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Earth Systems Data and Models
Andrew Gettelman
Richard B. Rood
Demystifying
Climate
Models
A Users Guide to Earth System Models
Earth Systems Data and Models
Volume 2
Series editors
Bernd Blasius, Carl von Ossietzky University Oldenburg, Oldenburg, Germany
William Lahoz, NILU—Norwegian Institute for Air Research, Kjeller, Norway
Dimitri P. Solomatine, UNESCO—IHE Institute for Water Education, Delft,
The Netherlands
Aims and Scope
The book series Earth Systems Data and Models publishes state-of-the-art research
and technologies aimed at understanding processes and interactions in the earth
system. A special emphasis is given to theory, methods, and tools used in earth,
planetary and environmental sciences for: modeling, observation and analysis; data
generation, assimilation and visualization; forecasting and simulation; and
optimization. Topics in the series include but are not limited to: numerical, data-
driven and agent-based modeling of the earth system; uncertainty analysis of models;
geodynamic simulations, climate change, weather forecasting, hydroinformatics,
and complex ecological models; model evaluation for decision-making processes
and other earth science applications; and remote sensing and GIS technology.
The series publishes monographs, edited volumes and selected conference
proceedings addressing an interdisciplinary audience, which not only includes
geologists, hydrologists, meteorologists, chemists, biologists and ecologists but
also physicists, engineers and applied mathematicians, as well as policy makers
who use model outputs as the basis of decision-making processes.
Demystifying Climate
Models
A Users Guide to Earth System Models
Andrew Gettelman Richard B. Rood
National Center for Atmospheric Research Climate and Space Sciences and Engineering
Boulder University of Michigan
USA Ann Arbor
USA
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016. This book is published open access.
Open Access This book is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-
Noncommercial 2.5 License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.5/) which permits any
noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and
source are credited.
The images or other third party material in this chapter are included in the work’s Creative Commons
license, unless indicated otherwise in the credit line; if such material is not included in the work’s
Creative Commons license and the respective action is not permitted by statutory regulation, users will
need to obtain permission from the license holder to duplicate, adapt or reproduce the material.
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part
of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission
or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar
methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publi-
cation does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the
relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or
for any errors or omissions that may have been made.
Amy Marks provided very careful and thorough edit, as well as numerous helpful
suggestions. Cheryl Craig, Teresa Foster, Andrew Dolan, and Galia Guentchev
contributed their time to reading through drafts and providing a needed reality
check. Prof. Reto Knutti helped this book take shape while Andrew Gettelman was
on sabbatical at ETH in Zurich. David Lawrence shared critical insights and
PowerPoint figures on terrestrial systems. Thanks also to Markus Jochum for
straightening us out on explaining how the ocean works. Jan Sedlacek,
ETH-Zürich, helped with figures in Chap. 11 (especially Fig. 11.6).
Mike Moran and David Edwards of the National Center for Atmospheric
Research provided financial support. Lawrence Buja and the National Center for
Atmospheric Research hosted Richard Rood’s visitor status. The National Center
for Atmospheric Research is funded by the U.S. National Science Foundation.
We thank the staff and students of the University of Michigan’s Climate Center
for reviews of the manuscript: Samantha Basile, William Baule, Matt Bishop, Laura
Briley, Daniel Brown, Kimberly Channell, Omar Gates, and Elizabeth Gibbons.
Richard Rood thanks the students in his classes on climate change problem-solving
at the University of Michigan and acknowledges in particular the project work of:
James Arnott, Christopher Curtis, Kevin Kacan, Kazuki Ito, Benjamin Lowden,
Sabrina Shuman, Kelsey Stadnikia, Anthony Torres, Zifan Yang.
Richard Rood acknowledges the support of the University of Michigan and the
Graham Sustainability Institute, and grants from the National Oceanographic and
Atmospheric Administration (Great Lakes Sciences and Assessments Center
(GLISA)—NOAA Climate Program Office NA10OAR4310213) and the
Department of the Interior, National Park Service (Cooperative Agreement
P14AC00898).
Francesca Gettelman exhibited nearly unlimited patience with some late nights.
v
Contents
vii
viii Contents
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271
About the Authors
xiii
Introduction
xv
xvi Introduction
modern societies, we are still more dependent on the weather than we like to admit.
Think of a winter storm snarling traffic and closing schools. Windstorms and
hailstorms can cause significant damage. Or think of the impact of severe tropical
cyclones (also called hurricanes or typhoons, depending on their location), per-
sonified and immortalized with names like Sandy, Andrew, or Katrina. Persistence
(or absence) of weather events is also important. Too little rain (leading to drought
and its resulting effects on agriculture and even contributing to wildfires) and too
much rain (leading to flooding) are both damaging.
Although we are tempted to speak of a single “climate,” there are many climates.
Every place has its own. We build our societies to be comfortable during the
expected weather events (the climate) in each place. Naturally, different climates
mean different expected weather events, and our societies adapt. Buildings in
Minneapolis are built to standards different from buildings in Miami or San
Francisco. City planning is also different in different climates. Minneapolis has
connected buildings so that people do not need to walk outside in winter, for
example. Singapore has connected buildings so that people do not need to walk
outside in heat and humidity. Not just the built environment, but the fabric of
society may be different with local climates. In warmer climates, social life takes
place outdoors, for example, or the flow of a day includes a rest period (siesta in
Spanish) during the hottest period of the day.
We construct our lives for possible and sometimes rare weather events: putting
on snow tires for winter even though snow may not be around for over half a
winter. We build into our lives the ability to deal with variations in the weather.
A closet contains coats, gloves, hats, rain jackets, umbrellas, sun hats, and sun-
glasses: We are ready for a range and for a distribution of possible weather states.
Some events are rare: Snow occasionally has fallen in Los Angeles, for example.
