Convergence of Kuki Religiosity and Indoi Symbolism

- Dr. Hemkhochon Chongloi

Introduction
Indoi symbolism as a conceptual framework cannot be grasped fully without
prior understanding of Kuki religiosity. In embracing Christianity, Kuki people
were somehow led to believe in the innate demonic nature of things traditional.
The success of pastoral ministry among the Kukis was enumerated in terms of
the number of households the pastor has convinced to throw away their Indoi. In
so doing not only the physical symbol but also the symbolism it stands for was
thrown away. This is by no means to belittle or to question the intentionality of
pioneering missionary works among the people. It is however, to critique the
nature of the imperialistic western mode of imparting the message of Jesus. It is
therefore believed that afruitful dialogue between Christianity and primal
religiosity, especially Indoi symbolism of the Kuki is possible, and even
promising.

1. Kuki Religiosity
Primal religiosity is a phenomenon much misapprehended. So also is the primal
Kuki religion. We have given an overview of some beliefs and practices of the
primal Kuki. The nineteenth century scholarship in the history of religion has
more or less dubbed all preliterate religiosities as animism, or pre animism. At
the level of primal religious traditions there is no rigid separation of religious
from non-religious. The Kuki religiosity is inextricable from social relationships
and obligations. This is so because religion to a certain extent, especially at the
ethnological level, is the existential human cultural expressions on the one hand,
and the perceived sacred manifestations, on the other. There is no precise term in
Kuki that may correspond to the current English word ‘religion’. The Kuki homo
religious simply uses the term ‘Pu hou – Pa hou’ that may be translated as ‘that
which the forebears worshipped’. The term Sakho is used by some sections but is
not universally recognized. There is another term – khankho -, which seems to
encapsulate the intricacies of primal Kuki religiosity. But this term has been so
secularized that in today’s parlance it denotes more of socio-ethical principles. At
any rate, there is a whole gamut of beliefs and practices, which the people simply
refer to as the ‘religion of their forefathers/mothers’.
Some of the distinctive elements of the Kuki Religion are elucidated as under:
1.1. Chung Pathen
Belief in the existence of one Supreme Being, who is the creator and sustainer of
all that is, is central in the primal Kuki religion. This Being is addressed as Pathen
(Holy Father) or Chung Pathen (Holy Father of above). It is to be added at once
that the central position held by Pathen is camouflaged by the conspicuous
presence of Indoi, which is the outward central focus of Kuki religion. Failure to
grasp this intricacy results in a double error, namely, to regard Pathen as a deus
otiosus who has withdrawn to a remote high above and has nothing to do with
humankind, on the one hand, and a misperception that Indoi is the personal
household deity independent of Pathen. It is true that for an outsider descriptive
phenomenologist Pathen is a deus otiosus but to a creative phenomenologist who
imaginatively reconstructs the structure of incantation, Pathen is the ever present
object of devotion, albeit in its outward manifestation in Indoi. This contention is
affirmed by the fact that there is none in the incantations where Pathen is not
mentioned or alluded to overtly or in veiled form.

1.2. Divine or semi divine beings

The existence of divine or semi divine beings in various forms seemed
acknowledged in the primal Kuki religion. We say ‘seemed’ because in the final
analysis these beings are not authentic and independent gods but part of the
divine complex phenomenon of Supreme Being. One must take into
consideration of metaphorical language in operation in studying a primal
tradition.

1.2.1. Nungzai
Nungzai is perceived as the consort of Chung Pathen. The name figures in many
incantations along with Pathen – ‘Pathen nalhaiyin, Nungzai nalhaiyin’ (may Pathen
and Nungzai be propitiated) is the beginning of many incantations. The variation
‘Thennu-Thenpa’ is also widely used, which suggests Pathen having a consort. But
an important feature to note is that ‘Nungzai’ or ‘Thennu’ is never mentioned
apart from her pairing with Pathen in incantations, which evinces the fact that
apart from fulfilling a formula in incantation Nungzai has no independent
existence as god.

1.2.2. Noimangpa
Noimangpa literally means ‘one who rules the underworld’. This name also
occurred in many incantations, paired with Pathen as ‘chunga Pathen nalhaiyin,
noiya Noimangpa nalhaiyin’, which may be translated as, ‘may you (wine) be a
pleasure to Pathen above and Noimangpa below’. Noimangpa comes in
incantations where the ritual involves disturbances of the soil, e.g., digging of
holes for sekon, doikhom, selkhom etc. In the origin myth Chongthu and party
emerged from the underworld region ruled by Noimangpa. As mentioned above
any digging of soil involved a dialogue between Pathen and Noimangpa enacted
by the priest regarding who should grant permission for such human’s action.
Noimangpa is declared as in charge of affairs below but ultimately Pathen grants
permission. Again, there is no prayer singularly addressed to Noimangpa.

