Interciencia

ISSN: 0378-1844
[email protected]
Asociación Interciencia
Venezuela

Seixas, Cristiana; Troutt, Elizabeth

Socio-economic and ecological feedbacks in lagoon fisheries: management principles for a co-
evolutionary setting
Interciencia, vol. 29, núm. 7, julio, 2004, pp. 362-368
Asociación Interciencia
Caracas, Venezuela

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 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ECOLOGICAL
FEEDBACKS IN LAGOON FISHERIES:
MANAGEMENT PRINCIPLES
FOR A CO-EVOLUTIONARY SETTING
CRISTIANA SEIXAS and ELIZABETH TROUTT

his paper explores man- change over time as they constantly co- defined as its ability to respond to
agement issues that arise evolve. For this purpose, concepts from changes and disturbances without losing
in a coastal lagoon fish- complex systems analysis and from eco- options for the future (Resilience Alli-
ery in light of the significant interrela- logical economics are important to con- ance, 2003). In order to be adaptive, a
tionships between the lagoon ecosystem sider, as they are clearly reflected in the management system should be flexible,
and the socio-economic developments of Lisbon principles on which this paper diverse and capable of learning and
the local communities. In particular, we will base its resource management pro- adapting (Folke et al., 2002; Berkes et
review the major socio-economic evolu- posals. al., 2003).
tionary events in a network of communi- The dynamics of inte- Ecological economists in-
ties surrounding a lagoon, and trace their grated social and ecological systems may vestigate co-evolutionary processes be-
impacts on both the lagoon’s goods and be analyzed through the lens of complex tween environment, technology, knowl-
services and stakeholders’ well-being. Of systems thinking. This approach sheds edge, institutions and values, to develop
interest is how stakeholders may respond light on the complex nature of several tools that are able to promote sustainable
to manage the lagoon sustainably as de- management problems. Complex systems governance of resources (Constanza et al.,
velopment pressures, technologies, and thinking acknowledges the non-linear na- 1997). This school of thought acknowl-
social systems continue to evolve. ture of system dynamics, the uncertainty edges that “human preferences, under-
The recent shift in na- intrinsic in any system, the problem of standing, technology and cultural orga-
tural resource and environmental man- scale, and systems’ capacity of self-orga- nization all co-evolve to reflect broad
agement theory from a ‘biological-cen- nization, among other attributes (Costanza ecological opportunities and con-
tered approach’ to a ‘social-ecological et al., 1993; Kauffman, 1993; Levin, straints” (Costanza et al., 1997, p.337).
approach’ (Jasanoff et al., 1997; Kates et 1999). The earth is seen as materially finite
al., 2001) and from a single population To deal with the com- and a closed system; hence, technical
approach to a system dynamics approach, plex nature of social-ecological systems, advances do not create new resources
particularly a complex systems approach some scholars have advocated the adap- (i.e., human-made capital is a comple-
(Kauffman, 1993; Levin, 1999), creates a tive management approach (Holling, ment to rather than a substitute for
need for studies that analyze the dynamic 1978; Walters, 1986). In this type of re- natural capital; Daly, 1977). Surprises
interrelationship between natural and so- source management, managers must con- and uncertainty are considered part of
cial systems. This is because, in order to stantly respond to ongoing changes in any ecosystem although they may have
propose or reformulate management rules ecological systems caused by either ‘hu- exogenous origins (Holling, 1986). Eco-
and policies to achieve the ultimate goals man-made’ or natural disturbances. Be- logical economics further acknowledges
of resource sustainability, efficiency, and cause disturbances are inevitable, man- that “community relations define who
social justice, natural resource managers agement must always be adaptive (Gun- people are, affect what they want, [and]
must understand how ecological and derson et al., 1995). The adaptive capac- facilitate collective action” (Costanza et
socio-economic systems interconnect and ity of a social-ecological system may be al., 1997, p.24).

KEYWORDS / Brazil / Coastal Fisheries Management / Ecological Economics / Lisbon Principles / Systems Analysis /
Received: 11/17/2003. Modified: 06/09/2004. Accepted: 06/15/2004.

