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Bharatiya Janata Party

The Bharatiya Janata Party ([bʱaːɾətiːjə dʒənətaː paːɾʈiː] ; lit. 'Indian
People's Party'; BJP) is a political party in India and one of the two Bharatiya Janata Party
major Indian political parties alongside the Indian National
Congress.[36] Since 2014, it has been the ruling political party in India
under the incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi.[37] The BJP is
aligned with right-wing politics and has close ideological and
organisational links to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a far-
right paramilitary organisation.[38][39] Its policies adhere to Hindutva,
a Hindu nationalist ideology.[40][41] As of January 2024, it is the
country's biggest political party in terms of representation in the
Parliament of India as well as state legislatures.
Abbreviation BJP
The party's origins lie in the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, which was founded
President J. P. Nadda[1]
in 1951 by Indian politician Syama Prasad Mukherjee, after he left
Hindu Mahasabha to form a party as the political wing of RSS.[42][43] General Secretary General Secretary
(Organisation):
After the Emergency of 1975–1977, the Jana Sangh merged with
B. L. Santhosh[2]
several other political parties to form the Janata Party; it defeated the
Other General [show]
then-incumbent Indian National Congress in the 1977 general election.
Secretaries
After three years in power, the Janata Party dissolved in 1980, with the
Joint General
members of the erstwhile Jana Sangh reconvening to form the Secretary:
modern-day BJP. Although initially unsuccessful—winning only two Shiv Prakash
seats in the 1984 general election, it grew in strength on the back of the General Secretaries:
movement around Ram Janmabhoomi in Uttar Pradesh. Following Arun Singh
victories in several state elections and better performances in national Kailash Vijayvargiya
Dushyant Kumar
elections, the BJP became the largest political party in the Parliament
Gautam
in 1996; however, it lacked a majority in the lower house of Tarun Chugh
Parliament, and its government, under its then-leader Atal Bihari Vinod Tawde
Vajpayee, lasted for only 13 days.[44] Sunil Bansal
Bandi Sanjay Kumar
After the 1998 general election, the BJP-led coalition known as the Radha Mohan Das
National Democratic Alliance (NDA) under prime minister Vajpayee Agarwal
formed a government that lasted for a year. Following fresh elections, Presidium National Executive[3]
the NDA government—again headed by Vajpayee—lasted for a full Parliamentary Narendra Modi
term in office; this was the first non-Congress government to do so. In Chairperson (Prime Minister)
the 2004 general election, the NDA suffered an unexpected defeat, and Lok Sabha Leader Narendra Modi
for the next ten years, the BJP was the principal opposition party. (Leader of the House in
Narendra Modi, then the chief minister of Gujarat, led the party to a Lok Sabha)[4]
landslide victory in the 2014 general election. Modi has since led the Rajya Sabha Leader J. P. Nadda
NDA government as Indian prime minister, including being re-elected (Leader of the House in
with a sole majority in the 2019 general election and with a coalition in Rajya Sabha)
the 2024 general election. As of December 2023, the alliance governs Treasurer Rajesh Agarwal[5]
17 Indian states and union territories. Founder Atal Bihari Vajpayee &
Lal Krishna Advani[6]
The official ideology of the BJP is integral humanism, first formulated
by Deendayal Upadhyaya in 1965. The party advocates social Founded 6 April 1980[7]
conservatism and a foreign policy centred on nationalist principles. Split from Janata Party[7]
During its first period in national government, the BJP avoided its Preceded by Bharatiya Jana Sangh
Hindu nationalist priorities, and focused on a largely liberal economic (1951–1977)[7]
policy that prioritised globalisation and economic growth over social Janata Party
(1977–1980)[7]
welfare.[45] Since returning to government in 2014, the BJP
government has enacted several priorities of the RSS, including Headquarters 6-A, Deen Dayal
Upadhyaya Marg,
criminalising the practice of triple talaq, and revoking Article 370 of
New Delhi, Delhi, India[8]

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the Constitution of India (which granted autonomy to Jammu and Newspaper Kamal Sandesh
Kashmir), abrogating its statehood.[46] India has experienced (English and Hindi)[9]
nationwide democratic backsliding under the BJP's rule since Kamal Barta (Bengali)[10]
2014.[47][48] Think tank Public Policy Research
Centre[11][12]
Student wing Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi
Name, symbol, and themes Parishad
(unofficial)[13]

The name as well as the symbol of the party were selected by the Youth wing Bharatiya Janata Yuva
founders. The name "Bharatiya Janata Party" literally translates to Morcha[14]

"Indian People's Party". The Symbol of the party is the flower Lotus Women's wing BJP Mahila Morcha[15]
(Nelumbo nucifera).[49] Lotus has a cultural significance within India Labour wing Bharatiya Mazdoor
as well as Hinduism. The symbol has been regarded as a symbol of Sangh[16]
peace and prosperity within Hinduism. Likewise, during the Peasant's wing BJP Kisan Morcha[17]
independence movement of India, the symbol was used by Indian Ideology Conservatism (Indian)[18]
nationalist as a symbol of revolt against the British Raj.[50] Lotus is Neoliberalism[19]
also recognised as the national flower of India. Thus, use of the symbol Integral humanism[20]
gives the party a nationalist as well as Hindutva appeal.[51] Besides Hindutva[21]
these, the party also heavily uses the Saffron colour in its promotional Hindu nationalism[22]
materials and campaigning. Similar to Lotus, the Saffron colour also
Right-wing populism[23]
has a major significance within Hinduism.[52] The most common flag
used by the party is predominantly saffron with a stripe of green in the Political position Right-wing[24] to far-
right[25]
left. Within the Saffron part of the flag, the lotus symbol is also
International Asia Pacific Democracy
integrated.[53] This perticular colour scheme used in the flag assists the
affiliation Union[26]
party to project itself as a secular party. Meanwhile, this also helps the
Colours Saffron[27]
party to maintain a religious undertone for its core electorate and
Hindu nationalistic supporter groups.[53] ECI Status National Party[28]
Alliance National Democratic
Alliance
(All India)[29]
Precursors North-East Democratic
Alliance
(Northeast India)[30]
Bharatiya Jana Sangh (1951–77) Seats in Lok Sabha 240 / 543
The BJP's origins lie in the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, popularly known as [31]
the Jana Sangh, founded by Syama Prasad Mukherjee in 1951 in
Seats in Rajya Sabha 86 / 245
response to the politics of the dominant National Congress party. It
was founded in collaboration with the Hindu nationalist volunteer (225 MPs & 20
organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and was Vacant)[32][33][34]
widely regarded as the political arm of the RSS.[54] The Jana Sangh's Seats in State 1,478 / 4,036
aims included the protection of India's "Hindu" cultural identity, in Legislative
addition to countering what it perceived to be the appeasement of Assemblies (4013 MLAs & 23
Muslim people and the country of Pakistan by the Congress party and Vacant)
then-Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. The RSS loaned several of its
leading pracharaks, or full-time workers, to the Jana Sangh to get the (see complete list)
new party off the ground. Prominent among these was Deendayal Seats in State 165 / 426
Upadhyaya, who was appointed General Secretary. The Jana Sangh Legislative Councils
won only three Lok Sabha seats in the first general elections in 1952. It (403 MLCs & 23
maintained a minor presence in parliament until 1967.[55][56] Vacant)

