Marduk

Marduk (Cuneiform: 𒀭𒀫𒌓 ᵈAMAR.UTU; Sumerian: amar

Marduk
utu.k "calf of the sun; solar calf"; Hebrew: ‫ְמֹרַדְך‬,
Modern: Merōdaḵ , Tiberian: Mərōḏaḵ ) is a god from ancient God of Babylon
Mesopotamia and patron deity of the city of Babylon who God of Creation, water, agriculture,
eventually rose to power in the First Millennium BC. In the city of justice, medicine, and magic
Babylon, Marduk was worshipped in the temple Esagila. His
symbol is the spade and he is associated with the Mušḫuššu.[2]

By the 1st millennium BC, Marduk had become astrologically

associated with the planet Jupiter. He was a prominent figure in
Babylonian cosmology, especially in the Enūma Eliš creation
myth.

Name
The name of Marduk was solely spelled as d AMAR.UTU in the
Old Babylonian Period, although other spellings such as MES and
d ŠA.ZU were also in use since the Kassite Period. In the 1st

millennium BC, the ideograms d ŠU and KU were regularly

used.[3] The logogram for Adad is also occasionally used to spell
Marduk.[4]
9th century BC depiction of the
Texts from the Old Babylonian period support the pronunciation
Statue of Marduk, with his servant
Marutu or Marutuk, with the shortened spelling Martuk or Marduk
dragon Mušḫuššu. This was
attested starting from the Kassite period. His name in Hebrew,
Marduk's main cult image in
Merodak, supports the longer version,[5] and First Millennium
Babylon.
Assyrian and Babylonian texts employ the long spelling when the
Abode Babylon
circumstances call for the precise form of the name.[6] The personal
name Martuku is not to be confused with the god Marduk.[7] Planet Jupiter
Marduk was commonly called Bēl (lord) in the First Millennium Symbol mušḫuššu, spade
BC.[8] Genealogy

The etymology for the name Marduk is generally understood to be Parents Enki and
derived from d amar-utu-(a)k, meaning "bull-calf of Utu".[6] Damgalnuna
Sommerfield suggests this is used to explain the name Marduk in Siblings Ninsar, Ninkurra,
the Enuma Elish: Uttu, Ninti
Consort Sarpanit
lu-ú ma-ru Šamši ša ilāni né-bu-ú šu-ma
Children Nabu
Equivalents
"He is the "son of the sun" of the gods, radiant is he[9][a]." While Greek Zeus[1]
the name may suggest a relationship with Shamash, Marduk has no equivalent
genealogy with the sun god.[11] However, Babylon was closely Roman Jupiter
associated with the city of Sippar in this period, which may have equivalent
been the reason for the name.[12]
Egyptian Amen or Ra
equivalent

History

3rd millennium BC
Marduk, along with the city of Babylon, was unimportant[13] and sparsely attested in the 3rd millennium
BC. The earliest mention to Marduk comes from a fragmentary inscription, most likely dating to the Early
Dynastic II period. It is left by an unnamed ruler of the city of BAR.KI.BAR (likely Babylon[14]) who
constructed a temple for Marduk.[15] A text from the Fara period seems to mention Marduk without the
divine determinative, and a fragment of a god list from Abu Salabikh contains d utu-ama[r], likely Marduk
written with reversed sign order.[16] A dubious reference to Marduk in the Ur III period comes from the
possible personal name “Amar-Sin is the star of Marduk",[17] although Johandi suggests that the god Martu
who appeared together with Enki and Damgalnuna in the Ur III period could possibly refer instead to the
similarly named Marduk who is otherwise missing in Ur III documentation, as Martu is later attested to have
a different parentage (Anu and Urash) and Marduk is later considered the son of Enki/Ea.[18] If so, this
could be evidence that Marduk was already part of the pantheon of Eridu in the Ur III period.

Old Babylonian Period

Under Sumu-la-El, Marduk appeared in oaths and several year names,[19] namely year name 22, which
recorded fashioning a throne for Marduk, and year name 24, which recorded making a statue for
Zarpanitum.[20] Marduk also started to appear in theophoric names, which would become more frequent in
the following decades but would remain rare, appearing in less than 1% of names, although it would grow
to 1-2% under Hammurabi.[21] During the reigns of Sabium, Apil-Sin and Sin-muballit, Marduk started to
be mentioned outside of the city of Babylon and was invoked alongside local gods in cities subject to the
Babylonian kings.[22] Starting from the reign of Hammurabi, sanctuaries to Marduk were found in other
cities.[23]

