February,
1527. he marched out of Agra to take the field against
na Sanga and encamped at Sikri, a village near Fateh-
pur, the deserted city of Akbar. Hitherto he had fought
against Muslims ; he had met the Uzbeg, the Afghan and
the Turk in battle, but he had never encountered such
dauntless fighters as the Rajputs who were asjainous for
their chivajry^ pjid jg^lla,ntry as f^TK^^complete"3is-
regardô^Tlife. ItL1^!!!^^-^^!
Rajput defied death and destruction even when matched
•KT~^ ||. — •***-• ^*~*— - .- *-»— — •?•"*•• "— «v^ v*r -v^_ f^*^^^^1'^^^11^
agai^nstjxfiavôdds. The Rana was near "at hand, and the

Rajputs succeeded in repelling an attack by one of Babar's
detachments.
Babar engaged himself in making preparations for
battle, but his men were affrighted by the reports of
Rajput strength and valour* Just at this time came an
astrologer, whom Babar describes as a ' rascally fellow/
from Kabul who began to disconcert the army by his
ominous predictions. Without heeding the forecasts of
thi^bird of evil presage Babar took steps to^sj^lj^fragb
hjfpe.and, ardpurjinto the hearts of Jus _ s^j.^rs. Hej
renounced wine, poured out large quantities on the
ground, broke all his costly vessels, and took a solemn vow
not to indulge in liquor again. At the same time to mark
his penitence he remitted the stamp dutv^ in case of
Muslims and issued a farman in which he made several,
important concessions to his co-religionists.
Babar reinforced this act of abstinence with a direct
appeal. Calling together his officers and men he spoke ia
F. 20
words which recall to our minds the melodramatic elo-

quence of Napoleon Bonaparte on such occasions. This
is what he said :
" Noblemen and soldiers ! Every man that comes
into the world is subject to dissolution When we are
passed away and gone, God only survives, unchange-
able. Whoever comes to the feast of life must, before
it is over, drink from the cup of death. He who arrives
at the inn of mortality must one day inevitably take
his departure from that house of sorrow — the world.
How much better is it to die with honour than to live
with infamy !
\ With fame, even if I die, I am contented ;
\ Let fame be mine, since my body is death's.
The Most High God has been propitious to us, and
has now placed us in such a crisis, that if we fall in the
field, we die the death of martyr ; if we survive, we
rise victorious, the avengers of the cause of God. Let
us, then, with one accord, swear on God's holy word,
that none of us will even think of turning his face from
this warfare, nor desert from the battle and slaughter
that ensues, till his soul is separated from his body. "
This appeal produced the desired effect and the officers
as well as the men swore by the Holy Book to stand by
him.
Rana Sanga brought into the field an army which far
jxceedecTthat of Jiis adversary in numerical strength. The
menace ota foreign invasion had called into existence a
powerful confederacy of Raiputchief a under the leadership
of the redoubtable sanga. Silahadi, the chief of Bhilsa,
joined the confederacy with 30 thousand horse, Hasan
Khan of Mewat with 12 thousand, Medini Rao of Chanderi
with 12 thousand and Rawal Udai Singh of Dungarpur with

ten thousand, and Sultan Mahmud Lodi, a son of Sultan
Sikandar Lodi, who had been acknowledged as king of
Delhi by the Rana also came to take part in the battle at
the head of ten thousand mercenaries. There were minor
chiefs who brought their forces from four to seven
thousand men to swell the ranks of the army. According
to Babar's estimate the Rajput army numbered two
hundred and one thousand. This is doubtless an
exaggerated estimate The numbers are overrated so far
as fighting men are concerned. There may have been
numerous camp followers and others, but the main army
consisted of nearly 120 thousand horse— a figure
mentioned in the Tabqat-i-Akbari and accepted by
Erskine. Babar's army was encamped near Kanwah, a
village at a distance of ten miles from Sikri. Preparations
were vigorously made to put the troops in order. Babar
divided them into three sections — the right, centre and
left. He entrusted the right wing to Humayun, the left
to his son-in-law Saiyyad Mehdi Khwaja, both of whom
were assisted by tried and capable officers. The centre
was commanded by himself with his trusty Begs, and on
the right and left were posted two flanking parties
(tulughma) to charge on the enemy's flank and rear in the
heat of battle. The artillery men and musketeers were
posted along the front of the line protected by chained
waggons and breastworks, and Ustad Ali was ordered to
occupy a position in front of the centre with the heavy
ordnance.
It was on Saturday the 16th of March. 1527. that the
two armies came face to face with each other. The battle
i>egan at 9 or d-30 in the morning and lasted till evening.
Babar employed the same tactics as at Panipat and caused

a terrible confusion in the Rana's army. But nothing could
bend the spirit of the Rajputs who at first swept away the
enemy by the sheer weight of numbers. Towards
evening the day was decided. The Rajputs suffered a
terrible defeat and broke up in panic. The field wag-
strewn with human corpses and so were the roads to
Biyana and Alwar. The slaughter was fearful, and
among those who perished in the conflict were Hasan
Khan Mewati, Rawal Udai Singh of Dungarpur and a
number of lesser chieftains. Rana Sanga escaped from
the field through the efforts of his followers and sought
jrefuge in one of his hill fortresses. Babar ordered a
tower of skulls to be built on a mound near the camp
and assumed the title of Ghazi or champion of the faith.
The Rajput annals ascribe Sanga's defeat to the
treachery of a Rajput chief who had joined as an ally,
but there is no foundation for this view. However that
may be, the battle of Kanwah is one of the decisive
battles of Indian history. Professor Rushbrook- Williams
has described its importance in a passage which is worthy
of reproduction : —
"In the first place, the InetiaW of Rajput
supremacy which had loomed, large before the eyes of
Muhammada
removed once ns inforIndiaall.for~the last fewconfederacy,
The powerful years was
which depended so largely for its unity upon the
strength and reputation of Mewar, was shattered by a
single great defeat, and ceased henceforth to be a domi-
nant factor in the politics of Hindustan. Secondly, the
MughaUniEire ofjndia was soon firmly established?
fiabaiThad definitely seated himself upon the throne of
Sultan Ibrahim, and the sign and seal of his achieve-

ment had been antagonists.
most formidable the annihilation of Sultan
Hitherto, Ibrahim's^
the occupation
of Hindustan might have been looked upon as a mere
episode in Babar's career of adventurel but from
henceforth it becomes the keynote of his activities for
the remainder of his life. His da^s of wandering in
search of a fortune are now passed away : the fortune
is Ms, jand^ he has but to show himself worthy ofltr
And it is significant of the new stage in his career
which this battle marks that never afterwards does he
have to stake his throne and life upon the issue of a
stricken field. Fighting there is, and fighting in plenty,
to be done : but it is fighting for the extension of his
power, for the reduction of rebels, for the ordering
of his kingdom. It is never fighting for his throne.
And it is also significant of Babar's grasp of vit§J
issues that from henceforth the Centre of gravity _of
his power is shijted,fs)i^^ l
was 'The
not Rajput
yet complete confederacy
master was broken up butHe Babar
of Hindustan. must
subdue several chieftains before he could
<;on- claim to be a sovereign in the full sense of
Kingship. the term. Professor Rushbrook-Williams in
reviewing Babar's position after the battle
of Kanwah argues that he had not merely to conquer a
kingdom but to recreate a theory of kingship. He speaks
of Ibrahim's failure to restore to the Sultanate of Delhi
that absolute authority which it had possessed in the
days of the Tughluqs. He found it impossible to do
1 Empire Builder of the Sixteenth Century, pp. 156-57.

so because his government was not a * divine inheritance '

but a * human concession. ' The Afghan ruler was only
Primus inter vares, and the division of the empire into
Heta managed by barons who were virtually independent
further tended to undermine people's belief in the
mysterious divinity that hedgeth round the person of a
king. Babar discarded the title of Sultan and called
himself a PadshajffT It is not that this declaration made
the oriice sacrosanct in the eyes of ambitious men, for
Ionly after ten years Humayun was expelled from the
(throne in spite of his ' divine inheritance and Timurid
descent/ But it served a great need of the time. It
proclaimed to the world that Babar meant to be some-
thing more than a mere Sultan, a full-fledged despot
determined to sweep away all vestige of independence
and co-ordinate authority It emphasised his appreciation
of the need for a centralised government in the midst of
warring factions and tribes. Ideas rule mankind- and
subsequent generations wec^delighted to snatch a glimpse
of their king from the Jhlrokha window with the same
reverence and devotion as they showed towards the Deity.
One of the chief strongholds of the Rajputs was Chan-
deri which was in the possession of Medini Rao. Babar
marched against him and reached Chanderi
fort of unan- —
Reduces the on January* 20,T 152&
™ ••
Medini" -Rao shut. 'him"-
deri. . self inj:hejfort with 5.QOQ pf his followers.
' "BaBarôffered him a Jagir in lieu of Chan-
deri but he refuse? to enter iffEoTa treaty with hmT Just
at this time news came from the east that the Afghans
had defeated the royal army and compelled it to leave
Lakhnau (Lucknow) and fall back on Kanauj. Babar
kept his head cool in spite of this disquieting news,
and pushed on the siege of Chanderi. The fort was

attacked on all sides with such vigour that the Rajputs,
when they saw no hope of escape practised the usual
rite of Jauhar^ and with great gallantry drove the
enemy along the rampartg. A brilliant assault followed,
ancPEKe
died the Tort
valiant"was captured
Rana Sanga by
and Babar. Soonmarked
his death after this
the
final collapse of the Rajput confederacy. The rebellious
Afghan barogs were subdued, and Babar enjoyed an
interval of quiet till the end of the year 1528.
But the Afghan danger was not yet over. Mahmud
Lodi, brother of Ibrahim, had seized Bihar and a large
part of the eastern country had declared for
l1 him. Babar sent his son Askari with a force
- against the rebellious leader and himself
followed a little later. On hearing of his approach the
enemy melted away, and as Babar passed Allahabad,
Chunar and Benares on his way to Buxar several Afghan,
chiefs waited upon him and made their submission. Mah-
mud, deserted by his chief supporters, found refuge in
Bengal. The ruler of Bengal, NusratShah, had given Babar
an assurance of his good-will, but his troops gave shelter
to the fugitive Afghan prince. Babar marched towards
Bengal, and defeated the Afghans in the famous battle of
the Gogra on May 6, 1529. This victory ruined the hopes o£
trie jjoais, ana Drought to Babar the submission of several
leacting AtghanHSarSfis. TTaBaFmarched back to Agra
evidently satisfied with ihe result of his brilliant campaign.
After the battle of Kanwah Humayun had been sent
to Kabul wher« trouble was apprehended, but his failure
Uzbegs greatly disappointed
iasty«ars Babar, andthe he determined
a£ainst to set out in person
to put in order the trans-Hindukush part of his empire.

He proceeded as far as Lahore, but declining health pre-
vented him from going further. About this time a plot
was formed to place on the throne, to the exclusion of
Babar's legitimate heirs, Mir Muhammad Khwaja, a
brother-in-law of Babar's and a nobleman of high rank,
who held the fief of Etawah. When Humayun learnt of
this plot, he left Badakhshan in spite of the requests of
the Badakhshanis to the contrary and arrived at Agra
and successfully frustrated the attempts of the conspira-
tors. He went to his Jagir at Sambhal where after some
time in the hot weather of 1530 he fell seriously ill. Babar
was much upset by this illness and ottered to sacrifice his
life in order to save that of his son. His nobles implored
him to desist from such a course and suggested that the
precious diamond seized at Agra might be given away,
but he held it a poor compensation for the life of his son.
It is said he walked three times round the bed of Humayun
and prayed to God to transfer the disease to him. Im-
mediately hewas heard to say, so strong was the force of
will, "I have borne it away ! I have borne it away !" From
that moment, Muhammadan historians tell us, Humayun
recovered his health and Babar declined more and more.
A sudden disorder of the bowels completely pro-
strated him and he felt certain of approaching death
Calling his chiefs together he asked them to acknowledge
Humayun as his successor and to co-operate with him in
managing his kingdom. Then he turned towards Huma-
yup and addressed to him the following words :—
" I commit to God's keeping you and your brothers
and all my kinsfolk and your people and my people ;
d all of these I confide to you." *
Three days later he passed away on December 26,

1530. His death was at first kept a secret, but after some
time Araish Khan, one of the nobles of Hind, pointed
•out the unwisdom of such an act. He reminded the
nobles of the practice of the bazar people to rob and steal
in such circumstances and warned them of the conse-
quences of concealment. He suggested that a man should
be seated on an elephant, and he should go about the
town proclaiming that the emperor had become a darvesh,
and had given the kingdom to his son Humayun. Humayun
agreed to this. The populace was reassured by the pro-
clamation, and all prayed for his welfare.1 Thus Humayun
ascended the throne on December 29, 1530, and gave
assurance of his sympathy and good-will by allowing every
one ' to keep the office and service, and lands, and residence
which he had enjoyed during his father's regime.'2
Babar's body was first laid in Rambagh or Arambagh
at Agra on the bank of the Jamna, but later it was
removed to Kabul according to his instructions and was
buried in a place chosen by himself. 3
Babar had no time to devise new laws or establish
institutions for the governance of the wide dominions
which he had won by the power of his
sword. He accepted the system which he
found in vogue in^^^^^
Hindustan, and parcelled
1 Gulbadan, Humayunnaraa, pp. 109-10.

8 Ibid ,p. ItO.
3 Kabul was the place he loved most in his dominions. He
was enthusiastic in its praise and wrote : ' The climate is extremely
delightful, and there is no such place in the known world ' On another
occasion he said : * Drink wine in the Citadel of Kabul, and send round
the cup without stopping, for it is at once mountain and stream, town
desert.'
out his empire into fiefs which he entrusted to Jagirdar&

dependent upon himself. It is true they did not enjoy the
same degree of independence as they had enjoyed under
the Lodis, but the defects of the system were obvious.
What strikes us in Babar's reign is the financial Deficit
caused by his lavish generosity and the unsettled condition
of the country! Hâd remitted the stamp djt£ levied
on the Muslims on the eve oFti^ He
had so recklessly distributed the treasure founcTat Delhi
and AgnTtihat he was obliged to have recourse to adiji-
tional taxation in order to obtain the necessary equipment
for the army?" ofEv^yTn'anTia^fiân
departments office toin bring
the state was required the various
to the
Diwan a hundred and thirty instead of a hundred to help
in procuring the right kind of arms and supplies for the
^ army. 2 The results of this financial breakdown were seen
in the reign of his successor and we may agree with Pro-
fessor Rushbrook-Williams when he says that he * beque-
athed to his son a monarchy which could be held together
only by the continuance of war conditions, which in times
of peace was weak, structureless and invertebrate ' '
Babar briefly dwells upon the political situation at the
time of his invasion and gives a highly detailed and
minute account of the flora and faun%_ of
a r ofHindustan- He makes mention of moun-
tains, rivers, jungles and the various kinds
of vegetables, fruits and food-stuffs. He
expresses a poor opinion of the people of Hindustan which.

* Ibid., p. 345.
3 Empire Builder of the Sixteenth Century, p. I6j.
FOUNDATION OP THE MUGHAL EMPIRE 31&
is wjiolly exaggerated. His stay in India was much too
short to enable him to acquaint himself fully and accu-
rately with the ideas and habits of the natives of the
country. This is what he writes :—
"Hindustan is a country that has few pleasures to
recommend it The people are not handsome. They
have no idea of the charms of friendly society, of
frankly mixing together or of familiar intercourse.
They have no genius, no comprehension of mind, no
politeness of manner, no kindness or fellow-feeling, no
ingenuity or mechanical invention in planning or
executing their handicraft works, no skill or knowledge
in design or architecture ; they have no horses, no good
flesh, no grapes or musk-melons, no good fruits, no ice
or cold water, no good food or bread in their bazars, no
baths or colleges, no candles, no torches, not a
candlestick. Instead of a candle or torch, you have
a gang of dirty fellows, whom they call divatis, who
hold in their left hand a kind of small tripod, to the
side of one leg of which, it being wooden, they stick a
piece of iron like the top of candlestick ; they fasten a
pliant wick, of the size of the middle finger, by an iron
pin, to another of the legs. In their right hand they
hold a gourd, in which they have made a hole for the
purpose of pouring out oil, in a small stream, and
whenever the wick requires oil, they supply it from
this gourd. Their great men kept a hundred or two
hundred of these divatis." l
He goes on to add that they have no aqueducts or canals
in their gardens or palaces and in their buildings there is
neither elegance nor regularity. Their peasants and the
1 King, Memoirs II, pp. 241-42.
lower classes all go about naked and use only a langoti to
•cover their nakedness. The chief excellence of Hindustan
consists in tfte fact that there is an abundance of gold and
silver in the country. The climate is very pleasant during
the rains. There is no dearth of workmen of every profes-
sion and trade and they are always open to engagement.
Occupations are mostly hereditary and for particular
foinds of work particular sets of people are reserved.
According to Babar the countries from Bhereh to
Bihar which were included in his empire yielded a revenue
•of 52 crores of which parganas yielding about eight or nine
crores are in the possession of Rajas and Rais who had
always been loyal to the power at Delhi. !
Babar's autobiography (Babarnamah) originally writ-
ten in Turki is a book of surpassing interest. Itjaithf ftlly
a KD a r > oB
describes
— ~ — — -. -. -
the- worlds-- -••
-„ ^
in whlclTBabar lived«., ând
- , . - „ „_ "— ^— .».. «. ^
autobio g r a- the persons with whom he came in contact.
phy * As^wiT n£c^ of his
intejligent mind
"grasping military situations with the acuteness of a
•consummate general. No eastern prince has written
VV!'"\^"*'"PI«C *"""-"«v p****<****>J"''^*~*-~^ """•*~*w -1'' ^*>-— u-n ____
such a vivid, interesting anqver'acipus account ; of his li&ajis

BSgar" He describes his own shortcomings with a candour
whicB greatly impresses us. His style is not pompous
•or ornate like that of the Persian writers. It is simple,
clear and fpmbl<3 and its effect is considerably enhanced
Jby the utter s' •*-„ lack
- ""- of"*~ - -cant *and
" hypocrisy,,
1 King, Memoirs I, pp. 242—4. These figures are unreliable though
Babar says (II, p. 425) he has verified them. The detailed statement of
Babar's revenue, though not given in the Persian version of his
Memoirs, is found in the Turki original and is reproduced in the French
edition. King has given an English translation of it in his edition of the
Memoirs. Vol. II, pp. 244-45.
Babar had a great regard for truth for he writes : ' I

