GST110 (African Culture and Civilization) - 1

NIGERIAN PEOPLE AND CULTURE GST 110 CLASS NOTE
CONCEPTS OF NIGERIAN CULTURE AND CIVILISATION
Introduction
It is a triumph of mind over matter, of reason over instinct, and of the distinctly human
over mankind's animal nature. These are what have made possible civilization, as well as
culture, its constant and necessary companion. A thorough understanding of what
civilization and culture are requires knowledge of all the qualities that make up human
nature and a full understanding of all historical developments. Since this is not possible, it is
necessary to explain these terms by the use of definitions and descriptions. Both civilization
and culture are fairly modern words, having come into prominent use during the 19th
century by anthropologists, historians, and literary figures. There has been a strong
tendency to use them interchangeably as though they mean the same thing, but they are
not the same.
Although modern in their usage, the two words are derived from ancient Latin. The word
civilization is based on the Latin civis, “inhabitant of a city.” Thus civilization, in its most
essential meaning, is the ability of people to live together harmoniously in cities, in social
groupings. From this definition it would seem that certain insects, such as ants or bees, are
also civilized. They live and work together in social groups. So do some microorganisms. But
there is more to civilization, and that is what culture brings to it. So, civilization is
inseparable from culture. Civilization is also an advanced human society with developed
government, culture, industry, and social norms. Characteristic of civilization includes:
urban centers, agricultural manipulation, storage, irrigation, written language, standard of
measurements, craftsmanship technology, social stratification, state government,
common religion/ideological outlook and a shared culture.
The word culture is derived from the Latin verb colere, “to till the soil” (its past participle is
cultus, associated with cultivate). But colere also has a wider range of meanings. It may, like
civis, mean inhabiting a town or village. But most of its definitions suggest a process of
starting and promoting growth and development. One may cultivate a garden; one may also
cultivate one's interests, mind, and abilities. In its modern use the word culture refers to all
the positive aspects and achievements of humanity that make mankind different from the
rest of the animal world. Culture is the ideas, customs and social behavior of a particular
people or society. It is also the sum of attitudes, customs, and beliefs that distinguishes one
group of people from another. Culture has grown out of creativity, a characteristic that
seems to be unique to human beings.
One of the basic and best-known features of civilization and culture is the presence of tools.
But more important than their simple existence is that the tools are always being improved
1
and enlarged upon, a result of creativity. It took thousands of years to get from the first
wheel to the latest, most advanced model of automobile.
It is the concept of humans as toolmakers and improvers that differentiates them from
other animals. A monkey may use a stick to knock a banana from a tree, but that stick will
never, through a monkey's ingenuity, be modified into a pruning hook or a ladder. Monkeys
have never devised a spoken language, written a book, composed a melody, built a house,
paved a road, or painted a portrait. To say that birds build nests and beavers their dens is to
miss the point. People once lived in caves, but their ingenuity, imagination, and creativity
led them to progress beyond caves to buildings.
Civilization, then, is the “city” of human beings, at any given stage of development, with all
of its achievements: its arts, technology, sciences, religions, and politics. The word city may
seem strange, but it is used advisedly because the emergence of a civilization and its cultural
growth have always originated in specific localities—in specific cities, in fact. To speak in
broader terms—of modern Western civilization, for instance—is to gloss over the fact that
before such a concept was possible there were first the civilizations of Jerusalem, ancient
Alexandria, Athens, Rome, and Constantinople. These in turn were followed by the
civilizations of Florence, Milan, Venice, Paris, London, Amsterdam, Vienna, Geneva, Munich,
New York City, Philadelphia, Boston, Chicago, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and many more. If
there is a Western civilization, it is made up of ingredients from all of these original city
civilizations.
Nigeria is a West-African country bordering the Gulf of Guinea, between Benin and
Cameroun. The capital of the country used to be in Lagos until subsequently relocated to
Abuja on the 12th of December, 1991. The name ‘Nigeria’ was suggested by a British
journalist Flora Shaw in 1914 after the amalgamation of both Northern and Southern
protectorates. This name ‘Nigeria’ was influenced by the Niger River which dominated much
of the country’s landscape.
Nigeria became an independent nation in 1960 October and subsequently became a

republic in 1963. It currently practices a federal system of government as against the initial
parliamentary system. The first military coup took place on the 15th of January 1966 with
counter coup six months later – a situation which later degenerated to a bloody civil war of
1967.
Nigeria is still a primarily rural country, with only 48 percent of its population living in cities.
Urban areas, however, doubled their share of the population between 1970 and 2006. The
country has a long history of urban development, particularly in northern and southwestern
Nigeria where substantial cities existed centuries before colonial rule. The largest Nigerian
cities are Lagos, Kano, Onitsha, Enugu, Kaduna, Ibadan and the FCT, Abuja. Lagos, one of the
world’s largest cities, grew as colonial Nigeria’s capital and leading port. Despite its loss of
2
the federal capital in 1991 to Abuja, Lagos remains the country’s economic and cultural
center. Ibadan, founded as a 19th-century war camp, was the largest pre-colonial city in
sub-Saharan Africa, thanks to massive rural-to-urban migration. Its economy is based largely
on agriculture and trade. Kano grew to prominence as the center of a prosperous
agricultural district and as a major terminus of trans-Saharan trade. It remains a major
commercial, transportation, industrial, and administrative center. Other important cities
include places like Ogbomosho, Oyo, and Ife; the Hausa cities of Zaria, Katsina, and Sokoto;
and the newer, colonial-era cities of Jos, Port-Harcourt and Calabar.