1.2.3. Pheisam/Maltong
The term literally means ‘one without leg’, i. e., one leg is cut off at the thigh.
There is no written account but oral tradition exists about Pheisam. It is believed
to have supernatural powers in making people rich or poor as he wills, and even
can cause extinction of a whole family members.

1.3. Supernatural manifestations, kratophanies, etc

There are a host of beings conceived in a seemingly chaotic mass of existence.
The form, nature, characteristics of them are never perceived in clarity, as these
words are used to refer to them collectively or in a pat of it, show: thilha (spirit of
the dead), lhadam (ghost), gamhoise (forest sprite), inmunse (village evil sprite), etc.
‘Thilha’ in literal sense means the ‘spirit of the dead’, but it is not clear they are
perceived as entirely composed of the once living humans. They are perceived
more of as beings having a distinct collective existence, invisible to human.

Joumi is considered a dangerous male spirit. Jou denotes ‘a densely forested

region’, and mi mean ‘human’ or ‘dweller’. Joumi is one that inhabits the dense
forest. Naturally villagers residing in the midst of forests encounter this being.
Joumi is fond of domestic fowls and so come at night in the village to hunt for
them. Another dreaded supernatural by the Kuki is lhangnel. Lhangnel is the
kratophanies of the mysterious waters. Even an uttering of the name is
prohibited especially in the vicinity of river or lake. Lhang means ‘below’ or
‘lower region’ whereas nel denotes an aureole, therefore lhangnel refers to ‘a
being of lower region who has an aureole’. By ‘lower’ is meant the deep waters,
but lhangnel is said to be capable of transforming itself to various animals such as
big serpent, a small snake, wild cock, elk etc.

The belief in one Supreme Being, Chung Pathen, is central to the Kuki religious
experience. Understanding this will set us in the right direction to a vivid
glimpse into Indoi symbolism which is the representation of Pathen for each Kuki
Household. The supposedly ‘supreme reign of supernatural’ was but
kratophanies which have to be properly apprehended on its own plane of
reference – religious plane – than any other scientific approach. It is also to be
underlined that the people’s religiosity encompasses a wide range of realm,
which in the modern point of view may stand outside religion. We shall now
look into the origins, the incantations involved and the procedure of installing
the Indoi.

2. Indoi Symbolism
Indoi institution is the center of primal Kuki religiosity in the midst of various
other institutions, all of which are entwined in a web of symbolic
conglomeration, organically, morphologically or structurally.

2.1. History of Indoi

Mircea Eliade has stated that the history of a symbol ‘means two things: (a) that
this symbol was formed at a certain historical moment and consequently could
not have existed before that moment; (b) that this symbol spread from a precise
cultural center and that consequently one must not consider it to have been
spontaneously rediscovered in all the other cultures in which it is found’.

2.1.1. Origin myths of Indoi

Various myths are in circulation orally about the origin of Indoi some of which
are now written down. Four versions of myths on the origin of Indoi with
variations again in the first version are given below.
2.1.1.1. The first version in two variations are given below:

(i) In a village called Molphei, Chin Hills (Myanmar) there lived a person named
Kimchal of Hangsing clan. He had a daughter named Zaphal whose beauty
spread far and wide; even the demons were attracted to her beauty. One day she
failed to return from the jhum field located at a place called sisep. Frantic search
for the missing damsel unsuccessful, the parents were in deep grief. The chief of
Molphei demons who have stolen Zaphal to be his daughter in-law took pity on
her parents’ pathetic life owing to the lost, revealed himself in the dream of
Zaphal’s father and disclosed what actually had happened. The father was
further instructed to look upon the branch of se tree at his backyard in the
morning where he will find a bundle. This, he should hung at the roof near the
main entrance of the house. Kimchal indeed find the bundle at the designated
place, which later on came to be known as Indoi and carried out as he was
instructed in the dream. He became wealthy, begetting many sons and daughters
as well. The neighbors began to emulate his action, and in no time all adopted
the practice.

