Nordic Journal of Music Therapy

ISSN: 0809-8131 (Print) 1944-8260 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rnjm20

Examining the relationship between self-reported

mood management and music preferences of
Australian teenagers

Katrina Skewes McFerran, Sandra Garrido, Lucy O’Grady, Denise Grocke &
Susan M. Sawyer

To cite this article: Katrina Skewes McFerran, Sandra Garrido, Lucy O’Grady, Denise Grocke &
Susan M. Sawyer (2015) Examining the relationship between self-reported mood management
and music preferences of Australian teenagers, Nordic Journal of Music Therapy, 24:3, 187-203,
DOI: 10.1080/08098131.2014.908942

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/08098131.2014.908942

Published online: 09 Jun 2014.

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Nordic Journal of Music Therapy, 2015
Vol. 24, No. 3, 187–203, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08098131.2014.908942

Examining the relationship between self-reported mood

management and music preferences of Australian teenagers
Katrina Skewes McFerrana,b*, Sandra Garridob, Lucy O’Gradyc, Denise Grockeb
and Susan M. Sawyerd,e,f
a
Australia National Music Therapy Research Unit, The University of Melbourne, 151
Barry Street, Melbourne 3010, Australia; bMelbourne Conservatorium of Music, The
University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia; cUnaffiliated; dCentre for Adolescent
Health, Royal Children’s Hospital, Melbourne, Australia; eDepartment of Paediatrics,
The University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia; fMurdoch Children’s Research
Institute, Melbourne, Australia
(Received 15 February 2013; accepted 27 January 2014)

The influence of music on the moods and behaviour of young people has
been much contested. Whilst some parties accuse the music industry of
purposefully poisoning the minds of youth, others understand the relation-
ship between teenagers and their music preferences as reciprocal. This article
reports on an investigation examining what 111 Australian adolescents
reported about changes in their mood before and after listening to self-
selected genres of music. Most young people reported using music to
improve their mood, particularly when their initial state was already positive;
however when feeling sad or stressed, some young people reported a
worsening mood. Correlational analysis revealed that whilst the distressed
young people in this sample were more likely to prefer listening to angry
music and have a preference for metal, they did not report a more negative
effect on their mood than any other genre of music. The researchers conclude
that mixed methodologies may be better suited for examining this complex
phenomenon and for avoiding overly simplistic interpretations of data.
Music therapists are encouraged to initiate dialogue with distressed young
people in order to increase their consciousness about whether their mood
improves or worsens when listening to self-selected music.
Keywords: music; adolescents; psychological distress; mood management;
heavy metal

Music is especially meaningful and popular during adolescence (Tarrant, 2002).

It is the most preferred leisure time activity for many adolescents (Fitzgerald,
Joseph, Hayes, & O’Regan, 1995), with music listening being consistently rated
as the most favoured way of spending time indoors (North & Hargreaves, 1999).
The range and diversity of musical genres available to adolescents is ever

*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]