The Jana Sangh's first major campaign, begun in early 1953, centred (see complete list)
on a demand for the complete integration of Jammu and Kashmir into Number of states 20 / 31
and union territories
India.[57] Mukherjee was arrested in May 1953 for violating orders
in government (28 States and 3 UTs)[35]
from the state government restraining him from entering Kashmir. He Election symbol
died of a heart attack the following month, while still in jail.[57] Mauli
Chandra Sharma was elected to succeed Mukherjee; however, he was
forced out of power by the RSS activists within the party, and the
leadership went instead to Upadhyaya. Upadhyay remained the
General Secretary until 1967, and worked to build a committed
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grassroots organisation in the image of the RSS. The party minimised Lotus
engagement with the public, focusing instead on building its network
of propagandists. Upadhyaya also articulated the philosophy of
integral humanism, which formed the official doctrine of the party.[58]
Younger leaders, such as Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Lal Krishna Advani
also became involved with the leadership in this period, with Vajpayee
Party flag
succeeding Upadhyaya as president in 1968. The major themes on the
party's agenda during this period were legislating a uniform civil code,
banning cow slaughter and abolishing the special status given to
Jammu and Kashmir.[59]

After assembly elections across the country in 1967, the party entered
into a coalition with several other parties, including the Swatantra Website
Party and the socialists. It formed governments in various states across www.bjp.org (https://www.bjp.org/)
the Hindi Belt, including Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. It
Politics of India · Political parties · Elections
was the first time the Jana Sangh held political office, albeit within a
coalition; this caused the shelving of the Jana Sangh's more radical agenda.[60]

Janata Party (1977–80)

In 1975, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi imposed a state of emergency. The Jana
Sangh took part in the widespread protests, with thousands of its members being
imprisoned along with other agitators across the country. In 1977, the emergency BJP flag being flown in one of its
was withdrawn and general elections were held. The Jana Sangh merged with campaign rallies.
parties from across the political spectrum, including the Socialist Party, the
Congress (O) and the Bharatiya Lok Dal to form the Janata Party, with its main
agenda being defeating Indira Gandhi.[56] The Janata Party won a majority in 1977 and formed a government with
Morarji Desai as Prime Minister. The former Jana Sangh contributed the largest tally to the Janata Party's
parliamentary contingent, with 93 seats or 31% of its strength. Vajpayee, previously the leader of the Jana Sangh, was
appointed the Minister of External Affairs.[61]

The national leadership of the former Jana Sangh consciously renounced its identity, and attempted to integrate with
the political culture of the Janata Party, based on Gandhian and Hindu traditionalist principles. Political scientist
Christophe Jaffrelot wrote that this proved to be impossible assimilation.[62] The state and local levels of the Jana
Sangh remained relatively unchanged, retaining a strong association with the RSS, which did not sit well with the
moderate centre-right constituents of the Party.[63] Violence between Hindus and Muslims increased sharply during
the years that the Janata Party formed the government, with former Jana Sangha members being implicated in the
riots in Aligarh and Jamshedpur in 1978–79. The other major constituents of the Janata Party demanded that the
former Jana Sangh members should dissociate themselves from the RSS, which they refused to do. Eventually, a
fragment of the Janata Party broke off to form the Janata Party (Secular). The Morarji Desai government was reduced
to a minority in the Parliament, forcing Desai's resignation. Following a brief period of coalition rule, general elections
were held in 1980, in which the Janata Party fared poorly, winning only 31 seats. In April 1980, shortly after the
elections, the National Executive Council of the Janata Party banned its members from being 'dual members' of party
and the RSS. In response, the former Jana Sangh members left to create a new political party, known as the Bharatiya
Janata Party.[64][61]

History

Formation and early days

Although the newly formed BJP was technically distinct from the Jana Sangh, the bulk of its rank and file were
identical to its predecessor, with Vajpayee being its first president.[65] Historian Ramachandra Guha writes that the
early 1980s were marked by a wave of violence between Hindus and Muslims. The BJP initially moderated the Hindu
nationalist stance of its predecessor the Jana Sangh to gain a wider appeal, emphasising its links to the Janata Party

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and the ideology of Gandhian socialism.[66]

This was unsuccessful, as it won only Influential figures
two Lok Sabha seats in the elections of 1984.[66] The assassination of Indira
Gandhi a few months earlier resulted in a wave of support for the Congress which
won a record tally of 403 seats, contributing to the low number for the BJP.[67]

Ram Janmabhoomi movement

The failure of Vajpayee's moderate strategy led to a shift in the ideology of the
party toward a policy of more hardline Hindu nationalism.[66][68] In 1984, Advani
was appointed president of the party, and under him it became the political voice
of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. In the early 1980s, the Vishva Hindu
Parishad (VHP) began a campaign for the construction of a temple dedicated to
the Hindu deity Rama at the disputed site of the Babri Mosque in Ayodhya. The
mosque had been constructed by the Mughal Emperor Babur in 1527. There is a
dispute about whether a temple once stood there.[69] The agitation was on the
Syama Prasad Mookerjee, founder-
basis of the belief that the site is the birthplace of Rama, and that a temple had
president of the Bharatiya Jana
been demolished to construct the mosque.[70] The BJP threw its support behind Sangh
this campaign and made it a part of their election platform. It won 86 Lok Sabha
seats in 1989, a tally which made its support crucial to the National Front
government of V. P. Singh.[71]

