Chow 2014 Embodiedcomprehensionofstories I
Chow 2014 Embodiedcomprehensionofstories I
Chow 2014 Embodiedcomprehensionofstories I
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Abstract
■ The embodied view of language processing proposes that visually vivid, action-based, and emotionally charged content.
comprehension involves multimodal simulations, a process that Activity of neural systems associated with visual-spatial, motor,
retrieves a comprehenderʼs perceptual, motor, and affective and affective processing were selectively modulated by the rele-
knowledge through reactivation of the neural systems responsi- vant story content. Importantly, when functional connectivity
ble for perception, action, and emotion. Although evidence in patterns associated with the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG),
support of this idea is growing, the contemporary neuroanatom- the left posterior middle temporal gyrus (pMTG), and the bilateral
ical model of language suggests that comprehension largely anterior temporal lobes (aTL) were compared, both LIFG and
emerges as a result of interactions between frontotemporal lan- pMTG, but not the aTL, showed enhanced connectivity with
guage areas in the left hemisphere. If modality-specific neural the three modality-specific systems relevant to the story content.
systems are involved in comprehension, they are not likely to Taken together, our results suggest that language regions are
operate in isolation but should interact with the brain regions engaged in perceptual, motor, and affective simulations of the
critical to language processing. However, little is known about described situation, which manifest through their interactions
the ways in which language and modality-specific neural systems with modality-specific systems. On the basis of our results and
interact. To investigate this issue, we conducted a functional past research, we propose that the LIFG and pMTG play unique
MRI study in which participants listened to stories that contained roles in multimodal simulations during story comprehension. ■
INTRODUCTION
Boulenger et al., 2008; Neininger & Pulvermuller, 2003).
According to the embodied view of language, comprehen- Nevertheless, the precise mechanism by which these sys-
sion involves multimodal simulations in which the com- tems facilitate semantic processing is unclear (Meteyard,
prehenderʼs contextually relevant perceptual, motor, and Cuadrado, Bahrami, & Vigliocco, 2012; Mahon & Caramazza,
emotional knowledge is retrieved through partial reactiva- 2008).
tion of modality-specific brain systems (Barsalou, 2003). At the same time, decades of research on the neuro-
These systems are associated with distinct neural substrates science of language have shown that there exists a network
and are thought to be specialized for perceptual, motor, of brain regions consistently activated and functionally
and affective processing. Brain imaging studies have shown connected during language comprehension, regardless of
that regions within these neural systems are selectively content (Binder & Desai, 2011; Lau, Phillips, & Poeppel,
activated during sentence processing (e.g., Desai, Binder, 2008; Tyler & Marslen-Wilson, 2008; Vigneau et al., 2006;
Conant, & Seidenberg, 2010) and story comprehen- Price, 2000). Furthermore, there is substantial evidence
sion (Speer, Reynolds, Swallow, & Zacks, 2009; Ferstl & demonstrating that activation, manipulation, and integra-
von Cramon, 2007; Ferstl, Rinck, & von Cramon, 2005) tion of semantic information is associated with a set of
in response to different types of content, which suggests regions within this network. These include classical core
their involvement in processing the meaning of language. language regions, the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG; Lau
Neuropsychological research has further demonstrated et al., 2008; Badre, Poldrack, Pare-Blagoev, Insler, &
that modality-specific systems are not simply associated Wagner, 2005; Hagoort, 2005) and the left posterior mid-
with, but may be directly involved in, semantic processing dle temporal gyrus (pMTG; Turken & Dronkers, 2011;
( Willems, Labruna, DʼEsposito, Ivry, & Casasanto, 2011; Hickok & Poeppel, 2007). In addition to these two core
language regions, recent studies have shown that the
bilateral anterior temporal lobes (aTL) play an important
1
National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, MD, 2York University, role in language processing, particularly semantic in-
Toronto, Canada tegration (Lambon Ralph, Sage, Jones, & Mayberry, 2010;
No rights reserved. This work was authored as part of the Contributorʼs official Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 26:2, pp. 279–295
duties as an Employee of the United States Government and is therefore a work
of the United States Government. In accordance with 17 U.S.C. 105, no copyright doi:10.1162/jocn_a_00487
protection is available for such works under U.S. law.