In the Old Babylonian Period, while Marduk is acknowledged to be the ruler of the people,[24] there is no
evidence that Hammurabi or his successors promoted Marduk at the expense of other gods.[25] Enlil was
still recognized as the highest authority, and Marduk was far from being the pantheon head,[26] instead
appearing to be a mediator between the great gods and Hammurabi.[27] This is also expressed in
inscriptions from Hammurabi's successor Samsu-iluna, expressing that he receives Enlil's orders through the
other gods, such as Ishtar, Zababa, Shamash and of course Marduk.[28]

A key development during the Old Babylonian period was the association of Marduk with the pantheon of
Eridu. Marduk was syncretized with Asalluhi in the later half of the Old Babylonian period, and the
opening of the Code of Hammurabi identify Ea as the father of Marduk,[29] a genealogy that would remain
canonical. God lists from the Old Babylonian period sometimes place him within the circle of Enki.[30]
TCL 15 10 lists Asalluhi and Marduk as separate gods, but close together in the list. Lambert suggests that
this may be an intrusion by another scribe, and that the editor scribe did so under the belief that Marduk and
Asalluhi were the same god.[30] Johandi on the other hand suggests that Marduk and Asalluhi were not
seen as the same god, but were viewed to be related to one another.[31] The Nippur God List also lists
Asalluhi and Marduk separately, with Marduk appearing seventy names before Asalluhi.[32] In the Weidner
god list, however, it appears that Marduk and Asalluhi were viewed as the same god.[33]

According to the Marduk prophecy and inscriptions of Agum II, the statue of Marduk and Zarpanitum were
removed from Babylon by Mursili I during his raid on Babylon (middle chronology 1595 BC), which was
returned during the reign of Agum II.[34]

Middle Babylonian Period

In the Kassite period, theophoric names containing Marduk grew to over 10%, and the local temple to
Marduk in Nippur was firmly integrated and well established.[25] The Kassite kings sometimes gave
Marduk pompous epithets,[25] showing Marduk's growing popularity, however Enlil still ranks as the most
important Mesopotamian god, still heading the list along with Anu and Ea. At least five Kassite kings bore
theophoric names containing Enlil,[35] and Kassite kings, especially Nazi-Maruttash and Kudur-Enlil, are
known to have visited Nippur at the beginning of the year.[36] Kurigalzu calls himself the "regent of
Enlil"[37] and Dur-Kurigalzu's temple complex holds temples to Enlil, Ninlil and Ninurta.[38]

There are two administrative documents from Nippur from the reigns of two Kassite kings, perhaps Nazi-
Maruttash and Shagarakti-Shuriash, that mention the celebration of the akitu festival connected to
Marduk.[39] Another text claims the late Kassite king Adad-shuma-usur embarked on a pilgrimage from
Babylon to Borsippa and Kutha, Marduk, Nabu and Nergal respectively.[36] However, there are reasons to
doubt the historicity of these texts, especially the alleged journey of Adad-shuma-usur since the trio of
Marduk, Nabu and Nergal fit the ideology of the 1st millennium BC.[36] Nonetheless, the texts could be
evidence that the rise of Marduk was a gradual process that began before Nebuchadnezzar I.[40] Similarly,
in the god list An = Anum the number 50, Enlil's number, was assigned to Marduk instead.[41]

A private document dating to the reign of Ashur-uballit I in Assyria refers to a sanctuary of Marduk in the
city of Assur. A gate of Marduk was also attested in Assur in the 13th Century.[42] Similar to the Neo-
Assyrian period, Marduk was mentioned to receive offerings and gifts in Assur. In the Coronation text of
Tukulti-Ninurta, Marduk even received the same amount of offerings as Ashur.[42] The statue of Marduk
was carried off by Tukulti-Ninurta I to Assyria, where it would stay until it was returned. The cult of
Marduk in Assyria would remain attested in the Neo-Assyrian period.