RELIGION
Many religions are followed in Nigeria. Thus, the constitution guarantees religious freedom.
Therefore Christianity is predominantly in the Southern part while Islam is the core religious
practice of the Northern Nigerians. Native religions, in which people believe in deities,
spirits and ancestors worship, are however spread throughout the country. Muslims and
Christians may also intertwine their beliefs with more unorthodox indigenous ones. Some of
the common deities include: Amadioha, Aro, Okike, Anyanwu and Ikuku from Eastern
Nigeria; while Ogun, Osun, Oya, Songo, Obatala, Egungun and Ifa oracle are some traditional
gods in the Yoruba (South-Western part) part of the country. In Kogi state, among the Ebira,
Igala, Nupe, Okuns and Ebira-Koto respectively, they worship Egbunu, Ishepa, Egu
The major Christian celebrations are Christmas and Easter (which goes with Lenten fast)
while Muslims observe Ramadan (fasting) and the two Eids. All of these celebrations are
observed with national public holidays. Northern Muslims do not actively work on their
weekly prayer day (Friday), while Christian south hold their holiday on Sunday.
Adherence to Islam, Christianity, or indigenous African religions is central to how Nigerians

identify themselves. Religious affiliation estimates vary, however, due to the lack of census
data and the fact that many of Nigeria’s Muslims and Christians adhere to beliefs and
practices associated with indigenous religions. Recent estimates suggest that 50 percent are
Muslims, 40 percent are Christians, and 10 percent adhere to traditional religions.
I n the late 19th century, Christianity became established in southern Nigeria. In the Yoruba
southwest, it was propagated by the Church of England, while in the Igbo southeast the
Roman Catholic Church dominated. Today, close to half of the southwestern peoples and far
more than half of the southeastern peoples are Christians, divided into Roman Catholic,
Anglican, Methodist, Lutheran, and Baptist sects. Christianity is also widespread in the
middle belt, but it is virtually absent in the far north except among migrant populations. In
recent years, Protestant fundamentalism has grown, particularly in the middle belt. Nigeria
also has many independent African churches, such as Cherubim and Seraphim, which
3
incorporate African cultural practices such as drumming, dancing, and polygyny (multiple
wives) into Christianity.
NATIONAL PRIDE
Nigeria is varyingly considered the super power on Africa continent and consequently the
people generally proud ones. It has the largest population of Black concentration anywhere
in the world with the strength of about one hundred and seventy million (170,000,000)
citizens. It is also considered the largest contributor to the United Nations and ECOMOG
peace keeping missions in Africa.
The nation is endowed with vast quantity and quality of natural resources and it is the sixth
largest oil-producing nation in the world as well as properly educated and industrially
developing society.
Nigeria’s defense forces, which peaked at 300,000 at the end of the civil war in 1970, had
78,500 personnel in 2004, which was still large and expensive compared to the region’s
other countries. Nigeria has participated in peacekeeping operations of the United Nations
(UN). It has also provided the majority of soldiers for the joint West African peacekeeping
force in Liberia (since 1990) and Sierra Leone from 1997 until 2000, (when a UN
peacekeeping force that included many Nigerian troops took over). Military service in
Nigeria is however voluntary.
THE FAMILY: Extended families are still the norm and are in fact the backbone of social
system. Grandparents, Uncles, Aunties, Sisters, Brothers etc all work as unit through life.
Family relationships are guided by hierarchy and seniority. Social standing and recognition is
achieved through extended families. Similarly, a family’s honour is influenced by the actions
of its members. Individuals turn to the extended family for financial aids and guidance; and
the family in turn is expected to provide for the welfare of every member. Although the role
of the extended family is diminishing somewhat in the urban areas, there remains a strong
tradition of mutual caring and responsibility among members.
HIERACHY
Nigeria is a hierarchical society. Age and position earn and demand respect. Age is believed
to confer wisdom, so older people are granted respect. The oldest person in a group is
revered and honoured. In a social situation, they are greeted and served first. In return,
most senior person has the responsibility to make decisions that are in the best interest of
the group.
4
COMMUNICATION STYLES
Due to ethnic make-up of the country, communication styles vary. In the south-west, where
the people are from the Yoruba tribe, people’s communication employs proverbs, sayings
and songs to enrich the essence of what they say. This is especially true when speaking their
native language; though, many of this characteristic has been carried in their use of English
usage. The Yoruba often uses humour to prevent boredom long meetings or serious
discussions. They believe that embedding humours in their message guarantees that what
they say is not readily forgotten.
Nigerians living in the south of the country tend to speak more directly. It is also noted that
their tone is slightly louder than people elsewhere. They may raise their voice and become
emotionally excited when they feel passionately about a topic. However, a harsh tone is
considered unwelcoming and even hostile. Nigerians prefer facial expressions that imply
empathy and believe that indifferent facial expression indicates ignorance or detestable
feelings.
Communication commences with informal enquiries of family and personal welfare. Such
social niceties go a long way in soft-landing. Therefore, foreigners who take the time to get
to know a Nigerian as a person are considered friendly and welcome into Nigerian’s inner
circle of family and close friends.
Communication in Nigeria may also be indirect and rely on non-verbal cues. Parents
sometimes use gestures when communicating with their children. People may smile to mask
their true feelings especially when disappointed, confused or embarrassed.
