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Social Withdrawal, Inhibition, and

Shyness in Childhood
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Social Withdrawal,
Inhibition, and
Shyness in Childhood

Edited by
Kenneth H. Rubin
University of Waterloo, Canada
Jens B. Asendorpf
Max-Planck-Institute for Psychological Research, Germany

'P ~~I~~~~~i?G~XP Press


NEW YORK AND LONDON
First Published 1993 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

Published 2014 by Psychology Press


711 Third Avenue, New York, NY, 10017

and by Psychology Press27


Church Road, Hove, East Sussex, BN3 2FA

Psychology Press is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 1993 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or


utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from
the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or


registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Social withdrawal, inhibition, and shyness in childhood I edited by


Kenneth H. Rubin, Jens Asendorpf.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
ISBN 0-8058-1219-9 (cloth.)--ISBN 0-8058-1220-2 (paper)
ISBN 978-0-805-81219-0 (hbk)
I. Solitude in children--Congresses. 2. Bashfulness in children-
-Congresses. 3. Inhibition in children--Congresses. I. Rubin.
Kenneth H. II. Asendorpf, Jens.
[DNLM: 1. Inhibition (Psychology)--in infancy & childhood.
2. Shyness--in infancy & childhood. 3. Social Behavior--in infancy
& childhood. WS 105.5.S6 S6784)
BF723.S624S63 1992
155.4'18232--dc20
DNLM/DLC
for Library of Congress 92-14379
CIP

Publisher's Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint
but points out that some imperfections in the original may be apparent.
Contents

Preface ix

I CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES:


AN OVERVIEW

1 Social Withdrawal, Inhibition, and Shyness in Childhood:


Conceptual and Definitional Issues
Kenneth H. Rubin and Jens B. Asendorpj 3

2 On the Temperamental Categories of Inhibited


and Unhibited Children
Jerome Kagan, Nancy Snidman, and Doreen Arcus 19

II BIOLOGICAL AND FAMILIAL FACTORS: INDEPENDENT


AND INTERDEPENDENT CONTRIBUTIONS

3 Childhood Temperament and Cerebral Asymmetry:


A Neurobiological Substrate of Behavioral Inhibition
Richard J. Davidson 31

4 Antecedents and Consequences of Shyness in Boys


and Girls: A 6-year Longitudinal Study
Anette Engfer 49

5 Pathways to Aggression and Social Withdrawal: Interactions


Among Temperament, Attachment, and Regulation
Nathan A. Fox and Susan D. Calkins 81

v
vi CONTENTS

6 Wariness to Strangers: A Behavior Systems


Perspective Revisited
Joan Stevenson-Hinde and Anne Shouldice 101

7 Socialization Factors in the Development of


Social Withdrawal
Rosemary S.L. Mills and Kenneth H. Rubin 117

III SOCIAL BEHAVIORS, SKILLS AND RELATIONSHIPS

8 Inhibition and Children's Experiences of Ont-of-Home Care


Anders G. Broberg 151

9 Features of Speech in Inhibited and Uninhibited Children


Maureen Rezendes, Nancy Snidman, Jerome Kagan,
and Jane Gibbons 177

10 Communicative Competence as a Dimension of Shyness


Mary Ann Evans 189

IV PEER AND SELF PERCEPTIONS

11 Children's Perceptions of Social Withdrawal:


Changes Across Age
Alastair Younger, Carol Gentile, and Kim Burgess 215

12 Social Withdrawal in Childhood: Considering the


Child's Perspective
Shelley Hymel, Erik Woody, and Anne Bowker 237

V LONGITUDINAL PERSPECTIVES ON SOCIAL


WITHDRAWAL AND INHIBITION

13 Beyond Temperament: A Two-Factorial Coping Model


of the Development of Inhibition during Childhood
Jens B. Asendorpj 265
CONTENTS vii

14 The Waterloo Longitudinal Project: Correlates and


Consequences of Social Withdrawal from Childhood
to Adolescence
Kenneth H. Rubin 291

15 Victimization by Peers: Antecedents and


Long-Term Outcomes
Dan Olweus 315

Author Index 343

Subject Index 355


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Preface

Social withdrawal, social inhibition, shyness, reticence, and social isolation


are terms that conjur up an image of an individual who spends time in
solitude, alone, not interacting with others. Oft-times, some of these terms
carry with them additional images - social anxiety, felt insecurity, fearful-
ness, wariness, loneliness. Yet, despite some shared meaning, a cursory
reading of the literature suggests that the underlying causal mechanisms and
developmental origins of each of these terms may vary. The primary
purpose of this book, therefore, is to provide a state-of-the-art perspective
on the origins, correlates, and consequences of social solitude in childhood.
Psychologists of varying theoretical persuasions have long held that
social experiences are critical to normal developmental trajectories and that
the lack of such experiences are worthy of compensatory attention.
Surprisingly, however, little empirical attention has been directed to the
study of the psychological significance of social solitude for children; as
such, the publication of this volume is timely. The timeliness of publication
is underscored by the common fact that social withdrawal, inhibition, and
shyness, the terms that share the title of this volume, are often used
interchangeably. This has led, no doubt, to a good deal of confusion in the
developmental and clinical literatures. Thus, it is thought by some that
solitude (howsoever defined) is not a developmental risk factor. One
purpose of this volume is to present the reader with an understanding of
how both halves of the previous statement can be true - that is, some forms
of solitude may reflect maladaptation, others may not; some forms of
solitude may predict negative outcomes, others may not.
In an effort to shed new light on the meanings and developmental course