Marduk was found in Ugarit in an Akkadian hymn that may have been part of the scribal school
curriculum.[43]

During the Kassite period, Nabu, previously the scribe of Marduk, came to be viewed as Marduk's son.[44]

Second Dynasty of Isin

By the time of the Isin II dynasty, an established syncretism of Babylon and Nippur (and by extension
Marduk and Enlil) was in place. The names of the city walls were switched, with Imgur-Enlil and Nimit-
Enlil in Babylon while Imgur-Marduk and Nimit-Marduk were in Nippur.[45] A first millennium bilingual
hymn to Nippur links Babylon and Nippur together:
 Nippur is the city of Enlil, Babylon is his favorite. Nippur and Babylon, their meaning is the
same.[36]

The ideology of the supremacy of Marduk is generally viewed to have been promoted by Nebuchadnezzar
I and his successors. Nebuchadnezzar's second campaign into Elam and the return of the statue of Marduk
that was carried off to Elam by either Shutruk-Nahhunte[46] or his son Kutir-Nahhunte[47][48][49] in 1155
BC is thought to be the trigger.[50] However, there are chronological problems regarding the abduction of
the statue by the Elamites, as the statue of Marduk abducted by Tukulti-Ninurta I wasn't returned yet by the
Assyrians before the Elamites sacked Babylon in 1155 BC. Johnson suggests that Tukulti-Ninurta could
have taken a different statue of Marduk while the main cult statue was taken by Kuter-Nahhunte,[51] while
Bányai believes that immediately following the return of the statue of Marduk by Ninurta-tukulti-Ashur a
second invasion by Kuter-Nahhunte carried off the same statue.[48]

Nonetheless, beginning from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, acknowledgement of Marduk's supremacy over
other gods was now the norm. A kudurru dating to the reign of Nebuchadnezzar claims that Marduk, now
the "king of the gods" directly dispatched Nebuchadnezzar and gave him weapons,[46] and in the Epic of
Nebuchadnezzar, it is Marduk who commanded the gods to abandon Babylonia.[52] A kudurru from the
reign of Enlil-nadin-apli calls Marduk the "king of the gods, the lord of the lands," a title that Enlil
traditionally held.[46] Likewise, when Simbar-shipak, the first king of the Second Dynasty of Sealand,
made Enlil a replacement throne for the one made by Nebuchadnezzar, in his mind this was actually
dedicated to Marduk.[53] Other texts, such as Akkadian prayers and incantations also call Marduk the king
of the gods.[54]

1st Millennium BC
The earliest copy of the Enuma Elish, the Babylonian epic of creation, was found in the city of Assur and
dated to the 9th century,[55] although the text could go back to the Isin II period.[52] Dalley believes that the
Enuma Elish may have been composed during the Old Babylonian Period,[56] although other scholars
consider it unlikely.[57] The Enuma Elish describes Marduk's ascendance to kingship by defeating Tiamat.
In the end, Marduk is proclaimed the ruler, declares Babylon as the city of kingship, received his fifty
names (fifty being the number of Enlil), while Enlil is ignored.[58]

In Assyrian sources, most of the mentions of Marduk's power and authority came from the reigns of the
Sargonids.[54] Generally, the Neo-Assyrian kings cared for Babylon and the cult of Marduk. Shalmaneser
III visited multiple Babylonian sanctuaries, including that of Marduk.[59] Tiglath-pileser III, after
conquering Babylonia, participated in the Akitu festival in Babylon,[60] and Sargon II made Babylon his
temporary residence while Dur-Sharrukin was under construction and took part in the Akitu.[61][62] Marduk
frequently appears in Assyrian royal inscriptions, before the Assyrian kings even gained control over
Babylonia.[63] In continuation from the Middle Assyrian times, an actual cult of Marduk seemed to have
also existed in the Neo-Assyrian period. The Assyrian Divine Directory mentioned that a shrine to Marduk
existed in the temple of Gula in Ashur in the Neo-Assyrian period.[42] Marduk and his son Nabu also
shared a sanctuary in Nineveh, although it seemed that Nabu was the main deity in contrast to Marduk.[42]

One exception was Sennacherib, who after a series of revolts and the extradition of the crown prince Assur-
nadin-shumi to the Elamites (who then probably killed him), decided to destroy Babylon.[64] The
Destruction of Babylon in 689 BCE was, judging from Sennacherib's own accounts, bad by Neo-Assyrian
standards.[65] Outside of claiming to have destroyed the temples and the cult statues, there was no explicit
mention of the fate of Marduk's statue, although Esarhaddon would later claim that the cult statue was taken
from Babylon.[66] Sennacherib followed with what has been called a religious reform, the infrastructure of
Assur being refashioned in the model of Babylon's, and the Assyrian edition of the Enuma Elish replaced
Marduk with the god Ashur (spelled as Anshar) and Babylon with Assur (spelled as Baltil).[67] Other texts
referencing Marduk were also adapted and changed to fit Ashur instead, and a bed and throne dedicated to
Marduk were rededicated to Ashur after the furniture was brought from Babylon to Assur.[68] The Marduk
Ordeal contained cultic commentaries on the Akitu festival reinterpreted to refer to instead Marduk’s
punishment.[60][69] However, the more radical reforms were reversed under the reign of his successor
Esarhaddon, who also oversaw the reconstruction of Babylon and the eventual return of the statue of
Marduk under Šamaš-šuma-ukin. Esarhaddon also crafted a narrative justifying both Sennacherib's
destruction and his rebuilding by citing Marduk's divine anger as the cause for Babylon's destruction, who
originally decreed for the city to be abandoned for seventy years, but Marduk relented and allowed
Esarhaddon to rebuild it.[70][b]