In September 1990, Advani began a Rath Yatra (chariot journey) to Ayodhya in

support of the Ram temple movement. According to Guha, the imagery employed
by the yatra was "religious, allusive, militant, masculine, and anti-Muslim".[72]
Advani was placed under preventive detention on the orders of the then Bihar
chief minister Lalu Prasad Yadav. A large number of kar sevaks (religious
volunteers) nonetheless converged at Ayodhya, and some attacked the mosque.
Three days of fighting with the paramilitary forces ended with the deaths of several
kar sevaks. Hindus were urged by VHP to "take revenge" for these deaths,
resulting in riots against Muslims across Uttar Pradesh. [73] The BJP withdrew its
support from the V.P. Singh government, leading to fresh general elections. The
BJP further increased its tally to 120 seats, and won a majority in the Uttar
Lal Krishna Advani, the last
Pradesh assembly.[74]
president of the Bharatiya Jana
Sangh
On 6 December 1992, the RSS and its affiliates organised a rally involving more
than 100,000 VHP and BJP activists at the site of the mosque.[74] The rally
developed into a frenzied attack that ended with the demolition of the mosque.[74] Influential figures
Over the following weeks, waves of violence between Hindus and Muslims erupted
all over the country, killing over 2,000 people.[74] The government briefly banned
the VHP, and many BJP leaders, including Advani were arrested for making
inflammatory speeches provoking the demolition.[75][76] Several historians have
said that the demolition was the product of a conspiracy by the Sangh Parivar, and
not a spontaneous act.[74] In the parliamentary elections in 1996, the BJP
capitalised on the communal polarisation that followed the demolition to win 161
Lok Sabha seats, making it the largest party in parliament.[44] Vajpayee was sworn
in as Prime Minister but was unable to attain a majority in the Lok Sabha, forcing
the government to resign after 13 days.[44]

A 2009 report, authored by Justice Manmohan Singh Liberhan, found that 68

people were responsible for the demolition, mostly leaders from the BJP.[76]
Among those named were Vajpayee, Advani, and Murli Manohar Joshi. The report Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the founder-
also criticised Kalyan Singh, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh during the president of the Bharatiya Janata
demolition.[76] He was accused of posting bureaucrats and police officers who Party
would stay silent during the demolition.[76] In 2020, the Supreme Court of India
acquitted all of the accused in the demolition including Advani and Joshi.[77]

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Following the 2019 Supreme Court verdict, the Government of India announced a
trust to construct the Mandir. On 22 January 2024, the Ram Mandir was officially
opened.[52] Prime Minister Narendra Modi led its consecration, claiming it to be
the start of a new era.[52] The temple is expected to be fully completed by
December 2024.[78]

Vajpayee era (1996–2004)

A coalition of regional parties formed the government in 1996, but this grouping
was short-lived, and mid-term polls were held in 1998. The BJP contested the
elections leading a coalition called the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), which
contained its existing allies like the Samata Party, the Shiromani Akali Dal, the Shiv
Sena in addition to the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK)
Ram Rath Yatra
and the Biju Janata Dal. Among these regional parties, the Shiv Sena was the only
one that had an ideology similar to the BJP; Amartya Sen, for example, called the
coalition an "ad hoc" grouping.[79] The NDA had a majority with outside support from the Telugu Desam Party (TDP)
and Vajpayee returned as Prime Minister.[80] However, the coalition ruptured in May 1999 when the leader of
AIADMK, J. Jayalalithaa, withdrew her support, and fresh elections were held again.[81]

On 13 October 1999, without the AIADMK, the NDA won 303 seats in parliament and thus an outright majority. The
BJP had its highest-ever tally of 183. Vajpayee became Prime Minister for the third time; Advani became Deputy Prime
Minister[a] and Home Affairs Minister. This NDA government lasted its full term of five years. Its policy agenda
included a more aggressive stance on defence and terror and neo-liberal economic policies.[45] In 2001, Bangaru
Laxman, then the BJP president, was filmed accepting a bribe in a sting operation.[82][83] He was compelled to resign
and was subsequently prosecuted, eventually being sentenced to four years in prison.[84]

2002 Gujarat violence

On 27 February 2002, a train carrying Hindu pilgrims was burned outside the town of Godhra, killing 59 people. The
incident was seen as an attack upon Hindus, and sparked off massive anti-Muslim violence across the state of Gujarat
that lasted several weeks.[85] The death toll estimated was as high as 2000, while 150,000 were displaced.[86] Rape,
mutilation, and torture were also widespread.[86][87] The then-Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi and several high-
ranking government officials were accused of initiating and condoning the violence, as were police officers who
allegedly directed the rioters and gave them lists of Muslim-owned properties.[88] In April 2009, a Special
Investigation Team (SIT) was appointed by the Supreme Court to investigate and expedite the Gujarat riots cases. In
2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by the SIT. BJP MLA Maya Kodnani, who later held a cabinet
portfolio in the Modi government, was convicted of having orchestrated one of the riots and sentenced to 28 years
imprisonment;[89][90] she was later acquitted by the Gujarat High Court.[91] Scholars such as Paul Brass, Martha
Nussbaum and Dipankar Gupta have said that there was a high level of state complicity in the incidents.[92][93][94]

In opposition (2004–2014)
Vajpayee called for early elections in 2004, six months ahead of schedule. The NDA's campaign was based on the
slogan "India Shining", which sought to depict it as responsible for a rapid economic transformation of the country.[95]
However, the NDA unexpectedly suffered a heavy defeat, winning only 186 seats in the Lok Sabha, compared to the
222 of the Congress and its allies. Manmohan Singh succeeded Vajpayee as Prime Minister as the head of the United
Progressive Alliance. The NDA's failure to reach out to rural Indians was provided as an explanation for its defeat, as
was its divisive policy agenda.[95][96]

In May 2008, the BJP won the state elections in Karnataka. This was the first time that the party won assembly
elections in any South Indian state. In the 2009 general elections, its strength in the Lok Sabha was reduced to 116
seats. It lost the Karnataka assembly election in 2013.[97]

Modi era (2014–present)

First Modi government (2014–2019)

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In the 2014 Indian general election, the BJP won 282 seats, leading the NDA to a
tally of 336 seats in the 543-seat Lok Sabha.[98] Narendra Modi was sworn in as
the 14th prime minister of India on 26 May 2014.[99][100] The vote share of the
BJP was 31% of all votes cast, a low figure relative to the number of seats it
won.[101] This was the first instance since 1984 of a single party achieving an
outright majority in the Indian Parliament[102] and the first time that it achieved a
majority in the Lok Sabha on its own strength. Support was concentrated in the
Hindi-speaking belt in North-central India.[101] The magnitude of the victory was
not predicted by most opinion and exit polls.[101]

