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Medieval Chinese Society and
the Local "Community"
Tanigawa Michio

Medieval
Chinese Society
and the Local
"Community"
Translated, with an Introduction,
by Joshua A. Fogel

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

Berkeley Los Angeles London
 University of California Press
Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

University of California Press, Ltd.

London, England

Copyright © '985 by
The Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Tanigawa, Michio, 1925-

Medieval Chinese society and the locai "community".

Translation of: Chügoku chüsei shakai to kyödötai.

Includes index.
1. China—Social conditions—221 B.C.-960 A.D.
I. Fogel, Joshua A., 1950 II. Title.
HN733.T3613 1985 306.0931 84-28024
ISBN 0-520-05370-2

Printed in the United States of America

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
To Professor Kawakatsu Yoshio (1922-1984) who passed
away while this translation was being prepared.
 Contents

Translator's Introduction xi
Glossary to Translator's Introduction xxx
Notes to Translator's Introduction xxxi
Preface to the English Edition xxxvii

P A R T I. Chinese Society and Feudalism:

An Investigation of the Past
Literature 1

1. Introduction 3

2. Chinese Historical Studies in the Postwar

Period and the Development of Concep-
tions of Feudalism 5
The Two Paths to Feudalism 5
The Development of Conceptions of Chinese
Feudalism 11
Logical Contradictions in the Conceptions of
Feudalism 20
Disputation Over Conceptions of Feudalism 30

3. The Evolution of Critiques of Theories of

Unilinear Development and the Problem
of Feudalism 35
viii Contents
"Modernization" Theory and the Problem of
Reevaluating Feudalism
Conceptions of Feudalism in Western Academic
Circles and China's Autocratic Society
The Revival of the Asiatic Mode of Production
and the Problem of Feudalism

4. Concluding Remarks

Glossary to Part I
Notes to Part I

P A R T II. The Medieval Period in China:

Society in the Six Dynasties
and Sui-T'ang Periods and the
"Community"

1. Transcending the World of Antiquity

The Principles of Shang and Chou and Their
Dissolution
The Structure of the Ch'in-Han Empire and the
Autonomous World
The End of Empire and the Transcendence of
the Foundations of Antiquity

2. The Medieval "Community" and Aristo-

cratic Society
The "Communitarian" Structure of Groups in
the Wei-Chin Period
The Autonomous World of the Six Dynasties
Aristocracy
 Contents ix
The States of the Northern Dynasties, Sui, and
T a n g , and the "Community" Ethic 120

Glossary to P a r t II 127
N o t e s t o P a r t II 129
Index 133
 Translator's Introduction

Stagnation, Feudalism, and Periodization

Although Japanese scholarship on Chinese history reached
stunning heights of intellectual discovery and erudition in the
early decades of this century, in the eyes of postwar academics
Japanese military aggression on the Asian mainland has tainted
much of prewar scholarly efforts. Most major scholarly
enterprises—an obvious example being the Research Bureau of
the South Manchurian Railway Company or Mantetsu*—were
funded by the same government that pursued the military
occupation of China. Many scholars either approved Japan's
invasion or silently left "politics" to the "politicians." Only an
infinitesimally small minority in Japan, in any field, openly dis-
puted their nation's claims in Asia. It was far more common for
scholars either to say nothing and use the guise of nationally
funded research to do fieldwork in China—as in the case of
many Mantetsu researchers—or to justify Japanese advances
into Asia for reasons of "history," "national fate," or "national
necessity"—as in the cases of Yano Jin'ichi, b Inoue Tetsujiro, c
and Shionoya On. d
Scholarship in the postwar period has been dominated in
Japan by Marxists of varying inclinations but intent as a group
on purging the prewar demons from their midst. This has
entailed a long battle with the tremendous guilt arising from the
knowledge that prewar sinologists went along with military
aggression, openly or passively, and displayed a deep contempt
for China and her people. Why did sinologists, they ask, so
badly misunderstand the nature of Chinese history and society?
One widespread academic direction has been against the
notion, identified with prewar Japanese sinology, that China
was ageless and demonstrated no historical development—that
is, a static conception of China's.past. This response has led to
debates on the periodization of Chinese history, for once the
xi
xii Translator's Introduction
various eras in the Marxist schema of historical development
could be plotted for China, she would then be shown to have a
history no different from that of any other country. Particu-
larly, focus has been directed at identifying the parameters of
China's feudal period and the essence of Chinese feudalism. As
Niida N o b o r u ' passionately explained in a brilliant essay first
published in 1946, the very act of proper periodization, the
assignment on the basis of research of the feudal period in
Chinese history—the period that was in the process of being
overcome ever since the Taipings, according to Niida—was
itself an attack on stagnationist conceptions. 1 Periodization
along Marxist lines thus became a task that sought to redress
Japan's debt to China by rehumanizing the Japanese view of
Chinese history.
The great majority of Japanese scholars, even the non-
Marxists, felt deeply sympathetic to the rebellious and revo-
lutionary activities of the Chinese people in the century from
the Taiping Rebellion through the victory of the Communist
revolution in 1949. These events themselves constituted proof
to contradict any notion of a passive, undynamic nation; and
they necessitated a search farther back into Chinese history to
assess fully the "feudal" period which, over this past century,
was finally being overcome.
Why Japanese scholars have spent so much time and energy
on the issue of feudalism deserves some consideration. For
Marxist scholars, feudalism itself was an issue, the source from
whence emerges capitalism (under which most academic Marx-
ists were living). A people might skip the capitalist stage of
development, according to some theorists, but no people ever
skipped the feudal stage of societal development.
Feudalism as a more general historiographic problem had
specific import for Japan. Virtually every modern Japanese
scholar has the Meiji Restoration of 1868 looming in his or her
consciousness as a distinct model for the orthodox transcen-
dence of feudalism or the failure to do so. Be that for better or
for worse—and most Japanese Marxists regard the legacy of
the Meiji Restoration as a two-edged sword at best—the issue
of feudalism has occupied a central position in their thoughts.
The failure of the Meiji reforms to transcend Japanese feudal-
ism has repeatedly been blamed for the lingering feudal ele-
 Translator's Introduction xiii
ments (or remnants) that played such a heinous role in the 1930s
and 1940s when the military was ascendant. Had feudalism
been fully sublated, many scholars argue, the Japanese might
not have had to go through that frightful and destructive era. 2
To a certain extent, Japanese scholars have projected this
concern (or obsession, perhaps) with feudalism onto Chinese
historical research, although historians from the People's Re-
public of China are equally obsessed with feudalism and
periodization. Similarly, Japanese studies of the French Revo-
lution, the quintessential bourgeois-democratic revolution,
often involve intricate comparisons with the Meiji Restoration,
as in some of the work of Kuwabara Takeo, Kobayashi Yoshi-
aki, and Inoue Koji. 3
The problem of stagnationist theories and of reassessing
Chinese history in such a way as to afford China the same
principles of historical development as the West was consider-
ably deeper than at first conceived. The Italian historian Frede-
rico Chabod (whose work has been translated into Japanese but
not into English as yet) 4 has shown that the idea of "Europe"
itself emerged from a self-comparison with Asia in Greek times.
Europe (i.e., the Greeks) was represented by the spirit of free-
dom, Asia by despotism, with a conscious separation intended.
By extension, it was argued, European freedom was linked to
progress, whereas Asian despotism had resulted in stagnation.
This idea, according to Chabod, was revived in the eighteenth
century by thinkers from Montesquieu to Voltaire. With the
Enlightenment, capitalist production, the development of ideas
of political democracy, science, and the like all contributed to
strengthen this Europocentric world historical conception.
These distinguishing notions—freedom vs. despotism, prog-
ress vs. stagnation—became inseparably linked to Europe's
concept of its own modernity. Namely, where there is "moder-
nity," one can find concomitant freedom and progress; but,
where there are difficulties that crop up on the road to modern-
ization, there one will be able to point to despotism and
stagnation.
Nonetheless, to demonstrate that Chinese history was not
simply the rise and fall of despotic empires, Japanese sinologists
set out to provide Chinese history with an image no different
from that of the West or Japan. China, too, it would be shown,
xiv Translator's Introduction
had gone through the universally applicable stages of ancient
slavery, medieval feudalism, and modern capitalism. In this
way China would be integrated into an evolving world history.
One of the first efforts in this regard, discussed by Tanigawa
Michio/ was the notorious case of Nishijima Sadao.® In a 1950
essay, Nishijima argued that slavery was the mode of produc-
tion that characterized Chinese society under the Ch'in-Han
Empire. After a critical rebuttal from such scholars as Masu-
buchi Tatsuo,*1 Nishijima was compelled later to reassess this
hasty appraisal and eventually to withdraw it altogether. 5
The mechanical application of labels to different periods in
Chinese history as a means of identifying historical develop-
ment began to run aground of its own accord in the mid- to late
1950s. Tanigawa Michio raised his doubts in public about the
label "ancient" for T'ang at the 1955 annual meeting of the
Rekishigaku kenkyukai,' the established Marxist organization
of historians in Japan. In a 1961 essay and later in his surveys of
Japanese research for 1961 and 1966 on the Six Dynasties
period, Tanigawa expressed concern at the lack of scholarly
productivity caused by the intellectual strangulation of a prede-
termined periodization. 6 Tanigawa had himself followed the
general trend in believing that the Sui-T'ang marked the close
of Chinese antiquity, but no one had yet offered detailed and
empirical studies of the institutional issues involved here to
substantiate the theory. Before one could designate a priori a
name for the Sui-T'ang era, should not one first have asked:
"What happened during the Sui-T'ang?" "What reality gave
form to its historical world?" For, if the task before Japanese
sinology was to integrate Chinese history into world history,
how could one ignore such questions, Tanigawa wondered. 7
There was another critical problem Tanigawa noted. The
Marxist periodization also assumed that the state in the "an-
cient" Sui-T'ang era was inseparable from its institutions; sub-
structure and superstructure were inextricably united. Insti-
tutions were merely the means by which the state controlled its
main object, the masses of the people, but there was no significant
component at the root of these institutions. Because this identifi-
cation remained at the level of a presupposition, no penetrating
studies were forthcoming from Marxist historians in the 1950s
in Sui-T'ang institutional history, according to Tanigawa. For
 Translator's Introduction xv
example, the T'ang legal code (lu-li)' was assumed to support a
"slave" society, but when one separated it from the Marxist
assignment of the "ancient-slave" label, it certainly appeared to
have remarkably feudal elements. Without understanding the
nature of the link between the people and the state, Tanigawa
came to believe, it would be impossible to understand the
nature of a subsequent break or opposition between them, as
occurred so fiercely at the end of the T'ang. So, he began to do
research on the pre-Sui state and society—namely, the North-
ern Wei dynasty—as a means of studying the formative process
of Sui and T'ang. He has since devoted twenty or more years to
this long period of division in Chinese history, principally to the
houses that held sway for varying numbers of years in the
North.

