SPECIAL ARTICLE

Beyond the ‘Liberal vs Faithful’ Binary

Balu Sunilraj, Sarath Sasikumar

O
While the Sabarimala controversy has garnered n 28 September 2018, a five-member bench of the
considerable scholarly attention, few have theorised the Supreme Court lifted the ban on young women’s entry
to visit the Ayyappa deity at the Sabarimala temple in
counter-mobilisations against the conservative “Save
Kerala. This resulted in widespread protests against the Supreme
Sabarimala” campaign, which highlighted the Court judgment (termed “Save Sabarimala”) and counter-
interlinkages of the caste–gender axis. Oversimplified mobilisations favouring it. Since the ruling left government in
accounts have tended to depict the entire controversy as the state favoured the judgment, the Save Sabarimala protests
also targeted the government.
either a liberal intrusion into religious traditions or
Far from being distant, Sabarimala became a space “for the
merely a Savarna feminist attempt to reform the expression of conflicts and contradictions at the heart of the
Brahminical Hindu religion. What they overlooked was existential realities in India” (Vadakkaniyil 2019: 16). Scholars
that these counter-mobilisations represented a have situated the Sabarimala litigation and protests within the
liberal discourse around gender and legality (Jamal 2020;
widespread expression of yearnings for social justice and
Bijukumar 2019; Kumari 2019; Dequen 2020; Uma 2021;
outrage against Brahminism. By critically contextualising Acevedo 2016), and the implications it had on the electoral
the non-Brahminical contentions at Sabarimala, this politics of Kerala (Sunilraj and Sasikumar 2022). However, few
paper also explores their various tendencies. have attempted to map the narratives from a non-Brahmin
perspective, specifically the contestations that situate their
opposition to the “Save Sabarimala” protests by highlighting
the interlinkages of the caste–gender axis.
It is crucial to see the Sabarimala issue against the back-
ground of a social churning that has been happening in Kerala,
in which the sanctity of hegemonic gender relations emerges
as a central point of contestation as part of the larger struggle
over traditional values (Sasikumar and Sunilraj 2021: 18). On the
one side of this struggle are the attempts to deepen the values of
modernity that the Kerala renaissance espoused. On the other,
there are efforts to support the resurgence of Brahminism. The
category of “non-Brahmin” becomes useful here as these cur-
rents of defiance/contestation emerged not from any particular
community or caste but from different societal and spatial
locations. It shall also be noted that looking at it as a non-Brahmin
contestation does not imply that all castes subordinate to the
Brahmins have been active in problematising Brahmin hegemony.
In fact, those who already benefit from the prevailing Brahminical
hegemony have been inclined to defend the status quo, even
though they are not Brahmins. Those who bear the brunt of the
ritual ordering of the people have been inclined to problematise it1
(Balan 2018; Jitheesh 2022: 27–31).
The authors are grateful for the insightful suggestions of the anonymous Within this particular context, an endeavour is undertaken
reviewer. in this paper to delineate the non-Brahminical contentions
Balu Sunilraj ([email protected]) teaches at the witnessed as a reaction to the protests at Sabarimala. In the
NALSAR University of Law, Hyderabad. Sarath Sasikumar process, we elucidate three distinct patterns within these con-
([email protected]) is a research scholar at the tentions, which have been discerned through critical analysis
Centre for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University.
of the discourses propagated by non-Brahmin forces. Prior to
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 SPECIAL ARTICLE

delving into these contestations, we scrutinise the body of (2002: 135) when he identified the Brahmins as the principal
scholarly work pertaining to Sabarimala that has examined section that constituted the “governing class” in India. Their
the caste dimension, and we also explicate upon the manifes- social philosophy, according to him, is a weapon to maintain
tation of Brahminism in contemporary Kerala. As a left-led graded inequality and subjugation of women and is concerned
coordination of these non-Brahminical assertions was evident about the complete disarmament of Shudras and untoucha-
at the time being analysed here, the convergence of the left bles, including their exclusion from education. Alongside this,
political praxis with different non-Brahminical streams that Ambedkar (2002: 137–38, 2014a: 231–66) also indicates the
manifested then also emerges as a pivotal point. flexible and dynamic nature of Brahmins in the materialisa-
tion of this social philosophy.
Caste and Sabarimala Geetha (2002: 4) also underscores this flexible and adaptable
The dimension of caste and power has not gone unnoticed in nature of Brahminism. While she notes that Brahminism
the scholarship on Sabarimala. While there are contestations “provides an epistemological—and social—bind, if you will,
regarding the specific traditions and deities that influenced the within which alone matters of authority may be effectively
Ayyappa cult, a consensus is prevalent regarding the non- negotiated,” she also observes that as a social philosophy, it is
Brahminical origins of the cult among scholars (Jitheesh 2022; concerned about “caste mandate for each historical epoch”
Kumar 2019; Menon 2020; Thadathil 2019). These origins were (Geetha 2002: 4). This adaptable nature of Brahminism is
later subsumed by the Brahminical pantheon, resulting in the exemplified in the way Brahminism negotiated its way through
creation of the Ayyappa cult as we know it presently (Krishnan the constituent assembly debates (Geetha 2002: 14–16). While
2021: 60). This transformation of traditions in Sabarimala, political democracy was accepted as the need of the hour, options
aligned with Brahminical practices, is observed as late as the for civic and social revolution were entirely shut. Similarly,
second half of the 20th century (Jitheesh 2022). Roopesh Pandian (2007: 72–73) observes the inextricable linkages between
(2018) notes that these changes should not be seen in isolation Brahminism and the ideology of nationalism in colonial Tamil
but as part of the larger Brahminisation of temple rituals in Nadu. In the process, the past and the present were interpreted
postcolonial Kerala. Devika (2020), by mapping statements of from the Brahminical world views posited as the commonsensical
the several upper-caste female leaders of the “Save Sabarimala” view. The operationalisation of Brahminism in the Sabarimala
campaign, notes that through their valorisation of family values, controversy is along these lines. While the language is modified
traditions, and related practices, they assist in reproducing caste according to the new “historical epoch,” it creates a “powerful
hierarchy, since they are projected as leaders worthy of emulation epistemological and social bind” around discourse boundaries,
by subaltern sections. Menon (2020) and Sasikumar and Sunilraj displacing alternative narratives. While in the earlier context in
(2021: 18–19) note that it was also a moment to channel upper- Kerala, Brahminism was relied upon to maintain “theocratic
caste angst against the democratisation process in Kerala. feudalism” (Aiyappan 1965: 64), in the new epoch, due to the
The dearth of analyses of non-Brahmin contestations is relatively higher degree of democratisation in the state, its in-
linked to the fact that there is a lacuna when it comes to theo- fluence is felt most in symbolic and cultural spheres.