ix
X PREFACE

of social solitude in childhood, a group of esteemed scholars from Europe


and North America was invited to share and exchange information in a
lovely, isolated retreat in Doon, Ontario. The three day meeting took place
in the summer of 1990; an international audience of researchers actively
involved in the study of social withdrawal, social inhibition, or shyness in
childhood was led in discussion by those scholars whose chapters are
published herein. All but one discussion leader was able to submit a final
draft by our final deadline. The product of their efforts is published in this
multi-faceted volume.
The intellectually stimulating three-day meeting of scholars and the
publication of this book would not have been possible without the financial
support of the MacArthur Foundation (USA) and the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada. We gratefully acknowledge their
generous assistance. Special thanks are extended also to the assistants and
secretaries at the University of Waterloo who devoted their precious time to
the organizational matters required to bring together, in a rather remote
setting, scientists from many countries: Latha Ramasubramanian, the
workshop coordinator; Denise Mueller and Christine Schwendinger, Psy-
chology Department secretaries; and Alice Bast, Psychology Department
Administrative Assistant contributed enormously to the success of this
symposium.
We hope that you, the reader, find the contents of this volume suffi-
ciently stimulating to join us in our quest to better understand the
developmental meanings, causes, and courses of social withdrawal, inhibi-
tion, and shyness in childhood.

Kenneth H. Rubin
Waterloo, Ontario

Jens B. Asendorpf
Munich, Germany
I
CONCEPTUAL AND
METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES:
AN OVERVIEW
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Social Withdrawal, Inhibition,

1
and Shyness in Childhood:
Conceptual and Definitional
Issues

Kenneth H. Rubin
University of Waterloo

Jens B. Asendorpf
Max-Planck-Institute for the Study of Psychology

What is meant by the terms "social withdrawal," "social inhibition," and


"shyness?" Can these terms be used interchangeably? Are they used
interchangeably when, for good reason, they should not? Do each of these
terms, themselves, carry with them a variety of meanings?
These definitional questions are addressed in this chapter. Furthermore,
conceptual, theoretical, developmental, and applied issues are discussed.
But, to begin with, it is necessary to provide a rationale for the publication
of this volume. From a personal perspective, the most facile way of doing
so is to examine portions of two letters I received several years ago. These
letters arrived in my office shortly after a description of the Waterloo
Longitudinal Project (see Chapter 14) was carried in newspapers by the
North American wire services.
The first letter provides the reader with a hint about the issues involved
in the study of the development of social withdrawal, inhibition, and
shyness-issues of biological disposition (Chapters 2, 3, 4, 5, 9), parental
attributions and beliefs (Chapter 7), parent-child relationships (Chapters 4,
5,6, 7), and extra-familial relationships (Chapters 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15).

I am a former elementary school teacher and I am very aware of the


importance of a child's readiness in all areas - social as well as academic,
physical, and emotional.
My daughter and I have never been close. She was one who as a baby would
stop crying when I set her on the floor instead of cuddling her. I gave up my
career to do special things with her and we oftentimes clash. She prefers doing
things alone instead of playing cards with me or other game-like involvement.

3
4 RUBIN & ASENDORPF

We had her repeat kindergarten for social reasons only. She would oftentimes
say things like "Susie isn't nice to me." Last March on her own she told me she
did not want to go to first grade. She is very passive at school, does not want
group attention, prefers to play alone but likes to watch others play (she looks
like she wants to be a part of the group but doesn't know how).

I feel that Julie was born this way. This is not because I don't want to blame
myself. But this all started when she was a toddler. She was very independent
around both of us. My husband is a very close participating member of the
family. I know this is hard for you to give any suggestions without knowing
our family but we are very close knit and happy. We have real need to help our
daughter Julie because I feel it will get much worse for her when she's in
school in the fall the whole day.

The second letter concerns outcomes of social withdrawal. It provides the


reader and researcher with an urgent sense for the necessity of longitudinal
data (Chapters 4, 5, 6, 13, 14, and 15).

I am taking the liberty of writing to you regarding an article in the newspaper


last evening entitled "Socially-Withdrawn Child Studied."

I am now 51-years-of-age but definitely can identify with the article which
appeared. I just wish-oh how I wish that in-depth studies were done
regarding the severity of the problem in my formative years.

I have been employed for 27 years in the same position (stenographer) but my
personality problem has been a detriment to me in my adult years.

I recall one instance in my third year of grade school and my teacher


approached me after recess with the enquiry "have you no one to play with-
I have noticed you standing by yourself at recess for several days now." I
recall replying and LYING - "yes I've friends." The teacher was observant and
I give her credit for this, however, I wish, oh how I wish, something had been
done about my isolation at the tender age of 7 or 8. It has been a long, lonely
road.

Again my apologies for taking the liberty of writing but am so happy, so very,
very happy, that help is in store for the self-isolated child.

Thank you for listening to me.