Patterson, Nestor, & Rogers, 2007; Jung-Beeman, 2005). that their interactions with the modality-specific systems
Together, the LIFG, pMTG, and aTL are not only engaged would be differentially enhanced in a content-dependent
in processing the meaning of words and sentences but are fashion. In other words, interactions between the lan-
also consistently activated during discourse comprehen- guage regions and visual-spatial, motor, and affective sys-
sion (Mar, 2011; Ferstl, Neumann, Bogler, & von Cramon, tems should be selectively modulated by the visually vivid,
2008). If modality-specific neural systems play an integral action-based, or emotionally charged content. More im-
role in processing the meaning of language, they are portantly, we expected that the language regions might
not likely to operate in isolation and should operate in interact with the modality-specific systems in different
concert with these language regions. ways, perhaps reflecting their distinct functional roles in
Recent theories have proposed that an additional set simulating sensorimotor or emotional information. Observ-
of heteromodal areas may play an important role in dis- ing and identifying these differences may make it possible
course comprehension. These include the medial pre- to incorporate the functions of modality-specific neural sys-
frontal cortex (MPFC), posterior cingulate cortex (PCC), tems into the traditional account of language processing.
and bilateral parietal lobules (IPL; Binder & Desai, 2011;
Ferstl et al., 2008; Mason & Just, 2006). However, unlike
the language regions we defined in the previous paragraph, METHODS
it is unclear whether these areas are directly involved in
building up modality-specific representations or whether Participants
they serve other functions such as monitoring coherence. Participants were 24 native speakers of English (11 women
Moreover, this network has also been associated with a and 13 men; mean age = 25.5 years, SD = 2.7 years,
wide variety of other cognitive functions such as theory range = 21–33 years) with no history of neurological
of mind and prospection (e.g., Buckner, Andrews-Hanna, or psychiatric disease. All were right-handed according
& Schacter, 2008). Considering the functional uncertainty to the Edinburgh Handedness Inventory (Oldfield, 1971).
that surrounds this network of regions and the fact that we Informed written consent was obtained from each par-
know little about how language and modality-specific neu- ticipant in accordance with the protocol approved by
ral systems relate during narrative comprehension, we the NIH CNS Institutional Review Board. Participants
focused our investigation on the LIFG, pMTG, and aTL were compensated for participating in the study. The
in this study. data from two other participants were excluded because
To examine the interactions between the language re- of poor performance on the comprehension task ad-
gions and modality-specific systems, we used fMRI to eval- ministrated after each fMRI run, indicating that they
uate participantsʼ responses while they listened to stories. might not have paid attention to the stories (response
These stories included paragraphs containing visually accuracies were below 75%; three SDs lower than the
vivid, action-based, or emotionally charged content. The mean accuracy of the remaining participants; 88.5%, SD =
three content types were manipulated in the first, second, 4.3%). Their data were excluded from further analyses as
and third paragraphs of a story, respectively. We chose to a result.
map the content types onto the paragraph structure in
this way because it fits with the canonical narrative struc-
Story Stimuli
ture, which begins with a setting, describes actions, and
ends with an emotional resolution. To rule out the pos- Our stimuli consisted of 18 stories written by the authors.