Political analysts have suggested several reasons for this victory, including the
popularity of Modi, and the loss of support for the Congress due to the corruption
scandals in its previous term.[103] The BJP was also able to expand its traditionally
upper-caste, upper-class support base and received significant support from
middle-class and Dalit people, as well as among Other Backward Classes.[104][101]
Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of
Its support among Muslims remained low; only 8% of Muslim voters voted for the
India since 2014
BJP.[104][101] The BJP was also very successful at mobilizing its supporters and
raising voter turnout among them.[101]

After winning the election, the organisation of the BJP became more centralised
with Modi at the helm.[105] People loyal to Modi were rewarded leadership
positions across various states within India.[106] Amit Shah, a close confidant of
Modi, was appointed as the president of the BJP in 2014.[107] Contextually, many
veteran leaders of the party like Lal Krishna Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, and
Jaswant Singh amongst others were allegedly sidelined.[108]

In 2016, the BJP joined the International Democratic Union, a grouping of various
centre-right and right-wing political parties across the globe.[109] However, as of
2024, the party is no longer a member, the secretary general of the IDU, Tina
Mercep, stated that they would welcome full membership of the BJP in their global
network. However, BJP’s youth organisation remains a member of the youth wing Amit Shah has been the longest
of the IDU.[110][111] (continuous) serving National
President of the BJP
During Modi's first term as prime minister, the BJP expanded its presence in
several states where it had previously been a minor player, and it regained power
in other states where it had been in opposition for a considerable period. Assam, Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh, Uttar
Pradesh, Bihar, Haryana, and Jammu and Kashmir saw an increase in the BJP's influence, and the party entered
government in several of these states.[112]

Second Modi government (2019–2024)

In 2019, the BJP won the general election with an increased majority. Soon after returning to power, on 5 August 2019,
the Modi administration revoked the special status, or limited autonomy, granted under Article 370 of the Indian
Constitution to Jammu and Kashmir—a region administered by India as a state. This state consists of the larger part of
Kashmir which has been the subject of a dispute among India, Pakistan, and China since 1947.[113][114]

Later in 2019, the Modi administration introduced the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019, which was passed by the
Parliament of India on 11 December 2019. It amended the Citizenship Act, 1955 by providing a path to Indian
citizenship for illegal immigrants of Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi, or Christian religion, who had fled persecution
from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan before December 2014.[115][116] Muslims from those countries were not
given such eligibility.[117] The act was the first time religion had been overtly used as a criterion for citizenship under
Indian law.[117][b][c][d] A report by the V-Dem Institute described India as experiencing democratic backsliding due to
the Modi era,[47][48] which is considered the most notable challenge to India's democracy since the authoritarian
Emergency years of 1975–77.[118][119]

Ideology and political positions

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The party along the history has been widely described as a right-wing party,[24][120][121][122][123][124] but has recently
been described as far-right one, specifically is considered part of the radical right, a subset of the far-right that does not
oppose democracy.[25][125][126][127][128][129][130]

Social policies and Hindutva

The official philosophy of the BJP is "Integral humanism," a philosophy first formulated by Deendayal Upadhyaya in
1965, who described it as advocating an "indigenous economic model that puts the human being at center
stage."[131][132] It is committed to Hindutva, an ideology articulated by Indian independence activist Vinayak Damodar
Savarkar. According to the party, Hindutva is cultural nationalism favouring Indian culture over westernisation, thus it
extends to all Indians regardless of religion.[66] Scholars and political analysts describe Hindutva as seeking to
redefine India and recast it as a Hindu country to the exclusion of other religions, making the BJP a Hindu nationalist
party in a general sense.[74][66][133][134] The BJP moderated its stance after the NDA was formed in 1998, due to the
presence of parties with a broader set of ideologies.[74][45]

The BJP's Hindutva ideology has been reflected in many of its government policies. It supports the construction of the
Ram Mandir temple at the disputed site of the Babri Mosque.[133] This issue was its major poll plank in the 1991
general elections.[133] However, the demolition of the mosque during a BJP rally in 1992 resulted in a backlash against
it, leading to a decline of the temple's prominence in its agenda.[133] The education policy of the NDA government
reorganised the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) and tasked it with extensively
revising the textbooks used in Indian schools.[135] Various scholars have stated that this revision, especially in the case
of history textbooks, was a covert attempt to "saffronise" Indian history.[135][136][137][138] The NDA government
introduced Hindu astrology as a subject in college curricula, despite opposition from several leading scientists.[139]

Links between the BJP and the RSS grew stronger under the Modi administration. The RSS provided organisational
support to the BJP's electoral campaigns, while the Modi administration appointed a number of individuals affiliated
with the RSS to prominent government positions.[140] In 2014, Yellapragada Sudershan Rao, who had previously been
associated with the RSS, became the chairperson of the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR).[141] Historians
and former members of the ICHR, including those sympathetic to the BJP, questioned his credentials as a historian,
and stated that the appointment was part of an agenda of cultural nationalism.[141][142][143] Over its first term the Modi
administration appointed other RSS members to lead universities and research institutions, and recruitment of faculty
members favoring the RSS increased. Scholars Nandini Sundar and Kiran Bhatty write that many of these appointees
did not possess the qualifications for their positions.[46] The Modi administration also made numerous changes in
government-approved history textbooks. These changes de-emphasizing the role of Jawaharlal Nehru, and glorifying
that of Modi himself, while also portraying Indian society as harmonious, without conflict or inequity.[46][144]

The BJP supports a uniform civil code, which would apply a common set of personal laws to every citizen regardless of
their personal religion, replacing the existing laws which vary by religious community. Historian Yogendra Malik
writes that this ignores the differential procedures required to protect the cultural identity of the Muslim
minority.[66][133] The BJP favoured, and in 2019 enacted,[145][146][147] the abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution
of India, which granted a greater degree of autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir in recognition of the unusual
circumstances surrounding its accession to the Indian Union.[66] It simultaneously abrogated Jammu and Kashmir
statehood, reorganizing it into two union territories, Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh.[46]

The BJP opposes illegal immigration into India from Bangladesh.[134] The party states that this migration, mostly in
the states of Assam and West Bengal, threatens the security, economy and stability of the country.[134] Academics have
pointed out that the BJP refers to Hindu migrants from Bangladesh as refugees, and reserves the term "illegal" for
Muslim migrants.[134] Academic Michael Gillan perceived it as an attempt to use an emotive issue to mobilise Hindu
sentiment in a region where the party has not been historically successful.[134][148] The party later became the party of
government in Assam.[149] The Modi administration passed a citizenship law in 2019 which provided a pathway to
Indian citizenship for persecuted religious minorities from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan who are Hindus,
Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis or Christians.[115][116] The law does not grant such eligibility to Muslims.[150][151][117]
This was first time religion had been overtly used as a criterion for citizenship under Indian law: it attracted global
criticism, and sparked widespread protests that were halted by the COVID-19 pandemic.[46][117][e] Counter-
demonstrations against the protests developed into the 2020 Delhi riots, caused chiefly by Hindu mobs attacking
Muslims.[152][153] Of the 53 people killed, two-thirds were Muslim.[154][155][156][157][158]