The Six Dynasties Period in Chinese History

The period from the fall of the Latter Han dynasty through
imperial reunification under the Sui and T'ang, a period of
nearly four centuries, has until recently attracted little in the
way of historical research in the West. While the literature and
religion of this long interregnum have received scholarly atten-
tion, historical studies lag behind. 8
This era, known as Wei-Chin-Nan-Pei-ch'ao k (Wei, Chin,
and Northern and Southern dynasties) or more handily as the
Six Dynasties, was for a long time seen as a kind of black hole
in Chinese history for several reasons. First, the difficulties
posed by studying China at a time when no state held control
over the entire empire seemed overwhelming. Sources abound
but they are often corrupted; constant warfare, attacks from the
North and conquests by people of non-Chinese origin, insti-
tutions established, but with questionable authority, all mili-
tated against the development of a clear picture of the Chinese
state and society in these years. Second, traditional Chinese
historiography was essentially political history, and the lack of
central imperial authority constituted a giant lacuna (and, con-
sequently, a possible source of embarrassment) in a history that
otherwise boasted great dynasties usually punctuated by only
short intervals. As a result, the Six Dynasties era came to be
regarded as a Chinese analogue of the Dark Ages in Europe
xvi Translator's Introduction
after the fall of the Roman Empire, a time when no significant
intellectual advances could be cited, certainly none worthy of
serious study—and, like the Dark Ages in Europe, the Six
Dynasties were not studied in depth.
That such a view of China is bankrupt no longer requires a
great deal of contemplation or extensive explanation. Though
China suffered four centuries of political disorder, Chinese
history and culture made significant advances. This was the
period when the mass migrations from North China, due to the
"barbarian" invasions from farther North, caused the spread
of Han Chinese society and culture into South China. This
development would have repercussions through all of subse-
quent Chinese history. South China has for the past millennium
been seen as the center of Chinese culture, society, population,
and the economy. In the Han dynasty, though, the South was
only sparsely populated by ethnic Chinese and was still largely
jungle land.
The move south by so many men and women from the North
brought along the importation of Northern sedentary agricul-
tural ways. Unlike the North, however, South China could
boast extraordinary potential riches in agricultural production.
The coming of metallic agricultural implements to the South
and the phenomenal socioeconomic development of Kiangnan
by the time the Sui and T'ang dynasties reunified China, would
have enabled the South, in the words of Kawakatsu Yoshio, to
jump right into the tenth century had it not had to contend with
military pressures from the North. 9 Who knows what advances
Kiangsu, Chekiang, or the whole of South China might have
made if they had not been compelled to feed the rest of China?
The invasions of Hsiung-nu, 1 Hsien-pi, m and others into
North China provided the opportunity for the first Sino-
barbarian cooperation in the building of regimes, one of which,
the Sui, eventually reunited China. We can see the remarkable
attraction of many Chinese ways to these previously nomadic
peoples once they conquered and occupied some part of China.
Almost always they realized the necessity of relinquishing
nomadic ways for sedentary agriculture, and often even the
need to afford the military a secondary role in a society stressing
the civil arts. These two met with considerable consternation,
resistance, and occasionally civil war, but ultimately won out.
 Translator's Introduction xvii
So thoroughly "civilized" did the previously martial and
nomadic Northern Wei become that they made lasting contri-
butions to Chinese society and agriculture of a distinctly civil
bent—the fu-ping" or militia system for compulsory military
service, as opposed to a professional army, and the chun-t 'ien°
or equitable field system for the fair parceling of arable land
by the state.
The forerunner of the examination system, the primary route
to official power throughout the last one thousand or more
years of Chinese history, got its start in the early third century
under the state of Wei created by Ts'ao Ts'ao. p This system, the
chiu-p'in chung-chengi (Nine Ranks and Arbiter), has been
studied in great depth elsewhere and needs no further discussion
here. 10
We also see the growth and efflorescence of Chinese culture
in the Six Dynasties period. Calligraphy and painting emerge as
artistic forms, while new poetic styles and the compilation of
the Wen-hsuan' poetry collection appear. And, because Con-
fucianism was not predominant, we see an age in which a freer
atmosphere existed for other religions and schools of thought,
such as Buddhism and Taoism.
One remarkable difference between the Six Dynasties and
the so-called Dark Ages in Europe is that, while both witness
the preponderance of military types because of ceaseless war-
fare, the military in China proved unable to form a dominant
social class, even in the warrior states of the North, through
which to rule over China. It might be possible militarily to
create a state, even to make oneself emperor. But to rule China,
or any part of it, almost always required educated bureaucrats,
and in the process the "military" rulers became "civilized."
This process was particularly troubling in the North where
racial antagonisms often flared.
The first scholar to delve into the morass of materials for the
Six Dynasties and to emerge with a conceptual understanding
of this era was Naito Konan, s one of the giants of prewar
Japanese sinology and a founder of the Kyoto school." In a
celebrated article entitled "Gaikatsuteki To-So jidai k a n " (A
comprehensive look at the T'ang-Sung period), 12 Naito offered
his periodization of "medieval China," which corresponded
roughly to the third through the ninth centuries. He also de-
xviii Translator's Introduction
scribed the characteristics of medieval culture and society,
which set it off from the subsequent "modern" or "early mod-
ern" era (Sung and thereafter). Although the latter part of this
periodization, that the Sung dynasty commences the "modern"
(kinsei)1 era in Chinese history, is the more famous, Naito
invested considerable time into research on the middle period.
In Naito's overall scheme, China's antiquity was a period of
the emergence and flowering of Chinese culture, as well as its
flow to the neighboring states on China's periphery. As this
period came to a close in the late Latter Han, the outward flow
of Chinese influence came to a halt. The alien peoples along
China's borders, particularly in the North, having become
racially aware of their own non-Chineseness by virtue of the
confrontation with China, now reacted against a much weaker
Chinese state. They built kingdoms in the North and were in
continual strife with influences and forces from the South where
so many Han Chinese had emigrated. Naito characterized this
middle era as "aristocratic" because, he argued, the society and
culture were dominated by a peculiarly Chinese aristocracy, not
based in land or military might or wealth, but in letters. 13
Several Japanese scholars who continued to work in this area
were Okazaki Fumio, Utsunomiya Kiyoyoshi, and Miyakawa
Hisayuki, all graduates of Kyoto University and intellectual
disciples of Naito Konan. Miyakawa also contributed the first
essay in English on Naito and his theories. 14 Okazaki worked
on a wide variety of topics, particularly social and economic
institutions, but cultural history as well. Miyakawa has also
studied issues in social, political, economic, and especially re-
ligious history. The importance of Utsunomiya's work on
society and culture in the Six Dynasties period is discussed by
Tanigawa in the body of the volume here translated.
No serious debate over Naito's periodization occurred until
after World War II, especially after the victory of the Chinese
revolution in 1949, when a freer atmosphere existed in Japan
and new issues appeared on the scholarly agenda. Naito Konan
became the object of scholarly invective as he too was as-
sociated with a concept of stagnation—that is, if the "modern"
period began way back in the Sung and continued through till
the present, then the events of the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries held no special significance, for the institutions of
Sung had already set the stage for what was to come. 1 5
 Translator's Introduction xix
The Six Dynasties and the "Community"