Nabonassar claimed that Marduk proclaimed him lordship and had ordered him to "plunder his enemy's
land" (referring to Assyria), who only ruled Babylonia due to divine anger. He claimed that he killed the
Assyrian and laid waste to his lands by the command of Marduk and Nabu and with the weapons of
Erra,[73] which was the main trio of the First Millennium Babylonian ideology.[36] In literary texts from the
Achaemenid and Seleucid eras, Marduk is said to have commissioned Nabonassar to take revenge on the
land of Akkad (Babylonia).[74]

In royal inscriptions of the Neo-Babylonian kings, Marduk is exalted as the king of the gods and as the
source of their authority, while Enlil is hardly ever mentioned except when in relation to the city of
Nippur.[75] In a Late Babylonian god list, all the gods on the list were identified with Marduk. For example,
Ninurta was Marduk of the pickaxe, Nabu was Marduk of accounting, Shamash was Marduk of justice and
Tishpak was Marduk of the troops.[76] This "syncretistic tendency" is observed in other late texts, where the
other gods appear as aspects of Marduk.[77]

Cyrus, justifying his conquest of Babylonia, claimed that Marduk had abandoned Nabonidus who offended
Marduk by turning his back on the Esagila in the Cyrus Cylinder.[78] Another anti-Nabonidus text, the
Verse Account, explains that Nabonidus favoured Sin over Marduk.[79] Nabonidus’ reverence for the moon
god may have been because of familial roots to the city of Harran, and later he even revived the religious
institutions of Ur, the main sanctuary of Sin.[80]

Characteristics

Symbol
His symbol is the spade and he is associated with the Mušḫuššu, a
dragon-like creature from Mesopotamian mythology.[2]

Original role
Mušḫuššu, a dragon-like creature, Since sources pertaining to Marduk in the early periods are sparse,
was associated with Marduk. Marduk's original role is unknown. However, since Marduk
appeared in the Abu Salabikh list behind three minor deities whose
names point to a possible connection with the underworld, Johandi suggests that Marduk may have been a
minor god connected to the underworld.[81] Similarly, Oshima recently proposed that Marduk may have
originally had a role similar to Nergal, which may even explain why the logogram d AMAR.UTU is used in
Hittite texts to write the name of the god Šanta,[82] who was similar in nature to Nergal.[83] In the earlier
forerunners to the Udug Hul where both Marduk and Asalluhi appear together in a passage Marduk, in
contrast to Asalluhi, does not help the victim but instead captures him, either because of his powerlessness
or because he simply refused to help.[84] Oshima interpreted the passage as supporting the idea that
Marduk's original role was illness and death.[85] Similarly, in Sin-iddinam's prayer to Ninisina, Asalluhi
(here identified with Marduk) imposing an evil spell on Sin-iddinam (the king of Larsa) causing him to
become sick[86] may reflect that Marduk's power to cause illness extended beyond the dominion of
Babylon.[87] However Sommerfield, who previously believed that there was little evidence for Marduk
being related to magic,[88] more recently suggested that Marduk was originally a god of incantations before
his syncretism with Asalluhi.[89] Jacobsen suggests that Marduk was originally a storm god due to the storm
imageries in the Enuma Elish, wielding the four winds and storms as weapons, and assigning to himself the
rain and clouds that came from Tiamat's corpse.[90] Abusch, citing Jacobsen, also believes that Marduk was
a storm god, and may have been associated with water and vegetation before joining the pantheon of Eridu
as it is improbable to suppose that all of Marduk's traits with water as being taken from the circle of
Enki.[91] However, there is no other evidence suggesting that Marduk was originally a local storm god, and
the usage of wind and storm as weapons are not limited to storm gods. Schwemer points to Ninurta (who is
not a storm god) as the original model for Marduk using storms, winds and floods as weapons. [92]
Schwemer also summarizes that although Marduk has characteristics that overlap with the storm god
profile, it does not mean that Marduk or other gods in similar position (such as Ninurta, Martu, Telepinu and
Tishpak) are necessarily storm gods.[93] Marduk's symbol, the spade, may point to him originally being a
god of agriculture, or more likely as a god of canals and by extension fertility.[94] Unlike Abusch, Oshima
believes that Marduk's association with water came from his association with canals. He is depicted as the
supplier of water in Prayer to Marduk no.2, dating to the Kassite period, and was praised as the bringer of
water from rivers, seasonal floods and rains to the fields.[95] Various prayers to Marduk refer to his
connection with springs and rivers, and Ashurbanipal applies the epithet "the canal inspector of the heavens
and the earth" to Marduk[96][c].