But it is usually the rare or extreme weather events that are damaging. These
outliers of the distribution are typically damaging because they are unexpected and
therefore we do not adequately prepare for them. Or rather, the expectation
(probability) is so rare that it is not cost-effective for society to prepare for them.
This applies to the individual as well: if you live in Miami your closet contains
more warm weather gear, and less cold weather gear. It is unlikely you would be
able to dress for temperatures well below freezing. The impacts of extreme weather
are dependent on the climate of a place as well. For example, a few inches (cen-
timeters) of snow is typical for Denver, Minneapolis, or Oslo, but it will shut down
Rome or Atlanta. One inch (25 millimeters) of annual rainfall is typical for Cairo,
but a disaster in most other places.
Where the most damaging weather events occur are at the extremes of the cli-
mate distribution. One problem is that we often do not know the distribution very
well. Every time we hit a record (e.g., a high temperature, rainfall in 24 hours, days
without rain), we expand the range of observed events a little, and we learn more
about what might happen in a particular place. Because extreme events are rare, we
do not really know the true chance of their occurrence. Think about your knowledge
of the climate where you live or in a place you have visited several times. At first,
you might not have a good grasp of what the seasons are like. After a few years,
Introduction xvii
you think you know how the seasons evolve. But there are always events that will
surprise you. The record events are those that surprise everyone. What is the
probability of a hurricane flooding Houston as New Orleans was flooded by
Katrina? It has not happened since the city of Houston has been there, so we may
not know. The extremes of the distribution of possible weather states are not well
known.
This creates even more of a problem when these extremes change. Changing the
distribution of weather is what we mean by climate change. The cause of those
changes might be natural or they might be human caused (anthropogenic).
So how do we predict the future of weather and the distribution of weather that
represents climate in a location? To understand and predict the future, we need a
way to represent the system. In other words, we need a model. This book is about
how we attempt to use models to represent the complex climate system and predict
the future. Our goal is to explain and provide a better understanding of the models
we use to describe the past, present, and future of the earth system. These are
commonly known as climate models. Scientists often refer to these models formally
as earth system models, but we use the term climate model.
The purpose of this book is to demystify the models we use to simulate present
and future climate. We explain how the models are constructed, why they are
uncertain, and what level of confidence we should place in those models.
Uncertainty is not a weakness. Understanding uncertainty is a strength, and a key
part of using any model, including climate models. One key message is that the
level of confidence depends on the questions we ask. What are we certain about in
the future and why? What are we less certain of and why? For policy-makers, this is
a critical issue. Understanding how climate models work and how we get there is an
important step in making intelligent decisions using (or not using) these climate
models. Climate models are being used not just to understand the earth system but
also to provide input for policy decisions to address human-caused climate change.
The direction of our environment and economy is dependent on policy options
chosen based on results of these models.
The chapters in Part I serve as a basic primer on climate and climate change. We
hope to give readers an appreciation for the complexity and even beauty of the
complex earth system so that they can better understand how we simulate it. In
Part II, we discuss the mechanics of models of the earth system: How they are built
and what they are trying to represent. Models are built to simulate each region
of the climate system (e.g., atmosphere, ocean, and land), critical processes within
each region, as well as critical interactions between regions and processes. Finally,
in Part III, we focus on uncertainties and probabilities in prediction, with a focus on
understanding what is known, what is unknown, and the degree of certainty. We
also discuss how climate models are evaluated. In the concluding chapter, we
discuss what we know, what we may learn in the future, and why we should (or
should not) use models.
Part I
Basic Principles and the Problem
of Climate Forecasts
Chapter 1
Key Concepts in Climate Modeling
In order to describe climate modeling and the climate system, it is necessary to have
a common conception of exactly what we are trying to simulate, and what a model
actually is. What is climate? What is a model? How do we measure the uncertainty
in a model? This chapter introduces some key terms and concepts. We start with
some basic definitions of climate and weather. Everyone will come to this book
with a preconceived definition of what climate and weather are, but separating these
concepts is important for understanding how modeling of climate and weather are
similar and why they are different. It also makes sense to discuss what a model is.
Even if we do not realize it, we use models all the time. So we describe a few
different conceptual types of models and put climate models in context. Finally we
introduce the concept of uncertainty. As we discuss later in the book, models may
have errors and still be useful, but this requires understanding the errors (the
uncertainties) and understanding where they come from. Most of these concepts are
common to many types of modeling, and we provide examples throughout the text.
1
There is quite a bit of statistics in climate, by definition. For a technical background, a good
reference is Devore, J. L. (2011). Probability and Statistics for Engineering and the Sciences, 8th
ed. Duxbury, MA: Duxbury Press. Any specific aspect of statistics (e.g., standard deviation,
probability distribution function) can be looked up on Wikipedia (www.wikipedia.com).
Frequency of Occurrence
Fig. 1.1 A probability distribution function with the value on the horizontal axis, and the
frequency of occurrence on the vertical axis
occurrence is the highest probability (the mode). The total area under the line is the
probability. If the total area is given a value of 1, then the area under each part of
the curve is the fractional chance that an event exceeding some threshold will occur.
In Fig. 1.1, the area to the right of point T1 is the probability that the temperature
will be greater than T1, which might be about 20 % of the curve. The mean, or
expected value, is the weighted average of the points. It need not be the point with
the highest frequency. The mean value is the point at which half the probability
(50 %) is on one side of the mean, and half on the other. The median is the value at
which half the points are on one side and half on the other.
Here is an important and obvious question: How can we predict the climate (for
next season, next year, or 50 years from now) if we cannot predict the weather (in 5
or 10 days)? The answer is, we use probability: The climate is the distribution of
probable weather. The weather is a particular location in that distribution, and it is
conditional on the current state of the system. The chance of a hurricane hitting
Miami next week depends mostly on whether one has formed or is forming, and if
one has formed, whether it is heading in the direction of Miami. As another
example, the chance of having a rainy day in Seattle in January is high. But, given a
particular day in January, with a weather state that might be pushing storms well to
the north or south, the probability of rain the next day might be very low. In 50
Januaries, though, the probability of rain would be high. So climate is the distri-
bution of weather (sometimes unknown). Weather is a given state in that distri-
bution (often uncertain).
