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Data Protection Law Eng

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Data Protection Law Eng

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You are on page 1/ 30

WORKING PAPER

OCTOBER 2023

Understanding India’s
New Data Protection Law
Anirudh Burman
Understanding India’s
New Data Protection Law
Anirudh Burman
© 2023 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are
those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without
permission in writing from Carnegie India or the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Please direct inquiries to:

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This publication can be downloaded at no cost at CarnegieIndia.org


Contents
Introduction 1

Key Features of the DPDP Act, 2023 3

Analyzing the DPDP Act, 2023 7

Looking Forward to the Implementation 12


of the Data Protection Law

Conclusion 15

About the Author 17

Notes 19

Carnegie India 23
Introduction
In early August 2023, the Indian Parliament passed the Digital Personal Data Protection
(DPDP) Act, 2023.1 The new law is the first cross-sectoral law on personal data protection in
India and has been enacted after more than half a decade of deliberations.2 The key question
this paper discusses is whether this seemingly interminable period of deliberations resulted
in a “good” law—whether the law protects personal data adequately, and in addition,
whether it properly balances, as the preamble to the law states, “the right of individuals to
protect their personal data” on one hand and “the need to process such personal data for
lawful purposes” on the other.

To answer this question, the paper first details the key features of the law and compares
it to earlier versions, especially the previous official bill introduced by the government in
Parliament in 2019.3 The second part of the paper then examines the DPDP Act from
two perspectives. First, it highlights certain potentially problematic features of this law
to understand its consequences for consumers and businesses as well as the Indian state.
Second, it places the act in context of the developments and deliberations that have taken
place over the last five years or so. The third part speculates on the key factors that will
influence the development of data protection regulation in India in the next few years.

The 2023 act is the second version of the bill introduced in Parliament, and fourth overall.
An initial version was prepared by a committee of experts and circulated for public feedback
in 2018.4 This was followed by the government’s version of the bill that was introduced in
Parliament in 2019—the Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019. This version was studied by
a parliamentary committee that published its report in December 2021.5 The government,
however, withdrew this bill, and in November 2022, published a fresh draft for public

1
consultations—the draft Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2022.6 This draft was quite
different compared to the previous versions. The 2023 law is based, in significant part, on
this draft. However, it has some new provisions that are consequential for the questions this
paper seeks to answer.

These four drafts were preceded by a landmark 2017 judgment by India’s Supreme Court
in Justice K.S. Puttaswamy and Anr. v. Union of India and Ors.7 The judgment declared
that the right to privacy is part of the fundamental right to life in India and that the right
to informational privacy is part of this right. The judgment, however, did not describe the
specific contours of the right to informational privacy, and it also did not lay down specific
mechanisms through which this right was to be protected.

Following this, the first government version of the law, the Personal Data Protection Bill,
2019, was introduced in Parliament in December 2019. This version was expansive in scope
and proposed cross-sectoral, economy-wide data protection regulation to be overseen by
an all-powerful data protection regulator—the Data Protection Authority (DPA). The
2019 bill provided for a preventive framework.8 It imposed a number of obligations on
entities collecting personal data—to provide notice and take consent from individuals,
to store accurate data in a secure manner, and to use it only for purposes listed in the
notice. Businesses were also required to delete data once the purpose was satisfied and to
provide consumers rights to access, erase, and port their data. Businesses were required to
maintain security safeguards and transparency requirements, implement “privacy by design”
requirements, and create grievance redress systems. Finally, this bill introduced an entity
known as “consent managers,” who were intermediaries for collecting and providing consent
to businesses on behalf of individuals.9

The bill grouped personal data into different categories and required elevated levels of
protection for “sensitive” and “critical” personal data. Certain businesses were also to be
categorized as “significant data fiduciaries,” and additional obligations were proposed for
them—registration in India, data audits, and data impact assessments. In addition, the bill
imposed localization restrictions on the cross-border flows of certain categories of data. The
DPA was empowered to impose penalties on businesses for violating these requirements.
The bill also proposed to criminalize activities related to the deanonymization of individuals
from anonymized datasets.

The 2019 bill exempted certain entities and businesses from notice and consent requirements
under certain circumstances—for lawful state functions, medical and health services during
emergencies or epidemics, breakdown of public order, employment-related data processing,
the prevention and detection of unlawful activity, whistleblowing, and credit recovery,
among others.

The 2019 bill also had a provision to empower the government to regulate nonpersonal
data. It allowed the government to require private entities to hand over specific nonpersonal
data that the government asked for as per conditions it prescribed. In short, the 2019 bill

2 | Understanding India’s New Data Protection Law


proposed a comprehensive, cross-sectoral framework based on preventive requirements for
businesses (defined as “data fiduciaries”) and rights for individuals or consumers (“data principals”).