© 2014 The Grieg Academy Music Therapy Research Centre

188 K.S. McFerran et al.
increasing, with the MP3 revolution making it possible to download an extra-
ordinary variety of songs from every part of the globe (Scannell, 2001). The
increase in aggregated access suggests that there is value in scrutinizing the
potential impact of music listening on mood.
The music industry has certainly been challenged with a vast range of
accusations in relation to the provision of music to adolescents. Rock music
has come under fire by the American Academy of Paediatrics and the Parent-
Teacher Association of America for its associations with adolescent suicidality
and heavy metal music was targeted by the Parent’s Music Resource Centre for
its links with antisocial behaviours (Scheel & Westefeld, 1999). Allegations have
been made about back-masking satanic messages in some songs, although these
have mostly been proven to have less dramatic intentions, namely commercial
success (Blecha, 2004). Theories about the influence of themes of extreme
violence, sexual promiscuity and rebellion typifying hip-hop and metal music
can potentially be mitigated by research that suggests teenagers listen to the
music more than the lyrics (Gantz, Gartenberg, Pearson, & Schiller, 1978; Mark,
1988; Steinberg, 1996; Wass et al., 1988), and in many cases the lyrics are
already heavily disguised by distortion and dramatic singing styles.
In addition to public concern about a causative relationship between listening
to aggressive styles of music and bad behaviour, research has consistently
identified a relationship between poor mental health and adolescent music pre-
ferences for rap, rave and/or heavy metal music (e.g. Anderson, Carnagey, &
Eubanks, 2003; Lacourse, Claes, & Villeneuve, 2001; North & Hargreaves,
2005; Rustad, Small, Jobes, Safer, & Peterson, 2003; Scheel & Westefeld,
1999; Stack, Gundlach, & Reeves, 1994; Tarrant, North, & Hargreaves, 2001).
Some researchers suggest that certain types of music can act as a priming agent
for aggressive or suicidal thoughts (Anderson et al., 2003; Rustad et al., 2003).
Others argue that it can escalate behaviour to antisocial or risk-taking levels
(Roberts, Dimsdale, East, & Friedman, 1998; Stack et al., 1994; Stuessy, 1996).
These statements are supported by a range of studies that have highlighted
specific relationships between self-harming/suicide and a preference for heavy
metal and Goth music (Lester & Whipple, 1996; Young, Sweeting, & West,
2006), or between antisocial behaviours and rock/heavy metal music (Arnett,
1991; Bushong, 2002; Gowensmith & Bloom, 1997; Rubin, West, & Mitchell,
2001). Stack has been one of the most provocative researchers on this topic,
going so far as to calculate the strength of the association between the dominance
of country and western music on local radio and higher-than-average suicide
rates (Stack & Gundlach, 1992). His research team has also endorsed the
suggested relationship between heavy metal music and suicide susceptibility,
although lack of religiosity was more strongly related to a suicidal state of mind
than a preference for heavy metal music. Both accusations seem to be in keeping
with the cultural context of the southern states of the United States.
In contrast to dualistic interpretations, researchers have suggested that certain
music preferences are suggestive of vulnerability to mental health problems
 Nordic Journal of Music Therapy 189
(North & Hargreaves, 2008; Scheel & Westefeld, 1999). This perspective sug-
gests that music preferences reflect mental health state rather than cause, or
influence it. Roe’s (1987) study of Swedish youth found that musical choices
were related to student’s current academic success as well as their self-predicted
future success. His results identified that the more isolating the music of choice,
the more isolated the teenager felt, leading to the conclusion that music prefer-
ences reflect self-perception. This assessment has been supported by Took and
Weiss (1994) who suggest that early failure in the school system leads to an
increased interest in heavy metal music. An early study by Coleman (1960) also
supports this premise, revealing that adolescents who failed to achieve in school
tended to turn towards heavier media use as an escape from confronting the
meaning of their failure. The literature provides ample support for the proposal
that a preference for metal music is related to challenging life circumstances,
whether related to mental illness or problems in familial or personal relation-
ships. But significantly, results of Lester and Whipple’s (1996) study identified
that past suicidal ideation and preference for heavy metal music were not linked
to current suicidal ideation or depression, suggesting that this may be a transient
state for many adolescents.
It is also relevant to consider the role of adolescent music from a develop-
mental perspective. The process of identity formation that defines this stage of
development is built upon the transition from family to peer alliances (Erikson,
1965). Healthy adolescence is defined by the rejection of the primacy of the
family unit in preference for the development of peer networks. Music can be
seen as integral in this process, with adolescent music inciting parental concern
from the gyrations of Elvis Presley through to the sexually provocative film clips
of Madonna and into the heavy metal music of Slayer and the rap era of Eminem.
For some adolescents, it may be important to identify with music that is not
approved of by concerned adults, and these themes of confusion and identity are
only represented in the lyrics of the more rebellious musical genres (Lull, 1987).
Music can also be a means to assert individual personality, and some
researchers report that the personality type of young people can accurately
predict a stereotypical preference for certain music (Rentfrow & Gosling,
2007). Groups can also define their identity through music, and Frith (1981)
has noted that musical preferences serve as a “badge” of group membership with
like-minded peers. This can lead young people to disguise their personal pre-
ferences for musical styles such as folk or country and western because disclos-
ing unusual music tastes can result in unwanted and negative attention from
peers (Tarrant, North, & Hargreaves, 2000). This lack of tolerance for diversity
was dramatically captured in one study where the “in-group” of teenagers
perceived that all peers liked the same music, but that the “out-group” simply
liked it less (Tarrant et al., 2001).
Despite ongoing concerns and commentary about negative influences of
music, it is more commonly believed that music can play a positive role in the
lives of adolescents, and there is some evidence to support this position.
190 K.S. McFerran et al.
Lacourse et al. (2001) discovered that the vicarious release experienced through
music listening was actually inversely related with suicidal ideation for girls.
Sullivan (2003) found that many black listeners in his American sample found
rap music life-affirming. Biological measures have been found to improve post-
listening to rock music in comparison to a control group, even though self-
report of mood was not influenced (Field et al., 1998). Mood improvement has
been proposed as central to music experiences for teenagers (Saarikallio &
Erkkila, 2007) based on a qualitative investigation of eight Finnish adolescents
who described how “the importance of music is intrinsically related to enjoy-
ment and positive experiences” (Saarikallio & Erkkila, 2007, p. 104). It func-
tioned as entertainment, revival, strong sensation, diversion, discharge, mental
work and solace. Although music listening sometimes resulted in temporary
negative mood, their participants described how this progressed through to
positive outcomes through a sense of understanding or clarification. This
journey through emotional responses is similar to what was described in an
earlier study (Gantz et al., 1978) based on the analysis of descriptions gener-
ated by adolescents where the role of music is stated as relieving tension,
taking their mind off things, passing time and negating boredom, as well as
helping them feel less alone and creating or maintaining a good mood. It has
also been supported more recently in an investigation of music uses and
gratification that confirmed a tendency for young people to use music to
manage/regulate their moods, although this appears to change during adulthood
(Lonsdale & North, 2011).
Despite the prominence of positive beliefs about the value of music, evidence
is still sparse. Further investigation is necessary to explore both the active
choices made by young people to influence mood and the belief that these
influences are related to certain genres of music. In this study, we targeted the
following questions:

(1) Do teenagers report successfully improving their mood by listening to

self-selected music?
(2) Is listening to any specific genre of music associated with reported
changes in mood?

Method
Participants
Data were collected from 111 older adolescents at an inner-metropolitan school
in the city of Melbourne, Australia, during 2007. The sample set from which
students were drawn comprised 342 students in two of the senior years at the
participating secondary school with an age range between 15 and 18 years
(average age = 16 years). Sixty-two per cent of participants were males and
38% were females. It was initially intended that a cluster sample would be
 Nordic Journal of Music Therapy 191
achieved comprising all students; however, local ethical requirements dictated
the need for active consent that relied on the return of hardcopy forms signed by
parents. A low return rate from parents was accurately anticipated by school staff
based on their usual experience of paper returns and an incentive of CD vouchers
was therefore instituted to make the return more likely, with a 32% return
ultimately being achieved.
The socioeconomic status of the adolescents in our sample was spread quite
evenly, with 25.2% of the teenagers’ parents having accessed tertiary-level
education, 18.9% having completed full secondary-level education and 20.3%
having completed the first four years of their secondary education. A similar
proportion of adolescents did not know their parent’s level of education
(26.6%) and the remaining 9% did not answer. The reported cultural back-
ground of the participating adolescents was predominantly European (46.0%),
with a further 22.5% stating that they were of Anglo-Saxon descent and 15.3%
of Asian background. The remaining 16.2% selected “Other” or reported that
they did not know. The sample is an approximate reflection of the geographic
region from which it came, which is considered to be mildly socioeconomically
disadvantaged and is the most culturally diverse area in the State of Victoria. A
growing disadvantage is evidenced in this region, with the working poor
making up a majority of the population. Life expectancy is significantly
lower than the state average, and the score on Disability Adjusted Life Years
shows that it is the lowest in the state according to Australian Bureau of
Statistics figures (Western Metropolitan Region: Health and Social Wellbeing
profile, 2002).