do not write this in order to make complaint ; I have written
the plain truth. I do not set down these matters in order
to make known my deserts ; I have set down exactly what
happened. In this history I have held firmly to it that the
truth should be reached in any matter, and that every
act should be recorded precisely as it occurred. ' Itjs thia
whichhasjnade ihe Jfemoj^ a tjiii^^
4C^S§^95l^PH^Jt_in his own felicitous languageTthe
pom|^ dynasty are, gpne^ but tEe
record oT^Jife-the littera scripta th^t^ra^cfis^f
tSn^remains unaltered and imperishable — -— —-
Hie Merftoirs were * translated^ by Humayun from an
original in Babar's own handwriting in 1553 and were
afterwards translated into Persian by Abdur Rahim Khan-
i-Khanan in the time of Akbar in 1590. The Persian
translation is faithful and accurate, and the variations that
occur are of idiom and not of detail Several translations
of the Memoirs have appeared in European languages in
modern times.
Babar is one of the ^ most interestjjag^fûyr^
whole rangej>f mediaeval history! "As a prince, warrior!
~~~"^ and scholar he is fit to take rank with the
ofBabaraht7 greatest rulers of mediaeval times. The
trials and adventures of his early life had
strengthened every fibre of his bodily; frame and had
developed in him the quaiities of patience^ endurance,
courage ,andandself-reli
greatness XcTversTty" is a true school of
ance^fully
Babar had profited by the good and
bad chances of life He loved game and hunting expedi-
tions, and often in the coldest winter he rode long dis-
tances inpursuit of wild animals, and fully enjoyed hia
£18 HISTORY OP MUSLIM RULE
excursions with his comrades. So great was his physical

strength that with one man under each arm_ he could run
alongrisk.the Herampart
and without
wasTon3T6f river~~tlie
bath, least inconvenience
and was once seen
plunging recklessly into an ice-bound stream with tem-
perature below zero. He was gifted by nature with an
extraordinary amount of energy, self-confidence, and the
power to instil hope anTenthusiasm into the hearts of his
men, when they failed or faltered before a formidable foe.
He loved field sports and was a skilful swordsman and
archer. The elasticity of his mind enabled him to pass
from the wine cup to the blockade of a fortress with the
greatest alacrity and cheerfulness His methods of war
were those that had been prevalent in Central Asia among
the Mongols and Turks, but he had brought about altera-
tions in them, and had so perfected his artillery branch
that he was hard to beat in battle. His military discipline
was severe, *and though .at times he burst into ferocity he
was generally humane and kind-hearted. jHe did not
allow his soldiers to devastate the conquered ^countries
and severely punished
He ^was ±he Jhappy compound^)? a^gêat^ prince and a
itgood^man.
retained itsHisbuoyancy temper was
to thefrank,
end ofjovial, and buoyaniFand^
his life. No distress
or misfortune could disturb its equanimity and whether on
the field of battle or on the edge of a precipice in the hilly
country hgjnoved forward with a merry heart. He strictly
sred the sanctity of the plighted wordf and even in'
ling with his enemies he never had recourse to treachery
loul play* He hated ingratitude and expected all men
to stand by their friends in time of need and to keep their
word.
He treated his enemies with a magnanimity rare>

>*^^~^^^L**^~~-~-~^"'^^f**^~- >. '— - - * - °- . '-^ ** -s^/,fc , -
among his ^contejgôranes^ in Central ^.Asia. He was
Mfid'^Tiis brothers and wHen urged to get rid of
his brother Jahangir by one of his advisers he replied :
' Urge it as he would, I did not accept his suggestion,
because it is against my nature to do an injury to my
brethren, older or younger, or to any kinsmen so ever,
even when something untoward has happened.' HJJJ
loyalty towards W^Jkinsmenând , |riends was conspj-
cuousT fie treated his Chaghtai kinsmen with great
kincfness, and Mirza Haidar Daghlat effusively speaks o£
thejgenerous treatment which Jie^ received at his hands.
The hardships of life had perhaps convinced him of the
necessity of affection and of nurturing kindly sentiments
wTthiiT Kim. "Prom his own v experience heJbad learnt
tlrtf~yatue~of
importance of kindnessâiid fidelity,
mutual good-will and recognised
in social welfare. the
He
writes of his father, mother, grandmothers, and sisters
in terms of affection, and weeps for days together for a
playmate of his earlier days. It is this humaixJt£ait.j3a
W»" —tM^^"-**^ ..-r*~' *^*%w--»-"-*^ ™ l""*">'
rwe^mong^tlje^Mongols and Turfe^wmch, jn^kegâbar's

personality a subject of^ absorbing interest
1 A word might Be^saidliBout BaBa?sattitude towards
the three common things in which the Muslim world of
gaiety and fashion took delight —wine, women, and song,1
Wine-drinking was a universal practice in Babar's day
and the Memoirs speak with perfect frankness of Babar's
own indulgence in liquor. But even in drink he observed
decorum and asked his followers ' to carry their liquor
like gentlemen. ' When they became senseless under the
influence of liquor and * foul-mouthed and idiotic/ he
•disliked them and disapproved of their conduct. We find
3ZU HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
him at these drinking parties a strange, happy figure.

jfle drinks copiously but never neglects his business and
'is seen at a bound in his saddle when his services are
needed in a raid or campaign. Several times he resolved
to abstain from liquor, but such vows were more honour-
*ed in the breach than in the observance. He would keep
the vow for two or three days amTtlien break it at the
sight of the crystal waters of a limpid stream or a moun-
tain spring. It was at Sikri when he found himself
against the Rajput odds that he made a vigorous effort
of will to give up wine and asked his friends and follow-
ers to do likewise. This was his final renunciation. Even
as a drunkard Babar is i fascinating ri
arid illustrious drinkers' who regarded wine as the
ly acknowledged his debt to his grandmother
and showed much filial devotion towards his parents,
but like Napoleon Bonaparte he held in contempt those
who allowed women to interfere in political affairs or in-
volved themselves in feminine mtrigoes. He disliked
termagant wbmerT anil favoured the repression^ of
feminine loquacity.
TheT Mongols and Turks of the fifteenth century
were not very particular about their morals. Pederasty was
a common vice among the Turks and Babar speaks oi the
practice with his usual frankness. It was a fashion to
1 About such women be endorsed the view expressed in the.se-
words :
" A bad wife in a good man's house
Even in this world, makes a hell on earth."
"May the Almighty remove such a visitation from every good Mus-
lim ; and God grant that such a thing as an ill-tempered, cross-grained
e Kin*.
be notMemoirs.
left in the world."
I. D. 206.
)UNDATION OF THE MUGHAL EMPIRE 321
"keep concubine/ and prostitutes, but Babar *s life was so'

occupied in sieges and battles that he had no timejto
enjoy himself like other eastern rulers. The exigencies
-of the situation at any rate in Hindustan enforced abs-
tinence from sensual pleasures, and Babar always exer-
-cised self-restraint when it was necessary to do so. He
was fond of music both vocal and instrumental, and him-
self composed songs,liome of wîciymyg^come down to us.
Babar was an orthodox SunnTiFhis religious viewg, but
his culture saved him from beingj. zealot or a fanatic like
Mahmud of GhazKTorlTruthless conqueror like his great
ancestor Timur, the Lame. He looked upon Shias as 'rank
heretics' and the ' followers of an evil belief opposed to
the pure faith.' He writes of the Hindus with contempt
and recognises Jihad as a sacred duty. In describing
Rana Sanga's military resources and his gallantry in the
field of battle he uses language which does little credit
to his culture, but that was the usual practice of the age.
He ordered towers of ' pagan skulls ' to be built both at
Sikri and Chanderi and showed no quarter to the idolaters
who opposed him. But there was no systematic persecu-
tion of the Hindus during his reign and he never
punished men merely on grounds of religion. Himself a
great believer in Allah he ascribed all His success to Hia
goodness and mercy and regarded sovereignty as a gift
from Hii£- In the heat of battle he looked to God for
help for all his battles were fought in His cause. His
belief in the efficacy of prayer was immense as is illus-
trated bythe manner in which he sacrificed himself to
save the life of his son.
He wflg ji^pasgionate lover of nature wh&_found jfre
greatest pleasure m the streams^ "meaaows andj>asture
lands of his native country. Springs, lakes, plants,.

flowers and fruits— all had their charm for him, so much:
so indeed, that even when he was in Hindustan he-
never forgot the melons of Fargkana, thejgape&_And
pomegranates Of Kabul and the lands beyond the Oxus.
Itwaslllly
poetic luvti He
powers. 61 possessed
Rftture which
a finecalled intoandplay~"his.
intellect a rich
imagination which were utilised to the best advantage
in depicting the scenes amidst which he moved and
in portraying the persons whom he knew.
was a poet of nomeajx^jorder. He had
^ and his Diwan or collection
of Turki poems is regarded as a work of considerable
merit.. He wrote in a pure and unaffected style and
composed odes and songs with great facility. He knew
the sacred function of poetry, and writes that it would be
a pity if the tongue is wasted on satirical or frivolous
poems. HejilwaYg adhgredjp the viewJJiaLthe_foniniage
vehicle of noble thought His
mastery over prose was equally remarkableT^He could
write with ease both in Turin and Persian, and like all
cultured men of the east practised calligraphy. He was
an adept in describing countries, their climate and peculiar
geographical features, and his fastidiousness in valuing
the compositions of others would call forth the blushes
of a tutor in a modern university. On one occasion he
reprimanded Humayun for writing his letters carelessly
and advised him to cultivate a plain and unaffected
style. The most remarkable of his prose work is the
Memoirs of his own lire, whicli will remain for all time
a first-rate authority on the history of Bazar's reign and
a 'source of inspiration to those wno wisn to carve out
a career for themselves notwithstanding adverse cir-

cumstances.
Babar was unquestionably superior to the other
"TirisTrueT he was sometimes
le of human life, but such occasions
were few and far between. As a rule he never slew
men wantonly. Butjwhat endears him to us, in spite of
the lapse of centunesHs his cfeei
nobility of his
i*-*y~*j
Indeed, ^-*t: ^*~are few
there j.i - princes
— :— •H>.v^"^^r^v"7^^^r-^
in Asiatic history who can
be ranked higher than Babar in genius and accomplish-
ments.
CHAPTER XIII
HUMAYUN AND SHER SHAH
yHumayun ascended the throne at Agra on the 29th

December, 1530, in the midst of great public rejoicings.
He had been charged by Babar on his death-
bed to treat his brothers with affection and
Humayun acted on this advice to his great
detriment. Most of his troubles and misfortunes sprang
from his brothers, and his own treatment was responsible
for their sinister designs. The first thing which he did
after the fashion of the Timurids was to divide his father 's
dominions among members of the blood royal. Kamran
was confirmed in his possession of Kabul and Qandhar ;
fe>amphal was given to Mirza Askari, and Alwar and
Mewat were allotted to Mirza Hindal, while Badakhshan
was entrusted to the charge of his cousin Sulaiman Mirza.
The leading nobles and military leaders were conciliated
by means of large gifts and rewards.
Soon after his accession Humayun discovered that the
throne of Delhi was not a bed of roses. The difficulties
which surrounded the new king were of no mean order.
There was no law of primogeniture among the Muslims,
and every prince of the royal house aspired to dominion.
Often the claims of rival aspirants were settled by an
appeal to the sword. The large gifts, granted to princes,
stimulated their political ambitions and furnished them
with the sinews of war which they freely employed against
their opponents. The loyalty324of the army could not always
HUMAYUN AND 8HER SHAH 325
be relied upon. It was a heterogeneous mass of men be-

longing tovarious nationalities. The Chaghtai, the Uzbeg,
the Mughal, the Persian and Afghan soldiers fought well,
but they were too proê to quarrel amongst themselves,
and their counsels were almost always characterised by a
woeful lack of unanimity. They plotted and intrigued to
push forward their own men and frequently sacrificed the
interests of the whole for the interests of the part. There
were powerful Khans at court who did not consider the
acquisition of a kingdom or empire beyond the scope of
their ambitions. The intrigues of these men were bound
to embarrass any ruler, however capable or vigilant.
There were other difficulties. Babar had no time to
consolidate his possessions, and the majority of his subjects
who were Hindus looked upon their conquerors as success-
ful barbarians. In the East the Afghans were fomenting
strife, and Mahmud Lodi was wandering in Bihar trying
to rally to his side the Afghan nobles who were anxious
to regain their lost power. Sher Khan had already
entered upon a military career of great promise and was
making efforts to organize the Afghans into a nation. In
Gujarat Bahadur Shah had greatly increased his poêr and
was maturing his plans for the conquest of Rajputana. He
possessed enormous wealth which afterwards enabled him
to finance the anti-Mughal movement started in Bihar
and Bengal by the great Afghan who finally succeeded in
expelling Humayun from Hindustan.
At the time of Babar's death Kamran was in Kabul.
Having entrusted his territories to the care of Askari, he
marched towards Hindustan at the head
£ Kamrln! ° * of
wasa considerable force and gave
coming to congratulate out that he
his brother on
the assumption of royal dignity. Humayun who knew

him too well to be deceived by these effusive expressions
of loyalty sent an envoy in advance to inform him that
he had already decided to add Peshawar and Lamghan
to the fief of Kabul. But Kamran was not satisfied
with this offer and marched down to the Indus. He
captured Lahore and brought the whole of the Punjab
under his sway. Humayun who was not prepared for
war acquiesced in this forcible seizure, and allowed him to
enjoy the kingdom of Kabul, Qandhar and the Punjab.
It was a mistake on Humayun' s part to make these
concessions because they erected a barrier between him
and the lands beyond the Afghan hills Kamran could
henceforward, as Professor Rushbrook- Williams observes,
cut the taproot of Humayun's military power by
merely stopping where he was. Besides, the cession
of Hisar Firoza was a blunder for it gave Kamran
command of the new military road which ran from Delhi
to Qandhar.
One of the most formidable enemies of Humayun was
Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. He was making vigorous efforts
Bahadur to in<*ease his power. Early in ^531 he
Shah ofGuja- invaded Malwa along with the Rana of
Mewar on the ground that the ruler of that
country had given shelter to his brother, Chand Khan, a
rival claimant to the throne of Gujarat. Malwa was con-
quered and the Sultan was sent as a prisoner to Cham1-
panir. The kings of Khandesh, Ahmadnagar and Berar
were humbled by him and made to acknowledge his
supremacy. The Portuguese also feared his growing
power and paid homage to him. With great resources at
his command, Bahadur turned against the Rana of Chittor
HUMAYUN AND SHER SHAH 327
ivho was compelled to agree to terms which were ' ruinous

alike to his pride and his pocket. '
Emboldened by this success Bahadur began to prepare
himself for bigger enterprise. The Afghan chiefs like
Alam Khan, the uncle of Ibrahim Lodi, who had sought
refuge with him, solicited his aid in driving the Chaghtais
out of India. Equally dangerous were the intrigues of
the Mughal nobles who had fled to his court and who
confirmed the view that the conquest ,of Hindustan could
be easily accomplished. Humayun wrote to Bahadur to
dismiss the fugitives but he refused to do so. This was
the immediate cause of war.
Humayun marched against the nobles of Gujarat and
defeated them. Bahadur hurried back to the scene of
action from Chittor on hearing this news but he was
defeated and the Mughals captured immense booty. He
fled to Champanir but Humayun followed close upon his
heels with a powerful force. Bahadur then left for Diu
without offering any resistance , and opened negotiations
with the Portuguese.
Humayun meanwhile laid siege to the fort of Cham-
panir and captured it after four months' blockade. But
the Mughals were so elated with success that they wasted
their time in feasting and merriment. Bahadur profited
by this supine^ inaction of his enemies and at once sent
his officer Imad-ul-mulk who occupied Ahmadabad and
collected a large army to fight for his master. The
Portuguese governor also promised aid in return for the
permission which he had given to fortify his settlement.
This roused Humayun from his lethargy. He marched
.against Imad-ul-mulk and defeated him. The country
was made over to his brother Mirza Askari who proved
an incapable and tactless governor. He quarrelled with his

own officers and did nothing to effect a peaceful settlement
of the country. Bahadur took advantage of these dis-
sensions in the enemy's camp and advanced towards
Ahmadabad. The Mughal general surrendered Champanir
into his hands, and gradually the whole country came into
his hands but he did not live to enjoy the fruits of his
victory. He was invited by the Portuguese governor to a
conference but in a scuffle which ensued between,
the Portuguese and his men Bahadur who suspected
treachery fell into the sea and was drowned in 1537.
Humayun who was at Mandu withdrew to Agra, and as
soon as he did so Malwa was also lost.
Thus the emperor's own lethargy and indecisioa
ruined his prestige in the north. The Afghans slowly
increased their strength, and with the help of their leader
Sher Khan began to prepare themselves fora trial of
strength with the Mughals.
/*Y The original name of Sher Shah was Farid. His
father Hasan was a Jagirdar of Sasram in Bihar. The
"^ exact date of his birtlTis not known, but it
ShaiT *s Pr°bable that he was born some time
about the year 1486A.D. In his early boy-
Farid was neglected by his father who was $ alava
to his youngest wife and showed a preference to his sons
I>y the latter. But this petticoat influence proved a bless-
ing in disguise. Disgusted by the conduct of his step-
mother and infatuated father, Farid left his home and
went to Jaunpur where he applied himself to the study of
letters. Being a precocious lad, he devoted himself to the
study of Arabic and Persian with great zeal, and soon
acquired a mastery over these two languages. He-
HUMAYUN AND SHERSHAH 829
committed to memory the Gulistan, Bostan and Sikandar-

namahand enriched his wonderfully quick mind with
vast stores of polite learning. He studied literature
and history and took a keen delight in reading of the
noble deeds and virtues of great rulers in the past.
Impressed by Farid 's talents his father's patron Jamal
Khan, the governor of BiharT asked him to behave
better towards his son who held out ample promise of
fU^^^fft^^ •••• ...... JL[ 111 i __ - _- - -«—*•
future greatness.
Hasan was reconciled, and he entrusted his jagir to
his ambitious son. Farid managed the jagir well, but the
jealousy of his step-mother again drove him into voluntary
He took service under Bahar Khan, son of Darya
Khan Lohani, governor of Bihar, who was much impressed
by his talents. On one occasion when Bahar went out on
a hunting expedition Farid slew a tiger and in recognition
of this brave deed his master gave him the title of Sher
Khan. But differences having arisen soon afterwards be-
tween him and Farid, the latter resigned his service and
went to Agra where he was introduced to Babar by one of
his leading nobles. When Babar undertook the subjugation
of the Afghans in the east, Sher Khan rendered him great
assistance and received in return his father's jagir.
Babar had restored Jalal Khan, son of Bahar Khan, to
his father's possessions after the death of the latter, but
he was a minor and his affairs were managed by Sher
Khan. When Jalal came of age he wished to free himself
from the galling tutelage of the powerful Afghan chief
who held him in leading strings. He sought the help of
the ruler of Bengal in accomplishing his object but all hia
efforts failed. Sher Khan defeated the forces of the two
allies and Bihar easily came into his hands.
Sher Khan was not.tlie^man to rest^gnjhi^^ He

now turned his attention towarcls Bengal. He dashed
through the country and easily overpowered the resistance
offered by the Bengal troops so that by the end of February
1536, he appeared before the walls of Gaur. Mahmud,
the king of Bengal, offered no resistance and bribed Sher
Khan to retire. Next year Sher Khan again marched
towards Gaur, but the Bengalis showed little courage, and
the Afghans entered the city in triumph. When Huma-
yun heard of Sher Khan's success in Bengal, he advanced
towards Gaur, but the wily Afghan retreated towards
Bihar and eluded his pursuers. The Mughals captured
Gaur and re-named it Jannatabad. Sher Khan tried tx>
compensate himself for this loss by seizing imperial terri-
tories inBihar and Jaunpur and plundered the country
as far as Kanauj.
As soon as Humayun heard of Sher Khan's activities
in Bihar and Jaunpur, he left Gaur and marching hastily
along the bank of the Ganges crossed near Munghir. He
was confronted with a difficult situation. Attempts were
made to make peace with Sher Khan but in vain. The
Afghans rallied round their leader in large numbers and
defeated the Mughals at Chausa. The emperor fought
with great gallantry but his example produced no effect
on his followers. At last he plunged into the river on
horseback and was about to be drowned when he was
saved by a water-carrier, Nizam. r whom he afterwards
allowed to sit on the throne for two days, and asked the
nobles to make obeisance to him.
The battle of Chausa was a clear advantage to Sher
Khan^ He now took the title of SKer Shah and srdegal
the coinsjtojse jstruckjandjfche Khqtba to bq read in hia
•own name. All thought of acknowledging the emperor's

-suzerainty now vanished from his mind and in order to
legalise his assumption of the royal title he went through
all the formalities of kingship.
Humayun was now convinced of Sher Shah's formid-
able power. He saw clearly that success against him was
impossible without unity of plan and purpose.
Battle of He tried his best to win his brothers to his
i540.aUJ' ay side but they were so faithless that they not
only refused him co-operation but positively
hampered him in his preparations. Encouraged by the
dissensions ol the brothers, Sher i^liah advanced to the
bank of the Ganges and crossed it with his forces. Huma-
yun also led his army to the Ganges near Kanauj and
encamped opposite to Sher Shah. The two armies, the
strength of which is estimated by Mirza Haider, the author
of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, at 200,000 men remained in this
position for one month. But desertions in the imperial
army added to the anxiety of Humayun, and he decided to
risk a battle rather than allow the army to be destroyed
without fighting. The Mughals employed their usual
tactics but they were severely beaten by the Afghans.
Mirza Haider who took part in the campaign writes :
" . . . . Sher Khan gained a victory, while the Chaghtais
were defeated in the battlefield, where not a man either
friend or foe was wounded. Not a gun was fired and the
chariots (Gardun) were useless."
Now this statement of Mirza Haider may be exag-
gerated, but there is no doubt that the battle was not half
so bloody as the battles of Panipat and Kanwah. The
imperialists were driven into the river, and the Afghans
inflicted heavy losses upon them from behind. The
Mughals failed disastrously to retrieve their position and

Humayun was reduced to the position of a helpless fugitive.
During his pursuit of the emperor in the 'Punjab Sher
Shah turned his attention to the Gakkar country, a moun-
tainous region between the upper courses of
°*ertS2n<'
queets of Sher the rivers Indus and Jhelum. The occupa-
Shah. tion of this tract of land was highly impor-
tant for strategic reasons. An invader from
the north-west could easily pass through this country and
establish himself in the Punjab. Sher Shah's fears were
well-founded, for Kamran and Mirza Haider, two of his
important enemies,— who held Kabul and Kashmir respec-
tively, might combine at any time and jeopardise his safety.
Sher Shah ravaged the country, but he was suddenly
called away by the rebellion of the governor of Bengal.
He left his able generals behind with 50,000 men to
subdue the country of the Gakkars.
Malwa, Raisin, and Sindh were conquered next and
then Sher Shah turned against Maldeva of Jodhpur . It was-
impossible for him to tolerate the existence of a powerful
chieftain whose kingdom was situated not far from the
capital. He marched towards Marwar at the head of a large
army and pushed on to Mairta 42 miles west of Ajmer.
' The Rajputs had gathered in large nurnhpr^ and ^re an
well organized tJnttJSker • Shah began to feel doubts.
about his success in the campaign. Hefaad recourgfcto
useless.
~~ ' He caused letters to be forged in the name of Maldeva's.
nobles to the effect : ' Let not the King permit any anxiety
or doubt to find its way to his heart. During the battle we
will seize Maldeva and bring him to you. ' ' Having
1 Elliot, IV, p. 406.
•enclosed these letters in a kharita (a silken bag) he gave it

to a certain person and directed him to drop it near the tent
of the vakil of Maldeva. When the contents of these
letters became known to him he suspected treachery on the
part of his nobles. He forthwith decided to retreat in spite
of their assurances that their loyalty was as firm as a rock.
But Maldeva who was seized with panic did not listen to
their protestations. The pride of the Rajputs was touched
to the quick and some of his chiefs felt this stain on their
honour to be unbearable. With desperate courage they
fell upon the enemy and according to Abbas * displayed
exceeding valour. ' A deadly encounter followed (March
J544) and though the noble band perished, the Afghans
were slain in large numbers. The valour of the Rajputs
deeply impressed Sher Shah who was heard to say, ' I
had nearly lost the empire of Hindustan for a handful o?
Bajra (millet!.'
After this victory Sher Shah captured Mount Abp
and from there proceeded against Marwar. Maldeva fled
from Jodhpur and retired to the fort of Siwana whither
he was not followed by the Afghans. The fort of Chittor
was captured soon afterwards and was entrusted to an
Afghan nobleman. In this way Sher Shah succeeded in
establishing his hold on Rajputana.
The last expedition in which Sher Shah took part
was against the Raja of Kalanjar. The Rajputs rolled
down stones upon the besiegers from the parapet of
the fortress and made their task exceedingly difficult.
The siege was pushed on but when victory was in sight,
Sher Shah was suddenly burnt by an explosion of gun-
powder, ^tie fort was captured and the Afghans entered
it in triumph. Sher Shah's condition grew worse and
he died on May 22, 1545, with the laurels of yjctorv on,

his brojy.
The government of Sher Shah, though autocratic was-
vigorous and enlightened. He was not content merely with
the establishment of peace and order, but
Sh^r tur8hah°sf reconstructed the machinery of administra-
despotism. tion. In spite of the limitations which ham-
pered a sixteenth century king in India he
brought to bear upon his task the intelligence, the ability,
the devotion of the enlightened despots of the eighteenth
century in Europe. He did not listen to the advice of the
Ulama and adopted a policy of religious toleration towards-
the Hindus. He looked into the pettiest details of adminis-
tration and steadily fixed his eye on the public weal. He
kept a vigilant watch on his walls, iqtadars andrcai&s and
freely punished them when they transgressed his rules.
The Afghans fully appreciated his creative genius and
looked upon him as a saviour of their race. It was this
sense of thoughtful gratitude fortified and developed by
his comprehensive and liberal administrative reforms
which led them to render u$to him their sincere homage
and goodwill.
The whole empire, was jJJHded into 47 divisions each of
which comprised a large number of par g anas. Abbas
writes that there were 113,000 parganas, but he
has Probably made a confusion between the
parganas and villages. This figure represents-
the number of villages in the empire and not ofparganaa,
which could not have been so many at the time. Each
pargana had a shiqdar, an aminf a treasurer, a munsif, a
Hindi writer and a Persian writer to write accounts. Be-
sides these officers of the state there were the Patwari,
HUMAYUN AND SHER SHAH 335-
Chowdhri and the Muoaddamwho acted as intermediaries-
between the people and the state. The shiqdar was a
soldier, the amin a civilian whose main function was the
assessment and collection of land revenue. The shiqdar's
duty was to enforce the royal farmans and to give military
assistance to the Amin when he needed it. The Amin
was the principal civil officer and was responsible to the
central government for his actions. The parganas were^
grouped into sarkars. each of which had a shiqdUr j-
shiqdaran (Shiqdar-in-chief) and a Munsif-i-munsifdn
(Munsif-m-chief) who looked after the w6^K 61 Ihe pargana
officers throughout their division. Their duty was to watch
,the conduct of both the amilg' and 'the people, to settle
disputes regarding the boundaries of the parganas and to
punish any acts of lawlessness on the part of the people.
The amil$ were frequently transferred after one or two
years from one place to another and loyal and experienced
officers were treated with special favour.
Before the time of Sher Shah, the land was not measured
and the present, past and probable future state of a pargana
was ascertained from the Qanungo. Sher
venue!* Re" Shah ordered an accurate survey of all land ,
\ in the empire. The land was measured at bar-
vest time and the state demand was fixed at one-third of
the expected produce. ] It was j>ay able in cash or kind. The
revenue was realised by the muqaddams who were given
a share oi the produce, but "tHe" ryots' were sometimes
1 It is stated in the Ain that cash rates were fixed for a few
special crops, mainly vegetables, but for all the principal staples, the
*third
good, of' *the
middling, ' and
total was 4 bad ' asyields
reckoned per bighaproduce
the average were added up, one-
(mahsul), and
one-third of this was fixed as the state demand. In certain parts of
the empire such as Mulfcan the state demand was fixed at one-fourth
also. Moreland, The Agrarian System of Moslem Indiar p. 76%
allowed to pay to the treasury direct. Sher Shah was very

careful of the interests of the cultivators. The revenue
officers were asked to be lenient at the time of assessment
but they were to show no mercy at the time of collection.
When there was drought or any other unforeseen calamity
advances were made to the cultivators to relieve distress.
Sher Shah was much impressed by Alauddin's military
isystem and adopted its main principles. He wished to
""" make the army efficient and truly imperial
inspirit. The mansabdari system did not
exist, for the Afghans were too proud to accept such
gradations of service. The army was distributed over
different parts of the country and was stationed in canton-
ments of which Delhi and Rohtas were the most important.
One such division was called fauj and was under the
command of a faujdar whose duties were entirely military.
As the clan-Feeling^
Afghans, was very
the more important tribal powerful
chiefs were among
allowed the
to
keep large forces in their service. The king had also a
large army under his direct command ; it amounted to
150,000 cavalry and 25,000 infantry, well trained and ac-
<x>utred with muskets and bows. The cavalry was highly
efficient ; horses were trained and their descriptive rolls
were prepared. The soldiers were directly recruited by
the king himself and salaries were fixed after personal
inspection,. Sher Shah treated his soldiers with kindness
and supplied those who were poor with arms and horses.
But his discipline was very severe. They were, during
their marches, particularly enjoined not to do any injury
to the crops of the cultivators. If the crops of any culti-
vator were destroyed, he was recompensed by the state
for his loss and the wrong-doers were severely punished.
When the king accompanied the army, he used to look

to the right and left and if he saw any man injuring the
crops he cut off his ears with his own hand, and hanging
the corn round his neck ordered him to be paraded in the
camp, feven when the crops were damaged owing to the
narrowness of the road, he sent his officers to estimate
the value of the crop and give compensation in money.
Sher Shah dealt out even-handed justice to the high
and low, and no man could escape punishment by reason
of hisHbirth or rank. There were courts
and called the Darul-adalat in which the Qazi
and the Mir Adi tried civil cases and adminis-
tered justice. The Hindus probably settled their disputes
relating to inheritance, succession and the like in their
Pancfiayats^ but in criminal cases they were amenable tQ
the law of jh£7k*gjj^"'" The criminal law was severe;
punishments were harsh and cruejLand their object was
not to refornftHelcuIpiFit but * t(T~set an example.' Even
tKett aridTlroBEery were treated as capital offences.
The police organisation of Sher Shah though primitive
in many respects was highly efficient. He tried to enforce
the principle of local responsibility in the matter of pre-
venting crimes. If a theft or robbery occurred within the
jurisdiction of an amil or shiqdar, and the culprits were
not traced, the muqaddams were arrested and compelled
to make good the loss. When a murder occurred and the
murderer was not traced, the muqaddams were seized as
before and asked to produce him. If they failed to
produce him or to give his whereabouts, they were them-
selves put to death. Inanv case the responsibility of
and the regulations of the state operated harshly upon

B1. 22
them. But the system resulted in the complete security

<>f life and property. ~ The travellers andwayfarers slept
"witnout the least anxiety even In a desert, and the
Zamindars themselves kept watch over them for_fear of
the king] Besides the regular police there were the
censors of public morals, whose duty was
to prevent* sudcrimes "as drinking and adultery and to
ênforce tffe Observance of religious laws. Spies are in-
evitable in a despotic state, and Sher Shah
diligent spies whojcept him informed of all that happened
in his dominions.
The means of communication were very inadequate
in the middle ages. Sher Shah was jhe first ^slini ruler
The Means w^° unSertooITth? construction of. rgads.-on
of Communi- a/Jarg^^ The
cation. longest road was that which ran from
Sonargaon to the_jndug^^bout 1500 krohs in length.
There were others, the chief of which were one from Agra
to Burhanpur; another from Agra via Biyana to the
frontier of Marwar and to the fort of Chittorând a fourth
from Lahoreon to^litultan,
importance the western a frontier.
city of considerable
Trees were military
planted
on both sides of the roads, and saraig were built at inter-
vals of every two krohs, and separate accommodation was
provided for Hindus and Muslims. Brahmans were em-
ployed for the convenience of thellindus to supply them
with water and to cook their food. For the upkeep of the
sarais villages were granted by the state. Every sarai
had a well, a mosque and a staff of officers who were
generally an imam, amuazzin and a number of watermen,
wfwM*^^
;thtTSarat8._As MrTQanungo observes these saraiB became
4 the_veritable arteries of the empire, diffusing a new

life among its hitherto benumbed limbs."* Market towns
grew"up around these sarais and a brisk trade developed.
They served also the purpose of dak chowkis^ and through
them news came to the emperor from the remotest parts
of his dominions.
Sher Shah made liberal grants for charitable purposes
but he exercised a personal supervision over their manage-
Charitabie ment- He often said that it was incumbent
endowments upon kings to give grants to imams and holy
and grants. men jor upQn têm depended the happiness
: and prosperity of a state. He patronised art and letters
and held that it was the duty of kingsTto ktfOf d rulfaf RT
the poor and the destitute. The whole system of grants
was carefully examined and the imams and holy men who
had by bribing the amils acquired possession of more land
than really belonged to them, were deprived of such illegi-
timate acquisitions. To check the fradulent practices of
the grantees he ordered the mwnshis to prepare the
farman^^fimmed and sealed them himself and then sent
them to his shiqdarsfpr distribution. All grants made by
rulers other than the Afghans were cancelled, though the
grantees were not wholly deprived of their lands. The
principle which he generally observed was that no deserv-
ing person should go unrewarded and no one should have
a superfluity of state benefactions. JMadrasas and
mosques were maintained and ^stipends were granted to
teachers "and students. The state established a number
of free kitchens the annual expenditure of which in those
days, when the value of money was much higher than it
is now, amounted to 180,000 asharfU.Êut in dealing
His own tribesmen Sher Shah adopted a policy of
To the men of the Sur tribe and his own
kinsmen his bounty flowed generously irrespective of
desert, and every pious Afghan who came to Hindustan
was granted an annuity from the royal treasury. This
must have caused discontent among his subjects of which
contemporary historians have given no account.
Sher Shah has rightly been called one of the greatest
rulers o j mediaeval India. He cherished a lofty ideal of
kingship and used to say that 'it behoves the
^ShCer srhah.r °f jgreat to beworked
state and always hard
active.'
for theHe welfare
lived for
of the
his
subjects. He looked into every detail^ of government and
supervised the activities of the various departments with
incessant care. He rose every day ârly in the morning
before sunrise, took his bath and said his prayer. For
tour hours he transacted the business of the state and
then watched the branding of horses and the preparation
of descriptive rolls. After breakfast he rested for a while
and then again turned to business. The evenings were
set apart for reading the Quran and for attending the
public praysy.f No branch of the administration was
neglected and the ministers were asked to report to him
everything, He hated corruption and injustice and severely
punished those who made unlawful gains. The interests
of the peasantry were well protected and any damage to
crops was visited with a drastic punishment. To the
poor and the destitute he was particularly generous, and
at all hours the royal kitchens distributed food to those
who were in need of it.
As a soldier he was superb. In strategy andjactics
he outgeneralled the MughalaT His soldiers reposed confi-
dence in him and served him with devotion and l&yalty.
His methods of war were mild and humane, and the

soldiers were never allowed to commit acts of rapine and
plunder. At times he was cunning and perfidious, but
•probably because like other men of his age he believed
that nothing was wrong in war.
Although a strict Sunni, he was well disposed towards
other sects and religions. The jeziya was not abolished,
but the Hindus were treated with Justice and toleration.
To encourage education among his Hindu subjects, he
granted them wagfs and allowed them a free hand in
tfieir management. For this liberal and beneficent policy
he was liked by his subjects of all castes and creeds.
Sher Shah deserves a high place in history. By his
political^ reforms and the policy of religious tolera-
^
tion, ieinconcousl of Akbar's
greatness^ His organisation of theTaniTêvienue system
was a precious legacy to the Mughals. They followed his
plan and perfected it. Todarmal and others adopted his
methods of administration, and modified them according to
the needs of the situation. | Indeed, Sher Shah's achieve-
ments place him in the forefront of mediaeval history,
and his policy of religious toleration will ever remain a
shining example of his far-sighted statesmanship. J
Having crossed the Ganges, Humayun proceeded to-
wards Agra, and taking his family and treasure went
to Delhi, but when he found it impossible
fligb£mayun'9 to His recapture the him

brothers gave city, nohe help,
left and
for Sarhind.
Kamran
proved a source of great trouble and anxiety. Humayun
marched towards Sindh and laid siege to Bhakkar, but here
too his ill-luck followed him. It was during this period that
he married HamidS, daughter of Shaikh Ali Akbar Jami,
who afterwards became the mother of Akbar. Disappoint*

ed at the conduct of his brother, he sought the help of
Maldeva of Jodhpur who had written to him promising
to lend him a contingent of 20,000 Rajputs. But Maldeva
did not keep his word. When Humayun reached the
Raja's territory, he offered him no welcome, and the spies
who were sent to fathom his mind brought the news that
he meant treachery. Humayun's old librarian who had
taken service with Maldeva sent a message to him in these
words : ' March at once from wherever you are, for
Maldeva intends to make you prisoner. Put no trust in
his words.' This change in Maldeva's attitude was due
to his fear of Sher Shah and the utter hopelessness of
Humayun's cause. Amarkot was the next place of refuge
where the royal party was treated well by Rana Prasad
who promised to assist the emperor in conquering Bhak-
kar and Thatta. It was here in a desert castle that the
greatest of the Mughal emperors was born on November
23, 1542 A. D.
Soon after this happy event Humayun left Amarkot,
and marched towards Bhakkar with ten thousand men.
But Rana Prasad 's men deserted him one night owing
to a quarrel between the Rana and the Muslim officers in
the imperial train. The chief of Bhakkar was tired of
war, and a treaty was made by which he agreed to furnish
him with 30 boats, 10,000 miahkals, 2,000 loads of grain
and 300 camels to enable him to proceed to Qandhar.
Kamran had become master of the entire Afghan region,
and was acting, to all intents and purposes, as an inde-
pendent ruler. His brother Askari and Hindal had become
his vassals and greatly feared him. Humayun found no
shelter with these faithless men, and, leaving his one-year
HUMAYUN AND SEER SHAH 343
old child Akbar at Qandhar, he decided to leave for

Persia where he hoped to obtain succour from the Shah.
Humayun was hospitably received bv Shah Tah^pagn
who was a young man of 27 years of age. He issued
instructions to all the local governors and
in officers in his kingdom to accord a warm
welcome to Humayun. But the effect of
his hospitality was marred by his desire to convert the
emperor to the Shia faith. With becoming dignity, Huma-
yun affirmed his belief in the Sunni doctrine, but the
Shah continued to embarrass him with his importunities.
Evasive replies proved of no avail, and since escape was
impossible, the emperor's well-wishers advised him to
enter into an agreement with the Shah, embodying a
declaration of his acceptance of the Shia creed. A formal
treaty was concluded through the intercession of the
Shah's sister between the two sovereigns by which the
Shah, agreed to help Humayun with a contingent in
conquering Bokhara, Kabul, and Qandhar on condition
that the last place should be ceded to him in the event of .
success^ Humayun was to declare himself a Shia and
tbiiave the Shah's name proclaimed in the khutba. a
condition to which he agreed with considerable reluctance.
Encouraged by the Shah's promise of help and its partial
fulfilment in the supply of a force of 14,000 men, Huma-
yun proceeded to invade the dominion of Kamran.
Humayun reached Qandhar in March 1545, and laid
siege to the town. The capture of Qandhar considerably
improved his position, and having gathered
a11 his forces he advanced upon Kabul. Kam-
ran was defeated and the city fell into his
hands. Prince Akbar whom Kamran had
once exposed on the ramparts of the fort of Kabul was

now restored to his father after a long separation. Though
Kamran was defeated, he still entertained hopes of
recovering his lost kingdom . He was defeated again,
and in a night encounter Mirza Hindal was killed. The
vanquished prince fled to the court of Salim Shah Sur,
but the latter treated him so roughly that he was obliged
to seek refuge in the Gakkar country in disgust. The
Gakkar chief made him over to_Humayun who, in
obedience to nla father's command, refusljcTtb put an
end to ms lire. A consultatioiTWg^tiield^with the* ISmrs,
ancTTt was finally decided that jiis life should be spargd
but he should be rendered incapable of further mischjef
'by beingtcTgo
ajwish deprived .of _ji iswhich
to Mecca^ jg^gsight. Kamran expressed
was granted. His wife
accompanied him and served him with fidelity and
devotion until his death in 1557. Mirza Askari who had
frequently changed sides was also captured and allowed
to proceed to Mecca! Having*' got rid of all his rivals in
the north-west, Humayun began to make preparations for
the reconquest of Hindustan.
Sher Shah's death was an irreparable blow to the
Afghans. He had nominated no successor and his young
son Jalal Khan who happened to reach the
Best<«Siio ™'8 title
camP ofinSalim
time was Proclaimed
Shah. king under
It was beyond the
the new
monarch's power to control the turbulence of the Afghans,
and therefore he was obliged to have recourse to drastic
measures to strengthen his position. Several Amirs were
imprisoned and put to death. The first victim of his
wrath was Shuiaat Khan, governor of Malwa. whose chief
offence was that he had hoarded enormous wealth and
Affectively reduced the country to ordqr. Shujaat's infor-

mants c6mmunicated to him the intentions of the court,
and he managed to escape the wrath of Salim by sub-
missive and respectful representations. But Azim Huma-
yun, the governor of the Punjab, acted with little
prudence and caution. When he was summoned by the
king, he sent a substitute for himself which Salim regard-
ed as an act of gross insubordination. Fearing drastic
action on the part of the king, Azim broke out into open
rebellion, but he was defeated by the royalists in the
battle of Ambala. He fled for his life, and the Punjab
was occupied by the Sultan. Again he gathered strength
and fought an action with the royal forces but he was
defeated. He fled to Kashmir where he was shot dead
by certain tribesmen.
Salim continued his policy of repression. He devised
new laws and maintained an efficient army to curb the
power of the nobles He deprived them of their war-
like elephants, kept the revenues of the state in his own
hands and abolished the practice of supplying money in
exchange for a certain fixed -quota of mounted men. He
established a system of espionage which enabled him to
know all that happened in his kingdom. Justice was ad-
ministered according to a new code of regulations which
were interpreted by a Munsif and not by a Qazi or Mufti.
To enforce these laws he stationed troops in the various
parts of his dominions and exerted himself to the utmost
to see that the machinery of government worked with
efficiency and vigour.
Salim died in November 1554. He was succeeded by
his son Firuz Khan but the latter was soon murdered by
his maternal uncle Mubariz Khan who ascended the
throne under the title of Muhammad Shah 5dil. Muham-

mad Shah 5dil was a worthless debauchee, but he had a.
capable minister in Hemu, a Hindu, who manaped_his
affairs with great ability and vigour^ But even he found
it difficult to keep in check the forces of disorder which
were slowly undermining the empire. Rebellions broke
out on all sides, and Muhammad's cousin Ibrahim Khan
Sur seized Delhi and Agra, but he was soon defeated
by another brother Sikandar Sur who acquired pos-
session of the whole country between the Indus and the
Ganges.
Humayun was all along watching the chaotic con-
dition of the Afghan empire. In November 1554, he
marched towards Hindustan and the vanguard of the
imperial army entered Lahore in February, 1555. Sikan-
dar advanced to give battle at the head of a large army
but he was defeated near Sarhind. He fled from the field
of battle and Humayun was restored without further
opposition.
The emperor did not live long to enjoy the honours of
royalty which he had won by the sheer force of his arms.
One day as he was descending from the
° f terrace-roof of his library, he knelt down on
the stairs on hearing the call for prayer, but
his staff slipped on the polished marble, and he fell head-
long on the ground. All medical aid proved unavailing,
and he died on January 24, 1556. His death was con-
cealed for some time, and it was after 17 days that the-
Khutba was read in the name of Jalal-ud-din Muhammad
Akbar.
Humayun was by nature a kind, gentle and affection-
ate monarch. He was well disposed towards his kinsmen,
HUMAYUN AND SHBRSHAH 347
and treated them with generosity and leniency even

when they conspired to bring about his ruin.
°f When the nobles made an impassioned appeal
to him to slay his arch-enemy Kamran
he replied : * Though my head inclines to vonr wnrdjyHny
heart does nflt, ' and refused to stain his hands with the
murder of a brother. He was not lacking in physical
courage, and had given a good account of himself during
his father's campaigns. But his general indolence and
quixotic generosity frequently spoiled the fruits of victory
and deprived him lit times of his most valued acquisitions.
He had not inherited from his father that invincible
courage and strength ot" will which had led" him to attempt
thrice the conquest oi Samarqand HOP was he ao skilled
in adjusting
fuHest his means
use of his tojiis
victories often began a ~made"~ftTe
and endst?=rHe~never new plan
before executing the one he had already in hand. Besides,
he wasaddicted to opium_which did not a little to impair
his mental and bodily strength. But Humayun was not
wholly devoid of noble' qualities. He possessed ability and
intelligence of no mean order. He loved literature and
extended his patronage to men of Fetters. Like his
father he was fond of poetry and took delight in com-
posing verses. He was interested in mathematics and
astronomy, and his plan of constructing an observatory"
at Delhi was interrupted by his sudden deatfc But what
endears Humayun to us is his buoyancy o'f temper, his
cheerfulness of spirit under desperate situations. Through
all his vicissitudes he preserved his native goodness and
remained a bon comrade ±Q his officers and men. His bro-
thers played the traitor again and again, but he never dis-
regarded his father's dying injunction, and treated them
with a kindness which has few parallels in Mughal

history. For fifteen years he was persecuted by the
malice of destiny, but he never lost the equanimity of
his temper and endured his misfortune with great patience
and fortitude. Throughout his life Humayun behaved
as an indulgent master, a warm-hearted friend and an
amiable gentleman, always willing and prompt to show
gratitude to those who rendered him service.
CHAPTER XIV
ERA OF RECONSTRUCTION
At the time of Humayun's death Akbar was absent

in the Punjab whither he had gone with Bairam Khan to-
put an end to the misgovernment of Abdul-
Alba*881011 °f mali» the local ^vernor. As he was re-
turning from there he received at Kalanur,
an express informing him of the sad event. There was
much commotion in the camp but the chiefs and nobles
after the customary rites of mourning proceeded to the
coronation ceremony which took place in a modest garden
on February 14, 1556. As the Prince was a mere boy of
thirteen, his father's old and faithful friend Bairam Khan
undertook to act &s regent for him, and formally assumed
charge of the affairs of the empire
India was neither homogeneous nor well-governed in
1556. The provinces of Hindustan were in a state of dis-
order and the country round Delhi and Agra
dft^n oflndil was in the throes of a terrible famine. The
late emperor had all his life wandered
from place to place and had found no time to organise
and consolidate his empire. After his death the whole
country was reduced to a congeries of states. Towards
the north-west, Kabul with its dependencies was under
Mirza Muhammad Hakim, Akbar's brother, who acted aa
an independent ruler, and the empire of Hindustan did
not lie beyond the scope of his "ambition. Kashmir had
also become an independe 349
nt state under a local
•350 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
Muhammadan dynasty, and the Himalayan states in the

neighbourhood enjoyed a similar position. Sindh and
Multan had separated from the empire of Delhi after
the death of Sher Shah and formed themselves into
independent kingdoms. Bengal was ruled by kings of
the Sur dynasty ; Muhammad Adil ever since his
•expulsion from Delhi by his powerful relative Ibrahim
Khan had retired to the east, but his indomitable minister
Hemu was already in the field at the head of a large army
to prevent Akbar from taking quiet possession of his
father's dominions. Another Sur claimant was Sikandar
who since his defeat by Bairam Khan in the battle of
-Sarhind in 1555 was wandering in the Punjab, cherishing
the hope that by a stroke of fortuitous good luck he might
be able to recover the throne of Sher Shah. To the west
of Delhi the Rajput princes exercised independent sway in
their mountain fastnesses. The most important states at
this time were Mewar, Jesalmir, Bundi and Jodhpur, ren-
dered illustrious in the annals of Rajasthan by the heroic
•exploits of their warriors. Indeed, Humayun's reign had
given the Rajput princes an opportunity of increasing the
area of their influence, and since they had . no reason to
fear the Mughal government at Delhi, they had developed
their military resources to such an extent that they felt
afterwards strong enough to try conclusions even with
the empire. In the central region Humayun's efforts
had failed owing to his own woeful lack of decision and
promptitude. Malwa and Gujarat had become inde-
pendent states with considerable territories included in
their jurisdiction. Their rulers acted as independent
kings, made wars and treaties on their own account, and
established diplomatic relations with foreign powers.
ERA OF RECONSTRUCTION 351
Gondwana was subject to a kind of tribal rulership but

its affairs were efficiently managed by Rani Durgavati for
her minor son. Across the Vindhyas, Khandeah, Berar,
Bidar. Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golkunda were ruled by
their own Sultans who had absolutely no concern with
the rulers of Delhi. Ever since the break-up of the
Bahmani kingdom towards the close of the 15th century
these states had been pre-oecupied with their own affairs
and had taken no interest in the politics of Hindustan.
Further south, the whole country from the Krisna and
Tungbhadra rivers to Cape Comorin was under the sway
of the kings of Vijayanagar whose hostilities towards the
Muhammadan sultanates are a matter of common know-
ledge in Indian history. The Portuguese had established
themselves on the western sea-coast and possessed a few
ports like Goa and Diu. They were powerful in the
Arabian sea and the Persian gulf, and could give trouble
to Muslims starting on a pilgrimage to Mecca.
But for the present Akbar's task was exceedingly
difficult and to all appearance beyond the powers of a boy
of thirteen. He was fortunate in having in his atallq a
consummate general and administrator, who • not only
secured his throne from formidable rivals, but also held
the elements of disorder in check at a critical juncture in
the empire's history until the reins of office were snatched
from him by his impatient and ambitious ward.
Akbar had first to deal with the Sur Afghans. Muham-
mad Adil had not yet given up the hope of regaining the
empire over which Sher Shah had once ruled.
A
th e aand
8 u rHe had sti11 in his service Hemu, a-.*,*«consum-
. „
Afghans. 125,*? generaL??^ ,stat?l?man> w^° ^splayed
orgahlsmg capacity " and valour of a high
order. Originally a petty shopkeeper of Rewari in Mewat,

Hemu was a man of humble origin. By sheer dint of merit
he had risen from obscurity to high position and had
become under Adali the chief minister. Gradually his
influence grew at the Afghan court; he granted and
resumed jagirs at will and assumed the title of Raja
Vikramaditya. Even Abul Fazl admits that he managed
the affairs of state with rare ability and success. He was
one of the greatest men of his day and among Akbar's op-
ponents throughout Hindustan there was none who could
excel him in valour, enterprise, and courage. He had
earned for himself unique military distinction by winning
22 pitched battles, and had defeated his master's rival
Ibrahim Sur. Humayun's sudden death aided by the
circumstance that his son was a mere lad of 13, revived
Hemu's hopes of securing the empire of Hindustan. He
was sent by Adali, who was in the east at this time with a
force consisting of 50,000 horse and 500 elephants
towards Agra, which he occupied without encountering
any serious resistance from the Mughal generals. Then he
marched upon Delhi following close upon the heels of the
retreating army, and then he was opposed by the veteran
Tardi Beg who happened to be in charge of the capital at
the time. Tardi Beg suffered severe defeat at the hands
of Hemu who easily acquired possession of the capital.
Tardi Beg fled to the imperial camp where he was
put to death by the orders of Bairam Khan, and his
action was approved by the youthful emperor. As Abui
Pazl very pertinently observes, a disapproval of Bai ram's
action would have caused disorder in the country and
mutiny in the army. Whatever may be said about the
effect produced by the murder of a general, who had
BRA OF RECONSTRUCTION 358
been driven from the field of battle by a powerful enemy,

the deed' is a stain on the memory of Bairam Khan.
Akbar is not to blame, for he was still in statu pupillari,
and it would have been an act of unexampled folly to
override the wishes of the regent whose co-operation was
needed to save the kingdom from ruin at such a crisis.
There is great force in Dr. Vincent Smith's contention
that those who condemn the execution as a mere murder
do not sufficiently appreciate the usage of the times, nor
do they fully understand the difficulties and dangers
which confronted the regent and his youthful ward. ' But
the manner in which Bairam brought about the murder
admits of no palliation even on the ground that the
interests of the state demanded the crime.
Master of Delhi and Agra, Hemu set his forces in
order, and made a bold bid for the empire of Hindu-
stan. There was at this time a serious famine in Agra,
Biyana, and Delhi, and Badaoni writes that one sir ofjwar
sold for 2i tank as, and men of wealth and position closed
their houses and died by tens or twenties or even more in
one place, ' getting neither grave nor shroud/ ~ The Hindus
also suffered miserably, and he saw with his own eyes
man eating his fellow-man in sheer desperation. But
Hemu whose heart was aflame with ambition cared nothing
for the misery and Buffering around him and pushed on
his preparations. At the head of a large army which
included 1,500 war elephants, he proceeded to the field of
Panipat. His superior numbers filled the Mughals with
dismay, and in the first charge he routed the right and
1 Akbar, the Great Mughal, p. 86.
* Al-BadftonT, 1, pp. 549—61.
F. 23
left wings of the imperial army. But before he could

press on the centre with his elephants, he was struck in
the eye with an arrow which made him sink in the howdah
in a state of unconsciousness. Hemu's disappearance
caused a panic in the army, and it fled in pell-mell confu-
sion. The gallant leader whose * virile spirit ' is praised
even by such a hostile writer as Abul Fazl was captured
and brought before Akbar. ' Bairam asked the young
emperor to smite the head of the infidel and earn the title
of Ghazi, but the generous lad refused to do so, and
observed that it was unchivalrous to slay a defenceless
enemy. Thereupon Bairam Khan himself thrust his sword
into Hemu's body and killed him. His head was sent to
Kabul, and his body was gibbeted at Delhi by way of
giving a warning to other like-minded persons. *
Akbar entered Delhi in triumph and received a warm
welcome from the inhabitants of all classes. Agra was
soon occupied, and officers of the imperial army were
deputed to seize the goods and treasures of Hemu in
Mewat.
Hemu's death dashed to the ground the hopes of the
Sur dynasty. Bairam and his royal ward after a month's
stay in the capital marched towards Lahore in pursuit of
Sikandar Sur who was still at large. He shut himself up
in the fort of Mankot9 which he surrendered after a long
siege in May 1557. He was treated with generosity, and
Bairam Khan respected his rank by assigning to him certain
districts in the east where he died twelve years later.
1 Akbaraama, II p. 69-
* Akbar, the Great Mughal, p. 86.
2 It it a fort in the lower hills now included in Jammu territory in
Kashmir State.
The defeat of Sikandar was followed by the conquest

of Gwalior and Jaunpur, and the regent took vigorous mea-
sures to consolidate the empire. But he soon came into
conflict with his growing ward who had already begun to
-chafe against his tutelage. The fall of Bairam Khan is one
of the most interesting episodes in the early history of
Akbar's reign.
feairam Khan was left master of the situation after
Hu may un's death, and was allowed to assume the office
of the vakil-i-saltnat (chief minister) without
rfm1 K°hai?ai" any °PPosiôn I He was
enced man of affairs, who anrose
ableto and experi-
the highest
position in the state by sheer dint of merit. / He had
retained his loyalty through trying times, and served his
late master Humayun with a fidelity and devotion which
elicited the admiration of such a man as Sher Shah. Even
Badaonl who is an orthodox Sunni praises the Shia
minister's upright character, love of learning and devout-
ness, and expresses regret at his fall. I But excess of power
leads to abuse, and Bairam adopted a harsh and barbarous
policy towards his supposed and suspected enemies. He
became oversensitive in matters regarding himself, and in
trivial accidental mishaps saw the signs of a sinister con-
spiracy to compass his ruin. Such a frame of mind is not
likely to inspire confidence or smooth the difficulties which
beset on every side a great public servant, whose career is
.bound to be a series of studied compromises and cautious
measures. Abul Fazl relates the causes which brought
about estrangement between Bairam Khan on the one hand
and the emperor and the court party on the other. Bairam
had appointed Shaikh Gadai who was a Shia to the office
of Sadr-i-Sadttr, and this was construed by the Sunnis as a
856 BISTORT OF MUSLIM RULE
concession to the creed professed by the regent. In addi-

tion to this high office he allowed the Shaikh to endorse
decrees with his seal, and exempted him from the
ceremony of homage, and granted him precedence over
the Saiyyads and the Ulama. He had conferred the titles
of Sultan and Khan upon his menial servants, and showed
an utter lack of propriety in disregarding the claims of
the servants of the royal household. He granted the
Panjhazari (5000) mansab to no less than 25 of his own
favourites and ignored the just claims of others. He
punished the emperor 's servants severely, when they were
found guilty of the most trivial misconduct or dereliction
of duty, while his own servants were allowed to escape
scot free even when they committed grave offences. In
a fit of rage he had ordered the emperor's own elephant-
driver to be put to death without any fault. The execu-
tion of Tardi Beg had also caused alarm among the nobles,
who considered their position at court highly precarious
as long as Bairam was in power. A more serious reason
for the growing estrangement between Akbar and
Bairam was the suspicion that the latter was harbour-
ing the intention of placing on the throne Abul Qasim,
son of Kamran. Lastly, Akbar had grown tired of his
tutelage and wished to be a king in fact as well as
in name. Like others he disliked Bairam's arrogance and
unbridled exercise of authority, and desired to put an end
to it, as is shown by the farman which he issued when
the Khan-i-Khanan's rebellious intentions became mani-
fest afterwards.
A conspiracy was formed in which the principal part-
nerd were Hamida B5nQ Begum, the dowager queen,
MBham Ankah, the fostermother of Akbar, her son Adam
*
Khan and her relative Shibabuddin, governor of Delhi.
The plan was discussed with the emperor at Biyana
whither he had gone on the pretext of hunting.
It has been suggested that the emperor was too deeply
immersed in hunting expeditions to give thought to such
matters. These arguments are scarcely tenable in view
of the fact that he had begun to take a keen interest in
political affairs, and was fully alive to the importance of
asserting his own authority. Hunting afforded a good
pretext as it well might under such circumstances. The
plot was carried out without the slightest slip from start
to finish, and the perfect accordance of its execution with
the original plan shows that the emperor was fully aware
of it, and followed the details with his usual intelligence
and alertness.
It was arranged that Akbar should go to Delhi on the
pretext of seeing his mother who was reported to be ill.
When he was there, Maham Ankah employed all the arts
of a clever and intriguing woman to foment ill-feeling
against the Khan-i-Khanan, and magnified his indiscreet
utterances into insults towards the royal authority.
Bairam who soon discovered what was passing behind
the scenes offered ' supplication and humility, ' but Akbar
had resolved to end his unpopular regime. His friends
advised him to seize the person of Akbar and crush the
conspirators by a coup de main, but he refused to tarnish
his record of faithful service by a seditious act. Akbar
sent him a message that he had determined to take the
reins of government in his own hands, and that he
desired him to proceed on pilgrimage to Mecca. He
offered him a jagir for his maintenance the revenue of
which was to be sent to him by his agents.
358 HISTORY Otf MUSLIM RULE
Bairam received Akbar's message with composure and

prepared to submit to his fate. When he moved towards
Biyana in April 1560, the court party, perturbed by the
anxiety lest the Khan -i-Kh an an should rebel, induced Akbar
to send a certain Pir Muhammad, a former subordinate of
Bairam's, with a force ' to hasten the latter's departure
for Mecca ' or as BadaonI puts it * to pack him off as quickly
as possible* to Mecca without giving him any time^for
delay. ' 1 Bairam was annoyed at the insult and decided to
breakout into open rebellion. He proceeded towards the
Punjab, and having left his family and goods in the fort of
Tabarhindah, resumed his journey. Akbar sent his generals
to deal with the insurgent minister, and in an action fought
near Jalandhar he was defeated and driven to seek refuge
in the Siwalik hills. The emperor himself started for
the Punjab, and marched in pursuit of the Khan-i-Khanan.
Driven to bay, Bairam offered submission and implored
forgiveness. Akbar who fully appreciated his services to
his dynasty readily agreed to pardon him, and received
him * with the most princely grace, and presentedJum
with a splendid robe of honour. ' a He was allowed to
depart for Mecca wftlfsuitable dignity, and the emperor
returned to Delhi.
Bairam marched through Rajputana en route to Mecca,
and reached Patan in Gujarat, where he stayed for a short
time. The governor received him well, but made no
arrangements for his safety. Probably he apprehended no
danger as the minister had expressed contrition for his
rebellious conduct. To the surprise of all, he was murder-
ed by an Afghan, whose father had been killed in an
1 Al-Badtonl, II, p. 33,
f Elliot, V, p. 268.
f BRA OP RECONSTRUCTION 359
action with the Mughals under the command of Bairam

Khan. Bairam's camp was plundered, but his son Abdur
Rahim who was then a child of four years of age was
rescued from the ruffians, and sent to court, where by hia
great talents and devotion to the throne he rose to a position
of great eminence and earned the title of Khan-i-Khanau
in recognition of his valuable services to the empire.
Bairam's fall cleared the way for the party of MSharo
Ankah, a fostermother of Akbar, whose real capacity for^
The so-caii intrigue soon, gained for her aa
ed petticoat important position in the state. Several
e n *' historians write that she became the empe-
ror's prime confidante in all matters and
held the reins of government in her hands. Dr. Vincent '
Smith concludes his observations on the fall of Bairam by
saying that Akbar shook off the tutelage of the Khan-i-
Khanan only to bring himself under the 'monstrous
regiment of unscrupulous women, ' and expresses the
view that Maham proved unworthy of the trust reposed
in her. He repeats the usual charge that she bestowed
offices on her worthless favourites, and cared for nothing
except her own interests.
Now, this is not quite correct If she had really domi-
nated Akbar, as is frequently supposed, she would have
advanced the claims of her own son Adham Khan, who had
distinguished himself as a soldier against the Bhadauria
Rajputs at Mankot. Then, Akbar's treatment of Bairam
after his rebellion militates against the view of Dr. Smith,
MSham's party had planned the ruin of the Khan-i-Khanan,
and no one would have been more gratified than Mfiham
to see the old minister disgraced and condemned to death.
But Akbar acted according to his own judgment, and
granted pardon to his old tutor irrespective of the wishes

of Maham and her associates. It has been seriously argued
that her object was merely to further the interests of her
own son and relatives. But facts do not warrant this view.
No title or Jagir was conferred upon Adham Khan during
this period. It is true, he was entrusted with the command
of the expedition against Malwa, but after the conquest he
was not appointed sole governor of the province. Again,
when reports reached the emperor of his misappropriation
of booty, he marched in person from Agra on May 13,
1561, to punish him, but the culprit obtained a pardon
through the intercession of his mother. Later, when
Adham murdered Shamsuddin Atka Khan (May 16, 1652)
on whom the emperor proposed to confer the office of
vakil in spite of Maham's opposition Akbar ordered him to
be thrown down twice the ramparts of his fort in a terrible
rage so that his brains were dashed out and he was killed.
The emperor himself broke the news to Maham who is
reported to have uttered the words : ' Your Majesty did
well. ' Life ceased to have any interest for Maham who
followed her son to the grave within 40 days of his death.
If Akbar had been under Maham's influence, Adham
would not have suffered such a cruel fate.
A few events of this period deserve to be noticed. An
expedition against Malwa was sent (1560 A.D.) under
Adham Khan and Pir Muhammad Sherwani who defeated
Baz Bahadur, the ruler of the country, and seized much
booty. The conquest was accompanied by acts of
ruthless cruelty and the misappropriation of booty by
Adham Khan. Akbar marched in person to punish him,
but as has been said before, it was through his mother's
intercession that he secured his pardon.
ImjiMu*«»i*s, ;~*w+*+'"**
«W-t •*>£'* *vf»C
JJÊ ^* ^>'
vV *
r«wi»^^ < . _ -; vi^v. *?* r/,
ERA OP RECONSTRUCTION 361
After some time Adham Khan was recalled from Malwa

"which was entrusted to Pir Muhammad. But the latter so
hopelessly mismanaged things that war broke out again,
and Baz Bahadur once more recovered his lost kingdom.
He found it difficult to maintain his position, and was
expelled from the country. He was finally sent to the
court where the emperor conferred upon him a mansab
of 1,000, which was afterwards raised to 2,000. Adham
Khan was at this time thrown down the ramparts of the
fort for the murder of Shamsuddin Muhammad Atka
Khan, who had been appointed to the office of minister
(vakil) in November 1561 A.D.
Akbar was a man of strong imperial instinct, and wish-
ed to make himself the supreme ruler of Hindustan.
With this object in view he set himself to
m" the task of destroying the independence of
every state in India, and this policy was con-
tinued until 1601 , when the capture of Asirgarh crowned
his career of unparalleled military glory and conquest.
He began by ordering an unprovoked attack upon
the small kingdom of Gondwana in the Central Provinces
which was then ruled by a remarkable
ôndwfins^ °f Queen,
known the gallant Rani
in history, Durgawati,
who acted so well
as regent for
her minor son. Asaf Khan, the governor of Kara,
inarched against her. The Rani bravely defended herself,
but in a battle between Garh and Mandal in the modern
Jabalpur district she was defeated by the imperialists
who far exceeded her in numbers. Like queen Boadicea
of the Celts, Durgawati preferred death to dishonour,
and perished on the field of battle, fighting to the last.
The country was laid waste, and immense .booty was
captured by the invaders. Bir Narayan, the young Raja,-

turned out a true son of her mother. Realising the impos-
sibility of success against his enemies, he performed the
rite of Jauhar, and then died fighting bravely in defence-
of the honour of his house.
The conquest of GondwSna synchronised with three
important rebellions in Hindustan which were all effect-
ively suppressed. Abdulla Kb an Uzbeg
who had superseded Pir Muhammad
rebelled in Malwa, but he was defeated and driven into'
Gujarat. Early in 1565 broke out the rebellion of Khan
Zaman, another Uzbeg leader of Jaunpur. Akbar
himself marched to the east, and drove the rebels
towards Patna. Khan Zaman made peace which he
violated soon afterwards.
More serious than these was the invasion of the
Punjab by Akbar 's brother Mirza Hakim who was en-
couraged inhis designs by the Uzbegs. The half-subdued
rebel Khan Zaman acknowledged his claim to the throne
of Hindustan and caused the Khutba to be read in.
Hakim's name. Mightily offended by his brother's
hostile move, Akbar marched towards the Punjab. The
news of his approach frightened Hakim, and he beat a
hasty retreat across the Indus. Akbar returned to Agra
in May, 1567, and resolved to deal with Khan Zaman. He
rode across the Ganges on the back of his elephant at the
head of a considerable force and inflicted a severe defeat
upon the rebellious Uzbeg. He was killed, and his brother
Bahadur was captured and beheaded. Their accomplices
were severely punished, and several of them were trampl-
ed under the feet of elephants. The emperor obtained a
large number of the heads of the enemy by offering a
BRA OP RECONSTRUCTION 36a
gold mohar for the head of a Mughal rebel and a rupee

for that of a Hindustani.
Akbar was by nature a tolerant and broad-minded
ruler. Born under the sheltering care of a Hindu, when hia
father was wandering as an exile, disowned
tifekRajput8nd by those who with
sympathised had enjoyed his favour,
the Hindus Akbar
and sought
their friendship. The Rajputs were the military leaders
of the Hindu community. They were the best fighting
men of India, and must needs be subdued or conciliated, if
his empire was to rest upon solid foundations. His associa-
tion with cultivated men enlarged his natural sympathies-
and convinced him of the futility of sectarian differences.
Men like Todarmal and Birbal who joined his service
impressed him with the genius and ability of the Hindus,
and the Emperor became more and more inclined to
extend his favour to them and to make them sharers in
developing the grandiose plan of an empire, knowing na
distinction pf caste and creed, which he was maturing in
his mind. IThere could be no Indian empire without the
Rajputs, no social or political synthesis without their
intelligent and active co-operation. The new body politic
must consist of the Hindus and Muslims and must
contribute to the welfare of both. The emperor's lofty
mind rose above the petty prejudices of his age, and
after much anxious thought he decided to associate the
Rajputs with him on honourable terms in his ambitious
enterprises. The first Rajput to join the imperial court
was BhSrmal, the KachwShS Raja of Amber. In January,
1562, when the emperor was going to Ajmer to visit the
holy shrine of Khwaja Muinuddin, he was informed that
BhSrmal was hard pressed by Sharafuddin Husain, the
Governor of Mewat at the instigation of Suj§, son of his

brother Puranmal. At Sgnganlr, Bharmal with his family
waited upon His Majesty and was received with honour.
He expressed a wish to enter the imperial service and
strengthened his relationship by means of a matrimonial
alliance. His wish was granted, and on his return from
A jmer Akbar received at S§mbhar the Raja's daughter
whom he married. Bharmal with his son Bhagwan Das
and grandson Man Singh accompanied the emperor to
Agra where he was given a command of 5,000, and his
son and grandson were granted commissions in the
imperial army. This marriage is an important event in
our country's history. It healed strife and bitterness,
and produced an atmosphere of harmony and good will
where there had been racial and religious antagonisms
•of a most distressing character. Dr. Beni Prasad rightly
observes that ' it symbolised the dawn of a new era in
Indian politics ; it gave the country a line of remarkable
sovereigns ; it secured to four generations of Mughal em-
perors the services of some of the greatest captains and
-diplomats that mediaeval India produced.'
The Rana of Mewar was the greatest prince in Raj-
putana. He traced his descent from Rama, the hero of the
great epic, Ramayana, and was the acknow-
°f led«ed head of K*Wrt chivalry. Akbar,
who had received the homage of the Raja
of Amber, clearly saw that his aim of being the para-
mount lord of Northern India could not be realised unless
lie captured the famous fortresses of Chittor and Ran-
thambhor. The conquest of Mewar was therefore part of
.a larger enterprise, and the emperor intended to treat
It as a stepping stone to his further conquest of the
SHER SHAH'S EMPIRE, 1540 A.D.
BRA OP RECONSTRUCTION 36&
whole of Hindustan. Besides, the Rana had given offence

to the emperor by giving shelter to Baz Bahadur, the
fugitive king of Malwa, and by assisting the rebellious
Mirzas. In August 1567, when the emperor was encamped
at Dholpur on his way to 'Malwa, Shakti Singh, a son of
the Rana of Mewar, who had fled from his father in
anger, waited upon him. One day Akbar told the young
prince in jest that all the important chieftains of India
had offered submission, but Rana Udaya Singh had not
yet done so, and therefore he proposed to march against
him. The prince quietly escaped from the royal camp
at night and informed his father of the emperor's inten-
tions. Akbar, when he came to know of Shakti Singh's
departure, was filled with wrath, and resolved to humble
the pride of Mewar.
In September, 1567, the emperor started for Chittor,
and on October 20, 1567, reached near the fort
and encamped his army in the vast plain that still sur-
rounds it. The Rana had already left Chittor, and retired
to the hills with the advice of his chiefs, entrusting the
fort to the care of Jayamal and Patta with 8,000 brave
Rajputs under their command. ' The names of these two
warriors are, as Colonel Tod enthusiastically records,
household words in Mewar, and will be honoured while
the Rajput retains a shred of his inheritance or a spark
of his ancient recollections.
1 Colonel Tod speaks of two invasions of Mewar but this is prob-
ably an invention of the bards.
Udaya Singh did not runaway from Chittor as is sometimes suppos-
ed. He called a council of his Chiefs when he heard of A k bar's intention
to invade his country. They -told him that Mewar had exhausted her
strength in fighting against Gujarat and it would be difficult to resist
Akbar who was so powerful. They advised him to retire to the hills
with his family.
Gauri Shankar Ojha, Rajputana ka Itihas (Hindi), Pb. II, pp. 724-25.
The imperialists laid siege to the fortress, and Akbar

ordered Sabats to be constructed. The Rajputs fought
with great gallantry, and the emperor himself narrowly
escaped death several times. So gloomy was the prospect
that the emperor vowed to undertake a pilgrimage on
foot to the Khwaja's shrine at Ajmer, if God granted
him victory in the war. Fighting went on ceaselessly
until February 23, 1568, when Jayamal was shot in one
of his legs by a bullet from the Emperor's gun. His fall
was a great blow to the Rajputs but they did not lose
heart. Suffering from a mortal wound, Jayamal called
together his men and asked them to perform the last rite
of jJauhar and to prepare for the final charge. The
ghastly tragedy was perpetrated, and many a beautiful
princess and noble matron of Mewar perished in the
flames.
Next morning the gates were opened, and the Rajputs
rushed upon the enemy like mad wolves. Jayamal and
Patta bravely defended the honour of Mewar, but they
were at last slain in the action. The entire garrison
died fighting to a man, and when Akbar entered the
city, he ordered a general massacre. Abul Fazl
writes that 30,000 persons were killed, but this seems
to be an exaggeration. Having entrusted the fort to
his own garrison, the emperor returned to Ajmer
and fulfilled the vow which he had made during the
Biege. He was so struck by the valour of the Rajputs
that when he reached Agra he ordered the statues
of Jayamal and Patta to be placed at the gate of the
fort.
A year after the conquest of Chittor, the emperor sent
his generals against Ranthambhor, the stronghold, of the
Hara section of the Chohan clan, deemed impregnable in

Rajasthan. In December 1568, the emperor
set out m person and **r™e& at the scene
-and Kaiinjar. of action in February 1569. The fort was
situated on a hill so high that ascent was
impossible, and manjniqa were of little use. The imperi-
alists managed to get some guns to the top of another hill,
which existed very near When bombardment began
from this hill, the walls began to give way, and the edi-
fices in the fort crumbled down to the earth. The chief
of Ranthambhor Surjana Kara, seeing the superior
strength of the imperial army, came to the conclusion that
further resistance was impossible. Through the inter-
cession of Rajas BhagwSn Das and Man Singh he sent his
sons Duda and Bhoja to the emperor, who granted them
robes of honour and sent them back to their father.
Touched by the emperor's magnanimity, Surjana Kara
expressed a desire to wait on him. His wish was granted,
and escorted by Husain Quli Khan, the Rai paid his res-
pects to Akbar and surrendered to him the keys of the
fortress. He accepted the service of the emperor, and was
posted as a qiladar at Garhkantak, and w&s afterwards
appointed as governor of the province of Benares and the
fort of Chunar.
When Akbar left Agra for Ranthambhor, he had sent
Man jnu Khan QBqshSl at the head of a large army to re-
duce the fort of Kaiinjar in Bundelkhand. The news of
the fall of Chittor and Ranthambhor had already reached
Raja Ramchandra and he surrendered the fort to the im-
perial commandant in August 1569. Friendly greetings
were sent to the Rana who was given a jagir near
Allahabad, and the fort was placed in charge of the general
whose valour had captured it. The conquest of Kalinjar

g-ave to Akbar an important fort which considerably
strengthened his military position in Northern India.
Henceforward he could proceed with his other plans of
conquest without fearing any trouble from the Rajputs.
Several other Rajput chiefs offered their submission
after these conquests. Chandra Sen, son of Raja Maldeva
Submission of JodhPur> waited upon His Majesty at
of their Nagor, but his friendship does not seem to
chiefs. have laste(J long Chandra Sen defied the
authority of the emperor afterwards and retired to the
hill fort of Siwana. The emperor ordered an attack on
Jodhpur, and gave it to Rai Rai Singh of Bikanir. Rai
Singh's father Rai Kalyan Mai also came to pay homage
to the emperor at Nagor with his son. The Raja presented
tribute, and the loyalty of both father and son being
manifest, the emperor married Kalyan Mai's daughter
As Kalyan Mai was too fat to ride on horseback, he was
permitted to go back to Bikanir, while his son remained
at court, and received a mansab from the emperor.
Akbar's policy towards the Rajputs originated in am-
Ibition, but it was more generous and humane than that of
1 Reflection^ other Muslim rulers. His predecessors had
, on A k b a r's < humiliated the princes whom they conquered
Rajput Policy. md rayaged their lands. Akbar wag en.
dowed with the higher qualities of statesmanship, and he
resolved to base his empire on the goodwill of both Hindus
and Muslims. He adopted a policy of conciliation, and
refused to treat them as inferiors because they were
* infidels ' or ' unbelievers. ' He waged relentless wars
against them, but when they offered -submission, he
sheathed his sword with pleasure. No desecration or
ERA OP RECONSTRUCTION
religious persecution marred the glory of his triumphs, and

he refrained from doing anything that might wound the
feelings of his Rajput enemies. Equality of status with
the Muslims steeled the loyalty of the Rajput chiefs and
they shed their lifeblood in the service of the empire in
distant and dangerous lands. The friendship was further
cemented by matrimonial alliances which brought advan-
tages to both sides, and opened new avenues of honour to
the Rajput princes. They found scope for themselves as
soldiers who might have otherwise lived out their life in
glorious obscurity in their mountain or desert fastnesses.
The rapid growth of the empire and the success of their
mighty hero, a worthy object of devotion and loyalty,
stirred their martial spirit, and led them on to new fields
of glory and renown, and made them forget whatever
humiliation their discomfiture or surrender implied.
Many of them loved art and literature, and their presence
added to the magnificence of the imperial court which be-
came famous in Asia and Europe, and by their levies in-
creased the strength of the legions of the empire. Most
of them enrolled themselves as mansabdars, and fought in
battles and sieges shoulder to shoulder with Mughal
officers. They secured for the emperor the good will
of Hindus of whom they were the acknowledged political
leaders. Through them the millions of Northern India
became reconciled to Akbar's government and prayed for
its welfare. It was they who aided to a large extent the
synthesis of religions and cultures in which the emperor
took delight, and by their acceptance of Muslim
ideas of political and social organisation they made
possible the fusion of the Hindus and Muslims. No
impartial historian can fail to give credit to these pioneers
of Indo-Muharamadan culture, which is the greatest

legacy of the Mughals to this country.
Hitherto all the children born to Akbar had died in
infancy, and it was his great desire to have a son on whom
he would bestow the care and affection of
Prhice sîim?f a Iovin2 father. Every year he paid a visit

to the Khwaja's holy shrine at Ajmer, and
vowed, as was his wont, to make a pilgrimage on foot, if
he were blessed with a son. Many a time he went to
Sikri where lived Shaikh Salim Chishti, the venerable
sage whose saintliness and austere penances drew to him
many admiring disciples from far and near. Early in
1569 it was reported that his first Hindu wife, the daughter
of Raja Bharmal of Jaipur, was with child. She was
removed to Sikri for confinement with all her attendants,
where on August 30, 1569, she gave birth to a boy, it was
believed everywhere, through the prayers of the holy
Shaikh. The child was named Salim after the saint,
though Akbar always addressed him by his pet name Shai-
khu Babg. The pious father fulfilled his vow by making
a pilgrimage on foot to Ajmer in 1570, and presented his
offerings at the shrine.
The blessing of Shaikh Salim Chishti so filled the heart
of Akbar with gratitude that he decided to leave Agra
and transfer his court to Sikri. Here in
course of time a lar*e ci*y *rew UP> adorned
and beautified by the emperor's lavish
bounty. The constructions extended over nearly fourteen
years and reached completion in 1574. The Shaikh died
in 1572, and over his remains Akbar built a fine mau-
soleum of pearls, which by reason of its elegance and deli-
*cate design still excites the wonder and admiration of art
-critics. The Great Mosque which is supposed to be a

" duplicate of the holy place " at Mecca was finished in
1572, and is one of the finest examples of Mughal archi-
tecture. But nothing excels in grandeur and stateliness
the Buland Darwaza or Lofty Gateway which was com-
pleted in1575-76, though designed in 1573, to commemorate
the imperial conquest of Gujarat.
It was after the conquest of Gujarat that the city
came to be called Fatehpur though the emperor had given
it the name of Fatehabad. The numerous buildings of
this noble city, erected by the bounty of a generous
monarch, are still visited by thousands of visitors from all
parts of the globe. The palaces, baths, reservoirs, offices,
halls and their huge corridors make the deserted city
even in its ruins an abode of romance and wonder, which,
while enabling us to form an idea of the greatness and
glory of the Mughals, remind us forcibly of the ephemeral
nature of worldly possessions and the emptiness of all
our earthly vanities.
The emperor lived at Fatehpur from 1569 to 1585 for
about 17 years. In 1582 the dam of the lake of Fatehpur
was broken, and the whole town was inundated. He
decided to leave the beautiful city and transferred the
court to Agra in 1585..
Having conquered Malwa and broken the power
of the Rajputs, Akbar resolved to lead an expedition
to Gujarat. The province had been con-
°f <luered by Humayun, but he had lost it
owing: to his own lethargy and inaction.
Akbar naturally felt desirous of recovering the lost
province of his father's empire. Besides, Gujarat was a
Jand of plenty whose prosperity, fertility and wealth had
deeply impressed all European and Asiatic travellers who

had visited it. The ports of Gujarat were the emporia
of trade with the west and Broach, Cambay, and Surat
had carried on lucrative trade with the countries of Asua
and Europe since the earliest times. They are frequently
mentioned in the literature of the ancient Hindus as.
centres of sea-borne trade, and it was for this reason
that ever since the days of Mahmud of Ghazni the
Muslim rulers of Hindustan had sought the conquest
of Gujarat. The ruler of Gujarat at this time was
Muzaffar Shah II, a weak and incompetent man,
whose authority was not respected even by his own
subjects.
Muzaffar was a king merely in name, and all real
power was in the hands of certain nobles. The whole
country was in a state of complete disorder, and its most
important provinces were held by chiefs who were anxious
to establish their own independent power. Then, there
were the Mirzas who were related to the emperor, and
who created strife and offered help by turns to rival
chieftains. Muzaffar found it impossible to control the
forces of disorder, and when Akbar marched against
him, he fled from the capital and took refuge in a corn
field. The emperor pitied him and granted him a paltry
allowance of Rs. 30 per month. The chiefs of Gujarat
offered their submission, and Akbar placed the town of
Ahmadabad under Khan-i-Azam Aziz Koka, his favourite
foster-brother. While he was engaged in settling the
affairs of Gujarat, news came that one of the Mirzas had
slain a certain amir, who wished to pay homage to Akbar.
The emperor started forthwith to chastise the rebellious
Mirza, and inflicted a crushing defeat upon him at
SarnaL l This victory was followed by the siege of Surat

which surrendered after a periopl of one month and
seventeen days. The Mirzas again stirred up strife, but
they were defeated by Aziz Koka, who was assisted by
the chiefs of Malwa, Chanderi and other important states.
Having subjugated the country, the emperor returned to
Sikri.
No sooner did the emperor turn his back than trouble
broke out afresh in Gujarat, and the imperial garrison
suffered heavily at the hands of the local rebels. Akbar
was mightily offended at this, and he resolved to finish
the Gujarat affair once for all. He set out with a well-
organized force for Ahmadabad where he reached after
an arduous journey of eleven days. The Mirzas were up-
set by the news that the emperor had come in person to
deal with them. They were severely defeated along with
their allies, and the emperor commemorated his victory
by constructing a tower of human skulls which numbered
about 2,000.
Akbar was now complete master of Gujarat. There
was no man of substance left to challenge his authority,
and therefore he turned his attention to the work of civil
organization. Arrangements were made forthwith for
the settlement of the country, and Raja Todarmal was
entrusted with the management of the finances, which
had been in a state of disorder for a long time. He made
a land survey, and reorganized the entire revenue system
so that the country yielded a net annual income of five
millions to the imperial exchequer. His work was after-
wards continued by another able officer Shihab-ud-din
1 It is five miles to the east of Kharia.

Ahmad Khan, who held the charge of the province front

1577 till 1584 A.D.
With the laurels of victory on his brow, the emperor
rode back to Sikri (October 5, 1573), where at the foot
of the hill he was accorded a grand reception by his nobles
and officers, whose vociferous greetings were drowned in
the noise of the kettle-drums, which proclaimed from the
portals of the newly-built Jam-i-masjid the happy news of
the conquest of one of the richest and most fertile pro-
vinces ofHindustan. The new city which the emperor had
built near Sikri was henceforward called Fatehpur.
Bengal had always been a most refractory province
of the empire of Delhi. It was held by the Afghan chiefs
in the time of Sher Shah, but in 1564 Sulai-
°f man Khan> chief of Bihar» occupied Gaur,
and became the ruler of both provinces.
After his death he was succeeded by his son Bayazid, but
he was murdered by his ministers who placed on the
throne his ytmnger son Daud, whom the author of the
Tabqat describes as a " dissolute scamp who knew nothing
of the art of governing. " The possession of an immense
treasure accumulated by his father and a large army
turned the head of Daud, and he soon incurred the wrath
of the emperor by seizing the fort of Zamania on the
eastern frontier of the empire.
The emperor sent Munim Khan, an old and experienced
general, against Daud at the head of a large army, but in-
fluenced byhis friendship with the rebel's father he made
peace with him. The emperor highly disapproved of his
action, and ordered him to prosecute the campaign with
greater vigour. When Munim's efforts failed against Patna*
the emperor himself marched to the scene of action. Daud
fled, leaving Patna to its fate, and the imperialists entered

the city in triumph without encountering any opposition.
Munim Khan was made governor of Bengal, and was
invested with ample authority to deal with the situation.
Daud was forced to make peace, but his restless spirit
again got the better of him, and he began slowly to grab
the territory which had been snatched away from him.
Munim Khan who was already eighty years of age died
in October, 1575, and his death gave Daud the opportunity
which he so eagerly desired. He gathered his forces
again, and taking advantage of the situation reoccupied
the whole country.
The emperor was enraged beyond all bounds at the
news of Daud's audadty. He sent another general who
routed the Afghans in a battle near Raj Mahal, and took
Daud prisoner. His head was cut off, and was sent to the
emperor, while the rest of his body was gibbeted at Tanda.
With Daud fell the independent kingdom of Bengal
which had lasted for nearly 240 years. The whole country
of Bengal and Bihar became subject to Akbar, and was
henceforward governed by the imperial viceroys.
Ran a Udaya Singh died in 1572, and was succeeded by
his son Pratap, who embodied in his person the spirit of
Rajput freedom. He called to his mind the
with deeds of Rana Sanga and Rana Kumbha, his
great ancestors who had held aloft in their
day the banner of freedom, and had made the force of
their arms felt by their Muslim contemporaries. He
was often heard to exclaim in bitterness and sorrow, ' Had
Udai Singh never been or none intervened between him
and Rana Sanga, no Turk should ever have given laws to
Rajasthan. ' He saw the influence of the poison which
was insidiously working its way into the Rajput society,

and while his fellow-princes vied with one another in
promoting the glory of the empire, he resolved to
redeem the honour of his race. It was not an easy task ;
in the event of war he will have against him not only
the organised might of Akbar who was at this time
' immeasurably the richest monarch on the face of this
earth, ' * but nearly all the leading chiefs of Rajputana,
who had considerable forces at their command, and who
were desirous of seeing Rana Pratap humbled like them-
selves. The chronicles of Rajasthan relate an anecdote
which, whether true or not, illustrates the Rajput mental-
ity of the time 2 On one occasion, when Raja Man Singh
of Amber was returning from some campaign, he sought
an interview with Rana Pratap on the bank of the Udaya-
sagar lake. A feast was arranged in honour of the
distinguished Kachwaha, but the Rana did not attend, and
excused himself on the ground of indisposition. Raja Man
divined the reason of his absence, and said, ' If the Rana
refuses to put a plate before me, who will ? ' The Rana
expressed his regret, but added that he could not dine with
a Rajput who had married his sister to a Turk, and had
probably eaten with him. Stung to the quick by this
insulting remark, Raja Man left the dinner untouched, and
observed as he was preparing to leave the place ; 'It was
for the preservation of your honour that we sacrificed our
own and gave our sisters and daughters to the Turk ; but
abide in peril, if such be your resolve, for this country
shall not hold you. ' As he leapt on the back of his horse,
1 Akbar, the Great Mughal, p. 148.
2 Annals, I, pp. 891-92.
BRA OP RECONSTRUCTION 377
he turned to the Rana who appeared just in time to hear

the remark and said : ' If I do not humble your pride,
my name is not Man/ To this Pratap replied that he
should always be happy to meet him, while some
irresponsible person from behind whispered an undignified
rebuke in asking the Raja not to forget to bring his
Phupha (father's sister's husband) Akbar with him.
The anecdote goes on to add that the ground on which
the board was spread was washed, and Ganges water was
sprinkled over it, while the chiefs who were present bathed
themselves, and changed their garments to wash away the
pollution caused by the presence of one whom they con-
sidered an ' apostate/ Such were the sentiments of
Rana Pratap and the other men of mighty resolve, who
scorned the offers of wealth and power, and clung to their
chief with a devotion the memory of which will ever
remain a proud possession of their descendants.
The Rana who foresaw the danger at once took steps
to organise his government, and devised regulations to
make his army more efficient and better equipped. He
strengthened fortresses like Kumbhalmir and Gogunda,
and decided to adopt the method of guerilla warfare in
dealing with the Mughals.
Abul Fazl speaks of the Rana's ' arrogance, presump-
tion, disobedience, deceit and dissimulation, ' but it was
impossible for a courtier like him to appreciate the great-
ness of Rana Pratap and the loftiness of the purpose for
which he waged a life-long war against the empire.
Dr. Vincent Smith puts in a nutshell the casus belli when
he says :
"His (Rana Pratap's) patriotism was his offence.
Akbar had won over most of the Rajput chieftains
STB HISTORY OP MUSLIM RULE
by his astute policy and could not endure the inde-

pendent attitude assumed by the Rana who must be
broken if he would not bend like his fellows. "
Akbar resolved to destroy the Rana's independence
and to annex Mewar to the empire, and in this task he was
assisted by the Rajputs themselves. The Rana, who knew
beforehand the danger that loomed on the horizon, vowed
to preserve the purity of bis blood and once more ta
uphold the traditions of the Sisodias by sacrificing himself
in the service of the land that gave him birth.
Akbar sent Man Singh and Asaf Khan in April, 1576,
from Ajmer against the Rana. They arrived via Mandal-
garh at the pass of Haldighat where a great battle was
fought. The historian BadSonl has given a graphic account
of this battle, which will be read with great interest. He
was himself present on the field of battle, and writes,
from personal observation. The Rana came out of the
mountains with 300 horse, and in the first attack the
vanguard of the imperial troops ' became hopelessly mixed
up together, and sustained a complete defeat ' The
Rajputs on the Mughal left ' ran away like a flock of
sheep, and fled for protection towards the right wing/
It was on this occasion that the historian asked Asaf
Khan how they were to distinguish between the hostile
and friendly Rajputs in such a confused mass whereupon
the general replied, 'on whichever side there may be
killed, it will be a gain to Islam.'
The Rana retreated into the hills but the Mughals did
not pursue him.1 Next day, the imperialists reached
1 It is related by BadSont (Lowe II, p. 247) that the emperor was
displeased with Man Singh because he did not pursue the Rana and
ERA OF RECONSTRUCTION 379"
Gogunda which was guarded by the Rana's men who

died bravely fighting in their defence.
The Mughals had gained a complete victory, and the
bigoted Badaon! was commissioned by Man Singh to convey
the gladsome tidings to the emperor at Fatehpur. Rana
Pratap's spirit was not damped by this defeat. He soon
recovered all Me war except Chittor, Ajmer and Mandal-
garh, and the annals relate that he raided the state of Am-
ber and sacked its chief mart of Malpura. The Rana died
in 1597, and the final scene has been pathetically described
by Tod. The dying hero is represented in a lowly dwelling ;
his chiefs, the faithful companions of many a glorious
day, awaiting round his pallet the dissolution of the
prince, when a groan of mental anguish made Salumbar
inquire, " what afflicted his soul that it would not depart
in peace?" He rallied. "It lingered," he said, "for
some consolatory pledge that his country should not
be abandoned to the Turk"; and with the death-pang
upon him, he related an incident which had guided
his estimate of his son's disposition, and tortured him
with the reflection that for personal ease he would
because be being a Rajput himself, did not allow the troops to plunder
the Rana's country When the news of the distressed condition of the
army reached him, he sent for Man Singh, Asaf Khan and Qazi Khan
from the scene of war and excluded them from the court for some time.
Nizamaddin expresses a more balanced view when he says that what
displeased the emperor was that they would not allow the troops to
plunder the Rana's country.
Elliot, V, p. 401.
The
Pazl: cause of the emperor's displeasure is thus described by Abu!
* Turksters and time-servers suggested to the royal ear that there
had been slackness in extirpating the wretch, and the officers were-
' the
ready
truthincurring the King's
and attached little displeasure.'
value to what But His Majesty
the backbiters told understood
him.
forego the remembrance of his own and his country's

ivrongs. At this time Prince Amar whose (Rana's
son) turban was dragged off by a projecting bamboo
in the hut experienced an emotion which was noticed with
pain by the dying Rana who is reported to have said :
' These sheds will give way to sumptuous dwellings, thus
generating the love of ease ; and luxury with its con-
comitants will ensue, to which the independence of
Mewar, which we have bled to maintain, will be
sacrificed ; and you, my chiefs, will follow the pernicious
example." They gave the needed assurance and
solemnly declared by the throne of Bappa Rawal,
that they would not permit mansions to be raised until
Mewar had recovered her independence. The soul of
Pratap was satisfied, and with joy he expired.
Rana Pratap was succeeded by his son Amar Singh
in 1597. He reorganised the institutions of the state,
made a fresh assessment of the lands, and regulated
the conditions of military service. The Mughals took the
offensive again, and in 1599 Akbar sent Prince Salim and
Raja Man Singh to invade Mewar, The Prince frittered
away his time in the pursuit of pleasure at Ajmer, but
the v aliant Raja aided by other officers did a great deal.
Amar led the attack, but he was defeated, and his country
was devastated by the imperialists. The campaign came
to an end abruptly, when Raja Man Singh was called
away by the emperor in order to quell the revolt of
Usman Khan in Bengal. Akbar contemplated another
invasion of Mewar, but his illness prevented him from
putting his plan into execution.
Akbar 's alleged apostasy of which an account will be
given later had caused alarm in orthodox circles. During
the years 1578-79 debates were held at Fatehpur Sikri

in the Ibadat Khana with great zeal among^
eff°eo1t8C*f the protagonists of rival sects. Akbar
had himself assumed the position of the
Imam-i-jSidil, and read the khutba from the
pulpit. The so-calledjr^l^lite^
^
and civil^raised a storm among the ulama.^ The emperor'a
3isSre^Sr3 oForthodoxy , which was manifest in the rulea
and regulations issued by him, further exasperated the
learned in the law, and produced a great uneasiness in
the minds of the Muslims. The more desperate began
to devise ways and means of getting rid of the heretical
emperor. It was in such a position that Akbar found
himself in 1580-81. T^4??lf|^1^^
cwsed^jprofojandjdjsmay in orthodox quarters, and^$he
history of the rebellion^^tbat_ fpltoTOcf is closelyboiuid
• up with the growth pi the religious policy
emperor adopted under theJnfluence olÊnsT advisers^
Ithan-i-Jahan, who was placed in charge of Bengal
after the suppression of Daud, died in May, 1579, and was
succeeded by Muzaftar Khan Turbati who is
in degcribed by Nizamuddin as a man harsh
in his measures and offensive in his speech.
The imperial Diwan at this time was Shah Mansur,
an expert account officer, who ordered a careful enquiry
into all titles and tenures with a view to confiscate all
unauthorised holdings. The new regulations were en-
forced inBengal with great severity. What caused dis-
content among the Jagirdars was the evident injustice of
the method of assessment followed by the administration.
Each case was not examined on the merits but an average
was fixed which meant that every Jagirdar, whether his

title was valid or not, had to restore some extra land to
the crown or to pay for it. The result of this was that the
assessed value of Jagirs in Bengal rose by one- fourth and
of those in Bihar by one-fifth. There was another 'griev-
ance. Having regard to the bad climate of Bengal.
Akbar had increased the allowances of soldiers serving in
Bengal and Bihar. Mansur, who was a strickler for admi-
nistrative uniformity, reduced these allowances by 50 per
cent in Bengal and by 30 per cent in Bihar. Even the
Sayurghnl lands were not exempt from this inquest, and
the ulama were greatly agitated over what they regarded
as an improper interference with their sacred rights.
There was yet another cause which aggravated the
turmoil in the east. It was the emperor's religious policy,
and Abul Fazl clearly states that the establishment of the
principle of universal toleration (Sulh-i-Kul) was looked
upon by the unthinking people as an abandonment of Islam.
TheQaziof Jaunpur, Mulla Muhammad Yazdi, had issued a
fatwa (a solemn declaration) early in 1580, declaring it
lawful for Muslims to take up arms against the emperor
whose measures threatened the very existence of Islam in
India. With these causes at work, the actual outbreak
of rebellion could not be long delayed in the east.
The immediate cause of the revolt was the harsh policy
of Muzaffar. He deprived the amirs of their jagirs, and
enforced the dagh system with needless severity. The first
to revolt were the Qaqshals, an important Chaghtai tribe,
whose leader-Bab^ Khan resented the demand of the dagh
tax. Muzaffar's insulting language towards Baba Khan
roused the ire of the whole clan, and the Turks advanced
upon the city of Gaur with arms in their hands, and
destroyed the property of the governor. They were joined

by others who had their own grievances against the state.
The emperor, on hearing the news of the revolt, sent Raja
Todarmal with some other officers to restore order in the
province, but they failed. Soon after Muzaff ar was put to
death, and the whole country of Bengal and Bihar fell into
the hands of the rebels. Todarmal tried to conciliate the
rebels but failed. They gathered so much strength that the
imperial general had to shut himself up for four months in
the fort of Mungher which was besieged by them. The
emperor sent Aziz Koka to Bengal, and the two generals
with their combined forces crushed the Qaqshals. But soon
after this a new danger appeared on the horizon. This
was the rebellion of Masum Farankhudi, the -Jagirdar of
Jaunpur. He was defeated by Shah Baz Khan, and com-
pelled to seek refuge in the Siwalik hills. Through the good
offices of Aziz Koka the emperor pardoned him, but he did
not live long to enjoy the imperial favour. He was mur-
dered by a man who had a private grudge against him.
Fighting went on in the east, but the force of the rebel-
lious movement was considerably weakened.
More serious than the rebellion in the east was the
invasion of Muhammad Hakim, Akbar's brother, who ruled
at Kabul. Mirza Hakim's mind was inflam-
^phedeitioKnaabnd * ** the ' idle talk of the rebels of the
the execution eastern provinces ' who made no secret of
Manser! WaJ * êir designs to place him on the throne of
Hindustan in place of his heretical brother.
Akbar was informed of Hakim's designs, but he had
always overlooked his faults saying, "He is a memorial
of H. M. Jahanbani (Humayun Padshah). A son can be
acquired but how can a brother be obtained ? " The
Bengal rebels were not alone in opening negotiations*

with Hakim; they were joined by certain officials of Akbar'a
court, one of whom was the Diwan of the empire, Khwaja
Mansur. The conspirators had pledged their adhesion to a
bad cause. Hakim was a debauchee and a drunkard 'wholly
incapable of meeting his brother either in statecraft or in
the field/ The court officials were opportunists or turn-
coats, who will have no qualms of conscience in transfer-
ring their allegiance to the man, who established his title
to the throne by success in battle.
What was Hakim's motive ? Nizamuddin clearly states
that he set out from Kabul with the object of conquering
Hindustan. In the middle of December 1580, Hakim sent
one of his officers to invade the Punjab, but he was driven
back. A second inroad followed under Shadman, but he
lâs defeated and killed by Raja Man Singh. In Shadman '&
baggage were discovered three letters from Mirza Hakim,
one of which was addressed to Shah Mansur, purporting to
be a reply to an invitation to invade Hindustan. Man
Singh sent these letters to the emperor who did not disclose
their contents to any one.
After Shadman 's repulse, the Mirza himself marched
into the Punjab at the head of 15,000 cavalry and advanc-
ed upon Lahore. All attempts to induce the local chiefs to-
join him having failed, the Mirza hastily withdrew to his
country.
On hearing the news of the Mirza's advance, Akbar
reluctantly decided to march against him. He gathered a
force consisting of about 50,000 cavalry, 500 elephants and
countless infantry. To guard himself against conspiracy
the emperor took Khwaja MansOr with him, and princes
Salim and Mured also accompanied him. When the army
reached Panipat, Malik Sani Kabuli, Diwan of Mirza

Hakim came to the imperial camp, and stayed with the
Khwaja and through him opened communications with
the emperor against his master. The emperor's suspicions
against the Khwaja were confirmed. Another batch of
letters was discovered which convinced the emperor of the
Khwaja's guilt, and he ordered him without further en-
quiry to be hanged on a tree to the great joy of the officers
of the state, who had their own grievances against him.
Akbar continued his march towards Ambala and
Sarhind, and crossed the Indus on his way to Kabul.
Prince Salim entered the Khaibar Pass and marched upon
Jalalabad, while Murad advanced towards Kabul. The
Mirza attacked him, but he was defeated and put to flight.
When the emperor heard that Hakim intended to take
refuge with the Uzbegs, he pardoned his offences, and
restored his kingdom to him on condition that he will