(ii) Chongloi, a descendent of Chongthu was an inhabitant of a village called

Kholkip-kholjang from where he established a new village called Khovong. He had
a younger brother named Hangsing. A descendent of Hangsing, one, Kipchal
had a very beautiful daughter named Zaphal. One day Zaphal became
untraceable. While the search operation was continuing for days Kipchal had a
dream. In the dream he was told that Zaphal was taken to be the bride for the
son of the devil chief of Molphei. Kipchal was further instructed to climb up the
se tree at his backyard in the morning where on a branch he will find a bundle of
articles. As told he took the bundle, decorated with white feathers of a cock,
hung on the front porch of his house. The bundle of articles is collectively called
Indoi. As a result of fulfilling the instructions given in the dream Kipchal became
wealthy, and also have many sons and daughters. This practiced slowly spread
to others.
2.1.1.2. The second version of Indoi origin
Thangpi, a descendent of the progenitor Chongthu, had two sons named
Singmeng and Hangmeng. The elder son Singmeng, one day during his early
teens climbing up a tree hurt his scrotum. The wound refused to heal in spite of
various treatments that made his father a very worried man. While in this state of
anxiety Thangpi had a dream in which he saw a person similar in appearance to
his father and grandfather who told him to propitiate the spirit of his father
Chongthu by offering to him a female pig with an oblique forehead. If this
instruction is carried out the son’s ailment will heal. The person in the dream
further instructed Thangpi to perform a ritual by collecting the followings: Vohpi
maikem (a slanted mother pig skull), chaovei (coiled bracelet), kelchal kiheh (the
curve horn of a he-goat), peng jom (a gourd jar of some length), chemkol (a dao or
a chopper), hailhi (a small gourd jug) tengmum (a spear); and saying, ‘I am the one
who brought prosperity to your father and grandfather. I am the one who
provided all those listed above to your ancestors. You are to collect and tie all
these to a pole of bamboo with pointed ends and then to keep the bamboo jutted
into the side roof of the front porch near the front wall’. After the performance of
the ritual Thangpi’s ailing son Singmeng was completely cured of the ailment.
Thus the practice continues with the descendents.

2.1.1.3. The third version of Indoi origin

Dapa, the progenitor of the Khongsai clans saw Chung Pathen in his dream who
promised to bestow upon him wealth and all his needs provided that Dapa
henceforth regularly offer samples of every item of his cultivation as well as from
his wealth to Pathen.

Accordingly Dapa cut out a solid bamboo staff and made one of its ends pointed
like a spear of about eighteen inches in length. The thing he made was called
chontul. He collected various kinds of seeds in a gourd container along with a pig
skull, a pair of he-goat horns and some feathers of a white cock. All the items
were tied in a bundle called chonbom. This bundle is tied to the chontul, which is
jutted in the roof above the front door. It became customary for the descendents
of Dapa to emulate the practice. Whenever a new house is constructed for
married sons a chonbom is made compulsorily. In later times chonbom came to be
known as Indoi.
2.1.1.4. The fourth version of Indoi Origin
In days of yore there was a handsome young man in a village. He was a good
hunter. Once while hunting in the jungle he happened to come across a beautiful
tree with very straight smooth trunk. Attracted to the tree he stroked the trunk
lovingly with his hands proclaiming its beauty. At night he narrated what he saw
to his friend in the young men’s dormitory called som. Since the tree was found
at the gun riverbank they decided to named it guntei (tei is a particular tree
suitable for furniture). During the night the young man was startled to find a
beautiful damsel sleeping near him. On enquiry the damsel disclosed that she
was the one he had lovingly embraced during the day, at the same time
expressing her marvel at how he was so forgetful. The next morning when he
came to his own house he found the damsel busily engaged in household chores
as one who is a wife. Suspecting her to be no ordinary girl the young man
contemplated means to find out her true identity. He ran around the village
shouting that such and such (mentioning various names of places) village is
being destroyed by landslide, entreating everyone to rush there for rescue
operation. The moment he mentioned Twithang village the damsel christened,
guntei rushed out to jump into a deep part of the river gun. The young man who
followed her, also jump in. There in the underwater kingdom (guntei’s original
place) they lived for some days. The big fishes floating around were the pigs of
Twithang dwellers. While the two sojourned in Twithang the villagers one day
brought in a good game from their hunting. The young man coming to see the
kill was shocked to find that the game was in fact a neighbor in his village. So
depressed was he that he longed to go back to land. Perceiving his desire the in-
laws sent the two back after giving them a sumptuous feast. Coming back to his
village with guntei (now his wife) he narrated what he saw in his in-laws’ place.
The villagers realizing the true identity of guntei banded together in killing her.
While mourning the death of his wife the young man had a dream in which he
was told to look for a se tree near the footpath upon one branch of which he will
find a magical bundle. Following the instruction he did find the bundle, which is
the Indoi.