Ethics
Active consent was solicited from all young people plus one parent or guardian
of each participant, following the distribution of a plain language information
statement (PLS) via mail out to families of students. The PLS explained the focus
of the project as investigating “whether there is a relationship between the ways
that young people listen to music and their happiness and health.” It outlined the
voluntary nature of the project and noted that the survey would be filled out
without the submission of any identifying information.

Procedure
Students were taken out of class in groups of 10 to participate in the online
survey. The schedule for participation was coordinated by a contracted teacher
who collected the groups of students from each class group based on the return
of consent forms. A computer laboratory with 10 computers was made avail-
able for the day, with each computer set up for access to the survey that was
available with password access via the webpage of the collaborators homepage
(Centre for Adolescent Health, Royal Children’s Hospital, Melbourne). The
192 K.S. McFerran et al.
teacher monitored student access to the survey and provided a reminder that
participation was voluntary and anonymous. Students were asked not to talk
during the time taken to answer the questions and to remain seated quietly until
all students indicated they were finished. Students spent an average of 14
minutes completing the online survey, with a maximum time of 25 minutes
being taken.

Survey design
The survey consisted of five sections that collected data on a range of variables
relevant to the intended analysis. Section 1 comprised questions to gather the
socioeconomic data including a question on religiosity inspired by Stack and
Gundlach’s finding (1992). Section 2 addressed musical attributes such as
estimated hours spent listening to music each week, information that has
been collected in most studies of this topic (Garrido & Schubert, 2013;
North, Hargreaves, & O’Neill, 2000; Schwartz & Fouts, 2003). Section 3
sought general information regarding music preferences, including how change-
able these preferences were and whether this was influenced by peer’s prefer-
ences, as suggested by Tarrant (2002). This section also gathered information
on the different types of emotional responses that motivated music listening.
Section 4 concerned the use of music for five particular moods: happiness,
sadness, stress, anger and boredom. The authors chose these moods because
they were thought to be easily understood, relatively separate from each other
as well as commonly experienced by adolescents. For each mood, the respon-
dent was asked how often they listen to music, what type of music they listen
to and how they usually feel afterwards. The researchers identified the different
names of musical genres in discussion with a number of older Australian
adolescents that were known to them.
Section 5 comprised the Kessler Psychological Distress Scale – 10 (K10)
(Kessler et al., 2002) which was used to determine the mental health status of the
participants. The K10 is a validated tool that measures non-specific psychologi-
cal distress based on questions about negative emotional states experienced by
respondents in the four weeks prior to interview. It has been used in a number of
Australian surveys of the general population (ABS, 2003), and strong associa-
tions have been found between high scores on the K10 and diagnoses of anxiety
and affective disorders (Andrews & Slade, 2001; Furukawa, Kessler, Slade, &
Andrews, 2003). Further research by Kessler and his team also suggests that the
K10 is the best performing short scale for discriminating DSM cases and non-
cases (Kessler et al., 2003). In this context, it was felt that a tool encompassing a
wide range of psychological distress was appropriate for our analysis of a general
adolescent population. Furthermore, the test is simple, brief, valid and reliable,
and this made it a convenient tool to use with adolescents in the context of a
school setting.
 Nordic Journal of Music Therapy 193
Results
Preliminary analyses
Our analysis began with an examination of the frequency of certain types of
musical behaviour within our sample. The participants reported listening to
music for an average of 17 hours per week, with 31.5% of students using
computers for listening and 29.7% of students stating preferred use of hand-
held devices. Almost half the respondents disagreed with the suggestion that
their musical preferences were always changing (46.9%), while 33.3% agreed
and 19.8% were unsure. An equal proportion of respondents disagreed and
agreed that their music preferences were the same as their peers (37.0%), with
the remainder of respondents stating that they were undecided. When K10 scores
were calculated using the CRUfAD (Clinical Research Unit for Anxiety and
Clinical Depression) scoring method – no/low level of risk (scores below 15) and
high risk (scores above 30) – results indicated that the high-risk group listened to
more music (n = 18, m = 3.61, SD = 2.00) than the low-risk group (n = 26,
m = 2.62, SD = 1.58).
In this study, the majority of students confirmed that music listening made
them feel better in most moods. This was most apparent in states of boredom and
happiness where 68.5% and 60.4% of students respectively reported improve-
ments after listening to music in these mood states. Fewer students reported
improvements after music listening for moods of anger and sadness (44.1% and
47.8% respectively). For each mood, the students were able to articulate parti-
cular music preferences. Rock, rap/hip-hop, R&B, dance and heavy metal were
the most common preferences across all moods. Dance music featured much
more prominently during happy moods.
Continuous variables were also assessed for normality through a visual
inspection of distribution histograms. Violations of normality were minimal, so
parametric tests were used in the subsequent analyses.