Not everyone in the scholarly world concurred in the attack

on Naito Konan, but a number of years would pass before there
emerged a sustained critique of the Marxist rejoinder to Naito
and of the Marxist emplotment of Chinese history along uni-
versal lines of developmental stages. In the process of studying
the wealth of sources relevant to research on the Six Dynasties
period—historical, literary, philosophical, and poetic—
Tanigawa and his colleague at Kyoto University, Kawakatsu
Yoshio, began to develop their own theory of Chinese society
at that time, a theory that did not deny classes and conflict
but sought first to look at the society and draw conclusions
from the evidence. They shared with most Japanese sinologists
a common concern that, in addressing this period in Chinese
history, one try to understand history developmentally. Thus,
periodization itself was not discarded, only significantly
reformulated.
Tanigawa and Kawakatsu characterized China in the Six
Dynasties (and Sui-T'ang) as "medieval" (chusei). u The
medieval period had "overcome" the ancient period, and in
turn it became the womb for the formation of modern China.
Traditional Chinese society had not ceased with antiquity but
had progressed to medieval and modern times by "overcoming"
its own inner contradictions. Tanigawa and Kawakatsu both
use the language of dialectical analysis but without the
economic reductionism often characteristic of Marxist materi-
alism. Thus, periodization—when the underlying principles of
antiquity were "transcended" (shiyd or chokoku)" w by those of
medieval times—becomes a central concern. This concern,
however, is devoted less specifically to the dating of this tran-
scendence than it is to those "underlying principles," the essen-
tial social fabric in ancient and medieval times.
The Marxists argued (and still argue) that these "principles,"
which unite everything from the individual peasants through
the society to the state and its institutions, are the ascending
phases of modes of production, as applicable in their univer-
sality to European as to non-European societies. For the reasons
outlined earlier, Tanigawa and others sought to go beyond the
labels of class and production mode and to locate the central
elements that linked the people in local society. Tanigawa
xx Translator's Introduction
argued that it was "the historian's responsibility to capture the
living universe (sei no sekai)x of the common people." To focus
solely on production relations and systems of ownership, he
claimed, ignored how people actually interacted in their day-to-
day lives. 16
The conceptual tool he developed was kydddtaiy or "com-
munity," originally a Japanese neologism devised in the early
twentieth century as a translation in the field of sociology for
the German term Gemeinde.11 The term kyodotai and theories
concerning its application to virtually every society in the world
abound. 1 8 Generally speaking, Japanese Marxists of a firm
Weberian inclination (or Weberians with a Marxist predilec-
tion) have used the concept of kyodotai as a means of explaining
those elements of social life that seemed to transcend class
distinctions. For example, polder-watching was an activity of
great importance to Chinese landlords and peasants alike, in
that both relied on production from the land and could ill
afford uncontrolled flooding. Thus, this activity was of a "com-
munitarian" (kyodotai teki)1 nature.
The uninitiated Western reader may be somewhat at a loss
here, for most Western sociologists, philosophers, and his-
torians (with the major exception of the Frankfurt School) have
seen Marx and Weber as antagonistic opposites, as representa-
tive of entirely contrary points of view. Many Japanese
scholars, however, with their unique capacity for bringing a
variety of seemingly opposing strains together, did not pose
Marx against Weber, but looked rather for ways they could
complement each other.
The case of Otsuka Hisao, the foremost theoretician of
kyodotai in Japan, is point in fact. 19 According to Otsuka, the
"community" is not a classless, primitive, communal organi-
zation. Rather, at various stages of societal development, the
"community" (the locus of subjective, everyday life and the
bonds it creates between people) gives rise to class differenti-
ation by its own internal necessity. It then changes its base and
structure to support its class relations, a process that continues
through the collapse of successive forms of production. Thus,
classes emerge from the internal contradictions within the
"community," and it is the unity, in class society, of these
contradictions between private and public systems of owner-
 Translator's Introduction xxi
ship, between class and communal institutions, that comprises
kyodotai. Modern capitalism tends to destroy kyodotai, accord-
ing to Otsuka, although recent debate leaves this issue a theo-
retically open question. 20 There are also differences among
Japanese historians and sociologists who employ the concept of
kyodotai in their research concerning whether kyodotai really
ameliorated class conflict or simply masked it.
Tanigawa and Kawakatsu have adopted this theory with
modifications for the study of social relations in the Six
Dynasties period in China. They argue that "communitarian"
bonds remain more basic to the historical process, more logical,
and ultimately more fundamental than classes over China's
long-term social development. Following Otsuka's model, they
show that principles of class different from those of kyodotai are
born of the self-development of kyodotai, and that a specific
historical "community" constitutes the unity of contradictory
elements formed by these two opposing principles. Because
kyodotai of necessity subsumes contradictions, it will develop of
itself through history. Thus, they argue, kyodotai becomes the
primary element for historical analysis. 21
It is important to reiterate that Tanigawa and Kawakatsu do
not deny the existence either of classes or of class conflict.
Kyodotai in the hands of most postwar theorists assumes classes
in society and looks in societies like China for the reasons the
elite was able to prevent the explosion of conflict for such a long
period. It looks, in other words, for the cohesive elements that
bind potentially antagonistic classes or groups, for better or for
worse, rather than the disruptive elements. Tanigawa goes a
step further by relegating class tensions a secondary role to
the primacy of the "communitarian" bonds between literati-
aristocrats and commoners in the Six Dynasties period. To the
Marxists, this is tantamount to denying the motive force in
history, the most basic force for progress—class struggle. For
this reason, which remains tacit, Tanigawa is often attacked by
them as some sort of apostate.
Japanese Marxist historians regarded the entire period of
Chinese history from Ch'in (and the inception of a unified
empire) through T'ang as China's ancient age, because their sole
criterion for historical demarcation was the system of owner-
ship that demonstrated no significant change, they claimed,
xxii Translator's Introduction
until the Sung introduced new forms of relations on the land.
When we delve deep into the nature of social bonds, using
kyodotai as a standard for analysis, Tanigawa argues, then the
Ch'in-Han period immediately must be distinguished from the
Sui-T'ang. The breakdown in the Spring and Autumn and
Warring States eras of the clan (shih-tsu)** kyodotai from the
Shang-Chou period did not develop into a system of slavery.
Rather, it led to a society of self-producing peasants who man-
aged their families' lives on a local, small-scale basis. They
formed relatively small population centers known as li"b or
hamlets whose reasons for materializing concerned rituals,
defense, cooperation in production, and the like. This cor-
responds to the "hamlet community" (or ri kyodotaiac in
Tanigawa's phraseology). The leaders of the //' were generally
experienced, older men of local repute known as elders (fu-
/ao)"d who shared blood or Active kin ties.
Over the four centuries of the Han dynasty's rule, though, a
bifurcation within the local "community" developed between
the large landowners (hao-tsu)" who continued to amass ever-
larger tracts of land and the increasingly large number of prop-
ertyless peasants who had lost their families' lands to hao-tsu.
This development Tanigawa sees as the primary cause for the
weakening of the public authority of the Han state, eventually
bringing about its collapse. In the Six Dynasties that followed
the disintegration of the Han, a new kyodotai emerged in local
society. It featured an aristocracy of neither birth nor wealth,
but rather one that owed its distinction to its cultured, in-
tellectual quality, to its ability to rule in a human and humane
way in times of serious strife, to its capacity to provide succor to
the people in time of need, and (as Kawakatsu Yoshio put it) to
its understanding of the need to restrain its own tendency
toward limitless annexation of lands, a lesson from the Han
experience. The new kyodotai thus embodied an ethic or a spirit
of Confucian morality and Taoist selflessness in daily life. For
these reasons, Tanigawa and Kawakatsu have argued that the
fundamental distinction between the nature of the local "com-
munity" through the late Latter Han and that which developed
in the Six Dynasties era deserves recognition as a basic point for
periodizing Chinese history—from ancient to medieval times. 22
It is this quality, the ethical-moral basis for the cohesion of
 Translator's Introduction xxiii
the local community in the Six Dynasties, which has caused the
most critical consternation over Tanigawa's application of
kydddtai theory. Before we examine the debate over this issue,
we should look a bit more closely at what this quality entails
analytically as well as historiographically. As mentioned ear-
lier, Tanigawa's reliance on kydddtai theory was born of a
dissatisfaction with the highly influential Marxist "class con-
ception of history" (kaikyu shikan)*f that had risen to virtual
sanctity among Japanese scholars. The intent was not to deny
class relations in society, but to reach down to a more basic level
and thus understand the specific role of class in medieval
China. 2 3 Chinese society in the Six Dynasties period produced
an aristocratic system with ranks of pedigree and all the as-
sociated trappings. But, Tanigawa argues, it did not develop the
kind of territorial feudalism seen in Western Europe and Japan
because of the nature of the bond between aristocrat and "com-
moner." Chinese aristocrats of this era were literati or men of
letters (wen-jen) ag whose talents as such were respected in virtu-
ally every "dynastic" house of this long period of division.
Despite nearly four centuries of military fighting and chaos,
China never evolved the ethos for a military ruling class or a
feudal military society. Because of the priority accorded these
men of letters by state and local society alike, and because they
were judged on the basis of their performance of their ethical
creed in action, Chinese culture and civilization emerged from
this long period advanced and enriched. Its sphere expanded
beyond its own borders or, as Naito Konan put it, Chinese
history became the history of East Asia. 24
There is something of surpassing import in this notion of
"community" and the social bonds it fostered. The mechanistic
manner in which class labels were attached by Japanese Marx-
ists to various stages of Chinese social development obscured
far more than it illuminated. In a critical summary of the
kydddtai debate as applied to studies of the Six Dynasties
period, one Japanese scholar cited the letter of an early
eighteenth-century Jesuit missionary (admittedly at a much
later time in Chinese history) who observed with profound
incredulity how Chinese from neighboring villages managed to
cooperate in times of trouble, such as when roads became
impassable because of inclement weather, and to treat each
xxiv Translator's Introduction
other with respect and understanding, the exact opposite of
what this man had often observed in Europe. 2 5 In short, kyodo-
tai in Tanigawa's usage bespeaks an effort to study Chinese
society as the social relations of real human beings, not subsum-
ing this concern to a standardized litany, but looking directly at
what the available sources tell us in order to reconstruct the
human element, which is of course the basis of society.
Many a non-Marxist scholar will find Tanigawa's assess-
ment of the roles played by the "aristocracy" in the Six Dy-
nasties period difficult to accept. One need not be a Marxist to
be considerably less sanguine than Tanigawa in this regard. The
reader of this volume will be struck by the author's apparent
willingness to bend over backward to understand the aristoc-
racy. And, in fact, Tanigawa's arguments do seem inordinately
naive, particularly when he discusses the nature and compo-
sition of the Six Dynasties aristocracy and its relationship
with the people. Several reasons can be suggested to explain
this.
One should point first to Tanigawa's great irritation or anger
with Marxist writings on Chinese history and particularly on
the so-called "ancient" and "feudal" periods. He sees their
imposition of models from abstract theory or political consid-
erations onto the fabric of the development of Chinese society
as inimical to understanding Chinese realities. In his view, they
blur, obstruct, and ignore a great deal in their efforts to explain;
and he shows parallels with American "modernization" theory
in this area. In order to combat the dominance of Marxist
historiography, he has purposefully overstated a non-Marxist
argument that grants much to the consciousness and good will
of a class the Marxists instinctively view as repressive. It is
important to note this in advance, because the Western reader
who comes to the debate midstream will surely find Tanigawa's
views idealistic, unless something of the development of their
background is known. Tanigawa also expects that his readers
will not assume him to be a monarchist or an apologist for rule
by an aristocracy, even a cultured one, or for that matter an
idealist.
Part of the reason that one may find Tanigawa's argument
naive also harks back to the earlier point that kyddotai theory
assumes class conflict, and Tanigawa talks almost not at all
 Translator 's Introduction xxv
about tensions between aristocrats and commoners but rather
concentrates on how aristocrats sought to overcome conflict.
Part of the problem, though, is simply that Tanigawa has
overstated the case and does tend to present a rather rosy,
perhaps idealistic, conception of aristocratic morality in the Six
Dynasties period. As yet, his critics have all come from the
Marxist camp. We await a non-Marxist critique to open the
debate in a nondogmatic direction. Whatever the faults of his
theory, Tanigawa has gone a long way toward overcoming the
Marxist manner of applying preconceived colors and painting
by the numbers in their work on this period.