ARTS AND LITERATURE
Nigerian culture reflects African, Islamic, and European influences. In northern Nigeria, Islam
has shaped architecture and calligraphy. As Islam traditionally forbids the representation of
people and animals, art forms such as ceremonial sculptures are virtually absent in the
north. In the south, indigenous peoples produced their own art long before Europeans
arrived. Portuguese figures first appeared in Benin bronzes dating to the 16th century. Since
the dawn of the colonial era, Western influences have challenged, threatened, and in
certain ways enriched Nigerian culture.
Nigeria’s modern literature grows out of a tradition of storytelling and historical

remembrance that has existed for millennia. Oral literature ranges from the proverbs and
dilemma tales of the common people to elaborate stories memorized and performed by
professional praise-singers attached to royal courts. In states where Islam prevailed,
significant written literatures evolved. The founder of the Sokoto caliphate, Usuman Dan
5
Fodio, wrote nearly 100 texts in Arabic in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. His prose
and poetry examined issues such as good government and social relations from an Islamic
moralist perspective. The legacy of this Islamic tradition is a widely read modern literature
comprised of religious and secular works, including the Hausa-language poetry and stories
of Alhaji Abubakar Imam.
Nigeria’s rich and diverse artistic heritage goes back more than 2,000 years. The earliest
noteworthy pieces are finely produced terra-cotta sculptures produced by the Nok culture
in the vicinity of the Jos Plateau between 500 BC and AD 200. These, together with bronze
heads from Ife dating from the 13th century and bronze plaques, bronze statues, and ivory
carvings from Benin from the 11th century and later, are generally considered Nigeria’s
most important artistic legacy. Many such pieces, however, reside in Western museums,
where they were taken during the time of colonial conquest. The Nigerian government has
demanded the return of looted art, particularly from Benin, with little success.
Also important to Nigeria’s artistic heritage are wooden masks and fetishes (objects of
worship or ceremony). Some of the finest examples are from cultures such as the Ijaw,
Ibibio, and Igala from southeastern Nigeria. Authentic examples of this art command high
prices from collectors in the West, accounting for the frequent theft of ceremonial objects
from shrines and museums in Nigeria. Modern artists typically draw on both African and
Western influences. Members of the Oshogbo School, founded by Ulli Beier in the early
1960s, have explored Yoruba spirituality in several media. Leading Oshogbo artists include
painter and musician Taiwo Olaniyi, also known as Twins Seven Seven; painter and writer
Amos Tutuola; and sculptors Asiru Olatunde, Adebisi Akanji, and Susanne Wenger Alarpe.
The development of modern Nigerian art has also been strongly influenced by students of
the Zaria and Nsukka schools, dating respectively from the late 1950s and early 1970s. The
Zaria school first explored the possibilities of synthesizing themes and techniques derived
from both traditional and modern sources. The Nsukka school produces work that is known
for its strong social and political content.
6
HISTORY OF NIGERIA
Nigeria is an amalgam of ancient Kingdoms, Caliphates, Empires and City-states with a long
history of organised societies. Its boundaries were drawn as a result of trade (from slavery
to pepper or ivory) and overseas territorial ambitions of Western European powers in the
19th century. The name Nigeria was adopted in 1898 to designate the British Protectorates
on the River Niger.
Description of the Coat of Arms

At the top of the coat of arms is an eagle, red in colour and mounted on a wreath which is
rendered in the national colours. The eagle and wreath rest on a black shield with a Y-
shaped silver coloured wavy band in the middle of the black shield. Two white horses
support the shield on either side. The base on which the shield rests is coctus spectabilis, a
wild flower that grows in many parts of the country. Underneath all these is the motto of
the country: “Unity and Faith, Peace and Progress.”
Nigeria Coat of Arms
Symbolism of Coat of Arms Elements

The red eagle depicts Nigeria’s strength.
The black shield signifies the fortuitous qualities of the land in agricultural, mineral and solid
resources.
The Y-shaped silver coloured wavy band in the middle of the black shield represents the two
major rivers in the country, River Niger and River Benue.
The two white horses signify dignity.
White vertical stripe sandwiched between two green stripes of equal dimensions. White
stripe denotes peace and unity and is also symbolic of the Niger River bisecting the
countryside.
The green stripes represent agriculture.
7
Nigeria today: The Fourth Republic
On May 29, 1999, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo was sworn in as President and Commander-in-
Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This follows his victory at the presidential polls
conducted in 1999 and 2003. Elected civilian Governors for all the 36 states also took oaths
of office on that day. Nigeria's Fourth Republic consists of the Executive, Legislative and
Judiciary branches of government.
On May 29, 2007, Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar'Adua was sworn in as President and Commander-
in-Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. His coming into office after the eight-year rule of
Chief Obasanjo marked the first time Nigeria would transit successfully from one civilian
administration to the other since the country's independence in 1960.
Looking back: the Birth of Nigeria
In 1914, the protectorate of Northern Nigeria and the Colony and Protectorate of Southern
Nigeria were merged by Sir Frederick Lugard. The whole country then became known as
the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria. Lugard became its first Governor General and ruled
till 1919. Nigeria voted for independence in 1959; federal elections were held.