2.2. Some observations of the myths

 It is indubitable that symbols have to depend upon the precise historical
situations as is evident in the case of many symbols. A particular animal or
vegetation cannot become a symbol for a people in whose geographical area
these animal or vegetation is not found. The symbols themselves throw light on
the historical situation of the people for whom they have become symbols.
several observations can be made from the above collection of myths.
First, several myths are sprung from a single source material. Consequently what
we have in our hands are doctored documents, that is, the genius storytellers
have altered the original document many times over. It would be difficult to
reconstruct the original myth from these extant available ones. A very significant
thing to be noted was that origin myths of Indoi has two dissensions
corresponding to the two progenitors to whom these conglomerate tribes traced
their origin, namely, Chongthu and Dapa. The specific reason for ascribing its
origin to a particular clan is something still difficult to resolve historically.
Whatever may be the case the intentionality of all these variant documents
converged, i. e. they all tell how Indoi was instituted in illud tempus. In this sense
the observation that myth is a ‘true story’ is also the case with myths of Indoi
origin because they all tell an exemplary model instituted at a primordial time.

Second, observing the myth from a historical point of view the variations that
have developed could suggest a fairly long history. The observation that symbols
migrated from a central of diffusion may also be true of Indoi, at least in its
migration within the Kuki-Chin community. The association of Indoi institution
with agriculture on Hun celebration is not of much help to determine the precise
point of its beginning. Another pertinent observation is the fact that the myths
have mentioned Chin Hills (Myanmar) as the place when this institution was
first carried out, in which case, considering the time lapse during migration to
present day settlements Indoi institution must be several centuries old. It is also
mentioned in the incantation that iron procured in Kol, i.e., Myanmar as
something that is sought after. It might be that the people have not known any
other people using iron implements or that having familiar with iron implements
through their interactions with the Kols (Burmese), later on eulogized the quality
of iron as such. All these discussions are not likely to lead us to pinpointing the
exact historical point when Indoi was started, except to say in very general terms
that it has a history of some centuries.

2.3. Components of Indoi

Various articles are pulled together from animals and vegetation in a certain
manner of reasoning that gives shape to, not only the Indoi proper but also to the
paraphernalia surrounding the institution. Looking at the procedure from the
perspective of the primal Kuki world will unfold certain coherence, which need
not be so with a person that does not inhabit that world. ‘Indoi proper’ here refers
to the bundle of articles tied together forming as a symbol. The institution of
Indoi on the other hand include various accessories employed at the different
stages of instituting it.

2.3.1. Components of Indoi proper

We have mentioned the influence of environment on the symbol making
activities of the religious human person. The primal Kuki being influenced by
his/her environment is best reflected in the procurement of components of Indoi.

2.3.1.1. Vohpi maikem (a slanted skull of a mother pig)

In one of the above myths it was God’s command that this particular item be
used. For one, pig is the one domestic animal that is easily reared. The maturity
of a pig to be in utility is comparatively short apropos other domestic animals
like the bovine or canine or hircine. Among the domestic animals of the primal
Kuki the porcine is found to be the most fecund and therefore easily available for
any rituals requiring the slaughter of animals. Many rituals requiring animal
slaughter has to fall back on the pig which in course of time developed into the
norm.

The skull of the mother pig thus selected for Indoi should be a slanted one, which
in other words is, to procure from one that has been reared for many years. The
longer the animal lived the more slanted its forehead became and such were the
one sought after. But in practice it was no mean task for each and every one to
procure such a perfect piece. Therefore in the final analysis, any female pig skull
is accepted but in the incantation the piece used remained a slanted one.
2.3.1.2. Kelchal kiheh (a twisted horn of he-goat)
The word goat formed part of the Kuki vocabularies in the form of suffixes or
prefixes which suggested the fact that the caprine was part of the domesticated
animals and that it played an important role in primal Kuki socio-religio-cultural
life. In certain rituals where the norm - or being recommended by the priest in
the case of ailments - requires the slaughter of a mithun, a substitution by a goat
is considered satisfactory if the performing family has no means to procure a
mithun.

Again the preferred piece for Indoi was no ordinary horn but the curled one,
which means that it should be procured from a he-goat grown to maturity. If the
preferred brand is not to be found, a substitution is made with the available one,
which in no way lessen its effectiveness, for the incantation still mentioned it as
the curl horn of a he-goat. This practice of substitution is not a peculiarity of the
primal Kuki but a universal phenomenon of the homo religiosus, the significance
of which is to be grasped with a proper hermeneutic.

2.3.1.3. Peng or um (small gourd)

There is disagreement as to the number of gourd used in Indoi. Some contended
that only one small gourd is used. Others stated that two small gourds - one of
the round types for seeds and the other of long brand for wine are used. The
gourd seemed to have extreme utility for the primal Kuki in olden days. In days
of yore when there were no metal utensils available the ripe gourd with its outer
skin hardened was used as various household implements. Such a gourd when
its interior is properly rinsed out served as a very durable container for water,
wine, seeds as well as various other household provisions. Its extreme utility
might have persuaded the people to extol the gourd species as such.