remain faithful to his sovereign. ' The success of the Kabul
expedition was a great blow to the orthodox rebels, and
henceforward the emperor was free to deal with religion
as he liked
1 Dr. V. Smith relying upon Monserrate says (Akbar, p. 200) that

Kabul was not conferred upon Hakim directly. As he did not wait on
the emperor in person, it was offered to his sister the wife of Khwaja
Hasan of Badakhshan, when she came to see him. She, however, allowed
Hakim to recover quiet possession of the country. Abul Fazl does not
mention this. Nizamuddin supports Abul Fazl by saying (Elliot, V, p. 426)
that His Majesty having conferred Kabul rmmj frfiril" I!n1~Trn turned
towards
the Hindustan.
Indian historiansFrom
are Akbar's
right. attitud^TO^|SiSa!™^
AgajX^tfofwWcvV^Sliave think that
the
statement of Abul Fazl (A. N. Ill, jpwffrjfa'ftogTJ^
emperor that he regretted that he coufil notllmng his sisteund IQrwaja
Hasan to make apology for him, for ifteJ9p£JB, out of /ear &&£ on\eeing
his evil day, gone to Badakhshan.
There is no reason why Abul Fa
the truth in a matter like this.
Uzbeg further explains Akbar's lenid
A word may be said about Khwaja Mansur's death.

He was executed hastily without sufficient proof. The
letters were not examined with care, and na
attempt was made to identify the Khwaja's
handwriting. The letters seized by Man
Singh in Shadman's baggage do not seem to have been of
a serious nature for on their discovery the emperor took
no action against the culprit, and kept the contents to
himself. The last letters which sealed the fate of the
Khwaja were a clear forgery, as is proved by the
evidence of Nizamuddin who was an eye-witness of
these events. He was present in the royal camp. There
is no evidence to prove that the earlier letters were
genuine, and Dr. Smith uncritically accepts Monserrate's
testimony.
It is difficult to set aside Nizamuddin who positively
states that the emperor regretted his execution of the
Khwaja. Regarding the early letters, Abul Fazl, who is
not in any way partial to the Khwaja, says that the
sovereign regarded them as the work of forgers, and for
this reason did not show them to the Khwaja Dr. Smith
convicts the Khwaja on the evidence of the first batch of
letters which Abul Pazl unequivocally describes as
forgeries. We cannot accept Monserrate's account in the
face of two contemporary writers one of whom says
clearly that the first batch of letters (which Smith holds
to be genuine) was a forgery and the other who asserts
that the last batch of letters on the evidence of which the
Khwaja was executed was forged by his enemies. The real
explanation of the Khwaja's death is to be found in his own
unpopularity and the jealousy of his fellow-officers. Abul
Fazl says that from love of office and cupidity he waa
always laying hold of trifles in financial matters and

displaying harshness. Those who felt aggrieved by his
harsh policy committed forgeries to bring about his fall.
The emperor found himself in a difficult situation. He
was threatened with the invasion of his kingdom, and
hence no scrutiny was ordered into the correspondence of
the Khwaja, and he was forthwith ordered to be hanged.
It will be remembered that Akbar had granted a
paltry allowance to Muzaffar, king of Gujarat, when he
conquered that country. Muzaffar escaped
Gujarat™ in fJunagarh
rom surveillance in 1578, and
in Kathiawad. In took refugetime
a short at
he collected a large force, and with its help captured
Ahmadabad in September 1583, and proclaimed himself
king of Gujarat He seized Cambay, and then marched
to Baroda which he easily occupied. Broach followed suit,
and the vast treasure which it contained was seized.
Probably the whole of Gujarat fell into his (Muzaffar's)
hands, and his force quickly numbered 30,000.
The emperor was disconcerted by the news of Muzaf-
far's success, and he appointed Mirza Abdur Rahim as
governor of Gujarat. He defeated Muzaffar in the battle
of Sarkhej in January 1584, and made amends for the
mistakes of the previous governors. He entered the capi-
tal in triumph, and pleased all by his urbanity, tolerance
and culture. Muzaffar was pursued by the imperialists,
and was again defeated at Nadot in Rajpipla. As a result
of this battle the entire mainland of Gujarat fell into the
hands of the imperialists except Baroda, which was also
surrendered after a prolonged siege of seven months.
The emperor was delighted to receive the tidings of
victory, and bestowed lavish favours upon his officers, who
had given proof of their loyalty and courage in Gujarat*

Mirza Abdur Rahim was given the title of Khan-i-Khanan,
and was promoted to the rank of 5,000. The emperor
granted him also a horse, a robe, and a jewelled dagger
as a mark of favour. But Abdur Rahim did not enjoy the
emperor's bounty alone. Others who had bravely fought
during the war were rewarded, and their services were
duly recognised. The Khan-i-Khanan was recalled by the
emperor in August 1585, and after his departure
Muzaffar made frantic efforts to regain his power. But
he was at last captured in 1592 by the imperialists.
Finding it impossible to bear the humiliations which
he thought were in store for him, he ended his life with a
razor which he had kept concealed on his person. Aziz
Koka, the imperial general, who had succeeded Abdur
Rahim left for Mecca, and Gujarat was entrusted to
Prince Murad.
The North-West Frontier problem has always been a
source of great anxiety to Indian governments. In the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries when
North-West ê jy[ongOls again and again invaded Hin-
Po'iicy. * * * * dustan, the rulers of Delhi found it necessary
to take effective measures to safeguard
their frontier. There was an important military outpost
at Dipalpur, which was once held by such a redoubtable
general as Ghazi Malik, better known in history as Sultan
Ghiyas-uddin Tughluq. Since Balban's day, the western
frontier had always been guarded by distinguished officers
and a chain of military outposts was erected to guard
the route of the invader. It was quite natural for
Akbar to establish his firm hold on the countries in the
inorth-west.
The elements of danger were two —the Uzbegs and

the wild and turbulent Afghan tribes who lived all along
the north-west border. Abdulla Uzbeg was a formidable
rival, and was likely to gain the sympathies of the ortho-
dox Sunnis against the heretical emperor. The tribea
were no less troublesome. They knew nothing of the
sentiments of honour and chivalry, and cared nothing for
treaties and engagements. Their restlessness always
caused disturbance on the frontier, and Akbar was the
first to curb their unruly habits. The task though
extremely difficult was accomplished, when Mughal arms
were reinforced by Rajput valour and skill. Mirza Hakim
died of his excesses in July 1585, and Kabul was annexed
to the empire. The government of the country was
entrusted to Raja Man Singh, and the imperial generals
were sent to subdue the ruler of Kashmir and the wild
tribes of Swat and Bajaur. The Roshniyas1 were defeated,
and their enthusiastic leader, Jalal, who had planned an
invasion of Hindustan was killed at Ghazni towards the
close of 1600. His wives and children were captured, and
his brother with other relatives numbering 14,000 was sent
to the court
Another tribe which caused much trouble was that
of the Yusufzais, whom it was necessary to suppress, in
order to deprive Abdulla Uzbeg of an opportunity of
fishing in troubled waters. Zain Khan and Raja Birbal
marched against them, but their mutual quarrels greatly
1 The Roshmyas were the followers of Bayazid, a religious fanatic

who preached doctrines subversive of the religion of the Prophet of
Arabia. He claimed to be a prophet himself and attached no impor-
tance to the teachings of 'the Quran.
hampered the progress of military operations. The

Afghans profited by the divided counsels of the imperial
generals, whom they attacked with great force with
arrows and stones. Nearly 8,000 soldiers were killed, and
Raja Birbal was himself among the slain. The emperor
was deeply grieved to hear of the death of his dear friend,
and for two days and nights he did not eat or drink any-
thing. After this disaster Raja Todarmal and Prince
Murad were sent against the Afghans at the head of a
large army. Todarmal succeeded in crushing the rebels
completely, and Abul Fazl records :
"A large number were killed, and many were sold
into Turan and Persia. The country of Sawad (Swat),
Bajaur and Buner which has few equals for climate,
fruits and cheapness of food, were cleansed of the
evil doers. "
The success of the imperialists made a great impres-
sion upon Abdulla Uzbeg who was now convinced of the
impossibility of the Indian conquest. He opened friendly
negotiations, and sent his envoy to wait upon the
emperor.
Raja Bhagwan Das was sent by the emperor at the
head of 5,000 men to accomplish the conquest of Kashmir.
The moment was opportune, for the Rosh-
Ka°sE? i68e! niy»s and *he Yusufzais had been, by this
time, put down, and Abdulla' s party at
Kabul was paralysed by the vigour and enterprise of the
imperialists. The Raja along with Qasim Khan pressed
on in spite of difficulties, and compelled Yusuf , the king
of Kashmir, to submit. Yusuf 's son Yaqub escaped from
custody, and desperately struggled in vain to check the
advance of the invaders. He was defeated and compelled
to surrender. Kashmir was annexed to the empire, and

made a part of the Suba of Kabul. Yaqub and his father
were sent as prisoners to Bihar, and were placed under
the custody of Raja Man Singh who was transferred to the
charge of Bengal. The emperor paid a personal visit to
Kashmir in the summer of 1589, and made arrangements
for the proper administration of the country. On his
way back he received at Kabul the news of the deaths of
Rajas Bhagwan Das and Todarmal
In Northern India only Sindh and Bilochistan were
still outside the pale of the empire. The island of Bhakkar
had been subdued in 1574, but a large part
Conquest of Of southern Sindh was still independent
•Sindh,
A.D. 1691 The emperor ,highly
. , . valued
. , the
, acquisition
....
of Sindh and Bilochistan, for they would
furnish him with an excellent point d' appui for the con-
quest of Qandhar. In 1590 Mirza Abdur Rahim was
appointed governor of Multan, and ordered to extinguish
the independence of the principality of Thatta, ruled at
this time by Mirza Jani, the Tar khan. He was defeated
in two well contested engagements, and was compelled
to surrender both Thatta and the fort of Sehwan. Jani
Beg was taken to the court, and through the good offices
of the Khan-i-Khanan he was treated with consideration.
The principality of Thatta was restored to him as a mark
of royal clemency, and he was elevated to the rank of a
grandee of 5,000.
Akbar had long desired the possession of Qandhar
which was the key to the north-western position. It was
not difficult to conquer it as the Shah was
troubled at this time by the Turks and the
Uzbegs, who were constantly fomenting
strife in his dominions. It was this weakness of the Shah
which induced the emperor to send an expedition against
Qandhar. The campaign was opened in 1590, but the
final conquest was not accomplished until 1595, when
Qandhar was annexed to the empire without disturbing
the friendly relations with the Shah. It was undoubtedly
a master-stroke of diplomacy.
Towards the north-west the demonstration of the
military strength of the empire had produced a good im-
pression on Abdulla Uzbeg. He dreaded a combination
of Akbar and Shah Abbas against himself, and the con-
clusion of Akbar's campaigns must have given him
much satisfaction. Henceforward, he tried to maintain
friendly relations with the empire. There was no possibility
of an Uzbeg invasion of India and of taking advantage
of the emperor's difficulties with his own co-religionists.
Having made himself master of the whole of Hindus-
tan and the Afghan regions beyond the Hindukush,
Akbar turned towards the Deccan. It was
the dissensions of the Muhammadan king-
doms which paved the way for the conquest.
The first to bear the brunt of the imperial force was
the small state of Ahmadnagar which was torn by internal
dissensions. Taking advantage of these quarrels, the
Mughals laid siege to Ahmadnagar, but they encountered
a formidable resistance at the hands of the famous prin-
cess Chand Bibi, sister of Burhan Nizam Shah.1 The
1 Burhan Nizam Shah II died on April 13, 1595, and was succeeded
by his son Ibrahim Nizam Shah who was not liked by a majority of the
Amirs, because he was born of an African woman. Ibrahim was slain in-
a battle against the Bijapuris on August 7, 1505, and his Wazir Miyan,
Manjhu raised to the throne a supposition son of Muhammad Khuda-
banda, sixth son of Burhan Nizam Shah I (1509 — 53) and imprisoned
gallant princess herself conducted the defence, and

throughout the siege displayed uncommon powers of com-
mand and organisation. Treachery at last brought about
her fall. She was murdered, and the town was captured
by assault in 1600, and Ahmadnagar was annexed to the
empire. There are few examples of such heroism and
self-sacrifice in Mughal history, and Chand Bibi is still
remembered for her courageous attempt to roll back the
tide of Mughal conquest in the deccan.
Miran Bahadur, the new ruler of Khandesh, enter-
tained no friendly feelings towards the Mughals, and
felt anxious to shake off the imperial yoke.
Aelrgarh.6 °f The but
pur, Miran had
emperor relied for hisoccupied
already Burhan-
safety upon the
fortress of Asirgarh which was deemed impregnable in
the south. It commanded the main road to the Deccan.
There are three conflicting accounts of the siege
given by Abul Fazl, Faizi Sarhindi, and the Jesuits of
which the last has been accepted in its entirety by Dr.
Vincent Smith But there is no reason why the account
of the Jesuits should be preferred to that of the Muslim
historians. There is an air of unreality about the Jesuit
version, which will be easily understood by any one used
to weigh historical evidence.
Abul Fazl's version, shorn of its verbiage, establishes
these facts. Some time after the siege sickness broke
out in the fortress which caused many deaths. The
Bahadur, son of Ibrahim Nizam Shah, in the fort of Jond. The African
Amirs who knew Ahmad to be a boy of spurious origin refused to recog-
nise him and broke out into open rebellion. They gave their support
to Ohand Bibi, daughter of Husain Nizam Shah I and widow of AH AdiL
Shah I of Bijapur, who had returned to Ahmadnagar after her husband's
death and who now espoused the cause of the lawful heir, the infant
Bahadur Nizam Shah. Unable to cope with this powerful coalition the*
Wazir Solicited the aid of Prince Murad who was then in Gujarat.
capture of Maligarh disconcerted the besieged garrison

by stopping their exit and entrance. Through the efforts
of certain imperial officers an agreement was made with
Bahadur who presented himself at the court. The garri-
son was tampered with by the besiegers, and Bahadur
was pressed against his will to write a letter to his men
asking them to make a surrender. Reading this with Faizi
Sarhindi's narrative, we may be able to reconstruct a
true account of the siege. Bahadur was induced to open
terms with the enemy, and an agreement was entered
into with him which was perhaps violated by the emperor.
The garrison was seduced from loyalty to Bahadur by
means of bribery and not by honeyed words as Abul
Fazl characteristically puts it. Bahadur was coerced
when he was in the hands of the emperor, to sign a
letter to the garrison of which mention has already
been made. The surrender was in part influenced also
by the fall of Ahmadnagar in 1600, which must have
greatly damped the spirits of Miran's captains and men.
Dr. Smith charges the emperor with perfidy, and says
that he employed treachery to capture the fortress. He
disbelieves the Muslim chroniclers whom he accuses of de-
liberate falsehood, and writes that they invented the story
of the epidemic in order to hide the treachery of their
patron. This is not quite correct.
No attempt is made in the Akbarnamah to disguise the
fact that Bahadur was induced to come out of his fortress
and his troops were tampered with. Dr. Smith's statement
that Abdul Fazl attributes the surrender of the fort to
pestilence is wholly unfounded. The Akbarnamah does not
say anything of the kind. It simply says, the garrison was
attacked by a pestilence which killed 25,000 people.
Dr. Smith looks upon the pestilence as an invention to hide

Akbar's treachery, but it is not clear why all these writers
should indulge in wanton falsehood. Firishta whose sources
for the Deccan history are reliable supports Abdul Fazl, and
says that on account of congestion in the fort a pestilence
broke out which ' swept off several of the garrison.'
Dr Smith attaches little value to the Akbarnamah of Faizi
Sarhindi, because he uncritically accepts Prof. Dowson's
view that it is nothing more than a compilation based in
part on the Akbarnamah of Abul Fazl, Now, a comparison
of the two texts will make it clear that they differ materially
from each other. Faizi says many things which are omitted
in Abul Fazl whose account of the siege is a highly condensed
one. Dr. Smith condemns in strong language the action of
the emperor, though at the end of his narrative, he adds
that such practices were common in India and elsewhere
in Akbar's age, and are still prevalent in Europe. There is
no need to set up a defence of the emperor's conduct during
the siege. It is true that Bahadur was detained in the
imperial camp, that the garrison was enticed by means
of bribery, and that the Sultan was coerced into writing
letters of authority for the garrison to surrender against
his will. Probably the emperor was excited to a high pitch
by the stubborn resistance of the beleaguered garrison, and
found the prolongation of the siege inadvisable in view of
Salim's revolt in Northern India. The prestige of the
empire also demanded that Asirgarh should be captured by
any means. Considerations such as these urged the emperor
to employ bribery to gain his end, and in apportioning blame
we ought to bear in mind the difficulties and anxieties of a
statesman, whose reputation was staked on the success or
failure of a single siege.
Akbar's whole career of conquest may be conveniently*

divided into three periods, the conquest of Northern India
from 1558—76, the subjugation of the North-
W6St Fr°ntier tribes fr°m 158°— 96» and *h«
conquest of the Deccan from 1598—1601 A.D.
The expansion of the empire began early in
the reign (1558—60) with the reconquest of Gwalior in.
Central India, Ajmer in the heart of Rajputana, and
Jaunpur, the stronghold of the Sur Afghans in the east.
The conquest of Malwa was effected in 1561-62 by Pir
Muhammad and Adham Khan, and the fort of Mairta in>
Rajputana which commanded an important military
position was captured about the same time. In 1564 the
country of Gondwana, ruled by the noble Rani Durgavati,
was invaded by Asaf Khan, and its independence was
destroyed. After his alliance with Bharmal of Amber, the-
numerous chieftains of Rajputana came under his vassalage.
The first to be conquered was the fort of Chittor in 1567,
and its fall was followed by the surrender of Ranthambhor
and Kalinjar, and the submission of the princes of Jesalmir,
Bikanir, and Jodhpur. Gujarat was annexed to the empire
in 1573 after an arduous military campaign, and was entrusted
to Aziz Koka, the emperor's foster-brother and a nobleman,
of great ability and distinction. This was followed by the:
conquest of Bengal in 1576 and the extinction of the
independent Afghan dynasty. Orissa long remained outside
the empire, and was conquered sixteen years later by Raja
Man Singh in 1592. Having mastered the Doab, the Punjab,
Rajputana, Bengal, Gujarat and the central region, the em-
peror turned his attention towards the north-west. Kabul
passed under imperial control after the death of Mirza.
Hakim in 1585, and the Yusufzais were suppressed in 1586.
$£:.:
fÔÂOa^/1^^
..!?. ; M : r
^ J *T* ^ I
AKBAR'8 3UBAHS
- 10, Malwi
Lahore 11. Behar
Mu/tan 12. Bengal
Dolhi 13. Khandes
Agra 14, Berar j
Oudh 15. Ahmatfnagir
Allahabad 16, Orissa |
The frontier trouble was set at rest by the conquest of

Kashmir in 1586 and the separation of the local Muham-
madan dynasty. The imperial cordon was completed towards
the north-west by the incorporation of Sindh in 1591, of
Balochistan and the coast of Mekran in 1594 and the province
•of Qandhar in 1595. The danger from Abdulla Uzbeg was
at an end, and Akbar felt completely secure in the pos-
session ofhis dominions. The Uzbeg chief's death in 1598
added further to his security by removing from his path a
formidable rival, in whom were centred the hopes of the
orthodox Sunni revivalists, and by the close of the year the
empire included the whole of Kabulistan and Kashmir
and the entire northern region north of the Narbada
river, from Bengal and Orissa in the east to Sindh and
Balochistan in the west.
Having rid of all his rivals in the north-west, the
-emperor set out to conquer the Deccan. The Nizam-Shahi
kingdom found it difficult to resist the advance of the
Mughals, and after the death of Chand Bibi Ahmadnagar
was annexed in 1600. Finally, the capture of Asirgarh in
1601 completed the process of imperial expansion which had
begun in 1558, and the empire became the largest, the most
powerful, and the richest in the world.
Akbar was by nature a man of liberal ideas and his out-
look on social and religious matters was considerably chang-
ed by his marriage with the Rajput princesses
forms"'8 Ie"* officers,
an(* his thinkers,
constant and
association
religiouswith Hindu
preachers.
He introduced a number of regulations to mitigate the evil
influence of the unwholesome social usages that had existed
in India since the beginning of Muslim rule. He abolished
the enslavement of the conquered enemies, and issued an
order that no soldier of the victorious armies should in any

part of his dominions molest the wives and children of the
vanquished. ' Soon after his marriage with the princess of
Amber he remitted in 1563 the pilgrim tax which yielded
an income of crores. In 1564 the emperor abolished the
jJeziya throughout his dominions, and by doing so soothed
the hearts of the Hindus who disliked this tax more than
anything else.3 Knowing full well what the abolition
of such an impost meant, the emperor described his edict
as ' the foundation of the arrangement of mankind/ He
carried the measure through in the teeth of the opposition,
of his statesmen, and revenue officers and the ' chatter of
the ignorant/ 3 The system of administration was consider-
ably reformed, and the plans of improvement were formu-
lated during the years 1573-74. With the advice of Todar-
mal the emperor issued the branding regulations, and put
an end to the evil of the Jagir system by converting the
jagirs into crown lands and by paying salaries to his
officers. * The imperial mint was thoroughly reorganised,
and the new regulations ensured the excellence of the
coinage. The coins were of pure metal and exact weight,
and were manufactured by skilled workmen.
The emperor did not neglect social reform. He condemn-
ed the practice of Sati, and issued a decree that no woman
should be burnt against her will, and in one case he per-
sonally intervened to save the life of a Rajput lady, whose
relatives forced her to perish in the flames along with her
1 A. N., II, p. 246.

* Ibid., p. 316.
8 Ibid., p. 316.
* A. N., Ill, p. 06.
ERA OF RECONSTRUCTION 399>
husband, l In every city and district * vigilant and truth-

ful 'inspectors were appointed to distinguish between
voluntary and forced Sati and to prevent the latter.2
The Kotwals were ordered to stop the evil, and one of the
Ains clearly states that they were not to suffer a woman
to be burnt against her inclination.3 The emperor held
highly progressive views on the question of marriage. He
disapproved of marriage before the age of puberty. * He
looked with disfavour on marriages between near relations
and high dowries, though he admitted that they were
preventives against rash divorce * In theory he condemned
polygamy, for ' this ruins a man's health, and disturbs the
peaceo£ the home. ' He looked upon tne marriage oFold
women with young men as highly undesirable, and appoint-
ed officers to enquire into the circumstances of the brides
and bridegrooms/' His views on educational matters were <
better and more tolerant than those of other Muslim
rulers. He encouraged the study of Sanskrit, and extended
his patronage to Hindu scholars. Among the 21 men of
learning, placed by Abul Fazl in the first class, nine are
Hindus 7 Hindu physicians are mentioned in the Ain>
and one Chandra Sena who was patronised by the court
1 When Jayamal, a cousin of Raja Bhagwan Das, died in the

eastern provinces, his widow, a daughter of Udaya Singh or Mota Raja,
refused to be a Sati. Akbar rode hastily to the spot, and prevented
her relatives from compelling her to burn herself on the funeral pyre
of her husband.
a Jarrett, Ain, III, p. 42.
3 Jarrett, II. p. 696.
* Ain, I, p. 277.
6 Ibid., I, p, 278.
* Ain, I, p. 278.
1 Ibid., p. 638.
is described in the Tabqat as an excellent surge3l& Une

innovation which was much disliked by the orthodro was
the Sijdah or the ceremony of prostration which he
encouraged among the members of the Din-i-Ilahi.1
Abul Fazl writes that as there was opposition to it on
the ground that it savoured of ' blasphemous man- worship/
the emperor discontinued it, and did not allow even his
private attendants to do it in the Durbar-i-am.z But
•even he admits that in the private apartments of the em-
peror the Sijdah continued, and men were allowed ' to
participate in the halo of good fortune/3 Besides these
there were several ordinances relating to the religious and
.social practices enjoined by Islam which will be discussed
in giving an account of the emperor's religious views.
The first Muslim ruler who proclaimed peace and good
will as the foundation of his government was Sher Shah
who effaced all distinctions between the
otlheiTmdus. Hindus and Muslims. Akbar went farther
than Sher Shah, and renounced the principle
of Sulh-i~kul (universal toleration) which at once went to
strike deep into the hearts of his subjects the roots of his
empire. Under the influence of his Hindu wives, he
tolerated the Hindu mode of worship, and openly listened
to the teachings of Hindu saints and philosophers. His
marriage policy left no bitterness behind in the minds of
the Hindus, and proved a healer of ancient discords and
deep-rooted antagonisms. The ladies admitted into the
1 Ibid,, I, pp. 168-9.

* Ibid., I, p. 159.
The Sijdah was stopped but the taslim or Cornish continued
throughout the reign.
8 Ibid., p. 169.
imperial haram were accorded the highest honours, and

the emperor lavished his care and affection upon them
without the slightest consideration of caste or creed.
There had been marriages before between the Hindus and
Muslims in the north as well as in the south, but they
were not accompanied by a policy of conciliation, and their
result was often to widen the breach between the two
parties. Akbar'sjiolicy is in striking contrast with that
of Ghiyasuddm"^!^ or theBahmam
andfVijayanagar kings. The Rajputs, w1fu> entered into
*~ *"' ' •* mâ+f" ^^^"Hr
marriage ^reflations with Akbar, were treated as equals for

all practical purposes. They were admitted to the highest
offices in the state. They were granted mansabs, and
were entrusted with the command of the most important
expeditions. RajaBirbal, Raja Todarmal, Raja BhagwSn
Das, Raja Man Singh were the trusted servants and
intimate friends of the emperor, who fully recognised
their talents and conferred upon them the highest distinc-
tions. The results of this policy were seen in the improved
methods of administration and the willing homage of the
non-Muslim population all over Hindustan.
Uncler Akbar's patronage the Hindu JSSIUusjsoaredJx) a
highpitch, ancl the Hmdu mindjleyelc^^ f ullestTex-
tent. It \vas not only Hindu statesmen and generals
who contributed to the glory of the empire but also the
numerous poets, scholars, musicians and painters who
flocked to his court and looked upon it as a privilege to seek
his favour. Some of the greatest Hindi poets lived
during his reign, and their works furnish evidence of the
•conditions which made them possible. Akbar's sympathy
with Hindu religion and his patronage of Hindi literature
made a deep impression upon the Hindus. The memories
F. 26
of the past were forgotten! and in their emperor they saw

tKelirstTia^^ ^-~- •— ~
''"^''liVIieir^^ he placed operations
Salim in
charge of the capital and asked him to commence
against Mewar along with Raja Man Singh
a*"1 Shah Quli Kh*n- But Salim did not carry
out his father's orders. His impatience to seize
the throne urged him to make an attempt at usurping the
insignia of royalty before his time. When he was reproached
for his misconduct by the dowager queen Mariyam MakSnl,
he left Agra and went to Allahabad where he declared his
independence and bestowed jagirs and titles on his asso-
ciates and supporters. Akbar, on hearing the news of this
rebellion in the Deccan, returned to the capital, and
issued an order to Salim, who was advancing towards Agra,
asking him to dismiss his men and wait upon him or to
go back to Allahabad. Salim retreated to Allahabad, but
there he set up as king, and opened intrigues with the
Portuguese, and solicited their assistance in his designs
The emperor in this crisis summoned Abul Fazl from
the Deccan, but the latter was murdered on his way by Bir
Singh Bundela whom Salim had hired for the purpose in
August, 1602. Akbar's grief was terrible. He passed 24
hours in a writhing agony and exclaimed, ' If Salim wished
to be emperor he might have killed me and spared Abul
Fazl.'
Akbar sent his officers to punish the murderous Bundela
chief, but he successfully eluded his pursuers. Salim escaped
punishment through the good offices of Sultana SalimSS Be-
gum, who brought about a reconciliation bet ween father and
son. Out of his usual generosity the emperor pardoned his
offence, and once again publicly declared him as his
ERA OP RECONSTRUCTION 40$
heir-apparent. But this kindness had no effect on Salim. He

went to Allahabad, and again set up an independent state.
Meanwhile the imperial court was the scene of the
worst intrigues. A plot was formed to deprive Salim of
succession to the throne, and was joined by
against Salim8. such Singh grandees
and Aziz ofKoka.
the empire as Raja
They were Man
actuated
by personal and political reasons to set aside the claims of
Salim in favour of Khusrau, Salim 's eldest son, a young
lad of 17, who had married Aziz Koka's daughter. Khusrau
keenly interested himself in the schemes of the con-
spirators, and disregarded his mother's advice to give
up his unfilial designs. Prince Daniyal died of the
effects of intemperance in April 1604, and his death
removed from Salim's path one more rival. But he
did not desist from his evil course. ' At last Akbar started
for Allahabad in person (August 1604) to chastise the
prince, but he had not gone far when the news of
the serious illness of his mother obliged him to come
back hastily to Agra. Frightened by the emperor's
decision to deal with him in person and by the news of the
conspiracy of Man Singh and Aziz Koka, Salim also came
to Agra with the ostensible purpose of expressing his
sorrow at the death of his grandmother. A reconciliation
was brought about by the ladies of the imperial haram, and
Salim was pardoned and restored to the honours he had
enjoyed before. But nothing served to heal the breach
between the prince and his son Khusrau, who continued
to thwart his father's wishes and indulge in acts of
ungratefulness. The unworthy conduct of these princes
greatly disturbed the emperor's peace of mind, and he
1 Prince Murad had already died in May 1599 in the Deccan.
fell ill. Fever accompanied by diarrhoea or dysentery

confined the emperor to bed, and in a few days his condition
became so bad that his physicians gave up all hope of
recovery.
Meanwhile the plot to supersede Salim had been going
on. The leaders of the conspiracy tried to effect their pur-
pose by arresting Prince Salim, but he proved
too clever for them. Foiled in this attempt,
they held a conference of the nobles and
officers of the realm, and openly urged the supersession of
Salim by Khusrau. The proposal was opposed by several
officers on the ground that it was against the princi-
ples of natural justice as also the laws of the Chagtai Turks
to set aside a son in favour of a grandson The opponents
of Salim gradually melted away, and many of them
gave their adhesion to the prince whose claims they had
so stoutly resisted a short time before. Aziz Koka himself
acknowledged the prince's claim, and Raja Man Singh
left for Bengal with Prince Khusrau.
Having received the support of the nobles and grandees
of the empire, Salim screwed up courage to wait on his
father. Akbar's malady had far advanced,
of an(j jt wag cjear tjiat tjje en(j was not far
off. He could not speak, but he retained
enough consciousness to understand what was passing
-around him. When Salim had apologised for his misconduct
by prostrating before him, he beckoned to him to don the
imperial robes, and to gird himself with the sword of
Humayun which lay near his bed. Salim obeyed the
-command, and left the room in accordance with the royal
wish. Soon afterwards the emperor died early in the
morning on October 17, 1605. A stately funeral was
arranged in which the highest dignitaries of the empire

took part, and Salim himself like a dutiful son carried the
bier on his shoulders to some distance. The emperor's
body was buried in a tomb at Sikandara which he had
commenced to build during his lifetime. It was completed
by his son, and still remains a striking example of Mughal
architecture.
Among all theJVIi^njJdn^ the scegtre
in HinSuîPTCtbar was the most liberflêxponent of
religious toleration. The^lGth cgntur^ waa
tic? of rthceeage" w^W^ an^kbarJ55S
its most perf^rrepr^sentoUyC^The ground
had already been prepared for him by Kabir, Nanak, Chai-
tanya and other reformers who had inveighed against the
tyranny of caste, emphasised the unity of the Godhead, and
pointed out the utter hollowness of distinctions between
man and man. AtterBjrtg Iradjbeen rogde jnjthe past to bring
the Hindus and Muslims, in closer contact, and although
they pai<yifi2ia^
sTirmesT noapp^ of "success was achieved
in theêl^Dfôlitics.
other, and the Muslim T^g^still stoqii^
divines still apart fiWjgach
i!QQlênded±hat any
concession t(^]^ jrrfj^
frS£[^ The IJlamsT dominated
thTstate and acted as the guides of rulers and statesmen.
Akbar who fully understood the centrifugal tendencies of
Indian history saw the need of reconciling the Hindus to
Muslim rule, and resolved to shake off the yoke of the
canonical order and to evolve a policy which would ulti-
mately lead to the fusion of the two races.
Besides this political and mundane motive there was the
eager craving of his soul to know the truth. BadSoni
relates that often in the early hours of the morning he would

sit on a large flat stone of an old building,
. which lay near the palace at Fatehpur in
a secluded spot with his head bent over his
chest, and meditated on the eternal mystery.4lL.Jife. His
The SunnT&T
is, aridTS'ufis'*Tieid divergent doctrines and
often quarrelled amongst themselves. He hoped to end
their quarrels, and cherished the dream of arriving at a syn-
thesis of the warring creeds and to unite into an organic
whole the heterogeneous elements which constituted his
vast empire. The bigotry of the Ulama disgusted him and
alienated him from Islam. He developed eclectic ten-
dencies, and began to indulge in metaphysical discussions, the
result of which soon became manifest in a complete re-
versal of the traditional policy of the Muslim State in India.
It is interesting to trace the history of the development
of the emperor's religious ideas. First, there was the
influence of heredity which did not a little
to make his attitude liberal in matters of
faith. His father and grandfather were
never orthodox; his mother was a Shia lady who impressed
upon his imittLjn .eariy youth the value and necessity _of
toS^nce. Then there was his marriage with the Rajput
princesses whose- entry into the imperial haram by means
of lawful nikah wrought a profound change in his life.
The emperor continued to conform to the Sunni formulae
in all outward observances until 1575* but aêat_ghange
camejN^^ SJ^&ikh JftfehaigJ^^^ sons Faizi
and Abul Fazl, who ""were
led him^js&tj$y from orthodox Islam,

and opened to him a new_ wqrld^ of thought and action.

Thgy w~ercT^^ the diverse creeds were
only manifestations of ^^de^rejo^^lcnow ^ thejruth^nd
stress upoiLthe^lK^
uponThe forffis jnjjh|cjhrthjg^^ The Sufi doc-
trine "Imarfcedurged
its exponents a rebellion against asthethe
free thought letter of the condition
primary law, and
of spiritual advancement. Sufism i$ very much like Ved-
" * ' «* i> *&• *K> ^ ^tr*"***™*®**^ t-fîff tn&fi&tflt** I!"
antic philosophy, which teaches that the individual souls
Sufismlrom his early youth

of Mubarak and his soj)& who were assisted in their endea-
v^rs^^SEaikhlKjuddin of Delhi, who enjoyed the Emper-
or's beatitude
eternal confidence. Like^Jiis,
T>y having friends
directhe^desired
communion„ towithattain
the
ve^n °^ ^ê emPeror developed as time

passed. In 1575 ^(TorBferedTa riew^BuiiHing £obe construct-
ed at Fatehpur-Sikri called the IbcLdat kkana
at where the Professors of different faiths were
to assemble and to hold religious discussions.
Itjyas Lto be ' a refuge for Sufis and a home^fpj*, hgl^^men
into whiclx^none should __be allowed to enter but Sayyads
ofj^h^j^^^learned men and^Shaikh^nfferie ftittie pro*
fessors of different creeds, BrahmansTâins, Parsis, Chris-
tians and Muslims from all parts of the country to assist
the emperor in finding a solution of the problem that
oppressed his soul. The author of the Zabd-ut-tawarikh
writes that he gave the most deliberate attention to all
that he heard, for his mind was solely bent upon ascer-
taining the truth. To the assembled doctors he said : "My
sole object, Oh Wise Mullas! is to ascertain truth, to find

out and disclose the principles of genuine religion, and to
trace it to the divine origin. Take care, therefore, that
through the influence of your human passions you are not
induced to conceal the truth : and say nothing contrary to
the almighty decrees. If you do, you are responsible
before God for the consequences of your impiety. " The
theological debate jgagedjk^^ and the prota-
gonists olTnval sects tried to tear one another in argument.
They found it difficult to control their passions which often
burst out in highly undignified scenes. The leaders of the
orthodox party were Shaikh Makhdum-ul-Mulk and Shaikh
Abdunnabi whereas the^ free th]in.ke^JEere ^represented
by such men as Mubarak. AbiiTFaiz, Abul Fazl and gaia.
Blrbal. The orthodox quarrelleoamong themselves, and the
**£, ^ *„,, - ,„- . -"- ' -^ s.***yr . ^^^-^"^tiv^^^ .Df^****^.U*»#*f<*Lm***KK-rn'' j^T
most notable quarrel was that of these two Shaikhs,

They engaged themselves in a violent controversy in which
they used abusive language towards each other to the
delight of their opponents. But more violent and bitter
were the attacks made on the heterodox section by the
canonists, who waxed eloquent with fury in denouncing
their ways and practices. The Shias looked on with secret
satisfaction, while the blows were delivered upon their
Sunni opponents, and helped in the circulation of lampoons
and satires. The Mullas expressed their disapproval of the
manner in which the most solemn subjects were discussed,
and notwithstanding the fact that the emperor was
present throughout the discussions they often indulged in
abusive and filthy language. Badfioni has described the
scene in his own way ;
" The learned men used to draw the sword of the
tongue on the battlefield of mutual contradiction and
Pillar in the Diwan-i-Khas, Fatehpur Sikn
To /at e paê 408
BRA OP RECONSTRUCTION 40*
opposition, and the antagonism of the sects reached

such a pitch that they would call one another fools and
heretics. The controversies used to pass beyond the
differences of Sunni and Shiah, of Hanafi and Shafi, of
lawyer and divine, and they would attack the very
bases of belief. "'
His Majesty propounded ^ s^^-jquisgtipns Jo the
Musjim doctors of, the orthodox
did not satisfy him. He becamônvip£&d.of
th« futility. j>f jthfiir^doctriiiânC tonal to
other^teach^^for li&ht. There were Hindu.
spiritualists who* explained to him the tenets of their faiths^
and urged him on to pursue the quest of truth with great-
er enthusiasm and determination. The emperor granted
interviews to learned Brahmans, the chief of whom werfe
Pursho ttjanL. ~and±JPebi who were invited to explain the
principles of their religion. Debi was pulled up the wall
of the palace in a ckarpai to the balcony where the emperor
used to sleep, and suspended thus between heaven and earth,
the Brahman philosopher ' instructed His Majesty in the
secrets and legends of Hinduism, in the manner of worship-
ping idols, the fire, the sun and stars and of reverencing the
chief gods of the Hindus— Brahma, Vi?nu, Mahes, Krisna,
Rama and the goddess Mahamai.' He expounded to him,
the doctrine of metampsychosis which the emperor ap-
trineproved by saying, * there is; w^jreligion in which the doc-

ofJnmsn^
not Brahmanism alone to the doctrines of wfiich he lent a~
willing ear. Hejtgjjêqual interest in Jainism, Zoroastrian-
and SilcKism
he extended av^grm welcome.
1 Al-Badaoni, II, p. 262.
The_Jain teachers who are said to have greatly in-

fluenced the emperor's religious outlook were Hlravijaya
BhSnuchandra UpadKyaT
l^ one or two Jain teachers
always remained at the court of the emperor. From the
first he received instructions in the Jain doctrine at Fateh-
pur, and received him with great courtesy and respect.
The last is reported to have converted the emperor to
Jainism, but this statement cannot be accepted any more
than the belief of the Jesuits that he had become a Chris-
tian. Yet^the Jajnsjjxercisedji, far j[reater influencejyijhi§
^ Jesuits. _ InJ.582^ the_em-
* w
fowhjsjCQiirtf and it was at
his instance that hg ^released prisoner a^
proEIbitecf the slaughter of animals on certain days.
Eleven years later another Jain teacher Siddhachahdra
*- % -' ***,,*-**!«•**• -4 ««^ ^v,* ,, ^v »-Sf ^ < , „ ^ ^ ^,v, „.*«,> ^^ ^ *
paid a visit to the emperor at Lahore, and was fitly

honoured. He obtained several concessions for his
co-religionists. The tax on pilgrims to the Satrunjaya
hills was abolished, and the holy places of the Jains were
placed under their control. In sljgrtj Akbar's giyin& up of
meatjndjhg^^ due
to the influence of Jain teachers.
"^ The Parsis or followers lit Zoroaster also attended the
imperial court and took part in the religious debates.
BadSoni writes that they ' impressed the emperor so
favourably that he learned from them the religious terms
land rules of the old Parsis and ordered AbuLJfcz] to make
'arrangements that sacred fire should be kept burning at
the court at all hours of the day according to their custom. '
The Parsi theologian Dastur Meheijee Rana^who^ lived at
Navasari in GuiaraL initiated tne emoeror in the mysteries
-ofZoroastrianism. He was received well at court and

(was granted 200 bighas of land as a mark of royal favour.
f The emperoradopted^the worship of the sun, the principal
fountamof_air^rg,
friend and in Ra^^Kllbal,
ancf companion this^he was^nciSuraged by Tiis
His interest
equally keen. He sent for the Chris-
tian Fathers from Goa to instruct him in the tenets of their
faith. But the Fathers^werejtactless enough to abuse the
indulgence shown to themj>y the i emgeror by vilifying the
Prophet,
nauch afTd^matcing ~un worthy occasion
so indeed,âT^lone ^ att^ks the
upp^h^ûran. so^
life of J?gther
Rodolfo was in peril, and JJb&jBmperor ha(LJaj)rovide a
spe'cian^jr^ It does not appear that
the Jesuits Bid anything more than gjye intellectual
satisfaction to the emperor, whose philosophical earnest
knew no bounds, and who wished
fs uôubtedJFguity of exaggera-
tion when he says that the contribution made by the
Christians to the debates at Fatehpur-Sikri was an im-
portant factor among the forces which led Akbar to
renounce the Muslim religion.
TbgjBmperor^felt a ^reat_regard for the^Sikh jGurus
ajsp, and pn^ one jDccasion at the Guru ^request he "remitted
a year's revenue for the benefit of The ryots injthe Punjab.
He felt a great admiration for the GrantlTSahib, and once
observed that it was ' a volume worthy of reverence.'
The causes that have been mentioned before , shook
•t|ie emperor's the
ToyaKyTio
danger^~ofof tHo^FTsIanu
allowinglbo muchHe power
clearlyto saw
the
Khuetbamperial Ulama- He would not allow them to be the
sole arbiters of disputed questions, and wished
*to unite in his own person the power of the state, and the
functions of the supreme Pontiff of the Muslim Church.

He proposed to read the Khutba from the pulpit in the-
Fatehpur mosque which was composed by Faizi for the-
occasion. It ran as follows :
''In the name of Him who gave us sovereignty,

Who gave us a wise heart and a strong arm,
Who guided us in equity and justice,
Who put away from our heart aught but equity;
His praise is beyond the range of our thoughts,
Exalted be His Majesty— 'Allah-u-Akbar !' "
According to BadSoni, as the emperor began to read the-
Khutba, he became nervous, and his voice trembled and he
handed over the duties of the Imam to the royal Khatlb,
but he is not supported by Abul Fazl who asserts that the
emperor ' several times distributed enlightenment in the
chief mosque of the capital and the audience gathered,
bliss/ There was flutter in the orthodox circles at the
incident, but the emperor was not to be deterred by
the clamour of bigots and zealots from the path he had
chosen for himself. The phrase AllSh-u-Akbar was con-
strued to mean that Akbar is God, and the orthodox insist-
ed on this interpretation with characteristic pertinacity
in spite of the emperor's avowals to the contrary.
But more objectionable than the reading of this Khutba
was the emperor's assumption of the role of mujtahid at the
The 8o-caii- suggestion of Shaikh Mubarak. As a result
ed infaiiibili- of this step he was to become the supreme
ty Decree. arbiter in all causes, whether ecclesiastical
or civil, like Henry VIII of England, jn \$1$ frfreJfffluy
Ulama agreed to declare Jbim the Imnm-i-Qdil (mujtahid),
the final interpreter of Muslim Law. Shaikh Mubarak
hastily drew up a document which he signed "with the

utmost willingness.' An English translation of the docu-
ment isgiven below :
'Whereas Hindustan is now become the centre of
security and peace, and the land of justice and beneficence, a
large number of people, especially learned men and lawyers,
*ave immigrated and chosen this country for their home.
' Now we the principal Ulama who are not only well-
versed in the several departments of the Law and in the
principles of Jurisprudence, and well-acquainted with the
•edicts which rest on reason or testimony, but are also known
for our piety and honest intentions, have duly, considered
the deep meaning, first, of the verse of the Koran :—
"Obey God, and obey the Prophet, and those who
have authority among you," and secondly, of the
genuine tradition :
" Surely the man who is dearest to God on the day
of judgment is the Imam-i-§dil ; whosoever obeys the
Amir, obeys Thee, and whosoever rebels against him,
rebels against Thee. "
"And thirdly, of several other proof s based on rea-
soning or testimony; and we have agreed that
the rank of SultSn-i-adil is higher in the eyes of
God than the rank of a Mujtahid."
1 Further, wejieclaretljat the^. J£ing_ J2|JtheJDslamf
Amir of the FaithIi2^HaHow^ God in .thajworld, Abul
Padshah
(whose Tctngdoih God perjpetuate) is_jun^^
"* ~~ ~~
w}S fi*
' Should, -ai
therefore, future aJ^
inuL§ religious question come
up, regarding which the opinions of the Mujtahids are at
variance, and His Majesty, in his penetrating understanding-

and clear wisdom be inclined to adopt, for the benefit of the*
nation and as a political expedient any of the conflicting-
opinions which exist on that point, and should issue a decree
to that effect -
' We do hereby agree that such a decree shall be bind-
ing on us and on the whole nation.
1 Further, we declare that should His Majesty think
fit to issue a new order, we and the nation shall likewise
be bound by it; Provided always, that such order be not
only in accordance with some verse of the Quran, but also
of real benefit to the nation ; and further, that any opposi-
tion on the part of his subjects to such an order passed by
His Majesty shall involve damnation in the world to come
and loss of property and religious privileges in this.
4 This document has been written with honest intentions,
for the glory of God and the propagation of the Islam, and
is signed by us, the principal Ulama and lawyers, in the
month of Rajab in the year nine hundred and eighty-seven
This' document acted like a bombshell in orthodox
(987).'
circles. It declared the emperor the spiritual as well
as the temporal head of his subjects. Hence-
forward he was to be the umpire in all
religious disputes, and his interpretation was
binding on all, if it was not in conflict with the Quran, and
if it was not detrimental to the interests of the nation.
It was this qualifying clause which really limited the
emperor's authority, but the orthodox refused to notice it
J BadSoni, II, p. 279.

The year 987 began on February, 28, 1679.
ERA OP RECONSTRUCTION 41&
and levelled all kinds of charges against him. Dr. Vincent

Smith, following Badaoni and the Jesuits, writes that in the
course of a year or two Akbar definitely ceased to be a
Muslim, and adopted a policy of calculated hypocrisy.
There is no evidence to justify this assertion. The orthodox
section didjiot^
" quest of trutK~asTa step" towar3s^^tbe
of IslrnSSuFa cause of dissatis-
faction with the emperor's policy when he says:
" An impure faction reproached the caravan-leader
of God-knowers with being of the Hindu (Brahman)
religion. The ground for this improper notion was
that the prince out of his wide tolerance received Hindu
sages into his intimacy, and increased for administrative
reasons the rank of Hindus, and for the good of the
country showed them kindness. Three things supported
the evil-minded gossips. First, —the sages of different
religions assembled at court, and as every religion
has some good in it, each received some praise. Prom
a spirit of justice, the badness of any sect could not
weave a veil over its merits. Second, — the reason of
' Peace with all, (sulh kul} was honoured at the court
of the Caliphate, and various tribes of mankind of
various natures obtained spiritual and material success.
Third, —the evil nature and crooked ways of the base
ones of the age."1
The truth of the matter is that the emperor was
disgusted with the bigotry of the Ulama, and was planning
a new synthesis of the conflicting creeds with a view to
find a common basis which might be acceptable to all.
1 Akbarnamah, III, p. 400.
He did not claim to be a prophet nor did he approve of

his own apotheosis. His^belief in Divine Rjght_
d with claim to be ^
all confounde
toe IBCh cffAtllry Kings heTield kTifgsHTp to be divinely
ordained, and this belief was shared by his Hindu and
Muslim contemporaries all over Hindustan. His real
object was to unite the peoples of his empire into an
•organic whole by supplying a common bond. This he
hoped to accomplish by founding the Din-i-Ilahi or the
Divine Faith.
The new religion was officially promulgated in the
year 1581. It was an eclectic pantheism, containing the
good points of all religions— a combination^
Promulgation mysticism, philosophy and nature worsTiip.
01 tne Dm-i- Tr--*^. — -^* — ~ ~ - .-____^»-T— —__-—- — « -- -. —
ilahi. ItBjtiSS^J^
jQ^r prophets, and the
emperor^was its^chief exponent. Badaoni's description of
tKenew faith by the phrase Tauhid-i-Ilahi, a divine
monotheism, is incorrect, for as Count Von Noer says all the
practices and observances of this new cult indicated that
it was based upon a pantheistic idea. The emperor's Sufi
leanings, his appreciation of Hindu religion, and his keen
interest in rational enquiry and philosophical discussion led
him to i^gard^nêligions as different roads^leading to the
goal. Abul FazTthusâtesTiis"pbsition : ~ ~ ~
" He now is the spiritual guide of the nation and sees
in the performance of this duty a means of pleasing
God. He has now opened the gate that leads to the
right path, and satisfies the thirst of all that wander
about panting for truth."1
* Aim I, P. 164.
BRA OP RECONSTRUCTION 41T
Again the following inscription penned by Abul Fazl

for a temple in Kashmir expresses with great force the
emoeror's attitude in religious matters.
' O God, in every temple I see people that seek Thee,
And in every language I hear spoken, people praise Thee !
Polytheism and Islam after Thee,
Each religion says, " Thou art one without equal."
If it be a mosque, people murmur the holy prayer, Thee,
And if it be a Christian church, people ring the bell from love to
Sometimes I frequent the Christian cloister, and sometimes the

mosque*
But it is Thou whom I search from temple to temple.
Thy elect have no dealings with either heresy or orthodoxy ; for
neither of them stands behind the screen of Thy truth.
Heresy to the heretic, and religion to the orthodox,
seller/
But the dust of the rose petal belongs to the heart of the perfume*
Abul Fazl gives an account of the Divine Faith in Ain

No. 77 and describes the rite of initiation and other observ-
ances to which a person desiring to become
S-iiahithe aof member
the DivinehadFaith
to conform.
on meetingTheeach
members
other
uttered the words Allah-u-Akbar and Jalla Jallalhu. A
dinner during lifetime was to take the place of the dinner
usually given after a man's death. Members were fa
abstain Jrom meat, although they were asked to allow
others to eat it, but during the month of their birth they
were not allowed even to approaclTmeSE'^ T^î^re Act
to Ulne TwltlrtKi" butcheTST^^
otESrTof sucVlow^ give ft fi?rty
anaiyersaryôfîs birthday ancJLjriye a
to bestowlalms and prepare provisions
A!D, weiSTSurâeiBSees
There
long journeyT". and 77. of devotion to His
F. 87
Majesty. BadSoni writes of them : ' The four degrees

consisted in readiness to sacrifice to the Emperor, Property,
Life, Honour, and Religion. Whoever had sacrificed these
four things possessed the four degrees ; and whoever had
sacrificed one of these four possessed one degree. All the
courtiers now put down their names as faithful disciples of
the Throne!'
The emperor did not promulgate the new faith in the
spirit of a nTiSsionary, zealous for obtaining recruits. His
object wasfnot prbselytisation but a new
The Emperor,
not a mission-
synthesis
. , ..
of .the.warring
.
creeds.
. .
He . ap-
,
ary. proachedthe whole question m what we might
call a theosophical spirit, and inculcated no
'rigid formulae ; instead he appealed to the judgment of
those who listened to him. Itejas Bhagwan_D§SL%nd Man
Singh, if BadSoni is to be believed, gave a curt refusal when
^^^S^h^mto .join the new cult. Tleliever compelledjais
numerous oBJcenT IxT&jIow him thougTT nochmg^woiild have
been easier for him to do. On thjMîrtn^^
the value of independent judgmâ^ and appealed to men's
higher j5^sciences to ^see throj^h the veil of superstition,
dogma^ and ecclesiastical formQll'ctTtl The Ain mentions 18
membersôf the Din-i-Ilahi among whom th^jnost^gromi-
nent are Abul JFazl, FaizT, Shaikh Mubarak, MirzaJani of
Thatta and Aziz Itoka^wTTnse^raith in IslanTwas shaken by
the greed of the harpies of the Meccan shrines. The only
Hindu to join was Raja Birbal whose cosmopolitan views won
forhim the confidence and âffecli;^^ Accord-
ing to BadSoni members had to signal? ecFafStion to the
effect that they had abjured Islam for he says in one place :
"Ten or twelve years later things had come to
such a pass that abandoned wretches like Mirza
Jam', Governor of Thatta, and other apostates wrote

their confession to the following effect— this is the
form:—
" I, who am so and so, son of so and so, do voluntarily
and with sincere predilection and inclination, utterly
and entirely renounce and repudiate the religion of
Islam which I have seen and heard of my fathers and
do embrace the ' Divine Religion ' of Akbar Shah, and
do accept the four grades of entire
fice of Property. Life. Honou?- an
Accord ing" to tire same writer this declaration was
handed over to Abul Fazl and ' became the source of
confidence and promotion/
The promulgation of the Din-i-Ilahi was followed by
a number of decrees against Islam of which BadSoni has
Ordinances given a detailed account. An orthodox Mus-
against Islam ]jm> he looked upon the emperor's ways with
great abhorrence and felt much 'heart-burning for the
deceased religion of Islam/ It would be tedious to detail
all the regulations issued by the emperor which BadSoni
mentions, but it is necessary to refer to some of them in
order to understand the ^charge of seeking to destroy
Islam, brought^_against_ Ifim^^ orthodox
section.
s*^T?Ee Era of the Thousand was stamped on the coins,
and a Tarikh-i-Alfi commencing with the death of the
Prophet was to be written.
Sijdah was to be offered to Kings.
Circumcision was forbidden before the age of 12 and
was then left to the will of boys.
Beewas prohibitec
wives hadcreated a
prgj5d|cejnjiigjnind against garlic and onions which were

The jgearing of beards was discouraged.
The wearing of gold and silk dresses forbidden by the
shariat was made obligatory.
The flesh of the wild boar and tiger was permitted,
and the emperor ordered swine and dogsjo be kept in the
regaf&ejfihe going t
at them every morning as a religious service. l
PubHc_prayers and the azan (call to prayer) were
abolished. MuslinTTlames such as AJlQlgd, MuhammaJTarffl
*" ~" " " """ ^Mêstj^that he got
The fast of^R^nzSn and
Arabic was looked upon as a 'crime' and Muslim Law, the
Quran and the Hadis were all tabooed. Their place was
taken by mathematics, astronomy, poetry, medicine, history
and fiction which were assiduously cultivated.
Rnya werg nnM^j^jmarri^ before tfag affe of *fi and
girls before 14, because the offspring of^ such marriages
o be wg^klmd aicklv,
Mosques and prayer rooms were changed into store
rooms and guard rooms.
As the reader will easily perceive, some of these regu-
lations are absurd. Is it conceivable that a tolerant and
liberal-minded ruler like Akbar, who respected all religions,
should have regarded the going to look at swine and dogs
as an act of religious merit ?
BadSoni's diatribe, couched in language worthy of a
gloomy religious fanatic, Whose heart is entirely unillumined
1 Al-Badioni, II, p. 314.

by the light of reason, and whose intellect is cramped by

sectarian studies as his own admissions so
fiadsonim °f Profusely illustrate extends over hundreds
of pages, and his narrative is frequently dis-
figured byhis ravings against the Hindus whom he cannot
bear to see in positions of power and influence at court.
The only other evidence which supports him is that of
the Jesuits, but it should be borne in mind that they took
their cue from the orthodox section, which had declared
war against the . emperor. Most of BadSoni's statements
are based upon hearsay, as is shown by the trend of his
narrative. There is no evidence to prove that he had
personal knowledge of all the facts which he relates, or that
he ever tried to ascertain the truth.
It is idle to discuss whether Akbar renounced Islam
or not. /If P nrffiiysed ft hr^^yhgnd in whiqji tfeg intellectuals
•could join. It was an^ association J^gtudmts ~anc
Din-i-Ilah i, thinkers^fioTiaS "transcended the barriers of
a broth er- sect and" creed and shaken off the tyrannous
"h o o d of in-
tellectuals. yoke of age-long customs^ It is not necessary
for us to probe too closely into the rules
and regulations for its organisation and discipline. .Imper-
fections are insepjaqlê J:ron^ of
do ^ well to keepm
ift Tmi^tESnoft
•emperor and the steadfastness with which he pursued it.
******¥& success or failure of the Din-i-llahi as a cult is not
a matter of importance. Politically it produced wholly
beneficial results* //Dr. Vincent
I m p o r t-
anoe of Din-
monstr growKjf^
another Iglg^^^yry^s that it wag^4 monument
of Akbar's folly, not of his wisdom^ô one will doubt that
this, view is wholly erroneous, and no one acquainted with

the history of Akbar's reign will endorse this unjust
criticism of a great manrof highjaims and noble aspirations.
The German historian of Akbar does him greater justice
than Dr. Smith, and his estimate is well worthy of re*
production. He concludes his well-known work with
these words :
" Badaoni certainly takes every <-• opportunity of

raking up the notion of Akbar's apotheosis for the
purpose of renewing attacks, upon the great emperor.
He however was never in intimate relation to the
Din-i-Ilahi, he repeats the misconceptions current
among the populace marred and alloyed by popular
modes of perception. (_Akbar might justly have
contemplated the acts of his reign with legitimate
pride, but many incidents ofjus jife prove him to
hqve been jimong the most nSbdest'ôf_men.^ It
w#s the people who made â GSdTlJF^the man who
was the founder and head of an order at once poli-
tical, philosophic and religious. One of his creations
will assure to him for all time ft pre-eminent place
among the benefactors of humanity— greatness and
universal tolerance in matters of religious belief.
If in very deed he had contemplated the deification
of himself, a design certainly foreign to his character,
these words of Voltaire would serve as his vindica^
tion." " G&st le privilege du vrai g£nie et surtoftt
du g£nie qui ouvre. une carr&re, de faire impund-
ment de grandes fautes." '
' 1 Von Noer, I, p. 848.

It was Akbar's interest in religious matters and his eager

desire to know the truth that brought him in contact
with the^Jesuits. Ttjgy were invited to take
part in the debates at Fft*gh™" **«"'- and the
emperor granted them interviews, treated*,
them with kindness, and shbwed interest in the Christiani
doctrine,âlthough Dr.^yincent^ Smith wrongly^ asserts that
the contribution ma3e Jp""fiSe debates by the missionaries
|was an T^Srtai^Jactor ^whichTecJ Akbar to renounce rhe-
Musiilm^seligionr Akbar^l1?^^ him ham,
discussed before, and it will, therefore, suffice to remind the
reader that the^^suitjpriests who came Jojijs court with-
the avowed object of convertmgTnni to their faith fell,
^1 religious^
emperor fanatics,
was really int^"tEe"erfor
willing to embrace th
All their correspondence betrays their amazing credulity.
Obsessed by religious zeal, they accepted every rumour cur-
rent at Goa, Delhi or Lahore about the emperor, and gave it
wide publicity without trying to ascertain the truth. |jhree
missions were sent from Goa to the imperial court in the
hope of persuading the emperor to introduce the Christian
religion in his dominions.j The first mission started from
Goa on November 17, 157$, and reached Fatehpur Sikri after
a journey of a little mere than she weeks. The leaders of
the mission were Father Rudolf Acquaviva and Father
Monserrate1 both of whom were distinguished by enthus-
iastic devotion to their faith.f Akbar treated them with
kindness and called them in his palace A where he talk-
ed to them with great politeness.) When fte time came to
1 Monserrate who was a scholar acted as the historian of the mission.
His chief work is the Mongolical, Lagationis Commentarious, which;
contains an account of Northern India and the Imperial Court. The world
lias been translated into English by Mr. Hoyland of the Nagpur College.
take leave of their royal host, the Fathers were offered a large
quantity of gold and silver, which they refused on the ground
that their calling did not allow the acceptance of such gifts.
Two or three days later, they presented him with a copy of
the Bible in four languages and also portraits of Jesus and
Virgin Mary which he received with great reverence. The
Fathers were full of proselytising zeal, so much so indeed,
that they described the Prophet of Islam as Anti-christ,
and Acquaviva wrote in his letter to the Rector of Goa that
'in honour of this infernal monster they bend the knee,
prostrate, lift up their hands, give alms, and do all they do/
They talked much against Islam and denounced its observ-
ances, and by thgir_ind iscreet^^
iogges of discontent which, as Dr. Vincent Smith admits,
f niinH j^prPfiaTmTiyTtwn fonflifiahTq j^fcell fo
JigBerillef|KgTKro^ and life of Akbar. But in spite of
their zeal and vilification of the Prophet in which they
indulged to excess at times, they did not accomplish
much, and When they asked the emperor to adopt
the Christian law, he replied with his habitual courtesy
that 'the matter was in the hands of God, who possessed
the power to accomplish what they desired, and that for
his part there was nothing in the world he desired more.'
These polite refusals were interpreted by the Fathers as the
emperor's willingness to embrace the Christian doctrine)
' Negotiations were opened again in 1590. The emperor
sent theMlciHdngJefteiiô the Fathers of the Society of Goa.
of G
the name and
" In exalted od. *"
The invincible Akbar to those that are in
God's grace and have tasted of his Holy Spirit
and to those that are obedient to the spirit of the
Messiah and conduct men to good, I say to you,
learned Fathers, whose words are heeded as those of

retired from the world, men who have left the
pomps and honour of earth ; Fathers who walk by
the true way, I would have your reverences know
that have knowledge of all the faiths of the world,
both of various kinds of heathen and of the Moham-
medans, save only that of Jesus Christ which is the
faith of God and as such recognised and followed by
many. Now in that I feel great inclination to
the friendship of the Fathers, I desire that by them
I may be taught this faith.
There has recently come to our court and Royal Palace
one Dom Leo Grimon, a person of great merit and
good discourse, whom I have questioned on sundry
matters and who has answered well to the satisfac-
tion of myself and my doctors. He has assured me
that there are in India (Scil-Goa) several Fathers
of great prudence and learning, and if this be so
your reverences will be able immediately, on re-
ceiving my letter to send some of them to my Court
with all confidence, so that in disputations with my
doctors I may compare their several learning atid
character, and see the superiority of the Fathers
over my doctors, whom we call Qazis, and whom by
this means they can teach the truth.
If they will remain in my court, I shall build them
such lodging that they may live as nobly as any
Father now in this country, and when they wish to
leave, I shall let them depart with all honour. You
would, therefore, do as I ask, and the more willingly
because I beg of you the same, in this letter
written at the commencement of the moon of June."
This offer gladdened the hearts of the Fathers who wel-

comed the opportunity of teaching: the emperor the tenets of
their faith. A second mission consisting of Fathers Edward
Leiton and Christopher de Yoga was sent which waited
on the emperor at Lahore in 1591. He treated the Fathers
with great courtesy, allotted to them quarters in his own
palace and started a school in which the sons of nobles and
the emperor's sons and grandson (Prince Khusrau) were
taught to read and write the Portuguese language. But a
few days' stay convinced them that ibe emperor had no
intention to embrace the Christian faith. Dr. Vincent Smith
says that Akbar was never perfectly sincere when he used
expressions implying belief in the Christian religion, but he
does not blame the Fathers for their childlike simplicity in
mistaking the emperor's latitudinarianism for a desire to-
change the faith. The Fathers ought to have known by this
time that his expanding soul could not be confined within
the strait waistcoat of a formula, nor could his eager and
inquisitive mind, longing to know the truth, find satisfaction
in the narrow sectarianism of the Jesuits. Thejangifiror's.
^têgLJIIîirisManity wjas^jnerely^Jj^llgctual, but the
FatKers were obtuse enough to think that he seriously
thought of declaring himself a follower of Christ. Their cre-
dulity isrevealed in their readiness to accept the orthodox
gossip that was current in Hindustan about the emperor
The following is an instance :
" The emperor turned all the mosques of the city
where he lived into stables for elephants or horses on
the pretence of preparation for war. Soon, however,,
he destroyed the Alcorans which are the turrets from*
which the priests call with loud voices on Mohammed
saying that if the mosques could no longer be used
ERA OP RECONSTRUCTION 42T
for prayer there was no need for the turrets, and

he did in his hatred for the Mohammedan sect and4
in his affection for the Gospel. The sub-deacon
also said that the name of Mohammed was as hated4
at the Mughal's court as in Christendom, and that
the emperor had restricted himself to one wife, turn-
ing out the rest and distributing them among his*
courtiers. Moreover, that he had passed a law that no-
Mohammedan was to circumcise his son before the
fifteenth year of his age, and that the sons should:
be at liberty on attaining years of discretion to*
enribrace what religion they chose."
It will be clear from the above extract that thejtesuit
^ truths andûrv truths^ and yet Dr.
Vijyjent ^j^xJooke^^ sources
of information. antL b y placi ng too jmc h
them gave to th^jworid a highly distorted Digtyrq of the-
greatest Mughal ei^^rg^f 41iHduBfcan.
"'* Aftersbrhe time the Fathers were called back, and the-
mission abruptly came to an end.
In 1574 the emperor sent another ambassador to Goa to*
ask the Provincial to send a fresh mission to instruct him
in the doctrines of the Christian faith. The Provincial who
knew the fate of the first two missions did not feel inclin-
ed to comply with the request, but after consultation with
his colleagues agreed to do so. The leader of the new
mission was Jerome Xavier, grand-nenhew of SjL Francis*
Xavier, ancTê^âs^'liîslEecr by others. The T5*atEers
founff the emperor at Lahore in May 1595. They were-
hospitably received, and the emperor treated them with a
consideration which he did not even show to ruling chiefs.
But like their predecessors, they also made the mistake of
supposing that the emperor intended to accept the Christian

faith, when they beheld him doing reverence to Christ and
Virgin Mary and attending a litany service on bended knees,
f nd with clasped hands after the fashion of the Christians.
The^jscfijejôn disillusioned ; and Father Xavier j?JwjK?s
greatly disappoiflte<ar "wrote jrf^ him tliat he was drifting
make orl He listened to
Christian faith, but showed no sign
of abandoning his superstitious worship of the sun, which
he adored every day at sunrise, and an image of which
he constantly kept near him. He allowed the Fathers
to build a church and to baptise all who desired to
embrace Christianity of their own free-will, but when they
asked him to publish broadcast this permission, he replied
that it was unnecessary to do so. The idea of conversion
was not likedjfry the people of Hindustan, and the Fathers
soon despaired of securing a large number of converts.
The members of the third mission also dwell upon the
•emperor's hostility to Islam, and their* remarks have an echo
of Badaoni's diatribes against him.
One of them writes :—
" This king has destroyed the false sect of Muham*
mad and wholly discredited it. In this city there is
neither a mosque nor a Quran, the book of their law,
and the mosques that were there have been made
stables for horses and store-houses and for the greater
shame of the Mohammedans, every Friday it is
arranged that forty or fifty boars are brought to
iight before the king, and he takes their tusks and
has them mounted in gold. This king has made a
sect of his own, and makes himself out to be a
ERA OP RECONSTRUCTION
'prophet. He has already many people who follow him,

but it is all for money which he gives them. He
adores God, and the sun, and is a Hindu (Gentile) ;
he follows the sect of the Jains (Vertei)."1
No contemporary Muslim writer corroborates this account
except Badaoniwhojtfas^
It appears, the Fathers heard from certain Muslims about
these matters and accepted their statements without a critical
examination. They fitted in so well with their hatred towards
Islam that they readily put implicit faith in all the reports
that reached them about the emperor's alleged apostasy.
IÂkbar is one of the most remarkable kings not only
in the history of India but of the whole world .J His great
qualities are amply revealed in the pages of
of Akbwnality the Ain-i-Akbari and the Atcbarnftmah, and
even Badaoni's hostile pen has not succeeded
account of the~lrrandeu^
injbglittlinfr the emperorV cEaracter and habits
Abul isFazl's
very
largely confirmed by Father Monserrate who was personally
acquainted with him^) Jahangir also describes his father
in the Memoirs, and his remarks deserve to be quoted,
writes :
" In his august personal appearance he was of middle
height, but inclining to be tall ; he was of the
1 Compare with the above Badioni's calculated misrepresentation
of what the emperor did. He says : " The real object of those who
became disciples was to get into office* and though His Majesty di<J
reerything to get this out of their heads, he acted very differently in the
case of Hindus, of whom he could not get enough, for the Hindus, of
course, are indispensable ; to them belongs half the army and half the
land. Neither the Hindustanis nor the Mughals can point to such grand
lords as the Hindus have among themselves. But if other than Hin4uf
came and wished to become disciples at any sacrifice His Majesty
reprovf d or punished them* For their honour and zeal he did not Qfirev
nor did he notice whether they fell in with his views or not." Comment-
upon this is superfluous. The reader may be left to draw his own
inference.
480 .HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
hue of wheat ; his eyes and eyebrows black

and his complexion rather dark than fair ; he was
lion-bodied, with a broad chest, and hands and arms
long. On the left side of his nose he had a fleshly
mole, very agreeable in appearance, of the size of
half a pea. Those skilled in the science of physiog-
nomy considered the mole a sign of great prosperity
and exceeding good fortune. /[His august voice was
very loud and in speaking and explaining had a
peculiar richness. In his actions ^
he WJISL nqj: li|lg tfrq p^^leôf^Jbhe ^ world, and the
glory of God mamfes^^ j
""~~rr Th^gooSTqualities otTn^revered father arfe beyond
the limit of approval and the bounds of praise. If
books were composed with regard to his commendable
dispositions, without suspicion of extravagance, and
he be not looked at as a father would be by his son
even then but a little out of much could be said."
The emperor's features were so majestic and impressive
that one could easily recognise at the first glance that he
was a king. His shoulders were broad, and his legs were
somewhat turned inwards and were well-suited for exercises
in horsemanship. His forehead was broad and open, and
liis eyes so bright and flashing that they looked like
the sea shining in the light of the sun. His nose was
•straight and small, and his nostrils were widely open. He
was clean-shaven except for a moustache which he
wore after the fashion of the Turkish youths who had hot
yet attained to manhood* He was neither too stout nor
too thin, and possessed a healthy and robust constitution.
His countenance was highly dignified, and the Jesuit writer
1 Kogers and Beveridge, I, pp. 88, 84, 37.
•
-who saw him in his 38th year writes that his expression
^was tranquil, serene and open and full of dignity and in
moments of anger, of awful majesty. He laughed heartily,
-cracked jokes and enjoyed every kind of entertainment,
-but when he was offended, his wrath was terrible. He was
âmiable, polite and accessible as few other monarchs in
Muslim history have been. He granted audiences to the
nobles and the common .people alike and spoke gently to
them. His manners were highly pleasant, so much so
-indeed, thaâther Jerome

*rutiasCTeat Xavier
with the writes of him that 'to
greatand^
^ towards him
in^spiteôf his heterodox views, and the Jesuit writer is
surprised that he was not assassinated for his aberrations
from orthodoxy. He was extremely intelligent, far-sighted
•and shrewd and was capable of understanding the most
difficult problems of the state without much effort. No
•question, philosophical or political, could baffle his intellect
*nd the astute statesmen in the realm found in him
a rival in quickness of perception, industry and capacity for
ready decision. He could manage a theological debate, a
military campaign in a far-off province, and a reform in
some branch of the administration with equal easef and his
highest officers always valued his advice and suggestions.
In his dress he followed the fashion of Muslim kings.
His garments were made of silk beautifully embroidered
in gold. He was fond of jewellery and wore a great deal
of it on ceremonial occasions. His headgear was a turban,
tightly bound and decked with pearls and jewels. He liked
European dress too and sometimes put it on in private.
He always carried arms on his person, and was surrounded
even in his private apartments by armed bodyguards.
£The imperial kitchen was a huge establishment, but the

emperor waêxtremely temperate in matters of eating and
drinking. He took only one meal a dayând left off before
he was fully satisfied. No hours were fixed for his meals ;
they were served whenever he called for them. He was sa
gentle and unassuming that the words ' what dinner has been
prepared today, 9 never passed from his lips. But his table
was sumptuous, and great precautions were taken against
poisoning. I^JHe gave up beef, garlic and onions in order to-
avoid giving offence to his Hindu wives and friends.ê
cared little for meat, and in his later years completely gave
it up/ On the question of meat he expressed himself in
these words :
" Men are so accustomed to eating meat that were

it not for the pain, they would undoubtedly fall to on
themselves. Would that my body were so vigorous aa
to be of service to eaters of meat who would thus forego
other animal life, or that as I cut off a piece for their
nourishment, it might be replaced by another.
14 Would that it were lawful to eat an elephant, so-
that one animal might avail for many. Were it not for
the thought of the difficulty of sustenance, I would
prohibit men from eating meat. 4lhe reason why I do
not altogether abandon it myself is, that many others
might willingly forego it likewise and be 'thus cast into
despondency &
Q" From my earliest years, whenever I ordered animal
food to be cooked for me, I found it rather tastele^
and cared little for it. I took this feeling to indicate
a necessity for protecting animals, and I refrained from
animal food,"
" Butchers, fishermen and the like who have no

other occupation but taking life, should have a separate
quarter and their association with others should be
prohibited by fine.
"It is indeed from ignorance and cruelty that
although various kinds of food are obtainable, men are
bent upon injuring living creatures and lending a
ready hand in killing and eating them ; none seems
to have an eye for the beauty inherent in the prevention
of cruelty, but makes himself a tomb for animals."
(jle drank much in his early youth but in later years
he rarely did so. The Jesuit writer says 4hat he quenched
his thirst with poft or plain water!)He generally dined alone,
reclining on an ordinary couch which .was covered with
silk and«£ushions stuffed with the soft fibres of some
imported plant.
He was a man of deep affections. iHe enjoined obe-
dience to parents, and regretted that his father Humayun
died so early that he could render him no faithful service
Towards his mother and other relatives, he showed a great
kindness and looked after their comforts. He treated his
brother Hakim kindly even when the latter rebelled against
him, and showed favour to his foster-brother Aziz Koka,
whom he entrusted with important military commands.
'He
Ttemloved
oftenlittle children,)and
turned used to say
the mind towards the that love towards
Bountiful Creator.
He had a great love for Bibi Daulat-ShSd's daughter \whora
Tie gave the name of Aram Banu Begum. Often he said to
his son Salim : Baba I for my sake be as kind as I am,~ after
me, to this sister,) who in Hindi phrase is ' my darling.'
He hated pride and arrogance and behaved as the humblest
F. 28
of men. When he organised his religious order, many ex-

pressed a wish to become his disciples but he refused
to admit them and said : ' Why should I claim to guide
men, before I myself am guided/1 Jahangir writes in his
Memoirs that notwithstanding his kingship and bound-
less wealth he never ' placed his foot beyond the base of
humility before the throne of God but considered himself
the lowest of created beings and never for one moment
forgotHisGod.'8
time was carefully mapped out so that not a minute
was wasted. He slept only for a few hours in the night,
and spent most of his time in philosophical discussions and
listening to historians who related the events of bygone
ages 'without adding or suppressing facts.' After day-
break peasants, soldiers, tradesmen, merchants and men
of other avocations gathered near the walls of the palace
and were allowed to make the kornish. During the day
the emperor was busy in transacting the business of the
state. He himself looked into every detail of the adminis-
tration which was greatly improved by his methodising
genius
Though himself illiterate, the emperor was endowed by
nature with extraordinary intellectual powers. He had a
marvellous memory which enabled him to store his mind
with all kinds of useful knowledge. He knew a great deal
of philosophy, theology, history and politics and could easily
give his opinion on the most abstruse subjects. Never
before in the history of Muslim rule in India had so many
scholars, poets and philosophers gathered round a king and
I, p. 165.
Rogers and Beveridge, I, p. 87.
-enjoyed his patronage. He had a large library in his palace

which contained books on all subjects. Learned men were
.asked to read these books to the emperor from the begin-
ning to the end. He made a sign with his own pen every day
at the place where his readers stopped and paid their wages
according to the number of pages read. Thus he had acquir-
ed a sufficiently wide knowledge of Asiatic literature which
included a deep study of Sufi poets. He had heard the
gospel from the lips of the Jesuit Fathers and seems to have
greatly liked its teachings. His interest in art was keen ; he
loved calligraphy and employed a large number of skilled calli-
graphists in his service.fHe was fond of music and song, and
a large number of musicians lived at his court. \ He was not
devoid of a knowledge of architecture, and the buildings of
his reign testify to his good taste. It is really a marvel that
he should have drawn in so much knowledge through the ear.
Even Dr. Vincent Smith who is in no way partial to him
-acknowledges his great Tntellectual powers. He says :
" Anybody who heard him arguing with acuteness

and lucidity on a subject of debate would have credited
him with wide literary knowledge and profound
erudition, and never would have suspected him of
illiteracy." '
-He knew the mechanical art and himself devised several
He was possessed of incredible bodily strength. The

Mongol and Turkish elements were mixed up in his nature,
and he displayed the qualities of both races. He was devoted
from his childhood to hunting excursions, and when he grew
1 Akbar, p. 838.
4S6 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
to man's estate, they became a passion with him. Sport was

a source of delight to him, and nothing gave him greater
pleasure than the chase of wild and ferocious animals. No-
lion, tiger or elephant, however fierce, could frighten him,
and no amount of fatigue could make him give up the pur-
suit of his game. Fear was unknown to his nature, and
whether he was in the thick of battle or in the breathless,
chase of some wild animal, he dashed with full vigour, and
never faltered or hesitated. He enjoyed elephant fights
and gladiator combats, but had an abhorrence of bloodshed.
He was at times so reckless of his own life that he plunged
his horse into the Ganges, when it was in full flood during
the rainy season, and successfully crossed to the other side.
The emperor held a lofty ideal of kingship. Ever devot-
ed to the service of God and the quest of truth, he had a
real affection for his people and a genuine desire to establish
a just and efficient government He exerted himself to the
utmost to promote this end. His ideal of kingly duty is
well reflected in his sayings :
" A monarch is a pre-eminent cause of God. Upon his
conduct depends the efficiency of any course of action.
His gratitude to his Lord, therefore, should be shown
in just government and due recognition of merit ; that of
his people in obedience and praise."
" Tyranny is unlawful in every one, especially in a
sovereign who is the guardian of the world. "
" Falsehood is improper in all men and most unseemly
in monarchs. This order is termed the shadow of God,
and a shadow should throw straight. "
Dr. Vincent Smith, relying upon Jesuit sources, dwells
at length upon Akbar's artfulness and duplicity in state craft
BRA OF RBCONSTByCTION 437
and speaks of his ' tortuous diplomacy and perfidious

action. ' But we feel much relieved to read in his work a
little later that (Mgrtfljn amount Af finQgq* ™ inflvltahlft in
nd politics, and that(Jiis policy was not more
tortuous than that of the European princes of his
The same learned historian goes on to add that in all countries
it is necessary for statesmen to practise an economy of truth,
but the sense of racial superiority gets the better of his judi-
cial fairness, and leads him to say that it would not be rea-
sonable to expect an Asiatic potentate like Akbar to be in
advance of his European contemporaries in respect of straight
dealing. Dr. Vincent Smith forgets that Akbar's great con~
t^mporarv Elizabeth lied fthame1easlyT and Green goes so far
as to assert that in the profusion and recklessness of her lies
she stood w1'*1™^ a pm* in Christendom.
The vile methods and intrigues of other monarchs in
France, Spain and elsewhere are too well known to need
mention. Akbar was undoubtedly superior to his contem-
poraries both in intellect and character, and his policy was
far more humane than theirs. Against the few acts of
inhumanity and breach of faith attributed to him by
Dr. Smith, it is possible to mention a hundred deeds of
generosity and benevolence. Accurate and impartial re-
search by whomsoever conducted will reveal Akbar to
have been in many respects a greater man thap his Euro-
pean contemporaries.
The greatest title of Akbar to fame is his policy of
religious toleration. He was tolerant of other faiths. No
doctrinal dissent could drive him into fury nor could
differences of opinion make him lose his temper or disturb
the natural serenity of his philosophical mind. He allowed
JFathullah Shirazi who was a Shia to say his prayers in the
hall of audience and connived at his practices, because he

thought it good to encourage a man of talent. On the
j&ygrgtri
land drank davwithhe them.
helfl a meeting- Of Higflu
In the matter asceticshe and
of worship ate
allowed
the utmost freedom to non-Muslims. He never countenanced
forcible conversions. On the other hand, if a Hindu had
been converted to Islam by force in his childhood, he was
allowed, if he liked, to go back to the religion of his fathers.
JThere was a standing ordinance of the emperor to the
effect that TIP nr^" afrnnld hp intPrforpd with rm jMwnfljt
QfJiis-celigion, and every one should be free to settle his
own
infidelsconvictions.
built a church \ Another "decree laid
or a synagogue or andown thaCif orthea
idol temple
fire temple, no one should molest them.\ Himself a man
of catholic views, he associated with the learned of all racea
and religions and comprehended fully the meaning of their
subtle doctrines. Abul Fazl tells us that though occa-
sionally he joined public worship in order to hush the
slandering tongues of the bigots of the age, his ardent
feeling for God and his desire to know the truth led him
to practise great inward and outward austerities. This
intimate contact with the learned of the age developed
his understanding and sharpened his intelligence to such
an extent that nobody could believe that he was illiterate.
He fully realised the weakness of human nature and used
to say :
" It is my duty to be in good understanding with all

men. If they walk in the way of God's will inter-
ference with them would be in itself reprehensible ;
and if otherwise, they are under the malady of
. ignorance and deserve my compassion/'
ERA OF RECONSTRUCTION 439.
He was sincerely religious and devoted to God, so much

so indeed, that Abul Fazl writes that he ' passed every
moment of his life in self-examination or in adoration of
God/ Dr. Vincent Smith greatly underrates Akbar's
attempt to organise a religious order with a view to
unite his subjects of diverse races and creeds. One
wishes that the distinguished historian had paid a just
tribute to his genius for proclaiming the Sulh-i-kid _ (uni-
versal peace) at a time when in Europe the principle
enforced was cujus regio ejua religio. From the diet of
Augsburg, which met a year before the imperial accession to*
the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, Europe knew no peace, and
the religion of the subjects was regulated by the state. The
dissenter could only choose between submission to the dic-
tation ofthe civil ruler or emigration from his territorial
bounds. (JEvenProtestantism
of Elizabeth in Dr. Smith'swasownimposed
countryby during the reign
force upon the
Irish people. Philip II of Spain who was a bigoted papist
openly declared that it was better not to rule at all than to
rule over heretics.^ A comparison of European monarchs
with Akbar easily establishes the superiority of the latter
both in genius and achievement, and there is no warrant for
the disparaging remarks which Dr. Vincent Smith makes
under the cloak of judicial impartiality. Qta mental power
Akbar waSJIpdnnhfcedly thft pppr nf ^
All things considered, h^ will r^nk aô^g thp
Iginffs of historv.)and his claim to this pre-eminent position
will always rest upon his grand and original intellect*
force of character, and the solid results of his statesman-
ship.
The Mughal system of administration was not original.
The methods followed all over the Muslim world were
t
those of the Abbasid Khalifas of Iraq or the Fatimid
Nature of #balif5s of Egypt. But when the early
iiughai Gov- Turfcs came to India, their ideas became inter-
ernmen . fused with the customs and usages of the
country. The Hindus continued to be employed in the
revenue department, and their customs and practices
exercised a powerful influence on administrative arrange-
ments. Prhe Mughal administration was therefore a mixture
of Indian a^jforeign elemerits,knd, to use Professor Sarkar's
expressive phrase, it was ' Feô-Arabic^ systgiguiiÎndian
getting.* Its elaborate organization entailed much record-
keeping, and required the monarch to be constantly vigilant.
Butjtjvasnot who^Jbarajd on.. jgrce. (There was partial
acquiescence^ the people, because the new government was
more humane, tolerant and Beneficent. It respected social
the villages to enjoy their time-honoured
rightôf êlf :gp y ernment \
The head of the administration was the king himself.
In theory he had unlimited powers, but in practice he always
_, tr.
The King. deferred to the wishes of those who were
* near him or who were affected by his decrees.
Even the most absolute monarch has to consult the wishes
of the clique that supports him. (AJk^bar was an autocrat but
~' ; did not ^jmjfrte îrresponsibility A His methods
At a very earlyItlibse
llffered" from age he ofwas
the complete
~ rulers ofmaster
tHe pre-Mughal days.
of his kingdom^
and annomi^â^dicy which w?is based_upon liberal and
hiunamteri^înciplesr The disîiiities imposed upon the
UntJfeiievertirwere removed, and the admimstratfon!*^
the Hindus and Muslims alike in all matters.) There was no
exclusion from the offices of the state on religious grounds,
and the Hindusjvere granted complete liberty of worship.
The principle of religious toleration glided the policy of

Akbar and augmented the gloryjc)f his empire. Some of his
ablest ministers
the emperor "radln^rtSniii^
always consulted themfriends
beforewere Hindus,
taking actionandin
important matters.
| Never during his reign did he levy extra tax$&}although
his pSpert^^rsîmpliedTa heavy strain on his resources.
It is true he tried jo repress the bigotry oi[the^ Ujama but
he did so in order to ~end their interference in political
affairs. Much of the careful organisation which he effected
to govern his vast empire was the outcome of his own
genius. He was often, as Dr. Vincent Smith says, the
teacher rather than the pupifof his ministers^" Hisbureau-
•a^ttMUftMIUwM-* w.^v4-**» • —*"•-• " ~ •"• ' ^ -fc.—..* -v_ t ,^~ ,.«,„ tww^.^ ,„. ., KJ,.. g^^BM— I ml***m*mmi i n m
^retcyT nal f-ci vil , half-military admirably seryed.his purpose,

and . administrative efficiency reached its high, water-mark
for the first time under Muhammadan rufe. /Th
himself was the guiding spirit oj^^ll i^formsand policies,
and it was his master-mind whichjjirasped the minutest
details
working ofof government,^ and made Below
the whole machinery. possiWe^±0^snioofIi
the kingjkhe.
Vakil was Jthe_pJQ,ncigal executive officer. He was, as
it were, tlôltgfô of the emperor and was consulted in
all matters. This office was in the early years held by
Bairam Khan, the tutor and guardian of theêmperor. f
• Organisation ^he chief departments of the Mughal
^f civil
vernment.
Go- governmen t were : —
(1) Finance (under

(2) The military, Pay and Accounts office (under
JheMir Bakhshi).
1 There were no departments like those of the British Government
in those days. This is only a rough classification to assist clear under*
(3) The Imperial Household (under the Khan-i-Snmnn

or Lord High Steward).
(4) Judicial (under the chief Qazi known as the
ul -Quz m). ~~ 1
(5) Religious endowments and charitable grants (under
the Sadr-i-Sudur).
(6) Censorship of Public Morals (under the Muhateify.
Somewhat inferior to these were the following :—
(7) Artillery (under the Mir "Atish or Darogha-i-Top-

khanah). J
(8) Intelligence and Posts (under the
Chowki).
(9) Mint (under its own

Abul Fazl describes the Diwan as the emperor's
lieutenant in all financial matters, who superintended the
imperial treasuries and checked all accounts.
f Se wai the head of the revenue department,
ancTall questions pertaining to the assessment
and collection of revenue were decided by himj All
revenue papers, returns and despatches from the different
parts of the empire were ^gceived in^
forjpaymftnt except those regarding petty sums of money
êreinade by him^(The Wazir was like other officers a.
nwwabctor, i.e., holder of a military rank in the armyA&nd
sometimes did actually command armies, though usually he
had to remain at the capital by reason of the peculiar nature
of his business.")
standing. It would be proper to name the powerful officers of the-
administration and to detail the duties assigned to them.
f There was no clear division between_,the_ciyij smd

military "branches of the administration. Every civil
^rfficer jwras a mansabdar in the iingerial
ârmy/and his in
and position Vnatwaft "determined
the official his salary
hierarchy.) The
salary bills of all officers had to be scrutinised and
passed by the paymaster of the army. He assigned posts
to several commanders in the van, centre wings and rear
guards before battle. The Ain defines the Mir .Bakb&hi
as an officer in charge of the personal army j>fjthe
e exercised a general control ~oveF the whole
"and^saw
the proper that theHe mansabdars
condition. keptthe
looked after theirrecruitment
horses in
of soldiers also.
He was the head of the emperor's household estab-
lishment, and accompanied him during his journeys and
campaigns. Blochmann translates him JOB
c£h x Kh?n'i:
SSmSn or Lord
Superintendent
- -
of Stores.- ^LHe-.w—~~~~
was —the head
-—"•-"*•
High steward. j>f ta&fijpaperor's personal fita&Lft&
his food, tents and stores, and looked
his messing arrangements. N According to Manucci he was in
charge of the entire expenditure of the royal household in
reference to both great and small things. (The office of the
Khan-i-Sam&n was an important one, and only men of trust
were appointed to it.S
Qlejjrasjhe highest judicial officer of the realm CQffe-.
sponxfingto the LoVd CHief Justice of England) The emperor
^~" as the KhalifS of the age was the supreme
°hief in all cases, but generally he acted a&
the highest court of appeal. \The
the ChiefJudge in criminal cases which he decided accord-
ing to Muslim. I^w,
This is a very old office. It had existed in the time of

the Khiljis and Tughluqs. In old times the state^ was^the
mu Munateib.
Tne TUT i. ^-u custodian
^_--"^ — of men's
.— >***-* life and. _ *-,property
— - — -^-*r~- ^ _ * as well
as their morals. ---The Muhatsib's duties were
to see that the people led their lives in accordance with the
"**^^>^*^*^*-""*<Vs^-x*"~"^^'-' ZZ-Jtllirff"1^ "** " - i.Mgmr-- mi | - "i"" "^.l'"?*
lawffife
in of Shariat,
the PropheU
ancf to put downto prevent
in general the practices ''con53emned
immorality.
^Besides positions
responsible theseTKerein ithe
werestateS
many Some
otEer ofofficers^who
these are :—held
(1) TheMustaufi ... Auditor-General.
(2) The Awarjah Nawis Superintendent of daily
expenditure at the court.
(3) The N5zir-i-Buyutatl Superintendent of the
Imperial Workshop.
(4) The Mushrif Revenue Secretary.
(5) Mir Bahri Chief Admiral and Officer
of the Harbours.
(6) Mir Barr Superintendent of Forests.
(7) Qur Begi Superintendent of the Royal
Stud.
<8) AkhtBegi Superintendent of the Royal
Stud.
(9) Khwan Salar Superintendent of the Royal
Kitchen.
(10) The Waqa-i-Nawis The News-recorder,
(11) Mir Arz who presented all petitions
to the emperor brought
by suitors who wished to
place them before His
t
This 1officer
Buyutat is derived
looked from
after the the Arabic
workshops wordregistered
and also bait meaning 4 house.9
the property
of deceased persons in order to clear their accounts with the state.
i
Majesty. At one time

Mirza Abdur Rahim was.
appointed as the principal
Mir Arz of the realm.
The officer who was responsible for maintaining peace
Kotwal.^His duties are enumerated at
, . , in the Ain, [ the most important of
Public peace. length
which are:—
(1) to keep watch at night and patrol the city ;
(2) to keep a register of houses and frequented roads ;.
(3) to employ a spy from among the obscure residents
and to observe the income and expenditure of
the various classes ;
(4) to discover thieves ;
(5) to examine weights and measures ;
(6) to make a list of the property of those who have
no heir and of deceased and missing persons.
(7) not to allow a woman to be burnt against her will
and to prevent circumcision below the age of 12*.
There are many other duties assigned to the Kotwal
Indeed, the catalogue is so long that Professor Jadunath
Sarkar is inclined to think that the passage in the Ain
represents an ideal rather than an actual state of things*
The Eotwal is still a familiar figure in big cities in Northern
India,lind he still performs most of the duties entrusted to
his Mughal prototype. At was the Kptwal's duty in Akbar's
day tojprevent and detect crime, to trace the whereabouts
oTbffenders ând to look after the daily life of the people in
the£town. Hejwas to discover stolen goods, and If he failed
tcTdo so he hadTtolnaEe'good the loss.) He had to patrol at
1 Jarrett, II, pp. 41—48.
446 HISTORY OF^MpSUM OT3MSL
night to note the movements of strangers, tosettheidleto work
and to fix the places of men following different occupations
in the town such

the^Kotwal as butchers,
unusually washermen,
alerJ^nd he becameetc^^This'macte
a terror to all
vagabonds and tramps, who roamed about without a$y
jjjtensibleTm^ Espionage is an inevitable
corollaryinformation
obtain of despotism,
about and
the "the
doingsKotwal employed
of the people spiescity.
in the to
Briêrj^was prevalent, but the dread of the emperor exer
cised awE^som¥7estrainjân Jin many cases the^Kotwals
-discharged their (9^^s~w3r4go«nis efficiency.^ Order and
^security prevailed in cities. ^Business was_saf e, ânJ^reign
merchants were jy ell protects. JThe office of Kotwal existed
throughout the Mughal ruJeriima Manucci has described its
duties from personal observation. '
f The emperor was the fountain of all justice.
I S^, ,-^^~- --- -•"- -- - v _
He^waa
~- ~ . „,----- -— . r _ -------- *~— '— -
the higEest court of appeal, and the people had boundless con-
" fidence in his jusfice^; HeTieard original suits
biw*106 and of a certain VmH"as well
posal by provincial as appeals Iênt
governments. On for dis-
a fixed
•day all people, the high and low, were permitted to enter the
Court of Justice and lay their complaints before him. Even
when His Majesty was on tour, he held his court reaularly
^md received complaints against his officials also./ The
Mir Arz had to be present at the palace all day ana night,
<and at one time seven Mir Arzes were appointed with
Abdur Rahim as the Head Mir Arz, because one mai) could
Tiot cope with the increased volume of work.
r BeloyL.t^q qpU^flO?a&lh£ Sadr-i-SudUr who decided
-important civil cases especially of a religious character.
1 Storia de Mogar, II, pp. 420-21.
RECONSTRUCTION 447
The yazi-ul-quz&t was^&jiig&e^ ~ia the

realm, who was responsible for the efficient administration
<xf justicO There were no law courts in those days with
•definite codes of law to guide the presiding officers. (The
functionaries who were mainly concernejLgjth.the disposal of
cases were— ffiTRieQazi, (tythejdufti>
tt expounded the law ; the Qazi investigated the
eviHence ; and the Miradl delivered tfie "judgment.) The
Miradl was specially enjoined to look after the general
< ' *~*'V'MtHll**Hltt~<™<'* >Jf
interest of the state and to act as a counterpoise to the

'Qazi's influence. There were no professional lawyers,
trained in law and conversant with social usages and regula-
tions of the state, and since the parties had to plead their
cause in person, we may presume that justice was not
always done to the simple villager who was helpless against
a rapacious official or an influential opponent. The number
of Miradls in Akbar's time was not very large. They
were generally associated with the Qazis who were more
conservative in their outlook and unresponsive to the
larger considerations of public welfare. At one time the
emperor dismissed all reactionary Qazis, not to destroy the
Muslim law as is too readily assumed by his orthodox
critics, but to induce a chastened mood in judges who
considered themselves infallible.
The Qazi's court had civil and criminal jurisdiction
tried cases of both Hindus and Muslims. Bat in deciding
î^M.pJyifaWI ----- ** """"" ' f-> H--" " «•*••*>» •£. , ,,„ Vf**J« •<**
thosif cases in which the parties were Hindus, he was

customYand usages
oFthe Hindu community. It does not appear that he was
supplied with any official agency to explain the Hindu
customs, but there is evidence to show that such usages
were respected by government. The
to be just, honest, and impartial and to hold trials

In the presence of parties at the .Beat of the court-
House jmd not jnjuay~-priy,ate place. /He was ordered not
to accept presents or to attenB^Mfetammerits given _hy
"Sit Slid sundry, and was asked to be proud pf his poverty*
Bui IfcEese Injunctions were more honoured in the breach
than in the observance. Most of the Qazis were haughty
and corrupt and gave perverse verdicts*
*** There was no written code of law which the judges,
had to administer in Akbar's empire. The Quran was the
ultimate authority to which all questions had to be referred.
But the Quran could not be applied to all conceivable cases,
and therefore its provisions were supplemented by the
Hadis or sayings of the Prophet. The Fatwa* or decrees
of eminent judges or the Ulama constituted another
source of law, but they were not binding upon the Qazi,
who might or might not accept them.( The criminal law
was the same for ally and in the matted of punishmenfTno
distinctjpns were made on religious grounds". IrTcivil cases
in which the parties were Hindus full regard was paid to
their customary and traditional law, and the Qazi was
expected to acquaint himself with Hindu usages. The
courts had to follow the regulations laid down by the
emperor in revenue cases. But the emperor was above the
law. .-JBt^could^freely annul_or jeverse the decisions of his.
judges-jyjio were always careful to avoid ~thfr"imperial
displeasure.
fThejMnishments inflicted by courts were often severe^
Amputation ofllmBs~vîrer^
could not be inflicted without the emôr'sSSifioK^There
Was no regl^fiLMLsySt^fn, an3H|nnj^1^ym^ pri'onnara ^rg^
Confined in forts; Those who were guilty of particularly
/
heinous offences were thrown into dungeons, and
were treated with great rigour. T Fjnesjvere jRQtûnknovn,
^ndLirtjgertajr^ cases exorbitant demands were made to
meet the ends JD£ jjistice., J
Father Monserrate's account of the King's justice is
well worth quoting. Here is a summary of his observa-
tions -:
The King's regard for right and justice in the affairs
of government is remarkable. He takes a very strong view
of errors and misdemeanours committed by his officials in
discharging their duties. He is sincerely anxious that
guilt should be punished without malice indeed but without
undue leniency. All important cases he decided himself,
and punishments were awarded after great deliberation.
Moral offences were severely dealt with. Seducers and adul-
terors were either strangled or gibbeted. He had such a
hatred of debauchery and adultery that neither influence
nor entreaties, nor the great ransom which was offered
would induce him to pardon his chief trade commissioner,
who had outraged the rhodesty of an unmarried girl. The
wretch was remorselessly strangled. The chief executione
was provided with many barbarous instruments to inflict
punishments upon malefactors, but no one was actually
punished with them, and they seemed to be intended rather
to inspire terror than for actual use.
( It; ma3Lbe said that jinder Akb^^someôl^th^ worst
features 61 despotism ,were minimised.) It is the curse of
despotism that the claims of men of merit are
always ignored or neglected. But the guiding
maxim of Akbar's government like that of
Napoleon Bonaparte in France was 'career openjto-
"F. 29 Able men from distant countries of Asia ttune
i
to India in search of employment, and found shelter at his
court.C AlXthosewho were entitled to be called great or
noble in the courftry^^^
Therewas no rank or dignity outside the pale of the im-
perial service. Appointment to every post rested with the
emperor. His will was law. He could elevate^ a.jna»-4o
.ppsitjprL straigfolway ^without jrafoTfTilg ^him
highest office as helower did inranks or of
the case degrade
Shaikh a A&dunhabi.
man from the'
3Br
to qualifications there was no* hard and fast rule. There
was no specialisation in the various branches of the ad-
ministration, and the modern device of testing a candidate's
fitness for public service by competitive examinations
was altogether unknown.\The emperors judgment .was
foe jaole jgRidgjr Aliens were admitted in the service, and
in Akbar's ti(pe their number considerably increased. QNear-
Iy_S£Kenty per cent of the officers were foreignersNdescend-
ants of families, that had come to India with Humayun or
afterwards, and only thirty per cent of them were Indians
proper. There was no ban on the Hindus. Many of them
entered the Imperial service, and the feverrue department
was largely manned by them. (The higher posts were open
only to the Rajputs^ the only exceptions being Todarmal,
Birbal and their sons. Officers were not confined to duties
of one kind only. They were transferred by the emperor
to perform duties which were diametrically opposite to the
duties of the office which they actually held. JRaja Birbal,
a court wit, was sent by the emperor to command an ex-
pedition agamst the Yusufzais with fatal results. Abul
Fazl who was a literary man par excellence was sent to
the Deccan against Bahadur of Khandesh, and Raja Todgtr-
Was deputed to deal with the insurgents in Bengal and
i
Bihar. Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan won his early spurs
in Gujarat as a warrior, (jt segjatfâll offices were inter-
changeable^* There were no rules of promotion or pension.
aEverything depended
man joined the service, upon theheemperor's
was suresweet will.andÔnce
of a rise was
rapidly promoted from grade to grade, sometimes at once
from the lowest to the highest .\The highest ambition of
every aspiring youth, Hindu oymuslim, was to Jget an
opportunity of serving the state, because it meanThonqur^
prestige, and higR" emoluments, and tp men pf talent like
ES'faTodarmal it affordedButample
their special genius. therescope for serious
was one the exercise gf^
disability
under which all officers of the state laboured. They could
eat, drink and be merry and amass large fortunes
during their lifetime, but they jsould nj>t Jransmit their
accumulated hoards to their children after death. Almost
inevitably, the son of â noble had .to begin life anew, for
the property of^ his parent lapsed to the &feate, hy_the
law of escheat Under such circumstances '
grandees^ lived luxurious and wasteful lives, and lavishly
Bgen^mon^în.gwmg^b/ibes
favourT As Mr. Moreland rightly the emperor's,
to secureobserves money
saved was money lost unless it could be concealed
from the knowledge of the world. Corruption was
rife, and other^ qualities than honesty .were needed /to
ensure advancement in life. These were readineg/ of
speech, capacity for ingratiating one's selL wftj{ the
clique or coterie that was in power at court. AH these
circumstancesjireyented the rise of an^ independent Jiere^
ditary ari^crac^j^hich êrves JLS a, check^pnâutocracy.
Tfie survival
-the hope^thatof the
the law ~ of escheat
fittest would finallyand
proved chimerical, lead the
to
i
mighty Muslim nobility, Ldepriyed of its patrimony, became
selfish, unscrupuTous M^jnediocre.
"~^The^^
sense^ before .AkbaxJ ^tlncter

was divided intoSher Shah and
Sarkars the Parganas
whole country
with
Provinc i a i their own officers of which an account
A d m i nistra- , , . . , TTT., i
tion. has been given in a previous chapter. With
Humayun's restoration a fresh arrangement
became necessary. He parcelled out the whole country
among his generals, but the system did not work well in<
practice and the fief holders increased their lands and made
attempts to shake off the imperial yoke./Akbar abolished the
systemof jagirs and divided the whole empire into twelve
SubaHsTjLater when Ahmadnagar was conquered, three more
Subahs -'were added thus raising the total to fifteen. /The
Subah was a replica of the empire in every respect, aiuTthe
^baTbdffwEo was officially styled as the Sipahsalar enjoyed
unlimited powers, while he remained in office
provinces, away from the capital, he behaved for all practical
purposes like a miniature king./JThe Subahs were, further
divided into sarkars and parganas, but the former seem to
have been fiscal andj^ jidmjr^st^ The officers
of the earkar are not mentioned in the Ain, and from the
manner in which Abul Fazl speaks of the Sarkar we may
reasonably conclude that it was an aggregation of pargana*
having similar customs and usages for revenue purposes/T
SipafaQl&r was the head of the Provincial
1 The Subahs comprised in the empire were —
1- Agra 2. I la bas or Allahabad 3, Oudh
j. Velbi 5. Lahore 6. Multan 7. Kabul
o. Ajmer 9. Bengal 10 Bihar
IL. Ah mad ab ad 12. Malwa 13 Berar
14. Khandesh 16. Ahraadnagar
The last three were added after the Deccan conquest.
and had^Jbpth civil and military.. Juoisdictipn^

usually a favourite of the emperor who. had risenj
by reason of his meritorious services to t&$ £tate*^,Age did
not matter, for Aziz Koka and Abdur Rahim were elevated
to gubernatorial positions while they were quite young.
The Sipahatilftr was the emperor's representative in the Su-
bah, and the Persian writers described his position by employ-
ing a significant metaphor. They said that just as the moon
derives its light from the sun so did the provincial governor
derive his authority from the emperor. Heh^ld.hiajowiLCOurt,
but he could not sit in the jarokha or .declare war or peace
withoutjthe Qmpjeror'^.pujrmiSjSion. Hgjyas the head of the
Judicial
V— ^~-
and "
~ "
military . departments. He{7 heard appeals from
the decisions of theQazis and Miradls. \ As the highest mili-
tary officer jiy;hejgro^
forces^ and was responsible ior their maintena^cevand proper
equipment. He could appoint and dismiss all his st^ except
the officers Tri ' the higher gradjes/lSle was not aHowgdJo
interfere jnjî&i^ any religious