This regulatory structure was based mostly on the 2018 draft bill proposed by the Srikrishna
Committee—the committee, chaired by Justice B.N. Srikrishna, a retired Supreme Court
judge, was set up by the Ministry of Electronics & Information Technology in July 2017
to help frame data protection norms. The recommendations of this committee, in turn,
were based on major regulatory developments that were popular while the work of the
committee was proceeding. Primary among these was the European Union’s (EU’s) General
Data Protection Regulation (GDPR).10 While the general preventive framework of the 2019
bill was welcome, its expansive scope was problematic. It created a number of significant
compliance requirements that would have affected both big and small firms in the
economy. It also proposed the creation of a DPA that had significant regulation-making and
supervisory powers. These regulations would have further detailed the already significant
compliance requirements in the bill. The novelty of the law and the lack of prior experience
in implementing a data protection law of this nature would have created serious risks of
overregulation or under-regulation.11

The DPDP Act is based on the draft proposed by the government in November 2022, which
adopted a radically different approach to data protection regulation.12 The next section
details the key provisions of the act.

Key Features of the DPDP Act, 2023


Compared to the 2019 version of the bill, the DPDP Act, 2023 is more modest—it has
reduced obligations for businesses and protections for consumers. On the one hand, the
regulatory structure is simpler, but on the other, it vests the central government with
unguided discretionary powers in some cases.

Applicability to Nonresidents

The DPDP Act applies to Indian residents and businesses collecting the data of Indian
residents. Interestingly, it also applies to non-citizens living in India whose data processing
“in connection with any activity related to offering of goods or services” happens outside
India.13 This has implications for, say, a U.S. citizen residing in India being provided digital
goods or services within India by a provider based outside India.

Anirudh Burman | 3
Purposes of Data Collection and Processing

The 2023 act allows personal data to be processed for any lawful purpose.14 The entity
processing data can do so either by taking the concerned individual’s consent or for
“legitimate uses,” a term that has been explained in the law.

Consent must be “free, specific, informed, unconditional and unambiguous with a clear
affirmative action” and for a specific purpose. The data collected has to be limited to that
necessary for the specified purpose. A clear notice containing these details has to be provided
to consumers, including the rights of the concerned individual and the grievance redress
mechanism. Individuals have the right to withdraw consent if consent is the ground on
which data is being processed.

Legitimate uses are defined as: (a) a situation where an individual has voluntarily provided
personal data for a specified purpose; (b) the provisioning of any subsidy, benefit, service,
license, certificate, or permit by any agency or department of the Indian state, if the
individual has previously consented to receiving any other such service from the state (this
is a potential issue since it enables different government agencies providing these services
to access personal data stored with other agencies of the government);15 (c) sovereignty or
security; (d) fulfilling a legal obligation to disclose information to the state; (e) compliance
with judgments, decrees, or orders; (f) medical emergency or threat to life or epidemics or
threat to public health; and (g) disaster or breakdown of public order.16

Rights of Users/Consumers of Data-Related Products and Services

The DPDP Act also creates rights and obligations for individuals.17 These include the right to
get a summary of all the collected data and to know the identities of all other data fiduciaries
and data processors with whom the personal data has been shared, along with a description
of the data shared. Individuals also have the right to correction, completion, updating, and
erasure of their data. Besides, they have a right to obtain redress for their grievances and a
right to nominate persons who will receive their data.

Obligations on Data Fiduciaries

Entities responsible for collecting, storing, and processing digital personal data are defined
as data fiduciaries and have defined obligations. These include: (a) maintaining security
safeguards; (b) ensuring completeness, accuracy, and consistency of personal data; (c)
intimation of data breach in a prescribed manner to the Data Protection Board of India
(DPB); (d) data erasure on consent withdrawal or on the expiry of the specified purpose; (e)
the data fiduciary having to appoint a data protection officer and set up grievance redress
mechanisms; and (f) the consent of the parent/guardian being mandatory in the case of
children/minors (those under eighteen years of age). The DPDP Act also states that any

4 | Understanding India’s New Data Protection Law


processing that is likely to have a detrimental effect on a child is not permitted. The law
prohibits tracking, behavioral monitoring, and targeted advertising directed at children.18
The government can prescribe exemptions from these requirements for specified purposes.
This is potentially a problem since the powers to exempt are broad and without any guidelines.

While the 2023 act retains the broad categories of obligations for the most part, the key
difference from the 2019 bill is the absence of the scope for the regulator, the DPA, to make
detailed regulations on these obligations. In addition, the substantive requirements under
each of these categories have been reduced.

There is an additional category of data fiduciaries known as significant data fiduciaries


(SDFs). The government will designate data fiduciaries as SDFs based on certain criteria—
volume and sensitivity of data and risks to data protection rights, sovereignty and integrity,
electoral democracy, security, and public order.19

SDFs will have additional obligations that include: (a) appointing a data protection officer
based in India who will be answerable to the board of directors or the governing body of the
SDF and will also serve as the point of contact for grievance redressal; and (b) conducting
data protection impact assessments and audits and taking other measures as prescribed by
the government. The 2019 bill required that SDFs register in India. This requirement has
been removed from the 2023 act.