Marduk's anger and mercy

Sin-iddinam's prayer to Ninisina shares similar motifs with the Prayer to Marduk no.1 and Ludlul bel
nemeqi, where Marduk's anger is blamed for some certain ailment affecting the sufferer, and can only be
remedied by Marduk having mercy and forgiving them. In the Prayer to Marduk no.1, Marduk is asked to
not kill his client,[99] and in Ludlul Marduk is praised for his mercy after forgiving his client.[100] As such,
some scholars claim that Marduk was being praised for his wrath,[101] and others claim that Marduk comes
off as having "unpredictable mood swings.[102]" Lambert also points to one of Marduk's names in the
Enuma Elish, Meršakušu ("savage, yet relenting"), suggests that the Babylonians may have stressed
Marduk's mercy so he could be less savage,[5] although Oshima proposes that the Babylonians had to stress
both his wrath and mercy to appease him.[100] Others believe that the purpose of the poem was to stress that
Marduk's true inner quality was mercy and benevolence.[103] The Prayer to Marduk no.2, on the other
hand, praises Marduk's power to heal, which may have been as a result of syncretism with Asalluhi.[104]

Connections to the River Ordeal

Due to being the son of Ea, Marduk had connections with the River Ordeal.[105] Sin-iddinam's prayer to
Ninisina also identified Idlurugu (the river ordeal) as the father of Marduk/Asalluhi, in contrast to the
standard genealogy.[85]

Incantations
Marduk features in incantations of the Marduk-Ea type formula, in which the god Ea/Enki engages in
dialogue with his son Marduk/Asalluhi. The structure of the formula starts with Marduk/Asalluhi noticing a
problem and reporting to his father. Ea reassures his son about his knowledge and then proceeds to instruct
his son on the procedures.[106] In later incantations from the First Millenium BC, the priests usually claim to
be direct representations of Marduk/Asalluhi, replacing the divine dialogue between father and son,[107] for
example in Marduk's Address to the Demons the priest starts by declaring themselves to be Marduk.[108] In
Neo-Assyrian Assyria, Marduk was one of the major gods that incantation-prayers were directed at, with
only Shamash being invoked more than Marduk.[109] It is difficult to tell if Marduk originally had a role in
incantations prior to being identified with Asalluhi.[110] Marduk sometimes appears in the Sumerian-
Akkadian bilinguals as the Akkadian name for Asalluhi,[106][111] although Marduk and Asalluhi were also
attested to appear separately in two different texts, one being the incantation against the evil Udug where
Marduk captured the victim instead of helping in contrast to Asalluhi who sought out Enki,[84][110] the
other being an incantation against Lamashtu that listed Marduk and Asalluhi separately as deterrence to the
demon.[112]

Myths and literature

Enuma Elish
The Enuma Elish, generally believed to have been composed in the Isin II period, details Marduk's rise to
power as the king of the gods. There are similarities between the Epic of Creation and the Anzu myth as
well as other traditions related to Ninurta.[58] The Tablet of Destinies is a key object in both myths, and
Marduk uses largely the same weapons as Ninurta.[113] A ritual tablet mentions how the Epic of Creation
would be recited and possibly reenacted during the Akitu festival, on the fourth day of the month of
Nisannu.[114] The epic starts off by mentioning Apsu and Tiamat, here the oldest gods, and created a
younger generation of the gods. However, Apsu was disturbed by their noisiness and decided to kill them.
Ea, however, found out about the plot and kills Apsu and takes his splendour. Later Marduk was born to Ea
and Damkina, and already at birth he was special. Tiamat then decides to wage war against the younger
generation of the gods, giving Kingu the Tablet of Destinies and appointing him as the commander. Marduk
volunteers to do battle against Tiamat and defeats her. The world was fashioned from Tiamat's corpse with
Babylon as the center, and Marduk assumes kingship and receives his fifty names. The fifty names taken
was based on the An = Anum god list, the columnar arrangement removed and slotted in.[115] One of his
titles, bēl mātāti (king of the lands) originally belonged to Enlil, who was conspicuously missing from the
epic except when he gave this title to Marduk[116]