risation regarding how Brahminism operates in Sabarimala. Even though the category of “non-Brahmin” has been prom-
Furthermore, even when some of the works highlighted that inently used in the context of assertions by prominent Shudra
upper castes predominantly led the protests against women’s or Avarna castes who took on Brahmin domination in the con-
entry to safeguard their interests, there is a dearth of analyses text of colonialism, the use of the term in a wider sense can
that elucidate how the lower-caste interests intersected and include all attempts to interrogate the separate, superior posi-
determined the nature of resistance offered. tion enjoyed by the Brahmins and unsettle the Brahminical
ordering of the society. Employing the category of “non-Brah-
Brahminism min” to the discourses pertaining to Sabarimala would uncov-
Bronkhorst (2016: 3) has explained Brahminism primarily as a er the hitherto under-discussed dimensions of caste power en-
sociopolitical ideology in which Brahmins’ separate position in tangled with the whole controversy, give visibility to the subal-
the world and society is insisted. To the extent to which they tern aspirations expressed during the strife, and would show
interact with society, they assert their “natural” superior posi- that the fight for young women’s temple entry was much more
tion. They claim exclusive possession of spiritual knowledge than just an encroachment of the liberal–secular elite to the
and power and superior knowledge of the correct hierarchical realm of tradition, as Yadav (2018) would like us to believe.
order of the society (with Brahmins at the top) and the correct
manner of running a state. While remaining flexible to accom- Sabarimala as a Citadel of Namboodiri Hegemony
modate varied forms of religious practices along with their In the Malayali common sense, even when there is an overall
sacrificial heritage, Brahminism is adamant in presenting the hegemony of the Brahminic pantheon of gods and associated
Brahmin as the most suitable in maintaining links with “higher” practices, from the celebration of the Asura king Mahabali to
realms and advising rulers and also in occupying the highest Theyyam in North Malabar, which epitomise subversive subal-
place in the social hierarchy (Bronkhorst 2016: 3–4). tern religious expressions, examples are plenty of non-Brah-
The existence of Brahminism as a sociopolitical system in mod- minical practices in the sphere of religion (Sakthidharan
ern India had been compellingly brought home by B R Ambedkar 2019). For proponents of Brahminical ideas, these features of
Economic & Political Weekly EPW JULY 20, 2024 vol lIX no 29 45
SPECIAL ARTICLE

Malayali common sense have been a cause of resentment. and neither the Devaswom board nor the state government
Thus, there have been attempts to valorise Vamana in the has the authority to alter that.
place of Mahabali, arguing that Onam is not about Mahabali This opposition to reforms regarding the Sabarimala tantri
but rather about Vamana. For example, K P Sasikala, one of the is not isolated and should be situated against the larger back-
prominent leaders of the Hindu Aikya Vedi, the Sangh Parivar ground of Kerala’s history. The privileged priestly class from
organisation entrusted with the unification of Hindus, empha- this community of Malayalam-speaking Brahmins has histori-
sises the importance of the scriptural sanction of Vamana cally resisted attempts to bring about changes in the sphere of
Jayanti and dismisses the narratives that eulogise Mahabali as religion and has steadfastly adhered to their vision of Kerala
mere hearsay (Asianet News 2016). being a land divinely allotted to them. It is worth noting that
In Sabarimala’s case, the pilgrimage to the hill temple and the deeply rooted interests of this class had brought them into
associated activities still display elements of a syncretic, non- conflict even with the nationalist Hindu reformers (M K Gan-
Brahminic and inclusive tradition (Hindu Business Line 2018; dhi being the most iconic one) who aspired only to the mini-
Deccan Herald 2010). This dimension has been taken as a basis mum reform to refashion Hinduism as a more inclusive reli-
by some to argue that the ban on young women’s entry into gion. In the contemporary period, even when finding a com-
Sabarimala has nothing to do with Brahminism or Savarna mon cause with the Hindutva forces in opposing what they
power, and the criticism of Brahminism is misplaced. Sabari- portray as the secular state’s intrusion into Hindu religious life
mala is mainly a pilgrim centre of the lower castes, and the and keeping their priestly decision-making powers intact, the
ban on young women is a harmless and distinctive custom pe- Namboodiri oligarchy and their loyal soldiers do not hesitate
culiar to the temple, as contended by some.2 Meanwhile, some to lock horns with them when it comes to the attempts of the
use this argument of dissociation, that is, the argument that Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) to place itself as a force
the peculiar custom in Sabarimala has nothing to do with that can “update” Hinduism with some moderate reforms.4
Brahminism, to conclude that the untouchability being prac- They place a recurrent argument that temple-related rules can
tised against young women at Sabarimala3 is an aberration be formulated only according to the deity’s will, which will be
from (“authentic”) Brahminical Hinduism and thus something revealed to them through devaprashnam. Thus, neither the
that shall disappear in the temple’s further incorporation into state nor social movements shall try to bring reforms unless
“authentic” Hinduism. For example, certain constituents with- they are approved by the Namboodiri priestly oligarchy that
in the Sangh Parivar perceive these customs that openly ex- presents their whims and fancies as the will of the gods.