Moderation of Data Localization Requirements

The 2023 law reverses course on the issue of data localization. While the 2019 bill restricted
certain data flows, the 2023 law only states that the government may restrict flows to certain
countries by notification. While this is not explicit, the power to restrict data flows seems to
be to provide the government necessary legal powers for national security purposes. The law
also states that this will not impact measures taken by sector-specific agencies that have or
may impose localization requirements. For example, the Reserve Bank of India’s localization
requirements will continue to be legally valid.

Exemptions From Obligations Under the Law

The law provides exemptions from consent and notice requirements as well as most
obligations of data fiduciaries and related requirements in certain cases: (a) where processing
is necessary for enforcing any legal right or claim; (b) personal data has to be processed by
courts or tribunals, or for the prevention, detection, investigation, or prosecution of any
offenses; (c) where the personal data of non-Indian residents is being processed within India;
and so on.20

Anirudh Burman | 5
In addition, the law exempts certain purposes and entities completely from its purview.21
These include:

1. Processing in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, security of the
state, friendly relations with foreign states, maintenance of public order, or prevent-
ing incitement to any cognizable offense. This will allow investigative and security
agencies to remain outside the purview of this law.

2. Data processing necessary for research, archiving, or statistical purposes if the


personal data is not to be used to take any decision specific to a data principal.

3. The government can exempt certain classes of data fiduciaries, including startups,
from some provisions—notice, completeness, accuracy, consistency, and erasure.

4. One problematic provision allows the government to, “before expiry of five years
from the date of commencement of this Act,” declare that any provision of this law
shall not apply to such data fiduciary or classes of data fiduciaries for such period
as may be specified in the notification. This is a significant and wide discretionary
power and is not circumscribed by any guidance on the basis for such exemption,
the categories that may be exempted, and the time period for which such exemp-
tions can operate.

New Regulatory Structure for Regulating Data Privacy

The 2023 law completely changes the proposed regulatory institutional design. The 2019 bill
proposed an independent regulatory agency. The DPA was proposed on the lines of similar
government agencies in many EU countries that function independently of government
and implement the GDPR. The proposed Indian DPA was arguably more powerful since
it was proposed to have much more extensive regulation-making powers than DPAs under
the GDPR. In addition to framing regulations, the DPA would have been responsible for
framing codes of conduct for businesses, investigating cases of noncompliance, collecting
supervisory information, and imposing penalties on businesses.

In contrast, the 2023 law establishes the DPB.22 The board is not a regulatory entity and is
very different from the DPA. Compared to the latter, the board has a limited mandate to
oversee the prevention of data breaches and direct remedial action and to conduct inquiries
and issue penalties for noncompliance with the law.23 The board does not have any powers to
frame regulations or codes of conduct or to call for information to supervise the workings of
businesses. It can only do so during the process of conducting inquiries.

The members of the board will be appointed by the government, and the terms and
conditions of their service will be prescribed in rules made by the government.24 The law
states that these terms and conditions cannot be varied to a member’s disadvantage during
their tenure.

6 | Understanding India’s New Data Protection Law


The law allows the board to impose monetary penalties of up to 250 crore rupees
(approximately $30.5 million).25 Appeals from the board’s orders will go to an existing
tribunal— the Telecom Disputes Settlement and Appellate Tribunal (TDSAT). In addition
to monetary penalties, the bill allows data fiduciaries to provide voluntary undertakings to
the board as a form of settlement of any complaints against them.26 Therefore, the board is a
very different institution in design compared to the DPA.

Finally, the 2023 law contains a novel provision not included or discussed in any previous
version. This is Section 37, which allows the government, based on a reference from the
board, to block the public’s access to any information that enables a data fiduciary to provide
goods or services in India. This has to be based on two criteria: (a) the board has imposed
penalties against such data fiduciaries on two or more prior occasions, and (b) the board has
recommended a blockage. The government has to provide the data fiduciary an opportunity
to be heard before taking such action.

Analyzing the DPDP Act, 2023


This section analyzes the 2023 act from two perspectives. First, it explains the broad
structure of the law and highlights its key features and issues. Second, it contextualizes the
law in the background of the different drafts proposed before this and elaborates upon the
deliberations that have led to it.

How Well Does the DPDP Act, 2023, Protect Privacy?

The 2023 act creates, for the first time, a data privacy law in India. It requires consent to be
taken before personal data is processed and provides a limited number of exceptions that are
clearly enumerated in the law. It provides consumers the right to access, correct, update, and
erase their data, in addition to a right to nomination. It creates additional safeguards for the
processing of children’s data. For businesses, it creates purpose limitations and obligations
to provide notice of data collection and processing and mandates security safeguards. The
law requires the creation of grievance redress mechanisms by businesses. The DPB will also
handle complaints and grievances and is empowered to issue penalties for noncompliance
with the law.

For the first time, therefore, India has a statutory framework for data protection. The
presence of the law will gradually lead to the development of minimal standards of behavior
and compliance among businesses that collect data. In this regard, the approach of the
government toward implementing and enforcing the law will be the critical variable—for
example, whether implementation will be focused on data-heavy businesses or across the
economy would be an important factor.

Anirudh Burman | 7
However, other than open questions related to implementation, there are some concerns
with different provisions of the law and their potential for undermining the protections
seemingly accorded in it.