In a probability distribution of climate, the probabilities and the curve change
over time: In the middle latitudes, the chance of snow is higher in winter than in
summer. The curves will look different from place to place: Some climates have
narrow distributions (see Fig. 1.2a), which means the weather is often very close to
the average. Think about Hawaii, where the average of the daily highs and lows do
not change much over the course of the year or Alaska, where the daily highs and
lows may be the same as in Hawaii in summer, but not in winter. For Alaska the
annual distribution of temperature is a very broad distribution (more like Fig. 1.2b).
1.1 What Is Climate? 5
(b) Wide
Of course, even in Hawaii, extreme events occur. For a distribution like precipi-
tation, which is bounded at one end by zero (no precipitation) the distribution might
be “skewed” (Fig. 1.2c) with a low frequency of high events marking the
‘extreme’. As events are more extreme (think about hurricanes like Katrina or
Sandy), there are fewer such events in the historical record. There may even be
possible extreme events that have not occurred. So our description of climate is
incomplete or uncertain. This is particularly true for rare (low-probability) events.
These events are also the events that cause the most damage.
One aspect of shifting distributions is that extremes can change a lot more than
the mean value (see Fig. 1.3). The mean is the value at which the area is equal on
each side of the distribution. The mean is the same as the median if the distribution
is symmetric. Simply moving the distribution to the right or left causes the area
(meaning, the probability) beyond some fixed threshold to increase (or decrease). If
the curve represents temperature, then shifting it to warmer temperatures (Fig. 1.3a)
decreases the chance of cold events and really increases the chance of warm events.
But note that some cold events still occur. Also, you can change the distribution
without changing the mean by making the distribution wider (or broader). The
mathematical term for the width of a distribution is variance, a statistical term for
variability. This situation is illustrated in Fig. 1.3b. The mean is unchanged in
6 1 Key Concepts in Climate Modeling
Fig. 1.3 Shifting probability distribution functions are illustrated in different ways going from the
blue to red distribution. The thick lines are the distribution, the thin dashed lines are the mean of
the distributions and the dotted lines are fixed points to illustrate probability. Shown is a increase
in mean, b increase in variance (width), c increase in mean and variance
Fig. 1.3b, but the chance of exceeding a given threshold for warm or cold tem-
peratures changes. In other words, the climate (particularly a climate extreme)
changes dramatically, even if the mean stays the same. The change need not be
symmetric: Hot may change more than cold (or vice versa). Figure 1.3c is not a
symmetric distribution. The key is to see climate as the distribution, not as a fixed
number (often the mean).
This brings us to the fundamental difference between weather and climate
forecasting. In weather forecasting,2 we need to know the current state of the
system and have a model for projecting it forward. Often the model can be simple.
One “model” we all use is called persistence: What is the weather now? It may be
like that tomorrow. In many places (e.g., Hawaii), such a model is not bad, but
sometimes it is horribly wrong (e.g., when a hurricane hits Hawaii). So we try to
use more sophisticated models, now typically numerical ones. These models go by
the name numerical weather prediction (NWP) models, and they are used to
“forecast” the evolution of the earth system from its current state.
2
For an overview of the history of weather forecasting, see Edwards, P. N. (2013). A Vast
Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming. Cambridge, MA:
MIT Press.
1.1 What Is Climate? 7
Climate forecasting uses essentially the same type of model. But the goal of
climate forecasting is to characterize the distribution. This may mean running the
model for a long time to describe the distribution of all possible weather states
correctly. If you start up a weather model from two different states (two different
days), you hope to get a different answer each time. But for climate, you want to get
the same distribution (the same climate), regardless of when the model started. We
return to these examples again later.
and then to place people into those plausible futures. It is a way to anticipate
and manage complexity. Though most times these models do not give an
exact story of the future, the planning and decision making that comes from
these modeling exercises improves our ability to anticipate the unexpected
and to manage risk. Think of modeling as a virtual, computational world in
which to exercise the practice of trial and error, and therefore, a method for
reducing the “error” in trial and error. Reducing these errors saves lives and
property. Models reduce the chance of errors: Airplanes do not regularly fall
out of the sky, bridges do not normally collapse and chemical plants do not
typically leak.
Ultimately, trust of models is anchored in evaluation of models compared
to observations and experiences. Weather models are evaluated every day
with billions of observations as well as billions of individuals’ experiences.
Trust is often highly personal. By many objective measures, weather models
have remarkable accuracy, for example, letting a city know more than five
days in advance that a major tropical cyclone is likely to make landfall near
that city. Of course, if the tropical cyclone makes landfall just 60 miles
(100 km) away from the city, many people might conclude the models cannot
be trusted.
Objectively, however, a model that simulated the tropical cyclone and
represented its evolution with an error of 60 miles (100 km) on a globe that
spans many thousands of miles can, also, be construed as being quite accu-
rate. This represents the fact that models provide plausible futures that inform
decision making.
Like weather models, climate models are evaluated with billions of
observations and investigations of past events. The results of models have
been scrutinized by thousands of scientists and practitioners. With virtual
certainty, we know the Earth will warm, sea level will rise, ice will melt and
weather will change. They provide plausible futures, not prescribed futures.
There are uncertainties, and there will always be uncertainties. However, our
growing experiences and vigilant efforts to evaluate and improve will help us
to understand, manage and, sometimes, reduce uncertainty. As the models
improve, trust and usability increase. There remains some uncertainty in most
physical models, but that can be accounted for, and we discuss uncertainty,
and its value in modeling, at length.