hibit bias against women as an anomaly that necessitates at- The Hindutva engagement with the Ayyappa cult has been
tention in their formulation of authentic Hinduism (NDTV much more complex and has both points of convergence and
2018). Even though these two positions may result in divergent divergence with the interests of the Namboodiri oligarchy. It
demands, they represent two facets of a similar position since has always been determined by their interest to strip the deity
they obscure the interconnectedness of the Brahminical he- of its cosmopolitan, syncretic, accommodating, and tolerant
gemony with the anti-women tradition in Sabarimala. characteristics (News Minute 2016). In the post-2018 period,
the Sangh Parivar has also been trying to refashion Ayyappa
Hegemonic Opposition to Socioreligious Reforms as a ruthless masculine warrior, a symbol of aggression, and
Here comes the importance of understanding how Brahminism an inspiration for the warriors of the Hindu community. In tune
hegemonises all claims over decision-making in Sabarimala. with the project, there have been attempts to popularise a rudra
Brahminism, which governs the Hindu religious life in Kerala, ayyappa (angry Ayyappa)5 in the place of the hitherto popular
has been of a specific kind and is inextricably linked with the calm icon. Such an image-building now also includes attempts
cultural and sociopolitical interests of the Namboodiri Brahmins. to further entrench the celibate character of the “warrior-god,”
Sabarimala offers a paradox—a pilgrim centre with a consider- as indicated by the complete erasure of the romantic aspect of
able degree of inclusivity being controlled by the Namboodiri Ayyappa’s relationship with Malikappurathamma, the goddess
Brahmins with a monopoly over religious decision-making. who waits to marry him in a recent commercial movie pro-
This monopoly is maintained by nurturing the belief that the moted by the Sangh Parivar. The film also presents an idealised
tantri is the father of the deity and has the sole authority to picture of “true female devotees of Ayyappa” who would strive
make decisions regarding customs and rituals (Kerala Kaumudi to visit Sabarimala before they reach the age of 10 and patiently
2018). Attempts to historicise this monopoly are readily resist- wait until they pass 50 once they are over 10. In the process, it
ed with myths and legends that would say these exclusive also vilifies the women trying to enter Sabarimala, defying the
rights have been divinely ordained. Thus, the Thazhamon customs. In short, even though the RSS has vacillated between
family, which holds the hereditary right to be tantris in Sabari- its “reformist” posture (harbouring mild criticisms against the
mala, counters historical arguments about how the family cap- Namboodiri orthodoxy as exemplified in Hari (2017) on the
tured the right to be tantri in a not-so-early period and used it one hand, and its “protectors of customs” (aachaarasamrak-
to further their interests with myths and legends. According to shakar) posture on the other, they have mostly acted as the
them, their rights were granted to them by Sage Parashurama protectors of Namboodiri hegemony.
in 100 BC (Movie World Cinemas 2022). Further, they would This power of the priestly oligarchy, which has been approved
claim to be a supreme authority regarding rituals in temples, by the existing laws pertaining to the temples, has been used
46 JULY 20, 2024 vol lIX no 29 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
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to defend discriminatory practices, promote misogyny, and remained within the Brahminical framework. They presented
even rigidify community boundaries by creating an other— before society a more liberalised version of Brahminical Hinduism
the “impure” non-Hindu. The debates around the entry of and assured the believers that young women’s entry into
“non-Hindu” devotees, essentially individuals whose religious Sabarimala would be welcomed even according to the religious
allegiance cannot be confined to fixed boundaries, into Hindu principles they considered sacred. Swami Sandeepananda
temples, which have been alive in the public sphere of Kerala Giri’s involvement in the Sabarimala controversy exemplifies
for decades, is to be read against this background of the Nam- these assertions. He opposed the Namboodiri oligarchy and
boodiri oligarchy entrenching their authority—as natural conservative leaders and countered their arguments with re-
clergy of the Hindus who can dictate the terms of religious life. formist interpretations of the “sacred” texts, traditions, cus-
These attempts got more acceptability after a resurgence of toms, and rituals. In other words, his knowledge of Hindu re-
temple-centric religious activities in Kerala, often associated ligious traditions was not used to strengthen the attempts to
with the wealth accumulated by a growing conservative upper establish the Brahmin oligarchies as the natural clergy of the
middle class. Other than alleviating their worries with the Hindus. Rather, it was employed to question their legitimacy
promise of supernatural patronage, being the executors of and keep the religious life malleable enough to be reshaped
Brahminical rituals is observed to have opened up an avenue by social reform and liberal jurisprudence. Thus, his inter-
for many of them to convert their economic capital into social ventions become squarely fit to be included in the category
status (Osella and Osella 2003: 114). At least a segment of of non-Brahmin.
them also finds an opportunity to cherish their lost cultural The core of Sandeepananda’s argument revolves around
privileges in this resurgence. Overall, there has been a strong the Sastha deity. Sastha’s presence is crucial in understand-
reaffirmation of Brahminical rituals (Sasikumar and Sunilraj ing the historicity of the Ayyappa deity in Sabarimala. As per
2022). The Namboodiri Brahmins have benefited from them the legend, Ayyappa merged with Sastha in Sabarimala.
as they are looked upon as those who can authentically Unlike Ayyappa, as argued by scholars (Syamkumar 2019;
perform these rituals. Kumar 2019), Sastha is a deity that occupies a definite place in
The recent contestations we discuss here opposed these Brahminical scriptures like Sri Bhagavatam, Amsumadhbheda-
Brahminical affirmations, at least in the following ways. First, gama, and Suprabhedagama. The deity’s origin is analogous to
it espoused many attempts to historicise the religious practices Ayyappa’s birth, a result of the consummation of Vishnu and
in Sabarimala and show how Brahminisation progressively Shiva. Sastha, therefore, is hariharaputra, akin to Ayyappa. One
took away the customary rights of many of the Avarna com- branch of scholarship argues that the Sastha cult is an outcome
munities. Second, the sacredness attributed to the position of of the appropriation of the Buddha within the Brahminical
the tantri was effectively questioned, if not ridiculed. The fold (Rao 1914). However, counterarguments have also been
chief minister himself took the lead in underscoring that the raised (Pillai 1939). Kumar (2019) argues that the assimilation
tantri is just an employee of the Devaswom board, and his of Ayyappa into Sastha resulted from the Brahminisation
approval matters little regarding timely reforms (Hindu 2018). process, whereby Ayyappa, a popular aboriginal deity, was
Third, the notions of purity and pollution that the Namboodiri appropriated into the Brahminical fold by constructing link-
priesthood have been promoting and implementing in Kerala ages between Ayyappa and Sastha.
temples, particularly related to menstrual purity (Bayi 2022), Sandeepananda’s position has been that a dichotomous
got interrogated to an unprecedented extent. Fourth, the notion view of Sastha and Ayyappa is not required. In his viewpoint,
of the Namboodiris being the only caste pure enough to per- Ayyappa is solely the South Indian manifestation of Sastha
form rituals inside the sreekovil (sanctum sanctorum), which and nothing more (Asianet News 2018). Sastha, unlike Ayyap-
they have been entrenching through devaprashnams, was also pa, is not a Naishtika Brahmachari (lifelong celibate). He has
problematised with unprecedented intensity. two wives, Poorna and Pushkala. Therefore, the argument
A closer look at these assertions against the Namboodiri– against women’s entry falls apart if we perceive Sastha and
Brahminical hegemony would show that it had multiple pat- Ayyappa as singular entities. There are allegations that in
terns within it. Most importantly, there had been variations in 2016, the Travancore Devaswom Board altered the name of the
how different groups or individual opinion-makers formulated Sabarimala Sree Dharma Sastha temple to Sabarimala Sree
their basic approach towards the Brahminical tradition, even Ayyappa Swamy temple, deliberately separating Ayyappa
when meeting on the common point that the Namboodiri he- from Sastha in order to bolster the argument against the ad-
gemony needs to be interrogated and the notions of purity and mission of women (Varier and Nair 2016). However, Sandeep-
pollution enforced by them defied. ananda, marshalling his arguments from Brahminical scrip-
tures, positions himself differently. He points out that the ban
Contestation via Negotiations on women’s entry “is not an acharam (custom), but a prece-
One of the patterns visible in these contestations problema- dent” (Asianet News 2018) that has no presence in Hindu scrip-
tised religious conservatism by interpreting and explaining tures. The precedent came into being due to the geographical
the religious principles in an alternative manner. They operated isolation of Sabarimala and its Buddhist roots.