Taken together these letters, and (a) the belief that social solitude is
something that concerns and worries parents (Chapter 7), and (b) that it is
perceived as deviant by age-mates (Chapter 11) mark the lack of socially
interactive behavior for special attention. In the section that follows, we
examine the phenomena of social withdrawal and shyness. A conceptual
introduction to research On inhibition may be found in Chapter 2.
1. CONCEPTIONAL AND DEFINITIONAL ISSUES 5

SOCIAL WITHDRAWAL: CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL


UNDERPINNINGS

Normal Developmental Perspectives. From our point of view, much of


the developmental research extant concerning social withdrawal has its
origins, not so much centered on the significance of behavioral solitude or
a lack of social interaction in childhood, but rather on the importance of
social exchange for normal growth and development. Thus, the conceptual
underpinnings for much of the research on social withdrawal are drawn
from the writings of Piaget and Sullivan concerning the significance of
social interaction in human development.
Piaget (1970), for example, believed that the acquisition of knowledge
stemmed from the product of an interaction between the subject (ostensibly
the child) and the object of his or her attention. When the object of
attention is another human, the child's thoughts, beliefs, or ideas are
referred to as social-cognitions. In Piaget's earliest writings (Piaget, 1926,
1932), the preoperational child's social thoughts, ideas, and beliefs were
portrayed as being highly biased in an ego centered direction. Other people
were thought to think and feel about the world, and literally to see the
world, in ways identical, if not highly similar to the young, preoperational
child. In strictly Piagetian terms, the functional invariant of assimilation
was considered to take primacy over accommodation. Traditional interpre-
tations of Piaget's early work have suggested that suddenly and discontin-
uously, at some point in mid-childhood, the child becomes capable of
sociocentered thought (Piaget, 1967): "At about the age of seven, the child
becomes capable of cooperation because he no longer confuses his own
point of view with that of others" (p. 39).
Although European and North American psychologists have long de-
bated the age at which childhood egocentrism wanes, and although there are
stage-type models of perspective-taking that suggest the phenomenon need
not be considered either entirely present or absent (Selman, 1980), re-
searchers in the 1960s and 1970s used the construct of egocentrism to
explain why it was that young, preschool-aged children appeared more
aggressive, less altruistic, and less cooperative than their early elementary
school-aged counterparts (see Shantz, 1983 for a review). Indeed, to this
day, psychologists infer that individual differences in social behavior can be
accounted for by deficiencies or competencies in the abilities to (a)
understand the thoughts, feelings, and intentions of others and (b) to
consider the consequences of one's social behaviors for the self and for
others (Dodge, 1986; Rubin & Krasnor, 1986; Selman, 1985; Shantz,
1983).
If perspective-taking in particular, and social cognition in general, does
account for the expression of competent social behavior, how then does
6 RUBIN & ASENDORPF

social cognition itself develop? The answer to this question is addressed in


the following quotations: .

1. Piaget (1928) believes that the major vehicle for the developmental
decline of . . . cognitive egocentrism is social interaction, especially
with peers. Conflicts, arguments, and other dissonant interpersonal
experiences gradually compel the child to pay attention to perspec-
tive differences, and thereby eventually to generate some concep-
tions and information gathering skills regarding human psycholog-
ical processes (Flavell, 1970, p. 1027).
2. The individual's cognitive coordinations may be actualized by social
coordinations. This means that the individual must coordinate his
actions with those of others as a first step towards mastering
individualized systems of coordination (Doise, 1985, p. 297).
3. Social interaction may not be necessary for the emergence of some
intelligent behaviors ... but a sine qua non for others (e.g.,
organizing resources for problem solving utilizing the other people
in one's surround) (Hartup, 1985, p. 73).

In short, there are strongly held theoretically driven beliefs that social
interaction, and particularly peer interaction, serves as an impetus for the
development of mature social thinking. In turn, it is posited that mature,
sociocentered thinking provides an essential basis for the production of
adaptive social behavior.
These beliefs found empirical support during the 1970s; during this
decade, numerous researchers attempted to forge an empirical link between
peer interaction, perspective-taking skills, and the development of socially
adaptive and maladaptive behavior. For example, evidence for the relation
between peer interaction and the development of social-cognition was
derived from experimental demonstrations that peer exchange, conversa-
tions, and interactions produced intrapersonal cognitive conflict and a
subsequent decline of egocentered thinking (e.g., Damon, 1977; Doise,
Mugny, & Perret-Clermont, 1975). Evidence for an association between the
inability to perspective-take and the demonstration of maladaptive social
behavior and the experience of qualitatively poor peer relationshipswas also
drawn from experimental work published in the 1970s (e.g., Chandler,
1973). Furthermore, research in the same decade demonstrated that
perspective taking skills could be improved through peer interactive expe-
riences, particularly those experiences that involved role-play or sociodra-
matic play. In turn, such improvement led to increases in prosocial behavior
(Iannotti, 1978) and to decreases in aggressive behavior (Chandler, 1973).
From the statements offered earlier, it may be concluded that peer
interaction is a significant force in the development of social cognition and,
1. CONCEPTIONAL AND DEFINITIONAL ISSUES 7

ultimately, in the development and display of adaptive social behavior.