sibility that any effect of story content could be driven by Each story consisted of three paragraphs, conforming to
paragraph order, we included control paragraphs for each a canonical narrative structure: (1) the introduction and
of the three paragraph positions. These control paragraphs description of the setting and the main protagonist, (2)
contained minimal description of perceptual, action, emo- the unfolding of narrative events, and (3) the outcomes
tional content. Comparing the vivid perception, action, or and reactions of the protagonist. Because the three con-
emotional paragraphs to the sequence-matched control tent types of interest fit naturally with this structure, story
paragraphs makes it possible to remove the potential content was manipulated as follows. Twelve stories
effect of sequence (see Methods for details). Given these contained vivid descriptions of a scene in the first para-
controls, we expected that visually vivid, action-based, or graph (Perception condition), 12 stories contained rich
emotionally charged content would selectively engage neu- descriptions of a protagonistʼs actions in the second par-
ral systems devoted to visual-spatial, motor, and affective agraph (Action condition), and 12 stories vividly de-
processing, respectively. Crucially, with these activations scribed a happy or sad conclusion (Emotion condition)
identified, we employed connectivity methods to examine in the third paragraph. In 12 stories, one or two control
the relationships between language regions and these paragraphs were inserted into each of the three para-
modality-specific regions. graph positions to serve as Control conditions. These
More specifically, we hypothesized that the language control paragraphs described settings, portrayed typical
ROIs (i.e., LIFG, pMTG, and aTL) would be activated sequences of everyday events, or presented a coherent
independent of the type of content being processed, but resolution of the actions, but contained muted descrip-
Stories contained perceptual content in the first paragraph, action content in the second, and emotional content in the third. As a form of control, some stories had control paragraphs with minimal
perception, action, or emotion content (e.g., Story 9, Paragraphs 1 and 3). The full set of stimuli is available on-line at www.nidcd.nih.gov/research/scientists/pages/ brauna.aspx.
Volume 26, Number 2
Average Word Imageability
Readability index indicates comprehension difficulty of a text (developed by Kincaid et al., 1975). Higher values indicate that a text is easier to read. An index of 60–70 is approximately eighth grade level.
terms of their familiarity, length, and the fact that they are
Occurrence in a corpus of 1.014 million words provided by Kucera and Francis (1967). Only open-class words available from the MRC Psycholinguistic Database (Coltheart, 1981) were considered.
presented in verse. However, our reasoning was that the
455.7 (33.9)e
familiar and overlearned nature of these nursery rhymes,
Ratings of likelihood of a word evoking mental images (ranged from 100 to 700). Only open-class words available from the MRC Psycholinguistic Database (Coltheart, 1981) were considered.
506.8 (18.2)
473.4 (33.0)
490.5 (22.1)
which were repeated multiple times in the experiment to
match the duration of story stimuli, would make it unlikely
that rich discourse models be created for these rhymes.
The use of the nursery rhyme baseline, in this case, should
allow us to identify language regions that participate in the
creation of such models. In light of the aforementioned
concerns, however, interpreting this contrast between
per Paragraph
e
Stories were constructed so that various linguistic features
124.9 (30.7)
209.8 (67.9)
109.5 (20.0)
133.0 (30.4)
would be closely matched across all conditions. These fea-
tures included the number of syllables per paragraph,
number of words per paragraph, number of words per
sentence, Flesch-Kincaid readability score per paragraph
(Kincaid, Fishburne, Rogers, & Chissom, 1975), average
word frequency (occurrence per million words) of content
Table 3. Mean and Standard Deviation (in Parentheses) of the Linguistic Measures of the Paragraphs in Each Condition
words per paragraph, and average imageability rating (like-
Readability Indexa
lihood of a word evoking mental images) of content words
69.3 (7.5)d
per paragraph. For evaluating word frequency and image-
71.4 (7.1)
76.3 (5.0)
70.9 (8.6)
ability, only open-class words available from the MRC Psy-
cholinguistic Database (Coltheart, 1981) were considered
to exclude the extreme values associated with closed-class
words that often bias such measures. The summary statistics
of the paragraphs in each condition are listed in Table 3.
Number of Words per Sentence
For each linguistic feature, the difference between the
Perception, Action, and Emotion conditions is less than
Indicates the Control condition is significantly different ( p < .05) from all the other conditions.