First, the exceptions carved out for consent empower the state significantly and place state
imperatives on a different pedestal compared to private entities. While this may be truly
legitimate in some circumstances, like disasters or emergencies, the law enlarges the scope of
such circumstances. For example, Section 7(b) of the law enables the government to sidestep
consent requirements where a government service beneficiary has previously consented to
receiving any other benefit from the state. While this may allow easier access to personal
data of beneficiaries for receiving government services, it also creates a potential for the
government to aggregate databases. This is because making true use of the potential of this
provision would mean that government agencies would have to be exempted from purpose
limitations that require personal data to be deleted after the purpose of the data has been satisfied.

Another example of this is the set of exemptions to the state for investigative, prosecutorial,
and national security purposes. In Section 17(1)(c), the law exempts the requirements of
notice and consent, among others, for the purposes of processing for “prevention, detection,
investigation or prosecution of any offence or contravention of any law.”27 While this is
understandable, Section 17(2)(a) subsequently provides a blanket exemption from the
whole law to any government agency that the government may notify, in the interests of
sovereignty, security, integrity, public order, and preventing incitement. Given the fact that
Section 17(1)(c) already exists, Section 17(2)(a) only indicates the desire of Parliament to
ensure a complete non-application of the data protection law to certain state agencies.

Provisions like these create a separate category of activity that is beyond the purview of data
privacy requirements. It is problematic that the Indian state is not subject to many of the
constraints that private entities are, especially in cases where there is no pressing requirement
for such an exception.

Second, the discretionary rule-making powers that the government has under the law could,
in some cases, undermine the protections provided in the law. For example, under Section
17(5), the government has the power to declare that any provisions of this law will not apply
to any business or class of businesses within five years of the commencement of the law.
There is no time frame for the operation of this exemption or any guidance on how this
provision is to be used. An optimistic interpretation of this provision would suggest that
this could be used to allow sunrise industries or startups some time to comply with the law.
However, provision for this has already been made in Section 17(3), which provides limited
exemptions to startups and other industries the government may notify. Therefore, Section
17(5) could potentially be used in a manner that defeats the purpose of the law. It is worth
reiterating that the law only limits the government’s power to give these exemptions for an
initial period of five years. It does not provide any limit on how long these exemptions can
last for.

8 | Understanding India’s New Data Protection Law


Similarly, the government has some unguided rule-making powers for exempting businesses
from certain requirements regarding the processing of children’s data. Sections 9(1) to 9(3)
specify certain requirements for the same—they require parental consent and prohibit
profiling, among others. Section 9(4) allows the government to exempt any business or class
of businesses from Sections 9(1) to 9(3) “subject to such conditions, as may be prescribed.”
This provision, again, fails to indicate on what grounds this exemption will be given, how
the conditions are to be determined, and so on. Since there is a lack of sufficient guidance,
this provision is also subject to misuse.

While there are other provisions where the government has powers to prescribe conditions
and make substantive rules, the examples highlighted above provide almost no guidance.
This is also problematic when judged against the tenets of Indian administrative law, which
requires that laws should not confer unguided and excessive discretion on the implementing
authority.28 If improperly used, such legal provisions are potentially in violation of the
Indian Constitution.

Third, the design of the DPB is problematic. The board is an independent agency with
a limited mandate, and the government will create mechanisms for the selection and
appointment of its members. While the law sets out qualifications for members, it does not
state how many members shall be on the board and requires only one of them to be a legal
expert. This last provision is a problem since one of the board’s main functions is to issue
penalties and directions for noncompliance.

In addition, the chairperson of the DPB is empowered to authorize any board member
to perform “any of the functions of the board and conduct any of its proceedings.” It is
possible that the chairperson may not authorize the legal member of the board to conduct
the proceedings leading up to the issuance of a penalty. This design also fails to maintain
an internal separation of functions between the members conducting inquiries and the
chairperson. Since the chairperson appoints members to conduct inquiries, they may
potentially not discharge this function impartially in all cases.

Therefore, while the DPDP Act creates data privacy protections in law for the first time,
certain provisions in the law can effectively undermine its benefits if the government does
not act under them in the most scrupulous manner possible.

Tracing the Evolution of the Debate on the Legislation

The DPDP Act is a remarkable shift in the approach toward data protection legislation
compared to the 2018 draft bill and the 2019 bill introduced in Parliament. This shift was
most visible in the November 2022 draft bill and has now been enshrined in the 2023 law.
There are three major axes on which this shift is visible.

Anirudh Burman | 9
1. Reductions in rights and obligations, and compliance: The 2018 and 2019 ver-
sions of the bill adopted a more expansive and all-encompassing framework toward
data protection. As the preceding sections of this paper explain, many of these rights
and obligations have been either diluted or discarded—data portability, for example,
has been completely removed, while others such as the right to be forgotten have
been recast to a simpler right to “erasure.”