Social interaction, by drawing the child into peer groups, allows him or her
to understand the rules and norms for these peer subcultures. It is this
understanding of norms and of normative performance levels engenders, in
the child, an ability to evaluate his or her own competency levels against the
perceived standards of the peer group. Thus, in addition to facilitating the
development of social-cognition, peer interaction enables the child to make
self-appraisals and to understand the self in relation to significant others.
This view is not new; George Herbert Mead (1934) addressed this issue of
self definition and identity almost sixty years ago (see also Chapter 12). He
suggested that exchanges among peers, whether experienced in the arenas of
cooperation or competition, conflict or friendly discussion, allowed the
child to gain an understanding of the self as both a subject and an object.
Understanding that the self could be an object of others' perspectives
gradually evolved into the conceptualization of a "generalized other" or an
organized and coordinated perspective of the "social" group. In turn,
recognition of the generalized other led to the emergence of an organized
sense of self.
From the theoretical perspectives outlined briefly here, it seems clear that
peer interactive experiences are essential for normal social-cognitive and
social behavioral development. Data supportive of these theoretical pre-
mises have led to the conclusion that peer interaction is a highly significant
developmental force (see Hartup, 1983; Rubin & Coplan, in press; Sch-
neider, Rubin, & Ledingham, 1985 for reviews). The study of social solitude
or withdrawal is implicated in this conclusion when one asks about the
consequences that befall children who do not interact with peers as often as
is the norm for their age group. Regardless of the reasons for non-social
behavior, whether it is voluntary or involuntary (see Asendorpf, 1990, and
Chapter 13), whether it is associated with a biological disposition (Chapters
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9) or with felt insecurity derived from a poor parent-child
relationship (Chapters 5, 6, 7, 14), those who propose that peer interaction
plays a causal role in normal growth and development would likely express
concern for the child who fails to interact, at a normal rate, with peers. In
summary, one conceptual basis for the study of social withdrawal stems
from the theory and data of those who propose that peer interactive
experiences are critical for normal development.

Abnormal Developmental Perspectives. A second impetus for studying


social withdrawal stems from those concerned with abnormal development.
The term "social withdrawal" can be found in almost every textbook on
abnormal or clinical child psychology (e.g., Achenbach, 1982; Quay &
Werry, 1986; Rosenberg, Wilson, Maheady, & Sindelar, 1991; Wicks-
Nelson & Israel, 1989), It can also be found on most standardized
8 RUBIN & ASENDORPF

assessments of abnormal socio-emotional development (e.g., Achenbach &


Edelbrock, 1983). The phenomenon is cited consistently as evidence for an
"overcontrolled disorder" (e.g., Lewis & Miller, 1990) or an internalizing
problem (Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1981). In source after source, social
withdrawal is contrasted with aggression as one of the two most consistently
identified major dimensions of disturbed behavior in childhood (e.g.,
Moscowitz, Schwartzman, & Ledingham, 1985; Parker & Asher, 1987).
Indeed, the lack of social interaction has been implicated in several
DSM-III-R categories of psychopathology (e.g., adjustment disorder with
withdrawal; avoidant personality disorder).
Given the seriousness with which social withdrawal in childhood is viewed
by clinicians, it is not surprising that a multitude of treatment programs
have been developed to help ameliorate the "problem" or to help prevent the
negative consequences of the phenomenon (e.g., Furman, Rahe, & Hartup,
1979; Rubin, Hymel, Mills, & Rose-Krasnor, 1991; Strain & Kerr, 1981).
Thus, many practitioners view social withdrawal as a problem in-and-of
itself, and perhaps with a mind's eye on developmental theory, they believe
the phenomenon is a potential cause or reflection of associated difficulties
such as poor perspective-taking skills, negative self-esteem, loneliness, or
depression.
Yet, despite these clinically derived concerns, it is the case that many
clinical researchers have concluded that social withdrawal is not a risk
factor in childhood (e.g., Kohlberg, LaCrosse, & Ricks, 1972; Robins,
1966). It is important to note, however, that this conclusion has been drawn
generally from methodologically and conceptually weak data bases (see
Chapter 14 for further discussion). Moreover, it has been unclear whether
social withdrawal, as assessed in these early clinical investigations, remotely
resembled the measurement or conceptualization of social withdrawal in
more recent research. Indeed, it is now known that social withdrawal has a
multitude of "faces," some of which may be more symptomatic or
predictive of negative psychological outcomes than others (Rubin & Mills,
1988). It is this latter difficulty of definition that has led, in no small part,
to our efforts in publishing the present volume.
In summary, it would appear safe to conclude that the study of social
withdrawal gains its impetus from (a) theory and research concerning the
significance of peer interaction for normal development, and (b) clinical
beliefs that the phenomenon reflects disturbance that is worthy of preven-
tion and treatment. It would also appear reasonable to conclude that the
term "social withdrawal" conjurs up a wide variety of meanings to
researchers; the result of this multitude of meanings may be that, in some
disciplines or sub-disciplines, social withdrawal is viewed as an inconse-
quential force in human development.
1. CONCEPTIONAL AND DEFINITIONAL ISSUES 9