10%, and there is no significant difference between the
Indicates the Control condition is significantly different ( p < .05) from the Emotion condition.
three conditions (t test, p < .05 Bonferroni corrected),
16.7 (2.0)
16.9 (2.4)
15.6 (2.1)
16.2 (3.0)
except in readability between the Perception and Emotion
condition (the Emotional material being somewhat easier
to read). This measure was included in the general linear
model (GLM) analysis as a covariate to remove its poten-
tial effects from our primary interest in story content (see
Methods for details).
The stories and nursery rhymes were spoken by a male
native English speaker (aged 35) in a neutral tone at
Number of Words
story is 90 sec.
101.0 (8.1)
109.4 (6.6)
105.6 (5.4)
108.3 (6.9)
Stimulus Norming
To confirm that the content of stories had been mani-
pulated effectively as intended, story paragraphs were
normed in a prestudy with 19 participants (3 men and
16 women, aged 22–34 years). None of these participants
Perception
Condition
Emotion
e
a
Table 4. Mean and Standard Error (in Parentheses) of Vividness Ratings in Each Condition
Condition Vividness of the Described Scene Vividness of the Described Bodily Action Intensity of Emotion
Perception 4.2 (0.1)a 3.1 (0.1) 2.7 (0.1)b
Action 3.6 (0.2) 4.1 (0.1)a 2.2 (0.1)
c
Emotion 3.5 (0.2) 3.5 (0.1) 4.4 (0.1)a
Control 2.9 (0.2)a 2.7 (0.1)a 2.1 (0.1)a
Boldface indicates the ratings that were expected to be significantly higher than the other conditions.
a
Indicates significant differences from all the other conditions.
b
Indicates a significant difference ( p < .05) from the Action condition.
c
Indicates a significant difference ( p < .05) from the Perception condition.
Action
Anterior intraparietal area/ L −54 −33 36 4.0 2.1
somatosensory cortex
Left dorsal premotor cortex L −18 6 57 3.2 1.8
Emotion
g
Superior temporal sulcus L −54 3 −24 8.7
Temporal parietal junction L −51 −60 24 8.2
41.6
Middle temporal gyrus L −54 −42 0 5.9
Orbital frontal gyrus L −54 21 9 5.6
g
Superior temporal sulcus R 48 9 −30 9.6
Superior temporal sulcus R 60 −30 −6 7.2
16.6
Temporal parietal junction R 57 −60 30 6.1
Orbital frontal gyrus R 54 21 9 5.6
Cerebellum L −24 −78 −36 8.6 6.9
Cerebellum R 30 −78 −36 8.1 8.0
Cerebellar vermis L −6 −60 −48 7.1 4.0
Medial prefrontal cortex L −6 54 30 8.3 6.3
Medial prefrontal cortex L/R 0 60 −15 5.2 1.6
Posterior cingulate cortex/ L/R 0 −54 33 5.7 7.2
precuneus
Medial orbital frontal L/R 0 60 −15 5.2 1.6
Middle frontal gyrus L −48 6 51 5.2 3.3
a
Min. t is the minimal t statistics of the individual comparisons between a condition and each of the other two conditions.
the retrosplenial cortex, the parahippocampal gyrus, and the TPJ, and the orbital frontal gyri bilaterally. Emotionally
the fusiform gyrus. The Action condition was associated charged content also elicited significantly greater re-
with selective activation of the anterior intraparietal (AIP) sponses than the other two content types in bilateral
area including the left somatosensory cortex and the amygdalae, according to our ROI analysis (Figure 2).