Detailed prescriptions regarding the contents of notices and privacy by design


requirements, among others, have been discarded, and it is now up to businesses to
translate these requirements. This is a better and more innovation-friendly approach.
Given the lack of prior data protection law and jurisprudence, firms will experiment
with different approaches to translate them into business practices. The practices
that do not meet the requirements of the DPDP Act will be adjudicated in the DPB,
the TDSAT, and the courts. This process will provide for an organic emergence of
good practices suited to the Indian context.

This reduction in prescriptive requirements and overall compliance should also be


seen in the context of the shift away from criminalization. The 2018 bill created a
number of criminal offenses. The 2019 bill reduced this to just one—deanonymiza-
tion. The 2022 draft and the 2023 version do not provide for any criminal offenses
and stipulate only monetary penalties to be directed by the DPB.

2. A sharper focus on data privacy: The 2018 draft, and more so the 2019 draft,
included several provisions that were only tangentially related to data privacy. For
example, the provision mandating the sharing of nonpersonal data did not further
privacy interests in any way. Similarly, data localization requirements have been
shown to have only a tangential relationship to data privacy, and better alternatives
exist to achieve the same objectives. Their presence in the 2018 and 2019 bills were
a source of uncertainty. In addition, data localization became a proxy for debates on
issues such as data sovereignty, something that, again, is not directly related to the
issue of privacy.

3. The abandonment of a “regulatory” law: The 2018 and 2019 bills created a legis-
lative framework that had a high degree of regulatory intensity—the bills provided
a full-fledged independent regulator, the DPA, with extensive powers to frame
regulations and codes of conduct on many provisions within those bills, such as
notice and consent requirements, security safeguards, manner of storage of data, and
so on. In addition, the DPA would have had powers to collect information necessary
for ensuring compliance with the law and impose penalties for noncompliance. The
DPA, therefore, was proposed to have many more touchpoints with the economy,
and its mandate, by definition, required it to be relatively more interventionist.

These legislative proposals made the DPA a centerpiece of the regulatory framework,
and the agency was expected to function like other Indian independent regulators,

10 | Understanding India’s New Data Protection Law


such as the Securities and Exchange Board of India and the Telecom Regulatory
Authority of India. The DPA was expected to exercise these powers across all sectors
of the Indian economy. It would have had to prescribe standards for all the legal
provisions that provided for standard-setting requirements through regulations,
modify and update them periodically, conduct the necessary stakeholder consul-
tations across different economic sectors, create or identify research to support its
regulatory agenda, and build its regulatory legitimacy. The proposed legislative role
of the DPA in 2018 and 2019 was thus one of high regulatory intensity. Given this
wide remit, it would have faced obvious challenges related to deciding on its overall
approach, prioritizing among its many functions and objectives, and building the
internal capabilities required to deliver on this expansive mandate.

The DPDP Act does away with the idea of an independent regulator like the DPA.
The DPB does not have many regulation-making powers under this law. Its powers
are limited to ensuring remedial actions against any data breaches and issuing
directions to businesses requiring them to comply with the law. In addition, the
DPB can pass orders issuing penalties or imposing voluntary settlements for non-
compliance with the law. This is not a design that is “regulatory” in the same way as
the proposed DPA in the 2018 and 2019 versions and is a major shift in approach.
The DPB’s limited mandate will create less frequent touchpoints with the economy
even though its orders regarding compliance or noncompliance will be extremely
consequential.

These shifts have occurred incrementally over the last few years. The 2018 bill proposed
an expansive law based closely on the GDPR. The 2019 bill rationalized some provisions
while retaining most of them and adding to the regulatory expanse. It imported concerns
that were at best tangential to privacy concerns in some cases. The 2022 bill and the 2023
act are a major shift away from this expansive framework. This indicates a change in how
Parliament and the Indian government now view the salience of the data protection law to
India’s economy. In 2017 and 2018, there were a few animating factors that led to the early
versions of the bill. The Supreme Court had recently declared privacy to be a fundamental
right and was about to rule on the constitutionality of India’s biometric ID project, Aadhaar.
In addition, there was a global debate on data protection regulation sparked off by the
impending implementation of the GDPR. The regulation was enacted in 2016 and came
into force in 2018. At that point in time, it was viewed as a viable template for adoption and
influenced deliberations on the Indian law.29

By 2022, the GDPR had been in effect for four years, and numerous issues with its design
and implementation had been voiced.30 The Indian Supreme Court had upheld the use of
Aadhaar for certain purposes and the potential constitutional law issues had been resolved.
Arguably, deliberations on the different versions of the data protection legislation also
allowed concerns about the proposed framework to be articulated consistently. This was
especially visible on issues such as data localization.31 The long period of deliberations,
therefore, allowed the shift to a more pragmatic version of the law to be finally enacted.

Anirudh Burman | 11
However, one part of the government’s approach toward the law has remained noticeably
consistent—the exemptions given for state functions. State surveillance agencies have been
consistently exempted from the application of data protection requirements. The 2018 draft
bill sought to narrow the scope of exemptions and proposed some checks and balances,
which were diluted in the 2019 bill. The 2019 bill instead gave the central government the
power to exempt any national security agency from any or all provisions of the proposed
legislation. A similar provision has now been enacted into the law—other non-security-
related government uses of data will continue to be exempted from certain parts of the law.
Lastly, as pointed out earlier, the DPDP Act also gives the government problematic levels of
unfettered discretion in some cases.