largely within the Brahminical ontology, and when challenges Thus, his discourse carries the limitation of not comprehen-
were raised, the conceptual categories and reference points sively critiquing Brahminism and its misogynist components.
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It also converges with the position of those who absolve the fact that these contestations cannot be explained purely
Brahminism from the ban on young women and advocate for on the basis of caste relations and can emerge from different
women’s entry to construct a modern, standardised Hinduism. ideological streams and converge with a political project in-
Similarities are also there with Gandhi’s intervention in the tended to shake conservatism.
temple entry movements in Kerala, in which he remained loyal
to Brahminical Hinduism, but raised questions about the Contestations Aimed at Transcendence
“authenticity” of the scriptures and customs that the Namboodiri Here, we refer to those contestations that have identified pro-
oligarchy followed. However, his overall positioning in the tests against women’s entry into Sabarimala as Brahminical
controversy favoured social reform and liberal jurisprudence and have contested it by totally rejecting Brahminism and en-
and undermined priestly authority. Throughout the contro- visioning a transcendence,7 primarily with an appeal to consti-
versy, Sandeepananda would also opine that the hegemonic tutional morality tinged with universal values. Their approach
discourse’s abdication of classical Brahminical scriptures is towards Hindu scriptures and religious traditions is diametri-
necessary to maintain the Savarna domination of Sabarimala cally opposite to the ideas of people like Sandeepananda, and
because of its financial windfall (Asianet News 2018). He notes they are fiercely critical of attempts by intellectuals like Elayi-
that Ayyappan holds little significance in the spiritual beliefs dom to engage with those scriptures and traditions (Kerala
of the Savarna community, particularly for Namboodiri and Freethinkers Forum 2021). They are convinced that cosmetic
Kshatriyas, who assign lesser importance to the deity due to its reforms within Brahminical Hinduism would not have any
comparatively lower social status. emancipatory effect on the subaltern castes, and modern val-
This negotiation with Brahminism can also be observed in the ues that the Constitution entrench are the antidote to Brah-
speeches of Sunil P Elayidom, who was widely heard during minical hegemony. In the discourses they espouse, Brah-
the controversy as a secular thinker who deeply engages with minism is identified as an ideology that negates these modern
the itihasa-purana scriptures. By the time of the controversy, values. One of the prominent figures of this movement, Sunny
he had become famous for his speeches on the Mahabharata M Kapikkad, borrowing from Ambedkar’s (2017) interpretation
and the Ramayana (Ilayidam 2016). In his words, this was “an of Brahminism, states that, “By the term Brahminism, I do not
attempt to convince people about the polyphonic, secular and mean the power, privileges and interests of Brahmins as a com-
folk traits of the epic” (Ameerudheen 2018). These attempts to munity, but the negation of the spirit of liberty, equality and fra-
create alternative narratives that challenge dominant con- ternity” (Ameerudheen 2019). The militant approach vis-à-vis
struction have been met with opposition from the Hindu right. Hindu scriptures was also evident in his call to burn tan-
He opines that this results from his positioning within the trasamuchayam, an authoritative text for Namboodiri priests,
dominant Brahminical common sense and literature: “I am as a response to a local RSS leader’s opinion that the Constitu-
providing a counter-narrative to them from the very literature tion shall be burnt as it is an alien imposition on the people
they rely on to spread misinformation” (Ameerudheen 2018). (Ameerudheen 2019).
He explains that engaging with them is essential as these Nevertheless, it needs to be underscored here that this posi-
texts are popular and greatly influence people’s thoughts and tion, in the context of Sabarimala, did not end up dismissing
imaginations. He doubts the efficacy of attempts to invert the the problem of women’s entry as an internal matter of Brah-
narrative. There have been attempts to create inversed narra- minical Hinduism and the interventions in this regard as a fu-
tives to these texts, such as those that portray Ravana as a tile exercise. Instead, they enthusiastically emphasised the
protagonist and Rama as the antagonist. In his opinion, such non-Brahminical history of the Sabarimala temple and wanted
endeavours will not produce a significant impact as the ideas it reclaimed. The slogan Tantrikal Malayiranguka (The tantris
put forward by these texts are already entrenched in the minds shall descend from Sabarimala) reverberated in society thanks
of the people.6 In short, the appeal that these texts have among to such efforts. Kowtal (2019) overlooks this dimension when
the people needs to be considered, and neither ignoring them nor she argues that it is the Savarna feminists who celebrate
constructing inversed narratives will do (Elayidom, Personal women’s entry into Sabarimala, and women’s entry into a
Communication, 28 January 2022). Brahminical, male-controlled temple is futile. The subaltern
Interestingly, even when there is a well-established tradition of discourses in Kerala linked the moment of women’s entry to
lower-caste attempts to master, reinterpret, and practice main- their larger vision of transcending Brahminism. Moreover,
stream Hindu religiosity with modifications, as exemplified by Dalit women’s perspectives had also emerged within Dalit con-
the mutts associated with the Sree Narayana movement, the testations. Sasidharan (2018) notes that Savarna patriarchs
most visible voices of this stream of contestations came from have written the entire history of Sabarimala, which must be
different sources, thus revealing that those contestations were seen as a manifestation of Brahminical patriarchy. She also
more than an extension of historically existing caste frictions notes that while the question of women’s entry is a part of
and that anti-Brahminical resistances base themselves at var- the universal struggle for gender equality, in the context of
ied vantage points. Thus, Sandeepananda as an estranged India and Kerala, Dalit women have to be distant from feminism
product of the Chinmaya Mission, and Elayidom as a successor espoused by Savarnas, even if it is for women’s entry, since
of the left intellectual attempts by K Damodaran, N E Balaram it would sink the Dalit reading of Sabarimala as well as
et al to grapple with Hindu religiosity, draw our attention to other issues in the process. While underlining that she is a
48 JULY 20, 2024 vol lIX no 29 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
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self-respecting woman, her Dalit identity has also been Sabarimala, which Brahminism claims refers to the 18 Puranas,
stressed by Bindhu Ammani, the first woman to enter Sabari- pertains to the 18 hills near Sabarimala, according to Sajeev,
mala after the Supreme Court verdict (Subhagar 2022). indicating the Mala Araya origins of the temple. However,
The speeches by Kappikad (Ameerudheen 2019), the Villu- these historical roots were suppressed after the Brahminical
vandi Yatra led by some Dalit women activists (Deccan Chroni- takeover of the temple in the 20th century. Therefore, the
cle 2018), and the claim of Aikya Mala Araya Maha Sabha temple has two histories—before and after the Brahminical
(AMAMS) that the temple belongs to them, were notable devel- takeover.9 However, this position of the AMAMS has undergone
opments in this stream. Kappikad underlined, beyond the reli- a conspicuous shift in the recent period.