The Kyodotai Debate

Tanigawa's reformulation of the central issues for studying
Six Dynasties China led to a caustic exchange, what one author
recently called "an unusually fierce debate in modern historio-
graphical circles," 2 6 often illuminating less than one might
have hoped. Because of the vituperative and concomitant
exaggerations by the participants, uninitiated readers may feel
as though they have been dropped head first into a pit of vipers.
The first respondent to take up the gauntlet against Tanigawa,
Kawakatsu, and their allies raised an unfortunate issue at first
that influenced much of the animosity in the subsequent
exchange—Tanigawa's apostasy from Marxism. This critic
was the accomplished Ming-Ch'ing social historian Shigeta
Atsushi, and his views represented the position of the Rekishi-
gaku kenkyukai.
In 1969 Shigeta launched an unmitigated frontal assault on
Tanigawa and Kawachi J6zo" h for their calling the Six Dy-
nasties period "feudal" (and medieval), rather than ancient,
and by insinuation having strayed from the laws of historical
materialism laid out by the Rekishigaku kenkyukai. Shigeta
clearly saw conversion (tenko)" to a non-Marxist methodology
as condemnable in and of itself, scarcely needing empirical
proof to the contrary of the new methodology. Particularly
hard to stomach for Shigeta was how kyodotai was presented by
Tanigawa and others for historical analysis. He saw Tanigawa's
concept as suprahistorical, impossible to ground in the lan-
guage of class, excessive in its emphasis on ethical-spiritual
xxvi Translator's Introduction
qualities, and ultimately just a matching assumed for the
societal base that reflected the aristocratic system. In other
words, he claimed that they looked at Six Dynasties society, saw
an aristocratic superstructure, and posited a corresponding
kyodotai substructure. This approach failed, Shigeta argued,
because it ignored the truly important economic system at the
base of society, which really was the substructure after all. 27
There was another damning element in the Tanigawa thesis
from Shigeta's perspective. Tanigawa's reperiodization of me-
dieval Chinese history fit precisely with Naito Konan's of
two generations ago—Six Dynasties, Sui, and T'ang. Also, the
stress on culture in Tanigawa's picture of the new aristocracy in
this period struck a respondent note at the very heart of Naito's
conception of history, bunkashior cultural history. It is well
known and needs little explication in Japanese historical circles
that Naito was not a Marxist, did not analyze Chinese "feudal-
ism," has been vilified by many Japanese Marxists as a prewar
intellectual apologist for imperialism, and believed the develop-
ment of culture to be the central process in historical develop-
ment. Thus, from the Japanese Marxist perspective, it is suffi-
cient to associate someone's name (in this case, Tanigawa's)
with that of Naito to establish guilt. 28
One of the things that makes this debate interesting and
particularly guiling for the critics of Tanigawa is that, despite
obvious differences in their theories, Tanigawa will not disown
Naito; on the contrary, he writes in glowing terms of Naito's
remarkable vision concerning key issues in Chinese history,
such as the dynamic element he sees in Naito's view of historical
development (by implication, a refutation of the idea that Naito
popularized a notion of "stagnant China"). He also explicitly
claims to follow Naito's periodization of the medieval period. 2 9
Shigeta's attack was less scholarly than it was ideological,
and it elicited several immediate responses from Tanigawa and
Kawakatsu. In one coauthored essay, they sought to address
Shigeta's critique by elaborating the importance of understand-
ing medieval Chinese society in their way, the postwar in-
tellectual milieu from which it emerged, and the significant
elements of kyodotai.30 Tanigawa then penned his own direct
rebuttal to Shigeta in which he argued again that adherence to a
fixed formula (teishiki) ak for historical development hindered
 Translator's Introduction xxvii
our further understanding of Chinese historical realities. He
agreed that he had once believed the Rekishigaku kenkyükai
line of ascending historical stages and their corresponding
modes of production, but its failure to address crucial scholarly
issues had led to reflection and eventually to criticism. Why,
Tanigawa rhetorically wondered, was Shigeta harping on this
apostasy and not on concrete scholarly problems? 31
Kawakatsu pulled no punches in this regard. He compared
Shigeta's overzealous concern with Tanigawa's change of views
to the "trial of a heretic." Shigeta's continual attack on the
notion of an aristocracy of culture drove Kawakatsu to the
limit: "His [i.e., Shigeta's] astonishing ignorance of the history
of scholarship on the Six Dynasties period and his attempt
simply to employ categories only he himself trusts [i.e.,
categories of historical materialism] while discarding every-
thing which fails to fit into this scheme derive from a bearing
unbefitting a scholar." 3 2 Both Tanigawa and Kawakatsu also
sought to defend their notions of the aristocracy, the "com-
munity," and the interaction of the two.
Shigeta's essay proved an unhappy first thrust at a Marxist
rebuttal because it was so thoroughly tendentious. Later,
though, more studied critiques of Tanigawa and Kawakatsu
appeared in print; in fact, a flood of essays inundated the
scholarly press in the early 1970s. Goi Naohiro, Tanaka Masa-
toshi, Hori Toshikazu, and a host of others all attacked
Tanigawa's notion of kyodotai for the injustice they perceived it
had done to class theory. All argued that class was more
important than kyodotai. Tanaka alone did not dismiss
Tanigawa's idea as the ravings of an illogical madman. He
argued instead that what Tanigawa had identified as kyodotai
was in fact an "ideological form," a "phenomenal form," or a
"reflection of the superstructure." Before Tanaka could accept
this notion, Tanigawa would have to elaborate in full material-
ist detail the essence of this kyodotai. When he reviewed the
debate in 1974, Tanigawa noted that although he did not agree
with Tanaka, at least he felt Tanaka understood what he was
trying to do with kyodotai theory and Six Dynasties history,
which Shigeta had not. 3 3
One criticism raised by a number of scholars was the lack of
precision in Tanigawa's defining of kyodotai. Tanigawa agreed
xxviii Translator's Introduction