Correlation analysis
A Pearson correlation analysis was first conducted to test for associations
between psychological distresses as measured by the K10 and the type of
music preferred (see Appendix for details of survey questions). The strongest
correlation coefficients were found for participants that selected “I like music that
makes me feel angry” (r =.36, p <.001) (see Table 1) and the amount of music
listened to when angry (r =.31, p =.001), revealing that high psychological
distress was associated with choosing angry music and often. Correlation coeffi-
cients were also significant for the amount of music listened to when feeling
stressed (r =.28, p =.003), the amount of music listened to when sad (r =.27,
p =.005), reporting feeling more sad after listening to music when prior mood is
sad (r =.25, p =.013), reporting feeling more stressed after listening to music
when prior mood is stressed (r =.24, p =.013) and thoughtful music (r =.23,
Table 1. Pearson correlation coefficients between frequency of music listening, reported outcome of music listening and music preferences.
194

Hours
listening to Like Like Like Like Like Like Like Like feel Like feel good
K10 music relaxed energetic thoughtful angry happy motivated entertained connected about self

Frequency when .14 .35** .09 .15 −.02 .00 −.02 .12 .06 .12 .09
happy
After listening .00 −.05 .20* .18 .06 .07 .12 .26** .18 .23* .17
(happy)
Frequency when sad .27** .40** .03 .16 .06 .22* −.21* .00 −.03 −.19 −.05
After listening (sad) .25* −.01 −.10 .04 .12 .28** −.11 −.18 −.09 −.08 .05
Frequency when .31** .37** −.12 .05 .03 .29** −.19* −.03 −.07 −.04 −.01
angry
After listening (angry) .14 .02 −.13 .07 .07 .24* −.01 −.01 −.08 −.13 −.18
Frequency when .06 .32** .05 .12 .03 −.02 .02 .14 .03 .04 .03
bored
After listening (bored) .10 .13 −.20* −.17 .14 .13 −.10 −.15 −.10 −.04 −.06
Frequency when .29** .22* .12 −.01 .18 .17 −.12 −.01 −.07 .10 .11
stressed
After listening .24* .11 −.02 .11 .15 .17 −.05 −.13 .01 −.04 .06
K.S. McFerran et al.