gious dimensions, that the movement was a neo-Brahminical
political movement concerned about upholding Savarna su- Contestation via Representational Claims
premacy. By neo-Brahminism, he indicates those movements Another pattern visible in the non-Brahminical contestations
or organisations that project Brahminical power and privilege was to interrogate Namboodiri hegemony by demanding more
as Hindu interests (Kappikad 2019: 10–11). Kappikad points space for hitherto marginalised communities within the Hin-
out that because of these attempts at deception, many back- du religious life, especially in the conduct of temples. The cur-
ward communities, Dalits, and tribals rally behind this agen- rent positioning of the AMAMS squarely fits this stream. In
da. Kappikad and other Dalit thinkers (Sasidharan 2018) have these changed postures, rather than ownership rights over the
also dissected the political economy behind the Brahminical conduct of Sabarimala, rights over the lighting of “Makaravil-
usurping of Sabarimala. The financial potential of Sabarimala akku,” lit on the Ponnambalamedu hill located near Sabari-
attracts the socio-economic elite to control the temple. For mala,10 is the central demand. An engagement with Brahmini-
Kappikad, the militant presence of the Nair Service Society cal ontology and positioning Mala Arayas within the larger
(NSS)8 in the protests is explicated through this lens. He points Hindu community has become evident. For instance, Sajeev
out that 97% of Devaswom board members belong to the traces the roots of several practices of Sabarimala to Vedas and
Savarna community, and in Devaswom-run colleges, the pres- Upanishads (Sajeev 2023a). To solidify his arguments further,
ence of the Nair community is significantly high (Kappikad Sajeev cites the support of the Sabarimala tantri and members
2019: 14). Therefore, the fear of economic losses, as a possible of the Hindu right, whom he distanced from during his initial
result of the democratisation of temple rituals due to women’s postures. One cannot help but notice that attempts are made
entry, motivates Nairs to organise and lead the Save Sabari- in these recent postures to set a narrative that the secular state
mala movement in large numbers. For this reason, Kappikad and its Devaswom board are the real enemies of the religious
terms the Save Sabarimala protests as Shudra Lahala. rights of Mala Arayas, not the Brahmins or other feudal ele-
Coming to the contestation by AMAMS, P K Sajeev, the leader ments. While the earlier point of departure in Sabarimala’s
of AMAMS, argued that Mala Arayas trace their ancestry to the history, according to Sajeev, is with the arrival of Brahmins at
Aye dynasty, the most powerful dynasty in Kerala before the beginning of the 20th century, in the recent postures, it
Cheras. He notes that the current-day traditions and beliefs is with the arrival of Devaswom board post-independence
revolving around Ayyappa are invented traditions of the 20th (Sajeev 2023b). Even Acharam (customs) makes repeated appear-
century, the roots of which lie in the 1921 Brahminical book, ances in these new postures, as interpreted by Brahminism.
Bhoothanaathopakhyaanam (Sajeev 2019a: 12–13). Additionally, Incidentally, these positions have appeared as editorials in
Sajeev maintains that various changes that have taken place Janmabhumi, the mouthpiece of the Bharatiya Janata Party
in the practices associated with Sabarimala during the 20th (BJP) in Kerala, which has espoused Brahminical claims
century indicate the recent origins of the Ayyappa cult in the over Sabarimala.
Brahminical context. Despite its mythical components, Sajeev Overall, these developments, while indicating one strand of
argues that the Mala Araya history of Ayyappa is more historically non-Brahminical contestation, also indicate why Brahminism
accurate than the Brahminical versions. He notes, is a successful political project. By accommodating a specific
Sabarimala is not a temple constructed based on mythology. It was
demand of Mala Arayas, the Brahminical narratives about
constructed for a human who lived. Did not people construct temples Sabarimala are unscathed, and Mala Arayas are assimilated
for Saibaba after he died? Those who worshipped him built those into the larger Hindu community, defined by Brahminical
temples. Similarly, people built a temple for Ayyappa and started ontology. One witnesses historical continuity regarding the
worshipping him, because he was a warrior who saved them from
assimilation of local deities and tribal populations into the
enemies. (Sajeev 2019b: 24)
Brahminical fold (Nath 2001). To put it more concretely in the
Sajeev contends that Ayyappa was a historical figure who context of Mala Araya discourses on Sabarimala, the traditional
gained prominence for his defence of Kerala against the Chola power holders in Sabarimala, along with the Hindutva forces
invasion, an actual historical event. This military aspect is re- striving to materialise “Hindu unity,” have successfully
flected in the Ayyappa pilgrimage, where each group of pil- co-opted the Mala Araya claims and now present themselves
grims has a Guruswami, or group leader, whom they must as champions of those claims. While doing so, they also ensure
obey during the journey. Sajeev compares this to a squadron that the traditional dominance of the Namboodiris is kept
leader demanding obedience from his squadron members intact. Thus, Rahul Easwar, representing the Namboodiri
during a military operation. The myth about the 18 steps in oligarchy, on the one side, keeps advocating for the rights of
Economic & Political Weekly EPW JULY 20, 2024 vol lIX no 29 49
SPECIAL ARTICLE

Mala Arayas to worship at the Ponnambalamedu, and on the were critically interrogated, and the left had been trying to
other, dismisses their claims at the temple as “over claims” rekindle the spirit of the Kerala renaissance (Sasikumar
(sic) and advises them to shed them as they may create a and Sunilraj 2021: 18). For instance, the state government-led
backlash (Reporter Live 2023). celebration of the centenary of Namukku Jathiyilla Vilambar-
In this stream, we can also see the resurgent and updated am (We Have No Caste Proclamation) by Sree Narayana Guru
claims from the part of the Ezhava community vis-à-vis the towards this aim. There were also initiatives such as the ap-
temple-centred Hindu religious life in Kerala. Being a commu- pointment of non-Brahmin priests and the implementation of
nity that has a long history of such representational claims,11 the reservations in temples under the Devaswom board. Such de-
present attempts have focused on the interrogation of Brahmin liberate efforts to challenge traditional hierarchies, had invit-
monopoly in sreekovils. In the aftermath of the Sabarimala ed protests including the organised resistance from upper-
controversy, the general secretary of the Sree Narayana Dharma caste priests, and had also led to instances where non-Brahmin
Paripalana (SNDP) Yogam remarked that as a continuation of priests were informally pressured to resign from their posi-
struggles for temple entry, what is needed today are struggles tions (Sasikumar and Sunilraj 2021: 18).