Elizabeth Troutt. Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA. Professor, University of

Manitoba, Canada. Address: Department of Economics, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB R3T 5V5 Canada. email:
[email protected]
Cristiana Simão Seixas. Ph.D. in Natural Resources and Environmental Management, Uni-
versity of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Canada. Consultant in natural resource management. Address: Alm. Navarro de Andrade
444. Adamantina, SP, 17800-000, Brazil. e-mail: [email protected]

362 0378-1844/04/07/362-07 $ 3. 00/0 JUL 2004, VOL. 29 Nº 7

 principle). According to the ciples (Costanza et al., 1999) incorporate
third Lisbon principle, un- conceptual underpinnings of systems
certainty about potentially ir- analysis and ecological economics, and,
reversible environment im- as such, offer a sound basis for proposing
pacts must be taken into ac- management solutions. Thus, in the end,
count (precautionary prin- the paper draws conclusions about an ap-
ciple). The fourth principle propriate approach to managing a system
calls for continuous monitor- such as the Ibiraquera Lagoon for ecosys-
ing of social, economic and tem sustainability based on these Lisbon
ecological information be- principles (Costanza et al., 1999).
cause resource management
systems are dynamic (adap- Description of the Lagoon
tive management principle).
The fifth principle requires The Ibiraquera Lagoon, in the mu-
identification and allocation nicipality of Imbituba (pop. 33000 in
of all internal and external 1991), Santa Catarina State, is located
costs and benefits (social along the southern part of the Brazilian
and ecological) of alternative coast, and is surrounded by seven com-
uses of environmental re- munities (Figure 1). Despite the develop-
sources (full cost allocation ment of the city of Imbituba in the first
principle). Finally, under the half of the 20th century, most of the
sixth Lisbon principle, stake- Ibiraquera region, including the seven
holders should participate in communities around the lagoon, remained
the formulation and imple- quite isolated until the 1960s. Residents
mentation of decisions about of the communities lived off household
environmental resources agriculture and subsistence fishing. Many
(participation principle). socio-economic and ecological changes
Because two-thirds of have occurred since then, as will be dis-
the world’s population lives cussed throughout this paper. By 2000,
in coastal areas and human tourism-related activities dominated the
welfare is highly dependent economies of most of the communities.
on the oceans (Costanza et However, fishing continues to be integral
al., 1999) disruption of to the communities, serving as an impor-
coastal ecosystems poses a tant source of cash or in-kind income for
major threat to both oceans households in the area.
(Antunes and Santos, 1999) The lagoon itself is shal-
and humans. Hence, appro- low (0.20m to 2.0m deep, with isolated
priate governance of coastal 4m deep areas) with a sandy bottom and
areas and management of brackish water. Its 900ha are comprised
coastal resources must be a of four interconnected small basins:
high priority for any state Lagõa de Cima, Lagõa do Meio, Lagõa
with coastal area. Ideally, ef- de Baixo, and Lagõa do Saco (‘Upper
fort shall be made to pro- Lagoon’, ‘Middle Lagoon’, ‘Lower La-
mote sustainable governance goon’, and ‘Saco Lagoon’). The lagoon
of coastal areas at the global receives its freshwater input through rain-
Figure 1. Map of the Ibiraquera Lagoon, Santa Catarina scale. However, such global fall and at least nine springs.
State, Brazil. effort can be very costly in Through most of the year,
terms of both time and a sandbar separates the lagoon from the
Ecological economists ad- money. Actions taken locally are more likely Atlantic Ocean. If there is no human in-
vocate that six principles, known as the to be effective in the short run (Johnson and tervention, a channel bursts through the
Lisbon principles, be applied when formu- Duchin, 2000) as “local level institutions are sandbar once sufficient water pressure
lating policies to promote sustainable gov- generally better able to identify the recipi- builds, and the lagoon’s water level drops
ernance of oceans and coastal areas (Cos- ents of both costs and benefits and assign through natural processes. However, hu-
tanza et al., 1998, 1999). The first Lisbon responsibilities that internalize both” (Cos- man actions to serve management pur-
principle asserts that entities (individuals or tanza et al., 1999, p.183). poses more often cause channel openings
corporations) who use environmental re- In this context, this pa- in the sandbar. Either way, the channel
sources are responsible for doing so in an per examines the management strengths eventually closes through sand deposition
ecologically sustainable, economically effi- and shortcomings of a coastal fishery by ocean currents and tides, which in
cient and socially just manner (responsibil- ecosystem, focusing on the co-evolution turn allows the lagoon’s water level to in-
ity principle). Under the second Lisbon of local communities at the Ibiraquera crease once again.
principle, the power to make resource man- Lagoon, located in southern Brazil. This Pink shrimp (Farfantepe-
agement decisions should rest with the area is a micro-watershed where most en- naeus paulensis and F. brasiliensis) and
scale of governance that has the most rel- vironmental impacts are locally generated mullet (Mugil platanus, Mugil spp.) are
evant ecological information, which consid- and can be locally addressed, although la- the main fishing resources in the area. Of
ers ownership and actors, and which inter- goon problems may be exported to the these, shrimp is the more valuable and
nalizes costs and benefits (scale-matching ocean and vice-versa. The Lisbon prin- commercialized. Mullet is seldom sold.