2.3.1.4. Bangle made from gopi

Bangle is an ornament highly regarded in the Kuki socio-cultural life. A bride
decked with ornaments preparing for her marriage is incomplete without the
bangle. It is said that even if a girl is unwilling for a proposed marriage arranged
by the parents, would comply with the arrangement if she is assured of being
ornamented with the bangle, for the in laws usually take special note of this fact
which commands respect and the sacrifice of one’s love for arranged marriage, is
therefore compensation enough.

In retrospect one realized that the bangle made from brass would be a very
difficult commodity in those days for each household to posses. Only the
wealthy had such a rare commodity in their possession. Hence, the substitution
of the bangle for Indoi coiled from a peeled Gopi, the nearest to match the brass or
copper in quality.

2.3.1.5. Chemkol (knife made from gopi)

The same procedure of substitution with the same reasoning is maintained with
the knife as it was with the bangle. The knife is again an indispensable
implement in the household for all kinds of chores. The elders stressed its utility
in terms of defense as the main reason for being a component of Indoi. This is
understandable considering their historical situation, living as they were in
untamed wild land where unpredictable foes seem lurking everywhere. In
addition, one should note the constant tribal feud. So, protection from wild
animals, human foes as well as unseen foes should occupied top priority in their
list.

2.3.1.6. Teng (a spear made of gopi)

In the incantation on Indoi institution it was a spear made from kol, (Myanmar)
which is being preferred for its supposed durability, ‘koltengpha nasah bangin
hinsan’, meaning ‘take care of me as you have taken care of metal procured from
Myanmar’. However, a substitution made from gopi is accepted. Spear also
constituted an indispensable defense implement as well as for hunting. This
substitution, as well as in the case of others is commensurable with its pragmatic
utility; in other words, the spear made from gopi actually can be used for hunting
because it is as lethal and accurate as one made from iron.

2.3.1.7. Miluh/pothul/pocha (a small basket made from gopi)

There seemed to be some confusion as to what exactly this item is. Miluh is a
small basket made from bamboo for the purpose of measuring the right amount
of rice for cooking. Pocha is a larger basket meant for storing, keeping and
measurement of paddy. Pothul is yet a larger basket having the capacity of
containing several mounds of grain. Since in the Indoi bundle the representations
are miniature ones, this confusion seemed to have arisen owing to the three
having identical shape. Whichever one may be the original item it has to be made
from strips of gopi. Here again the rational for its inclusion could be deduced as
twofold: i) the item in its own right as playing an important role in household
management, and ii) it being made from the sacred gopi.

2.3.1.7. Khaopi (a cord made from a fiber tree called khaopi)

Khaopi is a wild fiber tree species which cortex is intertwined to make ropes of
various kinds. A person with sufficient expertise could procure a maximum of
nine or ten layers of cortex from a mature tree. A skilful rope maker may
produce one of the most durable ropes from this.

For binding the Indoi components about nine lams (measuring the fingertips of
left and right hands stretched straight at shoulder level) are prepared. Usually
for the rope to be a lasting one the procedure is to intertwine three lines into one
but for the purpose of binding the Indoi components only two lines are to be
intertwined. When the right length is achieved the khaopi rope is used to bind
each component to each other and to the spike made from gopi called gopi-tul.
There is a certain manner of binding which is difficult to describe. It is certain
that a length of nine lams is not required for the purpose; a good length usually
remained after all are tied up fit and proper. The remaining rope should be in
some way wound up with its ends properly tucked in.

Now, what is that property of khaopi that propel itself to be in the choice group?
Certain points like its durability when made into rope, its numerous layers of
cortex etc. were hinted already. Elders are unanimous that emphasis should be
given to its richness of layers rather than to its durability. This is in conformity
with an illustrious saying in Kuki supplied by an octogenarian: “Haosa lung le
khaopi thosom, meaning, ‘the chief’s reasoning and the ten layers of cortex in
khaopi”. It is important to delve into the socio-cultural intricacies of the Kuki to
appreciate the full import of the saying here. It shall be noted that the highest
authority in village administration is the chief.
2.4. Components in Indoi institution
Various ingredients that make up the paraphernalia of the Indoi institution shall
be discussed here. The reasoning behind their collection is much the same as of
those given above.