The next part of this paper speculates on how two developing strains of data-related
regulation—the working of the data protection law and the concerns of national security
and sovereignty—are likely to inform the next stage of data regulation in India.

Looking Forward to the Implementation


of the Data Protection Law
Now that the DPDP Act is law, there will be three key sources of regulatory development
under the same.

The first will be the rules framed by the central government to implement the law. The
DPDP Act provides significant rule-making powers to the central government. These include:

• the manner in which notices will be given to consumers;32

• the manner in which consent managers will function;33

• the manner in which businesses will inform their consumers and the DPB about
data breaches;34

• the manner in which parental consent will be sought for processing children’s data
and related exemptions;35

• the manner in which consumers will exercise their rights against data fiduciaries;36

• the manner of appointment of DPB members, the terms and conditions of their
service, and the procedures for the functioning of the board;37

12 | Understanding India’s New Data Protection Law


• data impact assessments and other measures to be taken by significant data fiducia-
ries;38 and

• the procedure to be followed by the appellate tribunal, the TDSAT, in hearing


appeals from the DPB.39

These are not insignificant powers. However, as already discussed, these powers of rule-
making pale in comparison to the ones that were proposed to be given to the DPA under
the previously proposed versions of the law. The intensity of regulation will, therefore, be
much lower under the DPDP Act than it would have been under the 2019 bill. In creating
this framework, the Indian Parliament has opted for a modest approach to creating elaborate
rules and regulations. This will consequentially allow greater scope for experimentation and
innovation in the Indian technology landscape relative to the 2019 bill and its predecessor.

While many of these powers pertain to procedural issues, the central government has
substantive rule-making powers as well. The fact that these rule-making powers are with the
central government is problematic.

The most consequential of these is the power to grant exemptions. The exercise of this
power will be contingent on two factors—the degree of technocratic competency within the
relevant departments of the central government and the degree to which the relevant officers
can function autonomously and technocratically. Historically, the Indian state’s response
to improve competence and autonomy in economic regulation has been to move these
functions to independent regulatory agencies. In this case, however, such powers have been
retained with the central government.

On the other hand, the lack of any prior regulatory expertise on data protection also lends
itself to an argument in favor of greater political inputs at an incipient stage of regulatory
development. Historically, the Indian government directly regulated many subjects before
transferring them to independent regulators and, in the process, developed a certain degree
of institutional capability within the relevant departments. This has been the case for various
subjects such as insurance, pension, telecom, electricity, and so on. While these departments
did not necessarily regulate well, the exercise of these powers did create some technical and
supervisory capacity within the relevant departments.

The critical consideration, therefore, is whether the drafters of the DPDP Act consider the
framework under the law as a first step in the development of an independent regulator.

The second key source of regulatory development will be the decisions of the DPB in cases
where it initiates an inquiry against regulated entities. The reasoning of the DPB and the
penalties and directions it issues will be the first set of decisions on data privacy regulation
under a new law. These decisions will not just contribute to jurisprudence on the subject but
also provide guidance to businesses on how to implement and comply with the DPDP Act.
The procedures the board follows, the quality of its reasoning, and the clarity of its decisions
will shape both market behavior and future regulation in India.

Anirudh Burman | 13
In this regard, the composition of the board and the qualifications of its members
conducting inquiries will be critical. The law has definite weaknesses in this regard, as
discussed earlier. The proper implementation of the law will, therefore, depend on the
government adopting best practices in appointment and selection and creating a culture of
noninterference, since the law does not contain many standard provisions present in other
Indian laws.

The third key source of regulatory development will be the directions that the DPB is
empowered to issue under the law. While the DPDP Act requires the board to observe
certain specified procedural rules while conducting inquiries and issuing penalties, it does
not provide any such guidance for issuing directions to regulated entities. This is problematic
since directions will also be binding and impose compliance costs. It is, therefore,
appropriate that the board should create certain checks and balances for issuing directions.
At the very least, the board should provide any regulated entity with a formal opportunity to
furnish their response to a draft direction before such a direction is formally issued to them.
Absent this, the board may develop a predilection toward regulation by direction.

The trajectory of these three strands of regulatory decision-making will significantly shape
India’s technology markets and data-related policy for the next few years. Since the law does
not contain adequate checks and balances, the onus will be on the central government to
ensure that best practices in administrative law and decisionmaking are incorporated via the
procedural rules that the DPDP Act empowers it to make.

The other main factor that will shape the development of data protection regulation will
be the larger imperatives of exercising sovereign control over data and data businesses in
India. The development of the DPDP Act was significantly influenced by the call to exercise
control over Indian data for the benefit of Indians. This was most visible during the debate
on issues related to data localization and nonpersonal data. While the provisions in the final
law represent a significant moderation from the provisions in the draft proposals, the larger
concerns over sovereignty and security will influence the development of this law.

One clear example of this is Section 37 of the law that enables the central government to
block access to any information that can be communicated by a data fiduciary. This is a new
insertion, and it is highly debatable whether this provision has any relevance to personal
data privacy.