JUL 2004, VOL. 29 Nº 7 363

Local fishers also catch blue crab (Calli- socio-economic changes over the second (Colônia de Pescadores) and a federal
nectes spp.) for domestic consumption. half of the 20th century. While each com- government fishery agency (Divisão de
Lagoon shrimp and fish munity had its own particularities, the Caça e Pesca (DCP) replaced by Super-
stocks are heavily influenced by the tim- overall picture for the area shows that the intendência do Desenvolvimento da Pesca
ing and duration of channel openings and local economy moved from subsistence (SUDEPE) in 1962) already existed, they
by fishing activities. Because their timing agriculture and fishing during the 1950s did not play any important role in the lo-
affects the diversity of species in the la- to a mix of agriculture and small-scale cal management of the Ibiraquera La-
goon, channel openings have been man- commercial fishing during the 70s and to goon. Colônia de Pescadores was respon-
aged in order to allow the entry of fish tourism-related activities during the 90s. sible for helping fishers to get their fish-
and shrimp stocks moving through the The main forces driving these changes ing licenses and to take fishers’ com-
ocean in front of the channel. The spring were infrastructural improvements in the plaints to the state fishery agency (De-
months are a major recruitment time for form of road construction and the provi- partamento Estadual de Caça e Pesca);
shrimp at the Ibiraquera Lagoon, with the sion of electricity. Additionally, the but Colônia had no power in decision-
fall months representing a second, less region’s proximity to the ocean served to making or enforcing fisheries regulations.
important recruitment period. Channel boost tourism. This section describes how Federal government regulations concern-
openings create opportunities for fish and lagoon management practices responded ing access rules and technological limita-
shrimp not only to enter but also to leave over this time period to both socio-eco- tions were very general and hardly en-
the lagoon, so their duration is critical. nomic changes and ecological conditions forced in small-scale fisheries. Hence, lo-
Lengthy channel openings may allow a of the lagoon. cal rules and traditional practices were
mullet school in spawning migration not Throughout the 1950s sufficient to manage the lagoon fisheries.
only to enter but also to leave the lagoon, and the early 60s, four of the seven com- Fishers interviewed in
while channel openings that are too short munities around the lagoon had no road this study recalled that they enjoyed good
may accomplish insufficient stock re- access to other localities, none had elec- harvests of mainly large fish and shrimp
newal as too few fish or shrimp enter. Fi- tricity, five of the seven had no general during these decades. They cite four rea-
nally, harvesting small fish and shrimp store, and none had a fish store. The re- sons for this. First, the two main fishing
reduces the potential future harvest of gion was sparsely populated, with rela- gears, gillnet and cast-net, were made of
larger (better-priced) fish and shrimp and tively few though large families (often 10 natural fibers which limited their mesh to
threatens the sustainability of the lagoon or more children) residing around the la- large size. Second, relatively few families
fishery system. While all fisheries are goon. Transport of people and goods lived around and fished from the lagoon
subject to this effect, a temporarily closed among some communities was usually by (i.e., low use). Third, fishing was mainly
system such as the Ibiraquera Lagoon is pole canoe along the lagoon or by ox and a part-time activity engaged in for subsis-
particularly susceptible to it. cart along trails. Household-level agricul- tence purposes only. Fourth, fishers re-
ture was the main source of income for spected the practices and rules of long-
Methods most families, and fishing was mainly for term fishers regarding where, when and
subsistence with fish and shrimp supply- how to fish or not to fish (i.e., the tradi-
Fieldwork completed ing most animal protein in the local diet. tional management system).
during June 1999 through May 2000 pro- There were no local employment oppor- Socio-economic changes
vided most of the data for this study. tunities for young people who often mi- during the late 1960s and the 70s brought
Methods included structured and semi- grated to big cities for work. By 2000, several periods of resource over-exploita-
structured interviews with key informants the local economy was fully integrated tion. Two main factors were responsible
and small groups, archival research to into the regional economy and had be- for these periods of over-harvest: techno-
trace changes in fisheries legislation and come significantly influenced by the lat- logical improvements and road construc-
the local socio-economic system, partici- ter. All seven communities around the la- tion which led to the emergence of mar-
pant observation of fishing activities and goon were fully accessible by road, all kets for lagoon fish and shrimp (Seixas
the roles and interactions of stakeholders, shops and households had electricity, and Troutt, 2003).
and collection of data on types and quan- there was an active local shrimp market First, technological inno-
tities of fish and shrimp harvested and (Seixas and Troutt, 2003), tourists vations in fishing gears and strategies re-
marketed. Interviews elicited information flocked to the area, and environmental sulted in more efficient fishing. The im-
about fishery activities (resources, gears problems and challenges had emerged in proved gear included monofilament nylon
and purposes), the local fish and shrimp and around the lagoon. Local population nets, smaller mesh-size nets, and butane
market, and the main changes in the local had increased substantially, up to 5000 by gas lamps which attracted significantly
socio-economic and ecological systems 2000 (Seixas, 2002) despite reduced fam- more shrimp than kerosene lamps. A new
over the last five decades and their con- ily size, due to tourism growth, which strategy was the use of gillnets as beach
sequences for the ecosystem and stake- continues to draw new residents hoping seines along the lagoon shore. As a result
holders’ well-being. Combined, these to open tourism-related businesses. The of the introduction of these gears and
methods generated a rich body of infor- population included some 350 profes- strategies, fishers harvested larger quanti-
mation about how the lagoon area has de- sional (licensed) fishers, a few recre- ties of, albeit smaller, fish and shrimp, in
veloped over the last five decades, and ational (licensed) fishers, and several un- a shorter time. Fishers also spent less
how management practices have evolved licensed fishers. time fixing or making nets, as nylon nets
in relation to conditions in the natural During the 1950s and were more durable than natural fiber nets.
and socio-economic systems. 60s, the main fishing strategies in the la- These technological innovations also in-
goon included the use of cast-nets and tensified the frequency and gravity of
Evolution of Lagoon Management gillnets (used as setting-nets, encircling- conflicts over resource access between
nets or seine-nets) to catch fish, and cast- the two major user groups, gill-netters
The communities around nets with kerosene lamps to catch shrimp. (low in number but highly efficient) and
the Ibiraquera Lagoon experienced major Although the local fishers’ organization cast-netters (numerous but less efficient).