that this was a task still being worked out, but that did not
preclude its use as a sociological tool in historical analysis. By
using this sociological term to help uncover and explain histor-
ical facts, its methodological structure would become more
refined. An even more prominent criticism of kyoddtai, which
even Shigeta had noted, was that Tanigawa and Kawakatsu
had overplayed the ethical or spiritual element at work in
" c o m m u n i t y " dynamics. It must be understood that positing
the "ethical" or the "spiritual" as historically significant is
anathema to hard-line Marxist critics or, at best, is considered
by less dogmatic Marxists to be mistaking a reflection of reality
for reality itself. However, the crux of the matter for either
group, and the large area in between them, is that nothing can
be more important than class in history. 3 4 If kyoddtai were
made secondary to the role of class in history, no one would
have any theoretical problems with it, but Tanigawa and
Kawakatsu have argued for its primacy in premodern Chinese
history. For that reason, and particularly since Tanigawa once
counted himself within the historical materialist fold, they have
received a virtual barrage of criticism.
Although the volume translated here was not specifically
meant to address the outpouring of criticism, it effectively did
just that by reviewing not the history of kyoddtai debate but the
issues involved in the study of "medieval China." This task
necessitated a reinvestigation of the m a j o r schools of thought
regarding Chinese "feudalism" and the dating of China's
"medieval age." It also allowed Tanigawa to describe more
fully how kyoddtai might best be understood in the concrete
realities of the Six Dynasties period. The book divides into these
two major sections. 3 5

Kawakatsu has long maintained an association with French

sinologists and in fact spent a period of time studying in France.
T w o of his essays have appeared in French, the most recent
being a brief explanation of his and Tanigawa's conception
of Six Dynasties history. A German analysis of Tanigawa's no-
tion of kyoddtai for the study of medieval China was pub-
lished several years ago. Recently, a balanced exposition of
Tanigawa's (and the " K y o t o school's") analysis of the place of
the "medieval e r a " in Chinese history appeared in the foremost
 Translator's Introduction xxix
journal of Soviet Asian studies. It was almost immediately
translated (for internal consumption only, nei-pu fa-hsing)*' in
the People's Republic of China. Furthermore, the theories of
Tanigawa and Kawakatsu figure significantly in a recent study
of postwar Japanese sinology to emerge from Taiwan. 3 6 The
publication of this volume of Tanigawa's marks the first serious
discussion of his work in English 3 7 and the first translation into
English of any of his writings. It is hoped that the issues raised
here will provide food for thought not only for "medievalists"
but also for students of other eras in Chinese history.
Glossary

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XXX
Notes

(All publishers are located in T o k y o unless otherwise noted.)

1. Niida N o b o r u f " # EB PS, " C h u g o k u shakai no ' h o k e n ' to f y u d a r i z u m u "
4 1 S tt is W i i S I t 7 a. — ¥ ') X U (Feng-chien and feudalism in Chinese
society), in Niida, Chugoku hosei shi kenkyu 4 1 HI if1! .56 iff (Studies in
Chinese legal history), vol. 3, Dorei nodo ho, kazoku sonraku ho ® US
Jt®.?i • H ^ i W H (Laws governing slavery and serfdom, laws governing
the family and the village), T o k y o University Press, 1962, pp. 9 7 - 1 0 0 .
2. This view has recently been reiterated in a Chinese essay on the subject:
Yu Hsin-ch'un "Shih-lun Jih-pen te c h a n - h o u kai-ko (shang)"
IA Im B W IS JH t!5t ¥ ( _ h ) (A study of J a p a n ' s postwar reforms, part 1),
Shih-chieh ii-shih i f t W S S l 5 (1980), pp. 12-14.
3. See, for example, the following works: K u w a b a r a T a k e o ^ ® M i i , ed.,
Burujowa kakumei no hikaku kenkyu y" II-y a (Com-
parative studies in bourgeois revolutions), C h i k u m a shobo, 1964; Kobayashi
Yoshiaki / J ^ i l ® , Meiji ishin no kangaekata BRrhf&ffi<T> # ¿ ^ j (A way of
thinking a b o u t the Meiji Restoration), San'ichi shobo, 1967, esp. part 2 entitled
"Meiji ishin to F u r a n s u kakumei wa onaji m o n o k a " B U y n H i i i :
7 7 (Were the Meiji Restoration and the French
Revolution the same thing?), pp. 115-247; K o b a y a s h i Yoshiaki, Furansu
kakumei shi nyumon 7 7 > X ¥ »ii 56 A H (Introduction to the history of the
French Revolution), San'ichi shobo, 1978; and Inoue Koji Kindai
shizo no mosaku: Furansu kakumei to Chichibu jiken j/r fit $ ifc CO f j | 'M '• 7
7 > X f ppt (In search of a view of m o d e r n history: The French
Revolution and the Chichibu Incident), Byakushobo, 1976.
4. Frederico C h a b o d , Sloria dell'idea d'Europa (History of the idea of
Europe), Rome, 1959; translated into Japanese by Shimizu Jun'ichi 7jc|i|i—,
Yoroppa no imi 3 — n y ^ CO ® Itfi (The meaning of Europe), Saimaru shup-
pansha, 1969, pp. 2 3 - 2 4 and esp. chapter 4.
5. F o r Nishijima's essay claiming slavery as the basis of C h ' i n - H a n society,
M a s u b u c h i ' s critique, and Nishijima's published retreat, see Tanigawa's treat-
ment of the whole issue in this volume.
6. Tanigawa Michio § ) I [ }M i t , "Ichi Toyoshi kenkyusha ni okeru genjitsu
to g a k u m o n " — S ¡ 1 ts It i i & H t (Reality and scholar-
ship for one scholar of East Asian history), Atarashii rekishigaku no tame ni
iff L T^co fz tb II 68 (1961), reprinted in Tanigawa, Chugoku chusei
shakai to kyoddtai cf5 I I 4 1 i t tt x t & |B] (Medieval Chinese society and
" c o m m u n i t y " ) , K o k u s h o kankokai, 1976, pp. 119-135; Tanigawa, " C h u g o k u
shi kenkyu no atarashii kadai sairon: Shigeta Atsushi-shi 'Hokensei no shiten
to Min-Shin shakai' o y o n d e " S £ iff 3c CO I f f b L ^ I S H f f l t : ¡Tifflig
ft r i t ® U coil Si t H f l M t t s j &MA.? (Another look at a new theme in
the study of Chinese history: On reading M r . Shigeta Atsushi's " T h e standpoint
of feudalism and Ming-Ch'ing society"), Toyoshi kenkyu 28.2-3
(December 1969), pp. 111-112; and Tanigawa, " G i - S h i n - N a m b o k u c h o " it^pf-

xxxi
xxxii Notes

r i î 4 t ® (Wei, Chin, N o r t h e r n and Southern Dynasties), Shigaku zasshi ¡£'7:

3 t t £ 71.5 ( M a y 1962), pp. 164-171; and Shigaku zasshi 76.5 (May 1967),
pp. 201-207.
7. Tanigawa, Zui-Tô teikoku keisei shiron pff fêf -fj? glJp¡& ^ 3B (A his-
torical analysis of the formation of the Sui-T'ang empire), C h i k u m a shobô,
1971, pp. 5 - 7 .
8. We now have such studies as: David Johnson, The Chinese Medieval
Oligarchy, Boulder, Colo., Westview Press, 1977; Patricia Ebrey, The Aristocrat-
ic Families of Early Imperial China: A Case Study of the Po-ling Ts 'ui Family,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1978; and a forthcoming conference
volume. The Nature of State and Society in Early Medieval China. We also have
translations of important texts of the period, such as Pao-p'u-tzu, Yen-shih chia-
hsiin, and Wen-hsiian (in process).
9. K a w a k a t s u Yoshio jllBif Gi-Shin-Namhokuchô: Sôdai na bunretsu
jidai : (Wei, Chin, N o r t h e r n and Southern
dynasties: An era of great disunity), K ô d a n s h a , 1974, p. 268.
10. The m a j o r study to note here is Miyazaki Ichisada 'g" ilfl rfî 5E * Kyiihin
kanjin ho no kenkyû: Kakyo zenshi fL pn la À '<£. 0~> JJf : fàMffî'jS. (A study
of the laws concerning officials in the Nine R a n k s system: A prehistory to the
examination system), Kyoto, Tôyôshi kenkyùkai, 1956. See also David John-
son, op. cit., pp. 20-26; Yang Yiin-ju fj§îS&|l, Chiu-p'in chung-cheng yii Liu-
ch'ao men-fa A. •14" l E A ' H M (The Nine R a n k s and Arbiter system and
aristocratic cliques in the Six Dynasties period), Shanghai, Commercial Press,
1930; and Donald H o l t z m a n , " L e s débuts d u système médiéval de choix et de
classement des fonctionnaires: Les Neuf Catégories et l'Impartial et Juste," in
Mélanges publiés par l'Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises, vol. 1 (Bibliotèque
de l'Institut des H a u t e s Études Chinoises, Vol. XI), Paris, Presses universitaires
de France, 1957, pp. 387-414.
11. O n N a i t ô K o n a n , see Joshua Fogel, Politics and Sinology: The Case of
Naitô Konan ( 1866-1934), Cambridge, Mass., Council on East Asian Studies,
H a r v a r d University, 1984.
12. ffiHSMlfSBftttl, Rekishi to chiri t MM 9.5 ( M a y 1922). This
essay is reprinted in N a i t ô ' s collected works, Naitô Konan zenshit
f H W M t â £ ï k , C h i k u m a shobô, 1969-1976, Vol. VIII, pp. 111-119. It is
translated in Joshua Fogel, Naitô Konan and the Development of the Conception
of "Modernity" in Chinese History, A r m o n k , N.Y., M. E. Sharpe, Publishers,
1984, pp. 88- 99.
13. See N a i t ô ' s Shina jôko shi ^c é'5Ë (Ancient Chinese history) and
his Shina chuko no bunka 4 1 é ' W ~X it (Medieval Chinese culture), both in
Naitô Konan zenshu. Vol. X. Naitô often cited as his authority on the aristocracy
in this period the eighteenth-century Chinese historian C h a o I
14. A sampling of these three men's work would have to include: Okazaki
Fumio Gi-Shin-Nambokuchô tsûshi g | ® ( C o m p r e -
hensive history of the Wei, Chin, and N o r t h e r n and Southern dynasties),
K y o t o , K ô b u n d ô , 1932; Okazaki, Nambokuchô ni okeru shakai keizai seido
ffi^tlB i : £>' It -5 fch¿Hii&M® (Social and economic institutions in the
N o r t h e r n and Southern dynasties), K ô b u n d ô , 1935; Okazaki and Ikeda Shizuo
Kônan bunka kaihatsu shi: Sono chiri teki kiso kenkyu
i l S ï it l»î f i it! : -? (The history of the expansion of cul-
ture in Kiangnan: A study of its geographical foundations), K ô b u n d ô , 1940;
M i y a k a w a Hisayuki 's'JII Si ¡¡5. Shokatsu Kômei If S i l W ( C h u - k o K ' u n g -
ming), Shina rekishi chiri sôsho, 1940; Miyakawa, Rikuchô shi kenkyii, seiji
 Notes xxxiii

shakai hen 5t iff , ß in tt (Studies in Six Dynasties history, volume

on political and social problems), N i h o n gakujutsu shinkökai, 1956;
Miyakawa, Rikuchö shi kenkyü, shükyö hen A'Dj i L i f f ^ S , Src'liciS (Studies in
Six Dynasties history, volume on religious problems), Heirakuji shoten,
1964; Miyakawa, Shaken, w Kömei: Sangoku shi to sono jidai
i>. :!)! : r ^ H . i g j i -f W H i f t ( C h u - k o K'ung-ming: The San-kuo chih
and its age), Sögensha, 1966; Utsunomiya Kiyoyoshi ^ f i l i ' a ' i H cf, Kandai
shakai keizai shi kenkyü g£ f t M. k £± £ iff f t (Studies in the social and
economic history of the Han dynasty), K ö b u n d ö , 1955; Utsunomiya and
M a s u m u r a Hiroshi iStff'ix, translators, Gi-Shin-Nambokuchö keizai shi
i & f f r i M t l l j l ü i ? i t (An economic history of the Wei, Chin, and N o r t h e r n and
Southern dynasties), by W u Hsien-ch'ing ÄiiljilP, Seikatsusha, 1942; Utsu-
nomiya, Chügoku kodai chüsei shi kenkyü 4 > S Ä ' f t 4 1 ffiiff(Studies in an-
cient and medieval Chinese history), S ö b u n s h a , 1977. For the M i y a k a w a essay
on N a i t ö K o n a n , see " A n Outline of the N a i t ö Hypothesis and Its Effects on
Japanese Studies of C h i n a , " Far Eastern Quarterly 14.4 (August 1955), pp.
533-553.
15. N a i t ö ' s most f a m o u s disciple, Miyazaki Ichisada, later revised the
master's periodization to include a " m o s t m o d e r n " (sai kinsei i f t ü r i f t ) era
dating f r o m the 1911 Revolution. He retained N a i t ö ' s cultural historical ap-
proach while reassessing the importance of events in the twentieth century. See
his Chügoku shi ^ B Ü (History of China), Iwanami shoten, 1977, vol. 1,
pp. 13-14, 3 5 - 3 6 , 82-86. T h e first forthright critique of N a i t ö along these
lines was N o h a r a Shirö SflgEJßlS, " N a i t ö K o n a n Shinaron h i h a n " 1*11$$]®
Üfliifraftt¥!l (A critique of N a i t ö K o n a n ' s Shinaron), Chügoku hyöron c(3pg]
n t m 1.4 (1946), pp. 3 5 - 4 2 .
16. Tanigawa, " ' K y o d o t a i ' ronso ni tsuite: C h u g o k u shi kenkyu ni okeru
shisö jökyö" r i t p g j ^ j ¡ - ^ ¡ - ^ ^ r : ¡ - f e (t 6 S i S t t j Ä
(On the debate over kyodotai: The intellectual state of Chinese historical
studies), Nagoya jimhun kagaku kenkyükai nempö ^ Ä'/ji A it f 4 " p i f f 23
i f « 1(1974), pp. 7 1 - 7 2 .
17. Whenever the terms " c o m m u n i t y " or " c o m m u n i t a r i a n " appear in
quotation marks, they are meant as translations of the Japanese term kyödötai.
18. F o r an introduction to kyödötai theory as applied to Chinese society,
see H a t a d a Takashi i X H ^ I , " C h ü g o k u ni okeru sensei shugi to ' s o n r a k u
kyödötai r i r o n " ' 4j[JJ I ; is It -5 -#ifii) J l S t r f t r i i £ P u ] i £ I f « j (Despotism
in China and the "theory of the village c o m m u n i t y " ) , Chügoku kenkyü
^ H f f f S f t 13 (September 1950), pp. 2 - 1 2 ; reprinted in H a t a d a , Chügoku son-
raku to kyödötai riron 4 1 [£] I i ü i t Ä [0] f £ i l m (The Chinese village and kyödö-
tai theory), Iwanami shoten, 1976, pp. 3 - 1 9 ; and Imahori Seiji ,
" S o n r a k u k y ö d ö t a i " f f r § Ä i n ] f $ (The village " c o m m u n i t y " ) , in Ajia rekishi
jiten 7 ->* 7 ff£ £ 4 i A ( E n c y c l o p e d i a of Asian history), Heibonsha, 1960, vol. 5,
pp. 413 -417.
19. See Takeshi Ishida, " A Current Japanese Interpretation of M a x
W e b e r , " The Developing Economies IV.3 (September 1966), pp. 349-366; and
Hisao Ötsuka, " M a x Weber's View of Asian Society, with Special Reference to
His Theory of the Traditional C o m m u n i t y , " The Developing Economies IV.3
(September 1966), pp. 275-298.
20. Ö t s u k a Hisao A i f X f f i , Kyödötai no kiso riron i [ii] CO i f äm
(The basic theory of kyödötai, 1955^ reprinted in Otsuka Hisao chosakushü
k W - X t & M i Y W t (The writings of Otsuka Hisao), Iwanami shoten, 1971,
vol. 7, pp. 6 - 8 ; and Otsuka, " K y o d o t a i kaitai no kiso teki shojöken, sono riron
xxxiv Notes