for sreekovil entry (Deshabhimani 2020). The questioning of The initial posture of the left in the Sabarimala controversy
reservation of the melshanthi post in Sabarimala for “Malayala indicates a continuity with these developments. To take on
Brahmins” by non-Brahmin priests is also happening with un- Brahminism and upper-caste-driven revivalism that Sabari-
precedented intensity through litigation and public campaigns mala protests exemplified, the trajectories of the left and the
(Madhyamam 2022). This also exemplifies the tendency to non-Brahmin contestations, particularly that of the Ambedka-
contest Brahminism via representational claims. rites in Kerala, converged, and new possibilities of cooperation
among the two opened up. Renaissance values, Constitution,
Cultural Questions and the Left in Kerala and anti-Brahminism emerged as shared themes around
As mentioned earlier, the left in Kerala played a crucial role in which shared mobilisations became possible. While prominent
coordinating between these different streams and linking lower-caste organisations like the Kerala Pulaya Maha Sabha
them to a broader anti-conservative political project. In order and the SNDP Yogam threw their weight behind the govern-
to fully comprehend the left’s interaction with Brahminism ment, even staunch Ambedkarites who had been consistently
during the Sabarimala controversy, it is crucial to first pro- critical of the Marxists came in support of the Left Democratic
vide a contextual background. Overall, the cultural engage- Front (LDF) government and shared wider platforms with the
ment of the left with Brahminism in Kerala has been complex. left (Sasikumar 2024: 127). Keeping aside the long-lasting dif-
Undoubtedly, the movement has largely placed itself in oppo- ferences, the left-led government also extended their arms to
sition to the ideological sway of Brahminism, and its most welcome Dalit intellectual icons and tried to tap into their in-
manifest forms of execution (like the direct forms of practising tellectual capabilities and popularity among the caste subal-
untouchability) have been vigorously fought. Still, the overall terns (Sasikumar 2024: 127).
history of its engagement with Brahminism has been chequered But, this alliance did not last long. After the 2019 Lok Sabha
and has left enough space for critics to point out that the elections, concerns arose that the clear left-versus-right divi-
movement has kept Brahminism intact, if not reproduced it.12 sion regarding issues like young women’s entry into Sabari-
An important aspect of the left’s engagement with culture mala had diminished. The left, which faced a significant de-
has been the overwhelming consensus among its ranks that it feat in the state during those elections, was perceived by
should not outrightly offend the existing common sense. An some as backtracking from its progressive stance. The defeat
aggressive stance against existing beliefs and customs would prompted a reassessment of strategies. Campaigns advocat-
alienate the movement from the masses and would negatively ing for young women’s entry into Sabarimala were temporar-
affect class mobilisation. Thus, distancing itself from rational- ily halted, with the official explanation citing the matter be-
ist–atheist tendencies, the left has been trying to balance its ing sub-judice and awaiting a new verdict from the Supreme
legacy of social reform and the pragmatic need to compromise Court. However, subsequent statements from top party lead-
with popular religious beliefs. In recent periods, this effort to ers highlighted the need for a larger consensus, avoidance of
strike a balance has encountered more tough terrains. Brah- social tensions, and waiting for broader public opinion to
minism in Kerala hardly operates anymore as an overarching align with the progressive stand. It can be easily deciphered
ideology governing every aspect of public life and has largely that the left has opted for a pragmatic stand in the face of a
been confined to the sphere of religious life. Or, in other words, conservative backlash.
Brahminism in contemporary Kerala is mainly manifested in The left also opted to uphold a status quo position in new
the form of popular temple-centred Hinduism and any inter- contestations that have come up against the Namboodiri he-
ference with an interest in socioreligious reform is immediate- gemony in Sabarimala. Thus, they distanced themselves
ly dubbed as an encroachment of the atheist–communists into from demands to do away with the rule that only Namboodiri
Hindu religious life. This considerably limits the left’s capacity Brahmins can be a melshanthi in Sabarimala, and the Devaswom
to take on Brahminism. board actively defended the status quo (Fourth News 2022).
However, developments related to Sabarimala were preced- This can be contrasted with the enthusiasm shown by the left
ed by a social churning in Kerala. Hegemonic cultural norms some years ago on appointing Dalit priests in temples by
50 JULY 20, 2024 vol lIX no 29 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

bringing reservations in temple appointments. This tendency and national elements likely influenced his triumph, it does
to oscillate between appeasement of hegemonic elements in suggest a shifting perception in Kerala where open servility
the realm of common sense on the one hand and the spirit of to Brahminism is no longer objectionable, if not completely
social reform on the other makes the left’s stand on non- embraced. Thus, it is important that developments related to
Brahminical contestations complex and inconsistent. Sabarimala should be situated in the larger sociopolitical con-
One way to explain this refrain from the pedagogical role text where Brahminical practice and philosophy continue to
that the left is supposed to fulfil is of course linked with structure popular consciousness in India and increasingly
parliamentary calculations. But we think that it is more than even in Kerala. These hegemonic dimensions of Brahminism,
that, and is inextricably linked to the reconfiguration of class especially in the symbolic terrain, were evident during the
correlations and the subsequent populist turn the left praxis unveiling of the new Parliament building, which was dominated
has taken in the context of Kerala. As argued in Sunilraj and by Brahminical cultural symbols like the Sengol (Wankhede
Sasikumar (2022), the left sees that the immediate class 2023). In this context, an analysis of non-Brahminical contesta-
demands of the basic classes have been fulfilled and the party tions in Sabarimala holds broader significance, since Sabarimala
shall now expand its social base, even to conserve the gains offers a microcosm of the larger political–cultural contestations
achieved hitherto. A broader national-popular is being forged, in India. Although a hegemonic ideology cannot be transcended
using Malayali (sub)nationalism as a unifying spirit. This leads merely through cultural contestations, the contestations we have
to a situation where the left finds it difficult to train their guns mapped out provide some potential avenues for engagement.