364 JUL 2004, VOL. 29 Nº 7

Such conflicts had existed for decades ing the use of any type of engine; only channels and destroying fish and shrimp
but were often expressed as complaints dugout canoes with poles or paddles were feeding habitat. In addition, drainage of
with few episodes of physical confronta- allowed. Fourth, rule enforcement became sewage into the lagoon by the large num-
tion. As technological innovations in- effective as two state fishery inspectors ber of tourists and illegal constructions
creased the size and number of gillnets were stationed in the area. Most of these (with poorly constructed septic tanks) be-
used inside the lagoon, leading to over- changes served to improve shrimp and gan to pollute the lagoon.
harvest of the shrimp stock, some physi- fish stocks and harvests. The lagoon communities
cal confrontations occurred. The police Despite the recovery of responded to the lack of rule enforcement
were involved in many cases, and some the lagoon’s shrimp and fish stocks, the in various ways. In 1998 a subset of local
fishers were arrested. natural shrimp production became insuffi- fishers organized themselves into groups
Second, road construc- cient to supply the local market during to patrol the Upper Lagoon, but their ac-
tion allowed for the emergence of a the 90s due to increased shrimp demand tivities were short-lived and ineffective
shrimp market, which shifted fishing ac- as tourists, the local population and the because they lacked legitimacy. Indeed,
tivities from subsistence to commercial number of outside fishers increased. From they were sometimes threatened with
fishing in response to outsiders’ demand 1992 to 1998, a shrimp-stocking research shotguns by fishers using illegal gears. As
for lagoon products. As well, roads project took place in the lagoon, increas- well, to deal with the impacts of unregu-
brought outside fishers to the lagoon, in- ing shrimp production considerably; the lated tourism, three of the seven commu-
creasing the number of users harvesting project introduced shrimp post-larvae, nities surrounding the lagoon re-activated
resources. Roads also brought tourists, in- paid for with research funds, to the la- their community councils in 1999/2000.
creasing demand for fish and shrimp. As goon (Andreatta et al., 1993, 1996). An- To tackle the siltation problem, the fisher
a shrimp market emerged, profit-oriented dreatta et al. (1993) estimate shrimp har- organization, in cooperation with state
fishers started to disregard traditional vests in the first two years of the project and municipal governments, implemented
rules governing access and gears (i.e., to have been 72699kg of pink-shrimp (F. a lagoon dredging project whose results
how, when, and where to fish) and began paulensis) and 10198kg of white-shrimp remain uncertain.
to fish in prohibited areas and to use (P. schimitti). The project improved fish- The scenario at the end
smaller-mesh cast-nets. By the late 70s, ers’ welfare (better houses, appliances, of the 1990s indicated that a new re-
all fish and shrimp stocks in the lagoon etc.) by bringing more money to them as source crisis was emerging. It is notewor-
were caught within about two or three well as to middlemen. Fishers inter- thy, however, that at that time, very few
months of channel closure. This meant viewed in the present study said that, fishers (less than 10 of 350 holding pro-
that there was almost no harvest in the once the project was underway, they fessional licenses) were strictly dependent
lagoon for several months before the next could catch a lot of shrimp year round, economically on fishing (full-time fish-
opening. In contrast, during the 1950s while before the project, shrimp catches ers). Most local fishers were part-time