teki kôsatsu" ft Is] f * fc? CD fft Î: ft : f » S ^ ( T h e basic con-

ditions for the dissolution of kyôdôtai: A theoretical investigation, 1962), in
Otsuka Hisao chosakushû, vol. 7, pp. 1 0 7 - 1 3 3 .
21. Kawakatsu Yoshio and Tanigawa Michio, "Chûgoku chûsei shi ken-
kyû n i o k e r u t a c h i b a t o h ô h ô " 4 i [ l 4 , t t £ W ^ i ; f e t t § if.iê t (Stand-
point and method in the study o f medieval Chinese history), in Chûgoku chûsei
shi kenkyû: Rikuchô Zui-Tô no shakai to bunka ^GS + ittjËW^ :
Rf IÏF W ¿: "it (Studies in medieval Chinese history: Society and culture
in the Six Dynasties, Sui, and T'ang), edited by Chûgoku chûsei shi kenkyùkai
4" [H 4 1 iit 5t! 5?f ^ ^ , Tôkai University Press, 1970, pp. 1 0 - 1 2 .
22. Summarized in Tanigawa, " ' K y ô d ô t a i ' ronsô," pp. 7 2 - 7 4 , 79, 81; and
Tanigawa, "Chûgoku shi kenkyû n o , " p. 119. Discussed at length in the Tani-
gawa text here translated as well as in Kawakatsu, Gi-Shin-Nambokuchô.
23. Tanigawa, " ' K y ô d ô t a i ' ronsô," pp. 81, 89.
24. Naitô Konan, Shina jôko shi, in Naitô Konan zenshû, Vol. X , p. I I . See
also Kawakatsu, Gi-Shin-Nambokuchô, pp. 71, 74, 3 8 0 - 3 8 2 ; and Kawakatsu,
"L'aristocratie et la société féodale au début des Six Dynasties," Zimbun 17
(1981), p. 160.
25. Satake Yasuhiko f È f r î j t i j : , "Chûgoku zenkindai shi ni okeru kyôdôtai
to kyôdôtai ron ni tsuite no oboegaki: Tanigawa Michio-shi no kenkai
o tegakari ni" + H f f I ; te -5 ft[s]i£ t ft [ s l f t f n I : ^ T CO« i
# : Î Î J I I j l f f i f t c D l l f £ ^ tf fr <0 t : (Notes on kyôdôtai and the debate
over kyôdôtai in premodern Chinese history: Mr. Tanigawa Michio's views),
Jimbun gakuhd A j t ^ p i K 154 (1982), p. 84.
26. Satake, p. 85.
27. Shigeta Atsushi i|i;EBtS, "Hôkensei no shiten to Min-Shin shakai"
I t ® S]OT? U A t 8)3 j f ftè (The standpoint o f feudalism and Ming-Ch'ing
society), Tôyôshi kenkyû 27.4 (March 1969), pp. 1 6 4 - 1 6 5 , 175, 179; and
Kawakatsu Yoshio, "Shigeta-shi no Rikuchô hôkensei ron hihan ni tsuite"
'1i; EB ft <r> i t ® |l| l i t f t t f i i : - D l > T (On Mr. Shigeta's critique o f the view
o f the Six Dynasties era as feudal), Rekishi hyôron IMSËIflm 247 (February
1971), pp. 58, 6 1 - 6 2 , 64.
28. See Shigeta's continued attack in "Chûgoku hôkensei kenkyû no hôkô
to hôhô: Rikuchô hôkensei ron no ichi kensatsu" 4 1 IS f t >3= S1) iff [ë]
t ' f i î È : A W i t ® ¡mW — (Directions and methods in the study of
Chinese feudalism: An investigation o f the theory of feudalism in the Six
Dynasties period), Rekishi hyôron 247 (February 1971), esp. pp. 4 5 - 4 7 .
29. Tanigawa, Sekai teikoku no keisei i t ^ -¡Ç 08 (O Jp Bit (The formation o f
a world empire), Kôdansha gendai shinsho, 1977, pp. 8 - 9 . See also Kawakatsu,
"L'aristocratie," p. 107.
30. Kawakatsu and Tanigawa, "Chûgoku chûsei shi," pp. 3 - 1 3 .
31. Tanigawa, "Chûgoku shi kenkyû n o , " pp. 109-117.
32. Kawakatsu, "Shigeta-shi n o , " pp. 6 1 - 6 9 , quotation on p. 63.
33. Goi Naohiro i i ^ j t â i , "Chûgoku kodai shi to kyôdôtai: Tanigawa
Michio-shi no shoron o megutte" U ^ f t $ t ft fn] : SJHiÏÎMftW
Pff Ira è to <"' o T (Ancient Chinese history and kyôdôtai'. On Mr. Tanigawa
Michio's argument), Rekishi hyôron 255 (October 1971), pp. 8 7 - 9 9 ; and
Tanaka Masatoshi tfl t f l E f ê . "Chûgoku no henkaku to hôkensei kenkyû no
kadai ( 1 ) " ^ g i t ® M ( J f 3 i CO MM (The transformation o f China
and tasks in the study o f feudalism, part 1), Rekishi hyôron 271 (December
1972), esp. pp. 5 2 - 57. Two critical reviews o f the volumes o f essays on medieval
Chinese history introduced by Tanigawa and Kawakatsu (cited in note 21) are:
Hori Toshikazu (8S& — . in Shigaku zasshi 80.2 (February 1971), pp. 7 7 - 8 7 ;
 Notes xxxv

and Otagi Hajime fèftji, in Shirin $ fa 53.6 (November 1970), pp. 156-161.
In the annual survey of historical literature published each May in Shigaku
zasshi, this book of essays warranted consideration in three separate sections:
Fukui Shigemasa ¡ l i f t , " S e n g o k u Shin-Kan"-$£[I]3Si1S (Warring States,
Ch'in, Han); Kikuchi Hideo I j i & ^ i f e , " G i - S h i n - N a m b o k u c h ö " - g ® I t 1)3
(Wei, Chin, N o r t h e r n and Southern dynasties); K u r i h a r a M a s a o
" Z u i - T ö " P S ( S u i , T'ang), all in Shigaku zasshi 80.5 ( M a y 1971), pp. 187-
188, 189-197, and 198- 203, respectively. F o r Tanigawa's response to all of this,
see Tanigawa, " ' K y ö d ö t a i ' r o n s ö , " pp. 6 6 - 6 7 , 76, 8 2 - 8 3 .
34. K i m a t a N o r i o " C h ü g o k u kodai chüsei shi h a ' a k u no
shikaku to h ö h ö o m e g u t t e " 4 1 1 A ' f ^ t f e î È Î E Î I W f l ! . ^ t &to <"
' j T (On viewpoint and method for an understanding of ancient and medieval
Chinese history), in Suzuki hakushi koki kinen Töyögaku ronsö
it ,1t: S Ira Ü (Symposium on East Asian studies in c o m m e m o r a t i o n of
the seventieth birthday of Professor Suzuki [Shun fêj), M e i t o k u shuppansha,
1972, pp. 165-190; Fujiie Reinosuke S ^ I L ^ M , " C h ü g o k u kodai chüsei
shakai no kösatsu, bunki m o n d a i s h i r o n " 4" HI Ä ft ' t ' i f c t t ik <T> :
'9t ffl Fui SI IÄ Ira (An investigation of ancient and medieval Chinese society, and
a tentative analysis of the periodization issue), in Rekishi ni okeru bummei no
shosö: Tökai daigaku sanjü shûnen kinen ronbunshû ffii I ; fe It -i> Ü Bfl CO IS
ffl : S S À "p H + IS (The various faces of civilization in his-
tory: Essays c o m m e m o r a t i n g the thirtieth anniversary of T ö k a i University),
edited by Shöju Keitarö nig tit ic , Tökai University Press, 1974, pp. 7 5 -
109; Hori Toshikazu, " C h ü g o k u kodai shi to kyödötai no m o n d a i " 4 H É ' f t
iE t Ä Is] CO Pol ë î (Ancient Chinese history and the issue of " c o m m u n i t y " ) ,
Sundai shigaku ^ i s j f ' p 27 (September 1970), pp. 162-183, reprinted in
Gendai rekishigaku no kadai (jö) f j i f t <T) IS £ CD if I I ( ± ) (Problems of
c o n t e m p o r a r y historiography, part 1), Aoki shoten, 1971; T a d a Kensuke
" C h ü g o k u kodai shi kenkyü o b o e g a k i " 4 | ! i S ' f t 5 Ê f 7 f 3 ! Ë ' j ( ; *
(Notes on the study of medieval Chinese history), Shisô 12 (1971), pp. 1 -
45; and Ihara K ö s u k e \ f ~ f ö ^ L i f , " H ö k e n s e i no bunseki shiten to kaikyü
shiten, kaikyü shiten o aimai ni suru futatsu no h ö h ö no h i h a n " l i U M
<n St ffr t m m iÄ : rn IK fÄ £ h i > 1<-M ; t Z.: : <n J j ü CDfttf y
(Analyses of feudalism and the class standpoint, a critique of two methods that
obscure the class standpoint), Shigaku kenkyü $ ' f W ^ . 119 (August 1973),
pp. 77-90. F o r Tanigawa's response, see his " ' K y ö d ö t a i ' r o n s o , " pp. 7 8 - 8 0 ,
86-88.
35. The original of the translated text is: Chügoku chüsei shakai ron josetsu
4 HI 4" 1ft tt ê Im If M (An introduction to a theory of medieval Chinese
society), in Chügoku chüsei shakai to kyödötai, pp. 1 - 1 1 6 .
36. K a w a k a t s u Yoshio, " L a décadence de l'aristocratie chinoise sous les
Dynasties d u S u d , " Acta Asiatica 21 (1971), pp. 13-38; and K a w a k a t s u ,
"L'aristocratie," pp. 107-160; Doris Heyde, " H a o z u und dörfliche Gemeinde
in China von 3 bis 6 J a h r h u n d e r t . Zu Tanigawa Michios Theorie von der
K o m m u n e in C h i n a , " Altorientalische Forschungen IV (1976), pp. 327-337;
V.V. Maliavin, " K i o t a s k a i a shkola i problema 'Srednykh vekov' v istorii
Kitaia," Narodi Azii i Afriki 2 ( 1981 ), pp. 188-203; V.V. Ma-liang-wen b, & %
[V.V. Maliavin], "Ching-tu hsüeh-p'ai ho C h u n g - k u o li-shih shang te ' C h u n g -
shih-chi' wen-t'i" « ffifr'Mffi 4 BlJffi5t J : r t f e F r ü ® (The K y o t o
school and the problem of the "medieval p e r i o d " in Chinese history), Chung-
kuo shih yen-chiu tung-t ai 4 > [ l 5 t i W ^ | ) j Ä S 34 (October 1981), pp. 10-28; and
K a o Ming-shih ,1b Hfl j ; , Chan-hou Jih-pen te Chung-kuo shih yen-chiu
U ^ffl 4 H (Postwar Japanese studies of Chinese history),
xxxvi Notes