(stressed)
K10 1 .20 −.02 .08 .23* .36** −.11 .01 .03 .05 .02
Hours listening to 1 −.17 .01 .06 .20* −.23* .01 −.07 −.25* −.22*
music
Notes: *p <.05.
**p <.01.
Bold indicates results that were significant at p <.001.
N varied from 98 to 111.
Rows labelled “Frequency when…” display variables measuring the frequency of music listening in various mood conditions.
Rows labelled “After listening…” display variables measuring reported intensification of mood after listening to music in various mood conditions.
Columns labelled “Like…” display variables measuring the degree to which participants liked music of this description. K10 = Kessler psychological distress scale.
 Nordic Journal of Music Therapy 195
p =.014). These results indicate strong connections between high levels of
psychological distress and a liking for music expressing negative emotions, as
well as for deteriorations in mood after listening to music.
A second correlational analysis investigated the reported impact of music
listening upon mood. A negative correlation was found between hours spent
listening to music and a liking for happy music (r = −.23, p =.021). Hours spent
listening to music was also negatively correlated with a liking for music that
caused a feeling of connection with others (r = −.25, p =.015), and with a liking
for music that makes participants feel good about themselves (r = −.22, p =.028).
Taken together, this suggests a pattern of music choices made by participants
with high levels of psychological distress that seem to reinforce negative views
and isolation. In contrast, feeling more happy after listening to music when in a
happy mood was correlated with a liking for motivating music (r =.26, p =.006)
and liking music that makes one feel more connected with others (r =.23,
p =.014) and was negatively correlated with an intensifying of mood in the
bored mood condition (r = −.34, p <.001), the stressed mood condition (r = −.32,
p =.001) and the angry mood condition (r = −.31, p =.001). This suggests that
some adolescents are attracted to music that connects them to others, motivates
them and is perceived to improve their mood.

ANOVA
A one-way analysis of variance was conducted with K10 scores as the factor and
a preference for heavy metal music across six mood conditions as dependent
variables (see Table 2). The only genre that returned significant result was heavy
metal when selected as both a general preference and when listened to in all
mood conditions except for “stressed.” This indicates that there was a significant
difference in mean scores on the K10 between adolescents who listen to heavy
metal and those who do not.

Table 2. Levels of psychological distress in teenagers who prefer metal versus non-metal
music.

K10 scores for people who K10 scores for people who
F P like heavy metal (mean) don’t like heavy metal (mean)

General 1.69 .035 24.61 20.22

preference
Happy mood 2.12 .004 27.42 20.07
Sad mood 1.76 .025 27.56 20.27
Angry mood 1.76 .025 26.16 19.92
Bored mood 1.81 .020 26.22 20.05
Stressed mood 1.11 .348 25.50 20.52
Notes: df = 1, 110.
K10 = Kessler psychological distress scale
196 K.S. McFerran et al.
A MANOVA with ratings of mood after listening to music as the independent
variables and liking for heavy metal music in all mood conditions as the
dependent variable was then conducted in order to test whether listening to
metal music resulted in an improved mood. No significant results were found
for intensifying mood after listening to music in any of the mood conditions
(p <.05), indicating heavy metal listeners were as successful as their peers in
improving their moods after listening.

Discussion
Most of the 111 young people in this study reported successfully managing their
moods through music listening, and the results confirm that feeling better after
listening to self-selected music is a common perception of young people. This is
in keeping with other studies that use self-report as the mechanism for collecting
data about how young people experience their relationship with music (Dillman
Carpentier et al., 2008; Saarikallio, 2008). The data from this study also suggest
that most young people actively changed their preferred music in order to interact
with and reflect their current mood, with the majority of adolescents doing this in
a way that reportedly enhanced their mood. This was particularly true when they
were already in a positive (happy) or neutral (bored) state, supporting the premise
that the most common use of music is for pleasure or distraction (Saarikallio &
Erkkila, 2007).
The relationship between the individual’s mental health and the type of music
they choose to listen to is complex. It is not simply a matter of distressed young
people being made more distressed by the music they choose. A number of
choices and contexts interact, and in this study we have particularly examined
self-reported mood and preferred music, with the term “mood” being chosen to
represent mental health and “preferred music” providing the opportunity to
examine impact of different music genres.

The perceived impact of music genre

In this study, we specifically considered the perceived impact of music genre on
mood. The correlations between different variables in this study do not suggest
that any particular genre is perceived by participants as more or less successful in
improving mood. This contrasts with assumptions in some literature that it is the
musical or lyrical qualities of particular genres that impact the mental health of
listeners (Baker & Bor, 2008). The accusation of negative effect is most often
levelled at more rebellious forms of music, such as metal music (Stack, 1998;
Stack & Gundlach, 1992). Whilst this was not supported by our data, a correla-
tion was evidenced between a preference for heavy metal music and higher level
of distress as measured by the K10, and this finding has been commonly reported
in a wide range of studies (see review of “problem music” in North &
Hargreaves, 2006). However, it is noteworthy that no significant differences
 Nordic Journal of Music Therapy 197
were found in the degree of change in self-reported mood after listening in this
study. Therefore, although correlational studies cannot indicate causation, it
seems more likely that the correlation arises when distressed youths are attracted
to this music, rather than the music itself causing distress.