and 60s, lagoon fish and shrimp stocks during the winter were usually low. How- fishers, working in tourism-related activi-
and harvests continued from one closure ever, the project ended due to a lack of ties, and fishing shrimp at night to supply
until the next opening. During the late funds. the local market and supplement their in-
60s and 70s, federal government regula- In 1994, the fishery in- comes. Most outside fishers were recre-
tions limited net mesh-size, gillnet length, spector positions were extinguished, prob- ational fishers. Consequently, as a fisher
and types of nets allowed in the lagoon, ably due to budget constraints. In the ab- stated, if another big production crisis oc-
and rules restricted fishing to certain ar- sence of local fishery inspectors, the curred in the lagoon, this crisis would not
eas of the lagoon (Seixas, 2002). How- newly implemented rule enforcement be as disruptive to fishers’ well-being as
ever, none of these limits or restrictions structure proved to be ineffective from those of the end of the 60s and 70s, be-
was effectively enforced. 1994 to 2000. The resulting arrangement cause fishers are now considerably less
The declining fish and charged a few officers, located in a town dependent on fishing. On the other hand,
shrimp stocks, fishers’ growing economic 50km away, with enforcing all resources because the lagoon is one of the major
dependence on fishing, and conflicts be- and environmental legislation, including attractions of the region, a large disrup-
tween user-groups that emerged during those related to fisheries, in an area that tion in its ecosystem, for instance caused
the 70s triggered several changes in la- covered several municipalities. As a re- by pollution, would negatively impact
goon fishery management during the 80s sult, fishers undertook several unregulated tourism activities, and consequently fish-
and early 90s. First, in 1981, a new fishing activities during this period, in- ers’ well-being.
leader of the local fisher organization cluding the use of banned gears and new
was elected who had a high degree of destructive gears. These activities nega- Impacts of Socio-Economic
credibility with the local population, and tively affected shrimp and fish stocks. At Disturbances on Ecosystem and
who was willing to promote change. Sec- the same time, the lagoon fishery system Stakeholders’ Well-being
ond, the federal government approved began to experience new challenges from
three regulations demanded by local fish- the ongoing increase in the number of The Ibiraquera case shows
ers, which reduced fishing effort and led tourists, whose sailing and recreational several interactions among the local
to more equitable resource allocation fishing interfered with professional fish- socio-economic system and lagoon man-
among fishers. These regulations banned ing (i.e., fishing carried on by part-time agement through a historical perspective.
gillnets (1981), the butane gas lamps and full-time local fishers). As well, an In the following discussion we investigate
which were being used with a new fish- increase in the number of outside fishers how the lagoon ecosystem and the local
ing gear (a hand-held shrimp tong) to accompanied unregulated growth of sum- social system were influenced by socio-
catch small shrimp in their feeding areas mer cottages, guesthouses and restaurants economic events.
(1986), and shrimp cast-nets with mesh in the area. Excessive development was Table I summarizes the
smaller than 3.0cm stretched measure destroying vegetation on the lagoon edge, impacts of major evolutionary events on
(1993). Third, in 1995, the municipal which in turn increased erosion, siltation, the lagoon’s goods and services and on
government issued a regulation prohibit- and mudslides, filling the fish migration stakeholders’ well-being over the past five