Taipei, Tung-sheng ch'u-pan shih-yeh yu-hsien kung-ssu, 1982, pp. 60 61.

80-83.
37. Dennis Grafflin touches briefly on Tanigawa's and Kawakatsu's wirk,
though not so much on the theoretical issues. See Grafflin, "The Great Fanily
in Medieval South China," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 41.1 (June 1S81),
pp. 65-74.
 Preface to the English Edition

One of the concerns Europeans have held since the eigh-

teenth century regarding the universe of the peoples of Asia has
been to demonstrate in comparison to the European world
whether human freedom existed in Asia. This concern was
fitting to that universal age never witnessed before—
modernity—when human society had been perfected. Numer-
ous inquiries into China's past and present were born of this
concern, and these studies exerted a powerful influence upon
the intellectual worlds of both China and Japan. What would
the future bring China, having just ended over two thousand
years of despotism in the early twentieth century? What was the
chance that her past and present prepared her for it? These sorts
of issues were acutely felt by the Chinese themselves, as well as
by the Japanese who were intimately involved as China's
neighbors.
The image of traditional China held by many people became
one of an age-old, despotic,bureaucratic state and a firm family
system, with uniform village "communities." Confucian mo-
rality was said to embellish these institutions with an ideology,
and together they crushed the Chinese people's spirit of free-
dom and impeded her historical progress toward becoming a
free nation. When we look back at the extraordinary obstacles
on China's path to modernity, we can sense in this negative view
a part of the truth.
It is undeniable, though, that Chinese history pursued its
own active development. We also must recognize the fact that
the world has always held in highest esteem the unprecedented
levels attained by traditional Chinese culture. In particular, the
deep humanitarian spirit of Chinese thought and Chinese art
has profoundly moved the minds of contemporary men. This
fact seems widely divergent from, even opposed to, the view of
the Chinese as slaves of despotism.
xxxvii
xxxviii Preface to the English Edition
For the Japanese, this dilemma was virtually an ethnic one.
Japanese culture had taken shape as Chinese culture spread to
the ethnic groups living around China's borders. It proved
extremely difficult, even meaningless, to differentiate what part
of Japanese culture belonged originally to China and what part
was native to the islands of Japan, as Chinese culture pene-
trated to the very body of the Japanese people. Thus, the Japa-
nese longing for Chinese culture emerged from the roots of their
own ethnic history.
For the Japanese people, who attained modernization so
rapidly, however, contemporary China remained irrevocably a
backward nation. The difference between the two nations in
their speed of modernization buoyed the Japanese sense of
superiority and, sadly, supported Japan's invasion of China.
With the conclusion of World War II, one group of Japanese
historians began a severe reflection of this whole issue, en-
deavoring to replace the stagnationist view of Chinese history
with a developmental conception. Their attempt did not suc-
ceed, however, because they tried to apply general laws to
Chinese history on the basis of the historical materialist for-
mula (slavery-feudalism-capitalism), and as a result numerous
facts were forced out of consideration so as to fit China into the
preconceived mold. Thus, Chinese history was once again
transformed into a history lacking a freedom of its own.
I have written a number of essays in an attempt to resolve
this whole problem, and I have striven to describe an image of
historical development within a structure inherent in Chinese
history. My research has been nurtured in joint work with the
two well-known scholars of medieval Chinese history, Utsu-
nomiya Kiyoyoshi and Kawakatsu Yoshio, as well as others.
My theories have given rise to a good number of debates in
Japanese academic circles, which continue today.
As I have noted, the problem of human freedom in Chinese
society is the important task with which contemporary histori-
ography must wrestle. In other words, we must not limit the
problem of human freedom to the European world or to mod-
ern society, but we must understand it from the manifold
perspective of the human existence of the peoples of the world
from the past through the present. The general outlines of my
ideas are described in my book Chiigoku chusei shakai to kyodd-
 Preface to the English Edition xxxix
/a/(Medieval Chinese society and "community," 1976), and the
most comprehensive section of this book has now been trans-
lated into English by Professor Joshua A. Fogel of Harvard
University, who possesses both profound erudition in Chinese
history as well as a remarkable grasp of the Japanese language.
My work fundamentally relies on the theories of modern
Japan's greatest scholar of China, Naito Konan (1866-1934).
That Professor Fogel is himself a scholar of Naito Konan
renders this translation of higher quality. I am deeply grateful
to him for this work, and I sincerely hope that my views will
elicit a frank response among the wider academic community.

Kyoto, Japan Tanigawa Michio

June 1983
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Roraima
Rosa
Rosales
rose
ROSEBERY
Rosecrans
Rosetta
rosettes
Rosetti
Rosmead
Ross
Rossi
Rossia
Rosthorn
Rostofski
rotary
rotate
rotating
Rotation
Rothschild
Rothschilds
rotten
rottenness
rotting
rotunda
Roubaix
rouble
roubles
Rouge
Rough
roughed
rougher
roughly
Roughriders
Roughs
roughshod
Rougé
ROUMANIA
Roumanian
Roumanie
Round
rounded
Roundell
rounding
rounds
Rounseville
rouse
roused
rousing
Rousseau
rout
route
routed
Routes
routine
routing
Roux
roving
Row
rowdies
rowed
Rowell
rows
royal
royalist
royalists
royally
Royalty
rubbed
rubber
rubbing
rubbish
rubies
ruble
rubles
Rud
rudder
rude
rudely
ruder
rudest
rudimentary
rudiments
RUDINI
Rudolf
Rudolph
Rue
ruffian
ruffianism
Ruffianly
ruffians
Rufus
rug
Rugby
rugged
ruin
ruined
ruining
ruinous
ruins
Ruis
Rule
ruled
ruler
rulers
rules
Ruling
rum
RUMANIA
Rumanian
Rumanians
rumbling
rumor
rumored
rumors
rumour
rumoured
rumours
run
Rundle
runners
Running
runs
rupee
rupees
rupture
rural
ruse
Ruses
rush
rushed
rushes
rushing
Ruskin
Russel
Russell
Russia
Russian
Russianize
Russianizing
Russians
Russias
Russification
Russify
Russifying
RUSSO
Rustem
rustic
rustle
Ruthenians
Rutherford
ruthless
ruthlessly
ruthlessness
Rutledge
ruts
Ryan
rye
Rykovskaya
RÖNTGEN
règles
régime
régulièrement
Ríos
rôle
Röntgen
s
Saatz
Saban