left dorsal premotor cortex (PMd). Emotionally charged To examine the effect of paragraph sequence, inde-
story content elicited responses in paralimbic and pre- pendent of story content, we compared the first, second,
frontal areas frequently associated with affective pro- and third control paragraphs using the conjunction analy-
cessing, social concept processing, and mentalizing. These sis method and threshold. When the first paragraph was
included the ventral and dorsal MPFC, the PCC, the STS, compared with the second and the third paragraphs in
two separate tests, only the pre-SMA and the left anterior ent types of story content. The LIFG showed selective
insula were significantly activated. But, the visual-spatial increases in functional connectivity with the modality-
processing regions that were activated in the Perception specific regions activated for perceptual, action-based,
condition, including the occipital lobe, retrosplenial cor- and emotionally charged content in the Perception, Action,
tex, parahippocampal gyrus, were not detected in this and Emotion conditions, respectively (Figure 4 and
comparison. There were no significant activations at all Table 6). In other words, when perceptual content was
detected when the second paragraph was compared with presented in the story, there was greater connectivity be-
the first and the third paragraphs, nor were any significant tween the LIFG and areas associated with perception,
activations found when we compared the third with the and so forth. Comparing Perception with the Action, Emo-
first and the second paragraphs. These analyses provide tion, and Control conditions, the LIFG was more strongly
further evidence that the modality-specific activations connected with the left and right parahippocampal gyrus.
associated with the three content types are not driven by These regions overlapped with the clusters that exhibited
the paragraph sequence in a story. increased responses selective to perceptual content, as
reported in the previous section. The Action condition
selectively modulated connectivity between the LIFG and
Activations Common to All Story Conditions
a cluster in the left AIP area, the same region that showed
To identify regions activated by story comprehension increased activity for action-based content. However,
per se, independent of content type, we compared each neither the LIFG, nor other regions tested (i.e., pMTG
story condition individually to the nursery rhymes condi- and bilateral aTL), showed enhanced connectivity with
tion to control for low-level language processing. Figure 3 the left PMd in the Action condition, a region that had
shows regions that were commonly activated across all been selectively activated for action-based content. Lastly,
individual comparisons. As expected, language areas LIFG activity was more strongly correlated with the right
were activated, including the LIFG, the posterior superior IPL (extending to the TPJ) by the Emotion condition,
and middle temporal gyri, and the bilateral aTL. Impor- compared with the Perception, Action, and Control con-
tantly, the seed regions representing the language regions ditions. The same anatomical regions were strongly acti-
selected for the connectivity analyses overlapped with vated when emotionally charged story segments were
the activated clusters in this analysis (Figure 3). In other contrasted with the other two types of content.
words, the seed regions were activated in every story con- A parallel analysis focusing on the pMTG revealed a
dition when they were each compared with listening to similar pattern to that observed with the LIFG in the sense
nursery rhymes. Moreover, additional regions that have that all three types of content selectively modulated con-
been associated with narrative comprehension were also nectivity with the modality-specific regions that had been
active, including the left dorsal lateral pFC, the MPFC, identified in the previous activation analysis (Figure 4).
the PCC, the parahippocampal gyrus, and the fusiform gy- However, the specific associations observed were slightly
rus (Mar, 2011; Ferstl et al., 2008; Yarkoni, Speer, & Zacks, different. During the Perception condition, the pMTG
2008; Xu, Kemeny, Park, Frattali, & Braun, 2005). Exten- was more strongly connected to the left parahippocampal
sive activations were also observed in the lingual gyrus gyrus. During the Action condition, there was a significant
and the cerebellum. increase in connectivity between the pMTG and both the
left posterior inferior temporal sulcus and the AIP area.
During the Emotion condition, the pMTG was more
Modulation of Functional Connectivity with the
strongly connected to the PCC, but not the IPL/TPJ.