The First Republic (October 1, 1960 - January 15, 1966)
On October 1, 1960, Nigeria gained independence from Britain. An all-Nigerian Executive

Council was headed by a Prime Minister, Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. On November
16, 1960, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, a pioneer of West African nationalism, became the first
Governor-General of a Federation of three Regions of the North, East and West, with Lagos
as the Federal Capital. Each of the Regions was headed by a Premier with a Governor as
Ceremonial Head. On October 1, 1963, Nigeria became a Federal Republic and severed
whatever ties were left with Britain. She decided, however, to remain in the British
Commonwealth of Nations. The Governor-General's position was, therefore, re-designated
as President.
Eight military regimes succeeded, beginning in 1966, interspersed between the fourth and
fifth military regime by a return to civilian rule with the Second Republic between October
1979 and December, 1983. The final military regime left power on May 29, 1999, when the
current Fourth Republic was installed and the president democratically elected president.
It was under the Second Military Regime (July, 1966 To July, 1975) that some of Nigeria's
major development programmes were established, such as the extensive expansion and
exploitation of Nigeria's mineral resources culminating in the 'Oil Boom', which in no small
measure changed the economy, the taste and living standard of many Nigerians. It was also,
unfortunately, a time of war: on August 9, 1967, Nigeria declared full-scale war on "Biafra"
after its forces had invaded and captured the Mid-West State. With Biafra's collapse in 1970,
8
the region was reunited with the Federal Republic of Nigeria and a period of reconciliation
and reconstruction followed.
Other highlights of this period included the introduction of various forms of bursaries,
scholarships and Students Loan Scheme in the 1970s; a government review programme for
the improvement in salaries and wages; the Nigerianisation Decree compelling all foreign
firms operating in Nigeria to nationalise or leave; the changing of road traffic from left to
right-hand drive; the changing of the national currency to Naira and Kobo and the
establishment of organised federal councils for the arts, sciences, sports and agriculture.
Corruption was a major cause of strife under the military regimes and it took years for
Nigeria to get its house in order.
Second Republic leads to a return to military rule
In October 1979, after more than 13 years of military rule, Nigeria was returned to
democratic rule. The National Party of Nigeria emerged victorious in the presidential
election and Alhaji Shehu Aliyu Shagari was elected the first Executive President. It was not
to last. The hunger and poverty that characterised the last days of the Second Republic
prompted the Armed Forces to take power in December 1983. Major General Muhammadu
Buhari was installed as the new Head of State.
On December 31, 1983, the military overthrew the Second Republic. Maj. Gen.
Muhammadu Buhari emerged as the leader of the Supreme Military Council (SMC), the
country's ruling body. He accused the civilian government with economic mismanagement,
widespread corruption, election fraud, and a general lack of concern for the problems of
Nigerians. He also pledged to restore prosperity to Nigeria and to return the government to
civilian rule but proved unable to deal with Nigeria's severe economic problems.
The Buhari Administration identified indiscipline as the bane of the nation's ills. It launched
different phases of the "War Against Indiscipline" (WAI), which has become a household
word in many Nigerian homes. This too, did not last. Enter the Sixth Military Regime: a
bloodless coup d'état on August 27, 1985 ousted the government of Major General
Muhammadu Buhari. The Buhari government was peacefully overthrown by the SMC's
1third-ranking member, Army Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, in August 1985.
Babangida cited the misuse of power, violations of human rights by key officers of the SMC,
and the government's failure to deal with the country's deepening economic crisis as
justifications for the takeover. During his first few days in office, President Babangida moved
to restore freedom of the press and to release political detainees being held without charge.
As part of a 15-month economic emergency, he announced stringent pay cuts for the
military, police, and civil servants and proceeded to enact similar cuts for the private sector.
Imports of rice, maize, and later wheat were banned. President Babangida demonstrated his
9
intent to encourage public participation in government decision-making by opening a
national debate on proposed economic reform and recovery measures. The public response
convinced Babangida of intense opposition to an economic recovery package dependent on
an International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan.
The Abortive Third Republic
President Babangida promised to return the country to civilian rule by 1990; this date was
later extended until January 1993. In early 1989, a constituent assembly completed work on
a constitution for the Third Republic. In the spring of 1989, political activity was again
permitted. In October 1989 the government established two "grassroots" parties: the
National Republican Convention (NRC), which was to be "a little to the right," and the Social
Democratic (SDP), "a little to the left." Other parties were not allowed to register by the
Babangidagovernment.
In April 1990, mid-level officers attempted to overthrow the Babangida government. The
coup failed, and 69 accused coup plotters were later executed after secret trials before
military tribunals. The transition resumed after the failed coup. In December 1990 the first
stage of partisan elections was held at the local government level. While turnout was low,
there was no violence, and both parties demonstrated strength in all regions of the country,
with the SDP winning control of a majority of local government councils agreed to hand
power to an "interim government" on August 27, 1993. Babangida then attempted to
renege on his decision. Without popular and military support, he was forced to hand over to
Ernest Shonekan, a prominent non-partisan businessman. Shonekan was to rule until new
elections, scheduled for February 1994. Although he had led Babangida's Transitional
Council since early 1993, Shonekan was unable to reverse Nigeria's ever-growing economic
problems or to defuse lingering political tensions.
With the country sliding into chaos, Defense Minister Sani Abacha quickly assumed power
and forced Shonekan's "resignation" on November 17, 1993. Abacha dissolved all
democratic political institutions and replaced elected governors with military officers.