The impact of mental health

Differences were evidenced between the ways that the most distressed group of
young people engaged with music compared to less distressed young people.
This was seen in a significant relationship between liking angry music and score
on the K10. Not only did the more distressed group listen to more hours of
music, but the data also showed that they were more likely to perceive them-
selves as feeling sadder or more stressed after listening than their peers. These
results suggest that those who are struggling with depression (sadness) and
anxiety (stressed) may be less successful in moderating their mood in a positive
direction. This is in keeping with other research where participants have
reported mental health status separately to reporting on musical engagement
(Garrido & Schubert, 2013; Miranda & Claes, 2009). The distinction between
studies using different methodologies for soliciting information about mood and
mental health was identified as highly influential in a critical synthesis of the
literature on young people, music and depression (McFerran, Garrido, &
Saarikallio, 2013).
The finding that participants who were considered to be at risk of psycholo-
gical distress were more likely to prefer angry music adds to the growing body of
literature that identifies this correlation. Whether or not this is reflective or
causative is beyond the scope of a survey study; however, it is clear that this
association exists across a number of western cultures and should be acknowl-
edged. There is no evidence to suggest that music causes negative mental health,
but the significant energy that has been used in refuting this argument seems to
have distracted from the fact that a persistent correlation exists and that distressed
youth are less successful in regulating their mood in a positive direction. In
contrast, successful mood regulators are more drawn to motivating music and
music that makes them feel more connected to others. In this study, young people
making these choices were more likely to perceive themselves as feeling happier
after listening to music.

Consumption rate
The data from this study confirmed similar levels of musical engagement to
British studies that suggest around 2.5 hours per day (North, Hargreaves, &
O’Neill, 2000). The overall number of hours reported in this study was less than
American studies that report between 4 and 6 hours per day (Steinberg, 1996), or
56.6 hours per week (Wass et al., 1988). Modes of listening have changed
significantly since these studies however, and even since the data were collected
198 K.S. McFerran et al.
for this study in 2007. Most recent reports suggest that the overall number of
hours dedicated to music listening has remained fairly constant; however music
is even more present in the lives of young people since it now accompanies
gaming and is often used as part of technology-based multi-tasking such as social
networking (Miranda, 2012). Collecting meaningful data about the number of
hours spent listening to music will likely become more challenging for this
reason.

Limitations and recommendations

Although the K10 is not specifically designed for adolescent cohorts (Kessler
et al., 2002), it was found to be an effective tool for measuring outcomes in this
study. However, the K10 distribution between low/medium/high risk of psycho-
logical distress in the adolescent cohort contrasted with outcomes from adult
surveys in Australia (Andrews & Slade, 2001; Furukawa et al., 2003), with a
higher number of participants scoring in the high-risk group than expected.
Whilst this may indicate that the tool was not sufficiently nuanced for adolescent
participants, it may be accounted for by the fact that one in four Australian
adolescents struggle with mental illness (Muir & Powell, 2012). Alternately, it is
possible that this level of psychological distress is reflective of the region where
the study took place, which is mildly socioeconomically disadvantaged.
Future studies might introduce a sampling procedure that targets populations
where the population has an even gender distribution in order to approach a 50/
50 distribution within the sample. In this study, there was an uneven distribution
of gender (62.1% were males). Gender is viewed as one of the most important
variables when examining the relationship between adolescents and their music
(Laiho, 2004; North et al., 2000; Roe, 1987; Schwartz & Fouts, 2003).
Survey research has been the most popular method for gathering data on this
topic, although qualitative interview studies are also increasing in number. Both
of these strategies rely on self-report and are therefore subject to some of the
same limitations. Establishing correlations between variables is equally flawed,
and the lack of causal inference is a major limitation in better understanding the
complex relationship between young people and their music. Future studies may
benefit from triangulating mixed data sources and analyses, drawing on self-
report and biological markers as well as independent health reports. Bushong
(2002) has indicated the need for complex reporting previously, stating that
“music is both a reflection of, and an exacerbating influence on, attitudes, values,
and behaviours, when the idiosyncrasies of the individual and the stimulus are
considered” (Bushong, 2002, 77).