LIFG, pMTG, and aTL With respect to aTL connectivity, the pattern of con-
We next examined how functional connectivity with the nectivity enhancement was markedly different, in that it
language areas was influenced by presentation of differ- was confined to the Emotion condition (Figure 4). While
Descriptions of actions elicited robust responses in the MPFC, PCC, STS, and IPL). Although the role of the
a different set of brain regions, those that play an im- amygdala during mentalizing is not clear, a previous
portant role in the planning and control of complex meta-analysis demonstrated that this structure is reliably
movements (Gazzola & Keysers, 2009; Filimon, Nelson, activated across studies of mentalizing (Mar, 2011). In
Hagler, & Sereno, 2007; Buccino et al., 2001). Increased addition, it has been shown that patients who acquired a
activation in these motor areas during the processing of lesion in the amygdala early in life were impaired in the
action-based content suggest that motor and somato- ability to reason about the mental states of others (Shaw
sensory representations of the described actions are et al., 2004). Although we cannot rule out the possibility
simulated during narrative comprehension, consistent that activations in the amygdala merely reflect the partici-
with past work on single-word and sentence processing pantsʼ own arousal triggered by the storiesʼ emotional
(Tettamanti et al., 2005; Hauk, Johnsrude, & Pulvermuller, content, in light of the evidence mentioned above, the
2004). amygdala may play a role in evaluating the protagonistʼs
With respect to emotionally charged content, we found emotional state (Thom et al., 2012; Dapretto et al., 2006;
that these story segments elicited selective responses in Keysers & Gazzola, 2006; Ruby & Decety, 2004) and may
the left and right amygdalae. Activation of the amygdala also act in concert with the mentalizing network to inter-
has been associated with the processing of affective stim- pret the intentions underlying the protagonistsʼ actions
uli (Phelps, 2006), including emotional words (Herbert (Olsson & Ochsner, 2008).
et al., 2009; Isenberg et al., 1999). However, understand-
ing a protagonistʼs emotional reactions during story com-
Neural Responses to Narrative Sequence
prehension is more complicated than processing simple
Independent of Content
emotional stimuli because it requires understanding the
complex social situations narrated in the story. This re- In our analyses, the control paragraphs were used to
quires the use of social concepts (Frith, 2007; Dalgleish, rule out the possibility that condition-dependent effects
2004) and inferring the mental states of the protagonist might be because of the sequence in which the experimen-
(e.g., beliefs and intentions; Olsson & Ochsner, 2008). tal conditions were presented. These control paragraphs
Consistent with this view, we observed increased activa- can also be used to examine the effect of accumulating
tions in a set of heteromodal regions during the Emotion context independent of story content. Xu and colleagues
condition, the so-called mentalizing network (including (2005) showed that the endings of Aesopʼs fables were
Perception
Parahippocampal gyrus R 24 −33 −15 3.8 1.5
Parahippocampal gyrus L −30 −18 −18 3.7 2.8 −21 −36 −15 2.6 0.5
Action
Inferior temporal sulcus L −48 −60 −6 4.1 1.4
Anterior intraparietal area L −45 −42 45 4.0 4.3 −57 −33 39 3.0 0.6
Emotion
Inferior parietal lobule L −57 −60 36 3.3 0.9 −45 −57 33 3.7 2.4
Inferior parietal lobule R 48 −36 36 3.2 1.6 54 −60 36 3.0 1.3 51 −60 33 3.6 2.4
Posterior cingulate cortex/ R 6 −45 27 3.6 5.9
Precuneus
Posterior cingulate cortex/ L −6 −60 30 3.5 4.3 −3 −51 30 3.0 2.2
Precuneus
Medial prefrontal cortex R 9 48 39 2.8 2.8
a
Chow et al.
Min. t is the minimal t statistics of the individual comparisons between a condition and each of the other two conditions.
291
associated with increased hemodynamic responses in not independent of the language regions. On the contrary,
the MPFC, PCC, and bilateral IPL. However, when we they are functionally coupled in a systematic way, with
compared the third control paragraph with the first and multimodal simulations possibly emerging from the inter-
second, none these regions were significantly activated. actions between language and modality-specific systems.