Abacha promised to return the government to civilian rule but refused to announce a
timetable until his October 1, 1995 Independence Day address.
Following the annulment of the June 12 election, the United States and other nations
imposed various sanctions on Nigeria, including restrictions on travel by government
officials and their families and suspension of arms sales and military assistance. Additional
sanctions were imposed as a result of Nigeria's failure to gain full certification for its
counter-narcotics efforts. In addition, direct flights between Nigeria and the United States
were suspended on August 11,
In December 1991, gubernatorial and state legislative elections were held throughout the
country. Babangida decreed in December 1991 that previously banned politicians would be
allowed to contest in primaries scheduled for August 1992. These were cancelled due to
10
fraud and subsequent primaries scheduled for September also were cancelled. All
announced candidates were disqualified from again standing for president once a new
election format was selected. The presidential election was finally held on June 12, 1993,
with the inauguration of the new president scheduled to take place August 27, 1993, the
eighth anniversary of President Babangida's coming to power.
In the historic June 12, 1993 presidential elections, which most observers deemed to be
Nigeria's fairest, early returns indicated that wealthy Yoruba businessman M.K.O. Abiola had
won a decisive victory. However, on June 23, Babangida, using several pending lawsuits as a
pretence, annulled the election, throwing Nigeria into turmoil. More than 100 persons were
killed in riots before Babangida1993, when the Secretary of Transportation determined that
Lagos' Murtala Muhammed International Airport did not meet the security standards
established by the FAA. The FAA in December 1999 certified security at MMIA, opening the
way for operation of direct flights between Lagos and U.S. airports.
Although Abacha's takeover was initially welcomed by many Nigerians, disenchantment

grew rapidly. A number of opposition figures united to form a new organization, the
National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which campaigned for an immediate return to
civilian rule. The government arrested NADECO members who attempted to reconvene the
Senate and other disbanded democratic institutions. Most Nigerians boycotted the elections
held from May 23-28, 1994, for delegates to the government-sponsored Constitutional
Conference.
On June 11, 1994, using the groundwork laid by NADECO, Abiola declared himself president
and went into hiding. He re-emerged and was promptly arrested on June 23. With Abiola in
prison and tempers rising, Abacha convened the Constitutional Conference June 27, but it
almost immediately went into recess and did not reconvene until July 11, 1994.
On July 4, a petroleum workers union called a strike demanding that Abacha release Abiola
and hand over power to him. Other unions then joined the strike, which brought economic
life in around Lagos area and in much of the southwest to a standstill. After calling off a
threatened general strike in July, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) reconsidered a general
strike in August, after the government imposed "conditions" on Abiola's release. On August
17, 1994, the government dismissed the leadership of the NLC and the petroleum unions
placed the unions under appointed administrators, and arrested Frank Kokori and other
labour leaders. Although striking unions returned to work, the government arrested
opponents, closed media houses, and moved strongly to curb dissent.
The government alleged in early 1995 that some 40 military officers and civilians were
engaged in a coup plot. Security officers quickly rounded up the accused, including former
Head of State Obasanjo and his erstwhile deputy, retired Gen. Shehu Musa Yar'Adua. After a
secret tribunal, most of the accused were convicted, and several death sentences were
handed down. The tribunal also charged, convicted, and sentenced prominent human rights
11
activists, journalists, and others--including relatives of the coup suspects--for their alleged
"anti-regime" activities. In October, the government announced that the Provisional Ruling
Council and Abacha had approved final sentences for those convicted of participation in the
coup plot.
In late 1994 the Abacha government set up the Ogoni Civil Disturbances Special Tribunal to
try prominent author and Ogoni activist Ken Saro-Wiwa and others for their alleged roles in
the killings of four prominent Ogoni politicians in May 1994. Saro-Wiwa and 14 others
pleaded not guilty to charges that they procured and counselled others to murder the
politicians. On October 31, 1995, the tribunal sentenced Saro-Wiwa and eight others to
death by hanging. In early November Abacha and the PRC confirmed the death sentence.
Saro-Wiwa and his eight co-defendants were executed on November 10.
In October 1, 1995, Gen. Sani Abacha announced the timetable for a 3-year transition to
civilian rule. Only five of the political parties which applied for registration were approved
by the regime. In local elections held in December 1997, turnout was under 10%. By the
April 1998 state assembly and gubernatorial elections, all five of the approved parties had
nominated Abacha as their presidential candidate in controversial party conventions. Public
reaction to this development in the transition program was apathy and a near-complete
boycott of the elections.
On December 21, 1997, the government announced the arrest of the country's second
highest-ranking military officer, Chief of General Staff Lt. Gen. Oladipo Diya, 10 other
officers, and eight civilians on charges of coup plotting. Subsequently, the government
arrested a number of additional persons for roles in the purported coup plot and tried the
accused before a closed-door military tribunal in April in which Diya and eight others were
sentenced to death.
Abacha, widely expected to succeed himself as a civilian president on October 1, 1998,

remained head of state until his death on June 8 of that year. He was replaced by Gen.
Abdulsalami Abubakar, who had been third in command until the arrest of Diya. The PRC,
under new head of state Abubakar, commuted the sentences of those accused in the
alleged 1997 coup in July 1998. In March 1999, Diya and 54 others accused or convicted of
participation in coups in 1990, 1995, and 1997 were released. Following the death of former
head of state Abacha in June, Nigeria released almost all known civilian political detainees,
including the Ogoni 19.