Our world is completely dependent on physical models, and their success is
seen around us in the fact that much of the world “works” nearly all of the time.
Models are certain enough to use in dangerous contexts that are both mundane
and ubiquitous. We answer the question of whether we should trust models and
make changes in our lives based on their results every time we get in an
elevator or an airplane. There is no issue of should we trust models; we have
been doing it for centuries since the first bridge was constructed, the first train
left a station or the first time a building was built more than one story high.
10 1 Key Concepts in Climate Modeling
1.3 Uncertainty
The preceding example also illustrates another potential uncertainty faced in climate
modeling: scenario uncertainty. The scenario4 is the uncertainty in the future
model inputs. In the tire forecast, the scenario assumed 20,000 miles per truck each
year. But the scenario was wrong. If the tire forecast model was correct (or “per-
fect”) and tires lasted 10,000 miles, but the mileage was incorrect (14,000 vs.
20,000 assumed), then the forecast will still be incorrect, even if the model is
perfect. If the actual mileage continued to deviate from the assumption (14,000
miles), then the forecast over time will continue to be incorrect. If one is concerned
with the total purchase of tires and total cost, then the situation becomes even more
uncertain. Other factors (e.g., growth of the company, change in type of tires) may
make forecasting the scenario, or inputs to the model, even more uncertain, even if
the model as it stands is perfect. As the timescale of the model looks farther into the
3
This definition of uncertainty has been developed by Hawkins, E., & Sutton, R. (2009). “The
Potential to Narrow Uncertainty in Regional Climate Prediction.” Bulletin of the American
Meteorological Society, 90(8): 1095–1107.
4
For a discussion of climate scenarios, see Chap. 10.
1.3 Uncertainty 11
future, more and more different “variables” become uncertain (e.g., new types of
tire, new trucks, the cost of tires). These variables that cannot be predicted, but have
to be assumed, are often called parameters. Scenario uncertainty logically domi-
nates uncertainty farther into the future (see Chap. 10 for more detail).
Finally, there is uncertainty in the initial state of the system used in the model, or
initial condition uncertainty. In our tire forecast, to be specific about how many
tires we will need in the current or next year, we also need to know what the current
state of tires is on all the trucks. Changes in the current state of tires will have big
effects on the near-term forecast: If all trucks have 6,000 or 8,000 miles on their
tires, there will be more purchases of tires in a given year than if they are all brand
new. Initial condition uncertainty is a similar problem in weather forecasting. As we
will discuss, some aspects of the climate system, particularly related to the oceans,
for example, have very long timescales and “memory,” so that knowing the state of
the oceans affects climate over several decades. However, over long timescales
(longer than the timescale of a process), these uncertainties fade. If you want to
know how many tires will be needed over 5 or 10 years, the uncertainty about the
current state of tires (which affects only the first set of replacements) on the total
number of tires needed is small.
1.4 Summary
Climate can best be thought of as a distribution of all possible weather states. What
matters to us is the shape of the distribution. Weather is where we are on the
distribution at any point in time. The extreme values in the distribution, that usually
have low probability, are hard to predict, but that is where most of the impacts lie.
Weather and climate models are similar, except weather models are designed to
predict the exact location on a distribution, while climate models describe the
distribution itself.
We use models all the time to predict the future. Some models are physical
objects, some are numerical models. Climate models are one type of a numerical
model: As we shall see, they can often be thought of as giant spreadsheets that keep
track of the physical properties of the earth system, the same way a budget keeps
track of money.
Uncertainty in climate models has several components. They are related to the
model itself, to the initial conditions for the model (the starting point) and to the
inputs that affect the model over time in a “scenario.” All three must be addressed
for a model to be useful. Uncertainty is not to be feared. Uncertainty is not a failure
of models. Uncertainty can be understood and used to assess confidence in
predictions.
Key Points
• Climate is the distribution of possible weather states at any place and time.
• Extremes of climate are where the impacts are.
• We use models all the time to predict the future, some models are even
numerical.
• Weather and climate models are similar but have different goals.
• Uncertainty has several different parts (model, scenario, initial conditions).
Open Access This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-
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reproduce the material.
Chapter 2
Components of the Climate System
We experience climate generally at the surface of the earth. This is the intersection
of a number of different and distinct parts of the climate system. Understanding the
different components of the climate system is critical for being able to simulate the
system. As we will discuss, the climate system is typically simulated as a set of
building blocks, from each individual process (i.e., the condensation of water to
form clouds) collected into a model of one part or component of the system (i.e., the
atmosphere), and then coupled to other components of the system (i.e., ocean, land,
ice). Understanding and then representing in a model the different interactions
between processes and then between components is critical for being able to build a
representation of the system: a climate model.
In this chapter we describe the basic parts of the earth system that comprise the
climate system, some of the key scientific principles and critical processes neces-
sary to simulate each of these components. This forms the background to a dis-
cussion of how climate might change (see Chap. 3) and a more detailed discussion
of each component and how it is simulated (Sect. 2.2, Chaps. 5–8). We discuss the
key components of the earth system, as well as some of the critical interactions
(discussed in more detail in Chap. 8).
Figure 2.1 represents a schematic of many of the important components of the earth
system that govern and regulate climate. Broadly, there are three different regions of
the planet: the atmosphere, the oceans and the land (or terrestrial) surface. In
addition to these general regions, we also speak of a cryosphere, the snow and ice
covered regions of the planet. This fourth “sphere” spans the ocean (as sea ice) and
the terrestrial surface (as glaciers, snow and ice sheets). We address the cryosphere
in discussions of the ocean and terrestrial surface. While modeling the surface of the
earth is commonly thought of as just modeling the land surface, it also includes the
cryosphere (ice and snow) that sits on land. The term terrestrial is used to
encompass all these spheres, though the common term land is also used.