JUL 2004, VOL. 29 Nº 7 365

 TABLE I
MAJOR SOCIO-ECONOMIC EVOLUTIONARY EVENTS AND THEIR IMPACTS ON THE LAGOON’S GOODS
AND SERVICES AND STAKEHOLDERS’ WELL-BEING*
Major socio-economic evolutionary events
Innovation in fishing Development Overfishing New regulations and Lack of rule
technologies of shrimp market strong enforcement enforcement (illegal
sewage disposal)
Lagoon’s goods & services
Habitats and species affected structure destroyed nursing restored habitats
and diversity habitats
of fishing resource

Nutrient cycling and some gears stir the ban of gears that potential increase of
waste treatment lagoon bottom disturbing disturb nutrient lagoon eutrophication
nutrients sedimentation sedimentation and risk of fish and
shrimp suffocation
Food capture of more, albeit pressure on shrimp reduced stocks restored stocks pollution and risk of
smaller fish and shrimp stocks and health problems
by-catching problems

Transportation ban of engine vessels

avoid water pollution

Recreation likely to decrease ban of engine vessels risk of health

recreational fishing increased safety in wa- problems by fishing,
ter sailing, and bathing
Culture disrespect for traditional reduced conflict among
practices user-groups; more just
resource allocation
Stakeholder well-being
Who won commercial fishers commercial fishers; in short run: fishers cast-netters, local few cheaters (both
middlemen with high rate of time people, most tourists locals and outsiders)
preference in long run:
nobody
Who lost subsistence fishers subsistence fishers in short run: unclear in gill-netters and tourists most people (both
long run: all fishers, with jet-skis and engine locals and outsiders)
middlemen, local people canoes

Lack of rule Shrimp-stocking project Lagoon dredging Infrastructure Excessive development

enforcement(illegal project improvement (roads, and tourists boom
gears and vessels) electric power)

Lagoon’s goods & services

Habitats and species affected structure and killed shrimp predators project interruption may destruction of feeding
diversity of fishing (fish) using rotenone, affect water circulation habitats and fish
resource affecting biodiversity and habitats in the and shrimp migration
Upper basin channels
Nutrient cycling and use of gears that stir added nutrients to feed expected to favor water bridge construction favored increase of
waste treatment the lagoon bottom captive shrimp interfering circulation in lagoon filled a channel illegal sewage disposal;
disturbing nutrients with natural cycles and between it and interconnecting two modified sandbar
sedimentation ocean (flushing into basins affecting water and affected channel
ocean) circulation openings
Food capture of small fish enhanced shrimp stocks expected to increase favored population increased demand for
and shrimp fish and shrimp migra- growth and large food food
tion into the lagoon demand

Transportation use of engine vessels re-opened channels that reduced the use of wealthy tourists using jet
polluting water facilitate canoe traffic canoes for transportation skis and engine canoes

Recreation engine vessels put in enhanced shrimp stocks expected to allow better favored tourism increased lagoon scenic
risk people’s safety in attracting more lagoon water flush into the development value and economic value
the water recreational fishers ocean reducing pollution of surrounding land
Culture informed fishers about favored immigration of displaced locals; outsid-
shrimp life-cycle outsiders who bought ers’ lack of respect to
new values and behaviors some traditional rules;
lack of sense of place
Stakeholder well-being
Who won cheat fishers and tourists all fishers; middlemen most people locals (well-being); few businessmen and
with jet-skis and engine (probably) tourists tourists
canoes
Who lost honest fishers, locals unclear perhaps fishers from the locals (environment and most locals and tourists
and most tourist Upper basin community disruptions)