DEFINING SOCIAL WITHDRAWAL

Thus far, we have used the term "social withdrawal" to the exclusion of the
terms that share with it the title of this volume - "inhibition" and "shyness."
It is our belief that these three constructs are intertwined and yet carry with
them rather different meanings. The common thread that runs through
these constructs is the behavioral expression of solitude. A thorough and
extended discussion of the meaning of behavioral inhibition follows in
Chapter 2. In this section, a brief historical and conceptual treatment of
definitional issues pertaining to social withdrawal and shyness is presented.
What is meant by social withdrawal? Perhaps the most accurate response
is "It depends on who one asks." A brief survey of the literature reveals that
the following terms have been used interchangeably - social withdrawal,
social isolation, sociometric neglect, sociometric rejection, shyness, inhibi-
tion, and social reticence.
In the hopes of establishing what social withdrawal is, it seems reasonable
to begin by circuitously clarifying what it is not! Thus, we commence with
reference to the literature on children's peer relationships, particularly
manuscripts published in the 1970s concerning peer acceptance and rejec-
tion. Definitional confusion abounds in this work; consequently, it is not
surprising that the same term may conjur up a multitude of meanings to a
given audience.
For example, in the 1970s, a large number of researchers became
interested in children's peer relationships and in how children acquired
sociometrically assessed acceptance or popularity. One label that sociome-
tricians applied to those who were unpopular amongst or unaccepted by
their peers was "the socially isolated child." Oden and Asher (1977) were
exemplary in this regard when they began their oft-cited manuscript
concerning a social skills intervention program for unpopular children by
writing, "Children who are socially isolated from their peers have limited
opportunities for social learning" (Oden & Asher, 1977, p. 495). They
concluded their manuscript by noting that their "coaching procedure was
effective in increasing isolated children's peer acceptance."
These "isolated children" were unpopular, but were they also socially
withdrawn? Did they play alone more often than their less isolated
age-mates? And if they were alone more often than their more popular
counterparts, was it because they were isolated by the peer group or because
they isolated themselves from the group to begin with? Interestingly, and at
the same time confusingly, sociometricians argued that the isolated child
was not one who had a low frequency of interaction with peers (e.g., Asher,
Markell, & Hymel, 1982). Thus, it was proposed that being isolated by peers
(i.e., unaccepted) was conceptually distinct from socially withdrawing from
10 RUBIN & ASENDORPF

peers. This was an important, but subtle, distinction, and it is one that has
gained credence and acceptance in the contemporary literature on children's
peer relationships (e.g., Asher & Coie, 1990). However, during the 1980s,
this distinction between being isolated by peers and withdrawing in the face
of peers led only to controversy and confusion. The confusion was caused,
in part, by the sub-classification of different groups of sociometrically
isolated children.
In the early 1980s, sociometricians distinguished between children who
were actively disliked by their peers and those who received few, if any,
positive and negative nominations as a best friend or playmate by their
classmates (e.g., Coie & Dodge, 1983). The former group was identified as
"rejected," the latter as "neglected." Both groups represented sub-
classifications of earlier identified "isolated children."
Subsequently, in a series of papers, researchers attempted to examine the
"causes" of peer acceptance and rejection. Dodge, Murphy, and Buchs-
baum (1984) concluded from their own research that "children who respond
with withdrawal [in peer situations] have a high probability of achieving
neglected status among peers" and "that the characteristic behavior of
[sociometrically] neglected children is withdrawal" (p. 171). From these
statements, one would be led to assume that some children identified in the
1970s as "isolated" were also "withdrawn," despite the aforementioned
conclusion reached earlier by Asher and colleagues (1982) that rate of
interaction was unrelated to sociometric isolation. The new classification
system, however, allowed sociometric isolation to be construed as either
active (rejection = many negative nominations) or passive (neglect = few
nominations of any sort). From data produced in the early 1980s, passive
isolation or sociometric neglect was equated with social withdrawal. The
most forceful statement concerning the relation between sociometric status
and social withdrawal emanated from the writings of Coie and Kupersmidt
(1983).

These two facts about neglected boys - that they rarely offend others and that
they seem to be able to become socially outgoing in new, small-group
situations-may account for the evidence that they are not a group that is at
long-term risk because of their social adjustment. In a follow-up study of
socially withdrawn and isolated children who had originally been referred to
the Dallas Child Guidance Clinic but not treated, Morris, Soroker, and Burns
(1954) found that these children were not significantly at risk for psychiatric
disorder. (p. 1415)

This statement, and others like it, led many researchers to infer an
equivalence between sociometric classifications .and behavioral prototypes.
Sociometrically rejected or disliked children were assumed to be aggressive,
1. CONCEPTIONAL AND DEFINITIONAL ISSUES 11