Sun
Atmosphere
Anthroposphere
Biosphere
Ice (cryosphere)
Ocean
Terrestrial (land)
Fig. 2.1 The Earth system. The climate system contains different spheres (components):
atmosphere, ocean, terrestrial, cryosphere, biosphere and anthroposphere
These are the traditional physical components of the earth’s climate system. We
also introduce two more “spheres.” An important fifth component of the system is
the biosphere: the living organisms on the planet, again, which span the terrestrial
surface (plants, organisms in the soil, and animals) as well as the ocean (fish and
plants in the ocean). We discuss the biosphere as part of both the ocean and
terrestrial surface. Finally, although humans are technically part of the biosphere,
our large “footprint” and impact on the global environment and the climate system
is large enough that we can define a separate sphere for human activity and impacts
called the anthroposphere (see Chap. 3).
The atmosphere is usually the first part of the climate system we naturally think of.
It is literally the air we breathe: mostly inert nitrogen (78 %) with oxygen (16 %)
and then other trace gases (argon, water vapor, carbon dioxide). The oxygen is a
by-product of the respiration (“breathing”) of plants and other organisms: It is
evidence of life on earth. The oxygen in the atmosphere did not exist before the
emergence of living organisms.1 Oxygen is emitted by plants as an outcome of
photosynthesis that removes carbon from carbon dioxide. Oxygen reacts with
materials (rock and ore) at the earth’s surface (oxidation) and disappears from the
atmosphere. One of the most common reactants is iron (iron oxide = rust), which is
responsible for the red color of many rocks. Unless organisms continue to produce
oxygen, it will disappear from the atmosphere. It would take a long time however:
hundreds of thousands to millions of years. But it is the trace species—water vapor,
carbon dioxide and methane—known as the greenhouse gases, that are most
important in understanding the climate system and how climate might change.
1
Kasting, J. F., & Siefert, J. L. (2002). “Life and the Evolution of Earth’s Atmosphere.” Science,
296(5570): 1066–1068.
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The fur business of Canada has its beginning
when the company trader strikes a bargain with the
Eskimo for his season’s catch of the white fox of the
arctic and other skins.
The Hudson’s Bay Company has more than two
hundred trading posts where Indians, Eskimos, and
white trappers exchange furs for goods. Eighteen of
the stations lie near or north of the Arctic Circle.
Most of the fine fox skins now marketed in
Canada come from animals raised in captivity on fur
farms. Occasionally a cat may act as a substitute
mother for a litter of fox kittens.
Winnipeg has long been an important city in the Canadian fur
trade, and here the world’s greatest fur organization has its
headquarters. I refer, of course, to the Hudson’s Bay Company,
which for more than two hundred and fifty years has been bartering
goods for the furs of British North America. It was founded when the
British had scarcely a foothold in Canada, and its operations won for
them their dominion over the northwestern part of our continent. In
the beginning it was but one of many trading enterprises of the New
World. To-day it has adapted itself to the tremendous changes in our
civilization and it is bigger, stronger, and richer than ever.
Massachusetts Colony was not fifty years old when the
Nonsuch, loaded to the waterline with the first cargo of furs, sailed
for England from Hudson Bay. The success of the voyage led the
dukes and lords who backed the venture to ask King Charles II for a
charter. This was granted in 1670, and thus came into existence, so
far as the word of a king could make it so, “The Governor and
Company of Adventurers of England Trading into Hudson’s Bay,”
exclusive lords and proprietors of a vast and but vaguely known
region extending from Hudson Bay westward, with sole rights to fish,
hunt, and trade therein.
It remained for the Company to make good the privileges
conferred by the charter and maintain the profits, which at that period
sometimes amounted to one hundred per cent. a year. For nearly a
century the company’s ships and forts did battle with the armed
forces of the French. For another long period its factors and traders
had to meet the attacks of rival companies. At times the company
was nearly wiped out by the heavy losses it sustained. For almost
two centuries it furnished the only government of the Canadian
Northwest, and without the use of a standing army it administered a
vast region, out of which provinces and territories have since been
carved.
The “Company of Adventurers” has now become a fifteen million
dollar corporation, paying regularly five per cent. on ten million
dollars’ worth of preferred stock. A fleet of river, lake, and ocean
steamers has succeeded the Nonsuch. The early trading posts,
stocked with crude tools, weapons, and ornaments for the Indians,
have been supplemented by a chain of eleven department stores,
extending from Winnipeg to Vancouver, and at the same time the
number of trading posts exchanging goods for furs is greater than
ever. There are about two hundred of these posts, eighteen of which
are near or north of the arctic circle. The Company no longer actually
governs any territory, and it is selling to settlers the remainder of the
seven million acres in the fertile belt it has received from the
Dominion since the surrender of its ancient rights in the Northwest.
The story of the Hudson’s Bay Company is a large part of the
history of Canada. Many books have been written about it, and
countless romances built upon the lives of its men stationed in the
wilds. Here at Winnipeg the company has an historical exhibit where
one may visualize the life of the trappers and the traders, and gain
an idea of the adventures that are still commonplaces in their day’s
work. The company museum contains specimen skins of every kind
of Canadian fur-bearing animal. The life of the Indians and the
Eskimos is reproduced through the exhibits of their tools, boats,
weapons, and housekeeping equipment.
The success of the Hudson’s Bay Company has rested upon its
relations with the Indians. The organization is proud of the fact that it
has never engaged in wars with the tribes. The business has always
been on a voluntary basis, and the Indians have to come to the
Company posts of their own free will. At first the traders’ stocks were
limited, but through centuries of contact with civilization the wants of
the red man have increased and become more varied. They now
include nearly everything that a white man would wish if he were
living in the woods.
The first skins brought in from Hudson Bay were practically all
beavers. This led to the exchange being based on the value of a
single beaver skin, or “made beaver.” Sticks, quills, or brass tokens
were used, each designating a “made beaver,” or a fraction thereof.
The prices of a pound of powder, a gun, or a quart of glass beads
were reckoned in “made beaver.”