2.4.1. Doikhom or Sekon (a young se tree erected to hang Indoi)

On the yearly ‘atonement day’ called hun everyone is busy with this ritual, which
was very much like the ritual of the first time induction of Indoi. A young se tree
of about six feet with a branch of one-foot length kept intact just below the top
jutted out at approximately at forty-five degree from its stem should be erected.
This young se tree was to be a healthy one without any trace of worm infesting it.
In addition it should be one a branch of which faced the east. Preferably, the tree
must be one nearby the village where pigs have used it to scratch their sides.
Such a choice was not easily procurable, and the tucha of the family was likely to
spend an entire day or two in search of the right one. When such was found it
was cut and curved to the appropriate shape described above. The erection again
follows certain norms. The place of erection has to be where God wills which has
to be ascertained by the priest. Invariably the place chosen was at the foreground
in line with the upper side (chosah) of the house, indicated by the priest by
spraying wine on the spot through his mouth. The Indoi was brought down from
its place and hung on the branch of doikhom for three days and nights. During
this time festivities and rituals are in full swing.

2.4.2. Vomgui (a wild creeper of the grape family)

This creeper called vomgui is used to bind the Indoi bundle to the doikhom or se-
kon. The selection of this creeper rope was as usual eulogized in the incantation.
Most amazing thing however was that its stem remains juicy inside even though
the outer skin looks dry. Moreover, it has medicinal quality. In ailments of the
mouth that often beset children this vomgui stem was found to be the best
remedy.
2.4.3. Se-boh (a se branch with thick foliage)
We have noted the exceptional thick foliage found in the se tree. How this
particular quality aids the symbol making activity of the primal Kuki will be
duly considered later. For the moment we may take note of a practice of very
illuminating nature. The typical Kuki houses usually have raise platforms of
planks or flatten bamboo trunks. The designated portion for the hearth was
partitioned in square shape, which was filled up with soil. Before the place was
filled up a branch with thick foliage of se tree was kept at the bottom and be
buried when filled. Indeed the se tree was a ‘Cosmic Tree’ or ‘World Tree’ for the
Kuki because of its extreme utility.

2.4.4. Gopi-tul (a goad made from gopi)

Besides the Cosmic se tree Gopi seemed to have prominent place in the
symbolization process of the primal Kuki. This particular item, which was also
called chon-tul, was an implement for killing the mithun or pig especially if they
are for rituals. Chon-tul is not made as and when one wish but has to be obtained
from u-pa (elder brother per genealogy). To make one without the knowledge of
u-pa is to sever relationship, and the same is the case if u-pa denied chon-tul to
nao-pa (younger per genealogy). The Indoi bundle was bound to the spike, which
was then jutted snugly into the roof at the proper place.

2.4.5. Go-boh (a branch of gopi leaves)

A branch of gopi leaves along with se-boh was tied to the doikhom while Indoi was
hung on it for three days. The historical consideration of including gopi leaves in
the institution was the same as given above. Gopi is cultivated at home and is
different in various aspects from those in the forest. The trunk has minimum
humps in the knobs and therefore more handy for various implements. It has
more shoots than other species during sprouting season. The foliage in gopi is
thicker than other bamboo species, and most importantly, gopi did not die on
flowering year when all others species wither. Therefore the Kuki idiom goes: “in
go le gam go kite ding ham?’, meaning ‘can one compare homegrown bamboo with
those at wild?’
2.4.6. Ah-kang mul (feathers of spotless white cock)
On the hun occasion the Indoi bundle was taken down from its original place as
described above and hung on the doikhom, which was then meticulously
decorated with feathers of a white cock that has no single spot. The worn out
ones of the preceding year were removed and new feathers were pasted with the
help of wax. The implication was not difficult to grasp. With the agricultural year
beginning a fresh commitment to Pathen represented by the Indoi was being
proclaimed, at the same time praying for blessings for the ensuing days of the
year. The precise reasons for much of the paraphernalia involved in this ritual
are forgotten but the overall meaning’ which we alluded to seemed clear enough.

2.5.. The Institution of Indoi

One must take note of three occasions when Indoi institution is considered: the
first time induction of Indoi for a new household, the annual ‘reenactment day’
known as Hun, and the occasional therapeutic rituals when Indoi is taken down
for the occasion. The process in all the three seemed largely similar. The details
of each occasion have now been jumbled in the minds of our source of
information, as they are trying to recollect events of some thirty to forty years
back. T. S. Gangte’s sources also seemed to have mixed up the details of these
three occasions of Indoi institution. However, the incantation on each occasion is
the same.

2.5.1. Indoi as panacea

In the event of sickness in the family preparation is made for a ritual involving a
sacrifice of pig or mithun. On this occasion the Indoi is taken down from its
original place, hung on the doikhom (sacred post) until all the necessary and
obligatory rituals are preformed. The prayer offered on this occasion is the same
as those in the other two occasions, except that on this occasion there is a prayer
also for the recovery of the ailing person. When an illness beset one or more of a
family the Indoi is meticulously inspected so as to determine what sacrifice is
required.