sociometrically neglected children were withdrawn. This equation of socio-


metric neglect and behavioral withdrawal, when taken in tandem with the
consistent finding that sociometrically neglected children rarely differed
from their "average" counterparts on measures of psychological maladap-
tation (see Rubin & Coplan, in press for a review) gave added strength to the
traditional clinical assumption that socially withdrawn children did not
represent a group "at risk" for later difficulty.
Two comments are worth making at this juncture. First, there is actually
very little empirical research to support the view that children who interact
rarely with peers are sociometrically neglected. Indeed, there is growing
evidence to suggest that with increasing age, children described as passive,
sedentary loners are more likely to be actively disliked rather than passively
neglected by peers (see Chapters 11 and 14). Second, the way social
withdrawal is generally construed has little to do with peer reputation.
Instead, social withdrawal refers to the act of being alone, of not interacting
with others.
The bottom line is that social withdrawal is a behavioral term that should
not be confused with any sociometric classification. Furthermore, social
withdrawal should not be confused with the term social isolation. One may
isolate oneself from the peer group and one may be isolated by the peer
group. The former phenomenon is nicely illustrated by the item on Masten,
Morison, and Pellegrini's (1985) Revised Class Play, "Someone who would
rather play alone." The latter phenomenon is illustrated by the item
"Someone who is often left out," which we take as a rejection item. It is
entirely possible that there are some children who prefer to play alone and
whose play while alone becomes salient and negatively perceived by the peer
group. In this case the withdrawn child may become isolated by the peer
group. Nevertheless, it is important to distinguish between withdrawal and
isolation. Withdrawal has something to do with staying away from the peer
group; isolation has something to do with the peer group's staying away
from someone (see also Younger & Daniels, in press, for empirical support
of this distinction).
Empirically, we have found that indices of withdrawal from the peer
group are significantly associated with indices of isolation by the peer
group, especially in late childhood (e.g., Hymel & Rubin, 1985; Rubin,
Hymel, & Chen, in press; Rubin & Mills, 1988). But assessments and
observations of aggression are likewise significantly associated with isola-
tion by peers (Coie & Kupersmidt, 1983; Dodge et aI., 1984; Rubin et aI., in
press). The upshot of these findings is that it would serve us well to
distinguish conceptually between terms used in the language of sociometry
and terms associated with behavioral observation and assessment.
In summary, it can safely be concluded that social withdrawal is neither
sociometric neglect, nor sociometric rejection, nor social isolation. What
12 RUBIN & ASENDORPF

then does this leave us with? For purposes of this volume, social withdrawal
refers to a behavior best described as solitude. Although this clarifies the
meaning of social withdrawal for the reader, it does little to explain the
components or factors that may lead to its demonstration. These latter
factors allow the distinction between different forms of social withdrawal-
namely, passive withdrawal, inhibition, and shyness.

DIFFERENT FACES OF SOLITUDE

For several years, a number of researchers have suggested that solitary


behavior can be displayed in many different ways and for many different
reasons (e.g., Asendorpf, 1990, and Chapter 13; Rubin, 1982; Rubin &
Mills, 1988). For example, drawing from earlier work by Moore, Evertson,
and Brophy (1974), Rubin (1982) distinguished between solitary activity
that was (a) immature, sensorimotor, and repetitious (functional play), (b)
constructive, (c) dramatic, and (d) exploratory. In addition, children could
be alone but unoccupied or watching others (onlooker behavior). During
the preschool years, or from ages 3 to 5 years, solitary-constructive play was
described as adaptive; indeed it was just the sort of activity that preschool
teachers nurtured (Rubin, 1982). Solitary-functional and -dramatic play, on
the other hand, were characterized as immature and somewhat disruptive.
These latter forms of solitude were associated with indices of maladaptation
and peer rejection (Rubin, 1982). Onlooker and unoccupied behavior were
found to be associated with anxiety and wariness (Asendorpf, 1990).
During the mid-to-Iate years of childhood, the "faces" (or phenotype) of
solitude remain the same, but their meanings (or genotypes) appear to
change. For example, at ages 7 and 9 years, solitary-constructive and
-exploratory behavior, as observed during free play periods in the peer
group, are associated with markers of anxiety, negative self-appraisals of
social competence, and lack of peer acceptance (Rubin, Hymel, LeMare, &
Rowden, 1990; Rubin & Mills, 1988; Chapter 14). Thus, behavior that
appeared to reflect adaptation and competence in early childhood carries
with it a different meaning in middle and late childhood.
The frequent display of solitary-sensorimotor and -dramatic play is
found to correlate positively with indices of impulsivity and aggression
during mid-to-Iate childhood (Rubin & Mills, 1988). These data may be
somewhat surprising to those who believe that dramatic play in childhood
represents the pinnacle of ludic activity. However, as early as 4 years,
approximately 70070 of pretense, when observed in a group setting, is carried
out cooperatively with others (Rubin, Fein, & Vandenberg, 1983). Solitary-
pretense thus stands out like the veritable "sore thumb," especially when
manifested frequently in the company of peers.
1. CONCEPTIONAL AND DEFINITIONAL ISSUES 13

In summary, children's solitary behavior, when observed in group


settings, appears to have a number of different "faces" as well as a
multitude of meanings. The faces were described earlier; the meanings are
discussed in the following section.