Early in its history the Company decided that Scotchmen made
the best traders and were most successful in dealing with the
Indians. Young Scotchmen were usually apprenticed as clerks on
five-year contracts, and if successful they might hope to become
traders, chief traders, factors, and chief factors. Men in these grades
were considered officers of the company and received commissions.
Mechanics and men engaged in the transport service were known as
“servants” of the company, and the distinction between “servants,”
clerks, and officers was almost as marked as in the various military
ranks of an army. To-day, Canada is divided into eleven districts,
each of which is in charge of a manager, and the old titles are no
longer used.
A trader had to be a diplomat to preserve friendly relations with
the Indians, an administrator to manage the Company’s valuable
properties in his charge, a shrewd bargainer to dispose of his stock
on good terms, and at times soldier and explorer besides. The
Company’s charter authorized it to apply the laws of England in the
territories under its jurisdiction, and its agents frequently had to
administer justice with a stern hand. It early became the inflexible
policy to seek out a horse thief, incendiary, or murderer among the
Indians and impose punishment, and it was the trader who had to
catch his man and sometimes to execute him.
It was the activities of its rivals, and especially of the Northwest
Company, that resulted in the establishment of the inland stations of
the Hudson’s Bay Company. As long as it had a monopoly, the
Company was content to set up posts at points convenient for itself,
and let the Indians do all the travelling, sometimes making them go
as much as one thousand miles to dispose of their furs. The
opposition, however, carried goods to the Indians, and thus
penetrated to the far Northwest and the Mackenzie River country.
This competition compelled the older organization to extend its posts
all over Canada, and finally, in 1821, led to its absorption of the
Northwest Company. To-day the chief competitor of the Hudson’s
Bay Company is the French firm of Revillon Frères.
The merger with the Northwest Company was preceded by
years of violent struggle. The younger concern was the more
aggressive. It tried to keep the Indians from selling furs to the
Hudson’s Bay traders. Its men destroyed the traps and fish nets, and
stole the weapons, ammunition, and furs of their rivals. Neither was
above almost any method of tricking the other if thereby furs might
be gained. Once some Hudson’s Bay men discovered the tracks of
Indians returning from a hunt. They at once gave a great ball, inviting
the men of the near by post of the rival company. While they plied
their guests with all forms of entertainment, a small party packed four
sledges with trade goods and stole off to the Indian camp. The next
day the Northwest men heard of the arrival of the Indians and went
to them to barter for furs, only to find that all had been sold to the
Hudson’s Bay traders. At another time two rival groups of traders
met en route to an Indian camp and decided to make a night of it.
But the Northwest men kept sober, and, when the Hudson’s Bay
men were full of liquor, tied them to their sleds and started their dog
teams back on the trail over which they had come. The Northwest
traders then went on to the Indians and secured all the furs.
The Hudson’s Bay Company sends all of its raw skins to London,
where they are graded and prepared for the auction sales attended
by fur buyers from all over the world. It does not sell any in Canada.
Nevertheless, the Dominion is an important fur-making centre.
During a recent visit to Quebec, I spent a morning with the manager
of a firm which handles millions of dollars’ worth of furs every year. It
has its own workshops where the skins are cured and the furs
dressed and made into garments. The name of this firm is Holt,
Renfrew and Company. Let us go back to Quebec and pay it a visit.
Imagine a quarter of a million dollars’ worth of furs under one
roof! Picture to your minds raw skins in bales, just as they were
unloaded from an Indian canoe, and then look again and see wraps
and coats made from them that would each bring five thousand
dollars when sold on Fifth Avenue. If your imagination is vivid
enough you may see the American beauties who will wear them and
know how the furs will add to the sparkle of their eyes and at the
same time lighten the purses of their sweethearts and husbands.
We shall first go to the cold storage rooms. Here are piles of
sealskins from our Pribilof Islands. Put one of these furs against your
cheek. It feels like velvet. In these rooms are beavers from Labrador,
sables from Russia, and squirrels from Siberia. There are scores of
fox skins—blue, silver, black, and white. Some of them come from
the cold arctic regions and others from fox farms not twenty minutes
distant by motor. Take a look at this cloak of silvery gray fur. A year
ago the skins from which it was made were on the backs of hair
seals swimming in the mouth of the St. Lawrence River.
As we go through the factory, some of the secrets of fur making
are whispered to us. For example, this bale contains fifteen hundred
skins of the muskrat. The animals which produced them will change
their names after a trip to the dyers. They will go into the vats and
when they come out they will be Hudson Bay seals, and eventually
will find their way into a black coat with a wonderful sheen. Years
ago the muskrat skin was despised. Now it is made into coats that,
under the trade name of Hudson seal, bring nearly as much as those
of real seal.
Here are two Russian sables, little fellows of beautiful fur, that
together will form a single neck piece. The undressed skins are
worth seven hundred dollars the pair. As we look, the manager
shows us two native sables that seem to be quite as fine. He tells us
they can be had for eighty-five dollars each, or less than a quarter of
the price of the Russian.
The most valuable fur in the world to-day is the sea otter, of
which this firm gets only three or four skins in a year. But, in contrast,
over there is a whole heap of Labrador otters, beautiful furs, which
will wear almost for ever and will look almost as well as the sea otter
itself. But you can have your choice of these at forty dollars apiece.
They are cheap chiefly because the Labrador skin is not in fashion
with women. Fashion in furs is constantly changing. Not many years
ago a black fox skin often brought as much as fifteen hundred
dollars. To-day, so many are coming from the fur farms that the price
has fallen to one hundred and fifty dollars. Scarcity is one of the chief
considerations in determining the value of furs, and fashion always
counts more than utility. The rich, like the kings of old, demand
something that the poor cannot have, and lose their interest in the
genuine furs when their imitations have become common and cheap.