Ludlul bel nemeqi

Also known as the "Babylonian Job,[117]" the poem describes the narrator's suffering caused by Marduk's
anger, causing him to lose his job and to experience hostility from his friends and family. Diviners were
incapable of helping him and his personal protective spirits and gods also did not come to help. He claims
that nobody understood the actions of the gods, and despite the narrator's protests of innocence and that he
had always been pious to the gods and never abandoned him, he quickly became ill and was on death's bed.
Then, in a series of dreams, he met a young man, an incantation priest that purified him, a young woman
with a godlike appearance who came to say that his suffering had ended, and an incantation priest from
Babylon. Afterwards, the narrator praises Marduk's mercy[118] which was the main point of the text despite
the expressions of Marduk's anger.[119]

Epic of Erra
In the Erra epic, Erra convinced Marduk to leave Esagil and to go to the netherworld, leaving Erra to
become king. Afterwards, Erra wreaks havoc on all the cities and causes instability. Marduk came back and
lamented the state of Babylon. Unlike the Enuma Elish which championed Marduk as the bringer of peace
and stability, Marduk is here the one who brought instability by leaving his seat, thus bringing darkness
upon the world.[120] He also indirectly brought war by yielding to Erra.[121]

Marduk Ordeal
Written in the Assyrian dialect,[122] versions of the so-called Marduk Ordeal Text are known from Assur,
Nimrud and Nineveh.[69] Using sceneries and language familiar to the procession of the Akitu Festival,
here Marduk is instead being held responsible for crimes committed against Ashur and was subject to a river
ordeal and imprisonment.[69] The text opens with Nabu arriving in Babylon looking for Marduk, his father.
Tashmetum prayed to Sin and Shamash.[123] Meanwhile, Marduk was being held captive, the color red on
his clothes was reinterpreted to be his blood, and the case was brought forward to the god Ashur. The city
of Babylon also seemingly rebelled against Marduk, and Nabu learned that Marduk was taken to the river
ordeal. Marduk claims that everything was done for the good of the god Ashur and prays to the gods to let
him live[d]. After various alternate cultic commentaries, the Assyrian version of the Enuma Elish was
recited, proclaiming Ashur's superiority.[125] However, despite the content, the Marduk Ordeal was not
simply an anti-Marduk piece of literature. At no point was Marduk actually accused of a crime, and the end
of the text seems to suggest that the gods fought to get Marduk out by drilling holes through the door which
he is locked behind.[126] Marduk also appeared in the curse section, so it is possible that the majority of the
blame was put on the Babylonians for leading Marduk astray, while Marduk retains a position within the
pantheon.[127] While most attribute this text to Sennacherib's destruction of Babylon, Frymer-Kensky
suggests that the background could be the return of Marduk's statue to Babylon in 669 BCE.[126]

Enmesharra's Defeat
Known from only 1 copy and with a badly damaged top half, Enmesharra's Defeat is likely composed in
the Seleucid or Parthian era.[128] Structurally similar to the Enuma Elish, the text starts with Enmesharra
and his seven sons going against Marduk, who subsequently defeated them and threw them into jail with
Nergal as the prison warden. The preserved portion starts with Nergal announcing Marduk's judgement to
Enmesharra that he and his sons would all be put to death, and Enmesharra laments about Marduk's terrible
judgement and pleads with Nergal. Nergal replies, but the text breaks off.[129] Nergal is then shown to be
escorting Enmesharra and his sons to Marduk, who first beheads the sons, and Enmesharra's radiance was
then taken and given to Shamash. Nabu was also given the power of Ninurta, Nergal those of Erra, and
Marduk took Enlil's power. Marduk, Nabu and Nergal then shared the throne, which likely previously
belonged to Anu, together. The gods were then assigned their cities, and a voice from heaven could be
heard. A fish-goat praised Marduk as the exalted lord, and the text ends with the gods gathering at Babylon.

Syncretisms

Asalluhi
The earliest evidence of Asalluhi's syncretism with Marduk is Sin-iddinam's prayer to Ninisina,[130] where
Asalluhi was called the "king of Babylon.[131]" An Old Babylonian text substitutes "son of Eridu" for "lord
of Tintir" as a title for Asalluhi[132] (Tintir being another attested name for Babylon.[133]) In Hammurabi's
prayer to Asalluhi, he is clearly viewed as synonymous with Marduk.[134] However, in a prayer for Samsu-
iluna, Marduk and Asalluhi were mentioned as separate gods, suggesting that the syncretism Marduk =
Asalluhi was not yet fully established as canonical in the Old Babylonian period.[135] Johandi also suggests
that keeping Marduk and Asalluhi separate was a deliberate act on the part of Samsu-iluna to reclaim
authority over the southern cities,[136] which were centers of rebellion during the early years of his reign.