Different Meanings of Solitude. According to Asendorpf (1990, 1991,


Chapter 13), the underlying "causes" of different types of solitary behavior
are derived from approach and avoidance motivational mechanisms. For
example, Asendorpf suggests that there are some children for whom
solitude is preferred to social activity. These children may be more object-
than people-oriented (Rubin, Maioni, & Hornung, 1976) and thus may
prefer to be alone with toys or books. Asendorpf characterizes these
children as having a low social approach motive but not necessarily a high
social avoidance motive. Interestingly, this particular explanation for
solitary behavior is rarely discussed in the developmental literature; when it
is discussed, however, the focus is on young, preschool age children.
The behavioral manifestation of low social approach motivation seems
best captured, in early childhood, by solitary-constructive and exploratory
activity (Rubin, 1982). Rubin and colleagues refer to this type of playas
passive withdrawal and during early childhood it is not contemporaneously
associated with psychological maladaptation. As noted above, however,
this same behavioral phenomenon does carry with it negative "baggage" in
the middle and late years of childhood (e.g., Rubin & Mills, 1988; Chapter
14). As such, a low social approach motivation may lead developmentally,
in some circumstances, to a high social avoidance motive. For example,
family relationships difficulties (Chapters 4, 7), ecological hardship
(Chapter 14), and peer rejection (Chapters 12, 13, 14, 15) each may
contribute to the development of a high social avoidance motive in children
whose solitude was originally "driven" by a low social approach motive.
A second type of withdrawn child is one who would like to engage others
in interaction but for some reason is compelled to avoid them, especially in
novel settings. This approach-avoidance conflict may lead to behavioral
compromises such as observing others from afar or hovering along the
margins of ongoing play groups. Thus, the solitary behavior of these
internally conflicted children is not characterized by passive disinterest and
solitary-constructiveness, but rather by social wariness. It is this group of
children who may be representative of those described in the literature as
behaviorally inhibited to the unfamiliar or shy (see Chapters 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9,
and 13). The root cause of social inhibition, shyness, or wariness may be in
the biological make-up of the child (Kagan, 1989, see also Chapter 2).
Nevertheless, because these children spend much of their time away from
the peer group, they may be described by some as socially withdrawn, but
primarily in novel situations. It may be that the initial interactive experi-
14 RUBIN & ASENDORPF

ences of some of these children prove negative (e.g., they may be bullied or
teased, Chapter 15) or that their initial social wariness is reinforced by
over-directive and overly-protective parents (Chapters 4,5, and 8). As such,
what might initially be described as biologically-driven behavioral inhibi-
tion to novel social settings may evolve, under some circumstances, into a
more general, cross-situational form of social withdrawal (Chapters 4, 14).
It is important to note that shyness or wariness in the face of social
novelty may also result from the expectation of negative, or insufficiently
positive, evaluation (e.g., being ignored or rejected by others during social
interaction, Asendorpf, 1991, Chapter 13; Buss, 1986). The non-social
behaviors of these social-evaluatively shy children are probably similar to
those of the behaviorally inhibited group described above; however, their
onlooking and hovering activities may be less a function of temperamen-
tally (biologically) driven causes than of a fear of being negatively evaluated
not only by strangers, but also by members of personally significant
reference groups (Chapters 10 and 13).
Finally, there may also be a third group of withdrawn children - those
who have high social approach and low social avoidance motives! Interest-
ingly, this mix of motives has not been discussed in the literature on social
withdrawal. Yet, although these motivational underpinnings would suggest
that these children would be rather sociable, it may be that their production
of social behavior is incompetent. As a consequence of their social
incompetence, these children may be isolated by their peers rather than
isolated from them (Rubin et aI., 1990). Rubin and colleagues have
observed that these children are the most likely to display solitary-
sensorimotor, solitary-dramatic, and aggressive behaviors in the peer
group. As such, it may be that their immaturity and aggressiveness leads to
rejection and ultimately to their social isolation.

SUMMARY

In summary, social withdrawal is an "umbrella" term subsuming all forms


of behavioral solitude. It is a highly complex phenomenon that carries with
it many "faces" and potential causes. Shyness is one form of social
withdrawal that is motivated by social evaluative concerns, primarily in
novel settings. Inhibition is a form of withdrawal characterized by social
aloneness or withdrawal in novel settings. The bases for inhibition are
conflictual approach-avoidance motives. Passive-withdrawal, or quiescent,
passive play with objects may have as its original basis a low approach
motivation. However, this behavior, if compounded by peer domination
(Chapters 14, 15) and rejection (Chapter 11) may lead to negative self
perceptions of social competence (Chapter 12). Thus, with time, passive
1. CONCEPTIONAL AND DEFINITIONAL ISSUES 15

withdrawal may have a dual motivational underpinning -low approach


plus high avoidance.
The many faces and mechanisms underlying social withdrawal are
described in the present volume. This state-of-the-art perspective on the
phenotypes and genotypes of social withdrawal will provide the reader with
an appreciation for why it is that the phenomenon has proved so "slippery"
to developmental, social, and clinical psychologists. Indeed, although
different "faces" of social withdrawal or solitude are described herein, it will
be clear to the reader, upon completion of this volume, that there remains
a critical need to examine whether different forms of solitude are equally
benign or malignant vis-a-vis their association with or prediction of
adaptive or maladaptive behavior. As such, this volume is intended to
stimulate rather than satiate the researcher who is interested in the topics
presented in this volume.

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1. CONCEPTIONAL AND DEFINITIONAL ISSUES 17

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This page intentionally left blank
References

1 Social Withdrawal, Inhibition, and


Shyness in Childhood: Conceptual and
Definitional Issues

Kagan, J. (1989). Temperamental contributions to social


behavior. American Psychology, 44, 668-674.