During the Abacha regime, the government continued to enforce its arbitrary authority
through the federal security system--the military, the state security service, and the courts.
Under Abacha, all branches of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses.
After Abubakar's assumption of power and consolidation of support within the PRC, human
rights abuses decreased. Other human rights problems included infringements on freedom
12
of speech, press, assembly, association, and travel; violence and discrimination against
women; and female genital mutilation.
Worker rights suffered as the government continued to interfere with organized labour by
restricting the fundamental rights of association and the independence of the labour
movement. After it came to power in June 1998, the Abubakar government took several
important steps toward restoring worker rights and freedom of association for trade unions,
which had deteriorated seriously between 1993 and June 1998 under the Abacha regime.
The Abubakar government released two imprisoned leaders of the petroleum sector unions,
Frank Kokori and Milton Dabibi; abolished two decrees that had removed elected leadership
from the Nigeria Labour Congress and the oil workers unions; and allowed leadership
elections in these bodies.
Abubakar's Transition to Civilian Rule
During both the Abacha and Abubakar eras, Nigeria's main decision making organ was the
exclusively military Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) which governed by decree. The PRC
oversaw the 32-member federal executive council composed of civilians and military
officers. Pending the promulgation of the constitution written by the constitutional
conference in 1995, the government observed some provisions of the 1979 and 1989
constitutions. Neither Abacha nor Abubakar lifted the decree suspending the 1979
constitution, and the 1989 constitution was not implemented. The judiciary's authority and
independence was significantly impaired during the Abacha era by the military regime's
arrogation of judicial power and prohibition of court review of its action. The court system
continued to be hampered by corruption and lack of resources after Abacha's death. In an
attempt to alleviate such problems, Abubakar's government implemented a civil service pay
raise and other reforms.
In August 1998, the Abubakar government appointed the Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC) to conduct elections for local government councils, state legislatures and
governors, the national assembly, and president. NEC successfully held these elections on
December 5, 1998, January 9, 1999, February 20, and February 27, 1999, respectively. For
the local elections, a total of nine parties were granted provisional registration, with three
fulfilling the requirements to contest the following elections. These parties were the
People's Democratic Party (PDP), the All Peoples Party (APP), and the predominantly Yoruba
Alliance for Democracy (AD). Former military head of state Olusegun Obasanjo, freed from
prison by Abubakar, ran as a civilian candidate and won the presidential election.
Irregularities marred the vote, and the defeated candidate, Chief Olu Falae, challenged the
electoral results and Obasanjo's victory in court.
The PRC promulgated a new constitution based largely on the suspended 1979 constitution,
before the May 29, 1999 inauguration of the new civilian president. The constitution
13
includes provisions for a bicameral legislature, the National Assembly, consisting of a 360-
member House of Representatives and a 109-member Senate. The executive branch and the
office of president will retain strong federal powers. The legislature and judiciary, having
suffered years of neglect, must be rebuilt as institutions.
The Obasanjo Administration
The emergence of a democratic Nigeria in May 1999 ended 16 years of consecutive military
rule. Olusegun Obasanjo became the steward of a country suffering economic stagnation
and the deterioration of most of its democratic institutions. Obasanjo, a former general, was
admired for his stand against the Abacha dictatorship, his record of returning the federal
government to civilian rule in 1979, and his claim to represent all Nigerians regardless of
religion.
The new President took over a country that faced many problems, including a dysfunctional
bureaucracy, collapsed infrastructure, and a military that wanted a reward for returning
quietly to the barracks. The President moved quickly and retired hundreds of military
officers who held political positions, established a blue-ribbon panel to investigate human
rights violations, ordered the release of scores of persons held without charge, and
rescinded a number of questionable licenses and contracts let by the previous military
regimes. The government also moved to recover millions of dollars in funds secreted in
overseas accounts by corrupt government officials, particularly the former military dictator
Gen. Sani Abacha.
Most civil society leaders and most Nigerians see a marked improvement in human rights
and democratic practice under Obasanjo. The press enjoys greater freedom than under
previous governments. As Nigeria works out representational democracy, there have been
conflicts between the Executive and Legislative branches over major appropriations and
other proposed legislation. A sign of federalism has been the growing visibility of state
governors and the inherent friction between Abuja and the various state capitals over
resource allocation.
Problems of communal violence have confronted the Obasanjo government since its
inception. In May 1999 violence erupted in Kaduna State over the succession of an Emir
resulting in more than 100 deaths. In November 1999, the army destroyed the town of Odi,
Bayelsa State and killed scores of civilians in retaliation for the murder of 12 policemen by a
local gang. In Kaduna in February-May 2000 over 1,000 people died in rioting over the
introduction of criminal Shar'ia in the State. Hundreds of ethnic Hausa were killed in reprisal
attacks in south eastern Nigeria. In September 2001, over 2,000 people were killed in inter-
religious rioting in Jos. In October 2001, hundreds were killed and thousands displaced in
communal violence that spread across the Middle-Belt states of Benue, Taraba, and
Nasarawa. On October 1, 2001, President Obasanjo announced the formation of a National
14
Security Commission to address the issue of communal violence. Currently, Nigeria has
three major political parties. National elections and state gubernatorial elections occurred in