Sommerfield suggested that the syncretism of may have been due to both having a similar role as a god of
incantations,[137] or because Asalluhi was more well known in Southern Babylonia compared to Marduk,
who was still a local god.[88] Lambert also believes the syncretism to be a means to elevate Marduk to a
more respectable position.[30] Johandi proposes that Marduk and Asalluhi were identified for some other
reason other than magic, and Marduk only became a god associated with magic after being syncretized with
Asalluhi.[138]

Enlil
The syncretism of Babylon and Nippur was in place from the Isin II period, and the names of the city walls
were switched, with Imgur-Enlil and Nimit-Enlil in Babylon while Imgur-Marduk and Nimit-Marduk were
in Nippur.[45] By extension, Marduk was also identified with Enlil, and in the Isin II period Marduk was
attested with Enlil's titles. Marduk was often called the "Enlil of the gods" in the First Millennium.

A statue of Marduk, conveniently named "King of the gods of Heaven and the Underworld" was placed in
Enlil's sanctuary in Babylon, and Marduk receives the title bēl mātāti "king of the lands" in the Enuma
Elish.[116]

Tutu
The previous patron deity of Borsippa. Although Hammurabi recognized Tutu's dominion as extending
over Borsippa and E-zida,[139] Tutu became another name for Marduk after Hammurabi, but became a
byname for Nabu in the First Millennium.[140] Tutu was also a name for Marduk in the Enuma Elish.[141]
In the bird call text, the bird of Enmesharra calls that he sinned against Tutu, here meaning Marduk.[140]

See also
Mesopotamian Religion
Babylon
Zakmuk
Akitu

Notes
a. This is reading maru (son) as being in the possessive case. Lambert reads the same
passage as "he is the son, the sun god of the gods, he is dazzling" separating the two
clauses[10]
b. In line with the Mesopotamian idea that the gods can abandon their cities, this is referring to
the narrative that Marduk can and will abandon Babylon and may even direct a foreign
power to rule over it until he decides to return.[71] Similarly, Marduk-apla-iddina II also
claimed that the Assyrian rule over Babylonia was due to Marduk’s anger over the people,
until he was satisfied and appointed him to throw off the Assyrians and rule Babylonia[72]
c. Similar epithets are also attested for Teshub,[97] Adad, and Ninurta[98]
d. In the Ninevite version of the Marduk Ordeal, it is Sarpanit who prays to let Marduk live[124]