question requiring settlement, it w^jreferrjed^tojbhe Sadr
or other officers. Though head of the judiciary ^
inflict capital îî^r^jjyj^pjgt^ sanction.
He~TTeptTa large number of spies
with information of all kinds about the people within his
jurisdiction.
_ Below him were (1) the Diwan, (2) the Sadr, (3) the
Amil or revenue collector, (4) the Bitikchi, (5) the Potdar or
Khizandar, (6) the Faujdar, (7) the Kotwal, (8) the Waqa-
i-naufl*, and (9) other officers of the revenue department
like the qanungo and the patwari.
(1) Diwan.— Next in importance is the Diwan who
was the rival of the SipahscLl&r. Formerly the provincial
Diwans were selected by the governor himself, but in 1579*

when the crown lands had greatly increased, the appoint-
ments were made by the central government. The Diwan'&
duty was to watch the conduct of the SipahsalUr and to
co-operate with him in running the administration. He
possessed the power of the purse, and all bills of payment
were signed by him. He tried all revenue cases except
those in which his department was concerned. Where
there was a difference of opinion between the Subahdar
and the Diwan. the matter was referred to the central
government. The Diwan acted as a check on the governor
and prevented the latter from becoming too powerful.
(2) Sadr. — The provincial Sadr was appointed by the
central government and his chief duty was to govern the
Sayurghals. He was more independent than the Diwan
in his relations with the Sipahsalnr and had a separate
office of his own. As the Sadr was generally a man of piety
and learning, and could grant lands and allowances on his
own initiative, he was held in great esteem by the people.
The Qazis and Miradls were under him
(3) The of"Amil
description or the revenue
the collector collector.—
in the Ain Probably
represents the
an ideal
state of things, but his functions are clearly indicated.
The ~Amil had multifarious duties to discharge. He was
asked to deal with the refractory severely, without the least
apprehension of the land remaining uncultivated. He was
to ascertain the quality of the land actually under culti-
vation and to reclaim the waste lands. He was also to as-
sist in the maintenance of the general peace by punishing
highway robbery and other like crimes, and was to show
consideration to peaceful and law-abiding citizens. He was
to take security from land surveyors, assessors, and other
officers and was to see that in measuring the land not a

bigha was concealed or overlooked. The revenue was to
be collected in an amicable manner, and the treasurer was
not to demand an extra coin from the husbandmen. The
'Amil was to examine the registers maintained by the
Karkun, the muqaddam and the patwari and to report, if
any untoward event affecting cultivation happened in his
jurisdiction. He was to submit monthly statements regard-
ing the condition of the people, the jagirdars, the residents
of the neighbourhood, the market prices, the current rates
of tenements, etc. He was required to tour in the country
and warned not to make his visits an occasion for exacting
money or receiving presents from the peasantry.
(4) The Bitikchi. — He was of the same status as the
"&mil and served as a check on him. He supervised the
work of the Qanungos and was required to be a good
writer and a skilful accountant. He was expected to be
fully acquainted with the customs and regulations of the
district in his charge and was to keep a record of all engage-
ments entered into by the peasant with the government.
It was also his duty to prepare detailed statements of
arable and waste land and of income and expenditure. He
made revenue abstracts every season and submitted an
annual report to the court.
(5) The Potdar or Khizandar.—He was to receive
money from the cultivators and to keep the treasure of
the state securely locked. He issued receipts for every
payment and kept a ledger to avoid mistakes in accounts.
He was ordered not to make any payment without a
voucher signed by the Diwan.
(6) The Faujdar.-As a subordinate and assistant,
writes Abul Fazl, the Faujdar holds the first place.
He was the commander of the provincial forces and assist-

ed the Subahdar in maintaining peace and discharging his
executive functions. There were several Faujdars in a
province, who held charge of a number of parganas.
When the ~Z.mil found difficulty in realising the state reve-
nue from a defaulting or refractory village, the Faujdar
was to furnish military aid but only on a written re-
quisition. His appointment or dismissal rested with the
Subahdar whom he was to assist in every way The
Faujdar's duties were of a military character and as Prof.
J. N. Sarkar writes, "he was the only commander of a
military force stationed in the country to put down smaller
rebellions, disperse or arrest robber gangs, take cogniz-
ance of all violent crimes, and make demonstrations of
force to overawe opposition to the revenue authorities or
the criminal judge or the censor.1'
(7) The Kotwal. — The KotwaVs duties are described
at length in the Ain. He was essentially a police officer
of the towns, but also exercised magisterial authority in
certain cases. He was responsible for the maintenance of
law and order in cities, and had several assistants under
him to secure this end. His important functions have
already been mentioned in discussing the central government.
(8) The Waqa-i-Na/wis or recorder of occurrences. —
These were officers through whom the central govern-
ment kept itself in touch with provincial administration.
When the provincial viceroy held his court, this officer
recorded the occurrences on the spot, and forwarded his
letters to the imperial government. It was through these
officers that the emperor kept himself informed of every-
thing that occurred in the provinces. They continued
throughout the Mughal period and acquired much
, BBA OF RECONSTRUCTION 457
importance under Aurangzeb. who booked upon them as

his eyes and ears. The following advice given to a newly
-appointed Waqa-i-Nawia will show what his duties
were :—
Report the truth, lest the emperor should learn
the facts from another source and punish you. Your
work is delicate ; both sides have to be served. Deep
sagacity and consideration should be employed so that
both the Shaikh and the book may remain in their proper
places. In the words of most of the high officers, forbidden
things are done. If you report them truly, the officers
will be disgraced. If you do not, you yourself will be
undone. Therefore, you should tell the Lord of the Ward
'In your ward forbidden things are taking place, stop
them/ If he gives a rude reply, you should threaten
the Kotwal of the ward by pointing out the misdeed.
The lord of the ward will then know of it. Although
the evil has not yet been removed from the ward, yet,
if any one reports the matter to the Emperor, you can
easily defend yourself by saying that you have informed
the master of the ward and instructed the Kotwal. In
every matter write the truth, but avoid offending the
nobles. Write after carefully verifying your statement/'
Besides these there were many other officers who
* carried on the work of administration in the provinces.
These were the KZrkuns, the Qanungos and the Patwaris
who were all revenue officers. The Qanungo was a Par-
.gana officer acquainted with all rural customs and rights of
the peasantry. His pay ranged between 20 and 25 rupees.
The parganas were divided into villages, and each village
*had a muqaddam (headman) and a patwari who kept
records of revenue. The muqaddam is an old officer
well-known in Indian history. His function was to keep*

order in the village and to help in the collection of the state
dues.
The courts of justice were pretty much the same as
at the capital. The Qazi assisted by the Mufti and the-
Miradl administered justice to the people.
titn^f Justlct ( The Subahdar was the highest court of appeal
Mn the province. When there was a differ-
ence of opinion between the judicial officers, the decision of
the central government was final.) The Kotwal was to
bring the offenders to the court, and trials were to be held
promptly/ No culprit could be detained in prison for
more than one night without a trial.f Appeals could be made
to the emperor in important cases, but their number cannot
havefThe
beenadministration
very large. * was a carefully devised system of
checks and counterchecks, but most of these were in prac-
tice illusory.) The long distances, the absence
°* means °f communication, and the stress of
war made it impossible for the emperor to
exercise vigilant control over the provincial satraps. (They'
acted on their own responsibility, and though theirvpower
was limited in theory, they enjoyed ample discretion} Bri-
bery was common, and offence's gilded hand not infre-
quently succeeded in stifling justice even in cases where
prompt redress was necessary. {
The first Muslim ruler, who made a systematic /larfd
was Sher •Shahfyvho laid down the main principles^
jvjjfefr werg followed in the time of_Akbar.
Revenue ^8y8- fhe state demand was fixed at one-thin}/ and*
Akbar. regulations were devised for the collection of
the revenue, of which an account has already
, BRA OF RECONSTRUCTION 459*
been given* But Sher Shah's regime was too short-lived1

to put the whole system in working order. Much of the
excellent work that had been done by him was upset during
the anarchy that followed after his death, and the laws
which he had made fell into disuse. (When Humayun was
restored to the throne, the empire was divided into twa
parts - the Khalsa or crown land and Jagir landA A large
portion of the empire was cut up in jagirs held by his.
nobles and amirs who paid a stipulated amount to their
patron and emperor. The Khalsa land seems to have
followed the time-honoured practice of crop division.
difficulty was felt because the empire was rather small,
and its problems were of a simple nature. ,;
Akbar's accession to the throne marked a new era
in the history of administrative reform. Like everything
else the revenue department also felt the
^ffort^'8 earl7 Khan
master'sbecame
touch.Diwan,
When the
Khwaja
total Abdul
revenueMajid
was
taken after estimate, and the assignments were increased
as the caprice of the moment suggested. An attempt was
made to fix roughly the revenue of the various aarkars,
and to ascertain the prices of food-stuffs, but no appreciable
success was achieved. (More definite steps were taken to
settle the revenue, (when Muzaffar Turbati became Diwan
in the 15th year of the reign. With the help of Todarmal
he tried to organise the whole systemJ^Ten Qanungos
were appointed to collect the data relating to the revenue
matters and were asked to find out the exact nature of the
land tenure^) The assessment was to be made on the basis
of the estimates furnished by the provincial Qanungos,
which were revised and checked by the ten Qanungos,
at the imperial headquarters. These labours produced no-
important results, because the whole scheme was interrupted

by the Uzbeg rebellion. ^When Gujarat was conquered in
1573, Todarmal was sent to bring about a peaceful settle-
ment of the country.^ He carried out for the first time a
regular survey of land, and the assessment was made after
taking into consideration the area and quality of land.
In 1575 the whole empire was brought under the exchequer
with the exception of Bengal and Bihar, and the Jagirs were
abolished. (The whole area included in the empire at that
time was divided into 182 parganas, each of which yielded
a crore a year as revenue. The officers placed in charge of
these parganas were called Crories^ They seem to have
been greedy and corrupt officers, and were severely punished,
for their malversation by Todarmaly It appears that after
some time their office was abolishedjor held in abeyance, for
there is no mention of them in theZin. Abul Fazl is silent
about them either because they had ceased to exist at the
time when he wrote his work, or because they were corrupt
officers, and therefore deserving of contemptuous omission.
'But they are again mentioned in the time of Jahangiii which
shows that they continued to serve in the revenue depart-
(The revenue system was thoroughly reorganised, when

Todarmal was appointed to the office of DiwQn-i-Ashraf
in the year 1582. ^The increased size of
Todarmai'sThe
Reforms.— the
„. ,empire,made . some, , reform
, inevitable^
„ .
3abti system. Hitherto the practice had been to fix the
assessment every year on the basis of yield
and prices which made the demand variable from year to
year. The collectors could not proceed with their work
until the officers at the headquarters had fixed the rates to
be demanded from the ryot. To obviate the difficulty and
0
inconvenience caused by the yearly assessment, Todarma!
laid down the following principles which Abul FazJ
describes in these words :—
"When through the prudent management of the
Sovereign the empire was enlarged in extent, it became
difficult to ascertain each year the prices current and
much inconvenience was caused by the delay. On the
one hand, husbandmen complained of excessive exac-
tions, and on the other hand, the holder of assigned
lands was aggrieved on account of the revenue balances.
His Majesty devised a remedy for these evils and
in the discernment of his world-adorning mind fixed a
settlement for ten years ; the people were thus made
contented and their gratitude was abundantly manifested.
From the beginning of the 15th year of the Divine
Era (1570-71 A.D.) to the 24th (1579-80 A.D.), an
aggregate of the rates of collection was formed and
a tenth of the total was fixed as the annual assessment ;
but from the 20th (1575-76) to the 24th, an aggregate
of the rates of collection was formed, and a tenth of
the total was fixed as the annual assessment ; but from
the 20th to the 24th year the collections were accurately
determined and the five former ones accepted on the
authority of persons of probity. The best crops were
taken into account in each year, and the year of the
most abundant harvest accepted, as the table shows."1
To obviate the difficulty and inconvenience caused by
the yearly assessment His Majesty ordered ' the ten-year
assessment ' and not as Jarrett translates (Ain II, p. 88>
the decennial settlement. There was no decennial settlement
1 Ain II, p. 88, Ain, 16.
as is generally supposed. What Todarmal did was to fix the«

assessment by averaging the assessments for ten years, i.e.,
from the 15th to the 24th year (157—189) of the reign.
The survey (Paimaiah) of the entire land under culti-
vation was carefully done. Formerly hempen ropes were
used which were liable to contract or lengthen, when the
atmosphere was heated or moist. Todarmal used a Jarib
of bamboos joined together by iron rings. ^Land was divid-
ed into four classes) —
(1) Polaj which was annually cultivated for each
crop in succession and was never allowed
to be fallow. This was land under con-
tinuous cultivation and yielded revenue
from year to year.
(2) Parauti which was occasionally left fallow in
order to recover its strength.
(3) Chachar which remained fallow for three or
four years.
(4) Ban jar which remained uncultivated for five
years or more.
The first two classes of land, namely, the Polaj and
Parauti were divided into three grades— good, middling and
bad according to their yield. The average of the three was
to be the estimated produce which was to be taken as the
basis of the assessment. It will be clear by an illustration.
Here is land Class (I) producing wheat :—
good : 20 mds. per bigha
middling : 15 mds. per bigha
bad : 10 mds. 24 srs. per bigha
Total : 45 mds. 24 srs. One-third of this is 15 mds.
8 srs. which was the estimated average produce
, (mahaul) and of this one-third i.e., 5 mds. 2i srs.

was to be fixed as the state demand.
The other two classes of land were dealt with different-
ly. As they were not on a par with the first two classes
in point of quality or produce, their revenue was to be in-
creased byprogressive stages.
Having ascertained the average produce, it was neces-
sary to fix the state demand in cash or as we might say to fix
the cash rates. It will be remembered that the old practice
was to commute the produce into cash-rates according to
the prices current at the time, but this was very trouble-
some as the periodical ascertainment of cash-rates entailed
much unnecessary expenditure and caused a lot of delay in
collections, \£odarmal's solution of this difficulty was to
fix^ cash-rates on the average of ten years' actualg) Abul
Fazl tells us in the Ain, how it was done. He says :
' ' From the beginning of the 15tb year of the
Divine Era to the 24th an aggregate of collection was
formed and a tenth of the total was fixed as the
annual assessment ; but from the 20th to the 24th year
the collections were actually determined and the five
former ones were accepted on the authority of persons
of probity.01
(The share of the statef was unalterably fixed at one-third)
It was no longer liable to fluctuation year after year. The
farmer was given the option of paying (in cash or kind.^
The cash-rates were fixed by state officers, and they were
different for different crops. The rates for sugarcane
and indigo, for example, were different from the rates
for wheat and barley.
1 AinII,p.88.
The process may be summed up thus :

When the season arrived, a staff of officers toured in the
villages to ascertain the exact area of land under cul-
tivation with a view to prepare the crop-statement.
The area of each crop in each holding having been found
out, the Bitikchi applied the prescribed rates and cal-
culated the revenue due from the cultivator. I/"
\This was called the Zabti system of assessment.Jy It
prevailed in the Subahs of Bihar, Allahabad, Multan, Oudh*.
Agra, Malwa, Delhi, Lahore^ and in certain
Various sys-
terns of reve- parts Of Ajmer and Gujarat.
, V \\ The essence of
nue. it was^that each plot oX land was to be
\
Charged with a fixed assessment ~""\
in cash)
which was determined according to the nature of the crop.
Besides, (there were other systems of assessment prevalent
in the empire]) These were the Ghallabakhsha and Nasaq
and certain others of which we find mention in the
contemporary records. \The Ghallabakhsha was the old
Indian system of assessment by crop division) and it
prevailed in Thatta and parts of the Subahs of K!abul and
Kashmir. \The Nasaq was a ryotwari rather than a
Zamindari arrangementN In this system therewas no
intermediary between tfie ryot and the state.\ None of
these had the same elaborate organisation as the Zabti
system which prevailed in the greater part of the
empire.^
1 The Zabti system prevailed very largely in Bihar, Allahabad,

Oudht Agra, Malwa, Ajmer, Delhi, Lahore, Multan and parti of
Gujarat.
The reader will bear in mind that there was no uniform system
of land revenue in the empire. But the administrative ideal is to be
found in the Zabti system.
BRA OF RECONSTRUCTION
• 465
^Farming was not allowed^ The government dealt

directly with the agriculturists. The "Amil or the revenue
Officers of c°Nectx>r was assisted by the Bitikchi, the
Revenue De- Potdar, the Qanungo, the Patwari and the
partment. Muqaddams, whose duties have been describ-
ed before. The instructions issued to these officers reveal
the emperor's solicitude for the well-being of the
peasantry. Much of what Abul Fazl says may be an ideal,
but there is no doubt that the peasant was looked upon
as an object of tender care and sympathy AÎn times of
drought advances were made to the cultivators and
public works were constructed to afford relief
to the poor.^ Remissions were also made and there
is a Sikh tradition that Akbar once remitted the revenue
of the Punjab at the instance of Guru Arjuna. (The collec-
tor was ordered to collect the revenue in an amicable
manner, and ' not to extend the hand of demand out of
season.'^)
himself, and The thepeasant couldwaspaynothis
treasurer rent intoa the
to demand treasury
single extra
coin. The Patwari was to give a detailed receipt stating
the amount of rent and the area of land cultivated and
the name of the village to which the cultivator belonged.
Reviewing the revenue administration of Akbar
. Dr. Vincent Smith writes : " In short, the system was an
admirable one.} The principles were sound,
re" and the Practical instructions to officials all
that could be desired. But a person wha
has been in close touch, as the author has been, with the
revenue administration from top to bottom, cannot help-
feeling considerable scepticism concerning the conformity,
of practice.with precept. " l Now this is a mere surmise^
1 Akbar, pp. 866-67
F. 80
466 HISTOKff OF MUSLIM RULE
»
There are no specific instances cited by Dr. Smith to prove
that the revenue administration worked to the detriment
of the ryot, and in his anxiety to prove that Akbar's
administration was in no way better or more beneficent
than the Anglo-Indian administration of which he was such
a brilliant member, he draws the inference that the
benevolent intentions of the autocrat were commonly de-
feated by his governors in the provinces. Dr. Smith
may be excused this natural and perhaps legitimate vanity.
But there is nothing to support the statement of Anglo-
Indian historians that Todarmal's system was devised to
prevent the state from being defrauded rather than to
protect the interests of the ryot. The pages of the Ain
are replete with information regarding the details of the
revenue system, and it appears that on the whole it worked
well, and took sufficient care of the interests of the people.
An ounce of fact is worth a ton of theory. Born and bred
among the peasantry of the United Provinces where
Dr. Vincent Smith spent the best part of his life, the present
Writer can affirm from his own experience that the con-
dition, of the peasantry has considerably deteriorated
during the last 40 years. There must have been abuses in
Akbar's day as they are now, and(those who have any
experience of village life must have seen people beaten and
kicked by the underlings of the revenue department even
in these days when the Taqavi loans are realisey-and that
is one of the few occasions when the government officials
come in direct contact with the bulk of the agricultural
population— and redress becomes impossible even in just cases
owing to the cumbrous legal procedure that we have to
follow and the indifference of the highest officials, whose
trust in the man on the spot is simply pathetic. /The
necessaries of life were cheap); and the Indian peasant

lived under much better conditions, and enjoyed greater
happiness than is possible to him under a ' low assessment
and a well-organised administration/ The productivity
of the soil was much greater than it is now. Social needs
were simple, there was no false dignity to maintain, and
what is now spent in upholding social prestige and in
purchasing foreign articles of fashion was utilised in procur-
ing things that helped to make life healthy and vigorous.
Even the labourers lived in a state of comfort, and Mr.
Moreland admits that towards the close of the 16th century
a rupee purchased in the vicinity of the capital at least
seven times as much grain as could be bought in Upper
India in the years 1910—12. Things have grown worse
since Mr. Moreland wrote. There was no dearth of
grazing fields, and milk and ghee were obtainable cheaply
and in plenty. The result of this is to be seen in the poor
physique of our people and their utter inability to resist
disease. Akfcar's system conferred a great boon on the
peasantry. A^The state demand was fixed, and every peasant
knew what he had to pay^ Adequate safeguards were
provided, so far as human skill and statesmanship can go,
to prevenL fraud and corruption on the part of officers of
the state. VThe highest officials of the crown were honest,
and the Argus-eyed Todarmal watched every detail
of the management with a meticulous care/Êxactions and
extortions, when brought to light were severely punished
and offenders did not escape scot-free, as they often do now
by engaging the services of clever counsels. The emperor's
wishes may not have been wholly fulfilled, and there may
have been abuse of power in the remoter provinces, but
•there is no evidence to warrant the conclusion that the
assessment weighed heavily on the peasantry, and that

the revenue officers habitually disregarded the instructions
issued to them.
QWhen Akbar ascended the throne, the condition of the
army was far from satisfactory.^ The empire was divided
into Jagirs, and the Amirs who held them
were reQu*red to keep a certain number of
horsemen, and were bound to serve the
empire in time of need. The soldiers whom those fief-
holders kept, were mostly inefficient men, absolutely
unfit for active service. The state was constantly defraud-
ed by its own officers. Whenever there was a muster,
these men gathered together, as Badaoni says, lots of low
tradesmen, weavers, cotton-cleaners, carpenters and green-
grocers, both Hindu and Muslim, for review, and then they
disappeared. They lacked discipline and equipment, and
were at best a disorganised rabble. vÂkbar's attention was
drawn
early1571
In whento the Shahbaz Khannecessity
imperative was appointed to thereform."
of military office
of Mir Bakhshi, the emperor drew up a scheme of reform.
The entire military organisation was based upon the
Mansabdari system. Now, there is a great divergence
of opinion regarding the actual working of this system, and
all that can be done here is to state its broad features,
What did the Mansab mean ? (jThe word Mansab means
rank, dignity or office.^) Irvine who has made a close study
of the military system of the Mughals writes, that its
object was to settle precedence and fix gradation of pay.
It only implied that the holder of a Mansab was in the
service of the state, and was bound to render service
military or otherwise, when he was called upon to do so.
Abul Fazl states in the Ain that there were 66 grades of
Mansabdars in all, but it does not appear that there were
more than 33 grades in actual existence.-fejhe lowest
Mansab was that of 20 men rising to 5,000, though towards
the close of the reign there were created Mansabs of 7,000
for officers highly honoured by the state. ^JThere was a
special Mansabdari grade of 10,000, which was exclusively
reserved for the scions of the royal family.^ The 7,000
-grade was also
an exception was reserved
made in at
thefirst
casefor ofroyal princes',
certain although
officers like
Mansingh, Todarmal and Qulich Khan.N The appointment,
promotion, suspension, and dismissal 01 Mansabdars rested
entirely with the emperor. No portion of a Mansabdar's
dignity was hereditary. ijHis children, as was the custom,
had to begin life anew after their father's deathp A
Mansabdar did not always begin at the lowest grade. If
he happened to be a favourite of the emperor or a man
whom the emperor was delighted to honour, he could be
appointed to any rank open to him, which means that a
man could get the highest Mansab without passing
through the various grades by long and faithful service.
Then the Mansab was not granted merely to military
officers. As has been observed before, no such distinction
was made between the military and civil departments.
Officers both civil and military held Mansabs J and were
frequently transferred from one branch of the admiîst ra-
tion to the other.^feach Mansabdar was expected to
maintain a certain number of horses, elephants, beasts
of burden, and carts according to his rank and dignity^)
but whether the Mansabdars actually maintained the
number indicated by their rank is a moot point. It
appears that originally the emperor strictly enforced
Jiis regulations, but later relaxed them to some extent,
and the Manaabdars kept much less than their fixed
quota. ]
£ There is a difficulty in connection with the Mansabdari
system which has baffled the ingenuity of scholars. It is
the distinction between the Zat and Sawar
Distinction ranks.} Attempts have been made to define
of Zat and .,, "^ ^ ,
Sawar. with accuracy the two ranks, but it is im-
possible inthe state of our present knowledge
to express final views in regard to them. \The Zat was the
personal rank of Mansabdar, but to this was added a
number of extra horsemen for which an officer was allowed
to draw extra allowance, and this was called his Sawar
rank^ A Mansabdar's rank according to this arrangement
might be 2,000 Zat and 2,000 Sawar. On the basis of this
distinction the officers excepting those who held mansabs of
5,000 were placed in three classes, and the scale of Zat pay
was reduced proportionately. A mansabdar belonged to
the first class, if his rank in Zat and Sawar were equal, ta
the second class, if his Sawar was half his Zat rank, and
to the third class, if his Sawar were less than half the Zat,
or there were no Sawar at all. Blochmann's view that
Zat indicated the number of soldiers a mansabdar was
expected to keep, and Sawar indicated the number actually
maintained by him does not seem to be correct. The reason
for this is that the Sawar rank was introduced by Akbar
later in his reign some time about 1603-4 at the time of the
Deccan war and the rebellion of Salim. The word occurs
1 Irvine says that in spite of musterings and brandings we may
safely assume that very few mansabdars kept up at full strength even
the quota of horsemen fpr which they received pay. The same writer
goes on to add that Lutfullah Khan who held the rank of 7000 never
entertained even seven asses much less horses or riders on horses.
The Army of the Indian Moghuls, p. 69.
• Ibid., p. 6.
i
in the Ain, but it should be borne in mind that the Ain
is not a chronological summary of Akbar's administrative
measures. It seems probable that the Deccan campaigns
drove home to the emperor the necessity of keeping the
army satisfied, and therefore he devised this method of
increasing their emoluments by granting an extra allow-
ance. (The Sawar rank was an additional distinction,
and there seems little doubt, that some allowance, which
cannot be exactly determined, was paid to the officer
concerned^)
Besides the Mansabdarsîhere were certain other sol*
diers called the Dftkhilis and Ahadis.^fhe Dskhills are
defined in the Ain as a fixed number of
andeAhad£!18 tro°Ps handed over to the Mansabdars, but
paid by the state.1 The A hadls , formed a
class by themselves^ They were gentlemen troopers, re-
cruited bythe emperor himself to serve as his bodyguards.
The Ain describes them as follows :—
"There are many brave and worthy persons whom
His Majesty does not appoftifto a Mansab, but whom
he frees from being under the orders of any one. Such
persons belong to the immediate servants of His
Majesty and are dignified by their independence/* *
There was a separate office (DlwWri) and a paymaster
(Bakhehl) for the Ahadis, and one of the distinguished
nobles of the court was appointed as their chief. They
were all horsemen, and the branding and muster regula-
tions applied to them, as they did to the Mansabdars. The
1 Ain I, p. 254.
* Ibid., pp. 249-60.
The word Ahadi literally means sinffe of*pJGbe. and it 1*J4?C Cjear
why the term was applied to these soldiffstf* T
«
process of admission to the rank of Ahadis was rather ela-

borate and is set forth in the Zm in great detail. UThe
Ahadis were better paid than common soldiers, and some-
times they drew as much as Rs. 500 per month, j
Qlhe usual mode of paying the officers before Akbar was
by grant of lander assignment of the government revenue
from land, (jhe state and the officers both
g?ay and Ja~ liked the system)-the former because it escap-
ed from the worry and bother of collecting
its taxes in distant and intractable provinces, and the latter
because they were sure of their income and rid of their
dependence upon the court. Sometimes a noble got a valu-
able jagir by bribing the officials, who had influence with
the emperor. Akbar did not approve of the Jagir system,
because a Jagir very often amounted to a kind of imperium
in imperio or a state within a state. The Jagirs were turn-
ed into Crown (Khalsa) lands and, so far as possible,(Akbar
paid his Mansabdars in cash and not by grantgjajf/fcgu^d. JJMj
system worked of well^nd
administration the Empero£>found
land more profitable t"hedirec1
and less fraudulent
The salaries of officers were counted in dams, forty of whict
went to make a rupee, but it is wellnigh impossible to deter-
mine the exact salary of a Mansabdar.
\ The Mansabdari system was open to great abuse./) Th(
officers felt no qualms of conscience in cheating a government
which did so much for them. False mustei
xvw
the
uf was a,
Mansab-
common phenomenon. On._.
. __ riding
the day*fixed,'
dan System. vagabonds, tramps, idlers, on small
ponies and dressed in the uniform of soldiers,
were brought for review. These passed for efficient soldiers
and allowance were drawn with an easy conscience. To
check this evil practice, the Emperor introduced branding
BRA OP .RECONSTRUCTION 473
i
' $nd the system of descriptive rolls of men and horses*
Branding was not a new thing, It was first introduced by
Alauddin Khilji when he reorganised his army, and was
-continue^ by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq. Sher Shah also
revived W and found it highly useful. (Akbar created a
.separate department of branding under its ownBakhshi
with a darogha, and issued rules and regulations for
the guidance of his officers^ Nobles holding the rank of
5,000 or more were exempted from the operation of
these rules, but, if required, even they had to comply
with the demands of the branding department. A des-
criptive roll (Chihrah) of the officer was prepared in
which were entered his name, his father's name, his tribe
or caste, his place of origin and details of his personal
appearance. L-Elaborate descriptions of horses were also
prepared/} and the minutest details were .recorded in order
to minimise the chances of deception.1 VThe emperor did
his best to check corruption in his service, but the purity
which he desired ever remained a far-off adorable dream,
The officers often misconducted themselves, pnd even those
"who were highly placed connived at the Wickedness of the
lower ranks'; The strict enforcement of the state regula-
tions was a highly odious task, and, as Dr. Vincent Smith
pertinently observes, the Bengal revolt of 1580 was partly
due to the Emperor's insistence on the resumption of Jagirs,
1 Here is a specimen of the descriptive rolls.
Qamar Ali, son of Mir Ali, son of Kabir Ali, wheat complexion,
broad forehead, separated eye-brows, sheep's eyes, prominent nose,
beard and moustache black, right ear lost from a sword cut, total height
about 40 Shanah.
Horse — colour Kabud (iron-grey); Mark on left breast ; Mark on
thigh on mounting side ; Laskar (?) on thigh on whip side ; Brand of
four-pointed stamp.
Irvine, p. 48.
the preparation of descriptive rolls and the systematic brand-

ing of horses. Official greed and rapacity neutralised all
precautions.
CThe Imperial Army was composed of : (IMInfantry,
(2) artillery, (3) cavalry, and (4) the navy} From the prefa-
tory remarks in the Ain (6, Book II) it appears-
Branches of â^ much importance was not attached to-
the Imperial . *
Army. the infantry arm. It was largely composed
of a multitude of men, assembled together
without regard to rank or file —a mere rabble inadequately
equipped with arms supplied in times of need by petty Zam-
indars or forest chieftains. The word was not used in the
same sense, as it is done in our times. It had a wider connota-
tion. Itincluded foot-soldiers, transport-bearers, camp-fol-
lowers, and others utterly ignorant of the art of fighting. The
principal parts of the infantry arm were the Banduqchis or
match-Iockmen under the supervision of a separate Bitikchi
and Darogha arranged in grades and the Shamsherbftz, who-
fought with their swords. Besides these there were : (l)the*
darbans or porters who were employed to guard the palace;
(2) the Khidmatiyas who guarded the environs of the palace ;
(3) the Pahalwans or wrestlers ; and (4) the Kahars or palki-
bearers.
(^The composition of the infantry reveals its character. It
included all kinds of men, who simply swelled the ranks with-
out adding anything to military efficiency. The only effective
part was the Shamsherbaz who fought with swords and
\ The Artillery was called by the name of Topkh&ncL\ It

Artillery was introduced in Northern India by Babar
who made extensive use of it. Humayun had'
a good park of artillery, and Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, a
contemporary and a rival of the former, also employed

ordnance in his wars against his enemies. (Guns were not
only imported into the country, but were also cast in the
southJ^But they were too heavy to be K>rne Jfc&Veniently from
one place to another.*} Akbar, , who was himself a skilled
mechanic,^made these guns gfe light as possible j Detach-
able guns were manufactured, which could be broken inta
parts so as to be easily portable. This greatly improved the
mobilization of the artillery, and made its extensive use in
battles and sieges possible.
4/The Mughals were not themselves much advanced m
artillery f) They depended upon the help of the Rumis, ^.e.9
Muhammadans from Constantinople or Farangis mostly sailor
refugees from Surat or Portuguese half-castes. They distrust-
ed the Europeans, and treated them with contempt possibly
because they did not like their ' abhorrent ways.' { The chief
artillery officer was the Mir Atastyor DaroghcL-i-TopkhanH,
(Superintendent of Ordnance Department), {who was a Man-
sabdar of 5, 000.) The
in the discharge of Mir ~Atash was
his duties. His assisted by adefined
duties are Mushrifas
follows :—
" The Mir Atash laid before the Emperor all de-
mands made on his department ; all orders to it pass-
ed through him. He checked the pay bills and in-
spected the diaries of the Arsenal before sending them
on to the Khan-i-Saman or Lord Steward. He saw to
the postings of the artillery force and received reports
as to losses and deficiencies. The agent at the head of
the artillery pay office was nominated by him. The
descriptive rolls of artillery recruits passed through his-
hands ; all new appointments and promotions were made
on his initiative. "
(The cavalry was the most important branch of the

imperial army,y The Mansabdari system was notWng but
Cavalry *ê or£anisation of the cavalry arm.v Akbar
paid special attention to itând strained every
nerve to raise it to the highest pitch of efficiency. The
branding regulations were devised for this purpose, that is, to
compel the mansabdars to keep the required number of horse-
men and to maintain horses of good quality. The import-
ance of the cavalry is shown by the fact that Abul Fazl
devotes several Ains to the discussion of the cavalry organi-
sation and equipment. Minute rules are laid down regard-
ing admission, muster, review, and the like, of horses, and
officers of the state were strictly enjoined to look after them.
The emperor personally inspected the horses in the royal
stables, and cashiered his officers, if he found their manage-
ment unsatisfactory.)
(The Mughals were not a naval power. They had little
experience of the sea except for purposes of traded But
Akbar's struggles with the Portuguese show
that he fully perceived the importance of
building up his naval strength. Dr. Vincent Smith, who puts
implicit reliance on the Christian sources of information,
underrates the emperor's naval resources. But we learn from
the Ain that (there was an Admiralty, department, which
controlled and managed a fleet of boats.) This department
performed important duties : (1) the fitting of strong
boats capable of carrying elephants ; (2) the appointment of
experienced seamen having knowledge of the ebb and flow
of the ocean ; (3) supervision of the rivers ; and (4) the re-
mission of tolls so as to enable boatmen to earn proper
wages. ' We read of boats fitted with light guns and other
1 Ain I, p. 270.
ERA OP RECONSTRU9TION 47T
necessary equipments which were used in fighting. The
main rivers of Northern India were navigable in those days,
and much of the traffic was carried on by boats. (jTh^
emperor gave encouragement to the shipbuilding industry^
There were shipbuilding centres at Lahore, Allahabad and
Kashmir, but the best sailors came from Malabar and
Cambay. ^There were ships of all kinds, and sizes, manned
by trained sailors, whose grades and ranks were regulated
like those of the other officers.}
Âkbar maintained also all elephant corps. He was
very fond of elephants and made much use of them in
his battlesj The elephants used by him
p h a n t personally were called Khasah (special) ; the
rest were arranged in groups of ten, twenty or
thirty called halqahs (or circles). The Mansabdars were
required to maintain a certain number of - ^lephants, and
Abul JGûâtates in the Ain that the empercfc^ ' put several
halqnhs in charge of every grandee, and required him to
look after them.^J(All elephants had names, and the practice
is still common in India j
What was the total strength of the army ? It is a diffi-
cult question to answer, and opinion is sharply divided on it
rAs Dr. Smith says, Akbar did not keep a
tbf A™? °f Iarê standing army like the Mauryan kings

of old, /and his forces consisted of three
elements :
(1) The retainers of the Mansabdars including the
Dakhili and the Kumuki or auxiliary forces.
(2) Ahadls or gentlemen troopers, mostly those who
failed to secure a mansab.
(3) The levies furnished by Rajput chiefs. These ren-
• dered active service in time of war, and Akbar was
sure of their loyal support, because he always

meted out to them a generous treatment. -
Blochmann estimates the strength of the regular army
paid directly from the royal treasury at 25,000, but this
figure seems to be far short of the reality. Dr. Horn
tried to calculate the strength of Akbar's army on the
•basis of the Zat list in the Ain, and reached the con-
clusion that it contained 384,758 cavalry, and 3,877,557
infantry, but these figures are rejected by Irvine. Accord-
mg to Monserrate, who writes from personal observation,
the imperial army which marched to Kabul against Mirza
rHakim, contained 45,000 cavalry, 5,000 elephants and
tnany thousand infantry, paid directly from the royal
treasury. ^
Von ^Noer, relying on the testimony of some Jesuit
writer, estimates the strength of the cavalry at 40,000
without specifying details. None of these writers helps us
to determine with precision the actual numbers of the
imperial army. (^ Dr. Vincent Smith's suggestion that in
normal times Akbar did not incur the expense of keeping
a force as large as that raised to defeat his brother's attack,
does not seem to be warranted by facts) Then, the figures
-are not abnormally high. (The Khiljis and Tu^nqs before
him had maintained large armies!) Sher Shah* had done the
same. (The military situation in Akbar's reign was serious
enough, and the emperor was always engaged either in
•Duelling a revolt or in making a new conquest) How could
he have done so without a large army ever ready for active
service? Besides, Hawkins who held a mansab under
Jahangir says that the army in his time numbered three to
four lakhs. Such an abnormal rise in the figures would be
1 Commentaries, pp. 88- 89.
impossible, unless there were some extraordinary reasons

for increasing the military strength of the empire. But
we know that^ttie military problems of Jahangir's reign
were far less serious than those of Akbar.^ It seems, there-
fore, admissible on a modest computation that ijhe army
inAkbar'sday was much larger~than 25,000 and that it
•could not have been less than three lakhs^
(j?he camp was a normal feature of Mughal military life.
It was the result of the nomadic influences that had sur-
rounded their ancestors in Central Asia. They
amp' (joved camp life^) and the Mughal camp
became a moving city, where every comfort was provided,
and the nobles vied with one another in displaying their
wealth and splendour. The emperor was accompanied by
his wives with their numerous female attendants, protected
by a guard of fqin1 hundred men commanded by able cap-
tains. The carrip had several advantagesjlt brought the
emperor into touch with his soldiers as well as his subjects,
-and enabled him to acquire knowledge of the country at first
hand. Encampment in open plains, away from the dirt and
filth of cities, improved the health of the soldiers and in-
creased their efficiency and vigour.C Everything was well
looked after in Akbar's time.\ Discipline was strictly en-
forced, and/the European travellers, who lived in Jahangir's
i-eign, write that in the camp they felt as secure as in their
homes^ But in later years the camp became unwieldy, and its
leisurely movements made it a hindrance rather than a help
to the emperor in time of war. (Women were allowed to
•accompany their husbandsjand Ufceir presence not only
lowered the morale of the army, but also added to its anxiety,
for the enemy could raid the camp and capture the womeiu
The insidious poison of luxury undermined military vigour, and
480 HISTOftY OP MUSLIM RULE
the ever-increasing fondness for the amenities of life inter*

fered with the performance of duty. The evil became so
serious in the time of Aurangzeb that his armies found it
impossible to cope with the light Maratha horsemen and
suffered irreparable ruin at their hands.
We may sum up these observations by making a few
general remarks about the Mughai army. Dr. Vincent
Smith who describes Akbar's military organi-
Re~ sation as ' intrinsically weak ' expresses the
view that his army could not have stood
for a moment against the contemporary European troops. '
He does not mention specifically any trials of strength be-
tween the Portuguese and the Mughal forces, although he
overrates the military strength of the former. Such a sur-
mise isunnecessary as well as irrelevant. We may ignore
this usual device of proving the inferiority of orientals by a
comparison with Europeans. The Portuguese were superior
to the Mughals in naval equipment, but from this it would
be unfair to generalise; about the efficiency of
the army as a whole.^^n army which conquered
Hindustan, a part of the Deccan and the Afghan regions,
and which quelled formidable revolts in the most outlying
provinces of the empire and overawed the Uzbegs and
Persians, cannot have been so poor and incompetent as
Dr. Smith supposes. Yet it was,not without defects. The
loyalty of the soldier towards the emperor was not direct ;
and he depended far too much upon the intermediate leader.
The death of a general caused a panic in the army, and was!
a signal for flight. (The success of the army was often
hampered by dfvidea command. Two generals were en-
trusted with the same expedition, and they often quarrelled
1 Akbar, 3 pp. 68-67.
between themselves) as happened during the campaign

against the Yusiifzais. Then, there was(jjo common plan
of action agreed to by the various sections of the army;) The
Rajputs adhered "to their own manoeuvres, and at times
greatly embarrassed their allies. /As years passed, the army
became more and more cumbrous, and during the reigns of
Shahjahan and Aurangzeb it became a huge, undisciplined
rabble, incapable of^swjft actign o£ brilliant adventure/.
CHAPTER XV
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH
JAHANGIRAND SHAHJAHAN
All political intrigues having failed^ Jahangir ascended
the throne o!4^xMher^^tetober 24, 1605) at Agra in the
<^v rhiclstôf "great rejoicings. He was at this
f time 36 years of age and in the ful1 vi£°ur of
manhood. yjlis liberal education, hip natural
shrewdness, and his strong commonsense well qualified
him to carry on the statesmanlike policy of his father
Soon after his accession, he caused the famous chair
of justice to be fastened between the Shahburj in
the fort of Agra and a stone pillar fixed on the bant
of the Jamna. ' His object in doing so was to 'enable
aggrieved persons to lay their petitions before him
and to obtain redress. The chain was doubtless prompt-
ed by the emperor's high sense of justice, but it does not
Beem to have been pulled frequently in practice by suppli-
ants, who must have greatly dreaded the wrath of the auto-
crat. This was accompanied by the celebrated twelve ordi-
nances, which the emperor commanded to be observed as
rules of conduct (da&tur-ul-amal) in his wide dominions/
1 Jahangir himself describes this chain. It was, says he, of pure
gold, 80 gaz in length and contained 60 bells. It weighed 4 Indian
maunds equal to 42 Iraqi maunds. R.B., I, p. 7.
* Memoirs, I, pp. 7—10.
Sir Henry Elliot (VI, pp. 498—515) has commented upon these ordi-
nances at length, but his criticism is not correct in every respect. It is
true, some of these regulations were mere pious wishes, but there is no
-reason to suppose that every one of them was a piece of futile legislation.
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH 483
The emperor freely showered his gifts both upon the

Hindus and Muslims^ A general amnesty was granted to
-all his former opponents, and they were restored to their
titles and dignities. (Abdur Rahman, the son of Abul Fazl,
was promoted to the rank of 2,000, and Aziz Koka who had
conspired against him, was allowed to retain his rank and
jagirsl] There were several other notable officers who shared
in the royal bounty. ^Ghiyas Beg, the father of Nurjahan.
was appointed to the rank of 1,500, and was given the title
of Itmad-ud-dowlah.^ The officers of Akbar's time were
treated with kindness, and Jahangir openly declared that a
whole class should not be condemned for the faults of a few
malcontents. But the most undeserved elevation was
\hat of Cfeaja Bir Singh Bundela, the jiwrderer of Abul
Fazl, who was raised to the rank of 3,000.
u Securely seated on the throne, Jahangir celebrated the
first fiauroz with great eclat and splendour in March 160(£)
The festivities lasted for 17 or 18 days, and were finally
closed by the bestowal of generous gifts on the loyal and
distinguished servants of the state.
It will be remembered that/Vhen Akbar lay on his
•death-bed, Raja Man Singh had formed a conspiracy to set
1 Rebellion of asê tê claims of Salim and to place his son
Prince Khus- Khusrau on the throne in his stead^ After
Tau' Akbar's death a reconciliation was effected
between the valiant Raja and Salim, and Khusrau was pre-
sented at court. The emperor treated him with affection,
and granted a lakh of rupees to provide him with a suit-
able mansion, befitting his high rank and dignity. But this
reconciliation was merely on the surface. The father and
son were completely estranged from each other, and no
amount of diplomacy or persuasive pleadinc could heal
their lacerated hearts. Jahangir thought that his son had

irreparably wronged him, while Khusrau who was a fiery
and impetuous youth, scarcely able to appraise the conse-
quences ofhis own actions, still hoped to make an attempt to
realise his dream of getting the throne. He looked upon the
emperor's kindness and favours as a snare to catch him in
his meshes, and longed to be free. His engaging manners,
his lovely presence, and his high station, all made him a
fit centre of political intrigue and disaffection. In no time,
he gathered around him a few hundred adherents, who
swore fidelity to him, and promised him aid in the desperate
enterprise on which he had set his heart.
It is true that Khusrau was much distracted. He spent
days and nights in brooding over the misery and grief that
lay in store for him. One night, he quietly stole away from
the fort of Agra at the head of 350 horsemen on a pretence
of visting the tomb of his grandfather.
When he reached Mathura, he was joined by Husain Beg
Badakhshani with nearly 3,000 horsemen. The prince and
his adherents plundered and laid waste the neighbouring
country, and the mercenaries who had joined his banner,
tried to satisfy their greed for gold by practising tyranny
and oppression upon those who came in their way. The
prince marched on, and at Panipat he was joined by Abdur
Rahim, Diân of Lahore, who was coming towards Agra
to wait ofl the emperor. The Diwan received a warm
welcome from the prince who made him his Wazir, and
conferred upon him the title of Malik Anwar. The imperial
officers whom the prince encountered in his onward march,
could not impede his progress, and at Taran Taran he received
the blessing of Guru Arjuna. the Adifay_of the Granlh
who took pity on him in his wretched and forlorni
condition, and gave him some monetary help. From thence

Khusrau marched towards Lahore, but the city was guarded
by Dilawar Khan who had reached there in advance. The
bastions of the fort were repaired, and cannon and swivel
guns were kept in readiness for battle. Dilawar Khan
was reinforced by Said Khan, who happened to be encamped
at this time on the bank of the Chenab.
Khusrau laid siege to the city, and burnt one of its gates
in rage, and told his men that after the capture of the fort
he would give the city up to plunder for seven days and
throw the women and children into prison.
The siege went on for nine days, when the prince was
informed that the emperor had arrived in the vicinity of
Lahore at the head of a cavalry force.
The flight of the prince was a serious matter, and what
Jahangir feared most was his junction with Raja Man
Singh in Bengal or the Uzbegs and Persians towards the
North-western border; having placed Agra in charge of
Nazirulmulk and Itmad-ud-dowlah, the emperor started
in pursuit of the prince, and reached the place with a consi-
derable force. Negotiations were opened with the prince
but to no purpose. He persisted in his evil course and pre-
pared for battle. A battle was fought at Bharowal in
which the rebels were severely defeated. About four hun-
dred of them were slain in battle, and those that survived
were terribly affrighted. Khusrau himself escaped from
the field of battle, and his box, containing jewellery and
other precious articles, fell into the hands of the imperialists,
but Khusrau was not yet safe. The divided counsels of
his own followers distressed him most. The Afghans and
Hindustanis wished ' to double back like foxes into Hindus*
tan' and to stir up strife there. Husain Beg whose family
e
had already left towards the west suggested that they
should betake themselves to Kabul. At last his advice was
accepted, but when the party attempted to cross the
Chenab, they were arrested by the imperialists.
Jahangir received the news of Khusrau's capture with
great delight. Little did he reck of the tie which bound
him to the prince, and steeled his heart to vindicate the
authority of the state and to safeguard its interests. The
people of Lahore as well as the officers, civil and military
of the empire, watched in anxious suspense the fate of
the royal captive. Jahangir too was overcome with emotion,
but he pulled himself up and ordered the prince to be
presented in the open Darbar. XThe prince appeared
before his august sire, handcuffed and enchained, weeping
profusely, and trembling like a willow leaf. The pathetic
scene moved the hearts of all who were present, but the
emperor was implacable. He reprimanded Khusrau in
strong terms, and ordered him to be thrown into prison
without betraying the least emotion or perturbation. The
prince's followers were punished with jnhuman barbarity,
and he himself was subjected to unspeakable insults and
indignities. X
Guru Arjuna, who had shown compassion to Khusrau
in his dire distress, was summoned to court to answer for
his conduct. His property was confiscated, and he was
ordered jo Jpgjput to, death. The murder of the Guru,
although it was due to political reasons, was a heinous crime.
It embittered the feelings of the Sikhs, and gave evidence
of reaction against the tolerant policy of Akbar. Dr. Beni
Prasad's statement that Guru Arjuna himself would have
ended his days in peace, if he had not espoused the cause of
a rebel, is a poor vindication of imperial high-handedness.
He seems to regard the execution of the holy man, who

was the recognised spiritual head of a large section of the:
people, as a trivial matter. Bu^Jhe blcxy} of the martyrs *
isjbhe-j
mistake cpmpint~o£.
in treating the
the .Guru
church,
likeand Jahangir culprit.
an ordinary made a great
The] ',
Sikh opposition to the Mughal empire began.
A^$!Qandhar occupies a highly important and strategic-
position towards the North-West Frontier. In the 17th
century, it was an important gateway of com-
°f merce> and Jt *s sai<* that every year nearly
14 thousand camels, laden with merchandise,
passed from India via Qandhar, into Persia. The strong
and enviable position of this mart of the east made it a
bone of contention between ^Persia and Hindustan. Babar
had conquered Qandhar. and on his death it had passed to
his son Kamran. Humayun wrested it from his brother
Askari in 1545 with Persian aid, but after his death the
Persian King again conquered it in 1558, when Akbar
turned his attention towards the North- West Frontier. The
Persian governor Muzaffar Husain surrendered it to the
imperialists, and offered himself to be enrolled among the
grandees of the empire. Qandhar remained a part of the
Mughal Empire until the death of Akbar.
But the Persians never forgot the loss of such a valu-
able place. Jahangir writes in his Memoirs that the death
of Akbar and the disturbance caused in the country by
Khusrau's revolt ' put an edge on their design, ' and they
resolved on reconquest. The kipg of Persia was at this
time Shah Abbas, who ranks among
Asiatic rulers ofjiis time. His vast resources encouraged him.
to try conclusions with the Mughal Empire. The Persians,
made the attack, but it was gallantly repelled by Shah Beg;
Khan, who treated the enemy with contempt, and fortified

his position against further venture. When the news
reached Jahangir, he sent a reinforcement under the leader-
ship of Mirza Ghazi, son of Mirza Jani TarkhSn, the ruler
of Thatta. The Persians were frightened, and they raised
the siege. Shah Abbas diplomatically expressed his
'disapproval of the conduct of his subjects, and the emperor
who was not inclined to take any further action was satis-
fied with the explanation.
The Persians, however, did not give up all hope of
regaining Qandbar. Shah Abbas, having failed to win the
place by open war, employed diplomacy to further his end.
He sent several embassies to the Mughal court, and ex-
changed the most fulsome and adulatory compliments with
the emperor. Soft words and rich presents threw the
Mughals off their guard, and they neglected the defences
of Qandhar. sX
In 1622 the Shah again attempted the conquest and laid
siege to the fort Jahangir and Nurjahan who happened
to be at this time in Kashmir, quitted the place immediate-
ly, and began to make preparations for the campaign. The
princes and generals of the army were ordered to put
their troops in readiness and to march to the scene of action.
But the imperial plan was unexpectedly frustrated by
Shahjahan's refusal to accompany the expedition. He
was alarmed for his own safety. He knew, that during
his absence from the capital, Nurjahan and Asaf Khan
would do their best to ensure his exclusion from the
throne, and to push the claims of Shahariyar, his rival
and opponent. There was another reason. He felt that
unless he was given the chief command, he would not
be able to make headway against the Persians who had
• t
-concentrated on the siege in full strength and vigour. His
refusal gave Nurjahan her long-desired opportunity of
inflaming her husband's mind against him. She convinced
the latter that the prince meditated treason. An order
was forthwith issued, asking the prince to send to court
all the leading officers and the forces, which he had with
him in the Deccan. Shahjahan did not promptly obey the
royal command, and the crisis was aggravated when Nur-
jahan secured from Jahangir the fief of Dholpur for Shah-
arjyar,_ which Shahjahan had long coveted. Not content with
this, she-persuaded lêr^dotuigJaiLsdMwid to raise her son-in-
law's rank to 12,000 Zat and 8,000 Sawar and to entrust
him with the supreme command of the Qandhar campaign.
The hasty and ill-advised resumption of the prince's jagirs
in the north proved the proverbial straw that broke the
-camel's back. The prince made apologetic protestations of
his devotion to the throne, but nothing served to allay the
wrath, kindled by Nurjahan's backstair intrigues. How-
ever hard the consequences, he found rebellion as bis
inevitable choice in these circumstances.
While the Nurjahan clique was planning the ruin of
Shahjahan, Qandhar had been captured by the Persians after
a siege lasting over a month and a half. This was followed
by the despatch of a fresh embassy to convince Jahangir
that the Persian King had a rightful claim to Qandhar.
The Shah's effusive expressions of loyalty and friendship
were taken at their proper value by the emperor, who
rebuked him for his breach of faith, and accused him of
duplicity and insincerity. An expedition was forthwith
-ordered to punish the insolent and deceitful Persians, but
no sooner was the command settled than the news came
that Shahjahan had raised the standard of revolt.
•
After the first capture of Qandhar, Jahangir spent a
summer at Kabul for the benefit of his health. He left
that place some time in August 1607, for
the wnpôr?8 buta plot
Lahore,tion that he received
on hiswaswayformed informa-
to assassinate
him. Prince Khusrau was the centre of the plot. Hi&
charming manners had won the hearts of his captors so
much that they entered into a conspiracy to murder the
emperor and to proclaim him as emperor of Hindustan.
The plan was thoroughly ill-conceived ; it was known to
many people long before it matured, and in no time the
whole thing was divulged to the emperor. The ringleaders
were arrested, but they were dealt with leniently. Only
four were 6xecuted , and one was seated on an ass with his,
face towards the tail and paraded in this sorry condition
from house to house. Khusrau was blinded by Mahabat
Khan, who was commissioned by Jahangir to do the ghastly
deed. ' But his vision was not altogether destroyed, and
later when his father relented, it was partially restored
through the skill of a competent physician.
Jahangir's marriage .with Nurjahan is one of the most
important events in Mughal history. Few women in the
1 Authorities differ as to the mode of blinding the prince. But we-

read in the 2ntikhab-i-J ahangiri that 4 when jbhe wire was put in his
6768, such pain was inflicted on him, that it is bjônd all expression.'
Experienced physicians were employed to cure the eyes of the-
prince when paternal love asserted itself. A Persianphysician Sadra
by name treated the prince, and we are told that in six months the
original vision of one of his eyes was restored. The other remained
defective and became somewhat shorter in size. The physician waa
rewarded with the title of Masih-uz-Zaman^ Elliot, VI, pp. 448-49.
world's history have displayed such masterful qualities:

of courage and statesmanship as this extra-
Quinary woman, who held her husband in
leading strings and dominated the state for a
number of years. Students of Indian history kre welF
familiar with the romantic story of her birth, which has been
related with great embellishments by Muslim chroniclers.
But modern research has, discarded the legendary account,
and placed before usjjie plam_iacta^ regarding her early
Her father^Mirza^jGrhiâs
^^ Beg, son __ of .
MuhammaJ^Sliarif, was a native jofJTehran. Driven
by the pressure 6f~ad verse ""circumstances, Ghiyas Beg
turned his thought towards Hindustan whither he pro-
ceeded with his wife, who was big with child, in search
of employment. When he reached Qandhar, his wife-
was delivered of a female child. As the family waa
in great straits, a certain wealthy merchant named Malik
Masud under whose protection they were coming to India
took pity on them, and offered his help. It was a veritable
God-send to Ghiyas, whose heart was broken by the suffer-
ings and troubles through which he had passed. The
merchant who had some influence at the Mughal court,
introduced Ghiyas to Akbar, and got him a handsome
employment in the state. By sheer ^\\{ of
^
nîyOT
itage, nfwhile
KQNlT- Ghiyas's
he was talentsHeshone
in office. to the after
cultivated best
the fashion of the time calligraphy and poetry, and.
acquired a reputation for elegant diction. He showed
great skill in transacting public business, and came to be
looked Upon as One Of jj)f ^^yproftf- nflgWrs nf the
notwithstanding the fact that he was bgld and daring in

lading, bribes- The little child who was named Miherun-
nissa by her parents grew up in the meantime, and at the
age of 17 was married to AHjûH^jgojlu, a Persian adven-
turer, who is better known in history as Sher Afgan.
AH Quli IstSjlS
a safarchi was a manof ofShah
(table. -servant) humble^ origin,
Ismail II of fie was
Persia.
A strange turn of fortune drove him from his native coun-
try, and like many others of his kind, he also sought refuge
in India. On reaching Multan, he met the Khan-i-Khanan
through whose good offices he was granted a military rank
at the Mughal court in the time of Akbar. When Prince
Salim was ordered to march against the Rana of Mewar,
Ali Quli was appointed to his staff. The proud and manly
soldigrjpgased th^princr^yho con-
o£ gher,Afgan for^ slay ing atiger. '
During thePrince's rebellion againstThis father, Tnost of
his friends deserted him, and considerations of prudence led
Sher Afgan also to follow their example. But after his
accession, Jahangir forgave his offences, confirmed his jagir,
and sent him to the Subah of Bengal.
Bengal was at this time seething with discontent.
The turbulent Afghans, who still hoped to revive their lost
supremacy, gathered there from all parts of the country,
and fomented intrigues against the state. Report came
that £her Afgan was ' insubordinate and disposed to be
rebellious/ How could the emperor brook such designs
•on the part of one, whom he had rajafld ff"™ nh«u»nriiy rn
high military rank ? The governor Qutbuddin, who had
-succeeded Raja Man Singh in August 1606, was commanded
1 Sher Afgan dpfiMjA*) literally means one who ^jlls down a lion.
THE EMPIRE AT
j ITS ZENITH
> 493:
to send the suspected officer to court. The .governor took

the somewhat foolish step of making an attempt to arrest
him. Sher Afgan's blood boiled at this indignity, and when
he saw Qutbuddin's men surrounding him on all sides, he
exclaimed with rage ' what proceeding is this of thine? '
He was so shocked by this treachery that when Qutbuddin
advanced forward to explain his conduct, he attacked him
with his sword, and inflicted mortal injuries on his person.
This unexpected attack infuriated the Mughal retainers,
of the governor, who fell upon Sher AfofliTi Hlf0 ^BPfTT
wolves, and hacked him to pieces. Miherunnissa along with
her daughter was sent to court, where she was entrusted ta
the^custody of the dowager-Queen Sultap Saliipji JPqgupi
In March 1611, i.e., four^years after the death of her
hiisbandLuJahangir once chanced toTsee her at the fancy
bazar, and^ was charmed by herjreautiful appearance. Time
assuaged her grief, and she became reconciled to her
imperial lover. Towards the close of May, ^he_bgcame the^
legally in5med jwifgjof_the lord of jiindustan. A new
chapter ôpenedjinj^ family Her father and
weSfexalted to high positions, and were granted
titles and jagirs. "" ~~ ~"~ "" ~~
WhetheFJahangir had a hand in the; mnrrtf™^*
Afcpan is a matter of (^1^™^ Dr- Beni Prasad in
able monograph on Jahangir seriously contends that the
story of the murder is a pure myth invented by later
chroniclers. 1 He argues that there is no confirmation of
this story in contemporary writings, nor is there any
mention of it in the accounts of European travellers, wha
were too eager to seize upon scandals relating to members
1 History of Jahangir, pp. 178—88.

of the royal family. The improbabilities of the story

itself on which he dwells at length, are of little value
in helping us to form a correct judgment. The evidence
of the emperor^ ,innocence adduced by Dr. Bern PrassiL
is of a negative character, and we cannot lightly brush
^side_Jlie- positive assertions of later historians, who were
in a better position to state~the truth in a matter like
"tHis than^ their predecessors. There are other considera-
tlonTwhich militate against the theory of innocence. The
•chief offence of Sher Afgan is said to be that he was
.guilty of treason, but no details of his participation in sedi-
tious conspiracy are disclosed. The emperor.vhad merely
a suspicion, and all authorities agree in saying that Qutb-
uddin was ordered to punish Sher Afgan, if the latter
'showed any futile, seditious ideas.' It is not clear how
<}utbuddin satisfied himself on his arrival in Bengal, that
the Afghan officer actually harboured treasonable designs,
The cause of royal displeasure was not even communicated
to him, and our suspicions are confirmed by the suddenness
with which his arrest was nttrmptrri /jghiinrcir wha in
-usually so frank in relating his. Moratory, does not say a
word.^bout this incident for the obvious reasont.th»t jQQjpan
wouldjpglgte scandals about himself »j>ut his silencejregard-
Jng the fact of his marriage with Nurjahan, jvhich j&as
inf in his career, is
whollyLiinintelligible. ' Why were royal commands issued to
•send Miherunnissa to court, when her father was living
Nurjahan'a name _for_Jhe-^-fljfliL. iamfiL Jff

j_ ear J6 1 4 tEreeyeargâfter liis âjriage.
There are many trivial details, but not a word is said about Nurjahan.
BIB acfiouaii -ttt,.8h^T_A.fgani^.death jêntjrgl^jdgvoijLjQf^^mgptiQn of
Nurjahari. B,B. Memoirs, I, p. 266*
THE. EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH 485
&t the capital, and held an important office in the state V

There was no question about his loyalty, and, surely, he
could be safely trusted to take care of his daughter and her
•little child in their sorrowful plight. Such a thing wag
never done in the case of other noblemen and officers,
charged with sedition. WhyjcUc^ take the
somessJiaL _ unusual step of entrusting the widowed
lady to the care of the dowager-Queen Jn the imperial
K^qm? But it may be asked whzJJifiêmêrorxif- he_ was
an impetuous lover, waited for.iom-lQWE .years, when the^
object of his desire was well within, hj^reach ? Probably
he did so for two reasonsf HNuriahan was overpowered by
the tragic death of her husbandând her sorrow-laden heart
; for some time, from all thought of love~and
perhaps the emperor did not interfere
with her, because he wished to lull all suspicions regarding
the^death of Sher Afgan,^ which was so unexpected an3
precipitate. The T)utch writer De Laet says that Jahangir
had been in love with Nurjahan, even when she was a
maiden during the lifetime of Akbar, but her betrothal to
Sher Afgan proved an obstacle -in the way of marriage. V A
1 MutamSd Khan writes : " After the death of Kutub-uddin, the

officials of Bengal, in obedience to royal command, sent to court the
daughter of Ghiyas Beg, who had been exalted to the title of fcItimad-J
nd-do wlah/ and the King, who was greatly distressed at the murder of
Kutub-uddin, entrusted her to the keeping of his own royal mother,"
Elliot, VI, p. 404.
9 Description of India and Fragment of Indian History, p. 181.
De Laet relates at some length the story of Jahangir's marriage
with Nurjahan. He says : *' He (Jahangir) hadJtfteuiinlQv^ witfr hgg
when shewas still a maiden.-tnn^ff ^ MhAinigTkf A^hahftr YAkbarl
to theJi^rkChftej[_A8egbaP
wouTd naotigTowTum - (She
mSSanrnsTonans
he also. hia Ifipye
sfla^fjen^slTôat thisrorwere
ner« true, the is
'* This motor e for thej>y"lJMnr
oorrogofaTect murder
careful perusal of contemporary chronicles leaves upon our

minds the impression, that the circumstances of Sher
Afgan's death are of a highly suspicious nature, although
there is no conclusive evidence to prove that the emperor
was guilty of the crime.
Atjthejtime^f Jier ^jnarriage wjth^Jaha^^
was in her thirty-fifth year, but ajdvancingjage LhaOone-
"~ """°f" nothing to mar fHfrPshnaarvf JiPr
beauty of her early
youth and the portraits that have come down.
to us are indicative of her superb loveliness. Nature rein-
forced byart had greatlyadded[to jier charms, and made her
nafiuT famous ifafjgll that isjovable arid liftracti ve fif wbrffan-
kind. She possessed a strong and virile intellect, and could
understand the most intricate political problems without
any difficulty. No political or diplomatic complication was
beyond her comprehension, and the greatest statesmertand
ministers bowed to her decisions. J3he was fond of .poetry
and wrote verses which are still admired. Sh_e__was_a
genumeJnvfir of beauty, and did much to increase the splen-
dour and glory of the Mughal court. She set the fashions
oTlEeTage, designed new varieties of silk and cotton fabrics,.
and^suggested new modôf jewellery , hitjierto unknow n
in Hindustan
of GâjHerahle ^ physical
Courage, ^nd^went out on hunting tnura wit^
. On more than one occasion, she shot ferocious tigers, and
Jahangir was so pleased by her feat of valour that he gave
her a pair of bracelets of diamonds worth 1,00,000 rupees,
and distributed 1,000 asharafte among his servants and
the poor to mark his pleasure. Her presence of mind was
remarkable, as is illustrated by her rebuke to Asaf Khan,
THE EMPIRE AT ITS^ZENITH 497
when the emperor was made a prisoner by Mahabat Khan.

J4eye£jii<ljier activity, resgurcefulness^nd^
more manifest^than in thejiour of danger. HeFspints
rose in difficult situations, and experienced generals and
soldiers were amazed to see her seated on an elephant in
the thick of the fight, discharging a shower of arrows at
She worked hard, and no detail of administra-
tion escaped her^ vigilant eye. Âlthough she meddled
in~~pn1iHpg. plotter and int.ri>iu»d to obtainjjower. she was
not devoid of human feelings. She was generous and
o a fault-. She was the ref^gîrP the tyior and
her kindness towards. ]&&p- sex manifested
itself in numberless acts_of^ charitg. Sjxe J™?Y l^fl J?ftTI Ay
J2LJ11? ma™0^ of ™*phgn M"«1"rn girljV qgj* extended
herprotection to the weak and the oppressed. Towards
her kith and kin, she entertained the warmest feelings.
Her father and brother rose to the highest positions in the
state mainly through her influence,
She loved him with alljthe intensity
charms that he became a submissive tool in her hands. The
(fogh^^dignitaries of the empire sought her good offices
and a word from her jsouldjnake or mar the career of*x*y~
one of them. Rebels againstTthe state implored her "Help
in securing royal forgiveness, as is illustrated by the case of
Jagat Singh, the hill chieftain of the Punjab. £ It was
through her intercession that the 'pen of pardon_jgas
drawn tjij&ughjjie record j>f jiis faultsv£~
/But Nurjahan's influence wasfnStâll for the good of
the state. Her inordinate loye-ef powe^, **** ^romanly
''MnitiYr ^nd her g^htle ^fiyiVâ f:o to^ke the emperor her
slave jglLto troubles^ which seriously threatened the peace
- -- "~
p 3a
ofjthejsmiBEe* Ît is true, she had a fine intellect, but she

lacked that-jeapacjty foLJudgment and correct decision,
which is a sine qua non of success in public affairs.^ She.
went too farjn_jdealing with her enemies, and jêither. jrank
/ nor birth could shield a man against her revengeful spirit.
Itwas her arrogance, her natural habit of suspicion,. Jier
constant desire to humble the ablest officers of the crown
that goaded Mahabat Khan into rebellion, and produced
disorder in the country. The haram and the court aliê
I became centres of intrigue, and it was her machinations
that drove Prince Khurram to unfurl the banner of revolt
against his father. ' The loss of Qandhar in 1622 was due
to her mischievous influence. Despite her knowledge that
KHiirram was the acknowledged heir to the throne, and
was the ablest among Jahangir's sons, she put forward
in preference to him the claims of her own creature
was destitute of brains and character, and
whom his contemporaries rigfitly gave the nickname
of Naqhudani or 'good for nothing." The prince refused
to march to Qandhar, because he knew that the imperious
Begum had spread the net of her intrigue wide,
and swept into it the leading nobles of the court.
Even Dr. Beni Prasad admits that during his absence
Nurjahan was sure to push her creature Shahariyar to the
front, and undermine his own (Khurram's) power by replac-
ing his adherents with hers in high offices of state, by
1 Professor J. N. Sarkar puts the blame entirely on Nurjaban,

He writes :
"From 1622 till almost the end of his father's reign Shahjahan
<vras under a cloud ; the infatuated old emperor, entirely dominated by
his selfish and imperious consort Nurjahan, deprived Shahjahan of his
posts and fiefs, and at last drove him into rebellion in self-defence."
History of Aurangzeb, Vol. I, p. 2.
playing upon the feelings and fancies of her husband and

toy taking full advantage of any opportunities, which
might present themselves in the meanwhile.1 It was
under her influence that Jahangir hegfimp. SL thorough-bred
pleasure-seeker, and so far forgot the duties of his exalted
office as to say that Nurjahan was wise enough to conduct
the matters of state, and that ^ wntp^ only « hnH-.l* of
yine and a PIPPP of meat to kqep himself merry. The
remark may have been made in jest, , but it indicates
well enough the easy-going habit of the man, who was
by no means lacking in intelligence, and who had given
proof of his far-sightedness by proclaiming that he meant
to adhere to the policy of his great father. His innate
fondness for pleasure was developed by Nurjahan to a
perilous extent, and if Jahangir^ f qjgn fnrma
period in the annals nF tfhp Mughal dynasty.
the responsibility in no small measure. The new fashions
and tastes which she fostered, are a poor compensation for
the lack of military achievement or administrative reform,
which must always remain the supreme test of the great-
ness of rulers and statesmen. The dominating_Begum
made her husband
— — .— ^ _.,-•^~~~-~— ~" ~-— .- _ -travel "~
fast on — the path
— • ~ -^"" ^^ of
* '•".«——•'ease^
». . .*•" jiixtil.Jie
™*
ceasea to take all interest in pubHc^.business, jnd bej&n to
look upon alcohol as a 'prudent friend/ Most of his
regulations remained in abeyance, and the Nurjahan clique
managed or mismanaged, as it chose, the affairs of the
empire. The era, of brilliant or heroic enterprise^ was
clqsedJEor the June, and the vanous paffiSf and fectionF
at court were consumed with a feverish activity to
-oust their rivals from positions of power and influence.
1 History of Jahangir, p. 849.

Akbar had annexed Bengal to the empire in 1575

after the defeat of Daud but the Afghans were not com-
UsmSn's Pletely crushed. They found an able and
Rebellion in ambitious leader in Usman who, though out-
Bengal. Wardly loyal to the Mughals, cherished the
dream of restoring Afghan independence. He had rebelled
once before in 1599 in the reign of Akbar, but he was sup-
pressed byRaja Mansingh. The rapid change of governors
in Bengal encouraged him in his hostile designs/ and
when Islam Khan was appointed to the office of governor
after the death of Jahangir Quli who had succeeded
Qutbuddin, 1 the Afghans and Zamindars of Bengal showed
open hostility to the central government. The Afghans
rallied under the banner of Usman, and prepared them-
selves for a trial of strength with the imperialists. Both
sides engaged each other in battle, and after a strenuous
day on the field, he was fatally wounded on the head, but
so great was his composure that even in this condition he
contmued to direct the movements of his men for six hours.
The battle ended in the defeat of the Afghans who retreat-
ed to their entrenchments. Here Usman died, leaving his
followers in a state of disorder.
The news of this victory was received at court
(April 1, 1612), with great delight, and Jahangir suitably
rewarded the officers, who had distinguished themselves in
the campaign. Islam Khan's rank was raised, and the
other officers who had rendered him loyal assistance
were fitly honoured. The political power of the Afghans
was destroyed, but they were treated well by Jahangir, who
* This Qutbuddin is the same person who lost his life in the scuffle-
with Sher Afgan, the first husband of Nurjahan.
allowed them with pleasure to enter the service of the

state. As a result of this humane policy, writes the
author of the Makhzan-i- Afghan, the Afghans abolished
all treasonable designs from their minds, and considered
it their duty to remain subservient and loyal to the throne
even at the sacrifice of their lives.
Soon after his accession to the throne, Jahangir
resumed his father's policy in regard to the principality of
Mewar. Prince Parwez was appointed to the
of UM^S°n command, and who
tried officers with him
had were
givenassociated well-
proof of their
valour in several campaigns. The first battle was an in-
decisive one, and ended in a truce between the two parties.
Two years later, the emperor sent Mahabat Khan at the
head of a considerable force, and the latter succeeded in
inflicting a defeat on the Rajputs. Frequent changes in
command seriously hampered the progress-of operations,
*nd nothing substantial was achieved until prince
Khjjrram was placed at the head of the expedition.
Assisted by some of the ablest military officers, the prince
opened the campaign in full vigour. The Mughal soldiers
who were exasperated by prolonged Rajput resistance,
carried fire and sword in their train, and rendered large
tracts of land desolate. The prince established military
posts in -favourable localities in order to cutoff the supplies
of the enemy and to starve them into submission.
Still the Rajputs did not desist from fighting, and their
reckless daring made an impression on the Mughals. But
the tactics of the latter succeeded. The moving columns
of the Mughal army captured the families of several chiefs,
And reduced the Rana to such straits that he began to
•desire the termination of the campaign. From all sides came
502 &ISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
t ;
the demand that peace should be made. The Rana sent

his maternal uncle Shubh Karap and his trusty^^gerJJma
Das J§la to settle the terms of the treaty. He agreed to>
payliomage to the emperor and to send his son to the
imperial court, but himself begged to be excused from
personal attendance on account of old age. Jahangir gladly
accepted the terms of peace for he writes: *JMy loftyjnind
was always desirous, as far as possible, not to destroy the
ojdjamilies."1 Chittor was restored to the Rana, but he
was asked not to fortify it. No matrimonial alliance was
forced on him ; he was simply asked to supply a contingent
of 1,000 horse, and his son was enrolled as a mansabdarof
5,000. A meeting was arranged between Prince Khurram
and the Rana at which they exchanged greetings, and
offered valuable presents to each other. 2
The Rana's heir-apparent Prince Karan also waited on
Prince Khurram, and received as a mark of favour a
superb dress of honour, a jewelled sword and dagger, and
horse with a gold saddle and a special elephant. '
Jahangir's conduct in this affair is wholly worthy of
praise. Mewar had given the Mughals no small amount of
trouble, but the emperor forgot the past and adopted a con-
ciliatory policy in dealing with the Rana. He was so
pleased at this achievement, that heordered two full-sized
mublejstatues of the Bana and his son to be made in order
to be placed at Agra in the garden below the Jharokha.
1 B. B., I, pp. 273-74.

Jahangir says (B. B., I, p. 276) that the Rana clasped his (Khur-
ram s) feet and asked forgiveness for his faults. This does not seem to
be likely. In the first place no Bajput however humbled, would con-
descend to show such servility, and secondly, it was not a recognised
mode of paying respect to kings or princes.
3 According to the Bajput usage the prince did not go with his.
father to pay respects to the prince.
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH 50&
'These elephants were removed from Agra by Aurangzeb

in 1668, but no trace is to be found of them now.
When the emperor was returning from a tour in
Gujarat, news came that the bubonic plague had broken
out in Hindustan. ' Jahangir briefly describes
°f the disease by saying that ' under the arm-
pits, or in the groin, or below the throat,
buboes formed, and they died.'2 The contemporary
chronicler Mutamad Khan writes that the fell disease first
began in the Punjab, spread to Sarhind, and then through-
out the Doab as far as Delhi and its neighbouring cities
and villages. His account of the disease is as correct today
as it was when he wrote it. This is what he says :
f " When it was about to break out, a mouse would
run out of its hole as if mad, and striking itself against
the door and the walls of the house, would expire. If,
immediately after this signal, the occupants left the
house and went to the jungle, their lives were saved; if
otherwise the inhabitants of the whole village would
be swept away by the hand of death.
If any person touched the dead, or even the clothes
of a dead man, he also could not survive the fatal
contact. The effect of the epidemic was comparatively
more severe upon the Hindus. In Lahore its ravages
were so great, that in one house ten or twenty persona
would die, and their surviving neighbours, annoyed by
the stench, would be compelled to desert their houses
full of habitations. The dead were left locked, and
no person dared to go near them through fear of his
1 The author of the Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri calls this epidemic

Wala-o-taaun.
2 R. B., II, p. 66.
t (
life. It was also very severe in Kashmir, where its
effect was so great that (as an instance) a darvesh,
who had performed the last said offices of washing
the corpse of a friend, the very next day shared the
same fate. A cow, which had fed upon the grass on
which the body of the man was washed, also died.
The dogs, also, which ate the flesh of the cow, fell dead
upon the spot. In Hindustan no place was free from
this visitation, which continued, to devastate the
country for "l
It broke out again in 1618-19 in Agra, and spread to
all the villages and towns in the neighbourhood, although
Fatehpur was quite free from it. The emperor was inform-
ed by loyal persons that the daily average of deaths was
nearly 100. 2 The houses of the rich and the poor were
equally affected, and thousands of lives were destroyed.
The people were simply bewildered by the appearance of
this fell disease, but there is nothing to show that the state
devised any preventive measures against its deadly visi-
tations. Mutamad Khan, the historian of Jahangir's
reign, writes that it exceeded everything known and
recorded in former ages.
Captain William Hawkins came to Jahangir's court in
1608 from England with a letter from James I in order to
obtain facilities for trade. In spite of Por-
SbawkTnh8oma8
8oe. tuguese opposition,
an audience he succeeded
of the emperor, in having
who received him
graciously, and accepted the costly presents
offered by him. He was apppintedjo. Jieâjnanagbdarôf
400 with a nominal salary of l&TOOO. The emperor liked
1 Elliot, VI, p. 406.

• B. B. II, p. 65.
him much, and invited him to be present at his drinking

parties. The trade facilities which he sought were readily
-granted.
Hawkins writes at length about the enyaergoi^sjiajjits^
the^tiguette of the court^ and the system of administration
and the social condition of the people. The emperor drank
hard, kept a sumptuous table, and gave feasts, the most
important of which was the feast of . Nauroz. T
JSacheat was prevalent in the country, jand the emperor
was thej^y^^ grandeesT^^^racquisi-
tidns "after deathlpassed to him, andfin this^ way his trea-
causes sures mulljpIie^L^beyo^fl
of this abundance ofreckoning.
wealth : (1)Tiethe^mentions
treasure four
and
jewels of tfs ancestors ; (2) the property of nobles passing
into his hands after their deaths ; (3) money brought into
the country by foreign merchants, and (4) the possession
of land. Deeds of cruelty were common at court, and]
Hawkins observes that he saw with his own eyes the
victims of royal wrath, destroyed in a savage manner by
heartless ruffians.
Sir Thomas Roe was the accredited representative of
the King of England, who visited Jahangir's court in
1615 with the object of obtaining some concession for the
English trade. When he camejp Imlifr, Jie; was Jiulhe
prime of life, of pleasing manners and a prepossessing
ifislg^
and diplomatice3cence, eminently
lim for theâsE^Tnereal object ofTiis
-gmum a, i-nu _ „ „ r. \v_-p ** -.^ - - _.,^ *.^~~* -
r-aiT^x^ 'cSlfimerciaTTreaty wilH the ruler of

jntrigues of rival parties and the misgivings of the imperial
•court, yet Sir Tfionifcs Roe (JiaTiotlfincIi f romhis duty,
\
in spite of refusals and disappointments persevered in his-
attempts to^^curej^va^ forjbis nation. The
Nurjahan clique was in power at thlslime, andTit was im-
pos ible toget anything done, without the help of Asaf
Khan, the chief minister of Jahangir, and Prince Khurram.
Theâ^bassadorjiadjo sellji valuable pearl to Asaf Khan
ajtâ reducecT price and to offer similar presents to his-
sister, who was won over to the side qf^the English.
T|iû^h AsafltKIn^s "help, an interview was arranged
with Khurram, ^dÊReTPrinC^ promised to~ obtain^ for
fee not only aJ^jmaij^^jBengal but jL^QS^îJommgnd
andTgranfloffree privileges in all the Mughal dominions, j
A hope was also held out that the prince would make over
the port of Surat to the English^jyhen he assumed charge
o£ê^rovi^^j)j^Gujarat. The^ intrigues
rivals of the English, and their Portuguesehampered
were great
the
British ambassador considerably in persuading the emperor
to grant his terms. The draft of the treaty, which Roe
submitted, was rejected with scorn, and it was after long
delay and evasions that a farman was granted, allowing
some concessions to the English. The Prince adopted a
friendly attitude to wardsjthe British mercEantsTînd in-
Portuguese, formed them,thethatlocal

in governor
case they^were attacked
would assist themby with
the
boats and any other requisites. They were allowed to trade
freely, andâbiêsjofjthe customs houses were put an end
to. No tolls were to be levied on goods, entering into a
port, and the merchants were permitted to hire any housfc
they pleased for establishing a factory. They were to en-
joy the right of self-government, and no English refugee
was to be detained, even if he accepted the Muslim faith.
The Mughal government was so Hiatrnstfial nf the-
intentions of thÊpgUabJthat-itdid
I • not
allowthem to build
orTm;Fa^ the nujBB^fof Engli§h-
men, who could weaFamsJnJthe city. Roe strongly ob-
jec^^jEfieînserfion of the clause,, and
hyyjgrsi^nt remonsteancea^tbat it was dropped.
^ i
of the English relations with India. Roe fought hard
against adverse circumstances, and in the long run succeed-
ed in partially gaining his object. His countrymen^ at
Suratjtrmde light of his diplomatic servicesTbut jbjljâver-
looked the fact that though SirTJhomas ê_couWjiot
achieve what he desired, lie enhanggd,|jxe^ REfiatige .of the
English inÎnjifa, ancTwon resgggt for_ thenpuat titieji|ughal
court. Tfie Portuguese were humbled, and the provincial
governors
which werein askeiaTto"
resulted giving timestay the English
to the hand of tooppression,
establish
their influence on a secure basis.
Roe's Journal gives us a vjyid^pictureôf the court
and faithful character! alcetchesjf jail the p^mmeiiLmem*-
bers of the royal f amil^^ whoni^ Jie joeyer
saw. He^dwellsât length^ upon the pomjj^.aiuL magnifi-
^ de-
scribes the festivities and pleasure parties in which the
grandees took part. But he dpjs_Jiot_fprget tqjdescribe
the squalor and ^miseryôf the, êasaiitry,
of th§ p^blicLhiglmays^nd the generaL-Utegciejxcy and
supineness of the local administraitqns. Corruption was
prevalent, anaûTTi^ of the state were
not above reproach. There was _ no written^law in
the, jpountry, ajnd . the ^JT^TÎkdr hv ^ hia ward. •Jhf
S£us$Ol-3!ji§^ but the Jmperjal
supervision over provinces was lax, and the provincial
$08 HISTORY <
OF MUSLIM
| RULE
governorsbehaved as despots. The emperor was every

man>g1iei5^ by the law oflEscheat the property of a
noble passed to him. The greatjnen about him were jnot
men of noble birth^liiltJayourites often raisecfto eminence
By caprice. He des^ribesjahangir as ajsheerful. amiable
-^•t. 0f— I, _,,, *~"~~~~-~~"* '" **•»• —-"— -»^. „ .„,. »•* — .^_. — ' *— I--" " — — •-"
manêntirelyj ree^jfrom :J>rid^ and jsfincfiit^ He praises the

"Inanner in which he was received at court, and goes on to
add that no ambassador, Turkish or Persian, was ever re-
ceived with so much courtesy. Roe^was invitedjnQEe than
<opg^tobepresent in tjie Durbar j)y Jahangir, and on one
occasion he presented him with a picture, which the king
greatly appreciated. Writing about court, the ambassador
says that he jvitnessed inter^stingjfcenes of drunkenness
nd reyelr^duringln^site
became dead^rlu^ aiTnight. "" ^^ralEi^mperor
wejg^putjût anCthe tipsy
ôlirtiefs welfE T^y'toTêirliomes. At oneof the drinking
bouts Roe wasôffervBcTTiquoKT)utît wasTso^ strong that it
maaeTuSTsneeze, on whichjthe ^mperbfjlaughed heartily
tmJêngun^^ SirYhomasRoe was a dex-
terous diplomatist, endowed ._with plenty ôf naturaLghrewd-
S^Jt^^businessâbout ^ capacity, ^KIs Journal
"and during is full of
interestingdetaiTs court fife Jahangir's reign.
"jAikbar had captured^the fortôO^sffgarhrbut he was
obliged to leave suddenly for the north owing to Salim's
rebellion. His departure seriously affect-
TheDecoan. ed the Mughal position in the Deccan, and
nothing, substantial was achieved by the imperialists.
After the death of the emperor in 1605, when Jahangir
succeeded to the throne, he resumed his father's policy,
but he was confronted by JO&ry able statesman L_and . Jtnili-
tary leader in Malik Ambar, the Abyssinia^ miBfetet. and
general of the Nizamshahi kings of A,hraadnagar.
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH 509-
Malik Ambar^was _not_ ,a man of ordinary .talents.

Possessed of rare mtellectual powers and force of charac-
ter, he was equally at home in civil and miTitary"~ai0PiairsT
Long experience of administrative work had ripened his-
judgment, and given him an insight into matters of high
state policy, which had secured for him a position of con-
siderable influence in the state. He had introduced sever-
al reforms, but the most notable of them was his organ-
isatipnjxf the revende system after the model followed by
JRaja Todarmal in the north. Even the Mughal historians
who speak of him in terms of contempt, praise him for his-
ability, political acumen, and resourcefulness in times of
danger and difficulty. His activities were not confined to
the civil administration alone. He was a_general of jao
mean repute. He developed the military strength of the
Nizamshahi kingdom, and revolutionised the methods of
warfare in the Deccan. He was the first to train the
Marathas in the guerilla method of warfare, which they
carried to perfection afterwards, and which greatly helped
them in destroying the Mughal empire. To fight with
such a formidable enemy was no easy task, and Malik
Ambar taxed to the uttermost the military resources of
the empire for well-nigh two decades.
Malik Ambar speedily began to recover the lost terri-
tory, and sharply checked the Mughal advance, which was.
partly due also to the inaction of the officers themselves.
To retrieve the position, Jahangir sent the Khan-i-Khanan,
at the head of a large force, consisting of 12,000 men, ta
carry on the war in the Deccan. The supreme command
was entrusted to Prince Parwez, and with him were asso-
ciated other military officers of renown. As no improve-
ment in the situation was effected, the emperor despatched
I
Khan Jahan Lodi. who was accompanied by several distin-
guished generals, both Hindu and Muslim. On reaching
the Deccan, they came to know that the Mug Jmls. had, been
^ an<* were compelled to beat a
dishonourable retreat. The generals accused each other of
bad plans and defective strategy, and Khan Jahan urged
the recall of the Khan-i-Khanan. He implored the emperor
to place him in chief command, and added that he
would not show, his face to the servanfc of the court, if h€
failed in the enterprise. v In the face of such opposition,
the emperor considered it advisable to withdraw the
Khan-i-Khanan from the scene of operations. With Khan
Jahan as their chief commander, the Mughals assumed the
•Offensive in full vigour in 1611, but they were forced to
retreat towards Gujarat by the Maratha horsemen who
inflicted heavy losses on them. On hearing the news of
tfils mishap, Jahangir himself resolved to go to the Deccan
and ' destroy root and branch those servants, who had
become masters,' but the nobles were not agreeable
to the proposal. The Khan-i-Khanan was reappointed to
the command. Ever loyal to the empire in which he had
risen to such eminence, the veteran warrior forgot past
insults and injuries and proceeded to the Deccan. He de-
feated the Deccanis in a hotly contested engagement, but
•even this brilliant success failed to silence his enemies
wlia accused him of having accepted the Deccan gold.
Once again, he was called back, and the command was
•entrusted to Prince Khurram.
The prince marched to the Deccan via Ajmer and
reached Burhanpur on March 6, 1617, accompanied by
the most valiant imperial generals. He offered terms of
1 R. B.f I, pp. 179-80.
*peace to the enemy, which were immediately accepted.

Adil Shah waited on the prince in person with presents
worth 15 lakhs, and promised to restore all the territory,
which had been seized by Malik Ambar. The treaty was
ratified by the emperor who bestowed the title of Farzand.
(son) upon, ^dil Khan, and expressed niiicITsatisfaction at
his submission. The officers of the state who had taken
part in the war were suitably rewarded, and Prince
Khurram was given the title of Shahjahan, and his mansab
was raised to 30,000 Zat and 20,000 Sawar. Other gifts
followed, and jâ jmark of special honour the emperor
himself came down from the Jharokha, and ' poured over
his head a small tray of jewels and a tray of gold (coins). !
Wealth was heaped in abundance upon the prince, and his
triumph was celebrated in the right Roman fashion.
Nurjahan Begum also shared in the rejoicings ; she
held a feast in honour of the prince, and conferred upon
him dresses of honour and jewels, and pearls of great
value. The total cost of this entertainment according to
Jahangir was 3,00,000 rupees. 2 Behin4jall^the§e ^profjjse
gifts and rewards lay the hard fact, that the Deccan was
not conquered, and that the spirit of Malik Ambar was
as unbroken as ever.
The most remarkable exploit of Jahangir 's reign is
the conquest of the famous fortress of Kangra in Novem-
ber 1620. The fort was situated on a lofty
K°angrae8t °' hffl»
It wasand was strongly
surrounded fortifiedof byfortresses
by a number nature.
which were in the possession of hill chiefs. Near by was
the famous Jberagle of JwalaiauldaL^t; Nagarkot, where
thousands of devotees came from all parts of the country
1 B. B0 I, p. 896. * K. B., I, p. 397.
to offer worship. The temple was plundered by Mahmud'

of Ghazni in 1009, but as soon as the whirlwind of his-
invasion was over, the Hindu Rajas of the Kangra region
again recovered their lost power. Firuz Tughluq led an
expedition to Kangra, but its natural fortifications baffled
all his efforts, and he had to be content with the nominal
homage of the local chieftain. During Akbar's reign, an
attempt was made to conquer the fortress, but the imperial
generals accomplished nothing, though the siege lasted
for a long time. When Jahangir came to the throne, he
also thought of the conquest of Kangra. Murtaza Khan,
governor of the Punjab, was appointed to the command*
but his efforts failed owing to the jealousy and opposition
of the Rajput chiefs, who were associated with him. After
some time he died, and Shahjahan was entrusted with the
command of the expedition. The imperialists assumed the
offensive in full vigour, and the hill chiefs were thoroughly
humbled. The siege of Kangra was pushed on for weeks-
together ; the supplies were cut off, and the beleaguered
garrison had to live on boiled dry grass. Death and
starvation stared them • in the face. After a prolonged
siege of 14 months, when they saw no hope of deliverance,
they surrendered on November 16, 1620. :
Khusrau remained a solitary prisoner in his gloomy
dungeon, and his soul sank under the accumulated weight of
sorrow and misfortune. The ladies of the
°f
haram, moved to pity by the prince's miser-
able plight, requested the emperor that the
repentant sinner deserved to be forgiven. Permission was
1A fall account of this campaign will be found in Sash Fatah-i-
Kangra extracts from which are given in Elliot, VI, pp. 617—81.
The Memoirs also contains an account, B. BM II, pp. i 83—86.
For a d ascription of the fort see Memoirs, II, pp, 223-24.
THE EMPIREj AT ITS* ZENITH 518
given him to attend the Durbar in 1613, but Khusrau's

appearance " showed no signs of openness and happi-
ness and he was always mournful and dejected in mind/*
Nothing availed to brighten up his life, which seemed to
him a cheerless blank. The emperor cancelled his previous
order in disgust, and forbade his entry into the durbar. *
Nurjahan's plans succeeded well enough, and in October
1616 the hapless prince was entrusted to the custody of
his mortal enemy Asaf Khan, who made him over to his
rival Shahjahan. 2 The latter took him to the Deccan, when
he marched against Malik Ambar, the Abyssinian, Luckily
peace was made, and the cessation of hostilities enabled
Shahjahan to organize the territories under his control.
As Khusrau was still popular, Shahjahan thought it pru-
dent to remove him from his path. ÂjMBurhanpj^
prince was murdered by Shahjahan's order early in 1622,
and the emperor was informed that he had died of coli
pain.
There is no doubt that Sha.hjahan was the
.Khusrau's death. Jahangir in his Memoirs gives us no
clue to the tragic event and simply writes : 'At this time
a report came from Khurram that Khusrau on the 8th
(20th of the month) had died of the disease of colic pain
(Qulanj), and gone to the mercy of God.3 Several years
agqjifc Beveridge expressed the view, that there was no
-evidence worthy b? the name, that Khusrau was murdered
or strangled/ There is a mass of evidence to prove that j
Khusrau was killed by Shahjahan's orders. Besides the
E. B., I, p. 261.
R. B0 I, p. 336.
! B.B., II, p. 228.
•J. B. A.8., 1907, p.699.
Oft
testimony of the later Muslim chroniclers and European

travellers there is contemporary evidence, which holds-
Shahjahan responsible for the crime.
The murdered prince was liked by all classes of men
\ of him :
" For that prince, he was a gentleman of a very

lovely presence and fine carriage, so exceedingly
beloved of the common people, that as Saetonigs
writes of Titus, he was amor et deliciae, etc., the
very love and delight of them, aged then about thirty-
five years. He was a man who contented himself
with one wife, who with all love and care accompanied
him in all his straits, and therefore he would never
take any wife but herself, though the liberty of his
religion did admit of his plurality "
Khusrau was given a second burial. By the command of
his father, whose wrath seems to have been allayed in the
awful presence of death, his remains were conveyed to
Allahabad, where they were interred by the side of his
mother in a garden near Khuldabad. The walled garden
known asJKhusrau _Bagh still standsîn its melancholy
gr&ndeur to remind the visitor of those unhappy events,
which led to the tragic end of the prince, who has been
rightly described as one of the most interesting jypd
"""
pathetic figures in Indian history.
M<<^TCsTasTeen said before, Nurjahan's^backstair intri-
gues had driven Shahjahan into revolt His hostility to the
imperious Begum was no longer a Secret,
* *'* and 'lt was kn°wn to all that the prince would
have to take prompt action, if he wished to
safeguard his person and property. Both sides prepared
THE EMPIRE ÂT ITS. ZENITH 515
Shahjahan had several

prominent nobles to back up his cause, white Nuriahati
could j?ounjL<^ veteran officers liHjuAaaf
MgJiaJ>gJL_ Khun. und f»M*fa %* *hp Prin^g, nf
Marwar. Kptft, Rnnrii anrl Raja Kir Singh Rnni
dela, jtfa^jtnurderer gf AbuLEazI, along with several
others. The entire military and financial resources of th<
empire were at her disposal, and even the supporters oi
the prince felt that their patron had embarked upon
hazardous enterprise.
The first decisive battle between the imperialists and
Shahjahan was fought at Bilochpur to the south of Delhi
(1623) in which the rebels were defeated. Raya Rayan
Raja Bikramajit, ' the gallant soldier, whose valour had
been proved in many an arduous campaign, fell in battle,
and his hgadjvas cut off by the imperialists. It was sent
to Jahangir who is reported to have expressed much grati-
fication at the death of such a deaclly enemy. Shahjahan
was pursued by the imperialists, and skirmishes took
place between him and Mahabat's troops. The situation
was deemed so serious that Jahangir Jiimself proceeded to
Ajmer to direct the campaign in person. The prince
betook himself to Asir, which he captured without striking
a blow, but desertions in his army filled him with anxiety.
He, turned to Malik Ambar foj; help, but thejatter returned
a curt refusal. Pressed hard by the imperialists, he crossed
theTapti, although it was in heavy floods, and sought
refuge in Golkunda. But the Sultan af Golkunda offered
him jiq help^ land asked him to quit his country vrithout
1 He was deputy of Bhahjahan and was once appointed viceroy of

Gujarat by biin. He, was known aa Sundar. This is Brahman 8 and**.
516 HISTORYr OF MlfSLIM RULE
delay. Greatly disappointed, the prince marched across
Telingana into Orissa which was a Mughal province. He
reduced the whole of Bengal and Bihar, and brought them
under his sway. Master of a valuable province, he attempted
to seize Oudh and Allahabad, but he encountered stubborn
resistance at the hands of the imperial garrison. When
valour proved unavailing, treachery was employed. The
Zamindara who had espoused the prince's cause were made
to desert him by means of bribes and deceitful representa-
tion^"' Reduced
desperate to sore
attempt straits,
to beat the Shahjahan
enemy, but made
he wasone more
severely
defeated. He retreated hastily to the fortress of Rohtas,
and thence proceeded to the Deccan.
I Malik Ambar, the old enemy of the empire, who was
waging war against Bijapur, and who had just stormed
the fort of Sholapur, accorded a cordial welcome to the
fugitive prince, and formed an alliance with him against
the emperor. Shahjahan laid siege to Burhanpur, but he
abandoned it when Parwez and Mahabat Khan appeared
on the scene. He retired to Rohangarh, and his valiant
general Abdullah Khan renounced the world and buried
himself in penance and prayer.
Shahjahan found himself in an unfortunate predica-
ment. It was difficult for him to make headway against
the imperialists with their undoubted superiority in numbers
in spite of Ambar's alliance. His generals had gone over
to the side of the enemy, and Abdullah on whose fidelity
he could always count had taken to the life of a recluse
and a hermit. It is true he still held the forts of Rohtas
in the north and Asir in the Deccan, but these could hardly
stand a prolonged and concentrated siege by the
imperialists. Reduced to sore straits, Shahjahan was
nothing but failure starinfe him fa the face. He wrote

to Jahangir to forgive his unfilial conduct. Nurjahan
who feared Mahabat's growing influence and his
alliance with Parwez readily grasped at the opportunity*
and agreed to the proposal advanced by the rebellious
prince (March 1626). He was asked to surrender the
forts of Rohtas and Asir, and as a guarantee of frfc ff<***
behaviour he was to send his two sons Para and Aurangz&b*
boys of ten and eight respectively, to court a* hftfttaggg
Shahjahan made due obeisance to the royal farman and
offered rich gifts valued at ten lakhs of rupees. He him-
self repaired to Nasik with his wife and his youngest son
Murad.
It will be remembered that Nuriahan was anyinna tn>
secureMbhe succession Jor. her aon-in-law Shahriyart He was
a good-for-nothing mediocrity, but the death
*abab of Khusrau and the humiliation of Shahjahan
once again encouraged the empress to revive
Tier plans. The only other rival was Parwez, who was at
this time closely associated with Mahahat Kân, the most
redoubtable general and diplomatist, "f **»* *™pi> It is
easy to imagine what Mahabat could do with Parwez as a
tool in his hands, particularly, when the emperor was
rendered incapable of exertion by continued ill-health.
Nurjahan kept quiet as long as Mahabat's services were
needed to cope with Khurram's rebellion, but the moment
it was suppressed, she renewed her intrigues and attempt-
ed to deprive Mahabat Khan of all power and influence.
He was asked to resign the imperial command and to go»
over to Bengal to assume charge of the governorship of
that province. Prince Parwez expressed his unwillingness.
to allow him to go, and Nurjahan issued an order in wrath
that Mahabat Khan must return to court, and the prince

'should stay at Burhanpur. Fearing his brother's fate
Parwez yielded, and Mahabat Khan also bowed to the royal
command.
Nurjahan did not rest content with the recall of
Mahabat. She had the audacity to bring against him
charges pf embezzlement and corruption. A royal message
required him to send to court the elephants he had seized
in Bengal and to account for the moneys which had come
into his hands by reason of the dismissal of fief-holders.
Another charge the preposterousness of which is obvious
was that Mahabat had affianced his daughter without royal
permission to the son of Khwaja Umar Nakshabandi. The
emperor disapproved of the betrothal, sent for the young-
man, and treated him with studied insults. His hands were
tied to his neck, and he was escorted bareheaded to prison.
An officer of the crown, Fidai Khan, was deputed to bring
to the imperial exchequer all the wealth which had been
given by Mahabat to his prospective son-in-law. Failing
this, he was asked to send him to court. Mahabat was
mortally offended by this outrageous treatment. Jt brought
into clear relief jhejpaneful results of petticoat influence
in affairs of great pith and moment, and strengthened the
general's convictions, regarding the inefficiency of the pres-
ent regime. Jahangir was too enfeebled in health to look into
these matters, and blindly assented to the wishes of his
imperious wife. Mahabat was taken aback, as any man
would have been in his position, by the ingratitude shown
by the powers-that-be in dealing with him. As he looked
back to his relations with Nurjahan in the past. aLjnoment'8
reflection convinced him that his life and honouFwg§BJD
and that nothing short of a drastic and timely move
could save him from imminent ruin. Fully prepared for

any contingency, Mahahat rollfvt^d four or five thousand
fiajptitsy and jrtftrtgj Hrnr court.
The emperor had just returned from Kashmir, and after
a few months' stay at Lahore started for Kabul in March
1626. He was encamped on the bank of the Jhelam when
Mahabat arrived with his sturdy and well-armed Rajputs.
How was he to secure his position ? He could only do so
by seizing the emperor and weaning him completely away
from the sinister influence of Nurjahan and Asaf Khan.
When the emperor's party was to cross the Jhelam, Mahabat
Khan came quietly with his men, and surrounded the
imperial camp, and made His Maiestv a captivre.
Nurjahan whom the general was anxious to catch
crossed the bridge on the Jhelam in jlisguise, and escaped
his clutched Shahariyar too disappeared in the confusion
that followed Mahabat's coup. Nurjahan, on reaching the
other bank, called a council of war to devise means of
releasing the emperor. She rebuked her
Khan and said to him : "All this has happened througl
your neglect and stupid arrangements. What never enterec
into the imagination of any one has come to pass, and n
you stand stricken with shame for your conduct before
God and man. You must do your best to repair the evil
and advise what course to pursue.^ There could be bu
one answer to this passionate reproach. All agreed with
her that they should go to the other bank to overpower
Mahabat and release the emperor from his custody.
When Jahangir heard of this resolution, he felt anxious
for his own position. The Mughals were no match to the
Rajputs who could easily give them a short shrift in open
-battle. They were well armed and disciplined, and it was
an act of utter folly to go to fight against them. Messages

were exchanged with the emperor who tried to dissuade
his adherents from attack, but they paid no heed to his
advice. Fidai Khan's dash to rescue the emperor failed,
but his example served to inflame the ardour of the im-
perialists. Next morning they resolved on attack come
what might. Nurjahan's masculine qualities shone to tfaîr
fullest advantage in this hour of crisis. Regardless of her
own life, the high-spirited lady attempted to cross the river
on the back of ar^ elephant, with the infant daughter of
Shahriyar in JheiLarmsi But the ford proved a treacherous
one. It contained several deep pits in which men were
drowned so that "all order was lost, and each party got
over as best it could." On the other side of the river the
Rajputs who were lined in battle array discharged their