Outside the DPDP Act, the evolving framework of laws regulating social media companies,
IT services, and businesses, among others, will also exercise indirect influence on how data
protection regulation develops. In 2021, the Indian government issued new guidelines for
social media intermediaries that required, among others, measures to trace originators of
social media content on over-the-top (OTT) messaging platforms. These requirements were
challenged in courts and a final decision is awaited. The outcome will determine the nature
and scope of the powers enjoyed by investigative agencies under the exemptions granted by
the DPDP Act.

14 | Understanding India’s New Data Protection Law


Another example is that of data localization. While the DPDP Act does not restrict data
flows across borders, many Indian sectoral regulators, like the Reserve Bank of India,
do impose localization requirements. The progressive adoption of localization by other
regulators may make the liberal provisions of the DPDP Act superfluous.

Some legal requirements aimed at regulating social media and big tech companies are
emanating organically due to India’s rapid digital transformation in the past decade and
the fact that the regulatory framework is outdated.40 India’s IT minister has stated that a
replacement to India’s Information Technology Act, 2000 is in the works. This newer version
of the IT Act, as well as other similar legislations, is also likely to influence the working of
the DPDP Act. In each of these developments, it will be important to ensure that the nature
and scope of sovereign control to be exercised is for a legitimate purpose and that it does not
overserve the needs of the Indian state to the detriment of privacy, commerce,
and innovation.

Conclusion
While the DPDP Act is a culmination of more than five years of debate and deliberation,
it marks the start of statutory personal data protection regulation. The regulatory
developments and the institutional arrangements that take shape over the next few years
will decide how well (or not) personal data privacy is protected. The new law provides the
necessary scaffolding, but it is not sufficient for de facto data privacy to materialize.

It is debatable whether the earlier versions of the bill would have resulted in better privacy
protection in any meaningful way.41 However, the transformation of the contents of different
versions of the law is indicative of the changed approach of the government to privacy
protection. The fact that the current version of the law, as compared to the earlier ones,
imposes much lower costs on Indian businesses is positive.

Overall, the law itself is modest and pragmatic. This is welcome. However, in some cases, it
is exceedingly so, to the potential detriment of privacy interests. The fact that a significant
degree of discretionary power on substantive issues is vested with the central government
means that a lot will depend on how well the government is committed to protecting privacy.

Anirudh Burman | 15
About the Author
Anirudh Burman is an associate research director and fellow at Carnegie India. He works
on key issues relating to public institutions, public administration, the administrative and
regulatory state, and state capacity. He has also worked extensively on financial regulation
and regulatory governance.

17
Notes
1 The Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 (No. 22 of 2023), Gazette of India, August 11, 2023, https://
www.meity.gov.in/writereaddata/files/Digital%20Personal%20Data%20Protection%20Act%202023.pdf.
2 Starting with the Supreme Court’s judgment declaring privacy to be a fundamental right in Justice K.S.
Puttaswamy and Anr. v. Union of India and Ors. (10 SCC 1, Supreme Court of India, 2017).
3 The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019 (Bill No. 373 of 2019), accessed December 16, 2019,
http://164.100.47.4/BillsTexts/LSBillTexts/Asintroduced/373_2019_LS_Eng.pdf.
4 The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2018, accessed March 8, 2019, https://www.thehinducentre.com/
resources/article24561526.ece/binary/Personal_Data_Protection_Bill,2018_0.
5 “Report of the Joint Committee on the Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019,” 17th Lok Sabha Secretariat,
December 16, 2021, https://eparlib.nic.in/bitstream/123456789/835465/1/17_Joint_Committee_on_the_
Personal_Data_Protection_Bill_2019_1.pdf.
6 The Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2022, Ministry of Electronics & Information Technology,
Government of India, accessed August 9, 2023, https://www.meity.gov.in/writereaddata/files/The%20
Digital%20Personal%20Data%20Potection%20Bill%2C%202022_0.pdf.
7 Justice K.S. Puttaswamy and Anr. v. Union of India and Ors.
8 Anirudh Burman, “Will India’s Proposed Data Protection Law Protect Privacy and
Promote Growth?,” Carnegie India, March 9, 2020, https://carnegieindia.org/2020/03/09/
will-india-s-proposed-data-protection-law-protect-privacy-and-promote-growth-pub-81217.
9 Ibid.
10 “Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 on
the protection of natural persons with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free
movement of such data, and repealing Directive 95/46/EC (General Data Protection Regulation),”
Official Journal of the European Union, May 4, 2016, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/
PDF/?uri=CELEX:32016R0679.