on the upper middle class and their cultural enterprises that Analysing the effectiveness of different contestations and
benefit Brahminism. Thus, the populist turn brings with it determining which one should be employed against Brahminism
some unignorable disadvantages that raise apprehensions not is not an intellectual exercise, but rather a political endeavour.
only regarding the priority that the basic classes deserve in Also, while we have categorised non-Brahmin contestations in
left-led development but also on the constraints on the left’s this paper, a watertight division is not always feasible. There can
ability to progressively interfere in the arena of culture (Sunilraj be constant overlaps. Consequently, the possibility of selecting
and Sasikumar 2022: 17–18). In such a situation, where the direct a particular option may not be feasible or viable. Additionally,
imposition of cultural diktats from the Hindutva elite would these contestations are dynamic, and we have merely attempted
be readily resisted, the diffusion of Brahminical religiosity to provide an entry point towards their theorisation. Neverthe-
through revivalist practices led by the conservative upper middle less, we wish to highlight some points. Of all, the contestations
class poses a more intricate problem. But, rather than validat- revolving around representational claims exhibited the greatest
ing a restraint on the part of the left, all these just underscore fragility in terms of its political impact. However, this does not
the need for the left to have a comprehensive, egalitarian indicate that representational contestations are invalid or
countercultural project, for which its own interventions in the irrelevant. But the contestations put forth by Sajeev prioritised
Sabarimala controversy can serve as a stepping stone. A vigorous questions of representation over a counter-hegemonic attack,
engagement with the non-Brahminical contestations and attempts providing space for co-option by Brahminism. In other instances,
to develop and link them to a program of social transformation when representational claims are aligned with a counter-
would be more beneficial for the left in the long term than a hegemonic strategy, the political aftermath could be different.
timorous silence on sensitive cultural issues entangled with While contestations aimed at transcendence have succeeded
questions of social justice. It is conceivable that the embrace of in fostering a subculture within Kerala, prominently reflected in
a non-Brahminical discourse by the left from the day of the the proliferation of publications, they have struggled to occupy
Supreme Court judgment until the 2019 election results have the centre stage of the sociopolitical discourse. One possible
sprouted such seeds within its support base, which could lead to reason for this could be their inclination to predominantly op-
political advancements in that direction, even in the absence erate outside the fragmentary common sense of the Malayalis.
of deliberate directives from the leadership. It is the contestations through negotiations that have irked the
Brahminical forces the most. Sandeepananda and Elayidom
Conclusions have faced intense social media smear campaigns, character
In the Lok Sabha elections of 2024, the BJP candidate Suresh assassinations, and even alleged instances of physical violence
Gopi emerged victorious in the Thrissur constituency of Kera- directed towards them. By utilising the language present in Brah-
la. He stands out in Kerala’s sociopolitical sphere due to his minical texts to shape their challenges against dominant Brah-
overt servility towards Brahminical posturing. Publicly ex- minical assertions, they compelled their oppositional forces to en-
pressing his wish to be reborn as a Namboodiri Brahmin, gage, albeit in a vitriolic manner. The attack on them under-
which would enable him to access the revered inner sanctum lines that, even at the current juncture, attempts at liberalis-
of Sabarimala, Gopi also notes that “As a great devotee, I ing Hinduism can be perceived with profound disdain and
consider a Brahmin who wears the sacred thread as God. If resistance from Brahminism. Moreover, this realisation shall
someone asks me whether I have seen God in flesh and blood, induce us to more rigorously analyse the complexities associ-
my answer would be that I believe that a temple priest is the ated with attempts towards social reform and to look beyond
God in front of me” (Philip 2017). While his election campaign the binary of “liberal versus faithful,” which the Hindutva
did not revolve solely around this dimension, and various local right holds dear.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW JULY 20, 2024 vol lIX no 29 51
SPECIAL ARTICLE

Notes 8 In a recent proclamation, continuing with its overt — (2014a): Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and
attempts against attempts at democratisation, Speeches (Vol 3), New Delhi: Dr Ambedkar
1 Here, we are not implying that individuals can- NSS also criticised caste census (Hindu Bureau Foundation.
not raise above their caste interests and take 2024).
positions. People do support or oppose progres- — (2014b): Annihilation of Caste: The Annotated
9 Unlike Sandeepananda’s assertions, the Mala Critical Edition, London: Verso Books.
sive social reforms based on individual convic-
Arayas’ claims have a degree of historical in- — (2017) “Dr Ambedkar’s Speech at G.I.P. Railway
tions and non-caste allegiances. But, as this
tegrity. A colonial missionary named Mateer Depressed Class Workmen’s Conference,
article focuses on non-Brahmin contestations, (1883: 75–77) and Iyer (1937) have indicated
which are expressed principally in the lan- Nashik,” Velivada, June, https://velivada.com/
the relationship between the Mala Arayas and 2017/06/03/dr-ambedkars-speech-depressed-
guage of caste-based social justice, we would Sabarimala in their historical accounts of the
like to point out how articulated community class-workmens-conference-nashik/.
Travancore region.
interests varied according to their respective Ameerudheen, T (2018): “Sabarimala Stir Shows
10 On the day of Makarasankranti, a “divine” Kerala Is More Castiest and Anti-women Than
relation to Brahminism. flame appears at Ponnambalamedu which the
2 For example, Prayar Gopalakrishnan, the for- Ever, Says Writer Sunil P Elayidom,” Scroll.in,
devotees assembled at Sabarimala would faith- https://scroll.in/article/905302/sabarimala-
mer president of the Travancore Devaswom fully have a glance at as it is believed to be the
Board and an ardent opposer of young wom- stir-shows-kerala-is-more-castiest-and-anti-
presence of Ayyappa. For long, it had been
en’s entry, stresses upon the inclusive nature of women-than-ever-says-writer-sunil-p-elayidom.
propagated that the flame is a divine miracle.
the temple while defending the custom. He Now, it is officially admitted that it is lit by hu- — (2019): “Sabarimala Verdict: Sunny M Kapik-
laments that “it was unfortunate that a temple mans, but still the ritual attracts a large num- kad’s Speeches against Protests Have Created a
where people of all religions, castes and creed ber of devotees. The Mala Arayas claim that it Buzz in Kerala,” Scroll.in, https://scroll.in/arti-
could offer prayers, where devotees wor- was their traditional ritual which was forceful cle/904875/interview-sabarimala-protests-re-
shipped at a mosque and a church that were taken away from them, and want a restoration mind-us-of-the-role-of-caste-in-keralas-en-
part of the legend along the pilgrimage route, of their right to lit the flame. lightened-society.
and which preached that “the god you seek is 11 For a nuanced discussion of its original phase, Asianet News (2016): “Interview with Sasikala
within you,” was drawn into such an unfortu- see Khan (2010). Teacher | Sasikala Teacherumaayi Abhimukham,”
nate controversy because of the peculiarities of 12 A cursory look at the still developing, complex, YouTube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=
its customs of worship” (Krishnakumar 2016). and diverse critique on the left’s approach to 6lfV6aa059U.