arrows at the imperialists. The great need of the hour was
to cross to the opposite bank and keep off the enemy, but
the greatest confusion prevailed, and the panic-stricken*
officers rushed off in disorder, not knowing whither they
went, or where they led their men.
wifh Pytranrrijnarv courage and
coolness in thi> <»riaigT but her men could offer only feeble
resistance to organised and disciplined Rajput valour. The
imperialists lost their nerves and fled in all directions.
Asaf Khan himself sought refuge in the fort of Attock with.
nearly 3,000 soldiers, some camp followers, and attendants.
Such was the courage olthe moat Baited granrfp^nf the
empire.
The Begum had no option but to surrender to Mahabat
who allowed her to join her husband in captivity, fllahabat
Kfran'q ftq/»f»ndancy was fully established, and there was-
none to dispute his authority in the empire. A punitive
'force was sent against Asaf Khan who surrendered without

much opposition. Though a prisoner in the hands of
Mahabat, Nurjahan busied herself in devising means of
escape from the clutches of her captors and finally suc-
ceeded inthe attempt. Mahabat Khan was asked to proceed
to Thatta to counteract the plans of Shahjahan who had
gone in the same direction. The general turned off in the
direction of Hindustan, where he hoped 'to push his
fortune.' But he was rendered powerless by royal party
which plundered the rich convoy of treasure, he ha&
received from Bengal to aid him in his plans.
After Mahabat 's recall, Nurjahan appointed Khan
Jahan Lodi to the Deccan command, but he was no match
to Malik Ambar and would have suffered*
Demean Ware.6 heavy losses, had not the latter died in May
1626. Malik Ambar's death was an irre-
parable blow to the Nizamshahi dynasty. The official
chronicler, who is in no way partial to the Abyssinian,
writes of him /' Ambar was a slave, but an able man. In<
warfare, in command, in sound judgment, and in adminis-
tration, hehad no rival or equal. He well understood that!
predatory warfare, which in the language of the Dakhin]
is called bargi giri. He kept down the turbulent spirits of
that country, and maintained his exalted position to the
end of his life, and closed his career in honour. History
records no other instance of an Abyssinian slave arriving at
such eminence.1
War broke out again in the Deccan and went on for
some time with varying fortunes. Ambar's place was taken
by another slave HBmid Khan who was equally able and
1 Iqbaluamah, Elliot, VI, pp. 428-29.

unscrupulous. The imperial t commandant Khan Jaham

Accepted a huge bribe from Hamid and left to him the
whole country of Balaghat as far as Ahmadnagar. Jahan-
gir's Deccan policy had miserably failed,
When Shahjahan heard of Mahabat's revolt in the
Deccan, he marched towards the north and reached Thatta
in Sindh. He tried to capture the fort which
was ably defended by the governor who was
a supporter of Nurjahan. Foiled in these at-
tempts, he thought of going to Persia, but he was too
fatigued by his ceaseless marches to start on such a long
and arduous journey.
Once more he went to the Deccan, disappointed and
crest-fallen, and was obliged by ill-health to travel in a
palanquin. The route followed by him was the same as
adopted by Mahmud of Ghazni, when he marched against
the temple of Somnath in Kathiawad.
Meanwhile Mahabat's treasure Kor* KaQn Hwute™^ hv
thejnujfirialiste. Deprived of his money, he betook himself
to the woods and hills of Mewar, and from thence proceed-
ed to the Deccan. There he concluded an alliance with
Shahjahan which was cemented by rich presents and gifts
on both sides.
The emperor's health was now completely shattered.
On his return journey from Kashmir whither he had gone
with Nurjahan and Asaf Khan in March
Jahangirh
a angir °* 1627, . he stopped at Bairamkala1 to indulge
£ gportg< ^he death of an unfortu-
nate foot-soldier here stirred him to his deepest depths. He
lost his peace of mind and felt as if he had seen the angel
1 Bairamkala is now known as Bahramgulla. It was the emperor's

-hunting ground on the Kashmir route.
t>f death- The cleverest physicians failed to effect a cure.

Towards the close of day he sent for a glass of wine, but
was unable to send it down his throat. During the night
his condition grew worse, and he expired early in the next
morning on October 28, 1627.
Who was now to succeed to the throne ? garwez^who
had become a hopeless decrepit at the early age of 37
The ques- had died of excessive drink in October 1626.
tions of sue- Shahriyar was still alive, and with a few
cession. other princes of the royal family might be
a serious rival of Shahjahan. Soon after the emperor's
death Asaf Khan^sent a courier named Banarasi with his
signet ring to the Deccan to inform Shahjahan of the sad
event^ Meanwhile Asaf 's natural diplomacy suggested to
him a means of easing the situation. He brought out of
prison Dawarbakhsh^son of the ill-fated Khusrau, and pro-
claimed him emperor Nurjahan made frantic efforts to
see her brother, but the latter evaded her on one pretext
or another. After this, the funeral rites of the emperor
were performed, and he^was buried in Shahdara near Lahore
in the Dilkusha garden of Nurjahan. The devoted lady
afterwards erected a mausoleum, which lies in the open
without a dome in obedience to the wish of her husband,
who was a greatjover of natural beautv.
While the body of the emperor was being interred at
Shahdara, the fate of the empire hung in the balancg.
Nurjahan had sent word to Shahriyar to make a bold bid
for the throne. He was egged on by his wife to proclaim
himself emperor at Lahore and to seize the royal treasure.
This he did, and his efforts were seconded by one of the sons
of Prince Danyal. Asaf Khan did his best to thwart the
plans of Shahriyar and marched towards Lahore at the
head of a considerable force. Lahore was besieged, and the

craven-hearted prot6g6 of Nurjahan surrendered without
resistance. He was thrown ipto prison anfl Minded
Shahjahan on receiving the news hurried towards
the north, and sent a farman to Asaf Khan that
all his rivals * should be sent out of the world/ Anxioua
to secure the position of his son-in-law, the wily minis-
ter readily carried out his behest and rid him of all
his rivals. This being done, Shahjahan made hjs^jatate
entry into the capital on January 24. 1628. In recognition
of his great services Asaf Khan was loaded with honours
and distinctions ; he was created Yamin-ud-dowlah and
his rank was raised to 8,000 Zat and 8,000 Sawar. Great
honours awaited him in the future, and he lived to reach
the summit of official greatness in the Mufthal empire.
Nurjahan retired from public life. Although she had
plotted and intrigued against Shahjahan the latter treated.
her well and granted her a pension of two lakfrfi * ypar
Now she ffave up pll invnry and pnjnyfflgnt and dressed in
plain white cloth, passgd_her daysjn Jjgrrow_at T^hore.
Tier ^nly^companion
J3hahrix§r. She died onbeing her daughter,
Shawwal the (December
29, 1055 A.H. widow of
8, 1645 A.D. ), and was-kuried beside her husband in the
mîanlpnTyi which had been built by hen ~~
/ Jahangir is one of the most interesting figures in
Jlughal history. The ordinary view that he
pleasure-seeker and a callous tyrant does him
oF6jlhangbir. less'lEanjustice. All accounts

was^Jnteyig§nt^..shrewd, and agree that ôf_
capable he
understanding the most complex l>roHm
without anynaiificiilty. Though not so great fn Intellect
an9 character as his illustrious father, he had unconsciously
•
imbibed
2 the influences, which I
surrounded him in early youth.
The brilliant court of Akbar to which flocked the greatest
wits, philosophers, religious leaders, statesmen and generals
from all parts of India and Central Asia could not fail to
leave its impress upon the ductile mind of the prince. He
acquired much practical knowledge, though he had never
shown the assiduity of a pupil.
He had no cabinet or council to guide him. He
^cted as his own guide in matters of state and was
latterly ipfrplftrant. nf nppnaitirm. No minister Could brOW-
foeat or deflect him from the course he had fixed for
himself. He was anjenthusiastic hunter, a_Jme
^
pa[gns, though in later Tifelie lost much -of the physical
vigou^^d^hardihpod, which had characterjsedMhun in his
early days. As he advanced in age, the old impetuosity
of his temper was sobered down, and his outlook was modi-
fied by the appreciation of the responsibilities of his exalted
office.
Kg was .stern in administering justiceâud^pllLjdown
tyranny with a high hand. Law ; jand oirdgr were not
neglected^ even in the ..remote 4>artaL of the_empire»_as is
sKown bxjus. efforts, to suppress. ;theJ3ewras in Gujarat.
Punishments w^r£ pfte" sfcvfirfii and in impiSfEant cas<BS~that
called for redress the emperor himself intervened. Capital
punishment was not rashly or hastily carried out.
When an order for the execution of a culprit was issued,
the officers were required to wait till sunset before putting
him to death. Though fair-minded and considerate to a
degreeâh8«^
&nd one writer who failed to understand his contradictory
^qualities describes him as the " mixture of opposites." He
• .
was needlessly cruel at times and inflicted punishments-
entirely disproportionate to the offences committed. But
it would^be wrong to conclude that he hadâ^thirst for
hloodshgd^ he tppk delight Tri "tormenting the hum§B
species. There Ts 'evidence to prove that he wasTTnghly
generous and charitable. He rewarded^jri^^
service moS^suitebly , "and lêTMemoirs relate numerous-
mstiancîof hislginevolence and good will. ' A slight claim
olHservice is a great thing with us,f he used to say, and
men of all grades and vocations were honoured by him,
when he was convinced of their loyalty or worth. Jfe was
kind to therpoor and was pleased to Jresto^jgjfts^. on . them.
in_gggatêsteem and freely associated with
to them, as is illustrated by his
several visits to Jadrup, the famous Hindu ascetic of Ujjain.
On one occasion at Ajmer he fed 5,000 people to their hearts*
content, and then distributed money with his own hand.1
and affectionate heart ; towards
his kinsmen he behaved with kindness, althc^gE~he ruth-
le^ly^gu^heiiheir political off ericesV T5ut in every jâse
he_gaye an. opportunity of -xep^ftncCTSuT correction,
though disobedient during hjs Jifetinofi,, Jahangir j&peaks
ofjiisJaJtiier jn. terms of gre§tjreverencejind lovingly dwells
di^tjbg., barefooted
walked excellence toof the
jilssepulchre
^character. More^than and
at Sikgftdara onceduti-
he
fully offered homage.2 He was a doting father and devoted
1 R. B., i, p. 266.
Once he gave to faqirs and deserving people 44,786 bighas of
land and two entire villages, with 320 ass-loads of grain from Kashmir
and seven ploughs of land in Kabul. R. B., II, p. 84.
8 Referring to the tomb he says: *I rubbed the head of suppli-
cation on the threshold, the abode of angels, and presented 100 rnuhur*
as nazar.' R. B., I, p, 101.
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH 52T
husband* He forgave Jhis sons foy their treason, and j|

ffhnaran's fatp was tragic, thejilairi£-^^
with the emperor. Shahjahan's rebellion greatly mortified
him, andjheâiHetic lament in wWch/helbe^
dutiful behaviourjs^hjeôutppuijbigôf the gentle heart of agi
injuredpareijt. To Nurjahan he was passionately attached,
tcT6e1;o the day of his death his greatest friend and

He allowed her to share with him the sovereignty of
Hindustan, aSdTnevef heeded the pTOtest^mafte^gS^
ascendancy by her enemies.
These noble qualities of his charactej Jahangii: owed
in no small mggsure to hisêiiuPJdtiQli. He had learntjt
great jdeal of. Persian lij-.eratnj-e and made himself an
aSejpt in the art of composition. He could speak Turki,
although he could not write it He tnnk
songs and munificently rewarded HindLBafits.- .He
loved poetry and himself composed odes. Besides the
cultivation of belles lettres, he interested himself in a
number of other subjects. He studied history,
and biography, and his intima^ kngwleflgq of fog flfff^
other parts of Hindustan will cause
surprisejto a naturalist in these. days* — Any one. who reads
fijs Memoirs .wiJLb^.coavincî of his pw^^^f-expression.
his scienUfic^ spirithis inquisitivene
aesthetic f acultiesaTaoTFTft IftyftirrSwlnrifôt.nrft and paiy>t[ng

and bad points of a work of art
with the confidence of a professional connoisseur. Painters
were generously rewarded at his court^ They receive*!
titles from him and considered it an honour, if he condes-

cended to scan with care their productions.
But these noble qualities were to some extent neutra^
lised by his habit of drink. He had never tasted liquor
until he was 15 years of age. He began it in .yojitii, and
as hjeâdva^ced in years, the appetite grew by what it fed
on. His potions during nine years rose to 20 cups of doubly
distilled liquor, fourteen of which he drank during the day-
time, and the remainder at night. Later, he reduced his
potions and observed the highest decorum during the day.
But intemperance âflEgcted his health to such an extent
that JiiLCOuld-iiot drink with his own hand and had to be
helped by others.
This evil habit contracted in early youth stuck to him
to the end of his life. Once he resolved to abstain from
liquor altogether, but he could not keep his vow. His
constitution was completely undermined, but ~it must be
said to his credit that he behaved with greater decency
than Mnrad. Danvalr and Parwez who had ftll
Another weakness which seriously interfered with the

•efficiency of the administrationjpv^s^his willingness to allow
himself to be controlled by others. N^Rh^rT^^Sn^
yghftTi dominated him an rwnpioihgiy that he delegated all
his powers and functions to them, and accepted their
-decisions without reservation. LQVP nf P^QP and indifferent
fo PBhlfc fr™fa*f^ ™*** *"™ ,™™» and^mor^Jndolent^ until
and energetic action, the
-decline of physical and mental vigour was~the chief cause
-of two formidable rebellions of the reign.
It is sometimes asked what was Jahangir's religion.
Was he an orthodox Sunni or an eclectic pantheist like
his father ? It is not easy to state his positive religious

beliefs. The opinion which his contemporaries formed of
him was strongly coloured by their own predilections.
Some looked upon him as an athejstj or an eclectic or a
d£yout31uslinu while others thought that he believed in
Ther§ were yet others who considered
hiyn & mnfkpr at all religinna after the fashion nf Vnlf.aire.
None of these opinions is wholly true*
Though pledged to maintain Sunni orthodoxy, Jie^never
persecuted the Shias or Hindus. It was impossible for a
man like him, nurtured amidst the most liberal influences
to subscribe to a dogma or creed. But^ he retained intact
Ijisîth^m God* and said ,his_Brayf«rs_likfiâ Muslim. He
tnnlf a IfQPn intfttwrt in thq tiftpchiflga of
and found delight in the company of those who were

conversant with them. Still, he was not loth to punish
those who interfered with orthodox Sunnism. Once when
he came to know that certain Muslims had become attached
to a Sanyasi, whose words made a great impression upon*
them, he laid his hands heavily on them and enforced the
Divine Law. J
He had a feeling of contempt for .the^ Hindu îsIigioBr-
of which he knew little. Once at Ajmer he caused the
image of Varah, the boar avatar of the Hindus to be broken
and thrown iinto the tank. Again on visiting the temple
of Jwalamukhi at Kangra in 1622 he observed : 'A world
has here wandered in the desert of error.' HeJid4jbhe
Christians in esteem and allowed them to preach^jtheir
religion in his dominions. Hajadhêd.^ his lather'a policy
ofJhilh-i,-Kul (PgacjBjmtQjaUIandJ: except in a few
cases,
-^ TZ.toB".,give effect to the policy of religious toleration."
;f, p. 171.
F. 34
<
Jahangir as revealed in the Memoirs is a typical auto-
crat, awarm-hearted, friend and generous patron, a lover
•of nature and its wonderful beauty, a cherisher of ease
and indolence with faults and virtues strangely intermixecf,
jys'gjratjinces^^ he la "a" TbYer^ of filings

_i and feelê%htjn^ Indian surroundings?^ There*"ifi
much in his character that deserves* to rbe^rondemned, but
there is a great deal that entitles him to be placed among
the most fascinating personalities of Indian History. C^
Shahjahan was the third soft of the emperor Jahangir.
He was born of the Rajput princess Jagat Gosain in 1592.
when his grandfather Akbar was still alive. l
crueviif ^ v,
o n a n 3 anan s ?f Akbar had a great liking for Khurram as he
Early Career. was then called, and considered him superior
to the other sons of Jahangir. The prince
was given a liberal education such as his high station
deserved, and in a short time stored his mind with plenty of
useful knowledge. He was naturally possessed of a strong
will and character, and ^yhile t;he other princes drank hard
and indulged in detach r Prinr>P TChnrram ^jpypd a reputa-
tion for being a total abstainer from Alcohol. Since Khurram
had lost favour with the emperor and Parwez was a brain-
less and sottish mediocrity, the world looked upon him
as the future emperor of Hindustan. Circumstances
strengthened the belief that Jahangir intended Khurram to
be treated as the heir-apparent to the throne. In 1607 the
prince's mansab was raised to 8.000 Zat and 5,000 Sawarand
1 She was the daughter of Raja Udaya Singh of Marwar. Prince
Khurram was born on the last day of Rabi I in the year 1000 A. H.
(January) 4, 1592, at Lahore. Abul Pazl says in the 36th year of Akbar's
reign and the year 1000 A. H. a son was born to Salim of the daughter
•of Mota Raja. Rejoicings and festivities were performed and the Prince
»was christened 8ultan Khurram, i.e., * Joyous/
Akbarnamah, III, p. 603.
â year later the aarkar of Eisar Firoza was conferred upon

him. Three years later the emperor signified his good will
by raising his rank to 10,000 Zat and 5,000 Sawar. When
the Prince grew to man's estate, he was married in April
1612, to Arjumand Banu Begum, better known to fame as
Mumtaz Mahal or thejady of the Taj, who was the daughter
<>£Asaf Khari^ one of the noblest grandees of the empire,
It was a time when Nurjahan was fast rising into promi-
nence. The astute lady soon formed an alliance with Khur-
ram, who seemed to be a formidable rival, for the further-
ance of her ambitious projects. To win him to her side,
she persuaded the emperor in 1617 to raise the prince's
mansab to 30,000 Zat and 20,000 Sawar, an honour usually
reserved for men whom His Majesty especially delighted to
honour. He had distinguished himself in the Mewar
campaign against-^ the Rajputs, and had succeeded in
dictating terms to the valiant Abyssinian who had long
defied the imperial generals. These successes gained in
difficult regions against heavy odds, convinced Jahangir
of the prince's aptitude for military generalship, and to
mark his pleasure, he bestowed upon him the title of
Shah jahan^ and allotted to him a chair near the throne in
the Durbar— a favour which Shahjahan afterwards extended
to his son Dara Shukoh. It was a lucky moment in
Khurram's life. The emperor heartily lavished his affection
on him, and loaded him with honours and distinctions.
But a dark shadow cast its gloom on the prince's career.
Jealous of his growing fame, Nurjahan wished to oust
lim from the throne, and began secretly to push forward
When Khurram learnt of her
!secret design, he refused to qo to Qandhar. whither the
peror had ordered him to proceed, and
open rebellion. The 'empiref was convulsed by this*

unhappy event, and Jahangir was grieved at the unfilial
behaviour of the most promising of his sons. A slave to 1
1JTgjyft1npt.no11 ? wn™nn wlift nftW Wig1d<aH fho qpppfofl flf 1
ffipdngten he did nothing to remove the just grievance
of Khurram, and readily believed what she told him.
War began, but the prince was soon tired of resisting the
might and majesty of the empire, and offered an apology
to the emperor, which was readily accepted.
Jahangir's health was rapidly declining, and Nurjahan
knew that her supremacy would come to an end, if she
did not stir betimes to exclude Shahjahan from the
succession. It was a_ highly dangerous move, but the
ambitious lady found it impossible to reconcile herself to
Shahjahan, whom she knew to be both able and unscrupu-
lous. After Jahangir's death in October 1627. she formed
a definite plan to give effect to her wishes. She put
forward Shahriyar as her candidate for the throne in the
belief that he would be a pliable instrument in her hands,
while Asaf Khan pressed the claims nf gffrfthjahan, and by
every means in his power tried to obtain recognition for
them. Once more Nurjahan , whose mordinatejove_of
power blinded her to the most obvious prudential con-
siderations, decidedjbfiLjglunge the ergPJ££Jnto the throes of
a civil wai\ What did it matter to heFTmpeiHf^
if blood was shed in profusion and the treasure of the state
wasted in abundance to back the claims of an imbecile
aspirant to the throne ? Luckily Asaf Khan successfully
checkmated his sister's plans, and made the field clear
for his son-in-law by removing his rivals from the path.
The princes of the royal family were Jbutchgre^ wfriinn^
ruth, and ra&nj of their partisans andûpporters were
killed. Some of the royal ladies who were deeply affected

by jhese ghastly tragedies, ended thdr lives by commifr*
thel)lood of his Shaft]
tjng suicid^Troly;
through atian~~wadea"
own kinsmen, and this willthrdfte
to tne ever
remain an indelible stain on his memory. He formally
ascended the throne on February 6, 1628^ and assumed the
titleôf Abul Muzaffar. Shihabûddin Muhammad Sahib-i
Qiran II Shahjahan Badshah Ghazj. The Khutba was
read, and the coins were struck in his name, and Nur jahan
was asked with becoming dignity to quit the political
field. All coins bearing her jiame wgrejmmediatelv with-
drawn. Odes and panegyrics were showered upon the
new emperor by literary wits and others from far and
wide. The ceaseless round of festivities and the grant of
liberal promotions and rewards to the nobility proclaimed
to the world amidst the beat of drums that a new era had
begun in the history of the Mughal dynasty.
The chronicler of the reign, Abdul Hamid Lahori,
highly praises Shahjahan's orthodoxy, and writes that
soon after his accession he devoted his atten-
Early of* onah-
sures a?6?" ti°n to ' the strengthening of the foundations
jahan. of the Law of the Prophet, -which was in a
sta te of decline. '*-<The first imperial decree
consequently modified the calendar. The solar computa-
tion was lookeJ upon by the orthodox as a religious
innovation («**>>), and was therefore stopped. All official
events and transactions were to be recorded according to
lunar years, and preference was to be given to the Hijri
era. The Sijdah (prostration) which had been in vogue
during the reigns of Akbar and Jahangir was discontinu-
ed, because the new emperor regarded it as contrary to
the Shariyat. Mahabat Khan Khan-i-Khanan, one of
the leading nobles, urged that Zanfinbos^ (kissing the

ground) might be substituted for the Sijdah, for it was
necessary to maintain the distinction between the sover-
eign and subject, the patron and client, and the noble and
the humble, on which the stability of the state depended.
The emperor agreed to this, and ordered that they should
touch the ground with their right hand and then kiss its
back as a mark of obeisance.1 The Saiyyids of high
rank, learned men, pious saints, and those who had taken
to solitude for prayer and meditation were exempted from
this mode of salutation. But after some time it was felt
that the Zaminbos also resembled the Sijdah, and there-
fore itwas abolished. Its place was taken by the Chahnr
la&lim.*_
(V/"The city of Agra was renamed AkbarabacL in honour
of his grandfather for whom Shahjahan always cherished
a deep regard. Certain changes were effected also in the
administration of the provinces of the empire.
The nobles and grandees of the empire were munifi-
cently rewarded, and generosity was shown even towards
opponents. Asaf Khan became the recipient of unparal-
leled honoui^nd^dignitles. His mansab was raised to
8,000 Zat and 8,000 Sawar, and he was given the title of
unqje (^) as a special piark of royal iagonr. With charac-
teristic ardour the emperor devoted himself to the
business of the state, and looked minutely into the details-
1 Abdul Hamid (Padshahnama, Biblioth. Ind., I, p. 112) says that
they were to touch the ground with both hands, but Amin Qazwim
(All. U. MS., f. 36b) who compiled the history of the first ten years of
the reign writes that only the right ban d (lA-Jî^td) was to touch the-
ground.
* Abdul HamTd, Biblioth. Ind., I, p. 112.
The Chahar taslim literally means ' four bows/
of administration. He began his reign well, and his re-

actionary tendencies in religious matters gladdened the
hearts of the orthodox party, which had been neglected
by the state for more than half a century.
Soon after the coronation of the emperor, the peace
of the realm was disturbed for a short time by the rebel-
lion of the Bundela clan. The Bundelashad risen to power
The Bundela an(* âme un(*er Bir Singh Deva, the murder-
Rebellion, 1628 er of Akbar's famous minister Abul Fazl*
' on whom Jahangir had lavishly bestowed
honours and jagirs. The lax supervision of the central'
government towards the close of Jahangir's reign enabled
the Bundela chieftain to increase his power and riches by
blackmailing his neighbours, who patiently endured the
wrongs ihflicted on them by the imperial protkgk. After
Bir Singh's death in 1627, his vast wealth and possessions
passed to his son Jujhar Singh, who gave offence to
Shahjahan by leaving the capital without permission.
According to Qazwini he felt afraid lest he should be
called upon to account for his misdemeanours, and this
led him to entertain evil fancies. Knowing full well that
his country was inaccessible, and that he had considerable
money and forces at his disposal, he found no difficulty in
coming to the conclusion that he could easily defy the
Mughal power. Abdul Hamld Lahori writes that "the
wealth and property which Bir Singh had amassed
without labour and without trouble unsettled the mind of
his worthless successor Jujhar, and at the accession of
Shahjahan ... he left the capital Agra and proceeded to
Undcha (Orcha), his stronghold where he set about raia-
ing forces, strengthening the forts, providing munitions
of war and closing the roads. "
€36 HISTORY OP MUSLIM RULE
Shahjahan lost no time in making preparations to

deal with the rebels. The imperial army marched against
him from three directions. Mahabat Khan Khan-i-Khanan
started at the head of 10,000 horse, 2,000 musketeers and
500 sappers, and he was assisted by Saiyyid MuzaffarKhan
of BSrha, Raja Ram Das of Gwalior, Habib Khan Sur and
many other feudatories and mansabdars of high rank.
As the Khan-i-Khanan was a man of headstrong and
irritable temper, the emperor associated with him in
command Islam Khan with a view to maintain harmony
among the generals. Khanjahan proceeded from Malwa
ma Chanderi at the head of 8,000 horse, 2,000 musketeers
and 5,000 sappers, and he was also assisted by Hindu
chiefs and mansabdars of the state. Another contingent
consisting of 7,000 horse, 2,000 musketeers and 500
sappers under Piroz Jung, the fief-holder of Kariauj,
marched into Bundelkhand from the east. The entire
royal force, including Asaf Khan's cavalry, consisted of
27,000 horse, 6,000 foot, and 1,500 musketeers. Jujhar
Singh, who had hopelessly miscalculated the situation, was
frightened out of his wits at the sight of this army. He
made desperate efforts to avert the disaster but in vain.
His fort was captured, and in the battle nearly two or
three thousand of his men were slain. At last he offered
submission, and presented himself before the emperor.
He was required to pay 1,000 gold muhars as present
and 15 lakhs of rupees as fine, and had to yield 40
•elephants. He was allowed to retain as much jagir as
would have enabled him to enjoy the rank of 4,000 SSat
And 4,000 Sawars, and the rent was distributed among
Khanjahan Lodi, Abdulla Khan, Saiyyid Muzaffar Khan,
and Raja PahSr Singh Bundela. JujhSr Singh was ordered
THE EMPIRE AT IT? ZENITH 537
'to Tceep in readiness 2,000 cavalry and 2,000 infantry to

.-aid the Deccan expedition of the emperor.
Another rebellion which deserves to be noticed was
that of Khanjahan Lodi in the second year of the reign. l
He had counted on the uncertainty of suc-
LodisKhanjahan
rebel- cession to the throne after Jahangir's
lion, death, but Shahjahan's rapid and triumph*
ant march from Ajmer to Agra convinced
him of the futility of his intentions, and he implored for-
giveness. His offence was pardoned, and a royal farman
confirmed him in the governorship of the Deccan. After
some time he was summoned to court, but it was found
that he still harboured mischievous designs.
For seven or eight months he remained at court, and
was treated well by the emperor, but he always remained
gloomy and dejected, and found no pleasure in the life of
the court. He was terribly affrighted, when a certain
stupid royal officer informed his sons that they would be
thrown into prison along with their father in a short
time. At Asaf Khan's suggestion, the emperor issued a
letter of assurance bearing his own signature, but nothing
served to allay Khanjahan 's suspicions. He was alarmed
for his safety and once again sought refuge in flight.
The emperor despatched Hindu and Muslim generals
to deal with him, and they overtook him near Dholpur.
But Khanjahan hastily crossed the Chambal, and passing
through the Bundela country and Gondwana, proceeded
1 Khanjahan Lodi was originally called Pir Khan Lodi. He was

the second son of Daulafc Khan Lodi, one of Akbar's officers, Abdul
Hamld contemptuously calls him Pira. He was an able man. His
^military talents won him the title of Salabat Khan. In 1608 he became
Khanjahan and was promoted to the rank of 5,000. He was sent by
Jahangir to fight in the Deocan.
588 HISTOR^ OF MUSLIM RULE
to the Deccan, where he joined his old friend and ally-

Nizamulmulk. The imperialists followed him thither and
defeated him in a number of skirmishes. But Khanjahan
was still as undaunted as ever. He turned back, and
crossing the Narbada reached the outskirts of
Ujjain, where he engaged himself in plundering
the inhabitants. The imperialists again drove him into-
the Bundela country, where a well-contested engagement
was fought in which both sides suffered heavy losses,
Khanjahan fled to Kalinjar, but there also he suffered a
defeat at the hands of the local qiladar. In great despair
he betook himself to Tal Sehonda, ' where the final
encounter took place in which he was completely defeated
by the imperialists. His head was cut off and sent to the
imperial court. The same fate was shared by nearly a
hundred of his followers. The heads of the victims were
suspended from the gate of the fort to serve as a warning
to othdr like-minded miscreants in the country. Abdulla
and Muzaffar, the imperial generals, who had acquitted
themselves with great distinction in tedious and ceaseless
campaigns, were fitly rewarded by the emperor for their
patience, courage, and endurance. Abdulla 's mansab
was raised to 6,000 Zat and 6,000 Sawar, and the lofty
title of Firoz Jung was conferred upon him. Muzaffar's
services too were duly recognised ; he was promoted to-
the rank of 5,000 Zat and 5,000 Sawar and became the
recipient of the title of Khanjahan.
In the month of Rajab Shahjahan held the feast of
Nauroz with great pomp and splendour. A magnificent.
1 It is north of Kalinjar on the bank of the river Ken.

THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH, 539
canopy was constructed in ^the courtyard of the Daulat

Khana, and the ground was covered with
carpets of variegated hues. No effort wa
spared in making the place look gram
and beautiful. The four princes stood on the fou
corners of the throne, and Asaf Khan and other noble
occupied the places allotted to them. The emperor made
liberal gifts to the members of the royal family. He gave
fifty lakhs to Mumtaz Mahal, twenty lakhs to Jahanara
Begum, five jakha^toâushanara Begum, and five lakhs to
each of the princes. Asaf Khan 's mansab was raised to
9coronation
,"000 Zat and to the 9,000Nauroz,
Sawar. the Altogether
emperor from
spentthefrom
day the
of
public treasury 1 crore and 60 lakhs in granting rewards-
and pensions.
During the year 1630 a terrible famine occurred in the*
Deccan and the countries of Gujarat and Khandesh. Thou-
sands of people died of starvation, and
and parents consumed their own children— allr
Gujarat, 1630 feeling of parental love being destroyed by the
pangs of hunger. Mirza Amin Qazwini, who
was an eye witness of these lieart-rending sufferings,
writes thaFTinspeakable distress prevailed everywhere,
and that in the bazar the grocers and traders mixed
powdered bones with flour, .and sold dog's flesh which
was mistaken for meat by the poor and ignorant. Pesti-
lence followed in the wake of famine. It raged with suck
fury that whole_yillages became desolate. Streets and
lanes were glutted with human corpses, and the high-
ways were so covered with filth that they became im-
passable. Many people fled towards Hindustan to save
their lives, and many gave up the ghost in despair in their
own country, when they failed to procure anything to eat.

Abdul Hamld Lahori writes :
" Destitution at length reached such a pitch that
men began to devour each other, and the flesh of a
son was preferred to his love. The numbers of the
dying caused obstructions in the roads, and every man
whose dire sufferings did not terminate in death and
/who retained the power to move wandered off to
^the towns and villages of other countries. Those
lands which had been famous for fertility and plenty
now retained no trace of productiveness/'1
The emperor was moved to pity by this widespread
human suffering, and he ordered langars or public kitchens
to be opened in Burhanpur,jAJhmadabad, and the province
of Surat^where fcwcTwas distributed every day gratis to
the poor and the indigent.
On every Monday at Burhanpur 5.000 rupees were
distributed among jhe famished population. ThusTln
twenty weeks the emperor spentTa lakh of rugees. For
the relief of the sufferersTin Ahmadabad where misery
.exceeded all bounds, he sanctioned another 50,000 rupees.
Besides this charity, the emperor was pleased to remit
70 lakhs of government revenue in the crown lands
which amounted to nearly one-eleventh of the total
revenue of the empire.2 His benevolent example was
followed by the mansabdars, who made similar remissions
in their jagirs.
Peêr IjJundy. the European traveller, who happened
to be in the Deccan in November 1630, describes the
1 Elliot, VIi; p. 24.
2 Elliot, VII, p. 25. Qazwini says 50 lakhs of rupees which amounted
to one-fifth of the assessment.
horrors of this calamitous yisitation. The highways were-

strewn with corpses which emitted intolerable stench. In
the towns especially they drag them (dead bodies) out by
the heels stark-naked, of all ages and sexes, till they are
out of the gates, and then they are left, so that the way
is half barred up. l Mundy is supported by other European
writers. The dearth of provisions was so great that even
the English factors felt the pinch. Their correspondence
reveals the dire distress that prevailed in the country.
Prides rose seven-fold, and the poorer classes— trades-
men, artisans, mechanics, washermen, and dyers — left their
homes jn despair and perished in the fields for want of
sustenance. Pestilence destroyed hundreds of lives, and
large numbers of people were found in the streets dead
or dying. The English and IJutch settlements jvgre
affected.
"*- — i -— — ~— - Eleven English factors and three Dutch factors
died, and the President of the English Factory Rastall
also succumbed to t¥e "fell "disease. The streets" Became
impassable on account of the crowds of famished people,
who cried out to the passers-by, ' Give us food or kill us.'
The floods greatly aggravated their misery, and whole
tracts of land became desolate.
Dr. Vincent Smith discounts the efforts of the state to
afford succour to the famine-stricken people. He says that
the remission of one-eleventh of the assessment implies
that attempts were made" to collect ten-eleventh, a
burden which could not be borne by a country reduced
to ' th& wdirest extremity' and retaining ' no trace of
productiveness. 'a Dr. Smith relying obviously on Elliot's,
1 Travels of Peter Mundy, II, p. 44.
2 Oxford Histou,p. 394.
HISTORY OP MUSLIM RULE
imperfect translation- of the Padshahnamah thinks

that a remission of a little more than an anna in the
rupee was allowed. This view is not in agreement with
the text. Abdul Hamld clearly states that nearly 70 lakhs
-of rupees, out of the 80 crore dams (2 crores of rupees)
which were equal to one-eleventh of the total assessment
(880 crores of dams according to the same writer) of the
empire, were remitted. It means that the remission
amounted to nearly one-third of the total demand, i.e.,
five annas four pies in the rupee, which is not so baa as
Dr. Smith supposes. It is true, the concession was not com-
mensurate with the appalling misery that prevailed in the
country, but it was not altogether insignificant. Even if
we assume, as the chronicler suggests, that larger remis-
sions were made by mansabdars and jagirdars, the relief
could not have been sufficient to cope with the terrible
situation. But the charity flf thg pmpm>r dpfmrvffi tin
be commended. He was not unmindful of the interest of
the poor people, and tried to mitigate human suffering
-according to mediaeval methods. It would be unfair to
apply to his conduct the standards which we must employ
in judging the British administration, rightly regarded
as one of the most scientific, efficient, and well-organised
systems of the world.
No woman of high rank has acquired such celebrity
jn hjsiQiy. as Shahjahan's dearly loved queen Arjumand
Banu Begum, familiarly known as Mumtaz
»? a r e e r™of Mahal or the lady of the Taj. She was the
bai.Ma-
Mumtaz daughter of Asaf *
Khan who, had
, , risen
. high
« . i
enough by his talents to mould a mighty

state's decrees. She was born in 1594 A.D. and was
.betrothed to Prince Khurram in 1606-7, when he was not
*full 16 years of age.1 The* Prince* was already married to

<Jandhari Begum, but that was no obstacle to a fresh
marriage according to Mughal custom. Arjumand Banu
was well educated by her father.
thejaualjties and accomplishments which add to
of womanhood. Thea|game of her beauty had jpread far,
and wide, and was theûBjec'foT talk in tHeTamily circles
of the dignitaries of the empire, Jahangir also heard of the
superb loveliness and charms of Asaf 's daughter, and was
induced to give his consent to-he^niarriage with his
favourite son Khurram. The jiuptiaLrwere celebrated
with great pomp and splendour in April 1612 A.D. and the
emperor and empress took a leading part in marriage
festivities. Fewjnarriages in polygamous households have
resulted in soltnuch happiness as the marriage .oJE Shabiahan
"with Arjumand Banu. Like her aunt, she captivated her
fiusband^^sTeaftby her charms. She loved him passionate-
ly, and he fully reciprocated her love. She continued to
enjoy in the fullest measure his confidence to the day of
her death. Through sunshine and storm/ through good
and evil days, she always behaved like a dutiful wife,
cheerfully sharing her husband's joys and sorrows. When
Shahjahan was a homeless exile for eight years during his
father's reign, the Begum weathered the buff ets of poli-
tical life with a serenity which is fully deserving of our
admiration. She always acted as his best friend and
guide. Her advice he valued most, and even in matters of
high policy he never took any initiative without consult-
ing her. With his accession to the throne she rose to
the full zenith of her fame.
2 Shahjahan was born on 30th Rabi, I, 1000 A.H.=5th January, 1592.

Her allowances and jagirs were increased, and she

was given precedence over all the other ladies of the-
imperial household. The title of Malik-i-Zamap was con-
ferred upon her, and as the prime confidant of the Mughal
sovereign, she was entrusted with the custody of the royal
seal, which was afterwards transferred to her father at
her own request.
Mjn&taz's character never shone more brilliant than,
in the heyday of prosperity. Weal^nSHjj^^md^Bel^
like Marie Antoinette of Prance, toTTiuman misery and
want. Her tender heart was moved to pity wheifshe
saw poor widows and orphans in distress. There was no
miserable and oppressed man or woman in the empire,
but appealed to her with success. She gave away large
sums in charity and provided money for the marriages of
many a poor orphan girl. Her mercy rescued many a
criminal who had despaired of life, and restored to their
rank and dignity officers of the state, who had incurred
royal displeasure, fn theharamshe was a warmth diff ua-
ing^bliss all round. Herliumberless acts of kindness and
generosity had won her the love, respect, and devotion of
other ladies in an unequalled measure. She was encouraged
and assisted in her humanitarian endeavours by her lady-
in-waiting, Sati-un-nissa Khanum. ! who retained her native
virtue in spite of the allurements of the Mughal zenana.
After her death, the noble lady was honoured by being
buried near the grave of her adored mistress. For jigr
religion. Mumtaz cherished a deep regard. She said her
"*" ~- — ~~ „ j~
1 Sati-un-nissa Khanum belonged to a noble family of Mazandaran,
in Persia. Her brother was a poet at Jahangir's court and was given
the title of Malik-al-Shaura. Sati-un-nissa Khanum entered the service-
of Mumtaz Mahal, and by her abilities and accomplishments gained her
favour and confidence.
, »
prayers and observed her fafsts regularly, and the Muslim
chronicler warmly speaks of her piety, because her reli-
gious views were strongly tinged with orthodoxy. Shah-
jahan's harsh measures against Christians and idolaters
must be ascribed in part to her influence, although he was
astute enough to realise the disastrous consequences of a
wholesale crusade against infidelity. But this was a petty
,
in the hfeartTof her husband andthe
affections ofhjs subjects, she did so by the nobility of her
!5Kari^
^
emperor fully requited her devotion by building the Taj,
which will remain for all time to come as the noblest
monument of conjugal love and fidelity. '
In 1630 when Shahjahan was conducting operations
against Khanjahan Lodi from his camp at Burhanpur,
Mumtaz gave birth to a daughter, her fourteenth child.
The delivery was neither easy nor safe ; some internal
disorder brought on fainting fits, and the queen felt that
the remorseless iron hour had arrived. She asked her
daughter Jahanara to call the emperor from his apart-
ments. As the emperor entered the room and seated
himself by her side, she piteously gazed at him with
tearful eyes and whispered that lie would be pleased to
take care of her children and her aged parents, when
she had passed into the other world.8 With these words
1 Dr. Vincent Smith writes (Oxford History, p. 395) that little is

known of the personal character of Mumtaz Mahal. He did not utilise
the Persian sources. The contemporary chroniclers Mirza Amin Qae-
wini and Abdul HamTd write at length about the noble qualities and
accomplishments of the queen.
8 Abdul Ham! d Labor! writes (I, p. 885) XÛ felt, only.
P. 85
1 (\ '
the Begum closed her eyes in death (17th Zilqada— 1040 A. H.
—7th June, 1681 A.D.) leaving the emperor in a state of
stupefaction. !
Pate could not have dealt ajnore cruel blow to Shah-
jahanT ^Kege^was^no" dearth oF wives, but Mumtaz's
death causedja void in his life which coufiTnot be filled.
bacTTtoTlie past, his sense of loss increased
a hundredfold, and the recollection of her constant love
and devotion made his grief more poignant and bitter.
The entire court went into mourning, and the emperor did
not appear in the Jharokha for one week and transacted no
public business. Often did he exclaim in bitter anguish
of the soul, that it was only his regard for the sacred trust
of empire, which no one can throw aside at his pleasure,
that prevented him from renouncing the world and
taking to a life of secluded asceticism. Whenever he
went to pay a visit to the Begum's tomb, streams of tears
came out of his eyes, and he expressed his grief by saying,
life itself has no relish left for
found nothing irf the haFamThat couIcTafford
him pleasure, and he returned saying, ' nobody's face can
delight me now.' He gave up costly dress, jewellery,
and perfumes, and eschewed every kind of pleasure for a
period of two years. Sorrow proved jto him a cruel
-companion indeed
nicler, only a few; hegrey
had hairs
so farps^s^the
in his beard,SJuslim chro-it
but now
1 Abdul HamTd Lahori gives the age of the queen at this time as
£8 years and 2 months Shamsi.
Padshahnamah, Vol. I, p. 889.
Elliot's statement that the queen was in her 40th year is not in
.agreement with the text History of India, VII, p. 27.
•
all became silver grey in a sliort time. l Mumtaz's remains
were brought to Akbarabad after six months and were
provisionally interred in the gardens of the Taj. Later,
they were removed to the place where the mausoleum now
stands. In the palace her place was taken by Jahanara
Begum.2
The Portuguese had established themselves at Hugli
with the permission of the former rulers of Bengal, In
Wa* with the course °' ^me they developed their power
Port uguese, and influence, and built a number of sub-
1631-32. ^ stantial buildings which they fortified with
cannon, muskets and other fighting material. Surrounded
on one side by the river and on three sides by a
deep moat full of water, the port of Hugli occupied a
strong position and could successfully hold at bay an
invading army. Foreigners took the lease of the villages
on both sides of the river at a low rent, and thus gave
them an opportunity of tyrannising over the poor people.
Besides, they levied customs duties through their own
officers to the great detriment of the revenue of the state
and engaged in slave trade, which
much cruelty and torture. With such nefarious practices,
they were bound sooner or later to draw down upon them
the wrath of the imperial government.
The misbehaviour of the -Portuguese at Hugli was not
-a solitary instance of their highhandedness. They had
1 A.H., Padshahnama, I, p. 388.
Qazwini says the emperor had not more than ten or twelve grey
hair in his beard, but nearly one-third of it became completely white.
3 Jahanara henceforward held a position of pre-eminence in the
royal palace. Mumtaz's tarkah ( &£ ) was divided among her chil-
dren. Half of it was given to Jahanara Begum and the rest to the
other children. Her allowance was increased by four lakhs a year.
been making mischief for some time past not only in

Bengal but also in other parts of India. Their Jesuit
priests tried to impose their beliefs on the people in a
most fanatical spirit and caused much embarrassment to
their government. In 1629 the Archbishop of Goa wrote
to the king of Portugal complaining in strong terms of the
conduct of the ecclesiastics who invariably disregarded
the civil power. Sometimes they intrigued with the Dutch
and the Muhammadans even against their own govern-
ment, and did more harm to their country than its
avowed enemies. They behaved in like manner at Hugli,
and when their insolence reached its highest pitch, the
emperor took vigorous measures to suppress them.
The Portuguese had shown much audacity in seizing
.two slavejrirls belonging to Mumtaz Mghgtl, when Shah-
jahan was in retelliorfagainstTiis father, and refused ta
release them. Mumtaz was greatly offended and resolved
to chastise them. The misdeeds of the Portuguese had
been brought to Shahjahan's notice even before his
accession, and he was only waiting for an opportunity
to root out their power.
Soon after his accession, the emperor appointed Qasim
Khan as governor of Bengal in 1631, and ordered him to
take steps to exterminate the infidels. The royal forces
marched into Bengal by land and sea under Qasim's son
Inayat-Ullah and another general Bahadur Kambu. When
all the forces had reached the mouth of the river, the
imperialists assumed the offensive on the 2nd Zil Hijja,
1041 A.H. The Portuguese living in the villages on both
sides of the river were attacked and ' sent to hell' The
capture of Bengali boatmen led to serious defections in
their ranks, and about 4,000 men went over to the enemy.
The siege of Hugli lasted for three and a half months.

The crafty Portuguese feigned submission and offered a
lakh of rupees and tribute, but secretly they put their
forces in order and arranged that 7,000 gunners should
open fire on the Mughals. After a good deal of strenuous
fighting their tactics were foiled, and they were over-
powered. Many rushed into the waters and were drown-
ed, and those that escaped were captured by the enemy.
.The Portuguese losses were heavy; about 10,000 of
their men, women, and children were jkUled, and about
4^400 were made captives, while on the Mughal side, the
chronicler remarks that, nearly one thousand men * ob-
tained the glory of martyrdom/ The Portuguese tyranny
was thus ended, and about ten thousand inhabitants of
the neighbouring country who had been confined by
them in prison were set at liberty.
What displeased the emperor most was the fanaticism
of the Portuguese. To the captives a choice was offered
between Islam and life-long imprisonment or slavery.
They had been used to make conversions by force, and
now the imperial government paid them back in their
own coin with compound interest. Some who valued
their lives more than their beliefs readily embraced Islam,
but there were many who suffered torture and cruelty
with undaunted courage and "passed from prison to
hell." Their idols were either thrown into the Jamna or
broken into pieces. Those who survived this cruel treat-
ment were permitted to occupy Hugli again, but the port
never recovered its former prosperity despite the efforts
of the local administration.
A word must be said about the manner of this
campaign. The emperor was ruthlessly vindictive in
bis attitude towards the Christians, and the punishments1

which he inflicted upon them were disproportionate to
their guilt. It is true, they had grossly misbehaved,
their audacity and insolence were reprehensible in the
highest degree, but to impose upon helpless men, women,
and children the choice between Islam and death was
a proceeding of which there can be no justification. If
the emperor had been more tolerant and generous, he
might have achieved his end with a lesser sacrifice of
innocent
colour oflives. His treatment
a religious of ,the but
persecution, vanquished took 'the
in criticising the
emperer's policy we should bear in mind the impertinences
of the Portuguese not only in Bengal but all over India.
Shah jahan's reign marks a reaction against the liberal
policy of Jahangir. The contemporary Muslim chronicler
describes him with pleasure as Shahanshah
Orthodox^!'8 Din-i-Panahr and against
of kis measures speaks Hindu
with approbation
orthodoxy.
In 1682 the etnperor was informed that the * wealthy^
infidels ' in Benares were desirous of completing the idol
temples which had begun during the reign of his predeces-
sor. An order was issued that in Benares and in other
parts of the empire the temples, whose construction had
commenced, should be razed to the ground. The local
officers perhaps literally carried out the imperial command,
and shortly afterwards news* came from Allahabad that
in the country of Benares seventy-six temples had been
completely demolished.1 This was a foretaste of that
fanaticism which afterwards wrecked the empire. Shah-
jahan's bigotry manifested itself in his dealing with the
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH 65t
ruler of Golkunda. As an prthodox Sunni, he forbade the

tabarra (fe)_or the abuse of the first three Khalifas in
the dominions of the Qutb Shah. l A clause to this effect
was included in the treaty, and henceforward the names-
of the first three Khalifas were to figure in the Khutba.
of the ruler of Golkunda. The imperial farman clearly
states that the emperor regarded this as a sacred duty.
Shahjahan like his predecessors was anxious to con-
QUQT the Muslim kingdoms of the Deccan, and he waged
wars against them pertinaciously for a num-
^Deccan P0- ber of yearg A^bar and Jahangir -were 7
• actuated by political motives in their Deccan
campaigns. But a change came over Mughal policy i&
Shah jahan's time. Asa champion of , Sunni ôrthodoxy,,
he^fglt ,it his duty to exterminate the Shia heresy in the
south. Hence his wars were prompted by political and
religious
policy on "motives. His spn.AuranggebLl
a more comprehensive scale. olio wed the same
"""** Before entering on a discussion of Shahjahan's plans
and policies in the Deccan it would be well to examine the
relations, which subsisted between the Deccan states and
the Mughals prior to his accession to the throne.
Akbar had conquered Khandesh (1599) and Ahmad-
nagar (1600), and annexed them to the empire. When he
A. H. Padshahnama, I, p. 402.
1 Tabarra literally means complete dissociation from something
that is bad or highly objectionable. The Shias were in the habit of
abusing the first three Khalifas, Abu Bakr* Omar, and Osman and oi
introducing the name of the Persian king in the Khutba. The emperor
as a champion of Sunni orthodoxy strongly objected to this and asked
the Deccan Sultans to give up this practice. A clause to this effect
was added in the treaty. A. H. Pad shah nama, Vol. II, p. 131.
was at A sir gar h, Salim revolted in the north, and thd

operations had to be suspended. Though Ahmadnagar
was a part of Akbar's dominion, it was never effectively
brought under his sway, and in many districts ambitious
men acted as they pleased. Taking advantage of the
distracted condition of Ahmadnagar, the rulers of Gol-
kunda and Bijapur enlarged their territory at its expense.
During Jahangir's reign, the Mughals made no sub-
stantial progress. Their advance was checked by Malik
Ambar, the Abyssinian minister of the Nizam Shahi
kings, of whom some account has been given before. He
employed the light Maratha cavalry, and with its help
recovered the lost Ahmadnagar territory, and drove the
Mughals back to Burhanpur. It was seriously feared at
onetime that the Mughal frontier might again recede
backwards to the Vindhyas. To manage this disquieting
state of affairs, Jahangir sent Shahjahan to the Deccaru
The Prince succeeded by his gallantry in the^Jd^fJbattle
in^ dictating tenasjto^ aaved Jthe
prestige of the empire tfomjîm. But this was a short-
lived triumph. Shahjahan's rebellion and Mahabat's
•disgrace, which followed soon afterwards, convulsed the
empire, and seriously interrupted the activities of the
Mughal generals in the Deccan. The Sultanates got their
opportunity and again began to defy the imperial power.
With Shahjahan's accession to the throne commenc-
<§<^ a^Sew era of TDecca&^jOlicy. Fully aware of the
strong and weak points of the Deccan States, he was quali-
fied to undertake operations on a large scale. In 1629
ghanjahan I^di'sjrebellioirwas suppressed, but a year
later the combined~efforts of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar
•gave Shahjahan an opportunity to interfere effectively in
Deccan politics.W Fatah » *• •'.Khan^the

?'. son of Malik Ambar.
who had taken his faEEeSpi^ce after Jiis death, inform-
ed Asaf Khan that the fear for his own life had led him
to throw into prison the Nizam Shahi king. A reply was
sent to him that he ' should rid the world of such a worth-
less and wicked being.' "Tafah Khan promptly carried
3ut the atrocious suggestionTandplaced on the throne
NizanijShjd^^ a boy of ten years. In this
scEame he had the full support of the Mughal govern-
ment.
The presence of a roi faineant at Ahmadnagar once
again emboldened Bijapur and Golkunda to enrich them-
selves at the expense of their neighbour. Shahjahan
'called upon the Sultan of Bijapur who 'had shown
himself unfaithful to the imperial throne ' to renew his
allegiance to the Mughals, and deputed Asaf Khan to
awaken him to a sense of his duty. The general forthwith
proceeded to execute his mission, and laid siege to Bijapur
(1631 A.D.). The Mughals enjoyed a ' warm interchange
of rockets, arrows, and musketry ' with the enemy, and
the siege went on for 20 days. But the exhaustion of
supplies alarmed Asaf Khan, and his anxiety increased
considerably, when he learnt that grain had risen to one
rupee per sir, and that men and cattle had already begun
to die of hunger. The siege was raised, and the Mughal
army started in search of provisions. It freely engaged in
plunder, and ' on whatever road they (the soldiers) went
they killed and made prisoners and ravaged and laid
waste on both sides/ The Bijapuris were made to feel
the hoofs of Mughal horses, and the most flourishing part
of their country was 'trodden under/ The royal forces
withdrew to Mughal territory, and the emperor left for
the north on the 24th*Ramzan, 1041 A.H. (=4th April*

1632 A.D.). As Asaf Khan had not been able to manage-
the Deccan affairs properly, Mahabat Khan was directed
to take his place.
Malik Ambar's son Fatah Khan had received from
the emperor in lieu of his submission certain districts
Êxtinction
x- A- of* .which . had
_ really.belonged_ to him, but had
the Nizam latterly been given to ShjtfyiL Deeply in-
Shahi king- censed at thig> Shahj{ calle(J in the aid of
Adil Shah to assist him in wresting the fort
of Daulatabad from the Nizam Shahis. Fatah Khan,
who was alarmed for his safety, wrote to Mahabat Khan
that he intended to deliver the fortress to the imperialists
on which Mahabat sent his son with a force, and himself
followed a little later. The Bijapuris were defeated in a
well-contested engagement, and a bastion of the fort was
stormed by a mine. A breach was effected in the walls
of the fort, but the brave men of Bijapur ' kept up such a
rain of arrows, bullets, and rockets, that the storming
party was obliged to take refuge in the trenches/
Urged by the Khan-i-Khanan, the imperialists rushed to
the breach, forceffTheSerilry into the fort, and applied
their swords with deadly effect. The fortifications of
Ambar, 14 gaz in height and 10 in thickness, were destroy-
ed by the besiegers.
The imperialists laid another mine under the fortress,
and Fatah Khan was so alarmed that he removed his
family to a place of safety. He sent word to the Khan-i-
Khanan to postpone the explosion of the mine for a day
to give him time to consult the Bijapuris about terms.
The Khan-i-Khanan who was now convinced of his
duplicity and bad faith, replied that he should send his*
as a hostage, if he desired the explosion to be post-

poned.
Fatah Khan certainly did not mean to keep his word.
He was simply temporising with his opponents. When a
fresh breach was effected in the wall, he realised that
further resistance was impossible. He wanted a week'&
time to remove his own and the royal family out of the
danger zone, and sent his eldest son as a security for the
fulfilment of his word. His request was granted, and the
Khan-i-Khanan showed his kindness by sending him ten
lakhs and fifty thousand rupees as desired. It was_an act
of sbarfeful. cowardice on the part of Ambar's son to-
accetsuch aTiuglTHrl^^
^ theTraysTTx) " tHeTKfia^j^KHan an ând^ ^withj JLI&

pockets full of imperial j^ld*,^
exit from"the fort on thVTgth Zifhijjah, 1042 A.H. (=18th
The Mughal banner was planted on the ruined ram-
parts of Daulatabad, and the Khutba was read in the
emperor's name. Husain Shah* the puppet king whom
Fatah Khan had placed upon the throne, was handed over
to the Mughals. He was condemned to imprisonment,
and sent to the fortress of Gwalior to sigh out his life
in deep despair. The kingdom of Ahmadnagar came to
an end.
The Bijapuris again laid siege to Daulatabad, but
they were compelled to withdraw by the imperialists. The
baffled the attempts of the Khan-i-
Khanan to reduce it. The siege went on for seven months-
with heavy losses on both sides. At last the advent of the
rains obliged the Mughals to retreat to Burhanpur. The
veteran Mahabat Khan died on 14th Jamad I, 1044 A.H.
=26th October, 1634 A.D. Aa a temporary measure the

Khan-i-Dauran, the governor of Malwa, was appointed to
Jujhar Bundela rebelled a second time. His offence
<3onsisted in slaying the Raja of Chauragarh and in for-
cibly seizing the vast treasures of the latter.
J a j bar'
second rebel- s The
. _ murdered
_ , , Raja's
. .son appealed
- - . . to. Shah-
,,
lion, 1635-36. jahan for help, but instead of bringing the
offender to book the latter demanded, of
Jujhar a share of the booty. This was refused and war
became inevitable.
The emperor sent three armies, numbering* nearly
28,000 men, into Bundelkhand territory, ostensibly to back
up the cause of Devi Singh, a rival claimant to the
Bundela throne, but in reality to humble Jujhar. Jujhar
and his son Bikramajit fled from the field of battle and
were killed by the Gonds. Their heads were cut off and
sent to the emperor (December, 1635).
An unhappy tragedy followed the deaths of Jujhar
and his sons. Juj bar's mother Rani Parbati, Bir Singh's
widow, who had been hit by the Mughals during her son's
flight, died of her wounds, but the other ladies-
daughters of proud chiefs and warriors of ancient lineage
—were captured and introduced into the Mughal haram to
pass their lives in gilded misery. Two sons of the rqbel
were converted to Mainland a third Udavabhan was but-
chered in cojd^blQfld, because he had the effrontery to
persist in his beliefs. ThoJjemple of Orchha was tucned
into a mosoue. and the hidden treasures of Jujhar were
taken possession of by the victors. Devi Singh got the
crown of Orchha as the reward of his treachery, but all
the other Bundela chiefs refused to acknowledge him as
their overlord.1 Champat*Rao of Mahoba, who disap-

proved of Devi Singh's disgraceful conduct, did not submit
to him and remained aloof. His son Chatrasal turned out
a chip of the old block ; he carried on the the war of inde-
pendence against the empire for years, though he failed
to organise the Bundelas into a solid union.
Shahjahan's wars in the Deccan which have been
described before did not result in a complete conquest of
• the Muslim States of Bijapur and Golkunda.
i636-C36n His Sunni heart was disappointed to find
that heresy was still faffipSnf ^În"theT)eccian,
and he* must needs employ his vast resources inputting
an end to it. Besides, he was deeply enraged at Shahjj!s_
attempts to create trouble in Ahmadnagar. The Maratha
leader had set up a boy of the Nizam Jihsîrfamily as.
king in direct opposition to the imperial government.
The emperor sent his generals to chastise the rebels and
ravage the country of Shahji. Soon after it transpired
that the king of Bijapur had sent men and money to aid
the Ahmadnagar rebels in their designs. These intrigues
accelerated the emperor's decision to launch a vigorous
campaign in the Deccan. He called upon Bijapur and
Golkunda to acknowledge his suzerainty, to pay Khiraj as a
mark of submission, and abstain from every kind of inter-
ference in the affairs of Ahmadnagar. The emperor
himself proceeded to Daulatabad in February, 1636, and
mobilised a host of 50,000 men to deal with the hostile
powers. Thejgiler of Golkunda, j>venyhelixied
presence of such a powerful armyTjudged discretion
1 The reader will do well to read Sir J. N. Sarkar's account of the

war. History of Aurangzeb, I, pp. 13—26. .
the better part of valour, an* made his_submi$sion. Tne

imperial envoy AbduTXatif was received at a distance
of ten miles from the capital by the Qutb Shah, who
acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mughal emperor,
and agreed to have the Khutba read and the coins struck
in the latter's name. With a servility which did little
credit to his high rank, the Qutb Shah accepted all the
humiliating terms proposed by the emperor. He agreed
to the inclusion of the first three Khalifas in the Khutba
and the removal of the name of the Persian ruler, to
whom the Shias had turned for help and guidance.
The emperor informed the Sultan of Bijapiir of the
consequences of defiance and disobedience, but no reply
was received. Three imperial generals marched into
Bijapur territory from three sides— Khan jahan by way of
Skolapiir, Khan-i-Zaman by way of Indî^
i-Baurati from the side of Bidar in the
The country was encircled on all sides by the Mughal
soldiery and was ruthlessly devastated. Thousands of
men were captured and killed, and many forts were
wrested from the enemy's possession. Both sides soon
grew tired of war, and negotiations for peace began.
The terms of the treaty were settled. Aî^Shahâcknow-
ledged the suzerainty of the emperor, and promised to
abstain from all interference in the affairs df Ahmad-
nagar, the territory of which was divided between the two
parties— the share of Bijapur being 50 parganas yield-
ing an income of 20 lakhs of huns (=80 lakhs of rupees).
A sum of 20 lakhs of rupees in cash and kind was de-
manded as tribute, and the Sultan was warned not to
molest the sister kingdom of Golkunda which had accept-
ed the imperial vassalage. Both sides recognised the
importance
to tamper with of faithful service
the loyalty and 'bound
of their themselves
respective not
officers and
men. A clause was embodied in the treaty defining the
relations of the Sultan towards Shahji. He was not to be
admitted in the service of the Bijapur State, nor was any
favour to be shown to him, if he refused to abandon the
Nizam Shahi forts which he had seized during the war.
The Sultan felt much disturbed by the emperor's
presence near the scene of action, and prayed that his
Majesty be pleased to depart from the place so that the
fears and anxieties of his subjects might be set at rest
His wish was granted, and the emperor set out for Mandu
•on July 11, 1636.
This treaty sealed the humiliation^fijMBijapur. God
and the Prophet were made witnesses to its solemn con-
tents which were never to be departed from by either party.
The Sultan showed his obsequiousness further by request-
ing the jemperor to send him a portrait of his, adorned
with jewels, rubies, and precious diamonds. Before the
Mughal envoy, who conveyed to him this token of imperial
favour, the Sultan swore on the Quran that he would
always adhere to the stipulations of the treaty. The
ruler of Golkunda followed the example of the ' elder
brother/ and sent a rich tribute in gold. Aurangzeb,
the third son of Shahjahan, who was merely a lad of 18
years, was appointed as viceroy of the Deccan. ^/
Aurang zeb's
first Viceroy- A . , , . J , - ,,
aity of the Aurangzeb's charge consisted of the
P«K*
163 ^n (July, following provinces :—
6 — May?
1644).
(1) Daulatabad with Ahmadnagar and other districts
with its capital first at Ahmadnagar and later at
Daulatabad. This was called the Subah of the
Dec can.
(2) Telingana situated in the country of Balaghat
extending from the Chand and the Wainganga
river to the north and north-eastern frontiers
of Golkunda.
(3) Khandesh or the Tapti valley with its capital at
Burhanpur and fort at Asir.
(4) Berar, south-east of Khandesh, with its capital at
Elichpur and fort at Gwaligarh well-known for
its natural strength and solidity.
These four provinces contained 64 forts, and their total
revenue amounted to two arab dams which was equal to
five crores of rupees.
The imperial generals sent by Shahjahan reduced the
Ahmadnagar forts and Khan-i-Zaman succeeded in com-
pelling Shahji's submission. The supposititious heir to
the Nizam Shahi kingdom was made over to the Mughals
who threw him into prison.
The district of Baglana with its 34 parganas was sub-
dued by Aurangzeb, and its forts of Salir and Malir which
enjoyed a position of great advantage were captured by
the enemy. The ruler of the place Bharji submitted and
offered to join the imperial service, if the pargana of
Sultanpur was left to him, The emperor made him a
mansabdar of 3,000 Zat and 2,500 Sawar and confirmed
him in the possession of the fief of Sultanpur.
A strange mishap occurred at the capital which
furnished the occasion for Aurangzeb 's resignation of the
Aurangzeb's viceroyalty of the Deccan. Shahjahan's
resignation. daughter Jahanara styled as the Begam
Sahib, a kind-hearted and generous lady, was badly burnt
on the night of March 26, 16J14, her 'fine garment of muslin-

richly perfumed with attar, having caught fire from the
flame of a candle in one of the passages. At one time
there was no hope of her life, and physicians from all
parts of the empire gathered at the capital to save the
life of the princess. Shahjahan stopped all public business,
and bestowed his best care and attention on her. He
himself attended her sick-bed, and applied the medicine
with his own hands. Every night a purse of one thou-
sand* rupees was placed below the pillow of the princess,
and was in the morning distributed among the poor and
the indigent, so that their united prayers might assist
the speedy recovery of the royal patient. Officers
who had been thrown into prison on the charge of
embezzlement of public funds were released, and their
liabilities amounting to seven lakhs of rupees were paid
by the emperor. Every day, with tears in his eyes, the
emperor sighed out prayers from sunset till midnight for
his dearly loved daughter's recovery. But she remained
in a critical condition for four months and was not
completely cured until after nine months. The medicines
of the most competent physicians failed to produce any
effect. At last a slave named 5rif prepared an ointment
which healed the sores, and afforded her much relief.
The recovery of the princess was celebrated with great
pomp and magnificence by her affectionate father, and
festivities continued for eight days. Huge sums of money
were distributed to the poor, and large gifts were made to
the nobles and officers of the state. 5rif, the healer of the
princess's wounds, was weighed in gold, and the emperor
gave him an amount of money equivalent to its value
together with robes of honour, horses, and elephants.
F. 36
Aurangzeb went tb Agr^ in May to see his sistel

who was in such a dangerous condition. Three weeks after
his arrival, he was dismissed and deprived of his rank
and jagir by his father. What was the cause of this
sudden dismissal ? The Muslim chroniclers write that he
was punished, because Ve had taken to the life of ajiermit
of which the emperor thoroughly disapproved. This may
or may not be a cause of his resignation. It is not entire-
ly improbable in view^pf the fact that Aurangzeb was a
gloomy f anattej who lived throughout his life like a faqir.
But injthis case the deciding factor was Djara's jgalojjsy
and distrust of his able and intrepid brother. He. had in-
sulted him on more than one occasion, poisoned the ears of
the emperor against him, thwarted his measures, and su-
perseded his orders— indignities which had sunk deep into
his heart. He felt that he was treated unjustly and un-
generously byhis brother, who was misusing his position as
the emperor's right-hand man, and that he could no longer
govern the Deccan under such humiliations. Thoroughly
disgusted with Dara's veiled hostility and "stuctted
insults^ the high-spjrited viceroy resigne<^mJMay 1644.
Through Jahanara's good offices he was again restored
to favour, and was appointed to the governorship of
Gujarat on February 16,1645, where he gave proof of his
ability and energy, and two years later he was sent as
governor to the province of Balkh and Badakhshan.
During Jahangir's reign Qandhar had been seized by
Persians In 1622. Shahjahan was asked to guard the fort
against the Persians, but he refused to move
o^Th a°* owing to a serous misunderstanding caused
1687*68$. a ri by
beenNurjahan's intrigues.
in the hands of the Since then, Itit was
Persians. had
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH $69
t
held at this time by Mi Mardan Khan, the Persian
— -~ --—
governor.
Shahjahan, having settled the affairs of the empire,
turned his attention towards the north. Said Khan, the
governor of Kabul, was sent to reconnoitre the fortress
•and to estimate the strength of the garrison posted there.
A temptation was offered to Ali Mardan, and he was asked
to submit. But his loyalty was firm and he promised that
Tie would send a reply later. The governor was informed
that he should not make such overtures in the future.
When this refusal was communicated to Shahjahan, he
determined to lead an expedition to Qandhar. Ali Mardan,
thereupon, began to build another fort on a mountain
ridge and to make preparations for his defence. He wrote
to his master for help, but the latter misunderstood his
motives. Autocrats are always jealous and suspicious, and
the Persian ruler thought that Ali Mardan wished to
strengthen his own power and to create an imperium in
imperio. The Shah's suspicions were confirmed by the
enemies of Ali Mardan at court. An order was sent to the
governor to send his son as a hostage, which he imme-
diately did, and forwarded a substantial peshkash as a
proof ol his loyalty. But nothing availed to set at rest-
the doubts of the Shah who sent jone of his g^neralsjsdth
an arinj^pstensibly
bring him in chains toto help
courtAlior Mardan, "tut" in reality
to cut oJEJhisJtfi&jL It wasto
a stupt^^liH^^ brought about an
unexpected^cbange in. .the situation. Ali Mardan sent a
a'message to Said Khan to inform the emperor that he
was willing to surrender the fortress. The imperialists
inarched upon Qandhar and easily acquired possession of
the fort. The Persian general, who was encamped at a
*
distance of 6 Krohs from Qandhar, was defeated, and
much booty fell into the hands of the Mughals. Ah
MardaiLjgas jpaidjj^la&h_ of rupees by_ Said Khan, and
was enroUed among the grandees of the empire. After
a series of skirmishes andT>attles with "tHe " Persians and
their supporters among the Afghan tribes, the dependen-
cies of Qandhar along with 60 forts passed under imperial
control.
Ali Mardan was received well by the emperor. Latter
he was appoin^d^gqvernor of Kashmir, and his mansab
was raised to 6,000 Zat and 6,000 Sawar. The emperor
paid him a large sum of money and honoured his house
with a visit. As time passed, Ali Mardan rose still higher
in the service of the state. He was promoted to the rank
of 7,000 iZat and 7,000 Sawar and was entrusted with the
governorship of the Punjab in addition to Kashmir. A
lakh of rupees were advanced to him (Jamad II, 1049=
October 1639 A.H.) from the treasury for the construction
of a canal from the Ravi river to the city of Lahore, a
distance of 49 Krohs.
Sadullah Khan joined the imperial service in 1640.
At first he was paid a monthly salary, but later a mansab
was granted to him, and in a year's time he
roseto be an officer, holding the rank of
1,000 Zat and 2,000 Sawar. Later he became
Darogha of the Ghusalkhana and for some time held the
post of Khansamah or Lord High Steward. The emperor
was impressed by his great ability and integrity, and recog-
nised his administrative talents by appointing him to the-
office of the Chief Wazir of the empire. In the seventh
year his rank was raised to 7,000 Zat and 7,000 Sawar
and siaspah), and he was awarded two crores of
THE EMPIRE At ITS ZENITH 565
dams (5 lakhs of rupees) 'in cash. Sadullah continued to

rise in royal favour, and his power and influence increased
to such an extent that even Dara, the heir-apparent to the
throne, envied him.
Abdul Hasan, surnamed Asaf Khan, was the son of
Itmad-ud-dowlah
V,^*^>*^j*Sfc^*«***<(«a»»*NWlt, and brother of Nurjahan Begum. He
Life and rose to âme» during the reign of Jahangir,
death of Asaf but reaped greater honours on Shahjahan's
an* accession to the throne. The title of
Yamin-ud-dowlah^ (right hand of the state) was conferred
upon £im, and he was granted a jagir of 50 lakhs a year.
Gradually he rose to be the prime minister of the empire,
and his mansab was raised to 9,000 Zat and 9,000 Sawar.
He was an officer of jrreat_ability who served the state all
his life"
too, on hiswithpart
unrivalled devotion jmdjoyalty.
fully recognisecf the services ofShahjahan,
the minis-
ter who had helped him to secure the imperial throne.
Asaf Khan often acted as the chief agent of the emperor
in diplomatic negotiations, and never betrayed the trust
reposed in him. Failing health compelled hte retirenient
from official life, and he died at Lahore in 1641 A.D., which
is recorded in the chronogram _Zihe afaos Asaf Khan.
Asaf's remains were buried near Jahangir's tomb in
a building and garden which he had himself erected. As
the distinguished nobleman ' lay on his death-bed in the
grip of a mortal disease, the emperor paid him a visit
at his residence. Thejninister's loyalty^ which had stood
map^ a Jiard. lest, ^sh^ÎlilHl^S* eyegT^^
qjoments^ He spontaneously offered to the emperor the
vast riches and property, which he had accumulated
during his official career. His Lahore house alone was
worth 20 lakhs, and he had stately residences in other
cities. Besides, he told the emperor that he had in his

possession jewels and cash, amounting to 2croresand
jjjMakhs wfrich he begged him to confiscate. Out of
this huge sum, the emperor gave only 20 lakhs to his
cWldren* an(j the rest passed to the state by the law
of escheat,,
To the north of the country now called Afghanistan,
lay the provinces of Balkh and Badakhshan, jammed in
Sbahjahan's Oxus and the Hinflu-
Centrai Asian kush mountains. In the middle ages
0 1C7' they were neither civilised nor^ pros-
perous and had been ruthlessly ravaged by the Mongols,
Uzbegs, and Turkomans, who had all inflicted untold
misery on the native population. Like his predecessors-
Shahjahan felt a desire to conquer the lands of Trans-
oxiana, where his ancestors had once exercised their
sway. He looked back Jo the glories of Timur, and his
heart longed to achieve renown in these distant lands.
Sapiarqand was one of the capitals of the Titnurids, and
the' Indian Mughals at times cherished the dream of re*
gaining possession of the city which Babar had thrice won
and lost. With such thoughts in his mind, Shahjahan
attempted the conquest,of Balkh LândJB|dakbahgr^, depen-
dencies of the kingdom of Bokhara, without adequate
means of defending themselves against a powerful invader.
Shahjahan^s motive was purely lust of conquest, for
/ Balkh ând Badakhshan
ever. A dispute had given
in the royal family him no troubiie
of Balkh what-
encouraged
Shahjahan in his designs. Nazr Muhamm^dJChan, ruler
of Bokhara, was in difficulties owing to the"rebellious
<50HdtiCt of his son ^MulAîz. He had ended the quarrel
by keeping Balkh anJ Ba3atlishan for himself and giving
»
Transoxiana to the rebel. * Shah jahan judged this a good

opportunity for interference.
But the imperial project wasthoroughly^ jll-conceived.
To mobilise an Indian army through the Hindukush in
sufficient numbers for thejxmquest of Central Asia was
a foolhardy enterprise without any chance of success, and
Prof. J. N. Sarkar rightly observes that the prosperity of
his reign anS'TEe" flattery of his courtiers
^TShali jaliariys) headland that he was dreamin
of^vain dreams. ' No amount of effort 'could ensure sue-
cess in^siicK a hazardous enterprise in a most difficult and
inhospitable region, far away from the principal reservoir
of imperial strength and power The whole scheme was
foredoomed to failure from the very outset:
"~~~~ Prince MuYad marche<T( June 1646) into Balkh at the
head of 50,000 horse and 10,000 foot, accompanied by some
of the most distinguished generals of the empire. All
M^ânJChan, who knew the country well, also went with
the prince. Tlie city of Balkh was entered on July 2, 1646,
without encountering any opposition. Nazr Muhammad
had fled to Persia, but finding it difficult to obtain support
there came back. He left his vast wealth amounting to
70 lakhs to be plundered by the Mughal soldiery. In the
general scramble that followed the flight of Nazr, the
Mughals were able to seize ortly 12 lakhs of rupees, 2,500
horses and 300 camels. ^CMurad, who lacked a determined
willj pinect ;foE^yjjLJ^ and begged
the emperor's penmssioiTtoleave thejplace.
""" His officers^^
rugged and hilly country where the delights of social ~ life
1 History of Aurangzeb, I, p, 81.
€
were denied^jo them. The 'prince left for Hindustan

iiTspite15ftheemperor*s repeated refusals. SadullalijChan
was immediately ordered to proceed to Balkh. He postecf
the imperial officers in important centres, and finished
the settlement of the whole country in 22 days, and then
returned to Kabul. Murad was deprived of his rank and
waa^gfused admission to court .
Meanwhile tEe emperor made preparations for a
vigorous campaign Shuja and Aurangzeb were called
from their provinces to lead the command. The expedition
was liberally financed, and the emperor himself proceeded
to Kabul to direct operations in person.
But Aurangzeb suffered from a serious handicap His
position was not so strong as that of the enemy. The
Uzbegs numbered about 100,000 while the Mughal force
consisted only of 25,000 men. The generals who held dis-
tricts assigned to them by Sadullah Khan were kept, but
they did not leave their posts promptly, when their services
were required elsewhere. The Uzbeg mode of fighting
also added to the difficulties of the Mughals. The nomad
savages never risked an open engagement, and the
Mughals found that they were powerless against their
" Cossack tactics/' But Aurangzeb was not the manjEQ
flinch from his rggolyg. In the first battle the Uzbegs
fled from the field, when the- Mughals and Rajputs opened
fire on them. They attacked the imperialists again but
only to sustain a severe defeat. Aurangzeb entered
Balkh in triumph, and placed it under the command of
the_Rajput chief Madhu Singh Hjda.
with Aurangzeb
the Uzbegs proceeded
who were from 'Balkh round
hovering to Aqcha to deal
the Mughal
army. Fighting went on incessantly, and the Mughals
*had to endure
attacked much hardship
the moving columns an'd misery.
of the MughalThearmy,
Uzbegs
but
the onward march continued. News from Balkh that a
large army was coming from Bokhara to its rescue alarmed
Aurangzeb, and he retreated forthwith. The Bokhara
army under its ablest leaders again gave battle, but it
had to give way before the fiery onset of the Mughal
musketeers. Convinced of the superior strength of the
opppsing force, the king of Bokhara sent friendly message,
and negotiations for peace began. Aurangzeb safely
reached Balkh.
Tlfe Mughals had put forth a-Strenuous fight against
heavy "oflfl." ' They faced the direcc hardship with great
"composure and fortitude, and never allowed hunger or
sickness to interfere with the progress of the operations.
But the soul of this^ deadly resistance was Aurangzeb him-
coolnessself. and
"Even the ruler when
courage, of BokKafa*~wltS
he saw him inimpressed
the thickf T)y~his
of the
fight spreading his carpet on the blood-stainedj^Pjind to
say^Tus prayers despite the clash of arms and the cries of
warriors around him. To fight with ^ a iMn o ^ hig kind
was to court surejleajfch and rum, êxclaimed Nazr's son
iuLAziz in wqnflerând ordered all further fightinglb
•be stopped. ~~ "*" " """ -- —
*~~ the battle was over, but.it was difficult to settle the
terms of a lasting peace Shahjahan was inclined to give
the country back to Nazr Muhammad^ but he insisted on
the condition that he should first make his submission.
Three months were wasted in negotiations, but the ex-king
•of Balkh could not make up his mind to accept the terms
•offered to him. Still in a state of doubt and uncertainty,
Jie sent his grandsons to wait on the prince and excused
himself on the gtound of illness. As the prince wanted to

leave the place quickly^ he made over the fort and city of
Balkh to Nazr Muhammad's grandsons, and made prepara-
tions for his homeward journey. t
The Mughal army, bj|^^Jts retreat towardp Kabul.
It was attacked by thef^^B^ called the Hazards who-
proved as heartless as th^^Jzbegs. The prince and his
entourage slowly wended their walkthrough snow and
reached JCabul. But the Rajputs who were left behind
suffered untold misery^ Men and beasts fell down head-
long into the depths and died without food or shelter. It
was a terrible retreat resembling in its horrors the 'British
withdrawal from Kabul in 1842.
The enterprise failed dismally and caused heavy loss
in men and money. To the havoc wrought by famine were
added the rigours of a cruel winter, and hundreds perished
in the snow. The state had to spend in two years nearly
four crores of rupees whereas the return in the shape of
revenue from conquered lands amounted only to 221
lakhs— poor compensation indeed for arduous toils and
heroic sacrifices. "There was no increase in prestige, nor
^5^'aif
historianlllrtrof land added
of Aurangzeb sumsto upthetheimperial
result ofdominions. The
the campaign
in these words :
" Thusjnded Shahjahan's fatuous war ji>. Balkh,— a
war in^which the Indian treasury spent four crores of
rupees in twojêars, ajnd^reafoei^
country, a revenue of 22i lakhs only. Not an inch of
territory was annexed, nor dynasty changed, andjio
enemy j^placed byan aUxJSOl^^
The grahf store in Balkh fort, worth 5 lakhs, and the
provisions in oth6r forts as well, were all abandoned
to the Bukharians, besides its. 5fr,QOO in cash

presented to Nazr Muhammad's grandsons and
Rs. 22,500 to envoys. Five hundred soldiers. fell in|
battle, and ten times that number (including camp
followers) were slainl^^rild, and snow on the
mountains. Such is ™^Hp|ble price that aggres-
sive imperialism makes ^mdia pay for wars across
the iJNorthrW^stem Frontier. ' ' '
Sultan Firuz Tughluq had constructed a canal from
the river Jamna near Khizrabad to Safidun, his hunting
ground. After his death the canal fell out of
Canal. Shahl repairs, and became useless until it was.
restored by Shihab-ud-din Ali Khan, hakim
of Delhi, during the reign of Akbar. It was known as
Nahr-i-Shihab (canal of Shihab). Again it became useless
through neglect and was repaired by Shahjahan's orders.
A new canal was constructed from Safidun to the royal
palace, extending over a distance of 30 Kos. To this canal
was given the name of Nahr-i-Bihisht (celestial canal).
It will be remembered that in 1638 Ali Mardan Khan,
the Persian governor, had surrendered Qandhar into
Mughal hands. But the Persians had never
of Qan- abandoned the hope of regaining it. Shah
Abbas II, who had come to the throne in
1642, made vigorous efforts to. collect men and money for
the recapture of Qandhar which was a valuable possession
from the commercial and strategic point of view. Steps
were taken to store up grain at Farah, Sistan, and other
important centres, and a detachment was sent to Herat
to interrupt the communications on that side. Aa
1 Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, 1, pp. 90-100.

£72 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
the winter was appro aching, (the Shah himself intended

to proceed towards the city) knowing full well that the
fall of snow would make it impossible for reinforcements
to come from India. When Shahjahan learnt of these
preparations, he took counsel with his nobles on the
subject, and they advised him to postpone the campaign
until the winter was over. The emperor accepted
their advice, and the result was that the forces of the
Shah, careless of the rigour of winter, marched against
the fort The Mughal garrison fought with desperate
courage for 57 days, but when they saw that no relief was
Doming from India/they capitulated on February 11, 1649.
The court chroniclerlnayat Khan has related the circum-
stances which led to this ignominious surrender. He writes:
"At length a number of the garrison, from want
of spirit, lost the little courage, they possessed, and
Shadi Uzbek, having entered into a conspiracy with
the Kazalbashis, seduced Kipehak Khan (a Mughal
officer) from his duty. Though the latter was not
naturally inclined at heart to this course of behav-
iour, yet as his companions had their families with
them, through dread of losing their wealth, their
lives, and their good repute, they would not let
him follow the bent of his own disposition, so he
was necessarily compelled to ally himself with those
unfortunates. Some of the Mughal rnansabdars,
ahadis, and matchlockmen, Too, having sprinklgdjhe
dust of treason on the headsjof loyalty, entered
into a league with thTeifnTând hiTvinglcome in front
of the fort, declared that in consequence of all the
roads being closed, from the vast quantity of snow on
the ground, there was no hope of the early arrival of
succour, and that it was* evident from the untiring:

efforts of the Kazalbashis, that they would very
shortly capture the fort, and after its reduction by
force and violence neither would there be any chance
of their own lives being spared, nor of their offspring
being saved from captivity. The wretcfyed-JBaulat
Khan,^who ought instantly to haye_ extinguished the
flames"
sliojved bOHis
an utter sedition
want of with
spirittheby water of jjfie himself
contenting .sword,
with offering advice in reply. This, however, made no
impression on the individuals in question, who got
up, arifl departed to their respective homes, so that
nought but a scanty force being left in the intrench-
ments, the Kazalbashis entered the Sher Haji in,
several places "'
If the (X>mmanderjo£tkeâiri&on JQaulat Khan had
held out a little longer, the Persians woulcl fiave raised
the siege owing to shortage of supplies. But he was want-
ing In the higher qualities of generalship; he failed to
enforce discipline among his men and .divided counsels
fatally^ hampered his action. B\it the real jrespoinsibility
for the fall of Qandhar rests upon Shahjahan and hi3,
ignorant courtiers, who were more anxious to protect
themselves from snow than to serve the interest of the
empire in a difficult and dangerpus crisis.
The emperor sent a large army consisting of 60,000«
horse and 10,000 foot under the command of Prince
Aurangzeb who was accompanied by Sadullah Khan. The
army largely consisted of the Saiyyids of
Barha' Uzbe£s» Afghans, and Rajputs, and
its heterogeneous character induced the
1 Bhahjahannamah, Elliot, VII, p. 91.
« t
emperor to make some concessions to the soldiers. A sub-
sidy of Rs. 100 per Sawar was granted to mansabdars,
holding jagirs, and to those who were drawing monthly
salaries three months' pay was given in advance. A
similar aid was granted to the ahadis and matchlockmen
who numbered about fifty thousand. These liberal con-
cessions were obviously intended to keep the army satisfied
and to mitigate the suffering that might be caused by the
shortage of supplies, if it occurred. •
Aurangzeb marched from Multan and Sadullah Khan
from Lahore towards Kabul, from whence they were to
advance upon Qandhar via Ghazni. The emperbr himself
crossed the Chenab in Rabi 1, 1059 (= April 1649) and pro-
ceeded toKabul to direct the operations in person. After
a fortnight's stay at Kabul, which was utilised in purchas-
ing horses and beasts of burden, the seven divisions of the
imperial army marched towards Qandhar. On reaching
the city they found that the Persians had strongly
fortified themselves against attack. They had a large
number of field pieces, whereas the Mughals had only a
few. With this advantage on their side, the Persians
opened fire on the enemy, and the Mughals found it
impossible to make headway against their heavy ordnance.
Still Rustam Khan did his part well, and attacked the
centre of the Persian army and killed a large number of
men.
After a futile siege of 3 months and 20 days Aurang-
zeb was ordered by Shahjahan to withdraw from Qandhar.
The departure of the Prince was accelerated by the
approach of winter and the news that a force of 20,000
was coming from Persia to the relief of the beleaguered
.garrison at Qandhar.
Aurangzeb was mortifie4 by the defeat which he had

.sustained at the hands of the Persians. The prestige of
the empire had fallen low, and the Prince
Second Siege must needs exert himself to the utmost to
of Qandhar, . , . . . . ,
1662. retrieve his reputation which was seriously
damaged by the first siege.
Shahjahan, grown wiser by the failure of the first
siege, organised a large invading force, which consisted
of 55 thousand horse and 10 thousand foot. New cannon
were cast for the siege, and the troops carried with them
10 the front 30 cannon of big size and 20 smaller ones.
Besides these, there were war-elephants and camels to-
gether with a huge transport, which was specially got to-
gether for the siege. The emperor granted two crores of
rupees for defraying the expenses of the war, and himself
proceeded to Kabul with nearly 50 thousand men to rein-
force the invading host. Prince Aurangzeb was appointed
to the command, and he was assisted by generals like
Sadullah Khan, Rustam Khan, and two sons of the former.
The siege began on the 2nd of May, 1652, and the
Mughal commanders occupied the places allotted to them.
The Persians had a powerful park of artillery and knew
how to make the best use of it. The Mughal gunners
were highly inefficient, and therefore failed to breach the
walls of the fort. Raja Raj Rup tried to climb the ram-
parts of the fort, but the enemy opened fire and repulsed
the valiant Raja. A serious fight began from the top of
the fort. The Persians continued ceaselessly to pour fire
on the besieging army with the result that hundreds were
•wounded and killed. When valour proved unavailing,
the Mughals had recourse to treachery. They offered a
bribe to the Persian commander, who replied that when
they had succeeded in weakeniijg the fort or injuring: the1

garrison in any way, it would be time for him to think of
desertion. The Mughals failed in spite of their desperate
attempts to effect a breach in the wall, and though two
months and eight days had elapsed, success was yet as far
off as ever.
Shahjahan ordered the siege to be abandoned, partly
because the Mughal artillery had proved ineffective, and
partly because the supplies were nearing exhaustion.
Sadullah Khan had spoken to him of the dark prospect
that lay before the Mughal army, if it persevered in the
attempt Aurangzeb implored his father to allow him to
renew his attempt to capture Qandhar and to recover his
reputation. He was prepared even to forego the Deccan
Subahdarship to which he was appointed. What he wished
to do was to wipe out the disgrace of defeat and to foil the
intrigues of his enemies at court, who made jests about
his valour and strategical skill.
But Shahjahan was adamant. The courtiers had
magnified the risks of the campaign, and he paid no heed
to Aurangzeb 's repeated assurances that the situation was
not so hopeless. The Prince had to obey, and the imperial
forces withdrew to Kabul under the strict orders of the
emperor. The conquest of Qandhar was postponed.
So far as Aurangzeb was concerned, the result of the
failure was serious enough. Shahjahan's confidence in
his generalship was shaken. When Aurangzeb had begged
permission to stay a little longer, the emperor replied : ' If
I had believed you capable of taking Qandhar, I should
not have recalled your army. Every man can perform
some work. It is wise sayincr that men of experience
need no instruction.'
Aurangzeb was appointed governor of the Deccan

and he left for his charge in August 1652. The province
of Kabul was entrusted to Dara and Prince Sulaiman
Shukoh was ordered to act as his agent.
Dara rejoiced over the defeat of his rival, and in
order to humiliate him further he requested the emperor
to renew the siege of Qandhar. Like a
Qandhfr,ef653f braggart,, he boasted
plish within a week that
the heconquest
would of
accom-
the
P^ân^city j^hichjiad baffledjthe attempts of Aurangzeb,
Actuated by a desire for military distinction and more by
hisjhosvility towards his brother^ Dara, who shortly after-
wards received the title of Shah Buland Igbalu exerted
Himself to the utmost to make grand preparations for
the siege.
The strength of Dara's army is fully described by
Inayat Khan, the author of the Shahjahannamah. It
consisted of 70 thousand horse supplied by the mansab-
dars, 5 thousand foot, 3 thousand Ahadis, and 10 thousand
artillery men, 6 thousand sappers and 500 stone-cutters.
Arms and ammunition were supplied in abundance. More
attention was paid to the artillery branch and a fairly
good park was provided consisting of about 60 cannon,
big and small. The Mir Atish got 50 thousand cannon
balls manufactured and stored up, 5,000 mans of gun-
powder, 2,500 mans of lead, and 14,000 rockets. War-
elephants numbering sixty were also procured, and
adequate arrangements were made for supplies. The
emperor, who was deeply interested in the success of his
favourite son, granted one cro re of rupees for defraying
the expenses of the campaign, and supplied him with a
huge army. Fully equipped with men and munitions of
p. 37
war, the Prince, miscalled S, 1662 Shafc Buland Iqbal, started forf
Kabul ^NovembeT ATJ3. TRaETTs, 1063 A.H.).
Rustam Khan, Bahadur Najabat Khan, and Qasim Khan
had already preceded him at the head of 3,000 horse,
which constituted the vanguard of the royal army with in-
structions tobegin the siege promptly. On the 2nd Jamad
II Bustam Khan reached the fort, and had a sharp
skirmish with the Persian garrison. The prince joined
them on the 8th, and pitched his camp in the neighbour-
hood of the fort which was surrounded on all sides by
the imperialists.
The Mughals attacked the fort four times with great
intrepidity and vigour, but they were successfully en-
countered by the enemy. They advanced forward for
the fifth time with renewed determination and courage.
A heavy cannonade began from both sides, and the
Mughals suffered heavy losses in men, and several of
their leaders were slain in the fight.
Dara had all along lived in a fool's paradise. Accus-
tomed to the most fulsome flattery, he found it impossible
to appraise exactly the magnitude of the formidable task
. that lay before him. Man and nature conspired to frustrate
his schemes in this expedition with the cruel inevitableness
of a Nemesis.
The siege had already lasted for seven months and
the Mughal army was seized with despair. The supplies
were running short ; the cannon balls were used up, and
there was no fodder for the cattle. Privation stared the
soldiers in the face, and the approach of winter further
added to their anxiety. Besides, the dissensions of the
Mughal generals disturbed all plans of action, and in-
creased the difficulties of the situation still further.
t *
The three sieges of Qartdhar cost the imperial treasury
about 12 crores of rupees without increasing the territory
of the empire by an inch. Men and beasts were thought-
lessly sacrificed to gratifyjtha j£anitju>i
well-organised plan of campaign, and who failed
to realise thelmportance of the unity of command and
prompt action. The^military prestige of the empire
suffered considerably. The final retreat of Dara prpclaim-
eTte thejvorldthe military ineffictency ajrid weakness of
tfij_ûghais. Success against the mighty
jKjn<Lustexurc and êmperofol
lent a keen
edge to her ambitions. Throughout the seventeenth
century the danger of a Persian invasion kept the rulers
of Delhi in a state of chronic anxiety and suspense.
Ultimately, it was the irresistible pressure of these
invasions that accelerated the ruin of the empire.
Aurangzeb assumed charge of the governorship of
the Deccan in November 1653, in obedience to his father's
command. During the nine years that had
eIaPsed since h's resignation in May 1644,
the Deccan. the condition of the Deccan provinces had
grown from bad to worse. The imperial
Jîcerpys^who had succeeded the Prince in rapid succession
one after jhe other, squeezed money from, the peasantry
in a pitiless manner and did nbthing to promote agricul-
ture. Whole tracts of land became desolate under this
tyrannous
tEe peasantpolicy, ^ndfjjjncethere
/ Itpljthe^gafl, therelwas
was a:^nothing to attachin
marked decline
the revenue of Jthe state* The Deccan became a source
ojpînconvenience rather than income to the empire.__Its
adminiixAtion,(X)^ The
Jarge force that was stationed there for the maintenance
* g
of pence and order was paid from the imperial treasury,
and the governors found it impossible to make any
remittances to the capital. The estimated revenue of
the four provinces of the Deccan was 3 crores and
62 lakhs of rupees a year, but in practice the realisations
seldom amounted to more than one crore. Large sums
were consumed by the governor and his sons, who held
jagirs, with the result that the cost of administration had
to be met by contributions from the other provinces rlike
Malwa and Gujarat. Only one governor tried to send
money to the imperial treasury, but he did so by rack-
renting the peasantry. In short, the province, 3,yja^ in
a state of decay ; the land w§s sucked dry, and the deficit
^continued to increase
viceroy found himself from year to. with
confronted year a soserious
that the new
financial
"~
situation.
" jagirs
the When did
Aurangzeb
not yield reached
enough the Deccan, the
to maintain he found
office that
and
their retainers. New fiefs were granted to
difficuitifsz.eb'8 enable them to pay region.
and unproductive their way
The in income
a remote
of
thejrtate was at a Jow jgbb. The actual collections
sometimes amounted to only one-tenth of the assessment.
Even in the most fertile districts there was a fall in the
revenue. Aurangzeb found*it impossible to carry on the
administration with his slender resources, and therefore
had to draw on the cash reserves accumulated in the forts
of Daulatabad. In two years he spent about 40 thousand
from this source to meet the needs of the administration.
The low cash balances were a cause for grave anxiety.
Besides, the Jagirdars could not maintain themselves with
the income of their fiefs. Aurangzeb suggested to the
emperor that he should be given productive jagirs which

were then in the hands of his incompetent officers.
Shahjahan agreed to this suggestion, but the Jagirdars
complained to him of the selfish motives of the Prince,
and represented his efforts, made solely for the good
government of the province, as devices to enrich himself
at the expense of the other fiefholders. Aurangzeb
explained his position, and the emperor confirmed the
new arrangement. The transfer of jagirs was sanction-
ed, but Aurangzeb' s request for monetary assistance was
rejected. The dispossessed Jagirdars created a misunder-
standing between the father and son by complaining to
the former that the Prince had unfairly treated them,
and that he had appropriated to himself lands yielding
much more than his actual pay. Like all autocrats,
Shahjahan lent a ready ear to these backbiters and
indignantly wrote to Aurangzeb :
"It is unworthy of a Musalman and an act of
injustice to take for yourself all the productive villages
of a pargana and to assign to others only the less
productive lands. I order you to take half a lakh worth
of less productive land in the pargana of Asir, and
decrease your cash by the same amount, so that your
actual income may be made normal."
Aurangzeb addressed a dignified remonstrance to the
emperor, and pointed out the injustice of the allegations
made against him. The Prince* whose ability was equalled
by hisjj^MdaoiL to duty, wasnotto.be cowed down in
such a manner by the frowns of the emperor or the
machinations of vile intriguers.
As soon as the financial situation was well in hand,
Aurangzeb devoted himself with his wonted energy to the
amelioration of the condition of the peasantry and the

extension of cultivation. Shahjahan, who did not appre-
ciate the difficulties of the task, charged him with slack-
ness, and af one time even threatened to reduce his allow-
ances. But the Prince j)$rsevered in his attempt, and in
this work he was assisted by Murshid Quli Khan, an
officer of rare administrative geniu6.
The Deccan province was divided into two parts for
the purposes of revenue administration— the Painghat
and the Balaghat. In the former were in-
System. e* of cluded the while
Berar, whole the
of Khandesh
rest of theandterritories
one-half
were comprised in the latter. Both divi-
sions had their own Diwans who collected the revenue
and looked after their finances. Murshid Quli Khan, the
Diwan of Balaghat, was not merely a financial genius,
but a great administrator endowed with the highest
capacity for organization and zeal for reform.
Murshid Quli Khan introduced TodarmaFs revenue
system in the Deccan. Amirs and Amils were appointed to
measure the land, to ascertain the area under cultivation,
and to mark out the arable from waste lands. Muqad-
dams were appointed in the villages who helped in the
collection of revenue, and looked after the interests of
the peasantry. Loans were advanced to poor cultivators
to purchase seed and cattle, and they were permitted to
repay them by instalments. So anxious was the Diwan
for justice, that h,e did not grudge the meanest labour
and "often dragged the measuring chain with his own
hands." The chaotic revenue system that was in vogue
rested on no principle and put the state to a heavy loss.
The whole thing was reorganised with the necessary
modifications which were suggested by local conditions.

Altogether there were three systems which were adopted
by Murshid Quli. The old practice of fixing the share of
the state per plough was retained in certain backward areas
with due allowance for difference in soil and the yield
thereof. It was a rough and ready system involving risks
both to the state and the peasant. The other system was
the Batai which was determined in the following manner : —
.(1) The share of the state was one-half, where the
crops depended entirely on rainfall.
(2) In places where irrigation was done by wells, the
* state took one- third both for the Kharif and Rabi
crops. But in the case of grapes, sugarcane, and
other high-class crops the share of the state varied
from one-ninth to one-fourth with full regard to
the facilities or difficulties of irrigation and the
length of time taken by the crops to mature.
In lands irrigated from canals, tanks, or river-
channels, the share of the state was fixed some*
times at a higher rate and sometimes at a lower
rate than in lands irrigated otherwise.
(3) The third method of assessment was that which
prevailed in Northern India. This was called
Jarib. The land was surveyed, and the state
demand was fixed, per bigha according to the
nature of the crop sown.
This carefully organised system worked well and resulted
in the improvement of agriculture. Jhe peasantry lived
a happy and contented life, and were no longer at the
mercy of the revenue department. Much high-handed-
ness and oppression came to an end, and the Deccan
provinces attained a high level of prosperity.
As has been said beforet one of the avowed objects

of Mughal policy in the Deccan was the destruction of the
^ kingdoms of Golkunda and Bijapur. Their
perors of the north, and their indepenji^Difie
^JhîrjpostHIs. Then, they professed the Shia
creed which amounted to rank heresy in the eyes of the
orthodox Sunnis. In several farmans and letters Shah-
jahan had made it abundantly clear to the Sultana of
these two kingdoms that the extirpation of Shia dissent
was a matter of religious duty with him, which he must
discharge to the best of his power. Apart frohi this
general aspect of Mughal policy towards the Deccan
States, there were other causes. The Sultan of Golkunda
had not paid his tribute, and had always evaded the im-
perial demand with dilatory pleas. Aurangzeb informed
him that if he was unable to pay the arrears of tribute,
he should cede to the Mughal government a portion of his
territory in lieu thereof. The _jconquestj>f Karnatik by
the Sultan of Golkunda wa^ngL approved by
tEe alleged TsrTnie. j9fjno*ifiy--waa~

But what precipitated the crisis was
the treatment, meted out by the Sultan to his minister Mir
Jumla, who sought the protection of the emperor to es-
cape the wrath of his sovereign.
Mr, Muhammad Saiyyid, better known to fame as Mir
Jumla. was a native of Ardistan and belonged to the
Saiyykt family or is'f han. Like many other
Mirarjtunia.°f adventurers, he merchant
ant of a jewel came to India as the serv-
who brought him
to Golkunda. After the death of his master who treated
him as his own child, Mir Muhammad inherited his vast
fortune which brought him into prominence. Success in

business, resulting in his unequalled prosperity, attracted
the attention of Abdullah Qutbshah, the ruler ofGol-
kunda, who made him his prime minister. Endowed
with uncommon qualities of character and intellect, Mir
Jumla, who had an inborn aptitude far ^ministration
and military leadership, rapidly secured his master's
favour, and was entrusted by him with the most impor-
tant, duties.
He conquered the Karnatik which had so long baffled
the Mughals, and inflicted a severe defeat upon the Raja
of Chdhdragiri. He increased his wealth enormously by
plundering the temples of the Deccan and by working -foe
jnjn£S_ which existed in his master's territories. He
carved out for himself by sheer force of arms a dominion
150 Krohs in length and 20 or 30 Krohs in breadth, yielding
a revenue of 40 lakhs of rupees a year. For the defence
- of his wealth and possessions, he had built up a consider-
able army consisting of 5,000 well-trained cavalry and
20,000 inf anjry^m addition to the troops of Golkunda which
he~"hacT seduced. He had a strong park of artillery and
a number of war-elephants. This was truly an imperium
and, no wonder, if the Sultan of Golkunda was
alarmed at the rise of a formidable rival, who was sure to
challenge his authority and create disorder in his kingdom.
Mir Jumla's enemies at court successfully poisoned
the mind of the Qutbshah and planned his ruin. The
author of the Shahjahannamah obseryes with regret, that
in spite of the meritorious services he had rendered to the
.state, Mir Jumla had to suffer cruel disappointment. l But
1 Shahjahannamah, Elliot, VII, p. 108.

• *
the Sultan is not wholly to blame. Any man in his posi-
tion would have resented the over-bearing attitude which
was adopted by the minister. The easiest method of en-
suring his safety suggested itself to the Sultan. He
conspired with some of his courtiers to put Mir Jumla in
prison anfl blind hinvNhnt Mir Jumla got wind of his
designs, and refused to wait on his master in spite of the
latter's importunities. He opened communications with
the Sultan of Bijapur and the Shah of Persia, whose
assistance he invoked in this hour of distress. Aurangzeb
judged it a good opportunity to offer his aid to the dis-
contented nobleman. Mir Jumla, on his part, negotiated
with several allies without coming to a decision. At last
the matters were brought to a crisis by the insolence of
his son Muhammad Amin, who .went so far as to insult
the Sultan in the open Durbar. The Sultan whose
forbearance was too sorely tried found Amin's arrogance
intolerable. An order was passed forthwith to
throw into confinement the imprudent youth and liis
family, and to get hold of his property on November
21, 1655.
f This was done without exciting any surprise or in-
dignation atGolkunda. But Aurangzeb turned this inci-
dent to his best account He informed Shahjahan of
these developments, and sought his permission to interfere
in the affairs of Golkunda. The emperor peremptorily
issued an order asking the Qutbshah to release the family
of Mir Jumla, and. authorised Aurangzeb to march an
army against the Sultan in the event of non-compliance.
Tkâmbitious princejgjiojvas fired by a fanatical hatred
of thg^ShfcLp^^ QulbSSSh's reply ,
and declared war against him.
Aurangzeb sent his son.Prince Muhammad at the head

of a large army on January 10, 1656, and himself joined
Invasion of Soon afterwards. "Abdullah Qnthflhflhr"
Golkunda, the court chronicler writes, " awoke from his
deep sleep of arrogance and conceit' ' and released Mir
Jumla's son with his mother and other relatives. He also-
sent a letter to the emperor offering submission, and
expressing his willingness to pay homage.
yet the Prince pushed on towards the capital on the
pretext that the Sultan had not restored the property of
Muhammad Amin. Qutb-ul-mulk at the approach of the
imperial army proceeded to Golkunda with his family, leav-
ing the capital to be defended by a valiant force consisting
of 17,000 soldiers. He removed his precious treasures also
to Golkunda, and charged his chief officers to encounter
the enemy without fear or cowardice.
The arrival of the Mughal forces frightened the Sultan,,
who ffcTE t more helpless than a child aftd more unnerved
than a woman?' His officers waited on. tBe prince with
jewelifand gems but to no purpose. The Mughals plund-
eredjhe city, and rifled the rich treasures which the Qutb-
shahs had hoarded during successive genfiratians. The
soldiers were warned not to molest inhabitants of the
city or to destroy their property. Abdullah again sent 200
caskets full of gems and jewelled trinkets together with
well-decorated horses and elephants in the hope of appeas-
ing the prince's wrath. Costly presents continued to
pour injm the Prince^ but they had no effect orfhtm. While
making these overtures, the Sultan did not neglect the
defences of Golkunda, and despatched letters to the Adil
Shah (Sultan of Bijapur) to aid him in his struggle with
the Mughals.
The imperialists laid siege to Golkunda. Aurangzeb

wa^j^nse(LbyJiia..w,e&lth and feililit^xxf._t]ier capital,
anTcoveted itgjjpssesgion more thanany thing Îse. * Such
aTnone^^
ÔinmionsTlie^wrote to his father, ' has fallen into this