366 JUL 2004, VOL. 29 Nº 7

decades. Although fieldwork did not at- Infrastructure improve- for resource management is shared
tempt to calculate the monetary costs or ments may increase the local population’s among governments, resource users and
benefits of each impact, their positive and well-being, but it may also expose the lo- other stakeholders. Understanding that
negative effects on the ecosystem and cal society to immigrants’ social and cul- fisheries management and environmental
stakeholders’ well-being are delineated. As tural values. The introduction of different policies in Brazil are still quite central-
presented above, the major evolutionary values may cause a breakdown in the lo- ized (top-down approach), attention is
events in the Ibiraquera region over the cal authority system and disruption of so- called to the idea that government at
period of analysis include innovations in cial life, resulting in a ‘community fail- various political levels may be required
fishing technologies from the late 60s on- ure’ of resource management (McCay and to change regulations and create enabling
ward; infrastructure improvements such as Jentoft, 1998). Depending on the type of legislation for co-management (Seixas
road construction and electric power avail- infrastructure ‘improvement,’ it may ei- and Berkes, 2004). Indeed, we recognize
ability, especially during the 70s; develop- ther relieve pressure on the ecosystem or that these and many other barriers to par-
ment of a shrimp market during the 70s; exacerbate ecosystem destruction. Exces- ticipatory fisheries management in Brazil
an overfishing crisis in the late 70s; the sive, and usually unplanned, development identified by Seixas (2004) need to be
creation of new fisheries regulations and often results in ecosystem degradation, overcome in order to establish such a fo-
the establishment of strong rule enforce- increased pressure on resources, and con- rum.
ment structure between 1981 and 1994; flict of interests between outsiders and Ideally, the forum should
the breakdown of the enforcement struc- the local population holding some sense be the ultimate governance authority to
ture in 1994, leading to illegal sewage dis- of place. ‘Development’ projects, such as manage the lagoon. Furthermore, the scale
posal into the lagoon and the use of illegal the shrimp stocking project and the la- of the forum’s governance should be the
fishing gears and vessels in the ensuing goon-dredging project, focus mainly on lagoon micro-watershed, but the forum
years; the implementation of a shrimp human benefits, disregarding the side-ef- should include representatives from mu-
stocking project from 1992 to 1998; the fects on ecosystem structure and resil- nicipal, state and federal government agen-
occurrence of a dredging project to re- ience. Some projects may result in posi- cies because of the stake they have in en-
open the lagoon’s silted up channels in tive impacts on the ecosystem; others re- vironmental management in general and
1999; and the excessive and unplanned sult in negative impacts. As well, some because any management decisions over
‘development’ of the region due mainly to stakeholders may benefit from develop- the lagoon and its surrounding may carry
a tourism boom during the 80s and 90s. ment projects, while others may not. effects that are experienced at a variety of
Technological innova- Hence, the full range of a project’s socio- scales. The forum may be a long-lasting
tions may result in more efficient fishing, economic-ecological benefits and costs institution able to deal with the current
but, if not properly used, they may cause must be considered a priori. problems and to actively respond, through
overfishing and ecosystem disruption. In an adaptive management approach (Holling,
addition, technological innovations might Principles for Management 1978, Walters, 1986), to future socio-eco-
promote unfair resource distribution, as in a Co-evolutionary Setting nomic-ecological problems.
some technologies are not affordable to The structure of the fo-
all users. Increasing market demands Agrawal and Yadama rum, the decision-making process and its
may lead to increased fishing effort with (1997, p.457) suggest that although activities may arise from the local politi-
higher chances of capturing and discharg- “socio-economic forces are important in cal scenario, but they will all depend on
ing non-target species (by-catching), influencing resource management and the the ability of fishers and other stakehold-
which in turn may cause ecosystem dis- condition of renewable resources, … their ers to organize themselves, and the will-
ruption. Increasing market demand may influences [can] usually [be] mediated ingness of the government to facilitate
also lead to the elevation of fishers’ pri- through community institutions.” The Ibi- the process (Seixas and Berkes, 2004). A
vate interests (i.e., profit-maximization) raquera case shows that in the late 1990s, detailed discussion of how this process
over social goals (e.g., sustainable re- there was almost no local resource man- may happen considering the natural re-
source use). Overfishing causes ecosys- agement institution influencing the lagoon sources management policy in Brazil is
tem disruption and may reduce fishers’ system. In fact, the system was being presented elsewhere (Seixas and Berkes,
and middlemen’s welfare in the long-run. negatively affected by state policies 2004). In the following paragraphs some
As a result, some technological restric- (weak rule enforcement, no access re- general guidelines are provided on how
tions may prevent overfishing and pro- striction), technological factors (inappro- the six Lisbon principles may be ad-
mote better resource distribution (see next priate fishing gears, development dressed by the forum and by a new man-
section). projects), market pressures (high demand agement plan for the lagoon.
Official regulations based for shrimp) and population pressures The forum should be
on fishers’ ecological knowledge and (large number of local residents, outsiders comprised of representatives from all of
concerns and an appropriate enforcement and tourists). the federal, state, and municipal govern-
system proved to restore the lagoon’s In order to craft commu- ment agencies holding any responsibility
structure and dynamics, reduce user- nity institutions to mediate the negative for lagoon management and most, if not
group conflicts, promote more just re- effects of such factors and to create so- all, other lagoon stakeholder groups (lo-
source allocation, increase people’s safety cial and economic incentives for better cal fishers, outside fishers, fishers orga-
and avoid pollution. On the other hand, lagoon management, we suggest the nization, middlemen, local residents,
lack of rule enforcement may disrupt elaboration and implementation of a new tourists, tourism businessmen, and any
ecosystem natural dynamics and lead to management plan based on the six NGO that might exist in the area). Some
overfishing, increase the risk of pollution Lisbon principles. Specifically, we sug- scientists and natural resource managers
and human health problems and decrease gest the establishment of an Ibiraquera should also be members of the forum. In
people’s safety on the water. Often, most Lagoon management forum through a co- designing and implementing manage-
people bear the cost of the actions of just management process. Co-management is ment strategies, all parties should be in-
a few cheaters. an arrangement in which responsibility volved in decision-making to increase