Kohlberg, L., LaCrosse, J., & Ricks, D. (1972). The


predictability of adult mental health from childhood
behavior. In B. B. Wolman (Ed.), Manual of child
psychopathology (pp. 1217-1284). New York: McGraw-Hill.

Lewis, M., & Miller, S. M. (1990). Handbook of


developmental psychopathology. New York: Plenum.

Masten, A. S., Morison, P., & Pellegrini, D. S. (1985). A


Revised Class Play method of peer assessment.
Developmental Psychology, 3, 523-533.

Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self, and society. Chicago:


University of Chicago Press.

Moore, N. V., Evertson, C. M., & Brophy, J. (1974).


Solitary play: Some functional reconsiderations.
Developmental Psychology, 10, 830::834.

Morris, D. P., Soroker, E., & Burruss, G. (1954). Follow-up


studies of shy, withdrawn, children-I: Evaluation of later
adjustment. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 24,
743-754.

Moskowitz, D. S., Schwartzman, A. E., & Ledingham, J. E.


(1985). Stability and change in aggression and withdrawal
in middle childhood and early adolescence. Journal of
Abnormal Psychology, 94, 30-4l.

Oden, S., & Asher, S. R. (1977). Coaching children in


social skills forfriendship making. Child Development,
48, 495-506.

Parker, J. G., & Asher, S. R. (1987). Peer relations and


later personal adjustment: Are low-accepted children at
risk? Psychological Bulletin, 102, 357-389.

Piaget, J. (1926). The language and thought of the child.


London: Routiege and Kegan Paul.

Piaget, J. (1928). Judgment and reasoning in the child.


London: Routiege and Kegan Paul.

Piaget, J. (1932). Six psychological studies. New York:


Random House.

Piaget, J. (1967). The language and thought of the child.


London: Routiege and Kegan Paul.

Piaget, J. (1970). Piaget's theory. In P. H. Mussen (Ed.),


Carmichael's manual of child psychology, Vol. 1. (pp.
703-732). New York: Wiley.

Quay, H., & Werry, J. (1986). Psychopathological disorders


of childhood. New York: Wiley.

Robins, L. N. (1966). Deviant children grown up.


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(1992). Educating students with behavior disorders.
Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Rubin, K. H. (1982). Non-social play in preschoolers:


Necessary evil? Child Development, 53, 651-657. Rubin, K.
H., & Coplan, R. (in press). Peer relationships in
childhood. In M. Bornstein & M. Lamb (Eds.),
Developmental psychology: An advanced textbook (3rd Ed.),
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Hetherington (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology:
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York: Wiley. Rubin, K. H., Hymel, S., & Chen, X. (in
press). Socio-emotional characteristics of aggressive and
withdrawn children. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly.

Rubin, K. H., Hymel, S., LeMare, L. J., & Rowden, L.


(1989). Children experiencing social difficulties:
Sociometric neglect reconsidered. Canadian Journal of
Behavioral Science, 21, 94-111.

Rubin, K. H., Hymel, S., Mills, R. S. L., & Rose-Krasnor,


L. (1991). Conceptualizing different pathways to and from
social isolation in childhood. In D. Cicchetti & S. Toth
(Eds.), The Rochester Symposium on Developmental
Psychopathology, Vol. 2, Internalizing and externalizing
expressions of dysfunction. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates.

Rubin, K. H., & Krasnor, L. R. (1986). Social-cognitive


and social behavioral perspectives on problem solving. In
M. Perlmutter (Ed.), Cognitive perspectives on children's
social and behavioral development (pp. 1-68). The
Minnesota Symposia on Child Psychology (vol. 18).
Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Rubin, K. H., Maioni, T. L., & Hornung, M. (1976). Free


play behaviors in middle and lower class preschoolers:
Parten and Piaget revisited. Child Development, 47,
414-419.

Rubin, K. H., & Mills, R. S. L., (1988). The many faces of


social isolation in childhood. Journal of Consulting and
Clinical Psychology, 6, 916-924.

Schneider, B., Rubin, K. H., & Ledingham, J. (1985).


Children's peer relations: Issues in assessment and
intervention. New York: Springer-Verlag.

Selman, R. L. (1980). The growth oj interpersonal


understanding. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Selman, R. L. (1985). The use of interpersonal negotiation


strategies and communicative competences: A
clinical-developmental exploration in a pair of troubled
early adolescents. In R. A. Hinde, A. Perret-Clermont, &
J. Stevenson-Hinde (Eds.), Social relationships and
cognitive development (pp. 208-232). Oxford: Clarendon.

Shantz, C. U. (1983). Social cognition. In J. Flavell & E.


Markman (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 3.
Cognitive development (4th edition, pp. 495-555). New York:
Wiley.

Strain, P., & Kerr, M. (1981). Modifying children's social


withdrawal: Issues in assessment and clinical
intervention. In M. Herson, R. Eisler, & P. Miller (Eds.),
Progress in behavior modification, Vol. 2 (pp. 203-248).
New York: Academic Press.

Sullivan, H. S. (1953). The interpersonal theory of


psychiatry. New York: Norton.

Wicks-Nelson, R., & Israel, A. (1991). Behavior disorders


of childhood. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Younger, A., & Daniels, T. (in press). Children's reasons


for nominating their peers as withdrawn: Passive
withdrawal vs. active isolation? Developmental Psychology.
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