Conclusion
The demonization of particular genres of music as causing mental health pro-
blems was not supported by this study. Instead, the results indicated that no
 Nordic Journal of Music Therapy 199
particular genres were correlated with perceived worsening or improvement of
mood. The study does suggest that distressed young people are more likely to
turn to metal music and to intentionally seek the expression of anger in music.
The data also indicate that music listening is less helpful for regulating moods in
a positive direction when young people are sad or stressed to begin. This finding
contradicts the opinions of the informants in Saarikallio and Erkkila’s (2007)
study, possibly because the eight adolescents involved in their study were
healthier to begin.
It is critical for music therapists working with adolescents to appreciate the
distinction between the mood-regulating benefits for more and less distressed
young people. Many distressed young people assume the same benefits as their
healthy peers; however, this may not be the case and for some, music choices
may result in feeling sadder and more stressed. This is an important discussion
for music therapists to have with young people and parents, whilst also being
clear that the music is not causing problems, but rather reflecting and interacting
with the young person’s state of mental health.

Funding
This work was supported by The University of Melbourne [Internal Grants Scheme].

Notes on contributors
A/Professor Katrina Skewes McFerran is head of Music Therapy in the Melbourne
Conservatorium of Music and Co-Director of the National Music Therapy Research
Unit at the University of Melbourne. She is passionate about exploring the enablers and
barriers that impact the ways adolescents appropriate music for health and wellbeing. She
has published widely on this topic, including a book on Adolescents, Music and Music
Therapy (Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 2010).
Dr Sandra Garrido is a post-doctoral research fellow for both the Melbourne
Conservatorium of Music at the University of Melbourne and the ARC Centre of
Excellence for the History of Emotions at the University of Western Australia. Her
research focuses on understanding emotional response to music and the impact of music
on mental health. Dr Garrido is also a member of the Empirical Musicology Group, the
Australian Music and Psychology Society (AMPS) and a member of the National
Committee of the Musicological Society of Australia.
Emeritus Professor Denise Grocke PhD, RMT, FAMI founded the music therapy course at
the University of Melbourne in 1978 and retired in 2012. She continues to lead Guided
Imagery and Music (GIM) training at the University of Melbourne. She is co-author of
Receptive Methods in Music Therapy (2007), co-editor of Guided Imagery and Music:
The Bonny Method and Beyond (2002 and has numerous book chapters and articles in
refereed journals on music therapy and Guided Imagery and Music.
A paediatrician by training, Professor Susan Sawyer has helped establish the field of
Adolescent Health and Medicine in Australia. She has a major interest in health service
research for adolescents, including the role of music therapy. Professor Sawyer holds the
inaugural chair of Adolescent Health at the University of Melbourne and is the director of
the Centre for Adolescent Health at the Royal Children’s Hospital.
200 K.S. McFerran et al.
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 Nordic Journal of Music Therapy 203
Appendix. Items from Section 3 of the survey.

Item code Item text

3.1 My tastes in music are always changing.

3.2 At the moment my tastes in music are the same as my friends.
3.3a I like music that makes me feel relaxed.
3.3b I like music that makes me feel energetic.
3.3c I like music that makes me feel thoughtful.
3.3d I like music that makes me feel angry.
3.3e I like music that makes me feel happy.
3.3f I like music that makes me feel motivated.
3.3g I like music that makes me feel entertained.
3.3h I like music that makes me feel connected with others.
3.3i I like music that makes me feel good about myself.