2.5.2. The first time institution of Indoi

It is deemed befitting for each and every household to institute an Indoi. The
eldest son being the inheritor of the father’s property continued to dwell in the
same house with parents and did not required a new Indoi. But for other married
sons who have set up a new hearth for themselves must acquire one. When all
the components such as described in the preceding section were all collected his
preparedness may be conveyed to concern persons such as his father or elder
brother (u-pa), if the father had expired and the thempu (priest).

The first time institution of Indoi was to be officiated by the village priest. On the
morning, the priest goes to the intending performer for an invocation ritual
called inthenso by the spraying of a mouthful of wine in and around the house.
The tucha and becha of the household prepared the exigencies for the ritual. The
specially kept apart female pig for this occasion was also brought with the
necessary incantation, the priest killed the pig at the portico by piercing the
bamboo spike called gopi-tul at the left armpit that penetrated to the heart
bringing instantaneous death. At this point all activities are done outside the
house. The carcass of the slaughtered pig is kept in a position so that its head
faces the Indoi, which till now was hung on the doikhom prior to being inducted to
its designated place. The performer carried with him ‘holy water’ in a gourd
container, which the priest spilled upon the slaughtered pig thereby transmitting
all misfortunes of the household to the sacrificial animal. The performer was then
asked to put a coiled split bamboo the size of which should snugly fit around the
nose of the pig immobilizing movement of its jaw. However, the mouth being
narrower at the end a slightest movement would push out the bamboo coil
thereby freeing its mouth, thus symbolizing a ‘push-out’ of misfortunes. The
blood stained in the bamboo spike while piercing the animal was taken by the
priest to smear it upon the performer’s forehead.

2.5.3. The annual reenactment of Indoi institution

Having instituted an Indoi each household regularly observed the annual

reenactment ceremony known as hun. No precise date was fixed for this but
usually fell at the time between the end of May and the beginning of June. The
primal Kuki being a jhum cultivator determined much of his/her ceremonies and
rituals in relation to their agricultural activities. So also was this ritual. Hun was
fixed at the time when paddy sown on the jhum field sprouted out from the
ground, which in Kuki terminology is called changnelkai phat. The occasion was
very important in religious terms but was also a time of merriment and
festivities. Wine and other accessories are especially prepared for this occasion.
The healthiest piglet was kept aside and reared, which is now slaughtered on this
occasion. And a blamelessly white cock completes the requirement.

The preparation began a few days before the actual days of hun when the tucha of
the family undertook his search for a young se which branch faced the east, and
is without being infected by worms to be erected as doikhom or sekon. The place of
erection, as described above was the place where God wills. The manner of
selecting the site was this: A dialogue between God, Noimangpa (literally, one
who reigns below) and the householder (the priest in the first time institution)
ensued in which the human person spoke for himself, and on behalf of the other
two as well. The man first enquired of God as to where he should erect the
doikhom, to which God replied (the man himself acting as God’s mouthpiece) that
he should ask Noimangpa on this matter as ‘He’ is in charge of affairs below. Then
the man repeats his question to Noimangpa to which the answer was that he
should ask God. Putting his enquiry once again to God he now received the
instruction that he should erect the post at the very place where he is spraying
wine. Then the man sprayed wine from his mouth to the chosen place: the
foreground of the house in line with upper side (chosah) of the house, which also
is in line with the hearth.

As soon as the erection was done fit and proper the Indoi was taken down from
its original place and hung on the doikhom, kept there for three days and nights
which corresponds to the days of hun. A spotless white cock was then killed, the
feathers plucked out from it and used for embellishing the Indoi, which was done
by the tucha. After proper dressing the cock was cooked whole so as not to break
any of the bones. It should be cooked a little longer than usual so that all the flesh
can easily be peeled off without breaking the bones. Only the head of the family
was entitled to consume this flesh. The bones were carefully collected and kept
inside the basket variously called pothul, pocha, miluh, (component of Indoi), with
the appropriate incantation. Since the performer consumed all the cock’s flesh,
the specially reared pig may be slaughtered for other members of the family and
the nephews visiting to partake, which were complied with much festivity. Indoi
spent three days and three nights hung on this doikhom at the front courtyard,
which duration was also the duration of the festival hun. Utmost care was taken
to protect it from rain, wind and other things like domestic animals by covering
it, usually with godal, an implement for winnowing away chaffs from rice. After
which it is once again inducted to its original place to be taken down for the
same ritual the next year.