Citations
1. Fontenrose 1980, pp. 150, 158.
2. Wiggermann 1992, p. 157.
3. Sommerfield 1982, p. 7.
4. Schwemer 2001, p. 75.
5. Lambert 1984, p. 6.
6. Lambert 1984, p. 7.
7. Sommerfield 1982, p. 8.
8. Oshima 2011, p. 39.
9. Sommerfield 1982, p. 10.
10. Lambert 2013, p. 117.
11. Sommerfield 1982, p. 11.
12. Lambert 1984, p. 8.
13. Lambert 2013, p. 251.
14. Beaulieu 2019, p. 29.
15. Lambert 2013, p. 249.
16. Lambert 2013, p. 250.
17. Lambert 2013, p. 250-251.
18. Johandi 2019, p. 72-73.
19. Sommerfield 1982, p. 22.
20. Beaulieu 2018, p. 71.
21. Sommerfield 1987, p. 363.
22. Sommerfield 1982, p. 27.
23. Sommerfield 1987, p. 363-364.
24. Lambert 2013, p. 256.
25. Sommerfield 1987, p. 364.
26. Lambert 2013, p. 256-258.
27. Johandi 2018, p. 565.
28. Lambert 2013, p. 257-258.
29. Sommerfield 1982, p. 13.
30. Lambert 2013, p. 252.
31. Johandi 2019, p. 110.
32. Johandi 2019, p. 114.
33. Johandi 2019, p. 116.
34. Beaulieu 2018, p. 119.
35. Beaulieu 2018, p. 139.
36. Tenney 2016, p. 160.
37. Lambert 2013, p. 266.
38. Malko 2017, p. 481.
39. Tenney 2016, p. 158.
40. Tenney 2016, p. 161.
41. Lambert 1984, p. 3.
42. Frame 1999, p. 13.
43. Ayali-Darshan 2022, p. 39.
44. Beaulieu 2018, p. 157.
45. Schneider 2022, p. 758.
46. Lambert 2013, p. 271.
47. Beaulieu 2018, p. 150.
48. Bányai 2016, p. 124.
49. Nielsen 2018, p. 3.
50. Beaulieu 2018, p. 161.
51. Johnson 2013, p. 114-115.
52. Beaulieu 2018, p. 162.
53. George 1997, p. 69.
54. Lambert 2013, p. 275.
55. Frahm 2010, p. 5.
56. Dalley 2008, p. 229.
57. Frahm 2010, p. 5-6.
58. Seri 2006, p. 517.
59. Frahm 2017b, p. 291.
60. Frahm 2017b, p. 292.
 61. Frahm 2017a, p. 183.
62. Sommerfield 1987, p. 366.
63. Frame 1999, p. 14.
64. Frahm 2017b, p. 293.
65. Nielsen 2018, p. 95.
66. Nielsen 2018, p. 97.
67. Frahm 2010, p. 8.
68. Frahm 2010, p. 10.
69. Nielsen 2018, p. 98.
70. Nielsen 2018, p. 102-103.
71. Johnson 2013, p. 116.
72. Cogan 2009, p. 166-167.
73. Bedford 2016, p. 57-58.
74. Bedford 2016, p. 59.
75. Lambert 2013, p. 263.
76. Lambert 2013, p. 264.
77. Lambert 2013, p. 265.
78. van der Spek 2014, p. 28.
79. van der Spek 2014, p. 29.
80. Beaulieu 2018, p. 239.
81. Johandi 2018, p. 552-553.
82. Oshima 2011, p. 47.
83. Taracha 2009, p. 113.
84. Geller 1985, p. 15.
85. Oshima 2011, p. 45.
86. Brisch 2007, p. 143.
87. Oshima 2011, p. 46.
88. Sommerfield 1982, p. 16.
89. Sommerfield 1987, p. 368.
90. Jacobsen 1968, p. 106.
91. Abusch 1999, p. 544.
92. Schwemer 2007, p. 128.
93. Schwemer 2016, p. 70.
94. Oshima 2006, p. 80.
95. Oshima 2006, p. 81.
96. Oshima 2006, p. 82.
97. Hoffner,_Jr. 1998, p. 52.
98. Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 261.
99. Oshima 2011, p. 49.
100. Oshima 2011, p. 51.
101. Oshima 2011, p. 50.
102. Piccin & Worthington 2015, p. 114, citing Spieckermann.
103. Piccin & Worthington 2015, p. 116.
104. Oshima 2011, p. 62.
105. Soldt 2005, p. 127.
106. George 2016, p. 2.
107. Johandi 2019, p. 182.
108. Geller 2015, p. 15.
109. Frame 1999, p. 15.
110. Cunningham 1997, p. 114.
111. Cunningham 1997, p. 114-115.
112. Johandi 2019, p. 176.
113. Dalley 2008, p. 230.
114. Dalley 2008, p. 231.
115. Seri 2006, p. 515.
116. George 1997, p. 66.
117. Oshima 2014, p. 3.
118. Oshima 2014, p. 11.
119. Oshima 2014, p. 9.
120. Dalley 2008, p. 293.
121. Frahm 2010, p. 7.
122. Frymer-Kensky 1983, p. 131.
123. Frymer-Kensky 1983, p. 134.
124. Livingstone 1989, p. 88.
125. Livingstone 1989, p. 85.
126. Frymer-Kensky 1983, p. 140.
127. Nielsen 2018, p. 99.
128. Lambert 2013, p. 281.
129. Lambert 2013, p. 291.
130. Johandi 2019, p. 154.
131. Johandi 2019, p. 141.
132. Lambert 2013, p. 253.
133. Beaulieu 2019, p. 30.
134. Johandi 2019, p. 144.
135. Oshima 2011, p. 195.
136. Johandi 2019, p. 147.
137. Sommerfield 1982, p. 17.
138. Johandi 2018, p. 561.
139. George 1997, p. 68.
140. Lambert 2013, p. 288.
141. Lambert 2013, p. 125.

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External links
Ancient Mesopotamian Gods and Goddesses: Marduk (god) (http://oracc.museum.upenn.ed
u/amgg/listofdeities/marduk/)
Enuma Elish – The Babylonian Creation Story (http://faculty.gvsu.edu/websterm/Enuma_Elis
h.html)
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Marduk&oldid=1235235533"