JUL 2004, VOL. 29 Nº 7 367

the process’s transparency and subse- ings, mitigating problems arising from sew- Costanza R, Andrade F, Antunes P, van den Belt
quent rules compliance (participation age systems, garbage dumping, and irregu- M, Boesch D, Boersma D, Catarino F, Hanna
S, Limburg K, Low B, Molitor M, Pereira JG,
principle). lar buildings close to the lagoon margins, Rayner S, Santos R, Wilson J, Young M
Non-governmental stake- and controlling deforestation along the la- (1999) Ecological economics and sustainable
holders may create one or more local non- goon margins and along springs that drain governance of the oceans. Ecol. Econ. 31:
governmental organizations (NGOs) or freshwater into the lagoon. Failure to re- 171-187.
community-based organizations (CBOs) to solve these issues in a timely and effective Daly HE (1977) Steady-state Economics. Freeman.
represent them in this forum. To trigger manner may threaten the productivity and San Francisco, CA, USA. 185 pp.
stakeholder participation in the forum, beauty of the lagoon area as well as the Folke C, Carpenter S, Elmqvist T et al. (2002) Re-
silience for Sustainable Development: Building
there is a need to develop environmental standard of living derived from it in the Adaptive Capacity in a World of Transforma-
education programs to reach them. These surrounding communities. tions. ICSU Series on Science for Sustain-
programs might use examples from the able Development Nº3. Paris, France.
present case-study to demonstrate that ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Gunderson LH, Holling CS, Light SS (1995) Barri-
human-made impacts on the lagoon eco- ers broken and bridges built: a synthesis. In
system and its surroundings emerge later This research was made Gunderson LH, Holling CS, Light SS (Eds.)
Barriers and Bridges to the Renewal of Eco-
as impacts on humans themselves. That possible by funding from Conselho systems and Institutions. Columbia University
is, the responsibility principle must be re- Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Press. New York, USA.
alized from the beginning, and a mecha- Tecnológico (CNPq) of Brazil (Processo Holling CS (Ed.) (1978) Adaptive Environmental
nism that indoctrinates the community ac- 200263/97-8). Fikret Berkes contributed Assessment and Management. Wiley. London,
cording to this principle must be imple- conceptually and provided additional fi- UK. 377 pp.
mented very early on. nancial support through a grant from the Holling CS (1986) The resilience of terrestrial eco-
The forum must ensure Social Sciences and Humanities Research systems: local surprise and global change. In
Clark WC, Munn RE (Eds.) Sustainable De-
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planned to adhere to three conditions. gion for their collaboration. 292-320.
First, the plan should internalize as Jasanoff S, Colwell R, Dresselhaus S, Goldman
many local monetary and non-monetary RD, Greenwood MRC, Huang AS, Lester W,
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