2003. Nigeria re-elected Obasanjo as President.
The Yar'Adua Administration
In the presidential election, held on 21 April 2007, Yar'Adua won with 70% of the vote (24.6
million votes) according to official results released on 23 April. The election was highly
controversial. Strongly criticized by observers, as well as the two primary opposition
candidates, Muhammadu Buhari of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and Atiku Abubakar
of the Action Congress (AC), its results were largely rejected as having been rigged in
Yar'Adua's favour. After the election, Yar'Adua proposed a government of national untiy. In
late June 2007, two opposition parties, the ANPP and the Progressive Peoples Alliance
(PPA), agreed to join Yar'Adua's government. On 28 June 2007, Yar'Adua publicly revealed
his declaration of assets from May (becoming the first Nigerian Leader to do so), according
to which he had N856,452,892 (US$5.8 million) in assets, N19 million (US$0.1 million) of
which belonged to his wife. He also had N88,793,269.77 (US$0.5 million) in liabilities. This
disclosure, which fulfilled a pre-election promise he made, was intended to set an example
for other Nigerian politicians and discourage corruption.
President Yar'Adua was absent at the United Nations General Assembly Meetings in
September 2009. Local media sources claimed the president has travelled to Saudi Arabia
for treatment of his illness, however Mr Ojo Madueke the Nigerian Foreign Minister was
present at the United Nations meeting to represent the Country.
In June and July 2007, several governors who served with him before 2007 were charged by
EFCC, the anti-corruption commission. Many decisions of the former government like the
hike in prices of petroleum products and VAT have been overturned by his government.
Many see this as a sign that he is not a puppet of the former president Olusegun Obasanjo.
Goodluck Jonathan's Administration
Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (born 20 November 1957) is a Nigerian politician is President
of Nigeria. He was Governor of Bayelsa State from 9 December 2005 to 28 May 2007, and
was sworn in as Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on 29 May 2007. Jonathan
is a member of the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP). On 13 January 2010, a federal
court handed him the power to carry out state affairs while President Umaru Yar'Adua
received medical treatment in a Saudi Arabian hospital. A motion from the Nigerian Senate
on 9 February 2010 confirmed these powers to act as President. On 24 February 2010
Yar'Adua returned to Nigeria, but Jonathan continued as acting president. Upon Yar'Adua's
death on 5 May 2010, Jonathan succeeded to the Presidency, taking the oath of office on 6
May 2010.
15
President Muhamadu Buhari
President Buhari came back as a Civilian President after the presidential election win in
2015. He reignited his fight against Corruption, the one he started in 1983. His
administration launch the Nigeria Innovation Fund to address investment opportunities in
the domestic technology sector, data networking, datacenters, software, Agric-tech, Bio-
tech, etc. In terms of infrastructure, the govement invested over a billion dollars in three
flagship projects: Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, Second Niger Bridge, Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano
Expressway. The government is also investing in Electrification Projects, Ports, Housing, Oil
and Gas, Agriculture, Social Investment and Poverty Alleviation.
16
PRE-COLONIAL CULTURAL LOCATIONS AND CHARACTERISTICS (Art, Language, Clothing and
Courtesy)
This section concentrate on diffusing the notion that civilisation is predominantly

Eurocentric ie civilisation would have gotten to Nigeria (even if development was slow) even
if there was no phase of colonisation.
Early Nigerian history relates to the period of history in Nigeria prior to the Common Era.
Recent archaeological research has shown that people were already living in Nigeria
(specifically the Iwo-Eleru) as early as 11,000 BC and perhaps earlier at Ugwuelle-Uturu
(Okigwe) in south-eastern Nigeria. Microlithic and ceramic industries were developed by
savanna pastoralists from at least the 4th millennium BC and were continued by subsequent
agricultural communities. The Efik/Ibibio/Annang Efik, Ibibio, and Annang people of single
ancestor of the coastal southeastern Nigeria are known to have lived in the area several
thousands of years before Christ.
Archaeological research, pioneered by Thurstan Shaw and Steve Daniels, has shown that
people were already living in south-western Nigeria (specifically Iwo-Eleru) as early as
11,000 BC and perhaps earlier at Ugwuelle-Uturu (Okigwe) in south-eastern Nigeria, where
microliths were used. Smelting furnaces at Taruga dating from the 4th century BC provide
the oldest evidence of metalworking in archaeology.
The earliest known example of a fossil human skeleton found anywhere in West Africa,
which is 13,000 years old, was found at Iwo-Eleru in western Nigeria and attests to the
antiquity of habitation in the region.
Microlithic and ceramic industries were also developed by savannah pastoralists from at
least the 4th millennium BC and were continued by subsequent agricultural communities. In
the south, hunting and gathering gave way to subsistence farming around the same time,
relying more on the indigenous yam and oil palm than on the cereals important in the
North.
The stone axe heads, imported in great quantities from the north and used in opening the
forest for agricultural development, were venerated by the Yoruba descendants of Neolithic
pioneers as "thunderbolts" hurled to earth by the gods.
Iron Age
Kainji Dam excavations revealed iron-working by the 2nd century BC. The transition from
Neolithic times to the Iron Age apparently was achieved without intermediate bronze
production. Others suggest the technology moved west from the Nile Valley, although the
17
Iron Age in the Niger River valley and the forest region appears to predate the introduction
of metallurgy in the upper savanna by more than 800 years.
The earliest identified iron-using Nigerian culture is that of the Nok culture that thrived
between approximately 900 BC and 200 AD on the Jos Plateau in north-eastern Nigeria.