wretch's hands, and urged him to order its complete con-
quest and annexation.' He further implored the emperor
not to pay attention to the Qutbsbah's requests for peace
^nd pardon, nor to Dara's recommendations on his behalf.
The siege of Golkunda continued with unabated vigour,
and sharp skirmishes were fought between the two parties.
Aurangzeb's maternal uncle Shayasta Khan came from
Malwa to reinforce Prince Muhammad, and both made a
determined effort to annihilate the enemy's kingdom.
<jutbnil-mulk. finding further resistance impossible, offer-
and . sued for peace. Eich presents were
as tokens of sincerity, and money too was
.sent in part payment of the arrears of tribute. Shah-
jahan who was more influenced by the recommedations of
Dara and Jahanara than by Aurangzeb's^ jippeals to
orthodoxy, ordered the cessation of hostilities on payment
mt,
of a heavy indemnity.
Abdullah begged permission to send his mother to
secj^jB§rdonTIor"Kis offences and to consult Aurangzeb on
thesubjectpfMsJûghter's marriage with Prince Muham-
mad. The ' Chaste matron' was escorted with becoming
"honour ancTdignity to Shayasta's camp. An interview
was arranged with Aurangzeb, and the lady pleaded Jor
kindness to her son. Aurangzeb agreed to restore the
kingdom to Abdullah on condition that he should pay one
crore of rupees as indemnity and arrears of tribute, and
-consent to Muhammad's marriage with his daughter.
Mean while ^Mullah !

succeeded in winning for, their masteiLt^^j&p^^
Dara arid Jahanara. The^ pitiless condition
was explained to the emperor, and
and low cunning in "pressing pn a JaJJen .(OJiemx were laid
~ wftk t'ie embellishments and
exaggerations of a sworn enemy. It is truejthat Aurangzeb
ha,d bahaved -treacherously throug&qut
and b$d shown
Shahjahan was moved J;o indignatipjp^jDj^^
h^Json.
of Forthwith
Golkunda he ordered
and leave him to without
the country raise""thefurther
siege
delay.
Aurangzeb obeyed the imperial command, and
concluded a peace with the Sultan of Golkunda. After a
week, Prince Muhammad was married to
GToikaundaWith the Qutbshah's daughter by proxy, and the
bride was escorted to her husband's camp
by his Diwan and the royal Bakhshi. Costly jewels and
presents worth ten lakhs were sent as dowry by her father.
The Sultan swore on the Quran that he would never
disobey the emperor in future, and gratefully received the
imperial farman containing an assurance of pardon and
the rich Khilat bestowed upon him by the emperor.
Aurangzeb relented, and remitted 10 lakhs out of the 25
lakhs of indemnity, which had been promised by the
Sultan. Further remissions were made a little later, and
certain districts were also ceded. Golkunda 's humiliation
was complete ; henceforward it became a vassal of the
Mughal empire.
Mir Jumla waited on the emperor, and was received
well at court His presents to the emperor which included.
«90 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
9
£ valuable diamond were worth 15 lakhs. The title of
Mir
received Muazz'am
Jumiaat with a mansabof Zat and on
6,000bestowed
Khan was 6,000 along
himSawar,
"courfc' and he was appointed Prime Minister in
Sadullah's place. His eldest son Muhammad Amin was
similarly honoured and was given the title of Khan.
Aurangzeb now turned his arms against Bijapur. The
campaign of 1636 had been abruptly brought to a close,
and Bijapur had been allowed to exist &s an
BijaapuragaiD9fc independent state. Muhammad Adil Shah,
who was reputed for his justice and benevo-
lence, jnaintained friendly relations with the emperor of
DelET But hi&. exercise of sovereignty deeply offended
*Shahjahan, who reminded him in a letter of the humble
practices of his forefathers, and rebuked him for his pre-
sumptuousness. The Sultan was warned not to imitate the
ways of Mughal royalty. The Bijapur warriors, when they
learnt of the contents of this insulting letter, requested
theirexpressed
and 'chief'to their
adheredetermination
to his court toceremonial
cross swordsandwithtitles,
the
Muglials, if the emperor persisted in his insolent demand.
This decision, taken in a moment of tense excitement, was
soon given up by Adil Shah who clearly visualised the
horrors of a Mughal invasion. He apologised to the
-emperor for his mistake and offered submission. Muham-
mad Adil Shah died on November 4, 1656, after a glorious
and prosperous reign of 30 years, and was succeeded by
his son Ali Adil Shah II, who was a mere lad of 18 at the
time of his accession to the throne.
As soon as Aurangzeb came to know of the accession
of the boy-king at Bijapur, he wrote to Shahjahan begging
-him to order an invasion of that country on the ground
tilat the new king was n^t really ajw^^

Adil Shah, butja bpy_of spurious ilrigin, raised. ta^the
throne by court intriguers. The disorders of the kingdom,
-caused by IKein death
Aurangzeb of the^late
his hostile Sultan,
designs. further encouraged
Shahjahan granted his
request, and permitted him to ' settle the affair of Bijapur
in any way he thought fit.' The Mughal forces in the
Deccan were to be reinforced by a fresh levy of 20,000
soldiers under the command of well-tried officers, and Mir
Jumla who knew the country well was ordered to assist
the prince in his campaigns. Th^ emperor Desired npierely s
the conquest of Bijapur, while,, Aurangzeb thirsted for its
annexation. The milder course suggested to the prince
paid one andld a leniently

tlmtlie^shou deal with
half crores as indemnity the recognised
Bijapur, ifand Adil Shah
Mughal suzerainty in the approved manner, did not appeal
to him, and he pushed on his preparations for attack. He
sent an express to Mir Jumla to join him without delay.
The war was unjust. The historian of Aurangzeb
thus describes the casus belli :
"The war jhus saiictianed ^was wholly-
Bijapur was not a vassal state, but an independent and
equal ally of the Mughal Emperor, and the latter had
no lawful right to confirm or question the succession
at Bijapur. The true reason of the Mughal interfer-
ence was the helplessness of its boy-king and the dis-
cord among his officers, which presented a fine ' oppor-
tunityfor
' annexation, as Aurangzpb expressed it."1
Mir Jumla and Aurangzeb with their combined forces
inarched in the direction of Bijapur, and on reaching Bidar
laid siege to it. The city of Bidar had a strong fortress,
1 Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, I. p. 287.
592 HISTORY OF. MUSLIM RULE
4,500 yards in circumference apd 12 yards in height. It

was surrounded by thick deep ditches each 25 yards deep,
hewn out of the solid rock. Inside the fort were many
palaces, baths, pleasure gardens and a number of public
offices built by the munificence and devotion of successive
monarchs. It was well-fortified and possessed a large
supply of arms and ammunition. No wonder, if the men of
the middle ages looked upon it as an impregnable fortress.
The Qiladar of the fort was Sidi Marjan, an old Adil
Shahi officer, who had under his command 1,000 horse and
4,000 foot including musketeers, rocket-mer and gunners.
Accompanied by Muazzam Khan, Aur£ngzeb went to survey
the position and settled the plan of attack. Sidi's men
opened fire from the bastions of the fort, but the imperial-
ists pushed forward in spite of the shower of shot and shell,,
and reached the ditch which they began to fill up. Several
sorties took place in which the advantage lay alternate-
ly with the Bijapuris and the Mughals. But, in the end,
theMughalsby their superiority in numbers carried the
day. They were helped by an explosion of powder magazine
in the fortress, which destroyed a large number of Bija-
puris. Sjdi^Marjanând two of his sons were badly burnt.
Be wild ered by this disaster, the garrison conveyed their
heroic commander and his sons to the citadel. The Mu-
ghals, taking advantage of this unfortunate incident, made
a dash into the fortress, and ' killed or bore down all who
resisted, and raised the flag of victory/ Sidi Marjan, who
was mortally wounded, saw no alternative but to submit to
the invaders. He sen^his sons wjth the keygjof the fort
to Aurangzeb whoêceived them wShpT^
Thus was the fort of Si3arlaken after a siege of 27 days.
The imperialists seized a large booty consisting of 12
lakhs of rupees in cash, 8 lakhs worth of lead, powder, and

other ammunition, besides 250 pieces of ordnance.
Aurangzeb_ entered the city in triumph, and caused
the Khutba to be read in the name of the emperor of Delhi
in the historic mosque of the Bahmanids, the silent wit-
ness of a hundred political revolutions. The gallant Sidi
Marjan died of his wounds soon afterwards.
The_B_iiapnris, anxious to wipe out the disgrace of
deffeat, began to collect their troops at Gulburga. Aurang-
zeb sent Mahabat Khan with 15 thousand well-equipped
horsemen to deal with the enemy. A party of 2,000 men
advanced within six miles of the Mughal camp, and
seized the bullocks of the Banjaras, which were used as
means of transport for carrying grain and fodder. Maha-
bat's men rushed forward in great haste and released the
cattle. The Bijapur forces numbering 20,000 under their
famous generals Khan Muhammad, Afzal Khan, ând
others delivered
successfully a bold. The
repelled. attackMughals
on the Mughals, which "was
closely pursued the
vanquished army, and many of the fugitives were slain in
the attempt to escape.
Shortly after this victory Aurangzeb arrived at Kal-
yani, the ancient capital of the Chalukyas, 40 miles west
of Bidar. The town was besieged, and day and night the
garrison poured fire upon thev imperialists from the walls
of the fort. Mahabat -Khan, assisted by Rajput valour,
succeeded in breaking up the ranks of the enemy, and
'Ikhlas Khan drove them back with heavy losses. The fight
continued, and the two armies engaged each other in a
death-grapple. The battle lasted six hours, and the Dec-
canis, following their customary tactics, baffled and bar*
assed the Mughals, but in the end they were overpowered
F. 38
o
by the Hindustani horsemen. * The enemy suffered heavy

losses, and Aurangzeb rejoiced at the success of his
generals.
The siege was pushed on with great vigour. The de-
fence was bravely conducted by Dilawar Khan, the Abys-
sinian commander, whose men rained on the besiegers
napthaballs, burning grass and lighted gunpowder from the
walls of the fort. Fighting raged furiously on both sides.
At last, when Dilawar saw that further resistance was
useles^ he offered to surrender the fort on condition that
. the governor and the garrison should be allowed to depart
from the fortress with their families and goods in safety.
The keys of the fortress were surrendered to the Mughals
on Zilqadah 1, 1068 A.H.-21st July, 1658 A.D., and once
again the Prince caused the Khutba to be read in the
emperor's name.
The Mughals had captured Bidar and Kalyani, and
were ready to march upon Bijapur, when an order was
received from the emperor that the campaign should
be stopped. The emissaries of the Sultan at court had per-
suaded the emperor to change his mind, and Shah Buland
Iqbal's jealousy of his able brother had worked to the
same end. Shahjahan committed a blunder ; he did not
fully realise what Aurangzeb 's diplomacy, courage, and
ûnmngjuftd achieved, injthfe Deccan. But nothing^ can
justify Jthis war of aggression, which was prompted jwjely
by the love of conquest and the greed for gold.
Peace was made* with the Sultan. He agreed to pay
li crores of rupees as indemnity and to surrender to the
Mughals the forts of Bidar, Kalyani and Parenda. Shah-
jahan graciously remitted half a crore from the indemnity,
spoke approvingly of the settlement of peace*
THE EMPIRE AT ITS • ZENITH 595
-Aurangzeb was commanded to return to Bidar and the

other officers to withdraw to their respective charges. ,
Sadullah Khan, surnamed ' AllSml,' the premier noble*
man of the empire, died on Jamad II, 22, 1066 A.H.
(7th April, 1656). For about four mouths he
Khan Aiiami's had been suffering from a severe attack of
dêa t h, 1656 ^j^ pajn> but ^jg devotion to duty was so
great that ' for the first two months, he used
to attend daily in the auspicious presence and uttered
no exclamation of pain.' All medicines failed to cure the
fatal disease, and at last he succumbed to it. The emperor
expressed deep regret at the passing away of such a loyal
and capable minister, and generously treated his survivors.
Ali Mardan Khan was the son of Ganj Ali Khan, who
was descended from the Kurdish tribe of Zig in Persia.
Life and Originally Ganj Ali occupied the humble
Death of Ali position of chief servant under Shah
Mardan Khan. Abbag> but by dint of merit and his gallant
fight against the Uzbegs he rose to honour and eminence.
His devoted services to the state won him the title of
Arjamand Baba (honoured father), and the Shah signified
his confidence by entrusting to him the governorship of
Kirman. When Shah Abbas captured Qandhar during
Jahangir's reign, he made over the fort to this veteran
officer. After Ganj All's death in 1625, which was caused
by an unhappy accident, the Shah allowed his son Ali
Mardan to inherit his honours and dignities, and conferred
upon him the title of B^ba Sani (Baba-. the second).
But Shah Abbas's death caused a great change in
policy. His successor laid his hands heavily upon the sup-
porters ofthe late regime, and Ali Mardan was one of
those who apprehended peril to their lives. Forthwith he
began to strengthen the fortifications of Qandhar in self-

defence and opened negotiations with Shahjahan. The
Shah flew into a rage, when he heard of AH Mardan's
treason, and resolved on his destruction. AH Mardan
solicited Mughal protection, and offered to surrender the
fort of Qandhar as its price.
A tempting offer of this kind was enough to gratify
Shahjahan *s vanity. He was filled with joy at the golden
prospect of obtaining without war or bloodshed a fortress
against which his father had striven in vain. The Per ;an
governor's wish was granted, and he was enrolled among
the Panjhazari grandees of the empire, and subsequently
the rank of 7,000 Zat and 7,000 Sawar was conferred
upon him.
The battles and sieges in which AH Mardan Khan
took part, along with the scions of the royal house, have
been described before. The Balkh expedition was a disas-
trous failure, but the responsibility for it rests in no small
degree upon the emperor, who often disturbed the plans
of his generals and neutralised their efforts by his ill-timed
interference. Though AH Mardan was got a highly
successful military general, his talents shone conspicu-
ously in the field of civil administration. He was given
charge of the Subah of Kashmir— an important province,
on the Northern frontier of the empire, and he ruled it
wisely and well for several years. As minister of the
state, his advice was sought in the weightiest matters,
and his wise and sagacious counsels were seldom reject-
led. His greatest achievement was the canal which wa&
constructed mainly through his efforts. His love of beauty
«rad natural scenery, which he had cultivated in Persia and
[Kashmir, led him to plan the_Shalimar gardens on the bank
THE EMPIRE AJL
-of -this canal, which are still the favourite resorts of men,
•de&irous of snatching an interval of quiet repose from the
din and strife of life, and of tourists from all parts of the
world. The gardens were beautifully laid out, and a num-
ber of reservoirs and fountains were constructed, to add
to their loveliness at a cost of eight lakhs of rupees under
the supervision of Khalil-Ullah Khan. ' As the canal did
not supply sufficient water for the gardens, a lakh of
rupfees was advanced from the treasury, of which fifty
thousand were recklessly spent only on repairs. Then,
under expert advice steps were taken to improve the
irrigation, and the gardens began to get an unfettered
supply of water.2
Ali Mardan Khan was called away from his Subah of
Kashmir towards the close of 1656, but the heat of the
plains seriously affected his health. He had an attack of
•dysentery, and was therefore allowed to go back to his
charge to enjoy the bracing climate of the happy valley.
But before he reached his destination, he died at Machi-
wara on April 16, 1657, and his body was brought to
Lahore where it was buried in his mother's tomb.
His vast wealth amounting to q flfnrA nf ruPppq WM
ponfiscatfiiL by the state in accordance with the law of
escheat.
Shahjahan was a magnificent monarch. During his
reign he constructed* a number of noble edifices which
1 Abdul Hamid writes in the Padshahnamah that the gardens took

1 year 4 months and 5 days to be completed and cost 6 lakhs of rupees.
The two parts of the garden were called Farahbakhah and Faitbahhah
8 I* is stated in the Masir-iA-Umrah (English Trans., Vol. I, p. 198)
that of 5 Krohs of the old oanal were preserved and 82 new Krohs were
made. The Padshahnamah says the same thing.
exist to this day. But in no wdy less important was the

Peacock throne on which he lavished large-
sums of money ou* of the Public treasury.
In course of time, writes Abdul Hamid
the hprL
royal precious
treasury, jewels of great intended
and Shahjahan value had collected
to utilise themin"
so that/ sightseers might share the beauty of those pro-
ducts of the mine and ocean, and also that a fresh glory
might be added to the Sultanate. '/The object of -the
emperor was twofold : to exhibit his hoard of precious
jewels and to augment the grandeur of the empire. Set-
ting apart the jewels which were in the private apart-
ments of the emperor, an order was passed that out of the
jewels valued at two crores, which were in the outer
palace in the custody of Khan Zaman, some exquisite
jewels worth 86 lakhs of rupees should be picked up and
made over to Bebadal Khan ' the darogha of the goldsmith's
department, together with one lakh tolas of gold valued
at 14 lakhs of rupees for the purpose of constructing a
throne 3? yards in length, 2i yards in width, and 5 yards
in height. The outside of the canopy was to be inlaid with
rubies and cornelians, while the inside was chiefly made
Of enamelled work with gems studied here and there, and
1 Bebadal Khan's real name âccording to the Masir vas Saidi

Gulani. He was a poet He came to India in the time of Jahangir and
was included among the court poets. Hs rose to fame during 8hah-
jahan*s reign and obtained the title of Bebadal Khan (incomparable
lord). He held the office of the Darogha of the goldsmith's department
for a long time. »
Masir, I (Eng. Trans.), PP. 396-97.
Prof. J. N. Sarkar in his Stud^M in Mughal India (p. 18) writes
that out of the jewels (worth two crores), in the outer palace, the very
best valued at 16 lakhs were chosen. Abdul Hamid clearly says 86, and
he is supported by the Mulakkhas and other authorities. 16 is obvious-
ly a misprint.
!l flKiCs* , •. *' . -^". ji* ,c . .^ :
Shahjahan on tho Poaoonk Throiu1

To face page 598
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH 59»
it was to be supported ôn twelve emerald pillars. On

each pillar there were two peacocks1 inlaid with gems and
between every two peacocks there was a tree set with
rubies, diamonds, emeralds and pearls. The ascent to
the throne was made by three steps which were thickly
studded with jewels. The middle one of the planks (takhts)
which were on all sides of the throne— the plank on which
His Majesty used to rest his arm was worth ten lakhs of
rupees. Among the jewels with which it was decked,
there was a ruby valued at one lakh, which had been
sent by Shah Abbas to Jahangir through Zanbil Beg, and
which Jahangir had given to Shahjahan in recognition
of the military successes achieved in the Deccan. On this-
were inscribed the names of Sahib Qiran Timur, Mirzas
Shahrukh and Ulugh Beg, Shah Abbas, Jahangir, and
ShUijahan. The throne took seven years to be completed
and cost one crore of rupees. a
Haji Muhammad Jan Qudsi composed a poem in praise
of the throne the last three words of which (iW* «»£*<* «-£)3t)
give the date (1044 A.H.— 1634 A.D.) of its construction.3
1 Tavernier (I, pp. 383-84) speaks only of one peacock for he says :
* On both sides of the peacock throne there is a large bouquet of the
same height as the bird, and consisting of many kinds of flowers made
of gold inlaid with precious stones.' The Muslim authorities speak
of more than one, and there is no reason to doubt their statement in
regard to this matter.
2 As regards the cost of the throne Tavernier says, * Those who keep
the
have account
assured ofmethethat
Kind's jewels, and
it amounts of what
to one this and
hundred greatseven
work thousand
has cost,,
lakhs of rupees.' This is incredible. It is very much greater than the
figure mentioned in the Padshahnamah of Abdul Hamid.
Cal. text, I. Ft. IT, pp. 78-79.
Masir-ul-Umra, I, pp. 396-99.
Mulakkhas, p. 79.
A. U.,U. MS.
3 Haji Muhammad's poem is reproduced in extenso in the Archaeo-
logical Survev Report, Vol. 1911-12, pp. 18-19.
, The peacock throne was carried by NadirShah at the

time of his invasion of India, 'me tnrone no longer
exists in Persia. Lord Curzon's enquiries revealed the
fgefthat the T?akfat-i-Taous of Persia Js not an Indian
throne at all. It was constructed by Muhammad Husain
Khan, Sadr (High Priest) of Isfahan, for Path All Shah,
when the latter married a young Isfahani lady whose
popular name was Taous Khanun or the Peacock lady.
The original Peacock throne of Shahjahan was recovered
in a broken condition from his grandson Shah Rukh, and
its portions were made up into the throne of modern style
which now stands in the New Museum in the palace of
Tehran.
The emperor rose early in the morning 2 gharis before
sunrise, and after performing his prayers began the
day's work. First, he went to the Jharokha
da?iyaiifehan 8 who
(window) to show
gathered himself
in large to hisbelow
numbers subjects
the
fort to have a glimpse of their sovereign. From there
he proceeded to the Hall of Public Audience where the
distinguished officers of the state were presented to him
and received Khilats and rewards. Petitions from man-
sabdars in the provinces were laid before the emperor,
and often he wrote on them orders with his own hand.
Having finished his work in the Hall of Audience, the
emperor went to the Danlat Khanah-i-Khas, called the
fihusal Khanah in Akbar's time, where he scrutinised
the orders
plans of hisôtticers,
of buildings andhimexamined
submitted to jewelleryAfter
for approval. and
this he went to the Shahburj where business of a confi-
dential nature was transacted, and only a few trusted
oflhcers were admitted.
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH 6.01
At about midday the emperor retired to the haram/

but business followed liim there also. Mumtaz Mahal
placed before him the petitions of orphans, widows, and
-other destitute persons, and the emperor graciously grant-
•ed them stipends and allowances. In the latter part of
the day the emperor transacted business again in 'the Hall
•of Public Audience and the Shahburj.
Having spent a strenuous day in work, which must
have not a little taxed his physical and intellectual powers,
the emperor retired to his private chambers, and here
for a couple of hours he enjoyed the performances of
women singers. It was now time to go to bed. Books
on history, travel, and the lives of prophets were read to
him from behind a curtain till sleep was induced. He was
particularly fond of the Zafarnamah^jiTiA ^ the
JrBabari which were read to him every day.
ShahJahan was a magnificent builder. A detailed
account of his buildings will be given later in describing the
development of the Mughal art under his
Patronage. It will suffice here to make a bare
mention of the various edifices constructed by
him. The most beautiful of all his buildings is, of course,
the Taj T the famous mausoleum which stands over the
grave of his dearly loved wife Mumtaz Mahal. The Begum
died in 1630, and the construction of the Taj was not begun
until the next year. The work was carried on over a
number of years, find the inscription on the gateway,
which is dated 1647 A.D., shows that the principal dome
was finished in that year. AbdufHamid Lahori and the
-author of the Mulakkhas, both contemporaries, state that
it was built in 12 years and coat 50 lakhs of rupees. But
-evidently this refers only to the marble monuments on .the
inner platform. The buifdings on both sides of the white •

dome and in the outer quadrangle must have taken some
years to be completed. Tavernier who was present in
India in 1653 writes that it was completed in 22 years
and cost three crores of rupees.
Shahjahan built a number of other buildings in Agra
Fort of which the Musamman Burj and the Moti Masjid
are worthy of special mention. The Musamman Burj is
a beautiful structure of marble facing the river side
of the fort and is decorated with precious stones. It
was here that the old emperor, a prisoner in the hands
of his own son, died having the last glimpse of the
mausoleum, which his love and devotion had reared to the
memory of his dear wife. The Moti Masjid is situated
to the north of the Diwan-i-am and measures 187 by
234 feet. It was commenced in 1648 A.D. and was
completed in 1652, the total cost being 3,00,000 rupees.
Besides these buildings Shahjahan built in the fort the
Jharokha-i-Khas-o-am and the Daulat Khanah-i-Khas,
which were formerly made of cloth and wood, at an enor-
mous cost. As there was no building in front of the fort
at Agra, Shahjahan built a big chowk in which Begum
Sahib's piety reared a noble mosque which was complet-
ed in five years at a cost of five lakhs of rupees in 1648.
Agra was not found suitable for imperial residence,
and, therefore, the emperor decided to transfer the capital
to Delhi, the seat of many an empire in history. A site
was chosen, and with the approval of architects and
astrologers the foundations of Shahjahanbad were laid
(May 12, 1639) in an auspicious moment and skilled artisans,
masons, and workmen were called from far and wide to
assist in the building of the grandest city of the empire.
Taj Mahal
To face page 602
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH 60$
The opening ceremony was performed in 1058 A.H. (1648

LD.) in 'the midst of great pomp and splendour. The
buildings iAside the fort were sumptuously decorated, and
ime the envy of the art galleries of China. The
Shahburj, the Rang Mahal, the Mumtaz Mahal and the
)iwan-i-am, the Diwan-i-Khas, and a number of other
3uildings were constructed at an enormous cost. The
)iwan-i-Khas was the most highly ornamented of
Shahjahan's buildings, and contains the finest specimens
of pietra dura. ! A marble water channel runs through the
hall which greatly increases the beauty of the buildings.
The marble slab on which the Peacock throne used to be
placed is still seen in the Diwan-i-Khas, but it is certain
that it could not have been permanently confined to one
particular place.
,* Another noteworthy building with which Shahjahan
v adorned his newly built city is the Jam-i-Masjid also called
^the Musjid-i-Jahan Numa, which is one of the largest
mosques in India. Its foundations were laid in October
^650 A.D., and it was completed in six years at a cost of
ten lakhs of rupees under the supervision of Sadullah KhW
, The mosque stands on rocky ground, and is built of red
sandstone. It has an imposing entrance to which ascent
f is made by a flight of 35 steps.
Besides these large edifices Shahjahan's piety and
generosity added to the beauty and splendour of many a
minor building in the vicinity of the capital as well as
beyond its limits. The tomb of NiVmiarffiflS^Sftefl. was
ful 1lines
On composed
the walls by
of the Diwan-i-Khas
Sadullah Khan in anfifetiiTjprbe
Mraiae/of the read
build in
by his patron's bounty.
'604 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
built of pure white marble, and situated in a cosy corner*

away from the din and bustle of life, it still insyres alike
the- devout pilgrim and the lover of art. gftt Ajmer
Shahjahan built a number of buildings. On the embank-
ment of the Anasagar lake constructed by Anaji, the
Hindu king at Ajmer, Shahjahan built in 1637 A.D. a
marble platform 1,240 feet long and five pavilions
(baradaris) of polished marble and a hammam or Turkish'
•bath. Besides these Shahjahan showed his devotion to
•Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti, whose shrine was deeply
revered by his ancestors, by building a splendid dome and
a Jam-i-masjid to the west of the tomb in 1638. Though
inferior in beauty to the pearl mosque which the emperor
built at Agra, it is a^beautif ul and ornamental addition to
the mausoleum. \/
According to Abdul Hamid Lahori, Shahjahan's empire
extended from the Lahiri port in Sindh to Sylhet in Assam,
a distance of 2,000 Krohs (5,000 yards)
and from the fort of Bist in the Af*han
region to Ausa in the Deccan a distance of
Krohs. It contained 22 subahs which yielded an
income of 880 crore dams (=22 crores of rupees). 1 The
general framework of the machinery of government was
the same as under Akbar, though modifications were
made by Shahjahan to suit his convenience. The admini-
stration was still of a feudal and military type, and
1 The 22 Subahs of the empire are as follows: —
1. Delhi. 8. Malwa. 15. Orissa.
2. Akbarabad. 9. Khandesh. 16. Baglana.
8. Lahore. - 10. Ahmedabad. 17. Thatta.
4. Ajmere. 11, Oudh. 18. Kabul.
5. Daulafcabad. 12. Bihar. 19. Balkh.
6. Allahabad. 13. Multen. 20. Qandhar.
7. Berar. 14. Telingana. 21. Badakhshan.
22. Kashmir.
II
THE' EMPIRE AT ITS>ZENITH 605
Shahjahan maintained a huge army for the maintenance
of his power. But he treated his subjects well, and
Tavernier ascribes him as ruling over his subjects with
a mildness uncommon among sovereigns. He punished
his nobles when they neglected their duties, and arranged
all things for the comfort of the people who cherished a
genuine aif ection for him. 1 The mansab and jagir system
pervaded the empire. The imperial service contained,
men of various nationalities, whom the Great Mughal
' raised to dignities or degraded to obscurity according to'
his owr> pleasure and caprice/2 These officers were paid
both in cash and jagir, but they were invariably in debt
owing to the costly presents they had to make to the-
emperor3 and had to keep large establishments of wives,
servants, camels and horses. The law of escheat weighed
heavily upon them, and the dark prospects of their descend-
ants after their death always haunted their minds.
The most important source of the income of the state
was the land revenue. Shahjahan enjoined on his officers
the duty of looking after the interests of the ryot, but
his instructions were not faithfully observed. A story is
related of him which illustrates his solicitude for the well-
being of the peasantry. One day, while the emperor was-
examining the records of the revenue department, he
found that in a certain village the revenue had increased
by a few thousands, forthwith he asked his high diwan
Sadullah Khan to explain the cause of this increase. The
minister who had bdeiv poring over* the papers in his
office day and night appealed
* before the August Presence-
1 Travels, I, pp. 343-44.
2 Ibid, p. 212.
8 Bernier, Travels, p. 213.
-606 HISTOFY OP MUSLIM RULE
with his eyes still dozing and replied that owing to a
-change in the course of the river a piece of land' had been
âdded, which increased the cultivated area of {he village.
The emperor enquired if the land in question was Khalsa or
*aima (rent-free grant), and it was found that it belonged to
the latter class. At this Shahjahan exclaimed in wrath :
'The water over that tract of land has dried in response to
the lamentations of the orphans, widows, and poor (of the
place) ; it is a divine gift to them, and you have dared to
appropriate it to the State ! If a desire to spare God's
•creation had not restrained me, I styuld have ordered the
-execution of that second Satan, the oppressive faujdar
(who has collected revenue from this new land). It will
be enough punishment to dismiss him as a warning to
others to refrain from such wicked acts of injustice.
Order the excess collections to be immediately refunded
to the peasants entitled to them.' !
The anecdote whether true or not clearly illustrates
that in popular estimation Shahjahan was known as a
just and generous ruler, was always anxious to protect
the interests of his subjects. His diwan Sadullah had a
high conception of his duties. He used to say that a
diwan who was unjust towards the peasant was a demon
sitting with a pen and inkpot before him. Besides the
land tax the state levied a number of awabs, which were
-afterwards abolished by Aurangzeb. These may be
iroughly classified under the following heads :—
1. Duties on the sale of produce.
2. Duties on the sale of property.
Sarkar, Mughal Administration, p. 82.

THE EMPIRE AT ITS, ZENITH 607
i
3. Fees or commissiohs of the state and perquisites
of officials.
4. License tax on trades and professions.
5. Forced subscriptions, gifts, and services.
6. Imposts on the Hindus.
Tax on bathing in the Ganges and other sacred
waters. The Mughal government charged Rs. 6-4as.
from every pilgrim at Allahabad. Tax on
carrying the bones of dead Hindus for being
thrown into the Ganges.
ThQ administratimi of justice was carried on by the
<Jazis and Miradls, but the emperor was not unmindful of
his own duty in the matter. As the Khalifa of the age,
he was the highest judge in the empire, and appeals
in important cases were made to him. The emperor
did not go to the Jharokha-i-Khas-o-am on Wednesday,
which was set apart for administering justice. On that
day at the appointed hour the emperor pame straight from
the Jharokha-i-darshan to the Hall of Audience, popularly
known as the Ghusalkhanah, and disposed of the cases
that were submitted to him by the Daroghas. The
emperor- sought the advice of the Ulama, who expressed
the view of the Shariyat and gave their verdict.
The cases which required local investigation were sent
to the provincial governors wi£h instructions to find out
the truth and to do justfee and submit their report on them.
The author of the Lubb-ut-Tawarikh who was a Hindu
intimately acquainted with Shahjahdn's reign, highly
praises his administration of justice, and says that judg-
ments were awarded with great care and discrimination.
Manucci corroborates the Hindu writer, and records
several instances in which Shahjahan interfered to
©
vindicate the claims of justice/ Even the highest officials,
were punished when their wrongs were brought to light.
Once, it is said, certain actors sought the king's permis-
sion to stage a play. Their request was granted, but
the performance exposed the iniquities of the governor
of Gujarat. The emperor exclaimed in utter amazement :
' Can there be a man in the world to do such wrongful
acts ? ' Enquiries were made, and when the allegations,
against the governor were proved, he was condemned 10
life-long imprisonment in the fort of Rohtasgarh, and hi&
effects were seized. a Bernier writes that the nower of
the local authorities over the peasantry was so absolute,
that there was no one before whom the injured peasant,
artisan, or tradesman could lay his complaints. It may
have been so in the remoter parts of the empire, but
wherever the eye of the emperor could reach, wrongs
were righted and justice was done. There was no craze
for litigation, and ^ven Bernier admits that there were few
law suits, fewer lawyers, and justice was expeditious. * The
anecdotes related by Manucci of Shahjahan's rigorous
justice present his character in a highly favourable
light.
The punishments inflicted upon the culprits were bar-
barous. Minor offences wers punished with the mutilation
of limbs, whereas for the more serious crimes death and
imprisonment for life were laid dovni as penalties. Peter
Mundy speaks of great barbarities practised by provincial
satraps, and there is no doubt that some of them were
1 Storia do Mogor, I, p. 197.

* Storia do Mogor, I, pp. 198-99.
3 Bernier, p. 361.
»
<Jruel and savage. ' But fo generalise about the whole
administration from the cruelties of one or two governors
would be hardly justifiable.
The Mughals were essentially an urban people. They
derived their revenue from the villages, but as Professor
Jadunath Sarkar remarks, they dreaded them as a punish-
ment. The provincial government was largely govern-
ment of the capital cities of the provinces. The Subahdar
acquainted himself with the condition of the villages
through the faujdar and the officers of the revenue
department and by paying personal visits to the rural
areas, *but so far as governmental activity was concern-
ed, the villagers were left to themselves and were taken
no notice of as long as they did not disturb the public
peace. The chief officers who controlled and guided the
administration of the provinces were (1) the Subahdar,
(2) the provincial diwan, (3) the faujdar, (4) the Kotwal,
and (5) the Waqianavis.
Their functions have been described before in a
previous chapter. The accounts of European travellers
throw a lurid light upon Shahjahan's provincial adminis-
tration. Peter Mundy describes the governors as cruel
1 The traveller speaks of chor minors (tower of skulls for thieves)
which he saw with his own eyes. This punishment was intended to
banish theft from the country, and the result was undoubtedly whole-
some. ^ *
Manucci (I. pp. 197 — 208) relates several instances in which Draco-
nian punishments were inflicted upon the culprits. Some of them are
obviously incredible. Nobles and commoners were punished alike for
their misconduct, and the emperor freely laid his hands upon those who
acted against his wishes or oppressed his poor subjects. A Hindu olerk,
whose wife had been forcibly seized by a soldier, appealed to the
emperor for protection. The slave girl was sent into the palace, and the
emperor asked her to put water into the inkpot which she did with
great cleverness. The emperor who watched the manner of the girl in
doing the errand felt convinced that sho belonged to the scribe, and
dismissed the claim of the soldier and banished him from the city.
F. 39
€10 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
V
and capricious tyrants who acted callously in their dealings

with the people. The governor of Patna, Abdullah Khan,
ill-treated Mundy, connived at peculation, and levied
customs duties even upon milk-sellers. 1 At Benares the
traveller saw a man hanging on a tree by the heels—a
punishment inflicted for disobeying the royal edict about
the demolition of temples. 2 Between Biyana and Fatehpur
Sikri during the years 1632-33 he saw 250 or 300 men set
on stakes by Mirza Lashkar, the governor, who recked
nothing of human lives. ' The customs duties were levied
in many places, and thieves abounded in the country, and
made the highways unsafe for traffic from Agra to
Ahmadabad. The country was a barren desert, and no
meat or drink was procurable and there were no sarais.*
The char minars of which Mundy speaks have already
been alluded to before. Mandelslo has drawn a similar
picture. Bernier who reached India towards the close of
Shahjahan's reign speaks of provincial governors as
petty tyrants, possessing boundless authority. There
was none to whom the oppressed subject could appeal
and he had no hope of redress ' let his injuries be so
grievous or ever so frequently repeated.'5 True, the
Waqianavis were there to inform the emperor of the
doings of the governor, but there was ' generally
a dangerous collusion between these officers and
the governor/ with the result k that the wrong-doers
escaped unpunished, and tyranny continued to be prac-
tised without let* or hindrance. Manucci who praises
i Travels, II, p. 160.
1 Ibid., IIt p, 178.
9 Ibid., II, p. 284.
4 Ibid., II, p. 364.
6 Bernier, p. 281,
•
Shahjahan's severe justice contradicts Mundy in one

important point. He gives a long: account of the Sarais
and their management. There were Sarais throughout
the empire, which could accommodate 800 to 1,000 persons
with their horses, camels, carriages and their guar4s. l ,
The accounts of European Travellers are in conflict
with one another, and it would be unfair to generalise
about the administration as a whole from their observa-
tions. Itmay be conceded at once that punishments were
severe, and that provincial governors must have acted
in certain places like tyrants, but it would be unfair to
conclude from this that there was grinding oppression
throughout the country. The author of the Lubb-ut-
Tawaritch writes that Shahjahan employed intelligent and
-capable officers, showed affection towards the people,
examined the accounts himself, and tried to promote the
welfare of the agricultural population in every way, The
prosperity of the empire increased, and the pargana
which had an income of 3 lakhs in the time of Akbar now
.yielded 10 lakhs. Manucci also clearly states that the
-emperor removed just grievances and severely punished
•his governors, when they oppressed the people. The
Muslim citizens lived in ease and comfort, and though
agricultural labourers, who were mostly Hindus, were not
.so well off, it should be boroe in mind that Shahjahan's
buildings must have afforded ample occupation to artisans,
masons, and labourers, who were brought together from
different parts of the country. In times of famine the
emperor did much to alleviate human suffering. When a
severe famine occurred in the Punjab in the 19th year of
1 Storia do Mogor, I, pp. 68-69.

612 HISTORY • OF MUSLIM RULE
6
the reign, the emperor issued an order that the children

sold off by starving parents should be purchased at the
expense of the state, and again made over to them. Ten
public kitchens were opened at Lahore by the imperial
command, where food was distributed gratis to the
famished population.
No clear line of demarcation can be drawn between
the civil and military departments. The mansab and jagir
were the determining factors in the administration* but
the correspondence between the mansab and the number
of horsemen indicated by it had ceased by the time Shah-
jahan came to the throne. The Zat and Sawar ranks still
continued but it is positively certain that the figures of
the rank did not imply that a particular mansabdar
kept the number prescribed by his mansab. To check
fraudulent practices Shahjahan revised the branding
(dagh) regulations. An officer in the Subah to which he
was appointed was required to have Ird of his horses
branded, and if he was deputed on state duty in another
province in Hindustan ith, i. e., in the first case a
mansabdar holding rank of 3,000 Zat and 3,000 Sawar
was required to get 1,000 horses branded, and in the
second case only 750. The number to be branded in the
case of officers who were sent to Balkh and Badakhshan
in time of war was fixed rft £th, owing to the difficulties
of the journey and the rigours of tthe climate.
According to Abdul Hamid Lahori, the imperial army
in 1648 consisted of 2,00,000 cavalry, 8,000 mansabdars,
7,000 Ahadis or gentlemen troopers, 40,000 foot musketeers
and artillery men and 1,85,000 cavalry under the princes
and nobles, making a total of 4,40,000. Besides these
there were troops in the parganas under the command
6f the faujdars.krorig, and amjls, anc

of thFroyararfi^r must Rave been considerably
greater than the figure stated above. The various
branches of the army continued to work as before, and
there was no dearth of fighting material and during the
Qandhar campaign special efforts were made to secure it
by the government. Dara carried with him to Qandhar a
large army consisting of four heavy guns, 30,000 ironshots,
great and small, 1,500 mans, 5,000 mans of gunpowder,
5,000 artillery men, 10,000 musketeers, 6,000 pioneers,
sappers and axemen, 500 pakhalis, 3,000 ahadis, 60 war
elephants and a great number of Banjaras for transport.
Though numerically the army of Shahjahan was very
large, its efficiency was by no means proportionate to its
numbers, as is shown by its repeated failures against
Qandhar and the disaster that followed the Balkh cam-
paign.
On the whole then it may be affirmed that Shahjahan
exercised his sway in a beneficent manner. Tavernier
writes that the police was so strict in all things and parti-
cularly with reference to the safety of the roads that there
was no necessity for executing a man for having com-
mitted theft. } Both Muslim and Hindu chroniclers agree
in saying that the country was prosperous. The emperor
possessed enormous wealth, ^which enabled him to adorn
his capital cities with noble edifices which stand to this
day/ Abdul Hamid Lahori writes that Shahjahan had
1 Travels, I, p. 325.
8 Shabjahan spent 9J crores of rupees in rewards and gifts in the
first twenty years of his reign and more than three million on his buil-
dings. Beroier writes (p. 223) that Shahjahan never amassed six ororea
of rupees, although he was a great economist. He does not include in
jewels worth ten crores at the Jtime of his accession. Out

of these he spent jewels worth two crores in gifts and
rewards and about 50 lakhs worth in medicines. In 1644
he had in his possession jewels worth five crores in the
Jawahar Khanah-i-Inam and had two rosaries valued at
20 lakhS of rupees.
From the vast riches of the emperor the people at
large derived no small benefit. Shahjahan's love of magni-
ficence created numberless facilities of employment. The
state promoted industries, and in its workshops at Lahore,
Agra, Fatehpur, Ahmadabad, Burhanpur and Kashmir
costly fabrics of great beauty were made for the 'use of
the royal family and the officials. Bernier speaks of Kar*
khanahs in the fortress where goldsmiths, painters, varni-
shers, tailors, shoe-makers, manufacturers of silk, brocade
and other pieces of cloth exhibited their skill and power
of invention. ' Still, labour in the bazars was not free, and
the traveller observes that the artisans were not adequate-
ly paid by the Omrah, who sometimes applied the Korah
instead of paying fair wages.2 The Hindu merchants were
well off, but many of them in the country districts conceal-
ed their wealth, buried it deep in the ground. In the
cities the merchants had considerable influence with
the government. Santi Das, a wealthy Jain merchant of
Ahmadabad who built a large temple in 1638, enjoyed the
favour of the court and was given the title of Nagar
Beth.'
his estimate the gold and eilver articles of various kinds, covered with
precious stones, pearls and other valuable stuff. Bernier forgets that
Bhahjahan had spent lavishly on wars and buildings.
1 Travels, p. 269.
'Ibid., p. 266.
9 Foster, English Factories, 1684—86, p. 196.
On the and
strangury 6th September,
constipation 1657,
and 'was
Shah jahan
confinedfellto illbed.
of
After a week he appeared in the Jharokha
to allay the Public disquietude caused by
the rumour of his death, but weakness per-
sisted, and even the physicians did not feel sanguine about
his recovery. Knowing death to be a certainty, the emperor
made his last will and testament, and commended
his Îdest son, Dara, to his nobles and officers and asked
them to look upon him as their sovereign lord. He advised
the Prince to so order his conduct as to please God, to
cherish 'his subjects, and to look after the welfare of the
peasantry and army. The affairs of the state were man*
aged by Dara in the emperor's name, but the atmosphere
was surcharged with suspicion, and to the distant parts
of the empire the news travelled with lightning speed
that Shahjahan was no longer alive, and that Dara was
concealing the fact of his usurpation of sovereign power.
With the advice of his physicians, Shahjahan left, for
Agra for a change of air on the 18th October, and took up
his abode in the Agra fort, where he was to pass the
remainder of his life as a captive in the hands of his
ambitious son.
Shahjahan had four sons, Para, Shuja, Aurangzeb
and Murad, and two daughters Jahanara^ known as the
o^ u. t. , Begum Sahib, who was a strong partisan of
Shahjahan's _r - -x: — ,
family— Oha- Dara and jtenahflnara, who backed the claims
the of her third brother, and kept him informed
of everything that went on in the palace.
Dara, who had just completed his 42nd year, was a man
of eclectic views in religious matters. He freely associat-
ed with Muslim Sufis and Hia^Vprlimtintoi listened with
«16 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
f
equal interest to the doctrines of the Talmud and the

New Testament With the help of Brahman scholars he
translated the Upanishada into Persian, and attempted
to discover a modus vivendi between irreconcilable doc-
trines which divided mankind into hostile groups. ' To him
there was no difference between the essentials of Islam
and Hinduism His lack of sympathy with the orthodox
point of view was enough to damn him in the eyes of
the champions of bigoted Sunnism, and, no wondeir, if
Aurangzeb could successfully rally the hatred and spite
of his co-religionists against him,
Para was his father *s favourite. He had always
lived at court, and though polite in conversation and
* affable in manners, he had not acquired the qualities of a
statesman. Power and wealth had engendered in him
much conceit of himself and rendered him disdainful
of advice, even when it was offered by his well-meaning
friends. He was ignorant of the art of war, and had
neYfimon lan™*1g ^P *** figMjvf feffg TheTlattery of
•courtiers had blinded him to his faults, and seriously
impaired his capacity for correct judgment. In an open
1 Para, was no apostate from Islam. Aurangzeb's manifesto
pointed out the following facts :—
* («) and
He conversed
looked uponwith
them Brahmans,
as spiritual Yogis
guides. and He Sannyasis
regarded
the Veda as a divide hook and studied it.
) He wore rings and jewels on which was inscribed in
Hindi letters the word Prabnu or Lord,
(e) He discarded the Bamean and other observances of the
faith.
He wrote a number of works some of which are the following :—
1. &trr-trf-o«r5r
ehade. which is a translation of the Upani-
2. Safinat-ul-Aulia which is a hagiological treatise
containing the lives of Muslim saints.
8. Afajmua-ul-Baharin, a treatise on the technical
terms of Hindu pantheism and their Sufi synonyms.
t
encounter, he had no change of success against a practis-
ed warrior and consummate diplomatist like Aurangzeb.
Shuja was an intelligent man of refined tastes. He
was not lacking in courage, but he was a slave to his
pleasures, and like most other high-born youths of his age
frittered away his time in the^company of women in thfc
haram. No business of state could draw him away from
his drinking bouts, and no courtier could remonstrate
with him regarding the follies which he practised un-
abashed. The climate of Bengal had undermined his
bodily strength, and made him incapable of strenuous
exertion. But he was not wholly devoid of mental
power, and in times of crisis he could display a strength
-of will and resourcefulness, which took his contempora-
ries by surprise.
Aurangzeb was the ablest of Shahjahan's sons. He
lacked the affable manners and the tolerant spirit of
Dara, but his judgment was sound, and he had a great
capacity for discerning the character of men with whom
he had to deal. He was ' a perfect master of the art of
-dissimulation,9 and not even his most intimate friends could
fathom the depth of his heart, when he chose to be reserv-
ed and incommunicative. He was well-versed in politics,
and had acquired considerable experience of administra-
tion. He was essentially of « religious turn of mind, and
was the only man whp could successfully lead the Sunni
opposition to Dara's genuine liberalism.
* Murad andwashe a left
pleasure, foolnothing
in politics."
undone His one thought
to satisfy was
his grosser
appetites. He was frank to a degree, despised intrigue,
and prided himself on hiajitter laek of secrecy. But his
character had o ther traits wKich d6S&V£ to, b£. admired.
He was generous and amiable, ,. and extended his favours

to those who served him, but in doing so he did not act
with discrimination. He was not wanting in courage, and
his love of ease vanished at the sight of an enemy arrang-
ed in battle'array. Regardless of risk, he would rush into
the thick of the fight and satiate his fury by the slaughter
of his opponents. But he lacked the qualities of leader-
ship, and his personal daring was not of much use against
well-organised armies, controlled and guided by cqm-
manders of ability, foresight, and capacity for combina-
tion. Bernier is wrong in saying that he would have re-
mained the undisputed master of Hindustan, if his courage
had been under the guidance of a little more discretion.
The rumour of Shahjahan's death spread all over the
empire, and since there was no law of succession among
the Mughals, the rival claimants appealed
War of to tjje arbitrament of the sword. During
[succession be-
fgins* the emperor's illness, Dara remained by his
side, and transacted all public business in
his name. ' To safeguard his own interests/ writes Khafi
Khan, ' he exacted pledges from ministers not to publish
what passed in council and closed the roads of Bengal,
Ahmedabad and the Deccan against messengers and
travellers. The Amirs, Zamindars, and ryots resented
Dara's impolitic action, and turbulent spirits in all parts of
the country raised their heads in expectation of strife.'1
When the news reached the provinces, Murad and.
Shuja assumed the . imperial title in Gujarat and
Bengal respectively, and had the coins struck and th&
Khutba read in their names. Dara feared Aurangzgfr
most, andhe had^liceady persuaded the emperor to recall
-fifiiot. vn, P. *it
tike nobles anênerals^^

in the^sS^ôlBijaEur. Murad collected a large army, and
sentTff^^ to pinner fl>p port pf
Surat, which was an appanage
slew her Diwdn TBFrJO! ^Tagfi with^hjs pwn^
a maiting' gsmis. He rebuked
Murad for his precipitate action and aslce^Jiimto wait till
the newsof Shahja'han's death was confirmed. ButJduracl
urgsiJ tbat
entered into the results^ of '3^1a£f
an agreement would
in orderjto be fatal.
partition They
ihe. empire
between themselves. Murad was to take the northern
provincesT t.e., the Punjab, Afghanistan, Kashmir, and
Sindh, and the rest were to belong to Aurangzeb. Dara
was denounced as a Kafir, and Aurangzeb expressed his
firm resolve to free the country from his evil influence.
The partition treaty was solemnly agreed to, and God and
thelProphet were made witnesses to it. Murad marched
out of Gujarat, and joined Aurangzeb in the environs of
Dipalpur near Ujjain. The combined forces then pro-
ceeded towards Ujjain and encamped at the village of
Dharmat, ready to give battle to the enemy.
*'s:^teShuja crowned himself at Rajmahal and started for
Delhi attheheadof a large army, which included also a fleet
of boats. He ravaged the districts of Bihar
jttuja's ad- and reached Benares on January 24, 1658.
Dara sep£ an army under his son Sulaimaa
Sfrnkoh and Raja Jaisingh Kachwaha to deal with Shuja.
The imperial army met Shuja's force ^t Bahadurpur, five
miles north-east of Benares and defeated it. Shuja fled
from the field of battle and hastily embarked for Bengal.
Dara had also sent an army under Maharaja Jaswant
Singh and Qasim Khan to deal with the combined forces
of Murad and Aurangzeb. ^ttgmpt^wgrgâ4g on botn

sides tawrt^
f
April 11U668
defeated
where he founH^pie^tie^gates shut ag^st him
^ a "Rajput he TfadTTed from
•Shukoh from Bihar, but he^mY^J^lSi^ T^raj^fledLSulain^Bn
^fheê^^ does not rest with
the .Raja. He had under his comman d~ari~~arniy, which
was ^^heterojgenebus mags ^ without T cohesion or common
loyaltx. The Rajputs, belonging to the different clans,
were swayed by considerations of privilege and preced-
ence, and did not render ungrudging obedience to the
<5ommands of their leader. The Hindus and Muslims had
their own differences, and their separatist tendencies
destroyed the unity of command, which was essential
to success. TheJ&uslims scorned to fightûnder^ Hindu
hus within Tangle* army there were seen
authorities, which fatally hampered the
drawEacEi;
the imperial army was weakened by the intrigues which
its own officers carried with Aurangzeb.
The victory at Dharmat increased Aurangze b's pres-
tige and brought to him much, treasure and fighting
material The victorious prince proceeded towards Gwa-
Jior, and after crossin^the Chambal encamped near the
plain of Samugarh. 1
1 Prof. J. N. Sarkar identifies Samugarh with Samogar, a small
-village eight miles due east oi Agra Fort.
According to Bernier Samugarh is the modern Fatehabad, 21 miles
•
When Dara heard of the crushing defeat of Jaswant
,
Singh's army, he was completely unnerved. Shahjahan,

> who had started for Delhi on April 11, 1658,
' Battle of to escape the heat of the Agra summer, re-
Samugarh, 29th M . *
, 1668. turned from _.. ,
Bilochpur J
to .
Agra, .
where vigor-
ous efforts were made to crush Aurdngzeb.
He was opposed to war, but he did not assert himself and
take steps to nip th&strife in the budT. He wjis s
ly jn Dara's hands that Jbue.dicJ not stir out
suspicions x>f .his .sons, who were tired of their elder bro-
ther's mischief. At last Dara's army which- numbered
aboutl50,000 reached the plain of Samugarh towards the-
close of May, and arranged itself in battle array. The
Rajputs formed the vanguard, the left andjright wings
were commaiu^^ son,
and Khalilullah Khan respectively, while in the centre
was posted Dara himself seated on a lofty elephant
covered with barbed steel. The numbersôf para's army
areL.no index to its strength and, efficiency. He was not
a great general himself, and his commander Khalilullah
Khan was one of those men whom Intrigue can seduce
aadL-fflJjL can ^y- ê &a3Puts after the fashion of
their tribe followed their own tactics, and did not act in
harmony with Muslim soldiers. Aurangzeb's forces were
led by tried warriors both. Hindu and Muslim, who had
proved their valour .in many an arduous campaign, and
his artillery was better organised than that of his-
south-east of Agra, where he found a\8arai and a mosque called the

Mubarak Manzil. v
The author of the Khulasat, who is a contemporary, writes thafr
Agra was ten Kos (30 miles) from the battlefield. Tradition stronger
supports the view that Samugarh is the modern Fatehabad.
*622 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
-opponent. With these adyaut&ges on Aurangzeb's side,

the^ issue of the Hbegan
TEe Battle battle was
with aaforegone cpncfusjon,of "rockets
heavy discharge
-and guns, and thousands of arrows were hurled from
both sides. Siphir Shukoh and Rustam Khan with 10
or 12 thousand horse rushed with great force towards
Prince Muhammad and caused much confusion in the
army, but a ball from the enemy's guns struck Rustam's
elephant, who instantly fell on the ground. Rustam
withdrew in fear from further attack, but reinforcements
on both sides again made the contest warm. Rustam
Khan was defeated, and Siphir Shukoh was driven^back.
Mortified by Rustam's discomfiture, Dara led the
-centre which consisted of 20,000 horse against the
victorious wing of the enemy, but he was repulsed. This
was followed by a terrific attack of the Rajputs upon
Prince Murad. The elephant of Murad was about to run
-away from the field, but a chain was thrown round his
legs to fix him to the spot, where he stood. Raja Ram
Singh Rathor dashed at the elephant of Murad and cried
'Out: "What! do you contest the throne with Dara
Shukoh? " Then the Rajputs rushed upon the elephant,
but they were cut down, and their robes 'made the
ground as yellow as a field of saffron.9
Aurangzeb and Murad both displayed nnPY«mpteA
<xmrage in fighting, and inflicted heavy losses on Dara's
menTÎinlêat
and mounted adespair
hocse Dara
withoutgotarms
downbutfrom
the his
sightelephant
of the
empty howdah caused a panic in his army, and the
result was a general stampede from the field. Aurang*
zeb obtained a clear victory and received congratulations
from all sides. Dara and Siphir Shukoh, dumbfounded
their defeat, took the road for Agra, where they

reached late in the night.
Aurangzeb entered Dara's camp, and seized all his
baggage and artillery. He offered congratulations to
Murad on the acquisition of sovereignty and appointed
skilled surgeons to dress his wounds.
No words can adequately describe Dara's miserable
plight at this time. Most of his adherents, tormented by
.^ thirst and heat, gave up the ghost in despair
towards Agra* onthatenterin£ the go
he did not town.
even He_w£&_sa-ashamed
^to see Shahjahan,
who was deeply touched by his defeat. An express was
senTtoTJelhi to order the local governor to place all
the^treasure
availed "in the
nothing fort at
against the Dara's
relentlessdisposal.
pressure But all this
of fate and
the vindictive fury of Aurangzeb.
After his victory the Prince started for Agra and
encamped in the Bagh-i-Nur outside the town from where
he sent a petition (arzdcL8ht)JoJhe êmperor,
Aarangzeb's
Marchto-
begging
&e & to be excuse<3Tfor the war wKich
^wards Agra. was forced upon him by his enemies. Shah-
jahan who was anxious to make the best df a
bad job sent him a sword named
looked upon as a ôod omen/and e^ressed a desire to see
him. But Aurangzeb's friends told him that têiflp'OAr
had formed a plot to tftfes his ItfeTIEIiiynX^^ him
thatjt.wwêcessary.for liis safety that Shah jahan should
.be imprisoned. ThAjprnpngn] Wfta_we1mpwv^Q^ Anrangzieb
who at once sent Prince Muhammad to xeznov^^^h&ai^*
B and teke poasessioiv^ The siege
beg&n, and the imperialists defended
«reat gallantey, but wltiexi tha, water ^supply ^ from 4he
»
Jamna was cutjoff , theysurregdered. * The old none emperor
but
a few private servants were allowed to sfigakiaiiim. His
deaHj^toved_ daughter Jahanara shared his captivity and
served him with unequalled devotion. She tried to bring
about a reconciliation between father and son, but her
efforts^f ailed. A secret letter written by the emperor to
Dara,_asking him to stay at Delhi, was betrayed into
Jturiaiufzeb's hands, and his suspicions were fully confirmed.
EteTfelt convinced of the emperor's duplicity and turned
a deaf ear to alljxmnsete of peace and conciliation.
*"~ Aurangzeb was now de facto master of the empire.
He held a grand Darbar, and his officers and men saluted
him as their liege-lord. But Murad felt
ofMurrldnment dissatisfied with his brother's attitude. He
gathered round him a force of 20,000 men
and began 'to assert his own will.' When Aurangzeb'
left for Delhi, Murad followed him and added to the
confusion of the time by setting up a new rivalry.
But Aurangzeb was equal to the occasion. At Mathura he
invited Murad to a feast which he heartily enjoyed. Wine,
Murad's greatest foible, proved a fatal snare. Dead drunk.
he fell asleep, and in a short time found himself a prisoner
in his brother's hands. Gold fetters were thrown round
his legs, and he fretted and, fumed with the impotent rage
of a caged tiger, and heaped curses on Aurangzeb for
1 Shahjahan was compelled to quench his thirst in the scorching^
heat of June with bitter well-water.. He wrote a pathetic letter to
Aurangzeb in which the following verse occurs :—
I Praised be the Hindus in all cases,
I As they ever offer water to their dead.
I And thou, my son, art a marvellous Musaknan,
lAs thou eausest me in life to lament for (lack of ) water I
To this Aurangzeb's reply was, " It ia vour own doing."
violating his solemn oaths on the Quran. The captive

Princejyas sent to the fort of Gwalior, where after some
abortive attempts at escape, he was tried for the murder
of his Diwan, Ali Naqi, and was condemned to death. _The
Qazfs verdict was forthwith executed, and the unhappy
Prince was murdered in his prison celHDecember 4; 1661),
and hisHbody was Juried in the fort.
Aurangzeb continued his march towards Delhi where
on July 21, 1658, he crowned himself as emperor, and
assufned the title of Alamgir (world compeller). The usual
rites-of coronation were put off to a later occasion.
Dasa did not stay long at Delhi. He fled to the Pun:
jab^wherehe thought he might escape from the clutches
of his mortal enemy. But the latter follow-
attempt * ** * eA
seekclose upon inhisGujarat.
refuge heels and The
compelled .him „ of
Governor to
Ahmedabad received him well, and placed at his disposal
ten lakhs of rupees, which belonged to Murad. With, jthis
money he raised a force of 20,000, and once more decided
to grapple with Aurangzeb. Raja Jaswant Singh Rathor
invited Dara to hasten towards Ajmere and promised him
support. Dara forthwith set out on his
hopes were dashed to the ground, when he learnt that
Jaswant had been won over by Aurangzeb. Through the
good offices of Raja Jai jJingh^ the Raja's offences were
forgiven by Aurangzeb, and he was reinstated in ,his
mansab. Dara appealefl to the Raja to honour his plighted
word, but^his entreaties produced no effect. At last,^he
resolved to hold the pass of Deorai, an'd was defeated by
Aurangzeb's army.
Dara again nought refuge in_ flight- He fleA-Jowards
Gujarat*
" hut the followers of Aurangzeb allowed
€26 HISTORY OP MUSLIM RULE
He reached Ahmedabad, but# the governor refused him

permission to enter the town. Driven from
Dftdarghtt° ceedecT
pillar tojpost,
towards the unfortiHiateJErince.pro-
Dadar, to seek shelter with
the Baluchi ChiefTliraTTk Jiwan, whorifhe had once saved
from the imperial wrath. Bernier writes that his wife,
daughter and his son, Siphir Shukoh, implored him on
bended knees not to go to the Pathan Chief, but Dara did
not believe it possible that he would be betrayed by a man
' boundJoJiim by such strong ties of gratitude.'1* The
journey to Dadar was a terrible misfortune. Dara's wife,
Nadira Begum, the unhappy lady, who had shared her
husband's vicissitudes with a fidelity which compels our
admiration, died of diarrhoea on the way, -and her body
was sent to Lahore to be buried according to her wish.
" Mountain after mountain of trouble " writes Khafi Khan,
" thus pressed upon the heart of Dara, grief was added to
grief, sorrow to sorrow, so that his mind no longer retained
its equilibrium/' The^ Baluchi Chief, instead of giving
him, shelter, betrayed him into the hands of Aurangzeb's
generals. Dara was stunned by this act of crowning
treachery, but he was powerless against his evil ^destiny
which frustrated all his plans and turned friends into foes.
Both father and son were made captives and taken to
Delhi, where they reached on August 23, 1659.
The news of Dara's capture filled Aurangzeb's heart
with joy, but he carefully concealed his feelings. When it
was confirmed, he ordered him to be brought
Dara's d i s- out Oj prfgon an(j subjected to unspeakable
disgrace. The Prince was paraded on a
1 Bernier, Travels, pp "65-96.

THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH ' 627
filthy elephant with his son, Sip&ir Shukoh, through the
•streets of Delhi. What a terrible ordeal it mu^ have been
tojme who had entered that city many a time at the head
^_stafely^pn>cesai(SLS,
trappings of Mughal royalty decked
? It inwasall a the magnificent
spectacle which
aroused pity in the stoniest hearts, and Bernier, who was
an eye witness, has described the scene in these ^words :
41 . . . . and everywhere I observed the people weep-
t ing, and lamenting the fate of Dara in the most
touching language. I took my station in one of the
most conspicuous parts of the city, in the midst
of the largest bazar; was mounted on a good horsei,
and accompanied by two servants and two intimate
friends. From every quarter I heard piercing and
•distressing shrieks, for the Indian people have a
very tender heart; men, women, and children
waiTmgrS§~Tf some imglity calamity had happened
to themselves. Gionkan (Malik Jiwan) rode near the
wretched Dara; 'and the abusive and indignant
cries vociferated, as the traitor moved along, were
absolutely deafening. I observed some Fakires
and several poor people throw stones at [the
infamous Patan ; but not a single movement was
made, no one offered to draw his sword, with
a view of delivering 9 the beloved and compas-
sionate Prince. WheiL^thiaL disgraceful procession
liacL jgassed through every part of nDtthJ,~3î>oor
own gardens,
~~
Para's noble qualities did not deaert him even in this
\y nf misfortune. Mqnucci relates that when the
1 Khafi Khan says Ehairabad. Bernier, Travels, pp.'96— 100-
Prince was in front of the fortress, a f aqir shouted to himc:

'O Dara! when you were master, you always gave me alms;
to-day I know well thou hast naught to give me.' The
Prince responded to the beggar's wish, drew off his dingy,
dark-coloured shawl from his person, and threw it down to
the faqir. But Bahadur Khan, Aurangzeb's general, who
had arrested him ordered the shawl to be seized, saying
that a prisoner had no right to give anything. '
What was to be done with Dara ? Hisjate WJ&&J}Qily
discussed in the Hall of Private ûdifiucfi. Danishmand
Khan pleaded that his life might be spared,
fete!*'8 tragic but was Shayasta
a Kafir, Khan
and and
deathothers
was urged that he
the only fit
punishment for infidelity. They were strongly supported
by^Raushanara^ whose hatred for Jier jfallen^brath^r was
byJiis. terrible sufferings. The con-
venient plea of Kufr was turned to the best account The
Ulama gave the verdict, that Dara was an apostate from
Islam, and therefore deserved to die. The judgment was
merely an-echo_of Aurangzeb's real inclinations, apd he
decidgd tQ^desfarcr^ Dara both on the ground of infidjelity
and public necessity. DaraJtooRejcl about iornEHp in all
quarters, but what hopejwa^rtiere, jwhesjio pity could be
ftaHUdj^ His petition for mercy to
4grangzeb only brought „ the callous answer that ' a
usurper^ deserved no pardon.' The
populace jwas ^sympathetic, but it could do nothing to save
him A riot occurred in the streets, and Malik Jiwan's
threatened. The disgrace 61 the newly
ennobled traitor only accelerated the doom of hjsJiaptess
. victims*
1 Storia do Mogor, I, p. 855*
The atrocious duty of murdering Dara and his son was

assigned to Nazr, a ruffianly slave, utterly devoid of
human feelings. When he tried to separate Dara from
his son, who was confined in the same room, the two
clasped each other in a tight embrace and shrieked aloud
with grief. Dara attacked the slave with a small knife,
which he had concealed under his pillow, and struggled
to save himself, but he could not resist single-handed his
ferocious assailants who were used to commit such bloody!
deeds. In a few minutes the ghastly tragedy was over,
and the room became perfectly still.
Dara's head was sent to Aurangzeb, who after identi-
fication ordered that his corpse be paraded again through
the streets of Delhi, to leave no doubt in the popular
mind about his death. Such wasjhejg engeance Aurangzeb
eâ^ted^for his wrongs, fancied or real. Dar^wasTburied
in the tomb oTTIumayun, where he still rests amidst a
number of princes of imperial descent. His second
exposure through the streets of Delhi in the midst of
much humiliation and contempt points to his popularity,
which even Aurangzeb feared in spite of his great
abilities and devotion to Sunni orthodoxy.
Dara had sent Sulaiman Shukoh to the east to deal
with Shuja. On hearing of the battle of Dharmat, peace was
made, and the Prince began his march to-
wards Delhi. At Kara he received the news
of Dara1 s disastrous defeat at Samugarh and
a letter from Shahjahan, asking him to bring all his forces
back to help his father. The
generals to -accompany, Jn?k Jbut
on the losing side. Attheadvicejalihe
Saiyyids of Barah, he marched to Allahabad, and from there
proceeded to Hardwar via Lucktiow and Moradabad, so as

to be able to join his father in the Punjab. But^Shasrasta
Khan j>ursued_hu^ and drove Jiim^ into the Gfarhwal
territory* When Aurarigzeb rid himself of all his rivals,
he turned towards Sulaiman Shukoh, and asked the Hindu
chief with whom he had sought shelter, to surrender him.
The Raja refused to do so, but his son yielded to Aurang-
zeb's threats. Sulaiman tried to escape to Ladakh, but
he was captured after a brief resistance and brought to
thefbrtoTSalimgarh (January 2, 1661) by Ram Singh,
the son of Raja Jai Singh.
Sulaiman Shukoh was broughtiji cha^^bQfoj:eAyrang-
zeb iriT£e open. DdTbar. The sight of the handsome
young^Prince in such a miserable condito^^
with pitjTexcept his uncle, who would suffer no rival to
exist. ' The Prince bowed Jto theêmpe^rûid-pwtyed that
he would prefer immediate death ^tCL slow^poisoning by
means of post. Aurangzeb solemnly promised j;hat post
would not be administered to him, and that he should feel
no anxiety „ on that account. The Prince bowed again,
and was sent to the fort of Gwalior the next day. There
in that gloomy dungeon the ' wretched beverage ' was ad-
ministered tohim every morning until he died. a No qualms
of conscience seem to have troubled Aurangzeb, who broke
the promise he had made of his own free will in a most
solemn manner. ,
1 Bernier has pathetically described (pp. 105-6) the scene. He-

describes also the process of slow poisoning by post which was
common in Mughal India. ' This drink/ says he, ' emaciates the wretched
victims; who lose their strength and intellect by slow degrees, be-
come torpid and senseless, and at length die.' Travels, p. 107.
1 In May 1662, 'he was sent to the next world through the-
exertions of his keepers.'
After the battle of Bahadurpur, Shuja fled to Patna

and thence to Mungher. But Sulaiman Shukoh pressed
Shu'a hard, and finally a peace was made (May
U3a' 1658) by which Bengal, Orissa and Bihar to
the east of Munjrher were to be given to Shuja in full
sovereignty.
wrote a letterAurangzeb,
to Shuja inafterwhich
his coronation at 'Delhi,
he expressed warm
brotherly feelings, and promised to give him anything he
wanted after getting rid of Dara Shukoh. Shuja knew
Aurangzeb too well to misunderstand his real intentions
and prepared for war. A great battle was fought at
Khajwah1 (January 1659^, in which Shuja's army was
completely defeated.
Pressed hard by Aurangzeb's troops Shuja fled to
Bengal and thence to Arakan, where he was killed by the
Maghs for planning a conspiracy to overthrow the ruler
of that country.2
Why did Aurangzeb outdistance all his rivals in the
war of succession ? The Muslim chroniclers lay much
Causes of emPhasis on his iqbal, but the modern
Aurangzeb'H historian must find other explanations of
success hig succegg Nothing contributed more to
Aurangzeb's rapid rise than Shahjahan's weakness and
incapacity. His illness caused the rumour to spread
{Rattle was dead, and this «vil report was confirmed by
Dara 'sown impolitic Conduct. He stopped the commu-
nications from ,the various provinces, and employed
1 Khajwah is in the Fatehpur district in the United Provinces, fire

miles 8.-W. of theBindki Road Station on the E. I. Ry.
* Khafi Khan says, ' all traces of Shuja disappeared in Ajakan,
The information that he was killed by the Maghs is supplied by Sir
J. N. Sarkar on the authority of a Dutch merchant named Jan Tak.
History of Aurangzeb, I, pp. 611-12.
632 HISTORY « OF MUSLIM RULE
his men to intercept the letters of the other Princes

to their agents and nobles at Court. We cannot blame
Shahjahan for appointing Dara as his successor, when
physicfans had despaired of his life, for even among
the Mughals the law of primogeniture had its conscious
or unconscious influence in determining the succession
to the throne. A partition of the empire at that stage
was out of the question, and the only thing Shahjahan
could do was to ensure the succession of Dara in the event
of his death. But when he had completely recovered
after ten weeks, he ought to have asserted his ovyn will
and strongly put down the attempts of the Princes to
snatch power from his hands. ' The author of the Khula-
sat-ut-Tawarikh writes that the emperor dissuaded Dara
from fighting and told him that no harm could be done
by their coming to the capital, but more than this he did
not do.8 Perhaps Dara kept the emperor uninformed of
the dismay caused by the rumour of his death. Even after
the battle of Dharmat, which must have opened his eyes
to the seriousness of the situation, he did not stir out to
meet Aurangzeb, who was on the bank of the Chambal,
not very far from Agra. If he was too weak from the
effects of his illness, he could have called a council of
war to deal with the situation and rally to his side those
1 Prof, J. N. Sarkar writes (History of Xurangzeb, Vol. I, p. 283) :—

* By the middle of November Shahjahan was completely recovered and
important matters wkich had hitherto been kept from him, could no
longer be withheld ' c
* When Aurangzeb reached the Chambal, writes the author of the
Khulatat, the emperor sent word to Dara, who was at Dholpur, not to
fight with Aurangtseb, and though he was weak, he wished to go to the
scene of action to stop the war. The imperial peshkhanah proceeded in
advance,
war. but Dara did not heed the emperor's advice and prepared for
ministers, generals, and officers whose loyalty was yet

unshaken. But unfortunately he misjudged the -trend
-of events, and continued to give support to Dara, which
exasperated the other Princes and shook their faith
in their father's justice. He was still popular and it
would have been difficult for the Princes to deprive
him of his throne, if he had really willed to keep it for
himself, and declared his resolve to curb their ambitious
spirit.
Dara was not a general himself. Fondled and favour-
ed by Ijis father, and surrounded by all the influences
that foster love of flattery and self-conceit, he had not
cultivated those qualities, which bring to men the prizes
of a competitive warfare. His helplessness after Samu-
garh is a fair measure of his incapacity as general and
statesman. His ally Raja Jaswant Singh at first treated
with scorn Aurangzeb's overtures for peace, and persisted
in his resolve to fight. Too late did he realise the un-
wisdom ofhis act, and found that the Prince was put on
his mettle by his imprudent refusal. Dara's forces too
were not well organised. There was division and strife
in his ranks. The Rajputs were not wanting in valour,
but their peculiar notions of precedence and prestige
fatally marred their heroic attempts to serve the cause
*of their patron. The Muslims on Dara's side were
treacherous and corrupt and were seduced by
Aurangzeb's offer of money and honour. Among his
rivals there was none who could £qual Aurangzeb in
diplomacy, statecraft, and generalship. His victory in
the war of succession was the victory of action over
ûpineness, of intrepidity over inertia, and of organisation
•and discipline over confusion and incoherence.
634 HISTORY < OF MUSLIM RULE
Aurangzeb's forces were well equipped, and he wast

constantly drawing men from the ranks of his opponents.
His personal gallantry stood him in good stead, and his
capacity for strategic combinations and dexterity in
arranging the positions of his forces on the field of battle
greatly added to his strength. His reckless courage called
forth the heroic qualities of his followers, who showed
much determination and endurance in his service. Then,
there was his championship of Sunni orthodoxy. °By
talking about Dara's alleged apostasy and intimate
association with the Hindus, he had struck a responsive
chord in orthodox hearts. Shahjahan's own policy had
strengthened the forces of reaction, and, n<5 wonder, if
the officers and nobles of the empire, who weighed the
pros and cons of Dara's assumption of imperial dignity felt
afraid as to the future of Muslim interests. In fact, Shah-
jahan fell by the force of passions he had himself aroused
by discarding the policy of Akbar and Jahangir. His
continued support to Dara, even when his cause was
hopeless, increased the anxiety of the Sunni section, and
convinced it of the correctness of its attitude
Dara's popularity with Shahjahan's subjects proved
of no avail. It was an age in which the leaders counted^
for everything, the people for nothing. The latter shedi
tears for Dara ; there was a £mall riot too to express the
popular hatred for Malik Jiwan, but> beyond this nothing
was done to save the unhappy Prince. The loyalty of
chiefs and officers reoted on no principle. They readily
transferred their allegiance to the successful man of
action. By attaching these to his side, Aurangzeb could
successfully defy public opinion and disregard the claims
of natural kinship.
t •
Shahjahan was closely guarded in the fort of Agra,
where he lived as a prisoner with M* f™tf*+*» Jahanara
for eight ]ft"g ypars He made attempts to
°f regain his liberty but in vain. His enemies-
became more vigilant in keeping watch, and
added to his bitterness and grief by denying to him "even
the most trivial conveniences. No one could see the
emperor without the agents of Aurangzeb being present,
and r*> letters were allowed to pass unopened. Later, the
captive was forbidden to write letters with his own hand,
and had to dictate to a eunuch. When he needed a pair
of slippers, he was supplied "shoes neither of eight rupees
nor of four nor of two, but the common leather shoes " '
Aurangzeb opened a bitter correspondence with him about
the jewellery in the fort of Agra, which was carefully
locked and sealed by his men, although the aged emperor
was allowed to have a look at his precious hoard. J But
to the treasure inside the private rooms of the haram,
the emperor had full access Tavernier writes that when
Aurangzeb asked Shahjahan at the time of his coronation
to send some of his jewels to be used on that auspicioua
day, he regarded it as an insult, and became so enraged
that for some days he behaved like a mad man, and
was nearly dead. He frequently called for a pestle and
mortar to pound up all his precious stones, but Jahanara
dissuaded him from dqjing so. 3 Aurangzeb blamed him
1 Stona do Mogor, II, p. 77.
s Sarkar, III, p. 130. Aurangzeb had sealed up all jewels and
treasure after the surrender of the Agra Port (8th June, 1668). Alf
property was attached by his orders. Prince Muhammad was asked to
manage things in such a way that Shahjahan might not be pained in
mind by the occurrence.
9 Travels, I. p. 871.
-686 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
ffor partiality towards Dara and neglect of government,
and declared that the responsibility for the fratricidal war
entirely rested on him. He urged that he was compelled to
join in it in defence of himself and the interests of Islam,
and that it behoved a king like Shahjahan to submit with
resignation to the Divine will. The fallen emperor was
deeply touched by these reproaches. He described his
son as a robber who had usurped the throne to which he
had no moral or legal right, and charged him with being
a hypocrite. But reproaches like entreaties failed to
produce any effect, and the most magnificent ruler of
the Mughal line " ceased to complain like a child that
cries itself to sleep."
The war of succession had resulted in the deaths of
his dearest children, but Shahjahan bore up against these
blows of fate with a patience and fortitude which
deserve to be admired. In these days of distress,
he never forgot God and spent his time in meditation
and prayer. The constant companionship of two saintly
souls, Saiyyid Muhammad of Qanauj and his own
•daughter Jahanara assuaged his grief, and kept him alive.
Like Cordelia, Jahanara showed true filial piety and
-devotion towards her forlorn father. She nursed him
with the tender care of a mother, and did her best to
make him forget the cruel bereavements that fate had
inflicted on him. In January 1666, he again fell ill, and
it became certain that his end was near. He retained his
consciousness to the last, and with low breath directed
Jahanara as to how his last rites were to be performed.
Then having made his will and charged Jahanara to treat
his wives and servants with kindness, he expired on
January 22, 1666, at the age of 74. with his eyes fixed on
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH 637*
ttfe Taj Mahal, where he expressed a desire to be buried.
Jahanara's wish to take the corpse in a stately procession
to the mausoleum was frustrated by Aurangzeb. The
latter did not even come to see the dying man, and the
once majestic ' king of the kings ' was carried to his last
resting place by eunuchs and low class menials through
a private door, broken open in the wall of the fort
below the Musamman Burj, ' in a manner unlike the
funeral of other emperors and unworthy of his
ancestry.'
The funeral was simple enough. Manucci says that
Jahanara sent 2,000 gold coins to be scattered among the
poor, but the guards seized the money, saying that
prisoners could not give anything. ' Insolence could
not have gone further. To leave his father even in death
to the mercies of eunuchs and slaves was a proceeding *6f
which there can be no justification. Whatever the feel-
ings of Aurangzeb, Shahjahan's death plunged Agra into
grief, and in all parts of the town the great qualities and
noble deeds of the deceased were on everybody's lips. A.
kind and just ruler, who never oppressed his subjects, he
was bemoaned universally by them, and according to the
Muslim chronicler, k the cry of lamentation rose up from
every house in the lanes and market places alike/
Jahanara's feelings on this occasion can better be imagin-
ed than described.
A month later, Aurangzeb entered the fort and if
Manucci is to be believed, the Begum presented to him
the letter of pardon which she had obtained for her brother
from Shahjahan together with the valuable jewels in his.
1 Storia do Mogor, II, p. 126.

<638 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
.possession.1 Aurangzeb did not pause to examine the

genuineness of the document, and deemed it "enough to
justify him with the populace/ The Begum Sahib was
requested to go to Delhi, and was allowed to retain the
honours and dignities, which she had enjoyed during her
father's lifetime. At Delhi the noble Princess continued
to enjoy the position of the First Lady in the Court till
her death on 6th September, 1681. She acquired a great
•celebrity for her charity and piety, and like a faithful
disciple of Mian Mir, spent her time in meditation and
prayer. On her death she was buried in the tomb of
Nizamuddin Aulia. her revered saint, and the? modest
stone inscription beside her grave still shows how pious
•and gentle of spirit she was. 2
1 Ibid.
2 Here is the inscription of Jahanara's tomb.
. I • i r ^ «S(t>^
Translation.— " He is Hying and self-subsisting. Let naught cover
my grave save the green grass : for grass well suffices as a covering for
the graves of the lowly. The humble and mortal Jahanara, the disciple
of the Khwajas of Chisht, and* the daughter of Shahjahan, the king
and champion of faith. May Qod illuminate his demonstrations. The
year 1092 (1681 A.D.)."
Jahanara was born on the 21st of Safar, 1023 A.H. (2nd April, 1614
A.D.). She was first * given the title of Begum Sahib and then of
Padshah Begum, and for a long time was the chief lady in the im-
perial haram. When Shahjahan was imprisoned by Aurangzeb, she
voluntarily shared his imprisonment with him. She died on the
3rd of Ramzan, 1092 A.H. (16th September, 1661 A.D.).
» Shahjahan at the time of his imprisonment was in bis

<66th year. Few men in history have had their patience put
Character and *° suc^ a test as *^s most magnificent ruler
-personality of of the Chagtai dynasty. His misfortunes
a Ja an like his enjoyments were of an extraordinary
character. From the meridian of splendour, he had
all of a sudden sank to the position of a miserable
captive. His portrait handed down to us by Amin Qazwini
shows him to have been a handsome man of winsome
manners, excelling all his contemporaries in culture and
refinement, and intensely devoted to his religious and
secular duties. He was of a moderately tall stature, and
his complexion was somewhat white. He had a broad
forehead and good black eyes, and his ears and nose were
neither too long nor too short. He had one mole on the
right eye and four on the four fingers of his hand and one
on the sole of his left foot He had a large wart below
his eye near the nose which was considered auspicious.
The drama of Shahjahan's life, which began amidst
scenes of unparalleled brilliance and enjoyment, ended
like one of the tragedies of Euripides. He had to taste in
equal measure the sweetness as well asjbhe bitterness of
the cup of fashionable life and to bearwith patience flie
vicissitudes, which an unkind fate had reserved in store
for him. In his boyhood, he was ^ favourite of his grand-
father. Akbar. who frequently told Salim that he was
the best of his sonrf. The child fully returned the old
man's love, and did not leave his bed qven when he was
about to die. When four years, f&ur months, and four
-days, of age, he began his education, and was entrusted
to the care of such well-known teachers as Mulla Qaaim
Beg Tabrezif **ftkim T>*™«"', Shaikh Abdul Khair, and
Shaikh^ much
acquired Sufi, and usefulby1knowledge
reason ofin his great
a short intelligence
time. He was
an absolute teetotaller till the age of 24, and Jahangir
tells us in his Memoirs that he was with difficulty per-
suaded to taste alcohol for the first time. He practised
all the.manly exercise in which the princely youth of
that day took delight. He passionately loved hunting,
swordfencing. elephant fights, horse-riding, and re-
tained his fondness for game, even when be was
engrossed in the busy duties of the kingly office. Like
other scions of the royal house, he had cultivated
the qualities of a soldier and distinguished himself
in Mewar and the Deccan, though in his later years
after his accession to the throne his successes were neither
rapid nor brilliant. His direction of the campaigns in
Balkh, Qandhar, and the Deccan deserves to frg jrwiamWl
from the military point of view. To the accomplishment
Of a soldier he added the graces of a literary man. He
could speak Persian with fluency and ease, and conversed
in Hindi with those who were not acquainted with that
language. Having been brought up in his childhood by
Ruqayya Begum, he could speak in Turkish, and under-
stand many Turkish words without difficulty. He was
a fine calligraphjst. took delight in poetry and song, and
evinced an extraordinary interest in art. He was a great
patronôf mua}c. and himsel'f knew how to play with skill
and proficiency upon musical instruments. His inventive
genius exhibited itself in the finished products of hia
workshops. He was by nature a lover of ark fo*niaLail'1
wealth. He loved cleanliness and made a lavish use of
perfumes. So punctilious was he in these matters, that
he used to wash his hands even after touching pearls and
jewels. Of his exquisite architectural tastes, an account

will be given in a different place. Here it will suffice to
say that no emperor of Hindustan before him had spent
so lavishly in adorning the great cities of his empire with
palaces, mosques, mausoleums, canals, gardens, baths
and reservoirs. Some of these buildings remain, to this
day to remind our humdrum world of the wealth, splend*-
our, and glory of their builder. The modern critic may
condemn his lavish expenditure as a criminal waste of
public money, but in Shahjahan's day such phrases carried
no meaning, and any one who employed them in relation
to kings and governments would have lost his head with*
out even the semblance of a trial.
Shahjahan was a man of strong family affections An
indulgent father and a doting husband, he had a tender
heart which was easily moved to pity at the sight of
poverty and distress. Though the practice of the age did
not condemn a plurality of wives, he lavished his affec-
tion in an unequalled degree on Arjumand Banu, and
raised a memorial of her which the world would not let
willingly die. After the Begum's death, he transferred
his affection to his eldest daughter— a pious and cultured
lady— who most appropriately filled her mother's place
in the imperial haram. With what tender care he had
nursed her during her illness and besieged the ears of
heaven with prayers day* and night for her speedy
recovery? Bernier amd Tavernier have positively stated
that the emperor carried on incest with his daughter, but
all evidence goes to prove that this unnatural scandal
was a mere bazar gossip. Among his sons he loved Dara
best, and though an orthodox Sunni, he tolerated his
Sufi proclivities to the utter disgust of his other
P. 41
The charge of cruelty brought against him on the ground

of the murder of his brothers tan not be refuted, but it
may be urged in extenuation that his atrocities were
due in a great measure to necessity and the custom of
the dynasty to which he belonged. The hidden powers
that control the destinies of man fully punished him for
his misdeeds, and though we are shocked at the inhu-
manity which he showed, we lose, as Dow says, half our
rage in the pressure of circumstances wnich drove him
to such a ghastly step. Shahjahan was not naturally
cruel, and for these early crimes Ee made ample
amends by the strict justice and clemency of his
government and his solicitude for the well-being of his
subjects.
Unlike Jahangir Shahjahan was an orthodox Musal-
man. The details of his daily life supplied by Amin
Qazwini furnish proof of his devotion to the faith. He
used to offer prayers regularly four times a day, and
observe fast^during the whole of Ramzan. 'Though
friendly towards the Hindus in his personal relations, he
was hostile to thei> re]iginnr hut lift never allowed his
bigoted iSunni instincts to override considerations of
statesmanship. Early in his reign he had ordered the
•demolition of 76 new t»*pplft« 1>T1 fhe district of Benares
alone, and it was by his command that the wonderful
temple of Orcha was razed tdf the gromidby the Mughal
soldiery, and thejwomen of Sir SjngSTBundela were treat-
ed in a manner^hjgb shocka oqy sense of decoru^ He
Jtoted the Christiana, waged war against them, but in
this he was not much to blame! In the account of the
English factors we are told that he was a great enemy of
Christianity, and^that the Christians never felt secure
•against the outbursts of his wrath.1 T<aJfceJ3hias he

was equally hostile. His wars against them were under-
taken not merely for conquest, but for the extirpation of
/heresy and the triumph of the true doctrine. The social
legislation which he undertook reveals his attitude towards
religious dissent. When the emperor was informed that.
in the district of Burhanpur mixedjn^jgr|aggff pfftvailad
amonglhe mndus and Muslims, andthat women after
deatfr were buried or burnt according to the religion of
theirjiusbands. he issued an order^hat jno MusIimTgirl
should remain in the house of a Hindu and if the husband
dpairpd'tn l^pp her, he shoul^jginbrace Islam. * The
Zamindar of the place accepted Islam and received the
title of Raja Daulat-i-mand. All such practices were
abolished, and Qazis and Maulvis were appointed from the
Khalsa lands to teach the ignorant the tenets of the faith.
The Hindus of the Punjab were ^severely punished for
marrying Muslim women, whcPwere snatched away
from them and made over to Muslims^ About 400 Hindu
husbands who could not bear the disruption of their
homes embraced Islam, and one who had insulted the
Holy Book was put to death. About seven mosques
were redeemed, and three temples ^were turned in'tq^
Gift? were sent to Mecca and Medina. In the 24th
year of the reignthe Subahdar of Gujarat was ordered to
1 The English Factories, 1634—36, p. 241.
8 A detailed account of them is given in Qazwini's Padshahnamci

and also in the Mulakkhas. •
Padshahnama, A.U. MS., p. 85, Mulakkhaa, A.U. M.S., pp. 197-96.
•
purchase goods worth one an<J a half lakhs, out of whifik
50 thousand worth were to be sent to the Sheriff of Mecca
and 50 thousand worth to the Saiyyids and Ulama of
Medina and the rest waa to be distributed among the
poor and the indigent. When the emperor was in-
capacitated byold age to observe fasts, he paid sixty
thousand rupees as the fidiah to be distributed among
the poor. 3
As Shahjahan advanced in years, he lost his old vigour
and enterprise. ManuccLdwells at length upon his licenti-
ousness and senile revels, and repeats the gossips which
he found current at Delhi and Agra/ There is no doubt
the emperor drank wine, indulged his appetites, and like
other men whom the full lustre of woman's love has
dazzled in youth, still found pleasure in amorous adven-
tures. He neglected the Business o£ government for
which he was blamed afterwards by Aurangzeb. He
became so indolent and ease-loving that he could not
control even his sons, and helplessly allowed power to
be snatched from his failing hands. With the loss of
capacity for hard work, his old vigilance too was gone.
Corruption and treachery became rife at court, and his
own ministers and nobles ceased to dread his power.
But the trials and sufferings of his last days called
forth the strongest traits pf his character .} He resigned
himself to the will of God in a manner rare among
crowned heads. Misfortune failed to bend his proud
spirit, and he scorned to treat with his son on terms of
^quality. He once sharply rebuked him for advising
1 Mulakkhas, A.U. MS., p. 584.

* Btoria, II, p. 199.
t
him like a father, and preyed his superiority over him
Iin epistolary controversyX
Little did Aurangzeb realise that his old age would be
more lonely and miserable than that of his father, whom
he had confided to the tender mercies of eunuchs• and
slaves, and that his last moments would know nothing of
that serene cqi^latiând joyous confidence with which
the aged monarch passed into the world of ever-lasting
peace, gazing with his fast closing eyes upon the marble
monument beyond the Agra fort. The wrongs done to
him by Aurangzeb were fully avenged in the rebellious
conduct of the latter's sons and the collapse of the great
empire before his very eyes.
CHAPTER XVI
THE TURN IN THE TIDE
Having freed himself from all his rivals, Aurangzek

ascended the throne on July 2^. 165JL though his formal
accession did not take place until the 5th of
June' 1659' The Coronation
with great eclat, and Shahjahan's vast
wealth in gold, silver, pearls, jewels and diamonds added
to the splendour of the occasion. After the fashion of
oriental monarchs, Aurangzeb seated himself on the throne
of his ancestors at the hour fixed by the astrologers of the
state, and assumed the title of Alamgir. F6tes and festivals
followed in rapid succession, and no expenditure was
grudged to make the occasion a source of happiness to
all sections of the populace in the empire.
The civil war among the brothers had thrown the
administration out of gear, and caused widespread misery
among the population. The numerous tolls
mea" an(* taxes which the people had to pay added
to their woes, and seriously interfered with
the progress of trade. The movement of large armies in
the different parts of the country damaged the crops, and
in certain provinces owing to drought prices rose and food
became dear. To alleviate the sufferings of his subjects,
Auransrzeb abolished the r&hddri (toll) which was collected
646
THE TURN IN THR TIDE 647
on every highway, frontier t>r ferry, and brought a large

revenue to the state. He abolished [also th^yjwddri, which
was a kind of ground or house tax, levied throughout th€
empire from all traders, from the vegetable hawker and the
potter to the richest jeweller and banker. l Maijy other
cesses, lawful and unlawful, levied from Hindus as well as
Muslims, numbering 80, were abolished. Among those
specially worthy of mention are the cesses collected at the
faift held in honour of Musljm saints and at the Jatras of
Hindus near their temples, and the taxes on alcohol, gaming
house^ and brothels. To lower the price of food the duty
on corn was also remitted. Out of the 80 cesses abolished by
the emperor, Khafi Khan mentions only 14 by name, and
writes that in spite of the stringent orders of the emperor
to enforce his edicts, most of these taxes continued to be
levied by the Zamindars in the distant provinces.
One of the factors in Aurangzeb's success in the civil
war was his avowed solicitude for Sunni interests. Now
that he was securely seated on the throne, -he .tried to
please his supporters by issuing certain ordinances intended
to bring the lives of the people into conformity with ortho-
dox Islam. He forbade the use of the Kalima on the coins
to prevent their defilement by the touch of non-Muslim
hands. He abolished the Naurozjvhich Akbar had borrow-
ed from the rulers of Persia. * !
The Islamic state te a theocracy concerned also with
the manners and morals of the community. Aurangzeb
appointed censors of public morals (mmatasibs) to look
after the conduct of the people and to enforce obedience
to the Holy Law. Their duty was to put a stop to the use
•
1 Elliot, VII, p. 247,
€48 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
of alcohol. miywiWHflgr Hnifffl| aVid such other things as are

forbidden in the Quran. The mosques and Khanqahs^ which
were Imams
and in a dilapidated condition^were
and Muazzins were regularly
ordered topaid.
be repaired.
_ Harsh
measures were taken against the Sufi associates nf Dam,
and the chief of these, Sarmad, was crqe]|y oy^^fH after
the mockery of a trial.
• Mir Jumla, Aurangzeb's commander, who had been his
naost valuable helper in the war of sqggflsaJQT). was appoint"
ed governor of Bengal. It was wise to keep
in ^8ream.Umla such a P°werful
a distance from and
the ambitious nobleman
capital. The Raja atof
Kuch Bihar and Assam had seized some Mughal territory,
and Mir Jumla was ordered to chastise him. He started
in November^ 1661, at the head of a large force and a
flotilla of boats. In spite of the difficulties which man
and nature placed in his way, the viceroy pushed on, and
conquered both Kuch Bihar and Assam. Then he proceed-
ed to invest the capital of Assam, but his troops suffered
heavily from the outbreak of an epidemic, which destroyed
men and beasts in large numbers. The prices rose high
owing to famine, and the army endured great privations.
But the viceroy was not deterred in his plans by this
unforeseen calamity, and commenced operations after the
rainy season. He himself was attacked by fever, but still
he pressed on. At last the Assamese; when they despaired
•of resistance, sue4 for peace and a treaty was made with
them. The unhealthy air of thTcounto; and oveJêxJertion
in this campaign aggravated Mir Jumia's illness^ and he died,
while returning towards Dacca by bait on March 31, 1663.
Mir Jumla was succeeded by Aurangzeb's maternal
uncle Shayasta Khan in the governorship of the province.
THE TURN IN THE TflDB ^ 649
In 1666 the new governor captured Chatgaon, drove away
the Portuguese pirates from the delta of the Brahmaputra,
and inflicted sharp defeats on the Raja of Arakan.
The Marathas were the most determined enemies of
Aurangzeb. His war against them lasted for nearly a
"""] * quarter of a century and resulted in nothing
iMarathaa.' tbe but defeat, humiliation, and disaster. The real
leader oi the iviarathas, who infused a fresh
life and vigour into them and united the scattered elements
of their race, was Shivaji, a born military commander and
an administrator of undoubted genius. J3ut JShivaji's rise
to power cannot be treated as an isolated phenomenon
in Marat ha history. It was as much the result of
personal daring and heroism as of the peculiar geogra-
phical situation of the Deccan country, and the unifying
religious influences, that were animating the people
with new hopes and aspirations in the 15th and 16th cen-
turies. Before describing Shivaji's career, it will be worth
while to say something about the physical features of the
country and the forces which prepared the way for his
emergence.
The Maratha country is very different from the north.
It lies in the m|flptnf i^ptnrfti h^ypiftypj which have developed
certain peculiar physical features and moral
tureh878io0fal the" Qualities» whicft distinguish the Marathas
country. from the rest of . their countrymen. The
Vindhya and Satpura ranges and the Nar-
bada river form a triple line of barricades, which divides
the Deccan from the high table-land of Central India and
the vast low-lying plains of the north. The Western Ghat
or the Sahyadri range which runs like a wall along the
entire western coast, and the Vindhyas running from
to west have not only added to4 the security of the country,
but have also produced a climate, which hqs greatly influ-
enced the character and habits of the people. The hill forts
in these mountains have played an important part in Mara-
tha history, and it is with their help that the Marathas
have successfully defied the invaders from the north. The
rugged and the even nature of the country has given
the inhabitants a special advantage over men accustomed
to fight in the open field. Their guerilla tactics baffled' the
strategy of their opponents, and even the Mughals with their
enormous resources in men and money found it impossible
to conquer them. The bracing climate of the country
ftddpd to thpir phvaiWl vi>nur, and rendered them capable
of much initiative and enterprise. The scanty rainfall
and poverty of the soil compelled a simplicity of life, which
doubled their chances of success against men, enfeebled
by luxury, indolence and ease They never shrank from
the hardest and roughest toil, and no thought of pleasure
or^ temptation could shake their inflexible resolve.
Riding on their small ponies and subsisting on raw or
parchea~mlllet, they traverseông^tlmîrdes and strugF
terror into the hearts o? their enemies. The Mughals dis-
covered to their cost after much suffering that to fight with
men like these was to fight with air and to prolong a
bootless campaign, entailing much misery and loss.
There was a great religious stir in Maharashtra in the
15th and 16th centuries. An account has been given before
of *the«. teachings of Ram an an dr Kabir and
Religious stir Nanak, who saw good in all religions, con-
rashtra. demned superstition and ritual, and did much
for the fusion of the various castes and creeds.
The Deccan witnessed the rise of a similar protestant
THE TURN IN THE TIDE 651
movement, and the new prophets and saints of Maharashtra,

sprung from the lower orders, condemned forms and cere-
monies, and the distinctions of caste, based on mere bjrth. l
The most famous of them are Tukaram, Ram Das, Vaman
Pandit and Eknath— -all of whom launched a crusade against
the existing abuses of religion, and preached the gospel of
Bhakti or personal devotion to God. They laid stress upon the
equality of all men before God and held that by means of
Bhakti a Sudra or a Chandal could qualify himself for God's
favour quite as munh as a Brahman. Their doctrine made
no distinction between the high and the low, and the only
bond \Vhich united their followers was Bhakti. Among
these seers Ram Das Samarth, whom Shivaji treated as
his Guru, exercised the most poweriui mnuence on the
thought* of the
monasteries) and time.
allied He established
himself his maths
with those (or
who were
interested in political and social affairs. The Swami
was not merely a religious preacher ,* he was a nation-
builder also. His enthusiasm for national reffefteratiofl is
revealed in his writings and the comprehensive scheme of
reform which he conceived touched all aspects of the coun-
try's life In his famous work, J;he Dasbodh, he preached
the philosophy of action and progress, and exhorted his fol-
lowers to work for the diffusion of the new spirit far and
wide. With all the fire and passion of his soul Samarth
Ram Das urged his enthusiastic disciples to follow the new
path and to utilise their energies in developing the power
of the nation. The seed did not fall on* barren soil, and
at last he found in Shivaji a man of genius who gave to hia
1 The centre of these new ideas was Pandharpur, a seat of pilgri-

mage in the Deocan. The Pandharpur movement was a powerful factor
in unifying the Maharashtra country.
<J52 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
•
visions a practical shape, and applied his ideas in political
Ranade writes of this new movement :—

"Like the Protestant Reformation in Europe
in the 16th century, that was a religious,
social and literary revival and Reformation
in India, but notably in the Deccan in the
15th and 16th centurie^. This religious
revival was not Brahmanical in its oijtho-
doxy ; it was heterodox in its spirit of
protest against forms and ceremonies and
class distinctions based on birth* and
ethical in its preference of a pure heart,
and the law of love, to all other acquired
merits and good works. This religious
revival was the work also of the people,
of the masses, and not of the classes. At
its head were saints and prophets, poefo
and philosophers, who sprang chiefly from
the lower orders of society,— tailors, car-
penters. potters, gardeners, shopkeepers, bar-
ybers, and even mahars (scavengers), more
often than Brahmans,"1
To the influence of religion was added that of literature
agd language. The lyrical hymns of Tukaram breathing
of sincere and fervent devotion to <God were sung by all
classes, and served as a bond of unity among the various
sections of the 'community. Without this homogeneity,
caused by the diffusion of a common culture, it would-have
been impossible for Shivaji to build up the national state,
1 Rise of the Marfctha Power, p. 10.
THE TURN IN THE TIDE 65&
i
Shivaji was greatly helped in his political and social^
synthesis by men who had received ample training in
arts of administration and Sulwar in ifrq
tan"ates Qf
Deccan. In the kingdom of Golkunda and
Bijapur, the Marathas were largely employed in the
revenue departmenf and held important posts in the army.
Some of them held even ministerial portfolios, and coBi-
manfled much influence in the states in which they served.)
The Deccani Brahmans were often entrusted with diplo^
mabV jpiaainM,. and took part in the most confidential
business of ffovernmept. The Maratha Slledars and Bargirs
were employed in the military department by the Bah-
manids and their political successors— the rulers of the five
states into which that kingdom was split up— and thus
acquired wealth and power which made them a factor to
be reckoned with in Deccan politics. The knowledge and
insight which they gained while in office stood them in
good stead^when they had to oppose the Muhammadan.
kings who employed them. During the reign of Shahjahan,
when the kingdom of Bijapur and Golkunda were threa-
tened with extinction, these Jagirdars obtained an
opportunity of advancing their own interests. They
and changed sides as conve-
nience required, and tried tc\ secure advantageous terim
for themselves from jjl parties. One of these Jagirdars
was fihjvftji'g fatl^pr. Shahii Bhon^la. who had entered the
service of the Bijapur State in 1682, and had risen to power
through the favour of Murari Jagdeva who enjoyed the
confidence of the Wazir Khawas Khan.
Shivaii was born iq the hill fqtfr ^f Shiv^gr on April
10, 1627. Hia mother JljabSi was a woman of uncommon.
talents and brought up her child with great care and affec-
tion. Shahji's neglect of his wife, followed
alliancflJijsbSi
marriage made
^ rih 'life* 3 i ' B by ^fresh womQ1^ young and
iyith aconcentrate
all her energies on bringing up her son, for whom ^shfi felt
Being a woman of ft religions turn
of mind, familiar witfr f>nram> legends, she filled her son's
nninil wi»| j;|ie fltnrieg nf f,|]ft renowned heroes and warriors
of bygone ages. The lad's spirit was stirred, as he listened
to these tales of human achievement and grandeur, and
he felt a desire to imitate the example of the heroes of
•old. Luckily, his father found a teacher of great
ability in Dadoji Kondadeva, whose constant vigilance and
^care exerted a highly beneficial influence on Shivaji's charac-
ter. XA11 evidence tends to confirm the view that Shivaji
never received like Akbar formal instruction in letters, but
he assimilated with great zeal the contents of the Ram ay an
and the Mahabharat, and the wisdom and knowledge
enshrined in the numerous discourses on Dharma, and the
arts of government and war. He learnt horse-riding, the
useôfjnnsând other manly exercises, which made in
Muhammadan India the staple education of the scions of the
aristocracy, both Hindu and Muslim. Shivaji's stay at the
Bijapur court made him acquainted with the strength and
weakness of that * great but (Wenerate c^pifoP He fully
realised the forces o?êcadence that ivere working in that
Sultanate, and this first-hand knowledge greatly helped
him in his future plpns. Gifted with a kfifin fami1ir Af
-observation^ he took a great interest in examining horses
and munitions ofjgaL and asked questions about political
affairs^ His contact with Hindu ffigep convinced him of
the necessity of doing something for the protection and
regeneration of Hinduism. Swami R^^ D**r hia

preceptor and guide, instilled into his mind a love of Hindu
religion and charged him with the duty of protecting foe
cow and the Brahman— the only cry that could appeal
powerfully to his contemporaries. Some modern writers
have tried to prove that it was Ram Das who gave his
disciple the ideal of an independent Hindu monarchy, but
the evidence in support of this view is neither sufficient
nor convincing. ' It may be conceded at once that the
abasehient of the Hindu religion at the hands of the
1 Sarkar, Bhivaji and His Times, pp. S81-82.

Mr G. S. Sardesai maintains that Shivaji's aim was ultimately^ to
-establish a Hindu empire of ptiEftra.in p^^r rr>r"CTr
* M
reasons tor nis opinion
<1J orThe'hi atmospnere in which Shivaji was born and fehbred formed
the development of such an aim. All North India was
ground to dust under the Muhammad an yoke and some one
was needed to champion the cause of Hinduism.
<2) His wars and campaigns, his plans and movements, and his
words and arrangements do not show that he restricted his
vision to the Maharashtra or Deccan only.