The dyer and his art have greatly changed the fur trade. It is he
who enables the salesgirl to wear furs that look like those of her
customers. For example, here is a coat made of the best beaver. Its
price is four hundred dollars, and beside it is another made of dyed
rabbit fur, marked one hundred and fifty dollars. It is hard for a novice
to tell which is the better. All sorts of new names have been devised
by the furriers to popularize dyed skins of humble animals, from
house cats to skunks, in order to increase the supply of good-looking
and durable furs. Reliable dealers will tell you just what their
garments are made of, but the unscrupulous pass off the imitations
as the genuine article.
The business of dyeing furs was developed first in Germany,
when that country led the world in making dyes. Now that New York
is competing with London as a great fur market many of the best
German dyers are at work there. From the standpoint of the
consumer, the chief objection to dyed fur is that the natural never
fades, while the dyed one is almost certain to change its hue after a
time.
Now let us go into the rooms where the furs are made up. It is
like a tailor shop. Here is a designer, evolving new patterns out of big
sheets of paper. There are the cutters, making trimmings, stoles,
neck pieces, and coats. Each must be a colour expert, for a large
part of the secret of fashioning a beautiful fur garment is in the skillful
matching of the varying shades to give pleasing effects. Were the
skins for a coat sewn together just as they come from the bale, the
garment resulting would be a weird-looking patchwork. Even before
the skins are selected, they must be graded for the colours and
shadings which go far to determine their value. There are no rules
for this work; it takes a natural aptitude and long experience. In the
London warehouse of the Hudson’s Bay Company, the men of a
single family have superintended the grading of all the millions of
skins handled there for more than one hundred years.
Turn over this unfinished beaver coat lying on the bench and
look at the wrong side. See how small are the pieces of which it is
made and how irregular are their shapes. It is a mass of little
patches, yet the outer, or right side, looks as though it were made of
large skins, all of about the same size and shape. A coat of muskrat,
transformed by dyeing into Hudson seal, may require seventy-five
skins; a moleskin coat may contain six hundred. But in making up
either garment each skin must be cut into a number of pieces and
fitted to others in order to get the blending of light and dark shades
which means beauty and quality.
The Eskimo woman and her children wear as
every-day necessities furs which if made into more
fashionable garments would bring large sums. Usually
the whole family goes on the annual trip to the trading
post.
As Saskatchewan was not made a province until
1904, Regina is one of the youngest capital cities in
Canada. It was for many years the headquarters of
the Mounted Police for all the Northwest.
CHAPTER XXIII
SASKATCHEWAN
We have left Winnipeg and are now travelling across the great
Canadian prairie, which stretches westward to the Rockies for a
distance of eight hundred miles. This land, much of which in summer
is in vast fields of golden grain, is now bare and brown, extending on
and on in rolling treeless plains as far as our eyes can reach. Most of
it is cut up into sections a mile square, divided by highway spaces
one hundred feet wide. However, an automobile or wagon can go
almost anywhere on the prairie, and everyone makes his own road.
Sixty miles west of Winnipeg we pass Portage la Prairie, near
where John Sanderson, the man who filed the first homestead on the
prairies, is still living. This part of the Dominion was then inhabited by
Indians, and its only roads were the buffalo trails made by the great
herds that roamed the country. To-day it is dotted with the
comfortable homes of prosperous farmers, and the transcontinental
railways have brought it within a few days’ travel of the Atlantic and
the Pacific seaboards.
A hundred and fifty miles farther west we cross the boundary into
Saskatchewan, the greatest wheat province of the Dominion. It has
an area larger than that of any European country except Russia, and
is as large as France, Belgium, and Holland combined. From the
United States boundary, rolling grain lands extend northward through
more than one third of its area. The remainder is mostly forest,
thinning out toward Reindeer Lake and Lake Athabaska at the north,
and inhabited chiefly by deer, elk, moose, and black bear. There are
saw-mills at work throughout the central part of the province, and the
annual lumber cut is worth in the neighbourhood of two million
dollars.
Except at the southwest, Saskatchewan is well watered. The
Saskatchewan River, which has many branches, drains the southern
and central sections. This stream in the early days was a canoe
route to the Rockies. For a long time afterward, when the only
railway was the Canadian Pacific line in the southern part of the
province, the river was the highway of commerce for the north. It was
used largely by settlers who floated their belongings down it to the
homesteads they had taken up on its banks. Now the steamboats
that plied there have almost entirely disappeared. The northern part
of the province is made up of lakes and rivers so numerous that
some of them have not yet been named. The southwest is a strip of
semi-arid land that has been brought under cultivation by irrigation
and now raises large crops of alfalfa.
A small part of southwestern Saskatchewan, near the Alberta
boundary, is adapted for cattle and sheep raising. The Chinook
winds from the Pacific keep the winters mild and the snowfall light,
so that live stock may graze in the open all the year round.
Elsewhere the winters are extremely cold. The ground is frozen dry
and hard, the lakes and streams are covered with ice, and the
average elevation of about fifteen hundred feet above sea level
makes the air dry and crisp. The people do not seem to mind the
cold. I have seen children playing out-of-doors when it was twenty-
five degrees below zero. The summers are hot, and the long days of
sunshine are just right for wheat growing.
After travelling fourteen or fifteen hours from Winnipeg, we are in
Regina, the capital of Saskatchewan, on the main line of the
Canadian Pacific, about midway between Winnipeg and the Rockies.
I visited it first in 1905, when the province was less than a year old.
Until that time all the land between Manitoba and British Columbia,
from the United States to the Arctic Ocean, belonged to the
Northwest Territories. It had minor subdivisions, but the country as a
whole was governed by territorial officials with headquarters at
Regina. As the flood of immigrants began to spread over the West,
the people of the wheat belt decided that they wanted more than a
territorial government and so brought the matter before the Canadian
parliament. As a result the great inland provinces of Saskatchewan
and Alberta were formed. They are the only provinces in the
Dominion that do not border on the sea.