3 The scope of untouchability practised against Brahminism would show us that they are cen- — (2018): “Swami Sandeepananda Giri | Aaranu
young women in connection with the Sabarimala tred around the following points: (i) It is ar- Kalla Swamy, Sandeepananda Giri Marupadi
pilgrimage is much wider than what is commonly gued that the left has not done enough to dis- Parayunnu| Part 1,” YouTube, https://www.
accounted for. The women in the families of mantle the caste system in Kerala and discus- youtube.com/watch?v=5zBo26xJiyk.
the male pilgrims who observe the penance sions on caste were not given their due place in Balan, S S (2018): “Not Our Fight: Sections of Kera-
are supposed to maintain their distance from the “left-hegemonic” public sphere of Kerala la Hindus Stay Out of Sabarimala Protests,”
them so that their celibacy will not be affect- (Devika 2013). Thus, social domination of the News Minute, https://www.thenewsminute.
ed. Even worse, the public transport buses upper castes as well as the legitimacy enjoyed com/article/not-our-fight-sections-kerala-hin-
that operate between the neighbouring cities by Brahminism, remained intact. (ii) The dus-stay-out-sabarimala-protests-89853.
and the Pampa base camp become inaccessi- “more radical” subaltern movements that came Bayi, T T L (2022): “Temples and Gender,” Outlook
ble to young women as they are seen as sexual up as part of the Kerala renaissance were co- India, https://www.outlookindia.com/web-
bodies that would harm the celibacy of the opted by the left and the spirit that they dif- site/story/temples-and-gender/296552.
male pilgrims. In the past, there were inci- fused among subaltern communities was dilut-
ed (Kerala Freethinkers Forum 2022). This, in Bijukumar, V (2019): “When Religious Faith Muti-
dents where vigilante groups attacked and de- lates Gender Equality: Women Entry in Sabari-
boarded women who boarded such buses effect, prevented a radical transformation from
Brahminical hegemony to a genuinely demo- mala Temple in Kerala,” ANTYAJAA: Indian
(Senan 2014). Overall, in the context of Sabari- Journal of Women and Social Change, Vol 4,
mala, celibacy is hardly interpreted as one’s cratic society, it is argued. (iii) The public
sphere in Kerala is characterised by Savarna No 2, pp 238–44.
mastery over one’s own desires and is mostly
norms and values, and subaltern cultures are Bronkhorst, J (2016): How the Brahmins Won: From
interpreted as a right (of both the deity and
grossly under-represented. Further, it is argued Alexander to the Guptas, Leiden-Boston: Brill.
the male pilgrims) to be free from the presence
of young women. that Malayali (sub)nationalism as it exists Dalit Camera (2016): “Inquiring into the Role of
today is made up of a strong Savarna content CPI(M) in the Annihilation of Caste,” Counter-
4 Rahul Eswar, the outspoken representative of
and the dominant Savarna culture is strongly currents, https://countercurrents.org/2016/09/
the Namboodiri oligarchy, goes to the extent of reinforced by portraying it as the authentic cul- inquiring-into-the-role-of-cpim-in-the-annihi-
alleging that it was the RSS who conspired ture of Kerala (Keraleeyatha). The left, it is lation-of-caste/.
with the then Chief Justice Dipak Misra to de- pointed out, never problematised it and played
liver the verdict in the present form. The ver- Deccan Chronicle (2018): “Kochi: Villuvandi Yatra
an important role in normalising it (Devika Declared Open,” https://www.deccanchroni-
dict creates a background that would make a 2010: 808–09). (iv) The left could never es-
intervention in favour of a universal civil code cle.com/nation/current-affairs/161218/kochi-
pouse an alternative cultural praxis against villuvandi-yatra-declared-open.html.
easy, he adds (Onmanorama 2018). Brahminical Hinduism. In the name of engag-
5 For a sample of an “Angry Ayyappa” image used Deccan Herald (2010): “Church Portals Open for
ing with the Hindu religious life in Kerala, they
widely online during the “Save Sabarimala” Ayyappa Devotees,” https://www.deccanher-
have devoted themselves to the glorification
campaign, see https://www.facebook.com/ ald.com/content/46635/church-portals-open-
and uncritical adoption of Brahminical Hindu
Ayyappa.Temple/photos/a.259487987494450/ ayyappa-devotees.html.
scriptures, rituals, festivals, and symbols (Dalit
1690022264441008/?type=3&paipv=0&eav= Camera 2016). (v) Intellectual contributions Deshabhimani (2020): “Kshethra Sreekovilinu
Afbi5zA4M5lx6yPGIt7n4ECfQcEOoJsD2WFD- made by left intellectuals like E M S Namboodi- Munnile Jaathimathil Polikkanam,” https://
4kl5f_CpHK-C4wGZAlJO3GsdVWW58x4&_rdr. ripad smack of allegiance to Brahminism. It is www.deshabhimani.com/news/kerala/vellap-
6 Here, he contradicts his claim of celebrating argued that they have narrated Kerala history pally-nadesan-sndp/906810.
the diversity of the epics. On the one hand, he in a way that glorifies the contributions of the Dequen, J P (2020): “Back to the Future? Temporal-
admits that such “inverted” narratives are Brahmins and even eulogises the caste system ity and Society in Indian Constitutional Law: A
prevalent in the folk culture (Elayidom 2022: (Menon 1999; Thomas 2014). Closer Look at Section 377 and Sabarimala De-
185). However, on the other, he dismisses them cisions and the Genealogy of Legal Reasoning,”
as inversions and takes the dominant narra- Journal of Human Values, Vol 26, No 1, pp 17–29.
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