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In 2013, the Supreme Court of India reinstated the controversial Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, which, among
other things, criminalises homosexuality. There was a popular outcry, although clerics, including Muslim religious
leaders, stated that they supported the verdict.[159][160] BJP president Rajnath Singh said that the party supported
Section 377, because it believed that homosexuality was unnatural,[161] though the party softened the stance after its
victory in the 2014 general elections.[162] The Modi government is opposed to same-sex marriage, stating in a legal
affidavit that legalizing it would cause "complete havoc with the delicate balance of personal laws in the country" and
that it was "not comparable with Indian family unit concept of a husband, wife & children which necessarily
presuppose a biological man as 'husband', a biological woman as 'wife' and children born out of union".[163]

Economic policies
The BJP's economic policy has changed considerably since its founding. There is a significant range of economic
ideologies within the party. In the 1980s, like the Jana Sangh, it reflected the thinking of the RSS and its affiliates. It
supported swadeshi (the promotion of indigenous industries and products) and a protectionist export policy.
However, it supported internal economic liberalisation, and opposed the state-driven industrialisation favoured by the
Congress.[164] During the 1996 elections, and later when it was in government, the BJP shifted its stance away from
protectionism and towards globalisation. The tenure of the NDA saw an unprecedented influx of foreign companies in
India.[164] This was criticised, including by the BJP's affiliates, the RSS and the Swadeshi Jagran Manch:[164] the RSS
stated that the BJP was not being true to its swadeshi ideology.[164]

The two NDA governments in the period 1998–2004 introduced significant deregulation and privatisation of
government-owned enterprises. It also introduced tariff-reducing measures. These reforms built off of the initial
economic liberalisation introduced by the P. V. Narasimha Rao-led Congress government in the early 1990s.[165]
India's GDP growth increased substantially during the tenure of the NDA. The 2004 campaign slogan India Shining
was based on the party's belief that the free market would bring prosperity to all sectors of society.[166] After its
unexpected defeat, commentators said that it was punished for neglecting the needs of the poor and focusing too much
on its corporate allies.[95][96][167]

This shift in the economic policies of the BJP was also visible in state governments, especially in Gujarat, where the
BJP held power for 16 years.[168] Modi's government, in power from 2002 to 2014, followed a strongly neo-liberal
agenda, presented as a drive towards development.[169][170] Its policies have included extensive privatisation of
infrastructure and services, as well as a significant rollback of labour and environmental regulations. While this was
praised by the business community, commentators criticised it as catering to the BJP's upper-class constituency
instead of the poor.[169]

The economic policies of Modi's government focused on privatisation and liberalisation of the economy, based on a
neoliberal framework.[171][172] Modi liberalised India's foreign direct investment policies, allowing more foreign
investment in several industries, including in defence and the railways.[171][173][174] Other proposed reforms included
making it harder for workers to form unions and easier for employers to hire and fire them;[172] some of these
proposals were dropped after protests.[175] The reforms drew strong opposition from unions: on 2 September 2015,
eleven of the country's largest unions went on strike, including one affiliated with the BJP.[172] The Bharatiya Mazdoor
Sangh, a constituent of the Sangh Parivar, stated that the underlying motivation of labour reforms favoured
corporations over labourers.[171] Modi has been described as taking a more economically populist approach on
healthcare and agricultural policy.[176] Modi's government has also been described as taking a more protectionist turn
on international trade during his second term, withdrawing from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership
talks[177][178] and introducing the 2020 Atmanirbhar Bharat economic plan, which emphasises national self-
sufficiency.[179][180]

Defence and counterterrorism

Compared to Congress, the BJP takes a more aggressive and nationalistic position on defence policy and
terrorism.[181][182] The Vajpayee-led NDA government carried out nuclear weapons tests and enacted the Prevention of
Terrorism Act, which later came under heavy criticism.[181][182] It also deployed troops to evict infiltrators from Kargil,
and supported the United States War on Terror.[183]

Although previous Congress governments developed the capability for a nuclear weapons test, the Vajpayee
government broke with India's historical strategy of avoiding it and authorised Pokhran-II, a series of five nuclear tests
in 1998.[181] The tests came soon after Pakistan tested a medium-range ballistic missile. They were seen as an attempt
to display India's military prowess to the world, and a reflection of anti-Pakistan sentiment within the BJP.[181]

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The Vajpayee government ordered the Indian armed forces to expel the Pakistani soldiers occupying Kashmir territory,
later known as the Kargil War.[184][185] Although the government was later criticised for the intelligence failures that
did not detect Pakistani presence, it was successful in ousting them from the previously Indian-controlled
territory.[184][185]

After the terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament in December 2001, the NDA government passed the Prevention of
Terrorism Act.[182] The aim of the act was to improve the government's ability to deal with terrorism.[182] It initially
failed to pass in the Rajya Sabha; therefore, the NDA took the extraordinary step of convening a joint session of the
Parliament, where the numerical superior Lok Sabha allowed the bill to pass.[182] The act was subsequently used to
prosecute hundreds of people accused of terrorism.[182] However, it was criticised by opposition parties and scholars
for being an infringement upon civil liberties, and the National Human Rights Commission of India stated that it had
been used to target Muslims.[182] It was later repealed by the Congress-led UPA government in 2004.[186]

The Modi government has conducted several strikes on territory controlled by neighbouring countries on
counterterrorism grounds. This included a 2015 Indian counter-insurgency operation in Myanmar against the
National Socialist Council of Nagaland, the 2016 Indian Line of Control strike in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, and
the 2019 Balakot airstrike in Pakistan.[187] It also militarily intervened in defence of Bhutan during the 2017 Doklam
standoff with China.[188]

The Modi government considers national security to be one of their key focuses and has implemented many long-
standing defence reforms.[189][190] In August 2019, the Modi government established the post of the Chief of Defence
Staff (CDS) to ensure better coordination between all three services, a reform that was widely requested after the 1999
Kargil War.[191] The Department of Military Affairs was also established and put under the CDS.[192]