Conclusion
Pathen in the primal Kuki religious world is conceptualized as the creator,
sustainer of all in the universe. For all appearances, the magnanimous Pathen
have become unavailable and turned into a deus otiosus. The remoteness of Pathen
is overcome through the instrumentality of creation, every object – animals,
vegetations, and inanimate objects - being potential hierophany. But it is the in
the institution of Indoi that the conceptual became concretized. Every Kuki
household is now always in close proximity to the sacred due to the presence of
Indoi. God and human being once again come into close proximity with the
presence of the former assured in Indoi. It symbolizes the manifestation,
revelation and accessibility of the sacred. Indoi proclaims the Emmanuel of the
deus otiosus Pathen. In as much as Indoi is hung in every household the presence
of Pathen is assured for every individual person. Just as the whole Christ-event
has become a living experience of God in Christ, the institution of Indoi has
become a prolongation of the sacred manifest in the material objects that
constituted it. In it the infinite, transcendental, and the absolute becomes finite,
historical, relative and concrete. The Kuki Christians have a pre-figuration in
their primal symbolism to decipher the mystery and spiritual meaning in the
entire event of incarnation, passion, dead and resurrection of Jesus Christ, more
clearly than through the instrumentality of alien concepts, say for example, the
Greek logos philosophy.

INCANTATION RELATED TO THE INDOI INSTITUTION

Vohpi dekon nasah bangin hinsa, Kelchal kiheh nasah bangin hinsan
Chaothen pha nasah bangin hinsan
Chemjam pha nasah bangin hinsan, Haijang pha nasah bangin hinsan
Simnam pha nasah bangin hinsan, Kolteng pha nasah bangin hinsan
Eihinsan, eihin sasol hih in, eihin bolsol hih in, Kumtin ju napenge,
kumtin sa napenge Kapu houvin eihin san, kapa houvin eihin san
Pathen nun eihin san, Pathen pan eihin san Lhoutin nun eihin san,
lhoutin pan eihin san, Lhochong nun eihin san, lhochong pan eihin san
Neijil nun eihin san, neijil pan eihin san, Eihin sasol hih in eihin bolsol hih in
Kumtin ju napenge, kumtin sa napenge, Igan le igan kisa hen,
nangma le keima kisa hitin Iji le iji kisa hitin, icha le icha kisa hitin
Tumang voiyin eihin san, haibang teh in eihin san, Eihin san
Muchi to eihin san, chivo to eihin san, Changsom to eihin san, changja to eihin san
Tumang voiyin eihin san, haibang teh in eihin san, Se nun pha nasah bangin eihin san
Thinghe pha nasah bangin eihin san, Khaopi thosom nasah bangin hinsan
Gopi huilhung nasah bangin eihin san, Eihin sasol hih in eihin bolsol hih in
Kumtin ju napenge, kumtin sa napenge, Vomgui pha nasah bangin eihin san
Tumang voiyin eihin san, haibang teh in eihin san.

(Translation: Take care of me as you have taken care of the mother pig with the
slanted forehead/ Take care of me as you have taken care of the he-goat with its
curved horn/ Take care of me as you have taken care of the beautiful bangle/
Take care of me as you have taken care of the indispensable sword/ Take care of
me as you have taken care of the useful gourd jar/ Take care of me as you have
taken care of smooth trunk of the se tree/ Take care of me as you have taken care
of the metal procured from Myanmar/ Take care of me, do not create deformity
in me or deal with me in careless about manner/ Through out the year may I
provide you with meat and wine/ Let the one known to my ancestors take care
of me/ Let Mother-God take care me, Father-God take care of me/ Let the
mother-giver of grain take care of me, the father-giver of grain take care of me/
Let the mother-benefactor of labour take care of me, the father-benefactor of
labour take care of me/ Let mother-benefactor of wealth take care of me, the
father-benefactor of wealth take care of me/ Create me not in deformity, nor deal
with me in careless about manner/ Through out the year may I provide you with
meat and wine/ As your cattle is taken care of efficiently, may it be so with
mine/ As you take care of yourself, may it be so with me/ As your spouse and
descendents are well look after, may it be so with mine/ Deal with me
generously till such a time when skin wrinkle with age/ As the cover of the
gourd harden may it be so with me/ Take care of me as proprietor of seeds of all
kinds/ Endow me with grains numbering tens and thousands/ Deal graciously
with me till such a time when my skin shrink with age as is the case with the
gourd/ Take care of me even as you have taken care of the blessed young se
tree/ Take care of me even as you have done to the blessed thinghe tree/ Take
care of me as you have done so with khaopi tree that has ten layers of cortex/
Take care of me even as you have done so with the gopi that grows to maturity
with magnificent bend/ Create in me no deformity, nor deal with me unconcern
about/ Through out the year may I provide you with meat and wine/ Take care
of me even as you have taken care of the vomgui plant/ Deal with me generously
till old age as is the case with the gourd).