19
11 Anirudh Burman, “The Withdrawal of the Proposed Data Protection Law Is a Pragmatic
Move,” Carnegie India, August 22, 2022, https://carnegieindia.org/2022/08/22/
withdrawal-of-proposed-data-protection-law-is-pragmatic-move-pub-87710.
12 The Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2022.
13 Ibid., Section 3.
14 The Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, Section 4.
15 Ibid., Section 7(b).
16 Ibid., Section 7.
17 See ibid., Sections 11–14.
18 Ibid., Sections 8 and 9.
19 Ibid., Section 10.
20 Ibid., Section 17(1).
21 Ibid., Section 17(2).
22 Ibid., Section 18.
23 Ibid., Sections 27 and 28.
24 Ibid., Sections 19 and 20.
25 Ibid., Schedule to the Act, Section 33.
26 Ibid., Section 32.
27 Ibid., Section 17(1)(c).
28 See, for example, A.N. Parasuraman etc. v. State of Tamil Nadu [SCC (4) 683, 4 Supreme Court Cases 683,
Supreme Court of India, 1989]; Agricultural Market Committee v. Shalimar Chemical Works Ltd. [Supp. (1)
SCR 164, Supp. (1) Supreme Court Reporter 164, Supreme Court of India, 1997]. In this case, the court
observed that “the essential legislative function consists of the determination of the legislative policy and the
Legislature cannot abdicate essential legislative function in favour of another. . . . The Legislature should,
before delegating, enunciate either expressly or by implication, the policy and the principles for the guidance
of the delegates.” See also I.P. Massey, “Chapter 4” in Administrative Law, 10th ed. (Lucknow: Eastern Book
Company, 2022), 94–104.
29 See, for example, Committee of Experts under the Chairmanship of Justice B.N. Srikrishna, A Free and
Fair Digital Economy: Protecting Privacy, Empowering Indians, Ministry of Electronics & Information
Technology, Government of India, July 27, 2018, 3, https://meity.gov.in/writereaddata/files/Data_
Protection_Committee_Report-comp.pdf: “The EU, at the vanguard of global data protection norms has
recently enacted the EU GDPR, which has come into force on 25 May 2018. . . . It is a comprehensive legal
framework. . . . It is both technology and sector-agnostic and lays down the fundamental norms to protect
the privacy of Europeans. . . . We are informed that 67 out of 120 countries outside Europe largely adopt
this framework or that of its predecessor.”
30 See, for example, Axel Voss, “Fixing the GDPR: Towards Version 2.0,” EPP Group in the European
Parliament, May 25, 2021, https://www.axel-voss-europa.de/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/GDPR-2.0-
ENG.pdf; Daniel Mikkelsen et al., “GDPR compliance since May 2018: A continuing challenge,” McKinsey
& Company, July 22, 2019, https://www.mckinsey.com/capabilities/risk-and-resilience/our-insights/
gdpr-compliance-after-may-2018-a-continuing-challenge; Martin Brinnen and Daniel Westman, What’s
wrong with the GDPR? Description of the challenges for business and some proposals for improvement, Svenskt
Naringsliv - Swedish Enterprise, December 2019, https://www.svensktnaringsliv.se/material/skrivelser/
xf8sub_whats-wrong-with-the-gdpr-webbpdf_1005076.html/What%27s+wrong+with+the+GDPR+Webb.
pdf; Ilse Heine, “3 Years Later: An Analysis of GDPR Enforcement,” Strategic Technologies Blog, Center
for Strategic & International Studies, September 13, 2021, https://www.csis.org/blogs/strategic-
technologies-blog/3-years-later-analysis-gdpr-enforcement; Alec Stapp, “Against Privacy Fundamentalism
in the United States,” Niskanen Center, November 19, 2018, https://www.niskanencenter.org/
against-privacy-fundamentalism-in-the-united-states/.

20 | Understanding India’s New Data Protection Law


31 Soumyarendra Barik, “For better compliance, tech transfer, Govt to ease data localisation
norms,” Indian Express, August 14, 2022, https://indianexpress.com/article/india/
for-better-compliance-tech-transfer-govt-to-ease-data-localisation-norms-8088627/.
32 The Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, Section 5.
33 Ibid., Section 6(8).
34 Ibid., Section 8(6).
35 Ibid., Section 9.
36 Ibid., Sections 11, 12, 13, and 14.
37 Ibid., Sections 22, 23, and 28.
38 Ibid., Section 10(2).
39 Ibid., Section 29(8).
40 For more on this, see the section on data in Suyash Rai and Anirudh Burman, “India: Testing
Out New Policies on Globalization - Rewiring Globalization,” in Rewiring Globalization,
Sinan Ülgen et al. (Brussels: Carnegie Europe, 2022), https://carnegieindia.org/2022/02/17/
india-testing-out-new-policies-on-globalization-pub-86370.
41 Burman, “Will India’s Proposed Data Protection Law.”

Anirudh Burman | 21
Carnegie India
Founded in 2016, Carnegie India, based in New Delhi, is part of a robust global network
that includes over 150 scholars in more than twenty countries around the world. The center
focuses primarily on three interrelated programs: technology and society, political economy,
and security studies. Led by Indian experts with decades of international and domestic
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students, industries, practitioners, and civil society to provide insightful and fresh analysis
on India’s pressing challenges and the rising role of India in the world.

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The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is a unique global network of policy
research centers around the world. Our mission, dating back more than a century, is to ad-
vance peace through analysis and development of fresh policy ideas and direct engagement
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23
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