Foreign policy
The historical stance of the BJP towards foreign policy, like the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, was based on an aggressive
Hindu nationalism combined with economic protectionism.[193] The Bharatiya Jana Sangh was founded with the
explicit aim of reversing the partition of India; as a result, its official position was that the existence of Pakistan was
illegitimate.[193] This antagonism toward Pakistan remains a significant influence on the BJP's ideology.[193][194]
During the Cold War, the party and its affiliates strongly opposed India's long standing policy of non-alignment, and
instead advocated closeness to the United States.[193] In the post-Cold War era, the party has largely embraced the
Indian foreign policy consensus of improving relations with the United States,[195] while stressing a desire for a more
multipolar world order.[196]

The Vajpayee government's foreign policy in many ways represented a radical shift from BJP orthodoxy while
maintaining some aspects of it.[164][194] Its policy also represented a significant change from the Nehruvian idealism of
previous governments, opting instead for realism.[197] His party criticised him for adopting a much more moderate
stance with Pakistan. In 1998, he made a landmark visit to Pakistan, and inaugurated the Delhi–Lahore Bus
service.[193] Vajpayee signed the Lahore Declaration, which was an attempt to improve Indo-Pakistani relations that
deteriorated after the 1998 nuclear tests.[193] However, the presence of Pakistani soldiers and militants in the disputed
Kashmir territory was discovered a few months later, causing the 1999 Kargil War. The war ended a couple of months
later, with the expulsion of the infiltrators two months later, without any shift in the Line of Control that marked the de
facto border between the two countries.[193] Despite the war, Vajpayee continued to display a willingness to engage
Pakistan in dialogue. This was not well received among the BJP cadre, who criticised the government for being
"weak".[193] This faction of the BJP asserted itself at the post-Kargil Agra summit, preventing any significant deal from
being reached. [193] The Vajpayee government strongly opposed the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, with Vajpayee
describing it as a "dance of destruction".[198][199]

The Vajpayee administration also offered political support to the U.S. War on Terror, in the hope of better addressing
India's issues with terrorism and insurgency in Kashmir. This led to closer defence ties with the US, including
negotiations for the sale of weapons.[183] However, the BJP strongly condemned the 2003 invasion of Iraq, stating that
it "deplores the unjustified military action resorted to by the United States, Britain and their allies against Iraq".[200]
The BJP also opposed the 2011 military intervention in Libya and urged the Lok Sabha to pass a unanimous resolution
condemning it.[201]

The Modi government initially took a pragmatic stance towards Pakistan, attempting to improve relations with Nawaz
Sharif's government, culminating in Modi visiting Pakistan in 2015.[202] Relations subsequently deteriorated,
particularly after Sharif was ousted in 2017.[203] The Modi government has since been described as taking a "hardline"

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approach on Pakistan, and the BJP has accused the opposition Congress of collaborating with Pakistan through its
criticism of government policy.[204] In 2015, the Modi government was accused by the Nepalese government of
imposing an undeclared blockade on Nepal.[205] The Modi government expressed concern following the 2021
Myanmar coup d'état, but maintained cordial relations with the military government, abstaining from a United
Nations Security Council resolution regarding the situation there.[206][207] The Modi government remained neutral on
the Russo-Ukrainian War,[208] abstaining from United Nations Security Council Resolution 2623, which condemned
the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine.[209] The leadership of the Indian National Congress backed the
government's stance.[210]

Organisation and structure

The organisation of the BJP is strictly hierarchical, with the president
being the highest authority in the party.[132] Until 2012, the BJP
constitution mandated that any qualified member could be national or
state president for a single three-year term.[132] This was amended to a
maximum of two consecutive terms.[211]

Below the president is the National Executive, which contains a variable

number of senior leaders from across the country. It is the higher
decision-making body of the party. Its members are several vice-
presidents, general-secretaries, treasurers and secretaries, who work
directly with the president.[132] An identical structure, with an executive
committee led by a president, exists at the state, regional, district and
local level.[132]

In April 2015, the BJP stated that it had more than 100 million registered
A diagram of the structure of the Bharatiya
members, which would make it the world's largest political party by
Janata Party
primary membership.[212][213] As of September 2022, the party does not
have a single Muslim representative in the parliament and state
assemblies.[214][215]

The BJP is a cadre-based party. It has close connections with other organisations with similar ideologies, such as the
RSS, ABVP, BYSS, VHP and other Sangh Parivar-related organisations. The cadres of these groups often supplement
the BJP's. Its lower members are largely derived from the RSS and its affiliates, loosely known as the Sangh
Parivar:[132]

The Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (All India Students' Union), the students' wing of the RSS[132]
The Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (Indian Farmer's Union), the farmers' division[132]
The Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (Indian Labourers Union), the labour union associated with the RSS[132]
The party has subsidiary organisations of its own, such as:

The BJP Mahila Morcha (BJP Women's Front), its women's division[132]
The Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (Indian People's Youth Front), its youth wing[132]
The BJP Minority Morcha (BJP Minority Front), its minority division[132]
In terms of members, BJP claims to have over 170 million members[216][217] as of October 2022, and it's considered to
be among the world's largest political parties.[218]

General election results

The Bharatiya Janata Party was officially founded in 1980, and the first general election it contested was in 1984, in
which it won only two Lok Sabha seats. Following the election in 1996, the BJP became the largest party in the Lok
Sabha for the first time, but the government it formed was short-lived.[44] In the elections of 1998 and 1999, it
remained the largest party, and headed the ruling coalition on both occasions.[45] In the 2014 general election, it won
an outright majority in parliament. From 1991 onwards, a BJP member has led the Opposition whenever the party was
not in power.[219][f]

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Change
Party Seats Percentage Vote
Year Legislature Seats won in Outcome Ref.
leader contested of votes swing
seats

Atal
8th Lok 2 / 543 [220]
1984 Bihari 229 2 7.74% New Opposition
Sabha
Vajpayee

Outside
9th Lok 85 / 543 [221]
1989 Lal 225 83 11.36% support for
Sabha 3.62%
Krishna NF
10th Lok Advani 120 / 543
1991 477 35 20.11% Opposition [222]
Sabha 8.75%

Government,
11th Lok 161 / 543 [223]
1996 471 41 20.29% later
Sabha 0.18%
opposition

12th Lok Atal 182 / 543 [224]

1998 388 21 25.59% Coalition
Sabha Bihari 5.30%

13th Lok Vajpayee 182 / 543

1999 339 23.75% Coalition [225]
Sabha 1.84%

14th Lok 138 / 543 [226]

2004 364 44 22.16% Opposition
Sabha 1.69%

Lal
15th Lok 116 / 543 [227]
2009 Krishna 433 22 18.80% Opposition
Sabha 3.36%
Advani