An important difference in story materials might help to The connectivity results for the aTL differed markedly
explain these diverging results, as Xu and colleagues did from those observed for the IFG and pMTG, in that the
not take story content into consideration. It is plausible modulation of connectivity for the aTL was only observed
that the fables used in that study were emotional at the during the Emotion condition. During the presentation of
end of the fable compared with the beginning or involved emotional content, the correlations between the aTL and
moral teachings and social concepts that were only pre- elements of the mentalizing system were significantly en-
sented at the end of the fables. If this is the case, the in- hanced relative to the presentation of the other two types
creased responses in the MPFC, PCC, and bilateral IPL of content. This pattern of results can inform the current
associated with at the end of the fables previously reported debate on the role of the aTL in semantic processing. Past
by Xu and colleagues (2005) would be consistent with the research on semantic dementia patients suggests that the
results of this study; we observed activity in this same set aTL is involved in a wide variety of semantic tasks (Lambon
of regions in response to emotional content. Ralph et al., 2010; Davies, Halliday, Xuereb, Kril, & Hodges,
2009; Rogers et al., 2006; Williams, Nestor, & Hodges,
2005). This has led a number of researchers to propose
Interactions between Language and
that the aTL is a “semantic hub,” binding multimodal in-
Modality-specific Systems
formation into amodal, domain-general representations
In addition to identifying activations modulated by the (Lambon Ralph et al., 2010; Ferstl et al., 2008; Patterson
three content types, we interrogated the data with respect et al., 2007; Jung-Beeman, 2005). Evidence for the semantic
to functional connectivity. The foregoing activation analy- hub hypothesis primarily comes from tasks that rely on
sis identified the extent to which activity in each voxel, single words or pictures for stimuli, so it is unclear whether
reflected in the hemodynamic response, was sustained the aTL behaves similarly when people are presented with
throughout the onset and offset of paragraphs for each discourse. It is possible that in this situation the aTL also
condition. On the other hand, the functional connectivity acts as a semantic hub, integrating modality-specific infor-
analyses quantified the degree of synchronization between mation into a coherent discourse representation. If this is
transient activity in spatially segregated regions. Although the case, then we would expect the aTL to interact with
connectivity analyses cannot determine how this transient all three modality-specific systems to integrate information
activity is triggered within a task condition, it reflects a and form these representations. In contrast, in our data
direct or indirect functional relationship between two connectivity with the aTL was only modulated by emo-
regions. Examining functional connectivity is particularly tional content. This indicates that the functional role of
important for the understanding of higher-level cognition the aTL in processing words or pictures may be different
such as narrative comprehension, because these complex than its role during discourse comprehension. In narrative
functions are generally assumed to emerge from inter- comprehension, the aTL may play a more specialized role
actions between regions with specialized functions (Friston, in comprehending protagonistsʼ emotions and retrieving
2002). Because the language regions examined in our social concepts during story comprehension, consistent
study are all robustly activated during discourse compre- with past research that has associated the aTL with social
hension (in our data and in previous studies; Binder et al., semantic-processing (Binder & Desai, 2011; Simmons
2011; Mar, 2011; Ferstl et al., 2008), the activation analysis et al., 2010; Simmons & Martin, 2009). It is also possible
is not ideally suited to differentiate their roles in processing that different regions in the aTL are devoted to different
different types of story content. Using a connectivity analy- processes. The ventral portion of the aTL may be respon-
sis, we revealed that the language regions demonstrate sible for “semantic hub” functions (Binney, Embleton,
different degrees of functional connectivity with modality- Jefferies, Parker, & Ralph, 2010), in contrast to the superior
specific regions and that these are selectively enhanced in portion of the aTL where our seeds were located. Lastly, it
response to the different types of story content. is also possible that the anterior temporal regions may not
While listening to visually vivid content, both the LIFG have been adequately sampled during our data acquisi-
and pMTG were more functionally connected with regions tion because these areas of the brain are quite vulnerable
responsible for visual-spatial processing. Similar patterns to susceptibility artifacts (Visser, Jefferies, & Lambon Ralph,
were observed during the comprehension of action-based 2010). Further studies are needed to properly clarify these
and emotionally charged content. Both areas demon- issues.
strated significantly greater connectivity to regions respon- Both the LIFG and pMTG showed enhanced connectiv-
sible for motor processing and mentalizing during action ity with elements of all three modality-specific systems in
and emotion paragraphs, respectively. This pattern of a content-specific manner. This indicates that the LIFG
content-specific connectivity enhancement suggests that and pMTG might contribute to a general mechanism for
simulations instantiated in modality-specific systems are multimodal simulations through which perceptual, motor,
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