id) His introduction of the Sardeshmukhi and the Chauth furnishes
a clue to his future aims. He claimed Sardeshmukhi from
Shahjahan as early as 1648 ; the latter he revived in 1660 when
he conquered the Konkan. He employed these to enable his
nation to establish, in the long run, a Hindu empire.
(4) He befriended Hindu princes. Even when he was fighting the
Mughals, he never fought against the Rajput generals.
(5) Shivaji purposely undertook his visit to Agra in order to
acquaint himself with the condition of the country. He
returned home after a year gaining valuable experience of
which he made use afterwards. This shows Shivaji *s plan
included an all-India movement
These arguments are not Convincing. Sir J. N. Sarkar'a, view comes
very near the truth :—
"For one thing, he never had peace to work out bis political ideas.
The whole of his short life was one struggle with enemies, a period of
preparation and not of function. All his attention was necessarily
devoted to meeting daily dangers with daily expedient, and he had
not the chance of peacefully building up a well-planned political
edifice. "
Shivaji and His Times, p.403 (1929 edition).
Muslims led Shivaji to prepare himself for its defence, bat

it is too much to assert that hft desire for political dominion
owed its origin to the inspiration of Swami Ram Das.
Anyway, the defence of the Hindu religion and the
foundation of political power were inseparable things ; the
one could not be done without the other. The environment
fully reacted upon his vigorous mind and deeply roused
his hatreds and resentments Altogether the influences of
heredity, education, temperament, and environment drove
him to OPDQfift thft Mncrhalg anH t,f) makft a. dpapp>ra.t*.e attempt
to rid the land of their domination.
Before beginning his military career, Shivaji fully
acquainted himself with the country, and secured the
0, . . . , devotion and attachment of the
O D 1 V aj 1 8 ........Mavalea—
military career the people inhabiting the Maval country
begin8' running along the Western Ghats for about 90
miles in length and 12 miles in breadth. They left the
plough^ and joined his service^ and helped him in his preda-
tory excursions and conquests. From his boyhood, Shivaji
longed to carve out for himself an independent kingdom,
but his tutor and guardian, Dadoji Kondadeva advised him
to be more mndegt. jp hia amfyfoinn A man of limited ideas,
Dadoji could not sympathise with Shivaji's dreams of con-
quest, and suggested to him that he should rest satisfied
with serving the Sultan of Bijapur like his ancestors. But
Shivaji was destined for greater things. To him it was
nothing short of dishonour to enter the service of a decrepit
state, which was a prey to intrigue and foreign war.
The serious illness of the Sultan of Bijapur in 1646 and
the consequent disorder in his kingdom gave Shivaji the
longed esired opportunity. He ftftPtU1^ *****
20 miles & W. of Poona in the same year and then raided
THE TURN IN THE, TIDE 657
the fort of Raigarh, five mites east of Torna, which easi-

ly fell into his hands. After Dadoji's death in 1647, Shivaji
became the virtual master of his father's western Jagir,.
and brought the fort of Chakan and the outposts of
Baramati and Indapur under his control. Soon after he
seized the forts of Singarh, Kondana, and Purandhar, which
secured his Jagir on the southern frontier.
The Sultan of Bijapur had come to know of Shivaji's
dariiig acts, but his ministers persuaded him that the
matter was not serious. Shivaji continued his raids, but
when he seized Kalyan and hurried the Konkan, the Sultan
was roused from his slumber, and felt that some action
was inevitable. About the same time his father Shahji
was arrested and imprisoned by Mustafa, the Commander-
in-Chief of Bijapur, for misbehaving in the siege of Jinji
in the South Arcot district, and his Jagir was confiscated.
Shivaji was upset by the news of his father's imprisonment,
and for the time being gave up his predatory raids. He
negotiated with Prince Murad, the Mughal viceroy of the
Deccjiu and expressed a wish to join the imperial service.
The Bijapur Government was alarmed at this diplomatic
moveof Shivaji. and at once ordered the release of his
father. The release was not due to Mughal pressure, for
Shahjahan was bound by treaty not to encourage the
rebellious officers of the Sultan, but to the good offices
of certain Bijapuri ntfbles, who were Muslims. Shahji
promised to curb the unruly spirit of this son and to
ask him to keep the peace for $fa years. Shivaii kept
quiet^ and did little to give offence to the Sultanate of
Bijapur. He spent his time in developing his resources
for a mor* HAtPrfm'npH atm^!* urith Vrifl ^fo jn
F 42
$58 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
These rivals were the ruler of Biiaour and the
Without coming into conflict with them, it was impossible
to build up an independent state— the supreme object of
his desire. When Adil Shah died in November, 1656,
Prince „ Aurangzeb advanced against Bijapur. Shivaji
judged it a good opportunity to plan a fresh move on the
diplomatic qfieyphoarfl Sure of a response from the Mughal
Prince, who was naturally interested in encouraging the
discontented officers of Bijapur, he opened negotiations
with Aurangzeb, but these proved of no avail owing to the
lack of mutual confidence. Shivaji raided the Mughal terri-
tory, but when the Sultan of Bijapur made peace with the
Mughals, he saw no other alternative but to follow suit.
Before peace could be signed between him and the Mughals,
Aurangzeb left for the north, on hearing of Shahjahan's
illness, to take part in the war of succession.
The cessation of hostilities between the Mughals and
the Sultan of Bijapur gave the latter sufficient time to
deal with Shivaji, whose increasing power was a source of
chronic anxiety to him. Shahji was asked to stop his
son's hostile activities, but he excused himself on the
ground that his son was not amenable to his control.
When persuasion failed, the government was constrained
to employ force. Afzal Khan was sent at the head of a
•considerable force ' to bring back the rebel dead or alive. '
He was commissioned by the dowager-Queen to effect the
purpose by feigning friendship with Shivaji and by promis-
ing him a pardon for his wrongdoings.
Afzal Khan W9ft fr hmyyArt He had boastfully
jn flpfln Darhar that he would capture foe
bandit without firing A shot. But on reaching
the hilly country in which Shivaji's power was centred
THE TURN IN MB TIDE 659
he realised the follv gf hia ****? s^finn He sent a Brahman

officer of his, Krishnaji Bhaskar, with a letter for Shivaji
in which he promised the grant of forts and districts
seized by him and the conferment of titles and distinctions
as a mark of honour. On the receipt of this letter', Shivaji
found himself on the horns of a dilemma. If he accepted
Afzal's seductive offer, there would be an end to all his
cherished dreams of independent dominion ; and if he
adopted an irreconcilable attitude towards Bijapur, he
would have to face the wrath of the Sultan and the emperor
•of Delhi and to fight for his very existence in the Deccan.
His ministers urged a compromise, but he was firm. Quietly
he organised his forces and resolved to go to war in self-
defence.
Though fully prepared for a contest, Shivaji received
Afzal's envoy with great courtesy, and bv means of
honeved words and offer of gold he succeeded in eliciting
from him the real secret. He was informed that Afzal
meant treachery, and wished to capture him by throwing
hjmôff his guard. A spot was fixed, and a conference was
accanged** It was agreed that both parties should meet
unattended by their troops. Afzal who was a sturdy, well-
-built man advanced to embrace the short slim Maratha,
who only reached up to Ijis shoulders. Gradually he
tightened his clasp, and holding his neck in a firm grip
with his left arm, he cfrew his dagger with a view to finish
his opponent. But Shivaji^ was not tfag rpftn tn ^° fakftp
unawares. With the help of his Baahnakh (tiger-claw),
he forced the Khan to relax his grip, and thrust it into
his breast po that he fell wounded on the ground. The
Mpmthflp rushori nnnn fan Mnaalmons who were carrying
the Khan in a Palki, and cut off his head, which they
t
carried in triumph to their master, Afzal's officers and

men were dumb-founded by the news of their leader's,
tragic end. They engaged the Marathas in a death grapple,
but suffered a miserable defeat. They were mercilessly
butchered, and their baggage and artillery train was cap-
tured by the enemg.
Was Afzal's death an act of treachery on the part of
Shivaji ? The Marathas justified the murder, and looked
upon it as an act of national liberation. Their historians
have described the deed as merely an act of vengeance
upon the sworn enemies of their gods and the defilers of
their shrines. Khafi Khan puts the entire Jblame upon,
Shivaji, and accuses him of base treachery and deceit 1
Grant Duff repeats the charge, and his views are echoed
by all other European writers who have followed him. But
modern research has established the fact that Shivaji per-
petrated the murder in self-defence. 2 The English factory
record shows that the Khan was asked by his sovereign to
capture the Maratha chief by feigning friendship with him,
and his envoy also informed Shivaji that treachery was
intended. Shivaji followed the good old principle pf * anfoty
first/ and forestalled his opponent in the execution of
his sinister designs. Kincaid and Parasanis relate the
story of the manner in which . the j£han insulted Shfoajj on.
seeing his splendour, and was confronted with an equally
unpleasant retort. There is no need to waste much time
1 He writes : " The designing rascal by sending various presents and
fruits of the country and by bis humbleness and submission* conciliated
Afzal Khan, who fell into the snare, believing all his false and deceiving
statements, and observing none oi that caution which the wise com*
mend." Elliot, VII, p. 269.
* For a fuller examination of the subject see 8arkar*s ' Shivaji and
His Time*,* pp. 63—73. * History of the Maratha People ' by Kincaid and'
1* PP. 1577-64.
THE TURN IN THE TIDE €61
'over the old controversy as to who struck the first blow.

Evidence has now become available which proves that it
was Afzal who acted as the aggressor. The old Maratha
chroniclers who never conceal Shivaji's crimes have record-
ed the same thing, and their statements cannot be lightly
brushed aside like the patriotic effusions of modern writers,
who refuse to see any fault or blemish in their adored hero.
Shivaji's preparations were made in self-defence. If he
had not taken the necessary precautions, he would have
been slain by the general, who had already a design on
his life. But in one thing the Bijapuris were taken by
surprise. They never expected the fearful attack which
the Marathas delivered upon them, and perished with-
out much resistance. AfzaJ Khan did not take anv
piw.aiit.i9pa. because he thought that his murderous intent
would be kept a secret to the last He felt sure that
Shivaji's followers would disperse in panic after their
leader's death. What a pity ! the veteran general had so
hopelessly undervalued his opponent's capacity for meeting
•an emergency fraught with such dire consequences to
himself.
The murder of Afzal Khan and the complete rout of
Bijapur forces encouraged Shivaji in his designs, and he
began to carry his depredations into the
Mu£hal country. Aurangzeb who was by this
Shayasta time securely seated on the throne of Delhi
against him. sen*; his maternal uncle> ShavfiataKhan. who
was appointed to the viceroyal^v of tê
Deccant to deal with him. Shayasta occupied Poona,
captured the fort of Chakan, and the Mughals after
two years of desultory warfare established their hold on
the North Konkan, including the district of Kalyan, while
the south remained in Shivaji's hands. Shayasta returned*

to Poona after the capture of Chakan to stay there during:
the rainy season, but Shivaii had recourse to a cgriflus-
stratagem tn gfif; t.hft hflf.frpr of hia flppQppnfai. A band of
400 picked Maratha soldiers feiqrifld to hft a marriage parfcv.
and with a bnv dressed nn as a hrjj|pprnnm in their midst,
they entered the town, and at midnight raiflpfl the gover-
nor's residence,, a hnngg in yrhi'nh Shivq.]]' frftrl lived in his
childhood.^These werehad
nor and his guards the gone
d»yfl to^f sleep
P^^ân.
after and the gover-
a heavy m£al.
The Marathas began » %trfn1 «^"prllt^rr and made a breach
into the wall through which Shivaji with 200 men entered
the haram.1 A consternation ftpgnpd and the Nawab
was roused from his slumber by one of his slave girls. He
got up, and hastily seized a bow, arrows, and a spear, but
before he could fftritoy Shivaji cut off his thumb. Just at
this time the lights were put out by one of the Nawab's
servants, and in this darkness he was carried by two
of his slave girls^. who^retained their presence of mind.
The Marathas entered the guard-house, and slew every
one whether awake or asleep, shouting all the time*
" This rushad-forward
Fatah, is how you keep watch/'
to attack the Shayasta's son. struck
assailants and Abul
down two or three men, but he could not cope with them-
single-handed, and was wounded and killedl The Marathas,.
having finished their work, left the haram and
th? Mughal^ frntny not
The night attack was a complete success, and greatly
.enhanced Shivaji's prestige,
1 Khafi Khan gives a highly interesting account of the episode-

Elliot, VH, pp. 289-71.
THE TURN IN THE TIDE 66$
•ftas sent by the emperor) to assist the viceroy, came to

condole with him in the morning, but he was confronted
with a sarcastic remark, 'I thought, the Maharala had
died fighting for me in the last night's ftttmfr.' Popular
suspicion fell upon the Raja, and in the Mughal camp his
bona fides were seriously doubted. As for the Marathas.
they looked upon their success as nothing short of a miracle,
performedj)vj;he aid of divine inspiration.
^Deeply mortified by defeat and humiliation, Shayasta
Khan retired to Aurangabad, but immediately afterwards
he was recalled by the emperor, and transferred (Decem-
ber 1; 1663), to the governorship of Bengal. Prince
Muazzam was appointed to succeed Shayasta in the
Deccan.
No less daring was the sack of Surat perpetrated by
Shivaji in January ififtl. At the head of 4,T)00 picked ment
we11-gqi?ipppd wiffr ^rm|?i he advanced upon
Surat' and sent word to the g°vern<>r and the
wealthiest Muslim merchants that they should
immediately satisfy him, or he would set fire to their
townând loot all their pi^p. fifty NQ reply was received
to this threatening- dfimaT^ and Shivaji ordered the sack
of the city with ruthless vengeance. When he raided the
house of a Muhammadan merchant near the English fac-
tory, the English traders offered succour to the unfortunate
victim of his greed. §Exasperated by their resistance, he
asked them to keep aloof or to pay three lakhs of rupees, and1
in case they failed to do either, he threatened to kill them
all and raze their factory to the grpqnd. The President
of the factory, Oxenden. adopted a firm ffltitnde. He refused
to comply with his insulting demand, and informed him that
they were ready to take up the challenge. By this time
Shivaji had obtained enough to satiate his thirst for wealth,

and with a booty amounting *tn ^flrp than — * pmrpi ^f
rupees, he left Surat, carrying away gold, silver, pearls.
tiiamoncis and other articles of incalculable value.
a second army under the best and most trusted officers
like Mirza Raja Jaisingh, assisted by Dilir Khan, was
sent early in 1665 to deal with Shivaji.
Jai Singh Aurangzeb had appointed Rajq JaiaingrK to
against Shiva- take the place of Jaswant after his sorrv part
in the Poona episode* Jaisingh, the Kach \fraha
Prince of Jaipur, was a man of great talents, well-versed in
Turki, Persian, Sanskrit, and Urdu, an adept in conversation.
ana a Porn diplomatist and tactician, well afrle to do*] wif)i
the intricacies of political affairs. His intimate contact
witn court life hadjnade frin? familiar
foj-ms of Mqsiim etiquette, and had given him a
into Muslim character, which doubly increased his useful-
ness as a general of combined armies and a renm^ntativA
of the emperor in treating with foreign powers. The
Mughal army entered the Maratha country without much
opposition, and laid siege to the fort of Purandhar. The
Prabhu Commander. Murar Baji Deshpande of Mahadf
offered a gallant resistance in spite of his inadequate forceg.
but hewasjcilled in action^ . Even Raigarh, Shivaji's
chief seat of power, was threatened. Convinced of the
futility of further resistance, *the Maratha leader offered to
make peace with the Mughals. The treaty of Purandhar
was concluded ,(June 1665), by which he agreed to
surrender 23 of his foVts, yielding a revenue of four lakhs of
torn a year, keeping, for himself 12 forts with " moderate
revenues. " His son, Shambhuji. was to be enrolled
ammigr the Panjhaza^ ManMhHorfl fff faft ^mnirP with
* suitable Jagir, while Shivaii was to he excused bv reason

of his " late unwise and disloyal acts." Another clause was
added to the treaty which provided that Shivaji would pay
to the emperor 40 lakhs of hun in 13 yearly instalments,
if he were confirmed in the possession of certain lands
in the Konkan and Balaghat by means of an .imperial
farman. Further, he agreed to assist the Mughals in
their war against Bijapur._
The treaty was a great diplomatic triumph for Jai-
sip&h, and marks a decisive Stage in Shivaji's struggle
with the empire. A great enemy was placated, and his
co-operation was secured in Mughal attempts against
Bijapjir. Shivaji, on his part, proved as good as his word.
He flfgg^jjLppfirml honours apd p-ifta. and with his troops
helped Raja Jaisingh in invading the Adil Shah's territories.
The crowning triumph of Jaisingh's diplomacy was soon
reache^. when he PersuadecLJShivaji to pay a visit to thg
Imperial Court.
Why did Shivaji agree to go to the imperial court in spite
of the treaty of Purandhar to the contrary ? Mr. Sardesai
suggests that he strongly wished to see for
to the imperial himself what the emperor and his cou rt
were **ke» wât were tê so^ces of their
strength, and how he should behave to-
wards them in future^Such a minute study at first
hand, he says, was necessary for carrying into effect
the grandiose plans of conquest which he was revolving
in his mind. But against this view, we f\nd that he agreed
to Raja Jaisingh's proposal with cdnsiderable reluctance.
The Raja " used a thniigapfl devices " to overcome his
, deep-rooted repugnance, and held out to him the hopes of
1 Main Currents of Maratha'History, p. 71.
great reward and honour. Perhaps the glittering bait of"

the Deccan viceroyalty was dangled before his eyes, and
the solemn assurances <?f the Rajput Raia dianelled what-
ever doubts he had in his mind about the emperor's sincerity
and good faith. Besides, Shivaji wanted the little island
of Jinjiga, which was an imperial possession. He carefully
weighed the pros and cons of his visit. The ministers
whom he consulted decided by a majority in favour of the
acceptance of the proposal. Since Raja Jaisingh and
his son, Kunwar Ramsingh, had made themselves personally
responsible for his safety at the imperial court, the
Marathas suspected no foul play.
Shivaji reached Agra on the 9th of May along with
his son Shambhuji, and three davpj tat*1* ™*<* granted y\
interview in the Hall of Public Audience. Kunwar
Ramsingh offered 1,500 gold muhars as present (nazr) and
Rs. 6,000 as an offering (nisar) for His Majesty's well-being
after the customary fashion of the Indians, but the
emperor's behaviour was highly impmppr He greeted
Shivaji by exclaiming from his throne "Come up, Shivali
RajaJ ' Shivaji advanced forward^ and when he had made
his obeisance, he was escorted back to take his stand
among the third grade mansabdarsl and no further notice
wag taken of him. ]
Shivaji was beside himself with wrath to,find that he
was accorded a place among the Panjhazari nobles, and
remonstrated with Kunwar Ramsingh in a loud voice.
He cried out in * anger that he would prefer death to
dishonour and fell into a fainting fit. His outburst was.
1 Kbafi Khan corroborates this account, Elliot, VII, pp. 276-77.

heard by Aurangzeb who enquired what the matter was.

The Rajput prince diplomatically answered: " The tiger
is a wild beast of the forest. He feels oppressed by heat
in a place like this and has been taken ill." Aurangzeb
ordered rose water to be sprinkled on hisâce, and asked
Ramsingh to convey him to his residence. All explanations
of the Prince failed to allay Shivaji's resentment, and he
openly charged the emperor with breach of faith. The
words were reported to Aurangzeb by court spies, and
Shiva,]! found himself placed undernolW
While a prisoner in the hands of the emperor. Shivaji
taxed hig brains to hit upon a device to get out of this difficult
situation. He feigned illness, and began to send haskqt-
fuls of sweetmeats to be distributed among the Brafrmana
and other meffldiflantp. At first, the baskets were searched
by the guards, but after some time they slackened their
watch, and allowed the baskets to pass unexamined. One
day Shivaji and his son seated themselves in these baskets
and effected their escape. They galloped to Mathura on
horses, which they found ready at a distance of six miles
from Agra. There, Shambhuji was entrusted to the care nf
a Maratha Brahman who was asked to keep their escape
as secret Shivaji besmeared himself with ashes like Hindu
agcetic&^nd in this holy disguise^, passing through Allaha-
bad, Benares, Gaya, the GondwamT country, and
territory of Golkunda and Biiapuy gp his way, reached the
Dgccan.
Tb his great surprise he found no sedition or treason
in his dominion on his arrival. His government was
Carried on by his ministers, as if nothing serious had happen-
ed. Soon after his return, war was recommenced with
renewed energy and determination.
Jaisingh was greatly perturbed by the turn affairs
had taken in the north. His son Ramsingh was suspected
of conniving at Shivaji's escape, and was
threatened with the loss of his mansab.
Shivaji's arrival in the Deccan added to the
Raja's difficulties, and he was filled with anxiety about the
Mughal position. He suggested to the emperor a plan *
by which to murder Shiva]iT but it did not materialise, and
the Mirza Raja was recalled in May 1667. His place was
taken by Prince Muazzam with Raja Jaswant Singh as
the second in command. The aged Mirza Raja set out
for the north, but died on the way at Burhanpur on July
2, 1667.
Shivaji made peace with the Mnghaja and during the
years 1667 — 69 he kept quiet, and employed all his energies
in consolidating his government. Aurangzeb was induced
by Prince Muazzam and Raja Jaswant Singh to confer
upon him the title of Raja and to assign Jagirs in Berar
to Shambhuji, who was again elevated to the rank of
a Panjhazari noble. But the peace was nothing more
than a truce, and war was renewed again in 1670. The
Mughal position was weaker than it was four years ago,
and Shivaji succeeded in capturing the forts of Kondana,
Purandhar, Mahuli, and Nander, and expelled the Mughal
1 Jaisingh had written to Jafar Khan, the minister, to obtain the

•emperor's sanction to a marriage betwern Shivaji's daughter and the
Raja's son. These are the Raja's words ;
" I am arranging matters in such a way that the wicked wretch
Shiva will come to soe- me once, and in the course of his journey or
return (our) clever men may get a favourable opportunity (of disposing
of) that luckless fellow in his unguarded moment at that place . . . ."
It was a mesalliance which a Rajput would have spurned, but Jaisingh
reconciled himself to it for the benefit of the emperor.
Sarkar, * Shivaji and His Times/ tf. 160.
THE TURN IN THE TIDE 66J>
Faujdar from the Konkail. The quarrels among the

imperial generals rendered the Mughal position worse in
the Deccan, and Shivaji derived the fullest advantage
from their weakness. In October 1670, he ggain looted
Surety ransacked the shops and houses, and carried off a
booty amounting to 66 lakhs of rupees. Tl^ trade of the
port was completely paralysed, and the f^gf of the Mara-
thas killed all enterprise and ambition. So great was the
dread of a recurrence of the visitation that whenever
the alarm was raised that the Marathas were coming,
the people deserted the town and, found refuge in distant
places.
From 1670 to 1674 war continued without cessation
and the Marathas won -brilliant successes. Diler Khan's
defeat in 1674 further crippled the Mughal power in the
Deccan. Just at this time a rebellion of the Afghans
occurred on the North- West Frontier, and Diler Khan was
recalled by Aurangzeb.
The brilliant successes gained by Shivaji and the lull jn
the^srtuation suggested to him the^grand idea of assuming
the title of king. The formal ceremony took
Shivaji crowns 15 lace in .Tnnft 1R74-. at RtiicyarKL_-A^ nn-
1674.
himself, equalled pomp
June " celebra-
"ll ^ IL The
and"Tlsplendour.
tion was accompanied by Vedic rites, and
proclaimed to the world around that an independent Hindu
kingdom had been established in the teeth of Muslim opposi-
tion. The achievement implied a bold challenge to Mughal
imperialism, and must have caused .profound dismay at
Delhi. To the Hindu mind it recalled the greatness and
grandeur of the empire of Vijayanagar and its unending
wars with the Muslim powers. Hiatnrv was
<670 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
Shivaji's treasury was depleted by the huge expenditure

incurred on the celebration of the coronation, and he now
found it necessary to renew his raids. Wars
The last six were fought with the Mughals, the Sultan of
years of Shiva-' — - . T — — — n - r~ .
Lji, 1674-80. Bijapur^ and the Abyssmians of Jimira. but
the grandest feat of Shivaji's military general-
ship was the invasion of th^ Kflrna*"ilr in 1677-78 in alii-
ance with the Qutb Shah. He captured Jinji, Vellore, and
a number of other forts which considerably added «to his
prestige in the Deccan. Diler Khan was again sent to
deal with Shivaji, but his triumphs continued uninterrupt-
ed. His last campaign was in the Mughal Deccan, where
his soldiery plundered and devastated a number of villages
and towns. Shivaji had great plans against the
Mughals, 4,but
orTApril they"atTthe
1680, were agecuto£Ji3-
short hy hin nntiriHy 4ftftth
Shivaji's kingdom consisted of a narrow strip of land,
comprising the Western Ghats and the Konkan between
Kalyan and Goa, and towards the east
's Kingdom* then
jt included Baglana in through
it ran southwards the north, and
the Nasik
and Poona districts, enclosing the entire territory, now
-covered by the Satara and Kolapur districts. Towards the
south his recent conquests brought under his sway the whole
of the western Karnatik, extending from Belgaum to the
bank of the Tungbhadra opposite to the Bellary district of
the Madras Presidency.
view that the
Marathica^ was vj>ased on plundfi?l_and^ iollowed
jCflrociple_p£. demanding payment
not ruling. This charge cannot
and his Council be brought" against Shivaji's government,
KINGDOM OF SHIVAJI
> KatnagirpjJVZA***^* I ^
I ViziadrugWM6 ^^SK
C04r- n. U-^-^^Mudbol^^
-
ftpa^\***
J i«i
TiV"*"? ,^J
i
t^ ^^'^^ ,
^SHAHJT'S JAGHIRS
CZ38IVAJI'S TERRITOKTE5
THE MARATTACOUNTB
To face paqe 670.

THE TURN IN TH]5 TIDE 671
whatever its validity in regard to later Maratha rule.

"Shivaji was a great general and statesman who fully
understdoidrthe need of . JhejtiypaaEbu^^ which
ê_estaEI!shed were jin improvement upon the existing
Border, and_were well-adapted to proimpte the well-being of
his subjects and Jbo protect thenTfrom the aggressions of
.his Muslim contemporaries.
The Raja was an autocrat, but he was assisted by a
-council
was onlyofaneight ministers
advisory calledhad£he
body, and noneAshta ~Pradhan^
of the characteris-It
tics ofA modern cabinet. The eight ministers were :—
(1) Peshwa fPrime Minister) who looked after the
welfare of the state generally.
(2) Amatya or the Finance Minister, who checked the
income and expenditure of the state.
(3) Mantri or the Chronicler, who kept a diary of
the .king's daily doings ^nd recorded everything
that happened at Court.
•(4) Sumant or the Foreign Secretary who kept an
account of the king's relations with foreign
powers. ;
(5) Sachiva or the Home Secretary who had charge
of the king's correspondence. He supervised the
draft of letters and alfixed his seal on such letters
and official documents*
(6) Pandit Rao and Danadhyaksha or the Head
of the Ecclesiastical Department who like
the Mughal $ydr-i-Sudfi.r looked after the
grants to religious and learned men, decided
theological disputes and questions relating to
custom.
(7) Senapati or the Commander-in-Chief who was

the general-in-chief of Shivaji's forces.
(8) ffyayadhish or the Chief Judge.
There were 18 departments in the state, which were looked
after by the ministers under the guidance of the King.
The Swaraj territory, which was directly under the rule
of Shivaji, was divided into a num her of JPran ts (districts),
whichplaced
Jng were ujider_
afl^ltygreâtedjnto three provinces,
j^J/icerov. The^ystem each was
of Jagirs be-
abolished, and the officersTwere paid in cash —a practice
which resulted in êatâdjninistrative efficiency.. Though
Tlie~Maratha bureaucracy was well-adapted to meet the
needs of the time, i^cont^njd^wjtjiin^jtself the seeds_of_
dissolution. _ All memberôTthe_Council except* tEe Pandit
Rao andofficers,
Mughal the T^yaKadhisJhi^ Jjyere expected
military commanders, who, to be fiK~lTie
when they got
an opportunity, Tried to set up their own independent
power, as happened during the later period of Maratha
history. Shivaji guarded against^ this dangerjby making
arnte-that none of
after his death thisthesFoTfTcea^shnnld he hereditary
practice was departed from withr the
but
result that all his plans were \ipset. ]
As has been said before^^Shivaji abolished the Jagir
System, because it tended^ toHSreeH sedition ancf revolt.
_. . He even confiscated lands given to religious
Fiscal system. ; -. -v^^* — ;— ^ : —, , « "'
• ^jns titutionsând^su bstituted cash payments for
the farming system and introduced
away with the Patel_andthe
Kulkyni
the in the
district, and villagp
himselfapdthe Deshmukh
appointed and Deshpande in'
new collectors
1 Ranade, 4 Rise "of the Maratha Poêr/ p. 125.
2 Sardesai, ' Main Currents/ p. 85.
THE TUKN IN THE TIDE 67$
•
division of the country into^gubahs, Sarkars, Parganas, and
Mauzas was placed by a fresh division into Prants, Tarafe,
anTMauz^the Taraf was under a Havaldar or a Karkun,
the Prant uncffiVS^ Mukhiya Desha-
dhikan, and sometimes several Prants were entrusted to
a Subahdar. The^salary of a Subahdar was400Vwtt8a
year with a palanquirTanoVance of another 400 ft^ The land
was surveyed by means of a Kathi or measuring rod, and
^record jw as Jeep t_ of field^ânânhual Kabuliyats were
taken^from those who held them. The state demand was
at first fixed atJtOjaer ceqf, butjater It was raised to 40 per
"cent ^fry^liivaiirwhen all other taxes and cesses had been
abolished. ' The peasant was not left in a state of uncertain-
£%j he knew wKiatTKe hadlo pay and as Pringle Kennedy
rightly observes, he seems to have been able to pay it
without any great oppression. a The accounts were care-
fully kept and examined by officers under the king's
personal contyol.ujAgrieulture was encouraged, and_jn
times of famine
advanced grain r andandmoney
to the peasants, for buying
this amount seed werein
was realised
instalments according to the ~ means ~of the debtor. 3 The
English traveller Fryer flas drawn a highly unfavourable
picture of Shivaji's revenue administration. He says that
thfe officers were dishonest and selfish; the peasants were
oppressed and cruelly torturedLandJi^ fact ' the great fish
prey on the little and_evfir^Bijapur^rule wag milder than
seertrtorftave
observation. • The stories of
Shivaji's benevolence and generosity, and his solicitude
for the welfare of the peasantry, that are current
1 Sen, Maratha Administration, p. 73.
9 "History of the Mughals,',!!, p. 125.
3 Sen, Maratha Administration, p. 73.
F. 43
in Maharashtra even to this day, point to the fact tha£jifi_

Jflfl ttjOapable and humfrnfl fldminifli-rftfnr and nnt ft TUCT?
crushed _the race of mortals to dust.
French physician, who visitect tfie western coast
looked upon as one of the most politic princes in those

| ^*-' ...... r -yg-^^î^.-. . , „ ... __ ,-,[|TI|,|g^| ........ _____ J^twrrl1 riY m.rtf IV • r~r I • ""-1* «i*M*IWl. (K*»«9»«»t ul HI I MMMMINmMWMiii
~ TBere were abuses in the government, and officers

must have practised tyranny in many places, but to say
that the whole country was in a state of terrible misery is
an assumption not founded on facts. Even Grant Dnff
admits that the districts were well managed, and derived
mucn benent Jrom his wise and efficient administration.
^\ No accoufttj)! Shi vaji's fiscal system would be complete
...
Without T^wjgrd
great^bo.Ut.the
divergence.....Chauth '
of opinion among scholars
about the levy of Chauth, and all that can be done here is
to give the views of leading writers on the subject.
Ranade savs that the Chauth was not merely a military
contribution without any moral or legal obligation, but a
payment in lieu of protection against the invasion of a
third power. He compares it with Wellesley's policy of
Subsidiary alliances and goes on to add :—
41 The demand for Chauth was subsequently added
with the consent of the powers whose protection
was undertaken against foreign aggression, on
payment 'of -fixed sums for the support of the
troops maintained for such services. This was the
1 Sen, p. 90.
* The Ohauth was l/4th of the revenue of a district that was
invaded by the Marathas.
t
original idea as worked out by Shivaji, and it
was the same idea which in Marquis of Wellesley's
hand bore such fruit a hundred and twenty-five
years later."1
According to Mr. Sardesai it was a tribute exacted from
^hostile or conquered
in the western parts territories.2 The Shivaji.
of India before practice had* existed
He applied
it to the countries which he overran, and promised in return
imnfunity from further exaction and protection against any
other conqueror. Mr. Surendra Nath Sen differs from
this viqw and holds that the Chauth was nothing but a
contribution exacted by a military leader, but he apologe-
tically adds that such exactions are not uncommon, and
that this blackmail was justified by the exigencies of the
situation. ' Prof. J. N. Sarkar has reached a different con-
clusion. He writes :
" The payment of Chauth merely saved a place from
the unwelcome presence of the Maratha soldiers
and civil underlings, but did not impose on Shivaji
any corresponding obligation to guard the district
from foreign invasion or internal disorder. The
Marathas looked only to their own gain and not to
the fate of their prey after they had left. The
Chauth was only a means of buying off one robber,
and not a subsidiary system for the maintenance
of peace and order against all enemies. The lands
subject to the Chauth cannot therefore be rightly
called spheres of influence, "4 "
1 Rise of Maratha Power, pp. 324-25.
"• Main Currents, pp. 76-77.
• Maratha Administration, p. 100.
* Shivaji and His Times, p. 369.
Whatever the theory of the ^Chauth,_ it_ appears ir>
practice to have been a tnerely military contribution Jtt jvap
pai(J tojcard ^ff an attack dfthe Marathas and perhaps to
"prevent their reappearance in a cwrffryT"
^^TJesaF Its the corrupt form of the Sanskrit word Desh-
swamT also called Jfteahnnikb" The Sardeshmukh stood above
severalthe
afteiL besais
-work or;
of Deshmukhs, and was
the latter? He "Tilspaicf
diK^was^ fo logic
for his services,
Jand this payment was called Sardeshmukhi. Shivyii <»lfli?npfli
to be the hereditary fifp-HpHhmnkh nf Î« ^|?ntrv
Jheadministration of iuatice was of a primitiv kind.
There were Wh reff^»r r>nnrte and no systematic nrn^pHnrP
In villages the elders held Pandmâ to-
^J? *« deputes submitted to them. Ordeal
was common, and we read of men fearlessly
grasping red-hot iron or plunging their hand into boiled
water or oil. Criminal cases were heard by the Patel who
was an officer^ having the qualifications of a modern Tahsil-
dar. Appeals in civil and criminal cases were heard by the
"BraHman Nyayadhish, whose decisions were based upon
the ancient Smritis. Tfhfi- final, court of appeal was the
Majlis who seems to have disappeared after
Shivaji was a born general and captain pf

organised the military system^ which he had inherited from
~"His predecessors, and effected several improve-
ments in ^-ÔwJtoLJ^
^f ^turethat
chronicles mention . of there
his "military administration.
were about 280 forts in The-
his
possession, bâc^hejh^l^ witktbs adioiningJtemtory
under a flo^gW^r Jp^rmed the unit of Shiyaji/a
He spent a large sum of money in repairing some of the
THE TURN IN THE TID« 677
important. forts like Rajgarfr, Raigarh, Torna, and

was sparecLtQ
good condition, *JThe people ___
the
resorted in time Qf.,jnyagigiuL .Each fort was ttnjsr a
LSghom were associated a Brahman
Subahdar responsible for civil and revenue administrôm
jandtan officer of the Prabhu (Kayastha) caste^ vduil5i^
charge of the grain and fodder supply, and of the military
stores/ The Havaldar had a garrison under his command,
recruited from the various castes. Shivaji's political wisdom
]§„ reflected in the rastp halanre wîclti ^ trJQc| to
i|i_orderjtp prevent conspiracy ^.nd jrgvolj: ffl t^?e Par<:
maintained a regular, standing army, and
durmgthe ramv seasonrAlrtfae time
of his death, his army, whichf was"6rigin5ny^ small force,
consisted of 30 to 40 thousand cavalry, and one lakh of
infantrv^drawn from the ranks of the peasantry. He had an
elephant corps, which numbered 1,260 according to the
Sabhasad Bakliar, and also a fleet which contained about 200
•"^-^-ffaff TEQ strength of his artillery arm is not pre-
cisely known, though Orme writes that ' he had previously
purchased eighty pieces o£ cannon and lead suffi-
cient lor all his matchlocks from the French Director at
Surat." The Sabhasad mentions the use of fire arms in
battles, and says that the enemies were attacked with
rockets, musket shots, bombs and stones.
The army had the same gradation of officers as
obtained JIT^ foe, civil administration. The cavalry was
1 Fragments, p. 88.
•
divided. into twiL-Classes- the JBargir^ and the Shiledars*

The fonngr was supplied with horses and arms by the state,
whijejbhgjatter had. to finil his_own equipment TKejjnit
in the cavalry was formed by 25 troopers,; over them was
placed a liavaldar, and five Havaldars formed one Jumla
under a' Jumladar. Ten Jumladars made^ a Hazari charge,
and five Hazaris were placed under a Panjhazari, whojwas
given a^salary of 2,000 huns. JJLb&JZa&jhazaris were under
the command of a Sarnobat. For every 25 troopers, a farrier
and a water-carrier were provides by jyi^sUrwr^^ ----
TBelnfantry arm was similarly organised. It was divided
was regiments,
|nto fwinleSISy ^n^soldiers "3Tyisions.
bnga3eTlina who 'Tnâmalle&t*
were under unit
the command
of a ISTaik. Over five such NaikTwas placed' aTHavaldafr two
or three of whom formed the charge of a Jumladar. Ten
Jumladarsfwere under the command of a Hazari, and over
seven Hazaris was placed a Sarnobat.
The army consisted of both Hindus and Muhammadans
and mgde
also call theno feudal
dist?'flctiQr\s
forces of In
the time of need
Maratha Shivaji but
Wattandars, could
he
did not place reliance upon them. Soldiers were paid in
cash or by an assignment on the district governments.
J*hey had full confidence in their leader, and loved to follow
him to the field of battle. JHhtose who served him loyally
were rewarded, and^tfeg^jefaildren and widows of those
whojell m battle were well looked after by ^
liberality attracted men from far and wide, and even veteran
warriors felt the1 magic of his powerful personality,- and
regarded it a privilege to follow him. Shivaji's military
camp was much better than that of later times. He
always anxious to maintain discipline in the army and nevpr
allowed anything which might lower the morale nf MA.
THE TURN IN THE TIDE
t •
troops^ HeJiad drawn gp êlaborate j'egulationsjfor^hia army
which may be summarised thus :
" The army should return to cantonments in the
home territory during the rainy season. Grain, fodder,
and medicines were to be stored for the horses and
thatched huts for the troopers. Soon after Dashehra
the army marched out of the cantonments and for
eight months it subsisted in foreign territories. Na
Tfromenr female slaves, or dancinp girls should be permit-
ted.. Any one breaking the rule should be put to death
Wogien and children of the enemv should bemq-
tected. Brahmans were to be let alone and should
not be accepted as sureties^ when contributions were
levied from a conquered country. Precious articles
Seized bjLlke tmnpa during thpir onjnnrn ahrnaH aVinnl/?
be sent to the treasury. Those who kept back anything
shoukUbg severely dealt with."
These regulations were strictly enforced. Khafi Khan
writes in this connection :
" He (Shivaji) laid down the rule that whenever a

place was plundered, the goods of poor people, ^pulsiyah
(copper money), and vessels of brass and copper, should
1 belong to the man who found them j:Jb,fl^^^^
êld and silver, coined ctf uncoined, gems, valuable
stuffs and jewels, 'were not to belong to tHe^ "finder,,
tu t^vêrfi Jo i)eîven up without the smallest deduction
to the officers, and to be by them pafd over to Shivaji 'a
government."1
Elliot, VII, p. 261.

During the sack of Surat the Marathas did not touch

cloth, copper utensils, and other insignificant articles. ' No
soldier was enlisted in fcJ&e , aoawLJaniggs^^ furnished
security for good behaviour. The officers were paid in
advance^ and _had to account .for the Chauth and
Sardeshmukhi collected by them. Merit was "recognised.
ISaSfffitSfui service was fitly rewarded .
Khafi Khan's condemnation of Shivaji, reiterated by
European writers, has been proved to be baseless by modern
_ research, and thanks to the labour of Indian
scholars, that we have been able to form a
and charac- just estimate of his character and policy
Like Haider Ali and Ran jit Singh after him,
Shivjm jMggessed yr^lYe gefllns of a-liifph~-Qgdflr-. From
the son of a petty Jagirdar in a Muslim State, he rose to
the position of a powerful k^g, who qfoiick t^yrnr jnto fche
hearts of his opponents, and fovmded an independent
Hindu_S£at£ in thejeethôf Muslimôppjaisition. The reader
will easily gather from the account of his life given before
what a great statesman and general he was. ^He evolved
order out of cha.QSL,uaêd the scattered f raftromt? .Qf ^
Maratha people into a jaation. and by the example of his
own personal heroism, led them on to heights of glory, of
had never dreamt before. 3> Every jrgjd brought
every conquest extended the boundaries
of his gmall kingdom, which becamet an eyesore not only
to the Sultanate of Bijapur^ Jbut also to tha mighty, Mughal
empire tl| Shi vajj :wa^ B rare admixture of the ideal and
the practical. A^Ûie champion of cows and Bralimans, he
appealed to the traditionaLreligioua impulses of the Hindu
**" ' '" ..>«.«» *fc.-*,.< ..... ,,r*»'»v* ""- -f ««•«.•> *•
1 Bawlinson, Bhivaji, p. 98.

» x •
jace. and succeeded remarkably in organising an effactive

which overshadowed the
entire land from Delhi to Daulatabad. He saw clearly
the consequences of the imperial policy of annexing the
south, and strove all his life to make it impossible of
realisation. ^Îftarîin his ideals, whirh he pursued with a
steadfastness which has few parallels in the political
annals^j)fj>ur country, Shivaji possessed in a rare measure,
wh%t_Professor J, N. Sarkar nil™ ^7 nnfnilinrr tiPim i?f
reality in politics. The task of a statesman is not merely
to envisage a great purpose, but to see how far his. resources
carT carry him. Shivaji bad the gift of grasping quickly
the possibilities of a situation, and knew where he must
stop. It is true he followed the maxim of 'safety first,'
"ljutjeven here his actions were not the results of rmean and
grovelling calculations ' ^ Hje organised an administration
which was in many respects more efficient than that of the
Mughals, The welfare of the common people was ever dear
to his heart, and there is ample evidence of his charity.
justice, and benevolence. It is this which led the Marathas
tojregard him ' as a supermlfflT-a-tlmire^
from
Shivajithewere
yoke~"of Muslims/
a tyrant It wouldrobber
or a mere not have
chief,been so, in
equal if
treachery and finesse only to the devil, as Khafi Khan would
have us believeT^Shjvaji gave the Marathas peace and order,
arjd^to a persecuted community he appeared asjhe star TTfg
new hope before whom all ugly shadows melted away, and
theJigarts of his ^-religionists were fruoyed up with joy in
expectation of the fulfilment of a great purpose. It was the
strength and yiggurjuWîch he imparted to the political^
social system of the Mârathas, wjiich defied Aur
might even after his dea»._jrhe abandonment of his policy
t
by his successors precipitated tfce ruin of the state, which he
had founded with so much energy, statesmanship and
foresight.^ *
I In private life Shivaii maintained a hifth standard of
morality, considering the times in which he lived. Polygamy
and cortcubinage were common among men of high stations,,
but all authorities agree that his elevated morality and
loftiness of purpose were in striking contrast with the sen-
sual indulgence, meanness, and trickery of his contemgora-
ries* He was illiterate, but his powerful mind was capable
of comprehending the most intricate questions of politics.
He^jKas a shrewd Judge of men, and his discernment; Qf
human character was as unerring as it was quick. By the
' sheer force of his native genius, he outshone all his minis-
ters, and successfully imposed his will upon them. In
Diplomacy and statecraft^ he had £ew equals in his age, and
his enemies were taken by surprise at tfag^ rapiffityjindi
suddenness with which he altered his positions and execut-
ed^ tiis plans. He was intensely devoted to his religion.
TOUT plant of" orthodoxy nurtured by his mother with
tender care and affection amidst circumstances of depres-
sion, which were enough to crush all enterprise out of an
ordinary woman, at last grew into a tree, and bore rich
fruit. He became a champion of Hinduism, and his readiness
to defend it at all times against Muslim aggression brought
to him the sympathy of Hmdus all over Hindustan. His
Guru Bam Das, by his influence, fed this fountain of faith,
and when Shivaii organised his government, he devised
measures to promote the interests of Hindu religion. He
granted pensions to learned Brahmans. âscetics, built hermi-
tages, and offered encouragement to SanskrilTstudies. ~~5ne
lice \ was every year si-anted to a Brahman who
mastered one of fthe Vedas, sgid two to him who studiedtwo

and so onjnjncreasin&' proportion. Students were given
stigepdaZand scholars from distantlands ^^^camelo^^seek K?
patronage. He was interested in the causeôTlearning and
employed learned brahmans to find synonyms for current
PersiaiTworcls, and their labours resulted in the compilation
'of the Rajvyavahar TtGStFT " ~"*
But Shivaji was not a bigot He treated even Muslim
sainte wTtF respect, and granted lands and annuities to-
Muslim shrines.L_JEIe waged relentless war against the
Musalmans, but Ke stopped it as goon as they acknowledged
hisjêrlordsliijx Even Khafi Khan ^w ho is in no way friendly
to him speaks of his great qualities in eulogistic terms :
" But he made it a rule that whenever his
followers went plundering, they should do no harm to
the mosques, the Book of God, or the woman of any one.
Whenever a copy of the sacred Kuran came into his
hands he treated it with respect, and gave it to some of
his Musalman followers. When the women of any Hindu
or Muhammadan were taken prisoners by his men, he
watched over them until their relations came with a
suitable ransom to buy their liberty."1
The same writer says in another place :
" Shivaji had always striven to maintain the honour
of the people in his territories. He persevered in a course
of rebellion, in plundering caravans, and troubling
mankind ; but he entirely abstained •from other dis-
graceful acts, and was careful to maintain the honour
of women and children of Muhammadans when they fell
1 Elliot, VII, p. 260.

i
into his hands. His injunctions upon this point were
very strict, and any one who disobeyed them received
punishment. Ml
Shivaji well merited the kingship which was adorned by
his valour and virtue- He was ambitious, but ambition did
not blind him to moral considerations v^be was generous Jbo
his foe^ and chivalrous to women, when they fell into his
hands. The charges of fraud and treachery, brought âgainst
to stand the test«of a
critical examination^ Indeed, the unbiassed enquirer is often
struck byliis regard for Muslim religion and his generous
treatment of the weak and the defenceless. Mr. Rawlinson
is right when he says
Jle was never deliberately or wantonly cruel. .
respectjômen, mosques, and non-combatants, to.jgtop
promiscuous slaughter after a battle, to release and dis-
fiusFwith honour captured men and officers. . . . these
arFsurely no light virtues."2
The Maratha State built up by Shivaji did not last be-
yond his lifetime. It y a* a military^gapisa*^ like tbato£
Ranjit Singh, and ^^swept away by the very forces which
had^brouSîHflHo
beelfthe chief cause existence. Caste The
of its decline. cannotreal
be causes
said to were
have
the autocratic character of government, and the reappear-
ance of feudalism after Sfiivaji's death. The tendency
towards disintegration became more'and more manifest as
time passed, and, Marat ha Jagirdars began to act as inde-
pendent despots, concerned with their selfish interests and
not with those of the larger group to which they belonged.
* Shivaji, p. 99,
THE TURN IN THE » TIDE 685*
t
The state perished in the scramble of rival chiefs for power
and wealth. Treachery and cunning were commonly used aa
political weapons, and the virtues of truthfulness and honesty
were ignored by those who wielded power. The dearth of
a leader like Shivaji disorganised the national life which
he had created. Lastly, the wars waged by the Marathas
and Mughals against each other did harm to both parties.
They destroyed the stability of the Maratha State and
seriously hindered national consolidation and growth.
Mention has previously been made of the new regula-
tions which Aurangzeb issued soon after his accession to
the throne. They were followed by certain
others, which reveal his serious and gloomy
outlook on life and his desire to make
everything conform to orthodox Islam. In the eleventh
year of the reign, he banned mpsic at Court on the plea
that he had no time for amusements, and dismissed the
court singers and musicians, who had been employed by
former kingsXThe musicians about a thousand in number
gathered together on a Friday, having 2() biers in tneir
midst, and cried aloud with grief after the fashion of the
Hindus, when they carry the dead body to the burning
gipund. The emperor who happened to go to the mosque
at the time enquired the cause of this sorrow, whereupon
the bewailing musicians replied that they were going to
bury music. Aurangzeb's wit flew to his rescue, and he
observed,
head again. ' Bury
The hernobles
deep and
so that
Amirs,shecoritinued
may not raise hep
to enjoy
music, and the regulation remained a dead letter except in*
large cities of the empire.
Other regulations follpwed in rapid succession. The
weighing of the emperor on his birthdays was stopped,.
« c
-and the Hindu mode of saluting each other was no longer
to be followed by the courtiers. They were to repeat the
formula ' Salam alekum ' (Peace be on you) in saluting
each other, but its use in the presence of the emperor was
forbidden. Astrology was treated with contempt. Astro-
logerswere
§ not allowed to prepare almanacs, but belief
in their knowledge was so deep-rooted that it could not be
•done away with by legislation. The birthday and corona-
tion festivals were simplified, and the darshan »was
^bolished^ Wine drinking was forbidden, and the Kotrâl
was ordered to cut one hand and one foot of all thqafc-who
•dealt
and notin_spirituousliquor.
a day passed, whien BhaMg^w^ similarlyjgndgmned,
the pots and vessels in which
it was prepared were not broken by the police. Like Firuz
Tughlaq before him, the emperor forbade women from
visiting the shrines of holy men.
Besides these purely Islamic ordinances, the emperor
issued certain rules to improve the manners and morals
-of his subjects of all classes. Dancing-girls and public
women were allowed to choose between marriage and
egilejjut the Amirs and nobles of Mughal India could not
do withogUJisBi. Fashion wasdiscouraged, andêttimmacy
in dress was ridjcule3I Gaming halls were penalised, and
•drastic penalties were laid down for breaches of this law.
During the Holi festival ^ghypnP aftngq \j\ nnhlip. strata
were not permitted, and those who cnatched faggots from
the people by force were punished. The
-cessions were jailso .stopped. Sati ^ya« farhifrten, but the
royaFedict remained a mere pious wish, as is clear from the
testimony of European travellers.
The reaction against the spirit of toleration, begun in
'the reign of Shahjahan, now became more pronounced,
and the character of the sydministration assumed a theo-

cratic appearance. Aurangzeb had given
evidence of bigotry in his early life, when
as Viceroy of Gujarat, hedesecrated the
temple ftf flhjntama|ii in 1644 by slaughtering a cow in it
-and turning it into a mosque. Now, he found an Opportu-
nity to give a free rein to his orthodox ideas. On the 9th
April, 1669, he issued a general order * to demolish all the
schopls and temples of the infidels and to put down their
religious teaching and practices/ Some of the most
famous shrines like the temple of Somnath in Gujarat.
Vishwanath in Benares, and Keshava Rai in Mathura were
'demolish ed^ and the Faujdar of the last place was order-
ed to put down with a high hand all protests on the part
of the Hindus against the imperial policy.1 Later, an
order was sent to destroy the temple of Keshava Rai
completely and rename Mathura as Islamabad. Officers
were employed to enforce the emperor's regulations, and
their activities assumed such proportions that a darogha
.had to be appointed to supervise their work.
The custom duty on all commodities for sale was fixed
-at 2i per cent of the value in the case of Muslims and 5 per
cent in the case of Hindus. Later in May 1667, the Muslims
were wholly exempted from such duty, and the state
had 10 forego a large income, Another device by which
the emperor sought tp induce conversion to Islam was to
1 A full account of these measures is given in t"he Masir-i-Alamgiri.

—Elliot, VII, pp. 184-86. Also J. N. Sarkar's History of AuraAgzeb, III, pp.
348—90. Raja Hirsingh Bundela had spent 33 lakhs of Rupees on the
temple of Keshava Rai. It was a splendid temple, and Ms destruction
led to a fanatical outbreak of the Jats at Mathura.
Aurangzeb built a mosqjie which still stands on the site of the
temple of Vishwanatha destroyed in 1669.
€
offer rewards and posts to tfrose Hindus who renounc-

ed their faith. The state became a large missionary
institution which extended its favour to renegades,
and made liberal promises irrespective of merit and
efficiency.
This was not all. In 1668 Hindu fair? were qJao
stopped throughout the empire, and the famous festival of
Diwali (ffmt of Inmpi) — wnn forhiddftn, and could be
celebrated only outside cities. The emperor committed
a great blunder in excluding the Hindus from public
offices. The acquisition of a Qanungoship on condition
of embracing Islam passed into a proverb, and Prof.'Sarkar
observes that there are still in the Punjab families in whose
farmans this condition is clearly laid down. l In 1671
the emperor issued an order that the rent collectors in
the Khalsa lands must be Muslims, and that all viceroys-
and taluqdars must dismiss their Hindu peshkars (Readers)
and Diwans (Accountants). But the provincial adminis-
tration could not get on without Hindu peshkars, and the
emperor afterwards allowed half the posts to be held by
Hindus. 2
It is astonishing that a great king like Aurangzeb
should have lost all sense of proportion in the glare of reli-
gious zeal. He ordered the converts from Hinduism to fie
seated on fllfiphftTjfrf ^ <*mM in procession with con-
siderable display through the streets^ JQ£ the tow,n. In
March 1695,' all Hindus except the Rajputs were forbidden
to ride palkis or elephants, or horses and to terry
arms.9
1 History of Aurangzeb, III, p. 277.
* History of Aurangzeb, IIIt p. 277.
THE TURN IN THE TIDE 68ft
* Aurangzeb's anti-Hindu measures caused much dis-

content, and provided several fearful risinps. The first
Rebellion of *n P°*nt °f time was the rebellion of Gokal
Gokal Jat, Jat in the neighbourhood of Mathura against
*** the policy of Abdunnabi, the faujdar of that
city, from August 1660, till May 1669. He wasâ, trusted
agent of the emperor, and enjoyed the reputation of being
Soon after taking charge of his office,
he built a mosque in the heart of the c.ity (1661-62) on the
ruirfs of a Hindu temple, and in 1666, he removed the carved
stone railing which had been presented to Keshava Rai'a
temple by Para Shukoh. This infuriated the Jat peasantry
of the district and their leader Gokal. They ki1)fiH thg
faujdar. and plundered the pargana of Sadabad. The
emperor's anger was roused when lawlessness spread on to
other districts. Several generals were sent against the
Jats, and in a bloody encounter^which took place 20 miles
from Tilpat, Gokal was captured with his faîjlv He was
brought to Agra where on the platform of the police office
his limbs were hacked to pieces, and his family was forced
to embrace Islam. But Gokal's death did not end the
trouble. Other leaders took his place, and the insurrec-
tionary movement continued by fits and starts till 1686,
when the Jats again rose in revolt under the leadership of
Raja Ram. Raja Ram was defeated and slain by the
imperialists, but his nephew' (brother's son) Churaman
carried on the resistance on a large scale to the end of
Aurangzeb's reign. The Jats after the emperor's death
became very powerful, and their part in the destruction
of the Mughal empire will be described in another place.
Another formidable rebellion was that of the S
in the districts of Narnol and Mewat. They were also
F. 44
called mvtnd'-Wti because they completely shaved off the\r

Re- in
SatnamiMay
Uoit, âir' Satnam G?ftd means
or the&tnami
ê word'S God).r
name a(ofbelieve
I1872' A Hindu historian, who probably had bitter
sectarian prejudice against them, describes them as ' filthy
and watched people who made no distinctions between
Hindus and Musalmans and who ate pigs and the unclean
animals, and saw nothing blameworthy in sin and im-
morality.' But Khafi Khan's picture of the Satnamisis
not so bad. He says:
" These men dress like devotees but they neverthe-

less carry on agriculture and trade, though their trade
is on a small scale. In the way of their religion they
have dignified themselves with the title of 'Good
name/ this being the meaning of Satnam. They are
not allowed to acquire wealth in any but a lawful
calling. If any one attempts to wrong or oppress them
by force, or by exercise of authority, they will not
1 endure it. Many of them have weapons and arms." '
The description of an unfriendly Muslim writer shows
the Satnamis to have been a respectable and valiant sect.
The immediate cause of the revolt was a di§EutfiJbfitween JL
Sqtnami cultivator and a foot-soldier; who was keeping
watch over a field. The spldier broke the Satnamfs head
and thus stirred the fanaticism of the whole tribe.
They belaboured the soldier who veifr nearly died. When
the local Shiqdar tried to arrest the culprits, the Satnamis
assembled in large numbers and broke out into open
rebellion. The faujdar of Narnol marched against them,

THE TUEN IN THE TIDE 691
•
tout he was repulsed and .compelled to seek refuge in
flight. When the emperor heard of this outbreak, he
sent forces, but they were all beaten by the zealous
sectaries. So helpless was the Mughal army against
them that it began to credit the rebels with magic and
witchcraft, and incredible stories about them 'became
current in the country. The emperor who was known
as a living saint (Zinda pir) tried to beat them with
their own weapons. He wrote some prayers and incantations
with his own hand, and had them sewn in the imperial
banners. A terrible battle followed in which about 2,000
Satnaitfis were slain, and the rest fled from the field of
battle. The rebellion was quelled with ruthless violence,
and the country was cleared of the infidels.
The Sikhs also made an effective protest against
Aurangzeb's high-handed policy. A brief sketch of their
^ relations towards the empire of Delhi will
The resist-
ance of the suffice
, to enable . _ the
. reader to understand
Sikhs. the genesis of their revolt, (guru Nanak.
the founder of the sect^ was essentially
a practical reformer. The only way of salvation according
to him lay through devotion to God combined with good
actions. He had no faith in Brahma^ and Mniiaô and
attached ho value to the externals of religion. The out-
standing features of the system propounded by him were
'its non-sectarian character' and its reconciliation with
secular life. 1
The next three gurus who followed him walked in his
footsteps and addressed themselves * mainly to religious
and social reform. The fourth guru Ram Das had an
1 Narang, Transformation of Sikhiam, pp. 11, 13.

«
interview with Akbar, who w$s much pleased with him
and granted him a piece of land on which he dug a tank
called Amritsar or the * Pool of immortality. ' The fifth guru
Arjun who succeeded to the gaddi in 1581 was a powerful
organiser. He edited thp ffrfi.ttrt.flflft.tft and transformed the
Sikhs into a compact community with definite ideals. He
incurred Jahangir's displeffinrfl hy ff"""!? ^p tn hia refr*1-
lious son Khusrau. and was thrown into prison where he
was tortured to death in 1606.
The Sikhs wereexasperated at this murder of their
guru, and they began to cherish a grudge towards the
Muslim empire. They formed themselves into a military
community under their guru Har Govind (1606—45) who
combined in himself the qualities of a warrior, saint, and
sportsman. Nothing worthy of mention was done by his
two immediate successors, but matters reached a crisis
when the ninth guru Tegh Bahadur was murdered by
Aurangzeb in 1675.
The cajjse of this ghastly tragedy was the guru's
protest against the attacks on Hinduism and the desecra-
tion of holy shrines. He was summoned to Delhi to
answer the charge of fomenting sedition in the country
and was thrown into prison, where on his refusal to
^rnfrrace Islam, he was tortured to death after a few davk
According to another account, he was asked either to
accept Islam or to perform a miracle to prove his ffuru*
ship. He chose the latter alternative, and wrote a charm-
with his hand on a piece of paper, which, he said, would
save his neck from the sword. When his head was struck
off by the executioner, the paper was found to contain the
words : Sir dig aar na dia, i.e., he j?ave his head but
not his secret.
TBE TURN IN THE TIDE
• •
Whatever the manner of the guru's death, it sent a
thrill of horror through the Punjab, and the whole country
began to burn with indignant revenge. } His son and suc-
cessor Guru Govind Singh swore to avenge his father's
4sath. But how could "a religious fraternity contend
against the might and majesty of the Mughal empire?
After a serious examination of the whole position, he reach-
ed the conclusion that success could be gained only Jby turn-
ing gikhism into a military creed. He grimly resolved to
subvert the empire, and by his example, as Cunningham
says, from the midst of social degradation and religious
corruption, he called np simplicity
of purpose, and enthusiasm of desire. a The ceremony of
baptism which he introduced, consisted in the drinking of
water consecrated by a sword or dagger. Caste
demned^ and those who took part in the communion had
to eat something prepared by mixing flour, butter and
sugar. The new brotherhood came tqbe known as Khalsa,
and the guru made it obligatory for every member to carry
always on his person fiveTKIngs, aU beginning with K—
Kqpak<i fanmhv Kach (breeches reaching to the knee),
Jforrf. (knife) , JCesh (hair), JSTngon (sword). The members
of the Khalsa now dedicated their lives like the followers
of Ignatius Loyola to the service of the mother church,
and vowed vengeance upon h§r enemies.
The guru wholly .changed his mode of life. He lived
like a prince amidst regal pomp and splendour, organised
an army, builL, hill forts, and began to fight with theTull
<&ieftains whom he defeated in battle. The Mughal
government was roused by his conquest, and forces
1 Transformation of Sikhism, p. 67.
1 History of the Sikhs, £. 67.
t
were sent to suppress him. <He suffered a defeat ; twa
of his sons, capfored bv the Mughals. were executed
with great cruelty, and the guru was himself a fugitive
for some time The imperialists kept up the pur-
suit, but they were defeated at Muktesar, where the
guru built a tank which is still held sacred by the
Sikhs.
Now Aurangzeb's end was drawing nigh. After a
stormy career Guru Govind Singh had settled peacefully at
Anandpur, where he received the imperial summons ta
present himself at Court. He expressed his readiness to go,
but enumerated the wrongs which he had suffered at the
hands of the Mughals. The emperor promised him an
honourable reception and the guru started to meet him in
the Deccan, but on his wa^he received the news (1707)
that the emperor had died.
Aurangzeb's successor BalRrour Shah invited the guru
to accompany him to the Deccan, where a year after he was
murdered (1708) by an Afghan fanatic.
The guru, who was a far-sighted man, nominated Banda
as his military successor, but fearing the disputes that
might arise about the gaddi of guru-ship he abolished it,
and entrusted the spiritual headship of the Sikhs to five
of his disciples, saying, "I shall ever be present among five
Sikhs. Whenever there are .five Sikhs of mine assembled,
they shall be priests of all priests " e
But the most important of all these measures was the
revival of tfre Jeziva on April 2, 1679, throughout all the
prnvinrw " wjtfa ftfrg pftjffft pfpnrhinpr fh* mfiHolgj and of
diatingmahiflg tha fond nf thf faithful from an infidel
land."1 The Hindus of Delhi and the neighbouring
1 Elliot VII, p. 296.
TURN IN THE TIDE 695
•
country assembled in large numbers on the river front of
the palacejo beseech the emperor to withdraw his edict.
But no heed was paid to their entreaties. Then they had
recourse to another form of protest, and Khafi Khan haa
described the scene in these words :
"One day, when he went to public prayer in the
great mosque on the Sabbath, a vast multitude of
Hindus thronged the road from the palace to the mosque
«with the object of seeking relief. Money-changers and
drapers, all kinds of shopkeepers from the Urdu bazar,
mechanics, and workmen of all kinds, left oft work and
business, and pressed into the way. Notwithstanding
orders were given to force a way through, it was
impossible for the emperor to reach the mosque. Every
moment the crowd increased, and the emperor's
equipage was brought to a standstill. At length, an
order was given to bring out the elephants and direct
them against thfr — mob. Many ufell trodden to death
under the feet of the elephants and horses. For some
days the Hindus continued to assemble in great num-
bers and complain, but at length they submitted to pay
the Jeziya.™
The Jeziya was levied with great rigour and a large
staff of officers was employed to collect it,* The revenue
yielded was considerable, andf in Gujarat alone it amounted
to five lakhs of rupeeS a year. According to Professor J. N.
Sarkar, the policy underlying the Jeziya was to increase the
number of Muslims by putting pressure upon the Hindus.8
8 In countries where the standard was a silver one it was 15*
dirhams for ordinary men and 24 for simmis in better circumstances*
and for the rich 48. Encyclopaedia of Islam, p. 1051.
« f
Manuccj says Aurangzeb did jit for two reasons : first*
because by this time his treasures had begun to shrink
owing to expenditure on his campaigns ; secondly, to force
• the Hindus to bec^ypg MnhamrryMjiina. Many who were
unable to pay turned Muhammadans to obtain relief from
the insults of the tax-collectors. 1 In Aurangzeb's defence
it may be said that he was exasperated by the formidable
risings of the Hindus that had broken out both in the north
and the south. War with the Marathas was going on ; tthe
Satnami Brahmans had revolted in 1672 ; and the Sikhs had
declared open war upon the empire in 1675 after the
murder of their guru Tegh Bahadur. The emperor had
outraged the cherished prejudices of the Hindus, and the
Hindus had aroused his fierce wrath by their defiance.
Conciliation between the two was impossible. The result
was a cruel misunderstanding and a sanguinary conflict
between the opposing forces, which paved the way to
complete ruin.
The veteran Raja Jaswant Singh, who had been appoint-
ed faujdar of Jamrud, a Mughal outpost on the Khaibar
Pass, died there on the 10th December, 1678.
I War! 1679?U Aurangzeb who the
crusade against had Hindus,
already welcomed
launched the,
his
event, and forthwith began to make preparations to bring
the state of Marwar under his control. Muslim officers were
appointed, and the whole country *was brought under
* Storia,
** The II, p. 284.'
Jeziya existed • in Turkey down to the time of the Crimean
War. By the law of 10th May, 1886, the Jeziya as a tax on the free
exercise of religion was replaced by a tax for exemption from military
service. The last trace of it only disappeared after the Revolution in
Turkey since when Christians also do military service." Encyclopaedia
of Islam, p. 1062.
• »
direct Mughal rule. Orders »were issuedffor the demolition
of temples and the revival of the Jeziya, Indra Sinyhf a
.grand-nephew of Jaswant Singh, was made the Raia_pf
Jodhpur on payment of 36 lakhs of rupees. '
In February 1679, the two widowed Ranis of Jaswant
Singh arrived at Lahore, and gave birth to two sctos, one
of whom died, and the other Ajit Singh lived to secure th^
gaddi of Marwar after terrible fighting by the aid of the
skill* valour, and devotion of Durga Das, a son of the late
Raja's minister Askaran. Aurangzeb wished to keep
Ajit Singh in his haram and to bring him up after the
fashion of Mughal princes. ' His intention is corroborated
by the fact that the fictitious Ajit Singh, whom he caused
to be smuggled into his palace, was brought up as a Muslim
and was given a Muslim name. The Rajputs were be-
wildered at this extraordinary proposal of the emperor.
They pleaded with him to recognise the legitimacy of Ajit's
claim, but he turned a deaf ear to all their entreaties. The
Rathors, determined to fight to the last man in defence of
the honour of their ruling house, turned to Durga Das,
for help in this crisis. Durga Pas's name will ever rank
among the immortals of Rajput history. Devoted to the
royal house of Marwar and endowed with valour and
statesmanship of no mean order, Durga Das was a man of
stainless honour, who never b»oke^his word, and even in
* Contrast with this the treatment which Durga Das meted out to
Aurangzeh's grandson and grand -daughter (Akhar,'s children) who were
completely in his hands after their father's flight. The Begum who was
only 14 years of age was properly looked after and restored to Aurangzeb.
When the emperor spoke of appointing a tutoress for her, she informed
him that Durga Das had been so attentive to her welfare that he had
secured for her a Muslim mistress from Ajmer under whose tuition she had
already studied the Quran and* committed it to her memory. Sarkar,
History of-Aurangzeh, V, p. 282.
698 HISTOJRY OP MUSLIM RULE f
dealing with his enemies, rfever employed treachery, or
base intrigue to accomplish his ends. At considerable-
personal risk, he carried on the battle of Marwar's freedom
for a quarter of a century, and scorned the temptations,
which the wealth and power of the Mughals placed in his.
way. "He rassinghit upon
situation a stratagem
in which he wasto placed.
escape from
With thetheembar-
Ranis
dressed in male jittire, Durga Das escaped with Aiit Singh
and safely conveyedThim to Jodhpur in July 1679^ Aufeng-
zeb quietly substituted a milkman's little son for Ajit, and
declared that the boy whose cause Durga Das had espoused
was not a true son of Jaswant Singh.
Aurangzeb at once ordered an invasion of Marwar,
and himself proceeded to direct the operations from
Ajmer. The forces were under the command of Prince
Akbar and Tahawur KhanT the fauidar of Ajmer. The-
Rajputs were defeated, and Aurangzeb divided the whole
country into districts, each of which was entrusted to
a Mughal faujdar. It was a clear case of wanton annexa-
tion.
The Rani, who was a Mewar princess, appealed to
Rana Raj Singh for help, and the latter like a true Sisodia
took up the cause of the orphan prince. Mewar could not
be safe, if Marwar was annexed to the empire. Like
other Hindus Jeziya was demanded from the Rana, who-
was already alarmed at the fanatical policy of Aurangzeb.
Some of the holiest shrines of the Hindus had been de-
secrated^ and asto 'theTprem'ier
fell it his duty rise up in chief
defencein Rajasthan, the Rana
of the ashes^qfUbis
fatbgrgjind the temples of his gods. Self-interest as well
as higher considerations impelled him to make common*
cause with Durga Das.
TURN IN THE TJDE 69$
Aurangzeb left for Udarpur, and a large Mughal army
poured into Mewar territory. The Rana fled into the hills,
and the emperor satiated his wrath by seizing all his
property and ordering the demolition of 123 temples in
the environs of Udaipur and 63 at Chittor. ! The state of
Amber, though friendly to the emperor, was also treated
severely and 66 temples were destroyed. Having left Prince
Akbar in charge of Chittor, Aurangzeb returned to Ajmer.
The Rajputs continued fighting and struck terror into-
the hearts of their opponents. Indignant at the failure
of Akb^r, Aurangzeb sent his son, Azam, to deal with
Mewar, and transferred Akbar to Marwar. There the
prince entered into a treasonable conspiracy with the
Rajputs and declared that Aurangzeb * had forfeited tHe
throne by his violation of the Islamic canon law/ He
crowned himself emperor, made^fahawur Khan his premier
nobleman,stimulated
Rajputs and raisedhishim to the
hopes rank of 7~000
by dwelling horse.
upon the The
splendid
results of the co-operation of Mughals and Rajputs.
Aurangzeb was dumb-founded at the news of Akbar *s
treason and cried out in wild despair, " I am now defence^
less"." The young hero has" got a fine opportunity. Why
then is he delaying now ?" If Akbar had quickly marched
towards Ajmer, he would have defeated his father and
greatly strengthened his position.
But he wasted hfe time in pleasure, and Aurangzel>
speedily arranged for the defence of Ajmer. Prince
Muazzam
forcements joined him withwhich
also arrived a large army', andswelled
considerably other rein-
the
numbers of the imperialists. Akbar was ready to begin.
•
1 Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, III, p. 341.
r
'the attack, when Aurangzeb's diplomacy frustrated all

his plans. He wrote a letter to the prince and managed
that it should reach Durga Das. He congratulated the
prince on having befooled the Rajputs in accordance with
his instructions and asked him 'to bring them into a
positioh where they would be under the fire of both
armies.' Khafi Khan discredits the story, but it was
current in the Mughal camp at the time. !
This letter caused a division in the ranks of Akirar's
supporters. His army was broken up and he himself fled
from the field of battle. But Durga Das and Jai Singh
(Raj Singh's successor) loyally stood by him, and honoured
their pledges to the last by giving him shelter. When
they saw that the prince would not be free from danger
in Northern India, they safely escorted him to Shambhuji,
son of Shivaji, in the Deccan. From there he fled to
Persia where he died in 1704.
War with Mewar continued, and both sides suffered
heavy losses. At last a peace was patched up between the
two in 1681 by which Jai Singh ceded certain districts in
lieu of the Jeziya. He was made Rana and received a
mansab of 5,000.
Akbar's junction with Shambhuji upset Aurangzeb, apd
he concentrated all his energy on the Deccan war, and
slackened his efforts in Rajputana. Thejlathors employed
tflr»H<»Q under the leadership of Durga Das, who
carried on the war of independence for 30 years till 1709.
After Aurangzetfs cjeath his son Bahadur Shah, acknow-
ledged the claim of Ajit Singh to the gaddi of Mewar.
The Rajput war drained Aurangzeb's resources in men
and money and lowered his prestige all over Hindustan.
The defection of Akbar encouraged the enemies of the
empire to count upon the dissensions of the royal family
for the success of their plans. The Rajputs were alienated*.
In the past men like Mirza Raja Jai Singh and Jaswant
Singh had shea their blood in the service of the empire,
buTlienceforward the Rajputs withheld their support, and
Aurangzeb had to carry on the war in the Beccan, single-
handed. The ruin that followed was inevitable, A great
empire and little minds go ill together, and Aurangzeb wha
wasT a zealous Puritan turned friends into foes by his
ungenerous treatment. The pursuit of a wrong ideal in
full disregard of political expediency strengthened the
forces of reaction, and anarchy began to raise its head,
where at one time peace and loyalty had reigned supreme.
Shah jahan was induced to attempt the conquest of
the Deccan by political andjgligious motives. The Deccan.
7"" S^ntanFwere Shias, and as an orthodox Sunni
Iand the Shias the emperor felt bound to extinguish their
Iof the Deccan. power- The Sultan of Golkunda had made
\peace, and the siege was raised on March 30, 1656. The^
kingdom of Bijapur was also invaded by Aurangzeb, and
his task was rendered easier by the co-operation of Mir
Jumla, whom he had detached from the Qutb Shah. The
cbuntry was ravaged, but when conquest was almost within
reach, Shahjahan intervened and peremptorily commanded
Aurangzeb to stop the war/ The serious illness of the
emperor in September 1657 postponed the Deccan con-
quest to a subsequent date.
After his accession to the throne Aurangzeb did not
pursue a vigorous policy in the Deccan during the first half
of his reign. But with the end of the Rajput war in 1681
he felt himself free to turn his attention to the Deccan* He
was specially filled witfe dismay at the junction of Prirfce

Akbar with Shambhuji, the Mbratha chieftain, which he
described as an alliance between the ' disturber of India '
and ' the infernal son of the infernal infidel/ But for
this the emperor might have allowed the affairs in the
Deccan to take their course. Another motive was furnished
by the hostility of the empire to the Shias of the Deccan.
To Aurangzeb they were as distasteful as the Hindus, and
he spoke of them as ' corpse-eating demons ' and * mis-
'believers.' War was sanctioned as much by munflane
motives as by the desire to obtain religious merit, and
Aurangzeb spent the remaining 26 years of his life in the
endeavour to crush the Shias and the Marathas. First
he directed his arms against Bijapur. l
What had happened in Bijapur since the abrupt termi-
nation ofAurangzeb 's campaign in 1657 ? Ali Adil Shah II
was a capable monarch. He died on the
2*th November, 1672, and with his death
began the era of decline. His son Sikandar
who was a mere lad of four years of age was placed on the
throne by self-seeking politicians, whose intrigues
brought about the ruin of the state. The government was
Deccan1 *policy. There is Many

one interesting point inhistory
writers on Indian connection with Aurangzeb
have expressed the view's
fthm kingdoms, which would
f.hRf.he ffifffitflftfiftd a
have greatly helped agf">*1? *.h^M«™>-hfls. ' Sirthe
J. N. Sarkar and
taTEesthea
different view. He says that an alliance between Mughals
Shia rulers of the Deccan was impossible. Since A k bar's day they had
never been able to get rid of the notion that the Mughals aiined
at the annexation of their kingdoms. He further contends that the national
state of the Marathas was already formed, and that Bijapur and Golkunda
were in a state of decline, incapable of holding them in check.
Whatever the condition of the Deccan kingdoms, had Aurangzeb
used them as bulwarks against the rising power of the Marathas, he
would have postponed the evil day for some time at least. The destruc-
tion of the kingdoms opened the flood-gates* of Anarchy in the Dec-can.
<ca?ried on by regents who fought amongst themselves and

spasmodically waged war • against the Mughals . and
Marathas. Apart from the internecine strife of rival fac-
tions, there were certain general causes of decay in the body
politic itself. The state was a military despotism which
rested on the bayonets of the generals, who acted pretty
much like the feudal barons of mediaeval Europe. The
bureaucracy was selfish and greedy, and cared only for per-
sonal gain. The common people were indifferent to political
revolutions, and were willing to transfer their allegiance to
any conqueror who established his right to the throne by
his sword. The dissolution of such a decadent state was
-only a question of time.
Aurangzeb sent Diler Khan to the Deccan, and he laid
siege to Bijapur in 1679, but he failed to capture it. The
soldiers in the army mutinied, and openly abused the general
who had forfeited all claim to the emperor's good will by
reason of his failure. Diler Khan was disgraced and re-
called inFebruary 1680
From 1680 to 1683 the Sultan of Bijapur enjoyed
an interval of repose. The Mughals were busy with
Shambhuji who had resumed his father's policy of raid-
ing the imperial territories. Aurangzeb sent his two
S01JS MuaZZam and Aza^ against Rijapnr and ghamfrhnji
but they could do nothing except capturing a few
Maratha forts. On the 13th November, 1683, the emperor
arrived at Ahmednaga* to direct the campaign in person.
Prince Azam captured Sholapur ; but his attempt to
advance on Bijapur was frustrated by tfie enemy. The
emperor also proceeded to Sholapur where he reached on
May 24, 1685. The siege of Bijapur had already begun in
April.
t04 HISTORY OP MUSLIM RULE
The situation from the Mughal point of view was hot

very hopeful. Sikandar's appeal for help met* with
response form the Qutb Shah and Shambhuji. The siege
continued for a long time, but the appearance of famine
in his army filled Aurangzeb with despair, and he ordered
Prince Azam to retire from Bijapur. But the prince
was firm, and told his council of war, which advised
retreat, that with his Begum and two sons he would
stick to the post of duty as long as there^was^ foggth
in his body. Meanwhile Aurangzeb sent reinforcements,
and the siege dragged on for a year. Later he himself
proceeded to the neighbourhood of Bijapur to .superin-
tend the siege in person. Hisdetgrmination shook the
nerves of the Bijapuris, and the shortagôjrprovisjons soon
decided the issue. ' They capitulated nn -September 12,.
Sikandar was broughtto the imperial camp, and was duly

Ushered into the Hall of Public Audience. Even Aurangzeb
was touched byjhgjight^pjf this handsome young prince
deprived of all his earthly pogagggiong^ and re^cedjgjjhe
position ol a "mere captive. He spoke a few words to console
htm, sealed trim on his rig^jandjsn^^ among^the
granaees~bf theTempire with an annual pension of a lakh of
rupees. ETjapur ~was annexed to the Mughal empire, and
its King, the descendant of a long line of rulers, was reduced
to the status of a Khan.
Aurangzeb was vociferously "greeted by a host of
admirers. A we§k after the fall of the city, he entered it in
triumph, offered thanks to GodTn the Jam-i-Masjid for the
victory that had been vouchsafed to him. In the Adil Shahi
palace, adorned by the lavish bounty of successive monarchs,
his bicrotrv manifested itself in the destruction of all wall-
•
paintings which wereînjgontravention of the command of
the
The city was ruined. The loss of independence spelled
also the ruin of her culture, for the provincial viceroy whom
Aurangzeb appointed simply squeezed money from the
people, and remitted it to the imperial headquarters.
Sikandar's fate mayj>e told in a few words. He was
irpprisoned in the fort of Daulatabad, where he spent many
years of his life in a bitter agony of despair in the company
of * another tie
Golkun3aT exalted
was captive, Abulcarried
afterwards ^jjasan,_the king the
about with of
imperial camp, and in this wretched condition came the
final happy release in April 1700, when he was barely 32
years of age. His death caused profound grief at Bijapur,
Ian(* ' thousands of women wept, broke their bracelets and
Iperformed such Qther_cerenignies_as^ if jhey had been
"
wEver idowed/1
since the peace made with Aurangzeb in 1656,
Abdullah Qutb Shah had ceased to govern, and conse-
quently misrule and anarchy had spread in the
Conquest
Golkunda,of country. He had no son, and after his death
1887. in 1672 was succeeded by Abul Hasan, who
was descended from the royal family on his
father's side, with the help of self-seeking politicians who
hoped to find in this imbecila child of fortune a tool for the
f ûrtherance of their cwn ends. Abul Hasan was a pleasure-
loving man whose sensuality seemed revoking even to the
mg^fjbîme. Mastgjg^^ nch In resources
and the accumulated wealth of~ «ie~Qutb Shahi dynasty,
he gave "himself up" completetr to~ d^baudh and resfgned
i Btymsen in Sarkar, IV,* P. 329.

F.45
the affairs of the kingdom to his Brahman ministers.

Madanna and his brother)F-Akanna^ who held the post of
Wazir and Commander-in-Chief respectivejy. This 'frater-
nising with infidels ' was enough to damn him in the eyes
of Aurangzeb who was a bigoted Sunni, intolerant of all
forms of dissent. Besides, Abul Hasan had given help to
that 'helpless orphan' Sikandarof Bijapur—a fact estab-
lished "By a letter, addressecTBy tffe Sultan to his agent
in the Mughal camp and intercepted by Mughal officers.
Aurangzeb himself described the Casus belli in a letter to
Abul Hasan :
+•
" The evil deeds of this wicked man pass beyond
the bounds of writing, but by mentioning one out of a
hundred, and a little out of much, some conception of
them may be formed. First, placing the reins of
authority and government in tjje^hands ofviletyran-
nical infidels ; oppressing and afflicting the Saiyids,
ShaiKfts, andôther holy men ; openly giving himself
up to excessive debauchery and depravity ; indulging
in drunkenness^ ancTTwi^^^npfiff njght and day ;
making no distinction between infidelity and Islam,
tyranny and lusttee; êjpravlty and devotion : waging
obstinate ~war incommands
to the Divine defence of and
infidels ; want of obedience
prohibitions, especially
to that command which forbids âssistance to an
enemy's country, the disregarding of which had
cast a censure upon the Holy Book in the sight both
of God and man. Letters full of friendly advice and
warning upon these points had been repeatedly written,
and had been sent by the hands of discreet men. No
-attention had been paid to them ; moreover .it had
THE TURN IN THE •TIDE 707
lately become known tfcat a lac of pagodas had been

sent to the wicked Sambha. That in this insolence and
intoxication and worthlessness, no regard had been
paid to the infamy of his deeds, and no hope of deliver-
ance in this world or in the next." l
From Aurangzeb's point of view there was ampte justifi-
cation for war. The kingdom possessed great natural
resources; its rich mines of diamonds and iron, i
ports added to her wealth and excited the cupidjtyjof foreign
invaders! The treaty which the Qutb ahah had made with
Auran^zebwasjiot f aJtHSTly observed. The war indemnity
still remained unpaid, and the annual tribute of two lakhs of
huns was in arrears. Besides, the Sultan had appropriated
the fruits of Mf/Jumla's jagirs in the Karnatik, which really
belonged to the Mughal government. Rut. the worst
offence of Abul Hasan was the ascendancy which he had
allowed the brahman mmistersjto acqutrFftrthe ~affalfs of^
the ^Muslim, Statesiege
While the of Bijapur was~~ going on, a force under
^^6]¥u¥da.
Prince Muazzam styled Shah Alam was sent to Golkunda
to prevent the junction of the Qutb Shahi forces with the
Bijapuris. But the progress of the Mughals was much
hampered by the jealousy of the imperial officers and the
'supineness of the chief commander, Shah Alam. Aurang-
zeb brought the Prince to a sonse of duty by a ' stinging
rebuke/ and the wajr was renewed with great energy and
vigour. Abul Hasan had already fled to Golkunda against
the 'wish of Mydanna, who had advised him to betake
himself to Warrangal or some other fort. The .Prince
pressed on and captured Haiderabad on October 8, 1685.
1 Khafi Khan, Elliot, VII, p. 325.

708 HISTORY
c
OF MUSLIM RULE
The government of Golkurda fell into complete dis-

order, and the wrath of the nobles and officers fell upon
the devoted head of Madanna. One night (March 1686)
he was murdered by certain conspirators in the streets
of GolkunHa, and his brother too shared the same fate.
The death of the infidel minister was a great relief to-
Aurangzeb, who now left the Golkunda territory and
concentrated his forces on Bijapur. <<
The fall of Bijapur in 1686 left Aurangzeb free to,deal

with Golkunda. Undaunted as ever, he himself went to-
Golkunda in January 1687, and ordered the siege of the
town. At this time a misunderstanding occurred between
the emperor and the prince, who had begun to treat with*
Abul Hasan without his father's permission, and encouraged
him ' to look up to him as his only friend at Court. ' The
emperor was deeply incensed at this secret parley of the
prince and threw him into prison, where he remained for
seven years.^ The siege went on, but the Mughals suffered
much from famine, and the enemy inflicted heavy losses
upon them. An outbreak of epidemic further added to
their sufferings, and destroyed men and beasts by hun-
dreds. Aurangzeb's good luck helped him considerably.
Treachery succeeded where courage had failed, and one of
Abul Hasan's officers, who was bribed, left the postern gate
of the fortapp", **& ftiiimr<A. th^Mughals to enter^(21st
September) without much opposition. But the fortress
was not taken without stubborn fight. The last brave
struggle between the Mughals and the forlorn hope of
Golkunda was brightened by the golden deed of Abdur
Razzaq. As the chronicler says, like a drop of water
falling into the sea, or an atom of dust struggling in the
rays of the sun, he threw himself upon the advancing foe*
and fought with inconceivable fury and desperation, shout-

ing that he would fight to the death for Abul Hasan. He
spurned the bribes and the preferred honours and dignities
with which Aurangzeb tried to seduce him. His heroism
astonished even his enemies, and Khafi Khan has graphi-
cally described the manner of his valiant fight :
" Abdur Razzak Lari heard this, and, springing on

^ horse without any saddle, with a sword in one hand
and a shield in the other, and accompanied by ten or
twelve followers, he rushed to the open gate, through
which the imperial forces were pouring in. Although
his followers were dispersed, he alone, like a drop of
water falling into the sea, or an atom of dust struggling
in the rays of the sun, threw himself upon the advanc-
ing foe, and fought with inconceivable fury and desper-
ation, shouting that he would fight to the death for Abul
Hasan. Every step he advanced, thousands of swords
were aimed at him, and he received so many wounds
from swords and spears that he was covered with wounds
from the crown of his head to the nails of his feet. But
his time was not yet come, and he fought his way to the
gate of the citadel without being brought down. He
received twelve wounds upon his face alone, and the skin
of his forehead hung down over his eyes and nose.
One eye was severely wounded, and the cuts upon his
body seemed as numerous as the stars. His horse also
was covered with wounds and reeled Under his weight,
BO he gave the reins to the beast, and by great
exertion kept his seat. The horse carried him to a
garden called Nagina, near the citadel, to the foot of an
old cocpanuttree where* by the help of the tree, he threw
710 H1STQRY OF MUSLIM BULE
himself off. On the morning of the second day a party

of men belonging: to Husaini Beg passed, and recognizing
him by his horse and other signs, they took compassion
upon him, and carried him upon a bedstead to a house.
When his own men heard of this, they came and dressed
his wounds."1
Aurangzeb ordered that two surgeons, one a European
and the other a Hindu, should attend on the wounded
warrior and report his condition every day. The surgeons
reported that they had counted nearly 70 wounds on his
person besides many wounds upon wounds which could not
be counted. Aurangzeb directed them to cure his wounds,
and after sixteen days when the patient opened one of his
eyes and muttered a few words, Aurangzeb sent a message
to him to send his sons to receive mansaba from the
emperor. When the message was communicated to that
* devoted and peerless hero ' he expressed his gratefulness,
but added :
" If, however, it pleased the Almighty to spare him
and give him a second life, it was not likely that he would
be fit for service ; but should he ever be capable of
service, he felt that no one who had eaten the salt of
Abul Hasan, and had thriven on his bounty, could
the service of King Alam^r (Aurangzeb)/'
A cloud, writes Khafi Khan, passed over the face of the
emperor, as he heard these words and he observed, " Let
me know when * he has completely recovered." Sacrifice
like Jhat of Abdur 'Razzaq was rare in the Mughal camp
where an atmosphere of treachery and intrigue prevailed.
It made a profound impression upon friends and foes, and
1 Elliot, VII, pp. 882-833.
» »
the emperor signified his, good will afterwards by raising
him to a mansab.
Now there was no hope for Abul Hasan. The epicure
in him vanished at the sight of danger, and he prepared to
submit to his fate with the resignation and courage of a
martyr. He begged leave of his captors to finish -his meal
and bade them partake of it. Not a harsh word fell from,
his lips ; not a muscle of his face moved ; he remained
sergne and dignified, as if nothing had happened, speaking
to the Mughal officers with the greatest gentleness and
courtesy. He told them that there was no occasion for
grief ;* for he " knew how to take pleasure and pain with
equal indifference as gifts of God."
Enormous booty was seized, amounting to nearly seven
crores of rupees in cash, besides gold, silver, jewels and
other articles of value. Golkunda was annexed to the
empire (1687), and Abul Hasan was sent as a prisoner to
the fort of Daulatabad, and a pension of 50,000 a year was
settled on him. •
The preliminary engagements against the Marathas in
1682-83 had borne little fruit. The troops in the Konkan
War with ha(* suffere(^ much at the hands of the
the Marathas Marathas. But now that Bijapur apd
tenewed. Golkunda had been conquered, Aurangzeb
was free to deal with the Mcyathas. Shivaji's son Sham-
bhu was a brave but .voluptuous man, who wasted his time
in pleasure, when he ought to have everted himself to take
advantage of Aurangzeb's difficulties. Heir to a large king-
dpm and vast treasure, hoarded by a lather who jiad 16d
many predatory excursions, he gave himself UP entirely to
debaudr and lost that moral grit qgdjturdv vigour, which
liad legl his father to c&rve out an independent kingdom for
himself in the teeth of Muslirp opposition. The emperor

captured several forts, and Shambhuji took up his abode
at Sangameshwara where he thought he would be safe.
But he was soon disillusioned, and the imperial general
Muqarrab made a surprise attack, and cantured Sfcambhu
t*
andjiis friend Kavi Kulesh and others with their wives
and daughters. The prisoners were brought in heavy chains
to the imperial camp, where the victory was celebrated
in the midst of great, rejoicings. Professor J. N. Sarkar
describes how they were presented to emperor :
11 Four miles outside the encampment, Shargbhuji
and Kavi Kulesh were dressed as buffoons^ with long
fool's caps and bells placed on their heads, mounted
on camels, and brought to Bahadurgarh with drums
beating and trumpets pealing. Hundreds of thousands
of spectators lined the roads, to gaze at Shambhu as at
a new kind of wild beast or demon. Thus degraded,
the captives were slowly paraded through the entire
camp and finally brought to the emperor who was sitting
in full durbar for the occasion. At the sight of the
prisoner, Aurangzeb descended from his throne and
kneeling down on the carpet bowed his head to the
ground in double thankfulness to the Giver of this
Crowning Victory. After he had looked at them, the
captives were removed to prison."1
Khafi Khan writes that Kavi Kulesh, who was a Hindi
poet, on seeing Aujrangzeb's devotion, addressed to Shambhu
verses to this effect : 0 Raja, at the sight of thee the
King klamgir (Aurangzeb), for all his pomp and dignity,
cannot keep his seat upon his throne, but has perforce
1 History of Aurangzeb, IV, pp. 401-2.
descended from it to do thee honour."1 According to one

authority Aurangzeb sent * an officer to ask Shambhu
where he had hidden his treasures, and which officers
of the emperor had intrigued with him. The Maratha
-chief abused the emperor and his Prophet^
the hand of Aurangzeb's daughter as the price of his
friendship^ The purport of the conversation was reported ,
and Aurangzeb took the ominous decision. Shambhu and
his companion both were subjected to unspeakable
tortures, and then 'jheir limbs were hacked off one by
one, and IReir flesh was thrown to the dogs.1 (llth March,
1689.)* The heads of the culprits, after the fashion of
the Mongols of Central \sia in the middle ages, were
stuffed with bran, and exposed to public gaze in the
•chief centres of the Deccan. Such was the inglorious
end of the licentious Shambhu who had disgraced his
father's memory, and cast to the winds the noble
principles which had inspired his policy throughout his
career.
War was carried on with great vigour against the
Marathas, and a number of forts fell into the hands of the
Mughals. The imperialists then laid siege to Shambhu 's
capital Raigarh. Raja Ram, his brother (a son of Shivaji
* by another wife), escaped in the disguise of a mendicant.
but his and Shambhu's family including the latter's son
Shahu were captured. T&e women were treated with
becoming dignity, and Shahu was created a mansabdar
of 7,600. He was kept in custody,, although 'suitable
teachers were appointed to educafte him. ' By the• end of
1 Khafi Khan, Elliot, VII, p. 840
1 Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, IV, p. 403.
Storia, II, p. 811. •
1689 Aurangzeb had reached the apogee of power, andt

none could challenge his claim to sovereignty, in the north
andthe souths But the empire of the sword could not
last long, and its dissolution was only a question of time. ^
The barbarous execution of Shambhuji and the impri-
sonment of his son Shahu in the imperial camp did not
crush the spirit of the Marathas, and they
o
with strength1
the mination struggle Inwith
their before.
renewed than absencedeterof
the greater
Marathas
1691—1707. cn_ i_
Shahu, î_
the governmentj_ was carried • j
on *uby
Raja Ram, the younger brother of the great
Shivaji. After his escape from Rajgarh, he had betaken
himself to Jinji, where he exerted himself vigorously to
consolidate his power. His efforts were ably seconded by a
band of patriotic Maratha leaders, who had resolved to
wrest the Maratha country from the Mughals, and to'
figlit against heavy odds for their national independence.
When Jtiaja Ram sent his military officers to raise their
own forces and to exact chauth and sardeshmukhi not only
in the six Deccan Subahs, but also in the older Mughal
provinces, Aurangzeb's ire was roused, and he felt convinc-
ed of the necessity of planning a fresh campaign to uproot
the Maratha power. He despatched Zulfiqar Khan, son of
Wazir Asad Khan to lay siege to Jinji. The fort of Jinji'
surrounded by a number of other forts, was well furnished
with provisions and munitions* of war, and therefore, in
a position to defy the besiegers. T*he Zamindars of the
country in the neighbourhood joined the Maratha forcfes,
surrounded the imperial army, and ' showed great audacity
in^ cutting off supplies/ The siege began in 1691, but it
was prolonged by the gallant resistance offered bx_£aot4ji
Ghorpare and Dhanaji Jadhava, who baffled the Mughal
THE TURN IN THE TIDE 71&
attempts to capture the fort. Fighting went on on both

sides with unabated vigour without achieving any ap-
preciable measure of success. It was at this time that
Rrince Kambaksh opened correspondence with Raja Ram,
but the secret leaked out through Zulfiqar's spies, and the
prince was at once placed under surveillance. He was taken
as a prisoner to the imperial camp, and was presented to
the emperor in the haram through the intercession of his
sister Zinat-un-nissa Begum. There the misguided youth
sought to justify his own treason by dwelling upon
the treachery and rapacity of Zulfiqar Khan, but the
empeh>r was too experienced in political affairs to credit
the story which was a pure fabrication. Zulfiqar and the
other generals persevered in their attempt notwithstanding
the serious difficulties, placed in their way by the nature
of the country and the tactics of their enemies, and at last
succeeded in capturing the fort of Jinji by escalade in
January, 1698. Raja Ram escaped to Satara, but his family
was seized and kept in honourable captivity. The treasures
and the materials of war found in the fort were captured
by the Mughals, and Zulfiqar who had suffered much at the
hands of the Marathas, satiated his fury by putting to
death many j>f the officers who had
T&Ja~~Ram soon organised ~a large * army-at— Satara
consisting of the veteran .Jtroopers, Silahdars and Bargirs
of Shivaji's time. One by one the Maratha generals joined
him, and with their help he carried predatory excursions,
into Khandesh, Berar and Baglana, and levied chauth and
Wi T.f/fP ^ •*** *' ^rfi JT * k ngp districts. *
In 1699 Aurangzeb, intent on the ruin of the Marathas,
left Islampuri on the 19th of October in order to direct the
campaign in person, * He knew well enough the disastrous.
•
Consequences of the mutual bickerings of his generals, and
therefore kept the supreme command in his own hands.
He was now eighty-one years of age, but with the undaunt-
ed courage of a tried warrior he prepared himself for the
arduous duties of the battlefield. The imperialists laid siege
to Satara, whither the emperor himself had proceeded and
encamped at the village of Karanja, a mile and a half to
the north of the fort walls. The siege began in December,
and the garrison offered a heroic resistance. The Mugjial
attempts to take the fort by storm failed, but Raja Ram's
•death in March, 1700, altered the situation, and damped
the ardour of the beleaguered garrison. The Maratha Teader
made peace with the emperor through the good offices of
Prince Azam, and on April 21, the imperial flag was hoisted
on the ramparts of the fort of Satara.
Raja Ram was succeeded by his natural son Kama, but
he died of small-pox after a brief reign of three weeks.
The dowager-queen Tarabai, then, placed on the throne
her own son, a legitimate son of Raja Ram, under the title
of Shivaji, and herself assumed the duties of regent. She
was a capable and sagacious woman who understood the
business of state, and even the hostile Khafi Khan admits
that she was a ' clever, intelligent woman, and had
obtained a reputation during her husband's lifetime for her
knowledge of : civiJLap^ rm'iitAry ^^tfirgxIIL^hfiJnfused a
new vigour into the Maratha affairs, and by her masterful
courage kept together the discordant elements in the state.
The results of capable and efficient organization soon
became manifest, and • Khafi Khan is constrained to
observe :•
THE TURN IN THE TIDE 71T
O
" She took vigorous measures for ravaging the im-

perial territory, and sent armies to plunder the six
Subahs of the Deccan as far as Sironj, Mandisor, and the
Subahs of Malwa. She won the hearts of her officers,
and for all the struggles and schemes, the campaigns
and sieges of Aurangzeb up to the end of his reign the
power of the Marat has increased day by day ....
They divided all the districts (parganas) among them-
sglves, and following the practice of the imperial rule,
they appointed their Subahdars (provincial governors),
kamaishdars (revenue-collectors) and rghdars (toll-
collectors)/7 { .
The fall of Satara was a great blow to the Marathas,
but they carried on the struggle with the same determina-
tion as before. The imperialists captured the forts of
Parli (1700), Panhala (1701), Kondana (1701), Khelna (1702),
Rajgarh and Torna (1704), some by fighting the enemy
in the open field and others by treachery and bribe. These
victories did not satisfy Aurangzeb's restless ambition.
He now proceeded to lay siege to the fort of Wagingera, a
which belonged to the Berads, a low-caste tribe, who had
on a former occasion submitted to the emperor. Their
loader Pidia Nayak (Parya Naik in Elliot), finding the
Mughals irresistible. Jled bv a^hackdnnr at night with his
companions. They carried tBeir women, children, and
treasure with them anti set fire to what they had to leave
behind. When the Mughals entered the fort, they ' found
only disabled and wounded persons, who were unable to
fly ! ' The fort was captured (1705), but the victor^ was.
1 Elliot, VII, p. 374. f
s Twelve miles south-west of Sagar.
wholly disproportionate to the sacrifice of men ana money

incurred in achieving it. The siege of Wagingera was the
last military exploit of Aurangzeb on this side of the
grave.
Aurangzeb's war in the Deccan, lasting for a quarter
of a century, had brought him no permanent advantage.
The army was in a wretched condition ; it
theêccan. °f ha<* morale great misery and privations, and
endured Had
its become low on account of
f failure and want ordiscipline. The roads were flooded and
transport difficultiestheenormous.
nant throughout Deccan The
TheyMarathas were'jflomi-
had acquired much
wealth by piunaeTand rendered the highways unsafeTThe
price of grain had risen, and theimperial^camp felt the
pinch more than any one else.
' In the Mughal provinces too the Zamindars joined the
Marathas, and peace and order came to an end. Some of
the village Muqaddams who were encouraged in their
designs by the Maratha Subahdars ceased to pay revenue
to .the Mughal government, and openly defied its authority.
The country was completely desolated, and there was no
trace of crops of any kind. Manucci writes that the entire
land had become so depopulated that neither fire nor light
could be found in the course of a three or four days'
journey.1 The same writer goes on to add : "In the
Deccan there was no rain from .1702 tfl 1704 but instead
plague prevailed. In these two years have expired over two
millions of souls ; fathers compelled by hunger, offering ±o
sell , their children for a quarter to half a rupee, and vet
forced to go without food, finding no one to buv them."'
1 Sfcoria do Mogort IV, p. 252.
* Ibid., p. 97.
, ^
Thus plague and famine .added to the horrors of war,
•and the sufferings of men and beasts became unendurable,
•as the huge armies, ill-controlled and ill-disciplined, pro-
gressed from one stage to another in quest of the final
triumph, which seemed to recede further and further in
the distance.
After the siege of Wagingera, the aged emperor retir-
ed to Devapur, a village eight miles south of the fort, in
+ order to pass the rainy season. Here he was
the seized with fever> and though he concealed it
as long as he could, fainting fits supervened,
and he was prevented from appearing in public for ten or
twelve days. When he felt a little relieved, he broke up
the camp at Devapur, and left for Ahmadnagar, where
he reached on the 20th January, 1706. The deepening
gloom of his last years constitutes one of the most tragic
features of his distinguished public career. His sons
-expressed a wish to attend on him, but the fate of
Shahjahan haunted his mind, and he sent them away
to their respective charges. Political considerations
overbore paternal love, and even from his beloved
Kambakhsh the dying emperor parted with a heavy heart,
to ensure the young prince's safety against Azam's im-
p&tleftce and ambition Deprived of that tender nursing
and devoted care, which reduce&half the misery of a patient,
when he is surrounded by his own kith and kin, the emperor
felt lonely and bitter, but he must pay the penalty of his
exalted office. His malady increased, and he was again
attacked by a severe fever. For three days he continued to
transact the business of the state and performed his prayers
as usual. It was in this condition that he was requested
to give away an elephant and a valuable diamond in charity
to ward off the influence of evil stars. But he replied that

it was the practice of the Hindus, and ordered four thousand
rupees to be distributed among the poor for the benefit of
his soul. On the same letter he wrote : " Carry this crea-
ture of dust quickly to the first (burial) place and consign "
He is Said to have written a will also, containing the dis-
position ofhis wide dominions. '
There was no hope of recovery, and all felt that the end
was near. On the 20th of February, 1707, the emperoj* said
the morning prayers as usual, and began to count the beads
of his rosary, but gradually he became unconscious and
expired, indomitable and implacable to the last. His
pious wish that he should die on a Friday was granted by
a propitious God in Ivhose cause he had unceasingly laboured
all his life. He was buried near Daulatabad in the precincts
of the tombs of Shaikh surhanuddm, ShahZari Zar Bakhsh,
"and other01 holy
emperor tne merT
house offeucn was the end of the last great
Babar.
The tribes that inhabit the North- West Frontier have
always been a wild and turbulent race. They have never
made any attempt at forming themselves into
The North- .
West Frontier a nation, and, the
,, ,. . .
divisions among various
policy
rangzeb.of AU- c]ans have made it impossible for them . to
combine under a commonr leader. In the
1 He directed in his will tnat four rupees and two annas out of
the price of the caps sewn by him, should tee spent on his shroud, and
three hundred and five rupees, from the wages of copying the Quran,
should be distributed among the poor. The money obtained by popying
the Quran was not to be spent on his shroud.
He gave the following advice to his sons :
** Nevermanner,
intimate trust your sons, if
because, northe
treatEmperor
them during your had
Shahjahan lifetime in an
not treated
Dara Shukoh in this manner, his affairs would not have come to sucth
a sorry pass. Ever keep in view thd saying, ' The word of a king is-
barren.'
INDIA OF AURANGZEB, 1700 A.D.
16th and 17th centuries the Afghans were wilder and more
restless than they are today, and constantly gave trouble
to the government at Delhi. They took to highway robbery
as their profession, and organised raids into the territories
of their rivals. They did not spare even the Mughal
provinces, and often came into collision with the local
authorities. The Mughal government sometimes employed
military force to crush them, and at other times it had
recourse tcHbribery in order to tame their fierce and lawless
spirit.
Akbar was the first to make an attempt to enforce peace
on the North- West Frontier. The Mughal commanders
suffered heavy losses, but with the help of the Rajputs the
emperor succeeded in holding them in check. During the
reigns of Jahangir and Shahjahan the campaign in Qandhar,
Balkh, and Badakhshan impressed for a time these irrepres-
sible hillmen with the might and majesty of the empire,
but as soon as the authority of the central government
became lax towards the close of Shahjahan's reign, they
raised their heads again and stirred up strife.
in 1667 one of the leaders of the Yusufzais, Bhagu,
brought together some of their clans under his control, crown-
ed one Muhammad Shah as their king, and arrogated to
himself the functions of wazir. The rebellion soon assumed
formidable proportions. The f tbels crossed the Indus, and
invaded the Hazara district, where they established their
sway^, -and levied rent from the helpless peasantry. The
Mughal outposts were attacked, and [n the extremity of
peril the wardens appealed to the emperor for help. •
The emperor sent three of his generals to deal with the
situation. After a stubborn fight the Yusufzais were driven
into the river, and large numbers of them were wounded
P. 46
•
and slain. But the imperialists did not stop at this. They
pressed on the enemy, and the Mughal generals Kamil Khan,
Shamsher, and Muhammad Amin Khan, son of Mir Jumla,
ravaged the villages and inflicted heavy losses upon them.
The Afghans became quiet for the time being, and Raja
Jaswant Singh was deputed by the emperor to command
the outpost of Jamrud.
In 1672 occurred the rising nf the Afridia under their
chief, Acmal Khan, who assumed the title of king, declared