16th Lok 282 / 543 [228]

2014 428 166 31.34% Government
Sabha 12.54%

17th Lok Narendra 303 / 543 [229][230]

2019 436 21 37.46% Government
Sabha Modi 6.12%

18th Lok 240 / 543

2024 441 63 36.56% 0.8% Coalition
Sabha

Presence in states and Union Territories

As of 12 June 2024, 13 states have Chief Ministers from the BJP, and governments
led by that party, sometimes including allied parties. The 13 states are

Arunachal Pradesh
Assam (with Asom Gana Parishad and United People's Party Liberal)
Chhattisgarh
Goa
Gujarat
Haryana
Madhya Pradesh
Manipur (with Naga People's Front)
Odisha
Rajasthan
Tripura (with Tipra Motha Party)
Uttar Pradesh (with Apna Dal (Sonelal))
Uttarakhand
In 5 other states and in the union territory of Puducherry, it participates in the government as the junior partner in the
ruling alliance with other members of the National Democratic Alliance. The states are:

Andhra Pradesh (with Telugu Desam Party, Jana Sena Party)

Bihar (with Janata Dal (United))
Maharashtra (with Shiv Sena, Nationalist Congress Party, other small parties and independents)
Meghalaya (with the National People's Party, United Democratic Party and Hill State People's Democratic Party)
Nagaland (with the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party)
Puducherry (with the All India N.R. Congress).

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The BJP has previously held power in Karnataka, Delhi and Jharkhand, and has been the junior coalition partner in
governments in Jammu and Kashmir (with the Jammu and Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party), Punjab (with the
Shiromani Akali Dal), and Tamil Nadu (with the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam). It has never held
power in Kerala, Telangana, and West Bengal.

In addition to the NDA, the BJP is also a part of a regional political alliance in Northeast India named the North-East
Democratic Alliance.[231][232][233]

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Lower House

Legislature Seats Legislative leader Status

8 / 175
Andhra Pradesh Penmetsa Vishnu Kumar Raju Coalition

46 / 60
Arunachal Pradesh Pema Khandu Government

61 / 126
Assam Himanta Biswa Sarma Government

82 / 243
Bihar Samrat Choudhary Coalition

53 / 90
Chhattisgarh Vishnu Deo Sai Government

7 / 70
Delhi To be announced Opposition

28 / 40
Goa Pramod Sawant Government

161 / 182
Gujarat Bhupendrabhai Patel Government

41 / 90
Haryana Nayab Singh Saini Coalition

Himachal Pradesh 27 / 68
Jai Ram Thakur Opposition

Jammu and Kashmir† 0 / 90

President Rule

Jharkhand 24 / 81
Amar Kumar Bauri Opposition

Karnataka 66 / 224
R. Ashoka Opposition

Kerala 0 / 140
No Representation

Madhya Pradesh 164 / 230

Mohan Yadav Government

Maharashtra 103 / 288

Devendra Fadnavis Coalition

Manipur 37 / 60
N. Biren Singh Government

Meghalaya 2 / 60
Sanbor Shullai Coalition

Mizoram 2 / 40
K. Beichhua Others

Nagaland 12 / 60
Y. Patton Coalition

Odisha 78 / 147
Mohan Charan Majhi Government

Puducherry 9 / 33
A. Namassivayam Coalition

Punjab 2 / 117
Others

Rajasthan 115 / 200

Bhajan Lal Sharma Government

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Lower House

Legislature Seats Legislative leader Status

Sikkim 0 / 32
No Representation Alliance

Tamil Nadu 4 / 234

Nainar Nagendran Others

Telangana 8 / 119
Alleti Maheshwar Reddy Others

Tripura 33 / 60
Manik Saha Government

Uttar Pradesh 252 / 403

Yogi Adityanath Government

Uttarakhand 47 / 70
Pushkar Singh Dhami Government

West Bengal 66 / 294

Suvendu Adhikari Opposition

Upper House
90 / 245
Rajya Sabha J. P. Nadda Government

0 / 58
Andhra Pradesh No Representation

24 / 75
Bihar Hari Sahni Government

Karnataka 34 / 75
To be announced Opposition

Maharashtra 22 / 78
Pravin Darekar Government

Telangana 1 / 40
A.Venkata Narayana Reddy Others

Uttar Pradesh 82 / 100

Keshav Prasad Maurya Government

List of heads of government

List of prime ministers

Prime Term in office Lok

No. Portrait Constituency Cabinet
minister Start End Tenure Sabha

16 May 1 June
16 days 11th Vajpayee I
1996 1996

Atal Bihari
1 Lucknow 12th Vajpayee II
Vajpayee 19 March 22 May 6 years,
1998 2004 64 days
Vajpayee
13th
III

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Prime Term in office Lok

No. Portrait Constituency Cabinet
minister Start End Tenure Sabha

16th Modi I

26 May 10 years,
2 Narendra Modi Varanasi Incumbent 17th Modi II
2014 64 days

18th Modi III

List of incumbent chief ministers

As of 11 June 2024, 52 people from Bharatiya Janata Party
have held the position of a chief minister, 12 of whom are
incumbent.

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Incumbent Chief Ministers from the BJP

No. State Portrait Name Cabinet Governing coalition

BJP

1 Arunachal Pradesh Pema Khandu Khandu V

NPP

BJP

2 Assam Himanta Biswa Sarma Sarma I AGP

UPPL

3 Chhattisgarh Vishnudeo Sai Sai I BJP

BJP

4 Goa Pramod Sawant Sawant II MGP

IND

5 Gujarat Bhupendrabhai Patel Patel II BJP

BJP

6 Haryana Nayab Singh Saini Saini I HLP

IND

7 Madhya Pradesh Mohan Yadav Yadav I BJP

BJP

NPP
8 Manipur N. Biren Singh Singh II
NPF

IND

9 Odisha Mohan Charan Majhi Majhi I BJP

10 Rajasthan Bhajan Lal Sharma Sharma I BJP

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No. State Portrait Name Cabinet Governing coalition

BJP

11 Tripura Manik Saha Saha II

IPFT

BJP

AD(S)
12 Uttar Pradesh Yogi Adityanath Adityanath II
RLD

NP

13 Uttarakhand Pushkar Singh Dhami Dhami II BJP

See also
Leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party in the Parliament of India
List of political parties in India
List of presidents of the Bharatiya Janata Party
List of state presidents of the Bharatiya Janata Party
Organisation of the Bharatiya Janata Party
Politics of India
List of ruling political parties by country

References

Explanatory notes
a. in 2002
b. Sharma (2019), p. 523: "First, citizenship status biased towards religious identity is by no means a new idea.... A
careful study of the policies and laws related to citizenship, adopted since independence, substantiates the
assertion that citizenship in India has always been based on an implicit belief that India is for Hindus."
c. Sen (2018), pp. 10–11: "Nehru's response [to Patel's warning] made it clear that Muslim migrants from Pakistan
could not join the ranks of refugees in India... Thus, despite broad public statements promising citizenship to all
displaced persons from Pakistan, Hindu migrants alone counted as citizen-refugees in post-partition India."
d. Jayal (2019), pp. 34–35: "While some elements of religious difference had... been covertly smuggled in earlier, this
bill seeks to do so overtly."
e. Jayal (2019), pp. 33–50: "While some elements of religious difference had... been covertly smuggled in earlier, this
bill seeks to do so overtly."
f. For the electoral results of the BJP's predecessors, see the JP and BJS articles.