Regina was then a town of ragged houses, ungainly buildings,
and wide streets with board sidewalks reaching far out into the
country. One of the streets was two miles long, extending across the
prairie to the mounted police barracks and the government house.
Regina was the headquarters of the Northwest Mounted Police until
that organization was amalgamated with the dominion force as the
Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and the city is still a training camp
for recruits. Saskatchewan was not then old enough to have a state
house, and the government offices were in rooms on the second
floors of various buildings. Most of the provincial business was done
in a little brick structure above the Bank of Commerce.
The hotels of the town were then packed to overflowing, even in
winter, and in the spring and summer it was not uncommon to find
the halls filled with cots. I had to sleep in a room with two beds, and
with a companion who snored so that he shook the door open night
after night. It was of no use to complain, as the landlord could tell
one to go elsewhere, knowing very well that there was no elsewhere
but outdoors.
To-day Regina is ten times as large as it was twenty years ago. It
is a modern city with up-to-date hotels, ten banks, handsome
parliament buildings, and twelve railway lines radiating in every
direction. It is the largest manufacturing centre between Winnipeg
and Calgary, and an important distributing point for farm implements
and supplies.
The dome of the capitol building, which was completed in 1911,
can now be seen from miles away on the prairie. This is an imposing
structure five hundred and forty-two feet long, situated in the midst of
a beautiful park on the banks of an artificial lake made by draining
Wascana Creek. The city has many other parks, and the residence
streets are lined with young trees, planted within the last twenty
years. Forty miles to the east is a government farm at Indian Head,
where experiments are made in growing and testing trees suited to
the prairies. Fifty million seedlings have been distributed in one year
among the farms and towns. Out in the country the trees are planted
as windbreaks and to provide the farmers with fuel. They have
greatly changed the aspect of the prairies within the last two
decades.
The grain lands of western Canada begin in
Manitoba in the fertile Red River valley, which is world
famous for the fine quality of its wheat. From here to
the Rockies is a prairie sea, with farmsteads for
islands.
American windmills tower over Saskatchewan
prairie lands that were largely settled by American
farmers. The province is still so thinly populated that it
has only five people to every ten square miles.
The wheat harvest, like time and tide, waits for no
man and when the crop is ready it must be promptly
cut. The grain is usually threshed in the fields and
sent at once to the nearest elevator.
While in Regina I have had a talk with the governor-general of
Saskatchewan in his big two-story mansion that twenty years ago
seemed to be situated in the middle of the prairie. When I motored
out to visit His Excellency, although I was wrapped in buffalo robes
and wore a coon-skin coat and coon-skin cap, I was almost frozen,
and when I entered the mansion it was like jumping from winter into
the lap of summer. At one end of the house is a conservatory, where
the flowers bloom all the time, although Jack Frost has bitten off all
other vegetation with the “forty-degrees-below-zero teeth” he uses in
this latitude.
From Regina, the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway runs
west to Calgary. Were we to travel by that route, we should pass
through Moose Jaw and Swift Current, two important commercial
centres for the wheat lands. The story is told that Lord Dunsmore, a
pioneer settler, once mended the wheel of his prairie cart with the
jaw bone of a moose on the site of the former city, and thus gave the
place its name. Moose Jaw is a live stock as well as a wheat
shipping point. It has the largest stock yards west of Winnipeg. An
extensive dairying industry has grown up in that region.
North of Regina are Prince Albert and Battleford, noted for their
fur trade and lumber mills, and also Saskatoon, the second largest
city of the province, which we shall visit on our way to Edmonton. At
Saskatoon is the University of Saskatchewan, which was patterned
largely after the University of Chicago. It has the right to a Rhodes
scholarship; and its departments include all the arts and sciences.
As sixty per cent. of the people are dependent upon agriculture,
farm courses receive much attention. A thousand-acre experimental
farm is owned by the university and the engineering courses include
the designing and operation of farm machinery. Even the elementary
schools are interested in agriculture, a campaign having been
carried on recently to eradicate gophers, which destroy the wheat.
The children killed two million of these little animals in one year,
thereby saving, it is estimated, a million bushels of grain. A
department of ceramics has been organized at the university to
experiment with the extensive clay deposits of the province, the
various grades of which are suited for building brick, tile, pottery, and
china. Saskatchewan’s only other mineral of any importance is lignite
coal, although natural gas has been discovered at Swift Current.
CHAPTER XXIV
THE WORLD’S LARGEST WHEATFIELD
For the past two weeks I have been travelling through lands that
produce ninety per cent. of Canada’s most valuable asset—wheat.
The Dominion is the second greatest wheat country in the world,
ranking next to the United States. It is the granary of the British
Empire, raising annually twice as much wheat as Australia and fifty
million bushels more than India. The wheat crop is increasing and
Canada may some day lead the world in its production. These
prairies contain what is probably the most extensive unbroken area
of grain land on earth. In fact, so much wheat is planted in some
regions that it forms an almost continuous field reaching for
hundreds of miles. The soil is a rich black loam that produces easily
twenty bushels to an acre, and often forty and fifty.
The Canadian wheat belt extends from the Red River valley of
Manitoba to the foothills of the Rockies, and from Minnesota and
North Dakota northward for a distance greater than from
Philadelphia to Pittsburgh. New wheat lands are constantly being
opened, and large crops are now grown in the Peace River country,
three hundred miles north of Edmonton.
A man who is an authority on wheat raising tells me that the
possible acreage in the Canadian West is enormous. Says he:
“We have something like three hundred and twenty thousand
square miles of wheat lands. Divide this in two, setting half aside for
poor soil and mixed farming, and there is left more than one
hundred-thousand square miles. In round numbers, it is one hundred
million acres, and the probability is that it can raise an average of
twenty-five bushels to the acre. This gives us a possible crop of