war upon the Mughals, and invited the other tribes to join
them. The imperial general Muhammad Amin Khan, who was
a man of impetuous temper, disregarded the advice oi: Raia
Sinprh and marched against them, but he met with
heavy losses, and with difficulty escaped to Peshawar. Ten
thousand man nf the Mnpjml flrmv wfir^ naptnrflj and fMmfr
as slaves to Central ft.sia for sale The family of Amin was
captured, and he had to pay a large ransom for its release.
But the proud and noble lady, the wife of Amin. refused
to return after this disgrace, and took trO a life nf qy^'figm
in a local monastery. This victory brought a great ad-
vantage to the Afridi leader. His prestige rose high, and
many an ardent Afghan youth joined his banner in the hope
of obtaining money and military distinction.
Another formidable revolt with which the imperial
government had to deal was that of Khush-hal Khan, the
chief of the Khataks— a warlike clan Inhabiting the country
now comprised in the districts of Peshawar, Bannu, and
Kohat. He was invited to a darbar at Peshawar, and was
treacherously arrested by the orders of the Mughal govern-
ment. He was detained in prison at Delhi and Ranthambhor,
and was not reconciled to his captors until 1666, when he and
his son both were enrolled in the Mughal army, and were
THE TURN IN THE TIDE 72$
» •
sent to fight against their hereditary enemies, the Yusuf-
zais. But the sight of the Afghan country stirred new
hopes and yearnings in Khush-hal's heart. He joined
Acmal and himself became one of the leaders of the tribal
•confederacy which was organised to destroy the power of
the Mughals in the Afghan region.
The emperor at once sent Fidai Khan, the governor of
Lahore, to Peshawar and Mahabat Khan to Kabul to guard
thg Mughal territories. Mahabat Khan proved faithless,
and began to parley secretly with the enemv. His conduct
was reported to the emperor, who in great wrath sent
another general, Shujaat Khan, to take his place. He was
savagely attacked ut>V4) by tne Afghans, and his army was
very nearly destroyed.
Aurangzeb now decided to take the field in person.
He himself proceeded to Hasan Abdal (June, 1674) at the
head of a large army, and was accompanied by Aghar Khan,
Prince Akbar, Wazir Asad Khan, and several other dis-
tinguished generals. Mahabat was removed from his
command on account of his treachery. Diplomacy and
valour both did their work, and many clans were won over
by means of pensions, jagirs, and commands in the Mughal
Army. Yet fighting went on incessantly with the tribes,
and the Mughals suffered heavy losses, but by the end of
the year* 1675, the strength ef the opposition was consider-
ably diminished, anfl the emperor left for Delhi. The
governor of Kabul, Amir Khan, who was appointed in 1678,
pacified the country by his policy of conciliation.
The Khatak Chief Khush-hal f£han was still at; large,
though his son had joined the imperial service, Ilisjiostii-
Jity to the Mughals was rendered more bitter by his
of prison-lffe in Hindustan. The thought of
V
vengeance filled his mind, andhe ever kept his pen and
sword ready *? ai»hi*w fr™ **A While other chiefs had
accepted or offered to accept the imperial vassalage, he alone
held aloft the banner of freedom, and never allowed a
craven thought to enter his mind. But our worst enemies
are sometimes our own kinsmen, and after years of gallant
struggle for freedom, the undaunted warrior, who had
at fl|e mip-ht nf the Pmpirer was betrayed into thfr
The Mughal success in the northern region can in no

way be described as brilliant. The hardy mountaineers
K , Y hl'
baffled the tactics of the imperial army, accustomed to
fight in open plains against well-organised forces. The
loss in men and money was by no means inconsiderable
and at last the emperor had to employ a policy of reconcili-
ation to win over to his side the recalcitrant tribal chiefs.
Subsidies were paid and pensions granted to calm down
their lawless spirit. The league of Acmal was broken up>
and the Afridis made peace with the Mughals. The war
caused much trouble and anxiety to Aurangzeb, and taxed
his resources to the uttermost. It drained the imperial
finances, and weakened the Mughal plans in other parts
of India! As Prof. J. N. Sarkar rightly observes, frhe with-
drawal Of the best fcronna from the De^n left Shivaji free
to pursue his aggressive designs and enabled him to swetep
adross the Deccan country with irresistible force and vigour.
The Afghans would have been valuable allies of AurangzQb
in fighting against "the Rajputs, but now it was impossible
to expect that they would undergo the sufferings of war
in a desert country for the sake of one, who had deprived
them of their much-loved freedom and reduced them to the
status of subordinate vassals.
» •
As has been said before, the English had been allowed
certain trade concessions by Jahangir in 1615 at the time of
Sir Thomas Roe's visit to his court. A little
andAtânEneb Iat6r *n 1616 ttl6y SOUght Permission to buil<*
Hah. 6 ng~ apermission factory atofMasulipatam,
the Raja ofandChandragiri
in 1639 withbuilt
the
a factory and a fort at Madras, which was afterwards named
as Fort St. George. Shahjahan, although hostile to the
Portuguese, was friendly towards the English, and in 1651
an English factory was set up at Hugli, and certain fresh
privileges of trade were conceded. In 1658 all the English
factories were placed under Surat, and in 1664 Aurangzeb
reduced the import duty on their goods as a reward for the
gallant resistance, which they offered to Shivaji, when
he sacked that town. On the West coast the English
position improved, when Charles II made over to the com-
pany in 1668 the islands of Bombay and Salsette, which
he had received as part of the dowry of his wife, Catherine
of Braganza. By a fresh charter Charles conferred upon
the company certain privileges, which advanced its constitu-
tional position, and made it a real power in the land.
The company now began to fortify its possessions and
(in 1684 the Directors approved of the policy of their factors.
In 1685 Shayasta Khan, the governor of Bengal, levied
certain local duties from the .English, which they resented
as contrary to the farmans of Shahjahan. War broke out
between the English company and the Mughal government.
The exponent of this war policy was Sir Josia Child, the
governor of the company, who was anxious to found s large,
well-grounded, sure English dominion in India for all time
to come. When the English under Sir John Child,
the President of Surat, attacked the Mughal ships on the
726 HISTORY fOF MUSLIM RULE
western coast, the emperor erdered the arrest of all
Englishmen and the seizure of all English factories
throughout his dominions. The factories at Hugli and Ma-
sulipatam were seized, and all trade with the ' audacious
foreigners ' was forbidden. But since the emperor could
ill afford 'to lose the customs revenue, which accrued from
trade, he pardoned the English and ordered Ibrahim, the
successor of Shayasta Khan in Bengal, to invite Job Char-
nock, the chief of the English factory at Hugli, to return
<&
to his settlement early in October, 1690. Charnock came
to Bengal and a few miles below Hugli, near the village of
Kalikata, he built a small station which .afterwards deve-
loped into the famous city of Calcutta and the capital of
the Indian Empire.
On the west coast also Sir John Child who had begun
the war, was obliged to sue for peace, and Aurangzeb
was pleased to pardon the offences of the English who
were allowed to trade as before on payment of 1,50,000
rupees. After the failure of the war-like policy of the two
Childs and the amalgamation of the two English companies,
the English confined themselves to trade, and for nearly half
a century abstained from interference in political affairs.
Towards the middle of the 18th century they were drawi\
into the vortex of Indian warfare by the activities of their
rivals, and the decline of political authority, consequent
upon the break-up of the Mughal empire.
The reaction which began after the death of the Great
Akbar reached its Righ, watermark in the reign of Aurangzeb.
AdminiBtra- R^fei0118 considerations coloured the policy of
tion under Au- the State, andjbhe empernr Hid hia
iang*eb. form to the orthodox standard.
the flAffffyrf in fivflrriftiTigr, and himself lived all his life like
t •
a pious Muslim. His ideal of kingship was very high, and
unlike many other rulers, he devoted his best care and atten-
tion to the business of the state. All authority was concen-
trated inhis own hands, and like Louis XIV of France he
was his own minister. He looked into the minutest details,
of administration, and so indefatigable was hi? industry!
that he himself dictated the orders passed on the petitions
submitted to him, and despatches that were sent to foreign
rulers or his own generals and officers. He could never
tolerate a rival authority in the state, and was punctiliously
severe in enforcing the royal etiquette. No infringement of
the royal prerogative even by his sons was allowed to go un-
punished, and nothing displeased the emperor more than the
violation of a rule or law which he had made. So strict was
he that he often used to say : " If a single rule is disregarded,
all the regulations will be destroyed. Though I have not
allowed the violation of any rule of the court, men have grown
so bold that they request me to set rules aside." l Again when
he came to know that Bahadur Shah performed prayers
after setting up canvas screens he wrote :
" How did he dare do a thing which is the special
prerogative of kings ? The late Emperor Shahjahan
was negligent towards his sons, so that matters came to
pass that is notorious."3
" Ibrahim Khan, the governor of Bengal, held court
like kings, seated on a couch with the Qazi and other
•officers sitting humbly on the floor. The emperor ordered
the Prime Minister to write to him in a caustic vein that
if he was unable to sit on the ground by reasofi of any
1 Anecdotes, p. 122. m
» .Ibid., p. 58.
' i
disease, he was excused till Jiis restoration to his health,
and he should urge his doctors to cure him soon/'1
Himself hardworking, he exacted hard work from his
officials, and indeed throughout his reign the state seemed
to be a huge machine of which the main spring was the
emperor 'himself. But as in the case of Philip II of Spain his
industry was like that of a clerk or a bureaucrat and not
like that of a statesman, who enunciates principles that
grow from age to age, and strengthen the roots of kingdoms
and empires. The^ sphere of the authority of the state was
widened under him. Like the mediaeval European state, he
sought to govern the bodies as well as the consciences of
his subjects, and gave priority to theological considerations
in discharging his secular duties.
The empire was divided into subahs as before, but their
number was now 21 as the result of the rearrangement of the
territorial limits of the older provinces. The extent of the
empire was larger than at any time under Mughal rule, and
the imperial authority was widely respected. The highest
offices of the state continued to function as in Akbar's day,
but the principle of appointment was no longer ' Career open
to talent.' The theocratic character of the state necessitated
the employment of Muslims and Hindu renegades irrespec-
tive of their fitness for public office, and the results of this
pernicious practice were manifest everywhere. The state
regulated the private life of the community. The censor
of public morals became very active ; he went through the
streets demolishing newly-built temples and punishing heresy
and other vices condemned in the Holy Book. As an ortho-
dox Sunni, the emperer held the Shias in contempt and called
1 4n*edo*** & 128,

them ' carrion-eating demqns.' The Shia officers tried to

-conceal their faith from him, and on one occasion he was
alarmed to find that the paymaster and the two Ntizims of
Lahore professed the Shia faith. The emperor considered
this a sufficient ground for their immediate transfer. The
Hindus were excluded from the offices of the state, and
the preferential treatment shown to renegades often re-
sulted in the employment of men of inferior talents. The
Mughal nobility and officialdom still lived in dread of the
Law of Escheat. Bernier writes :
u The king being the heir of all their possessions no
family can long maintain its distinction, but after the
Umrah's death is soon extinguished, and the sons or at
least the grandsons, reduced ^generally to the beggary
and compelled to enlist as mere troopers in the cavalry.
The king, however, usually bestows a small pension on
the widow, and often on the family, and if the Umrah's
life be sufficiently prolonged, he may obtain the advance-
ment of his children by royal favour." *
This is corroborated by Aurangzeb's own letters. In one
*of them we come across the following passage :
" Amir Khan (the governor of Afghanistan for 20
years) is dead. I, too, shall die. Write to the Diwan of
Lahore to attach the property of the deceased with
extreme diligence and effort, so that nothing great or
small, not even a* blade of grass, may escape. Get
information from outside sources and tyke possession of
everything found at any place wi^t^îM^^ the
rightful due of God's slaves."8
1 Travels, pp. 21 1-12. .
'* Ruqqat-i-Alamgiri, Letter 99.
There was a regular department of the state called the

Bait-ul-mal, where the property of all heirless persons was
deposited. The escheated property of noblemen was also
kept there. The Bait-ul-mal was God's treasury, and the
emperor always endeavoured to increase its property. The
bulk of the nobles were in debt notwithstanding their
Jagira, and did nothing to improve the lot of their peasan-
try. The bankruptcy of the aristocracy compelled it to
reduce its armed strength with the result that lawlessness
spread in many places, and the revenue of the state was
considerably diminished. Bribery was common, although it
was universally condemned. The clerks and accountants in
the various departments of the state took bribes to eke out
their income, and presents were demanded even by very
highly placed officers. The emperor himself sold titles and
received Rs. 50,000 from Manohar Das, Subahdar of Shola-
pur, for conferring upon him the title of Raja. A purse
of Rs. 30,000 was offered to the Wazir by Jai Singh to
induce the emperor to retain him in the Deccan command.
The lower officials were as corrupt as their higher
brethren. They drank hard, held pleasant parties, and
made ill-gotten gains, regardless of the injury that they
did to the administration. The administration of police and
justice received full attention from the emperor. From
Manucci's account it appeara-KII, 420-21) that the Kotwal
still discharged most of the duties,, which are mentioned,
in the Ain, and was a busy and active officer. Justice
was administered according to the Quranic Law. As in
Shahjiahan's time, Wednesday was reserved for Justice-
and on that day the emperor went straight from the
Jharokha to the Hall of Private Audience, and decided
cases with the advice of the Qazis, Muftis, scholars,.
»
theologians, and the prefect pf the city police. Bernier has*
described Aurangzeb's manner of dispensing justice : '
" All the petitions held up in the crowd assembled:
in the Am Kas (Hall of Public Audience) are brought to
the king and read in his hearing, and the persons con-
cerned being ordered to approach are examined "by the
monarch himself, who often redresses on the spot the
wrongs of the aggrieved party. On another day of the
v*eek he devotes two hours to hear in private the peti-
tions of ten persons selected from the lower orders and
presented
does he failto^the~king by Justice
to attend the a good and rich oldcalled
Chamber, man.Adalat
Nor
Khanah, on another day of the week, attended by the
two principal Qazis or chief justices/'1
Manucci supports Bernier and says that the suitors
appeared before the emperor, and laid before him their
grievances. He goes on to add :
" The king ordains with arrogance, and in few
words, that the thieves be beheaded, that the governors^
and faujdars compensate the plundered travellers. In
some cases he announces that there is no pardon for the
transgressor, in others he orders the facts to be investi-
• gated and a report made to him. "*
The Qazis according to Berjiier were not invested with
sufficient authority to $ nforce their decrees, and the weak
and the injured were left without any refuge whatever and
the only law that decided all controversies was the
cane and the caprice of a .governor/1 Either the traveller
1 Travels, p. 263.
* Storia do Mogor, II, p. 462.
* Travels, pp. 285-86.
* c
is incorrect or he has generalised from some particular
instance. The Qazi's jurisdiction was unquestionably
-exercised in all cases that could be brought under the
•Canon law. Probably his statement refers to revenue cases
which were disposed of by the governor. Aurangzeb took
.good oare to see that the Qazis did their duty properly.
About 1671 when he learnt that the Qazis of Gujarat used to
hold court only two days in the week, he wrote totheDiwan
to order them to sit in their offices for five days in the week
from 2 gharis after daybreak to a little after midday and
go to their houses at the time of Zuhr prayer.
The fiscal system of Aurangzeb was pretty irtuch the
same as that of his predecessors. He had abolished a number
*of cesses at the time of his accession, but had created certain
new sources of revenue. The Jeziya was revived, and it
brought in a large income to the state. Elaborate regula-
tions were issued for the guidance of his revenue officers
which cannot be summarised here for want of space.1 The
actual revenue-collector was the Krori who is mentioned
in the Ain, and was assisted by a large staff. The subor-
dinates inthe revenue department added to their perquisites
by demanding the Haqq-i-tahrir from those who had to do
business with them. Even the British Government has
failed to stamp out this pernicious habit. When the
emperor embarked on his Peccan wars, the administration
in Northern India was neglected. TJhe local jagirdars and
faujdars were ill-equipped to cope with the high-handed
zamindars who oppressed the peasants, and squeezed money
fronvthem with impunity.
There was no change in the working of the provincial
administration. Here as at the capital t» espionage was brisk,
1 Sarkar, Administration, pp. 197—328. •
i '
and the Waqianavis and the Khufianavis became more
active in sending their reports to the imperial headquarters.
Aurangzeb's ambition to conquer the Deccan led him to
build up a huge army. It would be wearisome to repeat all
the regulations which he devised for the organization and
control of the army. But it may be asserted, that ifl spite
of all this, discipline in the army was lax, if not entirely
absent. Bernier who gives a detailed account of the military
systejn of his time says that when once thrown into confu-
sion, it was impossible to restore a Mughal army's disci-
pline,1 while during the march they moved without order,,
with the irregularity of a herd of animals. Prolonged cam-
paigns in distant lands ending in failure seriously impaired
the morale of the army. Soldiers and generals carried their
wives and concubines with them and enjoyed every kind of
luxury that was possible. Military inefficiency was one of
the chief causes of the downfall of the empire.
Towards the close of Aurangzeb's reign the administra-
tion rapidly declined. The imperial government recklessly
offered money to traitors who surrendered the forts of their
masters, and the burden ultimately fell on the peasantry.
No fort in the Deccan was captured without a bribe, and
the huge sums, offered by the emperor, exhausted the
wealth of the state. The faujdars in the provinces oppress-
ed the people, and no redrew could be obtained. Khafi
Khan relates the story of an old woman who complained
of the exactions of a certain faujdar. The emperor sent
an order that the money of the woman should be returned
to her* But after some time she came again and statedtthat
1 Travels, p. 55.
For a detailed account of the military system see Travels*
pp,21l— 21.
* •
instead of returning her mogey the faujdar had treat-
ed her with greater severity. The emperor issued an
order of transfer, but the new faujdar proved more
•exacting and tyrannical. When the old woman appeared
again to complain, the emperor angrily retorted, " Go, thou,
old woman, and pray to God that He may send thee an-
other king. " Thus the faujdars practised oppression with-
out fear of punishment, and bribed the officers who were
sent to warn them of the consequences of their conduct.
The pampered Mughal aristocracy lost its moral grit, and
the emperor felt himself powerless to chastise the offend-
ers. The Prime Minister's grandson Mirza Tafakkhur used
to molest and dishonour the women in the streets, as they
went to the river, and the emperor could do nothing but
to refer the matter to his grandfather. It was only when
a Hindu artilleryman's wife was abducted, and his comrades
threatened to break out into open mutiny, that the emperor
passed an order that the licentious youth should not be per-
mitted to go out of his mansion. The destruction of a state,
whose officers played in such a shameless manner with the
honour of their subjects, could not be long delayed. Divine re-
tribution followed with the inevitable swiftness of Nemesis.
Aurangzeb is one of the greatest rulers of the Mughal
dynasty. As prince in his father's day, he had given
ample promise of future greatness, and
even Shshjahan was impressed by his
ability, daring, and political astuteness. His
brother Para feared him as a great rival, ana regarded
him jas a serious obstacle to his accession *n **** thr^n*
He was endowed with great phvaic&l course, and had
given proof of his prowess in many an arduous campaign.
As A milifory general, he had established his
*ncl never was he more cool and self-possessed than in the

tieat of battle, when he was surrounded by the enemy on
all sidgs. During the Balkh campaign, he astonished friends
and foes alike by his presence of mind, when he dismounted
his horse on the battlefield against the advice of his friends
and comradg&^tcF say^the ZuHr -prayers. Great generals
and soldiers wondered at his strategical acumen, and
admired the care and skill with which he planned and
executed a campaign. In diplomacy and statecraft he had
few* equals, and the most experienced ministers of the
Crown feared his power of resolve and respected his judg-
ment. •Besides being a distinguished soldier ^nd adminis-
trator^ he was an accurate scholar. He was ^well-versed
ii^ Muslim theology, and had studied a good deal of ethics.
Arabic jurisprudence, and Persian litpratnrp The greatest
digest of Muslim Law, the Fatwa-i-Alamgiri, was compiled
under his patronage. He knew the Quran by heart and
made copies of it with his own hand, which he sent to
Medina as tokens of his piety and devotion. He was a
practised calligraphist, and wrote both Shikast and Naat&lla
with wonderful ease and skill. He wrote and dictated
letters and despatches with astonishing facility in Persian,
and could compose verses, but he refrained from doing so.
because he thought that poets dealt in falsehoods. He had
no liking for music and bapished it from fy'a co^rt. as
we have seen before. TTi^ lifp \yp« aimpio em/3 onct-pjy
He ate little, slept* only three hours, and completely
abstained from drink. He did not wear gaudy clothes.
made a sparing use of jewellery, flnH Trgpt aslê ftfl gold a^d
silver veaaelg. He regarded the public treasury as a sacred
and stitched ^pa wjtf] hi0 *mn
personal expenses. ÛnHke other kings he was free from
•
lust, and the number of his wives fell short even of the*
prescribed standard. In his presence
falsehood or indulge in improper language. He was so
stern and dignified that none ventured to make a feat in his
presence, or speak ill of another man. His self-control was
remarkable. He listened to the irrelevant data}] a of peti-
tioners with great patience, and treated joys and sorrows
with equal indifference. He cherished a lofty ideal of king-
ship, and worked like the Puritan, as ever in the gpeat
Taskmaster's eye. ' An emperor, ' he used to say. * should
never allow himself to be fond of ease and retirement, be-
cause the most fatal cause of the decline of kingdoms and the
destruction of roval power is this undesirable habit/ He
was a great lover of justice, and made no distinction between
therichând the DQgr. the noble and the commoner. He
alwaysreminded his officers to combine gentleness with
firmneggT an advice which they wnafnlly npprlpptpd in ^{\\\f\
practififi.
Aurangzeb wasjiot a man of strong family affections.
His imprisonment of Shahjahan and the murder of his
brothers and nephews in some cases in clear violation
of his solemn word will ever remain an indelible stain on
his memory. He was suspicious of his own sons, and was.
unhappy as long as they were with him. He kept his eldest
acm~Sultan in prison till his death and disgraced
who was jtept in prison for eight yeara for intriguing with
the rulers of Bijapur and Golkunda. His dearly-loved
Kambakhsh also incurred his displeasure during Jfr? aifg^
ofJinji, and ' was put under restraint.' JZebunnissa, hia
daughter, who wasa gifted poetess. WM confined
fortretJifl Of SaliiiiBai'inFor sympathising with her rebel|ioufl
brother Akbar, and remained
* THE TURN IN TH£ TIDE 787
There in that wretched loaeliness she poured out her soul
ULexquisite melody, the pathos of which still move the
heart. More unsympathetic was his attitude towards those
who were not of his own kith and kin. Unforgiving towards-
his enemies, he was cold and reserved in his dealings with
his friends. Generosity in politics was folly to him, as is
shown by his treatment of Shivaji and the Rathor Princes.
Nor was he always fair and clean in his political methods.
He pould employ treachery and intrigue without scruple to
serve his end, and sometimes TiTs bigotry and narrow-
mindedness made him forget the most obvious considerations
of justice.
He was a man of de?p reliyinnfi rfmvifltimn Indeed
he was the most orthodox nnri hipitrd nilrr nf hin Hnr He
rigidly followed the fl**yrivfft and tabooed everythingnghich
is forbidden by it. He was very particular about prayer,
fast, Hajj, Zakat and Tauhid (faith in God)— the five things
ordained in Islam. He observed fast during the whole
month of Ramzan, and the last ten days he spent in the
mosque in the adoration of God. He had a great desire to
perform Hajj, but he was prevented from fulfilling his wish
by the political troubles of his reign. He made amends for
tfiis onoiissionby giving everyjrind ofjjd to Hajj pilgrims
and by sjadjngv^ gifts to the shrines of the Prophet-
amhitinn
^
his^nnciples and
' The great qualities of Aurangzeb were neutralised

by his proneness to suspicion, his hinted
and his mplacable viridgtivenegfg. Over-centralisation,
espionage, and ruthless repression— all created enemies
for him.
for Personal purity
broad^miBflea and jndustry
sympathy limd are poor substitutes'
tolerance. There
was no human touch in all his dealings. &e alienat-
ed the Hindus and Shias, and they, in turn, did their
best to undermine the foundations of his empire.
He lacked statesmarwhyxand though a man of deep
religious convictions, he knew not the sovereign quali-
"""^ll ^"•%|_I<J'^>L_||I -- UllL.LII'-***fc— II"- ^*^*~^«^J^ ••'»IIIM«ll*«'-"^fc-JJfc^ ^ ^
ty of forgiveness. The change of policy proved fatal to his

own interests, and discerning men in his own lifetime per-
ceived the beginning of the end. Towards the close of the
18th century the empire seemed to many a huge engine of
oppression, and ceased to exercise its sway for the benefit
of the people who were comprised in it. Khafi Khan's
praise is not without a note of disappointment. " Of all the
sovereigns of the House of Timur— nay, of all the sovereigns
of Delhi ........ no one, since Sikander Lodi, has
ever been apparently so distinguished for devotion, austerity
and justice. In courage, long suffering, and sound judg-
ment he was unrivalled. But from reverence for the injunc-
tions of the law, he did not make use of punishment and
without punishment the administration of a country cannot
be maintained. Dissensions had arisen among his nobles
through rivalry. So every plan and project that he form-
ed came to little £ood ; every enterprise which he undertook
was tong in execution, and failed of its object.'"
1 Elliot, VII, pp. 386-87.

CHAPTER XVII
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN MUGHAL INDIA
The history of India is essentially a history of kings,
their wars and conquests, and not of the people. Muslim
chroniclers give detailed accounts of court
Iife» battles and sieges, but write 'nothing
about the people, obviously because the
latter counted for nothing in their day. Except Abul Pazl
no jnediseval chronicler has given an exhaustive survey
of -non-political matters. But some very valuable infor-
mation can be gleaned about the social and economic con-
dition ofthe people from the writings of European tra-
vellers, who visited India in the 16th and 17th centuries.
Society in Mughal times was organised on a feudal
king was the apex of the system, and below
him were his mansabdars or nobles, who
held high offices in the state. There
was little honour or dignity outside the
imperial service, and every talented youth aspired
to join it. This privileged position of extraordinary re-
spectability created a great divergence in the standards
of those who lived at court and those who were away
from it. The cpnrt vyps=s the centre of wealth and cuj&ire,
whereas away in the country we find modest competence
-and wretched misery existing Bide by side.
The Mughal npbles who generally followed the
example of their patrons were extra-
va£ant' and lived luxurious lives. They
kept large establishments, which absorbed
all the income they earned. Besides their own un-
usually heavy expenditure, they had to make presents
789
* o
to the court, which impoverished even the wealthiest
among them. They made a lavish use of imported
goods, which resulted in stimulating foreign trade. Drink
was a common evil, but it was /Kmfiyififl only to the tipqer
classes. In fact many a man of high station died of
intemperance. All the Mughal emperors indulged in
liquor more or less with the exception of Aurangzeb, who
was a total abstainer. The harams were a common
feature of the time. Akbar^ himself maintained^ a
seraglio in which there were 5,000 women, and it had
a separate staff of women-officers who looked after its-
management.1 The nobles followed the king's example,
and spent lavishly on mistresses and dancing jgMs.
Dinnerswere sumptuous, and dainty dishes were provided,
as is shown by the description of the dinner given by
Asaf Khan to Sir Thomas Roe. Meat was a common
article of food, but thecowwas respected, and Am 66
(Blochmann, pp. 148-49) says that it is held in great rever-
ence,because
* by means of this animal tillage is carried
on, the sustenance of life rendered possible, and the table
of the inhabitants is filled with milk and butter/ Fresh
fruits were brought from Bokhara and Samarqand. and
ice was also used. It is stated in Ain 22 (I, p. 56) that
all ranks used ice in summer, and the nobles used it*
throughout the year. The gcdinary rate at which it wa&
sold was ten dams a sir, which means that it was a
luxury. The magnificence of the court compelled the
use ofcostly dress and iewelleryp and Abul Fazl inforim
us tbatnl,000 complete* suits of precious stuff were made
up for His Mgjesty eveyy yejE Most of them were
1 Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, I. Ain 15,' pp. 44-45.

SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN MUGHAL
t INDIA 741
distributed among the persons who paid a visit to the court

The nobles did likewise, and we learn that Abul Fazl at
the end 'of the year gave away all his clothes except his
trousers which were burnt. There were many kinds of
sports and amusements in which the nobles took part.
Gambling was not prohibited, and in certain cftses the
amount of bets was limited by regulation, but it is not
known how far it was enforced. The houses were pala-
tial^ and ûmptuously decorated. The fear p* *hg lay
of escheat forbade economy, and those who hoarded money
spent it on personal comforts or in giving large dowries
like Kaja Bhagwan Das. No officer or nobleman was
permitted to take his accumulated hoard out of the
country to his home in Persia or elsewhere. Thus the
incorEe of the aristocracy was spent as quickly as it was
acquired.
The life of the middle classes was free from ostenta-
tion. The lesser officials of the court
The middle iive(j ,
blasses.
according , to, the_ standard which
_
was determined by the nature of the
lwork they had to do. It is impossible to ascertain
their salaries, but this much is clear that
stances were not easy or prosperous. The chroniclers
who generally belonged to the middle classes found life
hard, as is evidenced by *tiieir observations regarding
the prices of food under different dynasties. As
Mr. Moreland suggests, the way in which they write about
this indicates that the subject was vital to them. The
subordinates in the lower grades felt no pinck and
judging from the fact that they passed their days
merrily during the last years of Aurangzeb's reign, when
there was widespread economic distress in the country,
742 HISTORY « OF MUSLIM RULE
the conclusion may be hazarded that their life was toler-

ably comfortable. The merchants concealed their wealth
lest they should be deprived of it by the local governor
or faujdar. They lived highly frugal lives, and Terry
noticed that it was not safe for them to appear as riqfr
lest they should be used as flU'd sponges. Bernier also
observed that whatever the profits of trade, the commer-
cial classes lived in a state of ' studied indigence. > There
were, however, merchants on the West coast, who, did
business on a large scale, and enjoyed theii* riches without
fear of losing them. They maintained a higher standard
of living, and made a greater use of luxuries— a fact noted
by several European travellers.
The life of the lower classes was hard in compari-
son with that of the classes above them.
clThe lower Their clothing was scanty; woollen
garments were not used at all and shoes
were not much in evidence in certain parts of India. But
no scarcity of food except in times o
and consequently no starvation under normal conditions.
There is no evidence that the peasantry in Akbar's day
lived a hard and pinched life. The state demand was
fixed, and the highest officers of the Crown were actuated
by the most benevolent intentions. Among the Hindus
Safi pnd child-marriage still prevailed. Jgw^llflrv and
metallic ornaments were worn both by Hindis and
Muslims* Restriction against liquor, oninm and othor
drugs does not seem to have been rigorously enforced
Akbar was interested in learning, but there wan no
scheme of popular education. A new curriculum waa
suggested by the emperor, but nothing worth mention
was done.
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN MUGHAL INDIA 748
About the condition in Jahangir's time much infor-

mation is obtained from *the Remonstrantie of Pelsaert
. and De Laet's Description of India, which
on TociafSfe.8 nobles the accounts
contain were eye-witnesses.
well off,of and The
their luxury was
fcgyond description, as was that of the court. De Laet is
right in saying that their one concern in life was * ta
secure a surfeit of every kind of pleasure, a judgment
which may be compared with Roe's dictum, that they are
ndthing but voluptuousness and wealth confusedly inter-
minglecL From Pelsaert's \
three classes of people whose status was little removed
frnm a1avp1T These were the workmen, peons or servants*
and shopkeepers.
The workmen were not paid adequate wages. Their
services were not voluntary. They were aeiaed by force,
and made to work in the house of a nftfrlp ftr nffi/wr who
paid them what he liked. They took only one meql__a
daj, and this consisted of Khichri, i.e., rice mixed with
pulse with a little butter, and only once a day. Their
houses were built of mud with thatched roofs, and there
was scarcely any furniture in them. The number of
servants was larger, because the wages were low. When
they were attached to a powerful officer, they oppressed
the innocent^ and " sinned, on the strength of their
master's greatness. " Hone'sty was rare among them,
and they demanded dasturi to supplement their insuffi-
cient wages. The shopkeepers concealed their wealth,
because informers " swarm like flies found the governors,
and give false information." They had to suff& much
loss, as they had to supply goods to th? king ftnl* hlP
h*n .the market rates.. The Hindus were
' 744 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE
r
clever businessmen, but the Muslims scarcely practised
any crafts except dyeing and weaving.
The Hindus believed in the sanctity of the Ganges.
and went sometimes 500 or 600 hoses to have a dip in the
sacred waters. Child-marriage was prevalent, and Delia
Valle makes mention of the marriage of two boys, who
had to be held up by grown-up men on horseback.1
Belief in astrology was common to both Hindus and
Muslims. The Brahmans had much influence with the
latter, who never undertook a journey without enquiring
about the auspicious date and hour. The Muslims wor-
shipped a number or firs and Prophets, and on the
occasion of Id, it appears, the onw wg* nnfe ôr\^f\t for
we are told, " On that day (Id) every one who is able,
sacrifice a goat in his house, and keep the day as a
festival."* The hatred between the Shias and
Sunnis was as great as ever, and they palled each other
Shahjahan's reign was a peaceful and prosperous

one. His magnificent tastes afford
to the working classes, and brought them good wages for
a numDer of years. BuLJxiwarda the doff* <** hfc rftigp,
idjtionjof the people became worse. The peasants
were badly treated by'" provincial governors, and arts and
-crafts were in a state of decline. The highways were
unsafe in certain parts of the country, and Tavernier
writes that whoever wishes to travel in India, whether
by carriage or palanquin, ought to take with him 20 or"30
armed *men with kowc, arrows and muskets. * Beggary
1 Trarefc, p. 81.
f Pelsaert, p. 74.
8 Travels, I, p. 46.
Tvjts widely prevalent^, and he says that there were in

India 800,000 Muhammadan arg gnr* 1
mendicants- figures which it is impossible to verify.1
Like TerryL Delia Valle, and others. Tavernier praises
the Hindus aa ^ thrifty , iiohnrj find hnnoit pppplft, and
says : " Hindus are morally well. When married, they
are rarely unfaithful fa foejr wives; adultery is rare
among them, and one never hears unnaturaLjsrimea
^During Aurangzeb's reign the condition of the people

steadily declined. The author of the
de KhulaRat-ut-Tawarikh who wrote his his-
tory in 1690 A.D. paints a rosy picture
of the condition of the empire, but his observations are
in conflict with those of European travellers. Of course,
he cannot be expected to criticise the government of
Aurangzeb under which he lived. But about certain
matters of trade he supplies valuable information. The
bankers of this country are so hmip^r he says, that even
strangers deposit lakhs of rupees with them without any
document or witness, and the moneyîs immediately re-
turngd on demand. The hundis whicJi they issulTare
honoured all over the country, and can be cashed any-
tyhere after paying a little discount. Merchants deposit
their goods with them owing to the insecurity of roads,
and receive them at their destination without any injury
or damage, and this practice is calle^ fttma, or in-
surance. *
Society had greatly deteriorated under Aurangzeb,
although the Khulasat is silent on the subject? The
1 Ibid., p. 892. • 8 Khulasafc, Delhi edition, p. 26.

Mughal aristocracy had* lost its moral stamina, and thfere*

was no hope of its turning oVer a new lease of life. The
sons of the nobility were brought up in thft ^QTnpanv of
women and eunnflftfif and imbibed their dejarradingjices.
Pederasty, so common among the Mughals of Central
Asia, corrupted Muslim flnftjoty, and Auranpzeb's Muhat-
sibs could do nothing to stop_ths evil. Both Hindus and
Muslims believed in astrology, and worshipped Saints and
Faqirs. Human beings were sacrificed to ensure the
success of experiments in alchemy.
craf t were still held to be potent instruments of
evil. Originality and intellectual vigour were unkpown to
the pampered minions of the court, who wasted money
like water onjaleasure^. but did nothing for the education
orgnliglrtenment of the people. Slavery still existed, and
eunuchs were treely^ma3e and sold. The standard of
public morality was not high, and the lesser officials
accepted bribes without shame or scruple. But from
this corruption we turn with great relief to the life
of the masses who were free from the vices which had
eaten into the vitals of the Mughal aristocracy, at one
time capable of producing men, who would have made
their mark in any age or clime as statesmen and
generals. The Hindus were lifted up by a new moral
and religious fervour, while tthe Muhammadans gathered
at the tombs of saints and* offered worship. The Indian
society in North India in 1707 wlus in the process of
dissolution, and its decrepit character was clearly
revealed during tire invasions of the Persians and
Maralhas.
We know very little about the economic condition of
the people during the reigns of Babar and Humayun.
i >
Babar has given a description of the people of India in his
Memoirs, but it is far from accurate. There
Economicbefore
dition «on- js a *
passing&mention_ in
_ Gulbadan .Begam'a
., ,
Akbar. humayuwnamah of the cheap prices that
prevailed in Hindustan, and we are told
that at Umarkot, where Akbar was bom, four goats could
be had for one rupee. When Sher Shah became emperor
of Hindustan, he abolished the old mediaeval currency,
andîssued a copper coin called the dam. The dam varied
in weight between 311 grains and 322 grains. He
abolished all the internal customs, and levied duties only
at the 'forntier and the place of sale within the empire.
After Sher Shah's death, great changes took place in the
economic condition of the people, and we get a glimpse
of these in the Ain-i-Akbari of Abul Fazl.
The dam, paisa, or fulus was continued. It was a
copper coin which weighed 5 tanks or 1 tola, 8 mashas*
and 7 surkhs, and was the 40th part of the
rupee. A rupee (of silver) was 11| mashas
ces, Weights m weight, and was first introduced by Sher
and Measures. -,, _ „„ 7 , . ..
Shah. The dam was the com generally
used by the people, and the revenue of the empire down
to the days of Aurangzeb was calculated in dams. The
wages were low. An unskilled labourer usually earned
2 dams or ,2\jth of a rupee § per day whereas a highly
skilled labourer (say a carpenter) was paid 7 dams or
about 3 annas a day in terms of modern money. These
low*
priceswAffpg pnafrfed
were very low. the workmen to Jive, because the
Abul Fazl has given an exhaustive list of prices* which
is too largje to be reproduced here. The prices of some of
the mopt important articles are given below to enable the
, reader to form an idea of the cheapness that prevailed in

Akbar's time.
Price per
Article. man in Article. Price dams.
per man in
dams
Wheat 12 Wheat-flour
Barley 1648 Coarse-flour 15
22
Oram Barley-flour
J war 10
Ghee ... 105
11 <
Best rice 110 Oil
Worst rice 20 Milk ...
Mash 16 Curd .. ... 18
25
12
Moth Refined sugar ... 6 per sir
\
Millet 8 White eugarcandy ... 5J „ „
Mung White sugar 128 „„ man
56 „
18 Brown sugar
The vecretahl^ anld vary ch§al?lvr *nd qp did the 80

living anirpfllfl. A Hindustani sheep could be had for
Rs. 1-8 and a cow in the province of Delhi for Rs. 10,
Mutton was sold at 65 dams per man.
Akbar's man was equal to 55& pounds or nearly
two-thirds of the present man of 82 pounds. The modern
sir is a little more than 2 pounds in weight, whereas tthe
sir of Akbar was slightly more than two-thirds of
2 pounds. The value of the rupee in English money was
generally 2s. 3d.
From these prices it is clear that in the capital and
its neighbourhood, a rupee could purchase ten times more
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN MUGHAL INDIA 749*
of grain than it does at the present day in Northern

India.
Mr. Mflreland and Dr. Vincent Smith both admit that
the ordinary labourer in Akbar's day had more to eat
than he has now, and was happier thap hia pnmp^rint
today. In our tinies, while the price of grain has con-
siderably gone up» ghee and milk have become so scarce
as to be entirely beyond the means of ordinary people.
There was not much alteration in the currency after
Akbar's death. The rupee contained 175 grains of silver
and was equal to 2s. 6d. or 2s. 3d. in English money. The
rupee was worth 40 dams up to 1616, and from 1627 on-
wards its value was 80 dams or a little more or less.
There were rupees of several denominations and weights,
but the chalanl (current) was accepted as the standard
coin. The rupees were of pure metal— a fact noted by
all foreign travellers. The man was still equal to 40 sirs,
but the sirs differed. Akbar's sir weighed 30 dams,
Jahangir's 36 and Shahjahan's 40.
Famines were more frequent than they are now.
and caused much suffering to the population. A
famine broke out in the neighbourhood of
Famines. Agra and Biyana in 1555-56, of which
* Badaoni has given an account. " Men ate
their own kind," writes the .historian, " and the appear-
ance of the famished sufferers* was so hideous that one
could scarcely look upon them. The whole country was a.
desert." In 1578-74 a serious famine occurred in Gujarat,
and was followed by a pestilence, prices rose high^ and
the people suffered qrievfljislv. There was a famine again
which lasted for four years from 1595 till 1598. " Men ate
their own kind, and streets were blocked up with dead
.foodies and no assistance 9<>uld be rendered for the

removal. " Epidemics and floods added to the misery of
the population.
measures AkbaT^wasJ^g
in famine-stricken areas,fi^tandr^]pr
an tnofficer
ata^ relief
was
appointed by him for this purpose. But the succour
afforded by the state was hardly commensurate with the
widespread misery that prevailed in the country.
No serious famine is recorded in Jahangir's reign,
although there is mention of deficiency ot ram at times.
A terrible epidemic called waba_ (bubonic plague) tfroke
-out in Northern India in 1616, and swept away large
numbers of men. In 1630, during the reign of Shahjahan,
a terrible famine broke out in the central parts of India.
An account of this famine and the relief measures of
Shahjahan, has been given in a previous chapter. The
effect of the famine on trade was disastrous. Indigo, the
principal article of export, became scarce, and arrange-
ments were made to buy it in Agra instead of Ahmadabad.
The price of cotton cloth went up, and that of gold and
other imports fell. The yield of indigo in Gujarat was
considerably reduced, and all business came to a stand-
still. Roads were infested with robbers, and it was
difficult to send goods from one place to another.
From 1635 to 1643 famine raged in different parts
of India intermittently, aqd scarcity was felt by the
people. But in 1645-46 there was &n intense farîne on
the southern section nf the fffln)Tflflpflpl Cnaat. The
distress was so severe that the people offered themselves
as slftves to any one who gave them food to eat. The
rains foiled again in 1646 and great misery prevailed on
the Madras coast* In 1650 the Surat factors reported
-deficiency of rain in all parts of India and the consequent
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN^MUGHAL INDIA 751
rise in prices. Again in* 1658 the prices of provision*,

-doubled in Surat, and large numbers of men were swept
away by famine and disease. Distress in Sindh was acute,
ancl grain was sent by the Surat factors to Lahori Bandar
to be distributed among the famished weavers and arti-
sans. A year later scarcity was experienced 'in the
Deccan again, and in Gujarat prices rose very high in
1660, while Sindh was still in the throes of a dire famine.
Writing of the year 1659 Khafi Khan says that want of
rain combined with war and movements of armies made
grain very dear, and many districts became entirely deso-
late. *No serious famine like that of 1630-31 broke out
during Aurangzeb's reign, but his perpetual wars caused
much distress, and resulted in the bankruptcy of his
government and the impoverishment of the people.
Cultivation was neglected ; industries died out, and thou-
'Sands of men were reduced to a state of destitution
•and misery.
The state epgonraged prodqction in its karkhanas.
where valuable kinds of stuff were prepared. Abul Fazl
Trade Manu- writes that His Majesty paid much attention
iacture' and to various kinds of Stuffs, ftnd_frmp]flYfflj
Agricultur e. skilful masters and workmen to teach people
an improved system of manufacture. The imperial work-
shops at Lahore. Agra. Fatehpur. and Ahmadabad turped
out exOLftllAfl*- w<n*k- The result of this was improvement
in ttaste and the high quality of production. Cloth
was also manufactured privately, as for instance,^ shawls
at^ Lahore, carpets at Fatehnnr Sikrj, and cottoa cloth
in Gujarat and Burhanpur, and Dacca was famous for
fabrics India imported articles of luxury
from foreign countries such as porcelain of high quality
from China. Theûsftft]mg|^ntifiTnTTni«n nnfr hurh- and this-

afforded a great encouragement to foreign traders. But
merchants were forbidden to carry bullioft aiit of the
country. The principal exports of India were indigo and
wool. Akbar did much to encourage cultivation, and
under the direction of Raja Todarmal much waste land
was reclaimed. Tobacco was introduced either late in
1604 or early in 1605. Akbar himself made an experiment
in smoking tobacco against the advice of his physicjan,
but h£Jiever adopted, it. After this tobacco began to be
cultivated and sold in India, and more and more people
gradually took to-k.
The karkhanas, of which mention has been made
before, continued to function down to the days of Aurang-
zeb. In the 17th centurv^Bernier saw many of them
in which artisans of all kinds did work for the state.
The governors of provinces, following the example
of the court, patronised local products, as they had to
supply the emperor with the choicest articles produced
in their charges. But at the capital, says Berhier, the
artisans and manufacturers were not treated well. The
Amirs, like the lesser officials today, wanted everything
at a cheap rate, and seldom rewarded
Under such circumstances th* q**1'0* hafi
to produce the best thing he could. The only artists who
attained to eminence in their craft were those, who were
in the pay of the emperor or some wealthy nobleman.
/ The bankruptcy and decline of the administration.
during %Aurangzeb's reign, spelled the ruin of arts and
crafts, and agriculture : The peasant's prosperity in India
is the foundation of the prosperity of the other classes
of the population, but the peasant suffered most from the
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN yUGHAL INDIA 758
chronic wars and military * marches, which did a great •

injury to his crops. Public peace and security of high-
ways are necessary for trade, but these were disturbed
by wars and rebellions. In thp Dpr^r. the denmaaiqn
in trade was most severe. Village industries died out
altogether, and the Industrial classes suffered miserably.
Bemier dwells at length upon fche decline of arts and
crafts and the unsettled condition of the country,'
which was inimical to all trade and commerce. Prof.
J. N. Sarkar rightly observes : "Thus ensued a great
economic impoverishment of India —not only a decrease
of the •' National stock,' but also a rapid lowering of
mechanical skill and standard of civilisation, a dis-
appearance of art and culture over wide tracts of the
country. " '
The Mughals were great builders! The buildings
which they erected in all parts of the country bear testi-
mony to .their magnificent architectural
ar" tastes.
origin of Fergusson's
the Mughal theory of architecture
atvle of the foreign
has been nrit.imgeri bv Havell who maintains that India
had connection with foreign countrtep ffW" tim*
rifllT find that TnHian pnlrnra had a
absorbing foreign elements. The art and culture of these
countries had its influence upon.the art of India, but it can-
not be said that the inspiration of Indian master-builders
was wholly foreign. This fusion of cultures was greatly
helpe'd by the Mughal emperors whg wfire more Indian
than foreign. We cannot, however, fix upon any Wyle
and say, ' this is Mughal style.' In fact, as Sir John
1 History of Aurangzeb, V,«p- 445.
P. 48 *
t
Marshall says, in a country- so vast and diversified as
India, it cannot be said that architecture ever conformed
to a single universal type. Much depended upon the
personal tastes of the emperors. After Babar^ Persian^
influence on Indian art increased and continued to the
end of Akbar's reign. Humavun liked the Persian style*
and his son Akbar was influenced by Persian ideals.
although his genius adapted them to the Indian craft
tradition. In the hands of Akbar's successors, Indian
architecture and painting became essentially Indian in
character, and in the exquisite creations of their reigns
we find nothing that is distinctly Persian. The Mughal
style, which was an amalgam of many influences, was more
sumptuous and decorative than the style that preceded
it, and its delicacy and ornamentation furnish a striking
contrast to the massiveness and simplicity of the art of
pre-Mughal days.
Babar did not feel satisfied with the buildings he
found at Delhi and Agra, though he admired the buildings
he saw at Gwalior. He had a poor opinion of Indian
art and skill, and imported pnnila nf Sjopn. the famous
architect fop™ r,ftnflfontinnple to construct his buildings.
In his Memoirs he writes : " In Agra alone, and of the
stone-cutters belonging to that place only, I every day
employed on my palaces 680 persons ; and in Agra, Sikri,
Biana, Dholpur, Gwalior, and KoH, there were every day
employed on my works 1,491 stone-cutters." Most of
Babar's buildings have perished, but two have survived
to this day. These are the large mosque in the Kabul
Bagh at Panipat and the Jam-i-Masjid at Sambhal,
Humayun's life was spent in great anxiety and trouble,
and he found little time to indulge his artistic fpncy. A
">
mosque of his time is still* seen at Fatehabad in the.Qisar

distnct in the Punjab, and is decorated in the Persian
style with enamelled tiles. The Surs who snatched power
from Humayun's feeble hands, were great hnildqpL Be-
sides the mighty forts in the Punjab, Rohtas, and Mankot,
they have left us some of the finest specimens of mediae-
val architecture. The two most remarkable buildings
of Sher Shah's time are the mosque in the Qila Kohna
or Parana Qila near Delhi and the tomb of the mighty
monarch at Sasaram. The mosque reflects Persian in-
fluence in its recessed portal, small minarets round the
dome, and in its fine masonry, though in other respects it
is Indian The tomb is '" one of the best designed and
most beautiful buildings in India unequalled among the
earlier buildings in the northern provinces for grandeur
and dignity ..." It is situated on a terrace 30 feet
high and about 3,000 square in the middle of a tank,
and produces a picturesque impression.
&kbar took a keen interest in buildings, and accord-
ing to Abul Fazl ' he was a great friend of good order
and propriety in business,' and kept control over the
price of building materials, the wages of craftsmen, and
collected data for framing proper estimates. His spirit
of tolerance guided all his actions and during his reign
Persian and Hindu influences had their full play. The
Hindu style was favoured as is shown by his palace in the
Agra^fort commonly called the Jahangiri Mahal. The
earliest building of Akbar's reign is rfumayun's tomb
which was completed in 1565. It is more Persian*than
Indian in design, and its principal novelty consists in its
four towers at the four angles of the main building and
the narrow-necked dome— features which reached their
756 HISTORY OF MUSLIM RULE 4
•high watermark during Shahjaiian's reign: It is different

from the Persian style in that it has no coloured
tiles, and marble has been freely used in it. The art of
stone .inlay in this building indicates a type of decoration,
which found its fullest development in the reign of
Shahjahan*
The most important buildings of Akbar's reign are
his palaces at Fatehpur Sikri. In 1569, on his return
from Ranthambhor, the emperor laid the foundations
of his new city on the summit of a hill near Sikri in
honour of Shaikh Salim Chishti. Numerous buildings were
constructed in the new city during the years 1569—71.
The influence of the Hindu art, is clearly reflected in these
buildings, and there is ample internal evidence of the
part played by Hindu master-builders in their construc-
tion. The most impressive buildings of Fatehpur Sikri
are the Jam-i-Masjid and the Buland Darwaza, the latter
being one of the most perfect architectural achievements
in the whole of India. Its total height from the road
is 176 feet, and it is still the highest gateway in India,
and one pf the hifflffigt in the world. It was constructed
in 1602 to commemorate the emperor's conquests in the
Beecan. The mosque has rightly been described as ' the
glory of Fatehpur/ scarcely surpassed by any in India.
It is, as an inscription sstys, 'a duplicate of the Holy
Place/ but except in its general ^design it is 'perfectly
original/ It was built in 1571, and it was in the quad*
ranffle facing this* mosque that the emperor read the
ftmiiis khutba to which allusion has been made before.
The *tb«r interesting buildings of Fatehpur ar€L BirtaaTs
j^jfifejtfaa Sonhla Makaa or the Jiouae af the Princess of
Amber, the palace of the Turkish Sultana, the Khwrnbgah.
t •
the Diwan-i-Khas with . its beautiful pillar and four;
galleries, which has been identified by some writers • witli
the historic Ibadat KhanaJi. They are small in size, but
it is impossible to conceive anything so picturesque in
outline or any building carved or ornamented to such an
extent with the smallest approach to being overdone.
Equally interesting are the buildings used for offices and
courts, though from the architectural point of view, they
are inferior to the buildings already described. Every-
thing considered, Fatehpur is. to use Dr. Vincent Smith *s>
phrase, a romance in stone, inconceivable and impossible
at any other time or in any other circumstances. Shaikh
Salim Chishti's tomb is one of the most elegant shrines in
India.
But the most characteristic of Akbar's buildings is
the tomb at Sikandara, which is unique among the
sepulchres of Asia. Its construction was begun by the
emperor himself, but it was completed by Jahangir, who-
says in his Memoirs that in 1608 he saw the works in
progress, and was so dissatisfied that he caused them to
be demolished and reconstructed at a cost of 15 lakhs of
rupees. This seems to be a modest estimate far short of
the actual amount of expenditure. The tomb is built
after the model of Buddhist Vihars ; the five square
terraces emerging from thje§ ground, rise one upon the
other, diminishing as they ascend upwards. Originally a
marble dome with a golden ceiling was intended to crown
thfc uppermost storey, and if this had b§en done, the tomb
of the greatest Muslim emperor of Hindustan would have
ranked among the greatest mausoleums of the work£ second
only to the Taj. But even without the dome it is a monu-
ment worthy of the man whose remains are enshrined in
c
it. A close study of Akbar's buildings justifies Abul
Fazl's observation that " His Majesty plans splendid edifices
and dresses the work of his mind and heart in the garments
clay/1 """ ""
Akbarand adorned
of stone his capital Agra by erecting a number
of buildings. The foundations of the Agra Fort were laid
in 1564 and it was completed in eight years. Inside the fort
are the Diwan-i-flpi the Diwan-i-Khas. and the palace
commonly called the Jahangiri Mahal.
Jahangir's tastes were different from those of his
father. He showed a greater love for painting than for
architecture, and did not care even to complete the tomb
of his father by giving it a donde. But the gifted empress,
Nurjahan, made up to some extent the neglect on her
husband's part. She erected a noble tomb known as the
Itmaduddo w lah in the memory of her father, which was
finished towards the end of Jahangir's reign. It is
wholly built of marble and possesses rare beauty in spite
of its unsatisfactory architectural design. In one respect,
however, it is unique. It is one of the earliest buildings
in which the pietra dura is employed. The art of ' inlay '
and ' overlay ' I3~"found in the buildings of Akbar's times
as in Chishti's tomb at Fatehpur, but was superseded
by the introduction of the metro, dura^ that is to say, in-"
laying of precious stones of Different colour in a most
delicate
in Indiamanner. Some write'rs but
by the Florentines, say that
there itiswas introduced
no evidence To
Another important building is Jahangir's tomb on

the opposite bank of the Ravi, three miles north-west of
Lahore, built by Nurjahan. jrftfrftngfr, who was a lover
pf nature, had willed that his tomb should be erected in
the
. t open air ^ ***** the rain and dew of heaven
might fall on it, but Shahjahan built a mausoleum at
a cost of ten lakhs of rupees, which is one of the
finest buildings in Lahore. The tombs of Jahangir,
Nurjahan. and Asaf Khap suffered mucn damage at the
hands of the Sikhs. The marble was removed by Ranjit
Singh who used it in his own buildings (see Shahjahan's
reign).
The most magnificent builder among the Mnghala was
Shahjahan whose buildings have been described before.
He carried the decorative architecture to perfection, and
made • an extensive use of marble and the pietra dura
which characterised the buildings of Nurjahan. The arts
of the jeweller and painter were successfully blended into
unity.
The chief buildings of Shahjahan's time are the
Diwan-i-flmând J)iwan-i-Khas in the fort of Delhi, the
Jam-i-Masjid, the Moti Masjid, the Taj I, and a number
of minor buildings in various parts of the empire. The
palace of Delhi is the most magnificent in the East or
perhaps in the world. The Diwan-i-Khas is more highly
ornamented than any building of Shahjahan, and
nothing can exceed the beauty of the inlay of precious
'stones with which it is adorned or the general poetry of
the design. Rightly was it^ regarded by Shahjahan as a
^paradise on earth. ' Shahjahan's mosques represent two
different types^ The beauty of the Moti Maaiid or pearl
mcteque lies in its nurity and simplicity. It has none of
the magnificence or rich ornamentation usually associated
with the gorgeous buildings of Shahjahan. Nevertheless
.the perfection of proportions tad the harmony of con-
structive designs make it one of the purest and most
elegant buildings of its class to be found anywhere. The

tlam-j-Masjid is more impressive and pleasing than the
Moti Masjid. It was designed ' to attract the eye of the
faithful from afar and proclaim the glory of Islam.' This
is true. But the interior of the Delhi mosque unlike the
interior gf the pearl mosque, is austere and simple. Its-
designers probably intended it to be so ' lest the fineness of
art should disturb the people assembled to pray.'
The most important building of Shahjahan's time is
the Taj, the mausoleum which he erected to the memory of
His dear wife, Arjumand Banu. The Begum died in 1630,
and the following year the construction was commenced.
Eminent artists were invited from Persia, Arabia, Turkey,
and the various parts of the empire to assist in the execu-
tion of the plan. Numerous plans were submitted, ideas
suggested, and criticised, and after a pretty long dis-
cussion among experts, there emerged a plan which was
finally embodied in marble. At first a model in wood was
prepared, which was followed by architects. The master-
architect under whose guidance the work was done was
Ustgd IsS. who was paid a salary of Rs. 1,000 per month.
On the authority of a statement made by Father Manrique
of Spain who visited Agra in 1641, it 6as been suggested
that the designer of the Taj wasâ certain Venetian
It is quite possible that Shahjahan
who was anxious to utilise the services of the best archi-
tects he could find might have given the Italian artist also
an opportunity to make his suggestions, just as he had
probably utilised the services of Austin de Bordeaux. a
French goldsmith, in preparing the peacpck forone and
the saver domes of the Taj. Bat the view that the design-
er of the Taj was a foreigner ia unacceptable. Father
» •
Manrique's information canqot have been obtained direct*.
ly from Veroneo, who had died at Lahore on the 2nd of
August, 1640, before the arrival of the monkish traveller
(24th December, 1640— January, 1641). No other European
writer makes mention of any foreigner being the designer
of the Taj. Peter Mundy who knew Veroneo and saw
him at Agra says nothing about his taking part in the
building. Tavernier who visited India, while the Taj was
being built, makes no mention of any foreign designer,
nor does Bernier write a word to suggest that the design
was originally made by an Italian. They would have
surely* given credit to a European, if the Taj had been
designed by a European. Besides these another French-
man Thevenot who visited the Taj in 1666 writes : " This
superb monument is sufficient to show that the Indians
are not ignorant of architecture, and though the style
may appear curious to Europeans, it is good taste and
one can only say that it is very fine."
No Indian historian has made the slightest allusion
to an Italian having assisted in the preparation of the
plan. The Pad^hn^^^n^ r£ — Abdul — M«m44 — Lahori
says :
<k It may be observed that bands of sculptors,
lapidaries, inlayers and fresco-makers came from the
different parts of His* 'Majesty's dominions. The
experts of each «t together with their assistants
.busied themselves in the task."1
The internal evidence of the building itself disproves.
e theory of foreign origin. The unity of the ttesign,
1 Padshahnamah, Vol, II, p. 328.

the artistic synthesis of execution, the unquestionably

Asiatic style, and the existence of like decorations in the
tombs of Humayun and Itmad-ud-dowlah all go to
prove that there was little or no European influence.
In fact there is more of Persian influence than European.
The mosaic work in the Taj was executed largely by
Indian craftsmen under the superintendence of Ustad IsS
and his son Mjihammad Sharif. Havell observed in this
connection, that there is no evidence worthy of considera-
tion to support the common Anglo-Indian belief tfnat
Veroneo designed the Taj or superintended the pietra
dura, which is entirely of the Persian school. The total
cost of the building is estimated at three crores. It was
-completed in 22 years. l
The emperor set apart landed property yielding an
income of one lakh a year for the maintenance of the mau-
soleum. The endowment consisted of 30 villages, and
the income from these was supplemented by an equal
amount of receipts from the rents of shops, bazars, and
inns.
The Taj still remains the finest monument of conjugal
love and fidelity in the world. No one who has not
1 As to the cost of the monument Abdul Hamid Lahori writes (II,

p. 830) - — u The cost of building the 'several edifices which are detailed
above, and which were completed in nearly 12 years under the super-
vision of Makramat Khan and Mir Abdul Kafom, amounted to 50 lakhs
of rupees."
This probably refeis to the central dome. The time which the edifice
took for its completion is variously recorded. The inscription on the
entrance gate is dated 1057 A. H. (1647 A. D.) which gives a period of
17 years, but the work seems to have continued for two or three
years more. Tavernier who was in India in 1658 says that the building
was completed in 22 years and his statement seems to be correct. Travels
in India, Pt, II, Book I, p. 50. *
visited it can have any idea of its superb beauty and

•enduring charm. l
With* Shah jahan's death, art declined for his successor
Aprangzeb was a Puritan, who had neither the will nor
the money to patronise art. The only notable buildings
reared by his piety are the little marble mosqu§ in the
fortj)f JDelhi for his private use, the mosque in Benares
-on the ruins of the 'Vishwanath temple (1669), and the
Badshahi mosque in Lahore (1674), which is regarded
a's the latest specimen of the Mughal style of archi-
tecture.
The Sultans of Bijapur and Golkunda were also men
of fine tastes. The famous buildings at Bijapur are the
Jam-i-MasJid of Ali Adil Shah I (1557—79), the tomb of
Adil Shah II, and the royal palaces such as the
Gagan Mahal and Asar Mahal in which wood is used.
The Satmanzila or a seven-storeyed building in the
city and a little gateway called the Mithari Mahal,
which is a mixture of Hindu and Muhammadan styles,
are most elegant and richly carved with ornament.
At Golkunda the tomb of Quli Qutb Shah erected in
\ Shahjahan himself described the Taj in verse quoted by Abdul
liamid Lahori. A few lines may be reproduced here :
" Should guilty seek asylum here.
Like one pardoned, he becomes free from sin.
Should a sinner make hfs.way to this mansion,
All his past sins are sure to be washed away,
/f~The sight of this mansion creates sorrowing sighs
//'£nd makea 8un and moon shed tears from their eyes.
• j\ In this world this edifice has been made
/ To display thereby the creator's glory.*
Sir Edwin Arnold echoes Shahjahan's praise :
44 Not architecture ! as all others are,
But the proud passion of an emperor's love,
Wrought into living stone, which gleams and soars
Watn body of beauty shrining soul and thought"
1625 is one of the largest and finest buildings in ftie

' Deccan.
Painting was not unknown to the Hindus, but it
found no encouragement at the hands of the Muslim.
Painting. rulers of pre-Mughal days. We find Sultan
Firuz Tughluq in the 14th century pro-
hibiting painting of portraits and wall-decorations in hia
palace. The art of painting owes its revival in India to*
the Mughals. The ancestors of the Mughals were lovers
of art. Shahrukh Mirza, son of Timur,
and Husain Baiqra of Herat were great patrons of the
artjpf painting. At the court of the last-named prince
flourished Bihzad. thejfephflfl nf thg F,ggf , in whom the
Persian and Chinese arts were so exquisitely blended.
Babar inherited the artistic tastes of his forefathers.
He was a great lover of beauty and art, and found the
keenest delight in flowers, running streams, and bubbling
springs Humayun developed a taste for painting during
his exile in Persia, and on his return to India, he brought
with him Mir Saiyyid Ali Tabrizi and Khwaiah Abdua
Sagaad, two master-painters of the neo-Persian school
of painting, to prepare for him a fully illustrated copy
of the Daat&n-i-Amir Hamzah. It is said the emperor
and his little son Akbar took lessons in drawing, and
greatly interested themselves ui painting. But Humayun's
early death did not permit of any great work of art being
planned.
much This glorythewasfineleft
to encourage to his7
arts. Fromsonhis Akbar who the
early youth did
emperori had a great liking for painting. Abul Fazl says i
"He (Akbar) givefe it every encouragement, as he

looks upon it as a means both of study and amusement.
•
Hence the art flourishes, and many painters have,
obtained great reputation. The works of all painters
are wteekly laid before His Majesty by the Daroghas
and the clerks ; he then confers rewards according to
excellence of workmanship, or increases the monthly
salaries. Much progress was made in the commodities
required by painters, and the correct prices of such
articles were carefully ascertained. The mixture of
Colours has especially been improved. The pictures thus
received a hitherto unknown finish. Most excellent
painters are now to be found, and masterpieces worthy
of *a Bihzad may be placed at the side of the wonder-
works of the European painters who have attained
world- wide fame The minuteness in detail, the general
finish, the boldness of execution, etc., now observed in
pictures are incomparable ; even inanimate objects look
as if they had life. More than a hundred painters have
become famous masters of the art, while the number
of those who approach perfection, or of those who are
middling, is very large. This is especially true of the
Hindus ; their pictures surpass our conception of
things. Few indeed in the whole world are found equal
totherii."1
The emperor greatly valued painting. Abul Fazl
records what he said : ••
" It appears»to me, as if a painter had quite pecu-
• liar means of recognising God, for a painter in sketch-
ing anything that has life, ai\d in' devising the limbs
one after another, must come to feel that he cannot
* Ain. Vol. I, p. 107*

bestow personality on his wo-k, and is thus forced to

think of God, the giver of life, and thus increase his
knowledge/*
The new environment m which the emperor deli-
berately placed himself, the active association of Hindus
and Muslims, and the adoption of the enlightened principle
of religious toleration had their influence on the art of
the age, and the result of this was the fusion of Indian
and Persian traditions in the technique, variety, and
quality of colours. The emperor extended his patronage
to Hindu and Muslim painters, examined every week* their
works, and offered criticisms and suggestions. More than
a hundred painters acquired great eminence in the art,
while the number of lesser men rose by hundreds. The
leading painters were Ahflna Samad. Mir Saiyyid Ali, and
Farrukh Beg among Muslims and Das want. BasiSwan,
Sanwal Das, Tarachancj, Jagannath, and a number of
others among the Hindus. Basawan excelled in the paint-
ing of backgrounds, the drawing of features, the dis-
tribution of colours and portraiture. Daswant his rival*
was still more famous. He belonged to the caste of palki-
bearers (Kahars), but from his boyhood he had a passion
for painting. Akbar discerned his gift and placed him
under the care of Abdus Samad. His work was much
appreciated, but when he was at the height of his fame,
he became insane and killed himself.
By the emperor',8 orders the master-painters illustrated
several ^well-known wfcrks as the Chingeznamah, the
Zafarnamah, Razmnamah, Ratnayana, Naldaman.
Kaliyadaman, and Ayardbniah, and the pictorial section
of the imperial library contained books and manuscripts
with pictures of all kinds. .The best work was done during:
the emperor's stay at Fatehpur. When the court was-
transferred to Lahore, a few artists accompanied the
emperor, but the majority were sent to Agra to carry on
their work in the royal palaces in the fort.
Jahangir was a great lover of nature and beauty.
The school of painting received a fresh stimulus in
his reign, and two factors aided its development — the
artistic personality of the monarch and the settled condi-
tion of the country Jahangir was a connoisseur and a keen
collector of historical paintings. He boasted of his skill in
judging the value of portraits. He says :
" As regards myself, my liking for painting and my
practice in judging it have arrived at such a point that
when any work is brought to me, either of the deceased
artists or those of the present day, without the names
being told me, I say on the spur of the moment that it
is the work of such and such a man And if there be
a picture containing many portraits, and each face be
the work of a different master, I can discover which
face is the work of each of them. If any other person
has put in the eye and eyebrow of a face, I can perceive
whose work the original face is, and who has painted
the eyes and eyebrow. "
This may be exaggerated self-praise, but there is
no doubt that Jahangir possessed the skilled knowledge
oi an expert. Sir Thomas Roe bears testimony to the
keen interest shown by Jahangii; in* the pictures which
he presented to him. The leaders of the art in Jahangir's
day were Farr^kh Beg, Muhammad Nadir, and Muham-
mad^MaiajjL Abul Hasan's son Aqa Riza, was one of
the fnost distinguished painters of the age on whom the
emperor conferred the title of{Nadir-uz-Zam&n. About

his work the emperor says : 'At the present time he has
no equal or rival. If at this day the masters Abdul Hay
and BihzSd were alive, they would have done him justice.'
TJstad MansOr who enjoyed the title of Nadir-ul-asar,
was a renowned artist who portrayed birds with wonder-
ful skill. The Hindu artists, were not favoured much at
court, though Jahangir refers to one^Bishen pas, a
portrait-painter, who was ' unequalled -in his age for
taking likenesses/ Other Hindu painters were Keshava
the elder, Keshava the younger. JManohar, Madhava,
Tulsi ancl others. Natural scenes were the favourite
subjects of Jahangir 's painters who were fully imbued
with the spirit of their patron. Painting of plants,
flowers, animals, birds, and other natural objects
reached the highest stage of development. An impor-
tant fact worth mention in Jahangir's reign is the
elimination of Persian influence. The art becomes essen-
tially Indian in character, and Indian genius triumphs
over the Persian. With the death of Jahangir the art of
painting declined in importance, and Percy Brown rightly
observes : " With his (Jahangir's) passing the soul of
Mughal painting also departed ; its outward form re
mained for a time, in gold and lavish vestments it lived on
under other kings, but its real spirit died with Jahangir/' '
Shahjahan was a great lover of art, but he was
more interested in buildings than in painting. He lack-
ed that passion for painting which characterised his
predecessor, although he took pleasure in the creations
of his 'court painters. He reduced the number of the
1 Moghul Painting, p. 86.
latter who now sought the patronage of the nobles and*'

officers of the state. Asaf Khan was one of them. Hte
house at* Lahore was elegantly decorated, and was one
of the finest mansions in the country. Para was a great
patron of the pictorial art» A pygmon** alhnm Of hift *ft
still preserved in the library of the India Office. The
chief director of artists in Shahiahan's time was Faair-
ullah, and the most well-known painters were Mir Hashim.
' Anup Chitca. and Chitramani.
Bernier writes that art suffered much towards the
close of Shahjahan's reign, but his statement seems to
apply *to ordinary bazar artists. Eminent artists still
continued to be employed by the court and the great
nobles who treated them well and appreciated their work.
Even under Aurangzeb the painters did not wholly dis-
appear. There are pictures of Aurangzeb's battles and
sieges still extant which show that he did not wholly dis-
courage the art.
The Rajput princes did not neglect the art of painting.
Following the example of the Mughal court, they extend-
ed their patronage to it. A school of painting grew up,
which has been called, on account of certain distinctive
features, the Rajput school. It treated of popular and
flamiliar themes, and expressed through line and colour
the emotions of a race distinguished for its noble qualities.
It mirrors the life of the simple villager, his religion,
and his pursuits and pastimes. In this school, religion
is closely associated with art, and it has *>een rightly said
that with its spiritual and emotional inspirations it super*
sedes the secular and matter-of-fact Mughal style.
The art of painting owed much to Mughal patronage
in India. The Mughal 'emperors saved it from decay,
F. 49 *
77Q HISTORY
, u
OF MUSLIM RULE
1 f
'end through their liberality it' attained to a high level of

excellence. The empire of the Mughals has become a thing
of the past, but the exquisite creations of th£ master-
artists of their time, still bear testimony to their refined
culture and the magnificence of their tastes. Indeed they
occupy a position unique among all Asiatic rulers.
Music was actively patronised by the Mughals. Indeed
it was a part of the general accomplishment of a Mughal
w .
Music. prince. Stanley Lane-Poole writes that the
artoi improvising a quatrain on the spot.
quoting Persian classics, writing a good hand, and singing
ajgood song was much appreciated in Babar's world .
Babar was himself fond of music, composed songs, and
several of his airs have survived him. Humayun enjoyed
the company of singers and musicians, and listened to
music on Mondays and Wednesdays. During the capture
of Mandu in 1535, when he ordered a general massacre
of the prisoners, he was informed that there was a
musician called Bacchu among the captives. The emperor
granted him an audience, and was so pleased with his
performance that hejgdered him to be enrolled among
the magicians of the court. j?he Surs were notjîind
the JMughals in their patronage ~ofjart, aiid]]Ba3aoni
complains that they ' were enticed from the path of foi4
titude and self-restraint by all sorts of sense-ravishing
allurements.' Islam Shah and Adil were both lovers of
muBicând it is said that at one time the latter granted to
a Bhagat boy, who was a skilled musician, a
Akbar wqs.a great lover of the fine arts, " His
Majesty/' says Abul'Fazl, " pays much attention to music
and is the patron of ail who practise this enchanting art.
There are numerous,! musicians at the court— gindus,
SOCIETY AND CULTURE INJMUGHAL INDIA 771
Iranis. Tura,nifl, Kflflhrnirig, Imth men and women/ ' The

court musicians were arranged in seven groups, one for
eacli day in the week. The emperor had a knowledge of
tKe~~technique of music, and played exquisitely on the
waqarrah. He is said to have composed tunes which were
the delight of the old and young. The emperor's keen
interest in music drew to his court musicians from all
parts of India. The most famous of these was Miyan
Tangen of Gwalior, who was originally a Hindu. Abul
Fazl describes him as ' the foremost of the age among
the Kalawants of Gwalior/ At the imperial court Tansen
rose into prominence, and enjoyed his patron's favour
throughout his life. So sweet and rapturous was his
melody that it induced ' intoxication in some and sobriety
in others.' He died at Gwalior in 1588. His grave is still
visited by musicians, and the leaves of the tamarind tree
overhanging it are chewed to make the voice rich and
melodioag"
of Mubarak and The Abul
courtiers
Fazl of
alsoAkbar with music.
patronised the exception
There
were many books on music and painting in Faizi's library.
Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan was a poet and music-com-
poser himself, and had in his service half a dozen skilled'
musicians. Rajas Bhagwan Das and Man Singh were equally
interflatfld in rpnaiV, and extended their patronage to
musicians, coming from such dietaifr parts of the country
as Khandesji. The Hindus and Muslims borrowed ideas
from each other, and by their joint
much to the advancement of the
varieties of Rags were introduced
Sanskrit works on music we***
and a large number of songs were
use to this day.
Jahangir maintained the * traditions of bis father's-

court, and the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri makes mention
of the musicians whom he patronised, Shahjahan was-
a great lover of the fine arts. He heard music both vocal
and instrumental, and enjoyed it. He was himself the
author of certain Hindi songs which were so sweet and
charming that ' many pure-souled Sufis lost their senses-
in the ecstasy produced by his singing/1 The historian
Muhammad Salih and his brother both were accomplished
in Hindi song. Hindu performers were also patronised by
the court and among the leading men the names of
Jagannath and Janardan Bhatta of Bikaner are worthy
of mention. After Shahjahan's death the art of music
declined. Aurangzeb, though he was well-versed in the
science of music, was averse to practical performance,
and by his orders poets and singers were banished from
the court.
The Mughal period marks a new era in the literary
' history of India, the tolerant policy of the Mughals
made possible the conditions in which art
t£aturen K" aandrefined
literature thrives.well-versed
scholar, BafraiLjgas
in himself
Arabic,
Persian, and TurkL He composed poems and valued tSe
writings of other qr^p wjth the fastidiousness of a literary
critic^ His greatest achievejmgntr however, is liis
Memoirs, which he wrote in the Turkish language His
full and frank account of his own life— one of the
in Eastern literature- is f ree^Jrogi cant and
nd js of great value from the historical
[>int of view, tie t66k delight in the society of learned.
1 Sarkar, Studies in Mughal India, pp. 12-13.

SOCIETY AND CULTURE. IN MUGHAL INDIA 773
t t
men, and in holding discussions with them he found the ,
best intellectual satisfaction, jlumayun. though unfor-
tunate im his political plans, was a well-read scholarLwho
adorned his court with poets, philosophers, and divines, with
wfiom he used to hold converse like his father. He was
interested in geography and astronomy, and was* so fond
of books that healways used to carry a library with Jiim
even during his expeditions. Jauhar, the celebrated author
was a servant of Humayun.
Akbar's reign was the golden age of Indo-Muslim
art and literature.^ The Hindu and Muslim genius soared
fiftfie highest pitch, and produced work of which any coun-
try may feel proud. The Imperial patronage was freely
extended to Persian and Hindi literatures, and the emper-
or showed an equal interest in both. The Persian litera-
ture of Akbar's time may be considered under two heads—
(1) historiography, and (2) literature proper, which
includes poetry and prose, not directly historical. The
-most well-known historical works of the time are the
Tarikh-i'Alfi of Mulla DaBj. the Ain-i-Akbari and Akbar-
namah of Abul Fazl, Jhe Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh of
Badaoni, the TabQat-i-AMn'rirf Mfogmnfldin Ahmad, the
Akbarnamah ^ ^BiV fiartiitiH^ the Mavir-i-Rahimi,
which was compilecMander the patronage of jAbdur
iCahim Khan-i-Khanan. Thd ^greatest writer of the age
was Abul Fazl, ^w ho was a poet, essayist, critic, historian
and ftian of letters. *He wad ft master of prose, whose
mind was richly stored with knowledge of all kinds. He
wrote with a facility and ease which has never been
surpassed in the East. His letters are still studiecf in all
Indian madrasahs, and thougH somewhat difficult to
understand, they are perfect models. Abul Fazl's style
appears inflated and verbose to Western readers, but in

chasteness and elegance it is unsurpassed. An important
feature of his works lies in the purity of their contents.
A SSfi by conviction, ready to embrace truth wherever
found and eager in thg
never expresses an impure thought, and Mr. Blochmann
positively asserts that there is no passage in his works
wliere woman is lightly spokgiLflL or where immorality ia
passed over with indifference. AbufFazl's fame rests on
hrs two worKsT-the Ain-i-Akbari and the Akbarndmah
written in singularly elegant Persian and containing valu-
able information about Akbar's reign. Want of space
forbids a detailed criticism of Abul Fazl's works, but
this much may be said that jna prosq is vigorous, elegant
and free from solecisms and other defects. He uses rare
similes and metaphors with admirable ease and grace,
though his rhetoric sometimes obscures in a labyrinth
of words the argument which he seeks to elucidate.
Abdulla Uzbeg used jtosay, 'I am notso afraid of the
sword of Akbar as^l am ot tne pen 01 Abui Fazl. What
could be a greater tribute to Abul Fazl's literary skill than
this?
By the emperor's orders many Sanskrit works were
translated into Persian. Abdul Qadtr Ka^ry^ (1540—94
A.D.), an _ orthodox Mulla., .was employed to translatg_
Valmiki's Ramayana into Persian, and also a portion of
the Af atiabtiarata, and in his history lie often complains of
the sacrilegious task on which he was engaged. The
Atharva Veda was translated by Haji Ibrahim Sarhindi
and tfie bulk of thj^Jtoatiabtiarata renamed Mazmnavqah
jy Naqib Khan. ILilatiati, a work on arithmetic, was
rendered into Persian by Faizi.
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN MUGHAL INDIA 776T
•
Coming to literature .proper, we find a number of
first-rate poets and prose-writers, who produced their work
under ceurt patronage. Among poets, the name of Ghizali
stands first. Persecuted in his native country, Persia,
he came to the Deccan, but failed to secure royal patron-
age. Then he went to Jannpnr from which place he pass-
ed on to theimperi^^ where he made such an im-
pression* that he was raised to the position of Poet-laureate,
" He held that office till 1572. He was a man of Sufi lean-
ings, liberal in outlook, and independent in judgment.
His famous works are the Miralrul-Kainat, Naqsh-i-
Baditi* and Israr-i-Mak£ub.
" Next to Ghizali comes Abul Faiz. better known as
Faizi. brother of Abu^ Fazl and son of Shaikh Mubarak,
who was alscT raised to the office of Poet^laureal^. He
possessed a wide knowledge of Arabic literature, the art
of poetry, and the science of medicine, and used to treat
the poor without accepting any payment. He wrote many
works, the most famous of which are Masnavi Nala-o-
Daman, Markaz-i-Adwar, Mawarid-ul-Kalaw , and
Sawati-ul-Ilham. The first is regarded as the best of his
works. Even Badaoni. who looked upon him as a heretic,
praises the last work, and says that such Masnavi was
' not written in India since the days of Amir Khusrau.
Another important work $ the Sawati-ul-Ilham (rays of
inspiration) which is a commentary on the Quran ifi
Arabic in which the'poet employs such letters as have no
dots. The industry and scholarship, revealed in this
Book are beyond all praise.
Faizi shone brilliantly as a poet and in all *that he
wrote there is enthralling charm. His style is chaste,
pure, , and free from. all kinds of vulgarism, and in all
776 HISTOBY OP MUSLIM RULE
<• <
his works we find the noblest; sentiments^xpressed in a
language, ~~ ~*
Beautiful
most Other poets of distinction were Muhammad * Wirepin
Naziri of Nisbamir who wrote ghazals of rare merit, and
Saiyyid Jamaluddin Urfi ofL_Shiraz who joined the court
of the Khan-i-Khanan in 1581. He wrote some qasidas
in praise of the Khan-i-Khanan and the emperors Akbar
and Jahangir He was not much esteemed at the imperial
court, because the qasida was not in vogue at the time.
Besides, his proud and egotistical nature repelled all those
who came in contact with him. As a writer of qasidas
he occupies the highest place among his contemporaries.
Jahangir was in intellect and character inferior to
his great father. But he was not devoid of literary
taste. He had received an excellent education under the
care of tutors like Maulana Mir Kalan Muhaddis and
Mirza Abdur R^him, He had a good knowledge of Persian,
and was also acquainted with Turki which he could under-
stand. His autobiography ranks second to thatofBafrar
in frankness, sincerity, and frpRhnpaq apd charm of style.
Among the learned men who lived at his court were
Mirza Ghiyas Beg, Naqib Khan, Mutmad Khan^Niamat--
ullah, Abdul Haq DeKlwi ancTothers. Several historical
works were compiled during Jahangir 's Teign, the most*
important of which are the Igbalnamah-i-J 'qfeongm, the
Ma*ir-i*Jahangiri, and the Zubd-ut-Tawarikh. "*
Shahjahan carried on the traditions' of his forefathers.
He extended his patronage to men of letters and among the
chief men of the time* are Abdul Hamid Lahori. author
of the 'iPadshahnamah. Amin Qazwini, author of another
Padthahnamah, Inayat Khftn, author nf tho $1^^*.
and Muhammad Salih, author of the Amal Salih.
wliich are all histories of Shahjahan's reign. Besides.

these historiographers-royal there were numerous poets
and theologians at court whose names are mentioned at
great length both by Qazwini and Abdul Hamid. Among
the emperor's sons D^ra was a great scholar interested in
religious and philosophical studies, Like his great-grand-
father Akbar, he was an ardent Sufi who sought to create
a bridge between the warring creeds. He caused the
^ and the Yoga Vasi^ha
to t5etranslated into^Persi&n, and engaged Himself
the compilation of a number of works, the chief of which
-are the Majmua-al-Bahrin, a treatise on the technical
terms of Hindu pantheism and their equivalents in Sufi
phraseology, the Safinat-al-Aulia, a biography of the
saints of Islam, and the Sakinat-ul-Auliat which contains
an account of saint Mian Mir and his disciples. Aurangzeb,
though a bigoted Sunni, was an accurate scholar well-
versed in theology and Islamic jurisprudence. It was at
his instance that the Fatwa-i-Alamgiri was compiled.
He disliked poetry and was opposed to the writing of a
history of his reign. The Muntakhab-ul~Lubub of Muham-
mad Hashim (Khafi Khan), which is an exhaustive survey
•ofJfiiT reign, was prepared in secrecy. The other well-
tcnown histories of his reign are the Alamgirnamah^ the
Ma8ir-i-Alamgiri9the Khulgsat-ut-Tawarikh i>f^Suian Rai
and the works of Bhimsen and Ishwar Das. TSe
i is a collection of the emperor's letters
wfilch shows his mastery over simple an$ elegant Persian.
The Mughal government did ftot recognise popular
•education as one of its duties. Madrasah* were maintained;
stipends were granted to scholars*; but nothing was done to
organise a system of public education. Not even a printing
' .*
,press was introduced to make the diffusion of learning pos-
sible. 'The Hindus fared badly during Aurangzeb's reign-
Their schools were closed down, and much of the good
work accomplished by his predecessors was undone.
A word must be said about the literary labours qf
Mughaljprincegsfia. Gulbadar^ Begum the daughter of
ar, was an accomplished lady who wrote the Humayun-
ttcma^jBîich still remains an authority for Humayun'a
reign. Sultana Salima, daughter of Humayun's sister
Gulrukh, Maham-Anga, Nurjahan^ Mumtaz Mahal, and
JahanaraJEfegufli were all accomplished ladies who took a
keen interest in art and literature. Aurangzeb's daughter
Zebunnissa was a gifted poetess, well-versed in Arabic
and Persian, and the Diwan-i-Makhfi, is a noble monu-
ment of her genius.
In a previous chapter the rise and growth of Hindi
literature has been traced to the times of Kabir and
Nanak, who preached in the language
of the PeoP16- Kabir contributed a_great
deal to Hindi pogti^ând his dohas snd
sakhis, breathing^ an intense moral fervour, are among
the priceless gems of Hindi literature. The first author
of note, whom we come across in this period, is «Maljk
Muhammad Jayasi, who wrote his Padmavat obviously
in thg frjyffl? ^t ShPr Rhabr because he speaks of him in,
terms of high praise. The Padmavat describes^ the story
of Padmini, the queen of Mewar, in highlyjmbellishef
language, but beneath the tenderness and love with
which The whole poem is suffused, there is a remarkable
philosophical depth^ which profoundly impresses us.
With the accession of Akbar to the Mughal throne, the
history of Hindi literature entered upon a new epoch,
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN MUGHAL INDIA 7T&-
The emperor was keenly « interested in Hindi poetry and

song, and his tolerant spirit attracted to his court the
most eminent poets and singers from all parts of the
country. The association of the most talented Hindus
of the age with the emperor secured official support for a
class of writers who had been so far neglected or treated
with contempt. The brilliant conquests and administra-
tive reforms of Akbar inaugurated a new era ; and the
latter half of the 16th century became an age of exuber-
ant imagination, gorgeous display, and romance— an
age of heroic deeds and gallant adventure, which like
the 'Elizabethan age called forth the best powers of man.
The sweetness and melody of Brij Bha§a appealed power-
fully to the nobles of the imperial court at Agra, and their
contact proved highly beneficial to its growth. In the
hands of Hindu officers who had learnt Persian, the
language lost much of its old crudity, and became sweet,
chaste, and artistic. No less was the influence exerted
upon it by Muslim officers like Mirza Abdur Rahim, who
composed verses in Hindi and appreciated the work of
Hindi poets. Among the courtiers of Akbar, Todar Mai,
Rajas Bhagwan Das and Man Singh wrote verses in Hindi ,
and BjrbaTs poetical talent wonjiim the title of Kam
Raya from the emperor. The most distinguished Hindi
poet among Akbar's ministers was Abdur Rahim Khan-i-
Khanaa, whose dohgs, mwhich is enshrined the quintes-
sence of^^Jiumanjwiôm^nHêxperience, are still f§acl- and
aamiredall over Northern India] He was a great scholar,
ancfamong his many worksTs~the Rahim Sataai, a collec-
tion of dohas, which contains poetry or a liigh order.
Other poets at Akbar's court * whose names may be men-
tioned areJCaran and Nar Hari Sahai, the latter of whom
received from the emperor the title of MahnpUtra or the

great vessel
Most of the poetry of the time was religious. Its
themes were borrowed from the cults of Krisna and Rama,
which flourished side by side. The poets of the former
school weje the A§tacchap of Vallabhacharya among whom
the most famous is Sur Das, the blind h*r^ 9? Ag™- In
his Sursaaar he wrote about the sports of Krigna's
childhood, and composed hundreds of verses in describing
the beauty of Krisna and his beloved Radha. He wrote
in Brij Bha$a and made a lavish use of imagery. The
following
mouth : words of praise about Sur Das are in everybody's
"Sur is the sun, Tulsi, the moon, Kesava is a
1cluster of stars, but the poets of the modern age are
'like so many glow-worms giving light here and there."1
Other writers of this school are Nand Das, author of the
Ras-panchadhyayi, Vithal Nath, author of the Chaura&i
Vaignava ki Varta in prose, Parmanand Das, and Kum-
.bhan Das. Eumbhan Das was a man of great renuncia-
tion. Tradition says, he was once invited by Akbar to
Jtetehpur Sikri, but he regretted his visit as is shown
by the following verse :
if
irror srni iffcrf gzf flraft *IM? fffcn? n
*$ j^r trot?
srwr fiww fign ^?f ^ i *m u
Hindi verse runs thus :
irw i ¥^ ireta
[What have the saints got to do in Sikri ? In going

and returning shoes were worn out, and the name
6f Hari was forgotten. Greetings had to be
offered to those the sight of whose faces causes-
pain. Kumbhan Das says, without Girdhar all
else is useless.]
JgaSLKhas» another well-known Hindi poet, who was
a Muslim, was a disciple of Vithal Nath and a worshipper
o^Krisna. His name is mentioned in the Doso Vai^nava ki
Varta. One of his works is Premvatika which was com-
posed about 1614 A.D. The Kabittas and Savaiyas are full1
of love and are written in happy and attractive style.
Among the poets who popularised the cult of Rama
the foremost is Tulsi Das (1532-1623 A.D.),- whose name
is a household word among the millions in Northern
India. There is no mention of him in the Ain-i-Akbari,
the Akbarnamah, or any other contemporary Muslim
chronicle. Probably he never visited the imperial court,
and in all his works there is not even a casual reference
to the government of the day. The empire of Akbar
has passed away, but the empire of Tulsi Das over the
hearts and minds of millions in India still continues.
He was gifted with wonderful poetic powers which he
used to the best advantage in achieving the object so*
dear to his heart. Sir George Grierson writes of him :
tf One of th^ greatest reformers and one of the
greatest poets that India has produced—to the present
' writer he is, in both characters JtA* ^fctest-he dis-
telling dained
histofound a church, and %con^gp|Riims^lf
fellow-countrymen
* hop^-fo
with
k i * ' work out each,
his own salvation amongst his own kith find kin. " 1
1 Jmp. Gaz., II, p. 418.*
782 HISTORYf OP MUSLIM BULB
He goes on to add :
11 Pandits may talk of Vedas and Upani§ad§, and a

few may even study them ; others may say they find
their faith in the Pur anas, but to the vast majority of
the people of Hindustan, learned and unlearned alike,
their sole norm of conduct is the so-called Tulsikrita
Ramayana."
What is Tulsi Das's teaching ? He lays stress upon
the worship of Rama. Though he accepts the pan-
theistic teaching of Vedanta, he had faith in a personal
•God who is none other than Rama. Man is sinful
by nature and unworthy of salvation. Yet the
Supreme Being in his infinite mercy assumed a human
form in the person of Rama for the redemption of the
world's misery. He emphasises the value of a moral
life and inculcates virtues which every human being
ought to possess. Tulsi Das founded no church or sect
and was satisfied with preaching the highest ritorality to
man. He wrote a number of works of which the most
famous is the Ramcharitmanas or ' The Lake of the Deeds
of Rama.' The subject of the poem is the story of Rama's
life. The great ideals of conduct and duty— obedience
to parents, devotion to husband, affection towards bro-
thers, kindness to the poor and faith in friendship are
all inculcated here with a beauty apd skill rare in the
history of the world's literature. Tulsi Das was not
a mere ascetic. He had experienced the joys and sorrows
of married life, and knew the temptations and weaknesses
of ordinary men. That is whj he could appeal with success .
to the multitude who . cried, * Here is a great soul that
knows us. Let us choose him for our guide/
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN MUGHAL INDIA 783*
Another poet whose »name deserves mention in

place jg Nabhaii, the author of the Bhaktamfila, ' which
•contain* notices of principal devotees and saints, whether
worshippers of Rama or Krisna.
The poets who have been described before were
religious par excellence, and their principal theme was
Bhakti or devotion towards Rama or Krisna. Besides
0 these there were others whose works determined the
•canons of poetic criticism The most remarkable of this
group is Kesava Das, a Sanadhya Brahman of Orcha,
who died about 1617 A. D. He wrote on poetics and his
works are still read with great interest. The most admir-
ed of his works is the Kavi Priya in which he describes
the good qualities of a poem and other matters connected
with the art of writing poetry. It was dedicated to a
courtesan, who was also the author of a number of
short poems. The other works of Kesava are Rama
Chandrika, a story of the life of Rama, Rasik Priya,
a treatise on poetical composition, and Alankrit Manjari,
a work on prosody. These have placed Kesava in the
forefront of Hindi poets, and though his poetry is not
easy to understand, there is no doubt that he shows very
great skill and scholarship in treating his subject.
The successors of Kefeva in Hindi poetry were Sundar,
SenSpati, and the Tripathi bipthers, who flourished in the
reign of Shahjahan and Aurangzeb. Sundar was a
Brahman of Gwalior, who received the titles of Kavi
Enya and Mahakavi Rnya from Shahjahan. In 1631 he
wrote the Sundar Srangar, a work on poetical composi-
tion, and prepared a Brij Bk&$3, version of the Simhasan
Battisi. Senfipati was a devotee of Kri§na. His principal
work ;s Kabitta Ratrtakar which deals with the various
ftspects of the art of poetry. The beautiful description of

nature in his Satritu Varnan excels all other Hindi poets
except Devadutta. Among the Tripathi brothers the
most 'famous is Bhusan Tripathi, whose patrons were
Shivaji, the Maratha ruler, and J2hatrasal Bundela^ of
Panna. Bhusan was a pro-Hindu poet who is especially
concerned with the glory and greatness of his own com-
munity. His principal works are Shivavali, Chatrasal-
da&aka, and Shivarajabhu$ana, a treatise on alankara,
illustrated by heroic poems in praise of Shivaji. Other
important poets of the period are Mati Ram^JTripathi
who is famous for the excellence or his similes, 'Deva
Kavi of Etawah, and Behari Lai Chaube, author of the
well-known Behari Satsai. Behari Lai lived during the
years 1603—1663. His patron was Mirza Raja Jai Singh of
Jaipur who is said to have given him a gold asharfi, for
every doha. Behari Lai's fame as a poet rests upon hia
satsai (1662 A.D.), a collection of about 700 dohas and
sorthas, which are undoubtedly the ' daintiest pieces of
art in any Indian language/ The verses are mostly the
amorous utterances of Radha and Krigna, and their
meaning is not easy to comprehend. The Satsai has had
many commentators to elucidate the obscurities insepar-
able from a work in which each couplet is a complete
whole in itself, but no one who, reads it can fail to recognise
the poet's skill and felicity of expression and the masterly
way in which he depicts the natural phenomena as when
he speaks of the ecent-laden breeze under the guise of a
way-worn pilgrim from the south.
The' decline of Hindi poetry set in during the reign of
Aurangzeb. The court patronage was not entirely with-
drawn, but the era of great poets was closed, The
SOCIETY AND CULTURE Itt MUGHAL INDIA 785
dissolution of the Mughaf empire had a disastrous. effect'

on the fine arts, and Hindi literature like others suffered
a heavy set-back. We do not find much Urdu poetry
written in the north during this period. The real rise of
Urdu took place in the Deccan under the patronage of the
Sultans of Bijapur and Golkunda, some of whom were men
of great culture and refinement. Wali of Aurangabad who
was born in 1668 was a celebrated poet who wrote ghazals,
mcu,navis, rubiyats in a simple, natural, and elegant style.
He is said to have visited Delhi twice His diwan aroused
great interest at the Mughal capital and laid the founda-
tion of Urdu poetry. Several poets wrote in imitation of
his work. The most important of them are Hatim (1699—
1792), Khan Arzujl689— 1756), and Abru and Mazhar (169F
—1781), who have rightly beerTcalled the fathers of Urdu
poetry in the north.
The sixteenth century like the fifteenth was an age
of great religious stir, when Vaisnavism made a powerful
appeal to the hearts of millions in Northern
<mr?entls.igiousIndia Krisna
and and Bengal. The devotees
cults branched off ofinto
Ramaa
number of sects and inculcated worship according to their
ideas. The founder of the Krigna cult^ Vallabhacharva.
was succeeded by Hiajjop Vithal Ejath, and his disciples
were called the AtfacKhap 3(eight seals) among whom
Sur Das is the moat famous. They wrote and preached
in Brij Bkasq and dwelt with great fervour and devotion
upon the sports of Krigna's childhood. A number of
works appeared which laid stress on the erotic side of
Krigna1 s life, the most important of
Nath^s Cfiaurasi Vai^nava ki Vartg (talk of eiprhty-foiir
Vaignavas) written some time about 1551 A.D. The
F. OU
f
Radha Ballafrfri sect was founded byvHari Vamsa about
1585 A.D., and the chief temple of its. followers at Brinda-
ban is dedicated to RSdha. They worship Rsdha and
seek to gain the favour of Krisna through her.
The Jeading exponent of the Rama cult was Tulsi Das
who preaches the worship of Rama as an incarnation of
Vignu. Though he is a believer in Advait philosophy, he
accepts the principles and practices of orthodox Hindu-
ism. He upholds caste, lays stress upon Brahmanical
superiority, deprecates the freedom of women, but while
doing all this he puts forward in words that moê the
heart the doctrine of Bhakti or devotion to a personal
God. He did not found a sect, but he acted as a reformer
and teacher and loved the people whom he taught the
very best he knew in their own language.
Besides Tulsi Das there were other reformers, who
departed from orthodox Hinduism and founded their
own sects. Their teachings bear the impress of Muslim
influence. Dadu (1544-1603), better known as Dadu Dayal
by reason of his^ kindness towards all living beings,
denounced idolatry~and caste, rejected thejformal ritual
of Hinduism^ and laid stressûpoiTthe simple faith in God.
The Laldasis emphasised the value of Ramantima, and the
Sadhs and Dharamdasis pointed out the valne of repeating
the name of God and the duty of leading pure and clean
lives. Most of these saints sprang from the lower orders*
and their philosophy is a protest against orthodox
Hinduism.
In Bengal the followers of Chaitanya Carried on the
great master's work. To them Bhakti yaa all in jdl.
There could be no deliverance without Bhakti. Even
without knowledge Bhakti could ensure a man's salvation.
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN* MUGHAL INDIA 787
Kri?na is the Paramfitma, the supreme soul and the
supremg object of worship. The leaders of the Vai?navas
in Brindaban were Rupa and Sana tan, and with them
was associated a nephew JivaGMwamjl who founded the
temple of Radha DamocfeF~amr flopa! Pftattp Their
names are mentioned in the Bhaktamala
The Deccan also witnessed the rise of a great religious
movement in the 16th century. Eknath was one of ita
pi<fr>eers. He laid stress on Bhakti by means of which
women, Sudras, and all others ' could cross to the other
bank*' Tuka Ram who was born about 1600 A.D. is the
leading saint of Maharashtra. His love for God knows
no bounds, and religion has no other meaning for him.
He enjoins worship with a clean and lofty heart, and
exhorts men to show kindness according to their powers.
This is how heaven is easily attained. The following
words contain the essence of Tuka Rarn^s teachings :
" rfe who calleth the stricken and heavily burden-
ed his own is the man of God , truly the Lord must
abide with Jiim. He that taketh the unprotected to
his heart and doeth to a servant the same kindness aa
• to his own children is assured by the image of God "
Tuka Ram 's Abhangas or unbroken hymns, whose fervent
piety elevates the soul and prfrifies the emotions, are still
sung all over Maharashtra, and give solace to millions in
distress and sorrow.
Another saint who had a profound influence on the
lives of the Maratha people was Ram Das, the spiritual
guide of Shigflji He was a Veddntist anfl p Vinging.vA wtin,
conformed
the do&trine tooftheBhakti
orthodox
: formulae. " He thus expresses
78§ HISTORY, OR MUSLIM RULE o
Oh Rama, every day I have been consumed by
repentance and my unsteady mind cannot be restrain-
ed. 0 thou who art merciful to the poor, * remove
from me this may a which produces illusion, and
hasten to me, for without thee I am fatigued "
Salvation according to him is to be found in Rama
alone. Purity in thought and deed^jmselfistmess, trutjr^
fulness, forgivei^ss.^jmmjli^
towards all are the surest passport to heavenly bliss • *
\\BIS

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A SHORT HISTORY OF

MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA

FROM THE CONQUEST OF ISLAM

ISHWARI PRASAD, M.A., D.Litt., LL.B.

t The essence of royal protection consists in protecting

THE first edition of this book was very favourably received

THE UNIVERSITY OF AULAHABAD

the critical faculty of students by discussing controver-

illustrations and maps, his atlvice has been of considerable

PRE MUHAMMADAN INDIA

After Harga's death in 647 A.D. India broke up into a

the historian, conquered the valley and established his

Another important Rajput clan was that of the Chohans

Two other Rajput dynasties of importance in Northern

again marched against him and compelled him to sign a

established his independence. The kingdom of Malwa in-

After the fall of the kings of Vallabhi the Chapotakas

ruler of Abu, and made his power felt by the Chohans of

.Abu were defeated, and Mallikarjuna, the chief of Konkan,

revival of Buddhism in Tibet. He was a staunch follower of

" I have no doubt that the ruling families of both the

supposed from perusal of the Puranas and other literary

the foreign origin of the Rajputs. They hold that the

-certain kind of homogeneity was developed by the adoption

'Khajuraho in Bundelkhand, and of Puri in Orissa. The Jain

>famous temple of Virupaksa at Pattadakal which was prob-

remarkable is Jayadeva, the author of the Gita Govinda,

1 Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Raj as than, edited by Crooke,

•deceit or treachery in war and scrupulously abstained

of Sati which resulted from time to time in the deaths*

The government of the Rajputs was of a feudal charac-

upon the absence of external danger. When there was no

The Chalukyas, who were a family of Rajput origin,

The Rggtraknfas werfl originally inhfl.hitfl.nta nf

was defeated and killed in battle by Tailapa II in 982

These dynastic feuds were inherited by the R2$trakQt»s,.

Marco Folo found him ruling at Madura.

THE ARAB INVASION OF SINDH

him by one of his lieutenants, as "a great pool which some

were conquered by Muslim arms. Qutaiba was dent to

1 Thatta is synonymous with Debal. Mr. Abbott discusses the

Bactrian camels. Nfto.Pftaftrjpg as well as luxuries

carnage followed, which lasted for three days. The

1 Nirun was situated on the high road from ThattS to Haidrttb&d, a

garrison, 15 thousand in number in the fort, and forthwith

1 It is a ruined city in the Sinjhoro Taluka of Thar and Parkar,

the lowest grade twelve dirhams. When the people of

of the chief s and warriors of Multan were enslaved. The-

four-fifths of the spoils was given to the troops and one-fifth

were rigorously enforced, and certain tribes were forbidden

The conquest was accomplished by tribes who were so

practically independent. The Arabs who settled in Sindh

°l Al-Biruni, India, translated by Sachau, Introduction, p. xxxi.

and sent the following message to Subuktagin :— " You

Peshawar, in which the Musalmans defeated the Hindus.

AntndapaFa? * aaslant RM»

1 Firishta writes that a custom prevailed among the Hindus that

towards the Punjab to give battle to the invader. The*

1 Kangra is a most fertile plateau in the Himalayas with a snow-clad