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Ahuja, Gurdas M. (2004). Bharatiya Janata Party and Resurgent India. Ram Company.
Andersen, Walter K.; Damle, Shridhar D. (1987) [Originally published by Westview Press]. The Brotherhood in
Saffron: The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Revivalism (https://archive.org/details/brotherhoodinsaf00
00ande). Delhi: Vistaar Publications.
Bhambhri, C.P. (2001). Bharatiya Janata Party : Periphery to Centre. Delhi: Shipra. ISBN 978-81-7541-078-7.
Baxter, Craig (1971) [first published by University of Pennsylvania Press 1969]. The Jana Sangh — A Biography of
an Indian Political Party (https://archive.org/details/janasanghbiograp0000baxt). Oxford University Press, Bombay.
ISBN 978-0-8122-7583-4.
Chadha, Kalyani; Guha, Pallavi (2016). "The Bharatiya Janata Party's online campaign and citizen involvement in
India's 2014 election" (https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/4947). International Journal of Communication. 10.
Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20210516184915/https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/4947) from the
original on 16 May 2021. Retrieved 16 May 2021.
Ganguly, Sumit (2015). "Hindu nationalism and the foreign policy of India's Bharatiya Janata Party" (https://web.arc
hive.org/web/20210304071320/https://www.gmfus.org/sites/default/files/publications/pdf/Ganguly_HinduNationalis
mForeignPolicy_Jun15_web.pdf) (PDF). Transatlantic Academy Paper Series. 2: 1–15. ISBN 978-1-5292-0460-5.
Archived from the original (https://www.gmfus.org/sites/default/files/publications/pdf/Ganguly_HinduNationalismFor
eignPolicy_Jun15_web.pdf) (PDF) on 4 March 2021. Retrieved 11 January 2021.
Graham, B. D. (1990). Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics: The Origins and Development of the Bharatiya Jana
Sangh. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-38348-6.
Harriss, John (2015). "Hindu Nationalism in Action: The Bharatiya Janata Party and Indian Politics" (https://doi.org/
10.1080%2F00856401.2015.1089826). South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies. 38 (4): 712–718.
doi:10.1080/00856401.2015.1089826 (https://doi.org/10.1080%2F00856401.2015.1089826). S2CID 147615034 (h
ttps://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:147615034).
Malik, Yogendra K.; Singh, V.B. (1994). Hindu Nationalists in India : The Rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party.
Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-8133-8810-6.
Jaffrelot, Christophe (1996). The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers.
ISBN 978-1-85065-301-1.
Jaffrelot, Christophe (July 2003). "Communal Riots in Gujarat: The State at Risk?" (http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.d
e/volltextserver/4127/1/hpsacp17.pdf) (PDF). Heidelberg Papers in South Asian and Comparative Politics: 16.
Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20131204131058/http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/volltextserver/4127/1/hp
sacp17.pdf) (PDF) from the original on 4 December 2013. Retrieved 5 November 2013.
Jain, Varsha; B.E., Ganesh (2020). "Understanding the Magic of Credibility for Political Leaders: A Case of India
and Narendra Modi". Journal of Political Marketing. 19 (1–2): 15–33. doi:10.1080/15377857.2019.1652222 (https://
doi.org/10.1080%2F15377857.2019.1652222). S2CID 202247610 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:2022
47610).
Mishra, Madhusudan (1997). Bharatiya Janata Party and India's Foreign Policy. New Delhi: Uppal Pub. House.
ISBN 978-81-85565-79-8.
Nag, Kingshuk (2014). The Saffron Tide: The Rise of the BJP. Rupa Publications. ISBN 978-8129134295.
Nag, Kingshuk. Atal Bihari Vajpayee (Rupa Publications, 2016).

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Palshikar, Suhas, Sanjay Kumar, and Sanjay Lodha, eds. Electoral Politics in India: The Resurgence of the
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Relations" (https://www.jstor.org/stable/41856327). The Indian Journal of Political Science. 68 (2): 275–291.
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0/https://www.jstor.org/stable/41856327) from the original on 13 January 2021. Retrieved 11 January 2021.
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External links
Official website (https://www.bjp.org/)
BJP (http://ucblibraries.summon.serialssolutions.com/#!/search?ho=t&l=en&q=bjp%20india) web resources
provided by GovPubs at the University of Colorado Boulder Libraries
BJP (https://curlie.org/Regional/Asia/India/Society_and_Culture/Politics/Parties/Bharatiya_Janata_Party/) at Curlie
Works by or about Bharatiya Janata Party (https://archive.org/search.php?query=%28%28subject%3A%22Party%
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ubject%3A%22Party%2C%20B%2E%20J%2E%22%20OR%20subject%3A%22Bharatiya%20Janata%20Party%2
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Party%22%20OR%20title%3A%22Bharatiya%20J%2E%20Party%22%20OR%20title%3A%22B%2E%20J%2E%2
0Party%22%20OR%20title%3A%22Bharatiya%20Party%22%20OR%20description%3A%22Bharatiya%20Janat
a%20Party%22%20OR%20description%3A%22Bharatiya%20J%2E%20Party%22%20OR%20description%3A%2
2B%2E%20J%2E%20Party%22%20OR%20description%3A%22Party%2C%20Bharatiya%20Janata%22%20O
R%20description%3A%22Party%2C%20Bharatiya%20J%2E%22%20OR%20description%3A%22Bharatiya%20P
arty%22%20OR%20description%3A%22Party%2C%20Bharatiya%22%29%29%20AND%20%28-mediatype:softw
are%29) at Internet Archive
Bharatiya Janata Party (https://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/64033) at the Encyclopædia Britannica

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