Information is lacking from the first millennium AD following the Nok ascendancy, but by
the 2nd millennium AD there was active trade from North Africa through the Sahara to the
forest, with the people of the savanna acting as intermediaries in exchanges of various
goods.
Language
Nigeria has more than 300 ethnic groups with diverse languages, culture and beliefs, but is
predominantly divided into three major ethnic groups, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. Historically,
there was no Nigeria until the amalgamation in 1914 therefore before then there were
empires where villages came under; these are Songhai Empires consisting majorly of the
northern states, the Oyo Empire holding the south-west fort and the Benin Empire for the
South-east.
Long before 1500 much of modern-Nigeria was divided into states identified with
contemporary ethnic groups. These early states included the Yoruba kingdoms, the Igbo
Kingdom of Nri, the Edo State kingdom of Benin, the Hausa cities, and Nupe. Additionally
numerous small states to the west and south of Lake Chad were absorbed or displaced in
the course of the expansion of Kanem, which was cantered to the northeast of Lake Chad.
Bornu, initially the western province of Kanem, became independent in the late 14th
century. Other states probably existed but the absence of archaeological data prevents
accurate dating. In the southeast, the earliest Igbo state was Nri which emerged in 900 AD.
Despite its relatively small size geographically it is considered the cradle of Igbo culture.
The Archaeology of Igbo-Ukwu has been revealed in bronzes dating from the 9th century
A.D., which were discovered during excavations by Thurstan Shaw and his team in 1959 and
1964 in Igbo-Ukwu, an Igbo town in present-day Nigeria. A total of three sites have been
excavated, revealing bronze artifacts along with pottery and thousands of glass beads,
materials demonstrating trade with such distant cultures as the Egyptians.
These bronze artifacts had been made by Igbo Ukwu's ancient residents from local copper
and other materials. They have been confirmed as the first people in West Africa to work
copper and its alloys, centuries before other cultures.
18
Nok Culture
The earliest identified Nigerian culture is the Nok culture that thrived between 1500 BC and
200 AD on the Jos Plateau in northeastern Nigeria. Information is lacking from the first
millennium BC following the Nok ascendancy, but by the 2nd millennium BC there was
active trade from Ancient Egypt via Nubia through the Sahara to the forest with the savanna
people acting as intermediaries in exchanges of various goods.
The Nok culture appeared in Northern Nigeria around 1000 BC and vanished under
unknown circumstances around 300 AD in the region of West Africa. It is thought to have
been the product of an ancestral nation that branched to create Benue-Congo peoples such
as the Edo, I`tr`doma, Igala, Igbo, Nupe and Yoruba.
The Nok culture was considered to be the earliest sub-Saharan producer of life-sized
Terracotta. The terracotta figures are hollow, coil built, nearly life sized human heads and
bodies that are depicted with highly stylized features, abundant jewellery, and varied
postures.
Little is known of the original function of the pieces, but theories include ancestor portrayal,
grave markers, and charms to prevent crop failure, infertility, and illness. Also, based on the
dome-shaped bases found on several figures, they could have been used as finials for the
roofs of ancient structures.
Iron use, in smelting and forging for tools, appears in Nok culture in Africa at least by 550 BC
and possibly earlier. Christopher Ehret has suggested that iron smelting was independently
discovered in the region prior to 1000 BC.
The Nok culture was discovered in 1928 on the Jos Plateau during tin mining. In 1943, near
the village of Nok, in the center of Nigeria, a new series of clay figurines were discovered by
accident while mining tin. A worker had found a head and had taken it back to his home for
use as a scarecrow, a role that it filled (successfully) for a year in a yam field. It then drew
the attention of the director of the mine who bought it. He brought it to the city of Jos and
showed it to the trainee civil administrator, Bernard Fagg, an archaeologist who
immediately understood its importance. He asked all of the miners to inform him of all of
their discoveries and was able to amass more than 150 pieces.
Afterwards, Bernard and Angela Fagg ordered systematic excavations that revealed many
more profitable lucky finds dispersed over a vast area, much larger than the original site. In
1977, the number of terra cotta objects discovered in the course of the mining excavation
amounted to 153 units, mostly from secondary deposits (the statuettes had been carted by
floods near the valleys) situated in dried-up riverbeds in savannahs in Northern and Central
Nigeria (the Southwestern portion of the Jos Plateau).
19
The archaeologist Bernard Fagg, in his studies on the Nok culture, identified the Nok culture
with central Nigerian groups such as the Ham (Jaba) ethnic group of Southern Kaduna State,
based on similarities between some of the cultural practices and dressing of those modern
central Nigerian groups and the figures depicted in the Nok art.
Songhai Empire
The Songhai state has existed in one form or another for over a thousand years, if one
traces its rulers from the settlement of Gao to Songhai's vassal status under the Mali Empire
to its continuation in Niger as the Dendi Kingdom.
The Songhai is thought to have settled at Gao as early as 800 BC, but did not establish the
city as their capital until the 11th century, during the reign of Dia Kossoi.
Sonny Ali was credited to have founded, established and enriched the empire through his
brutality and tyranny, but his successor Askia Mohammed Ture (also known as Askia the
Great) is said to have influenced the empire with his Islamic religion thus the dominance of
the religion to the empire.
At its peak, the Songhai city of Timbuktu became a thriving cultural and commercial centre.
Arab, Italian, and Jewish merchants all gathered for trade. A revival of Islamic scholarship
also took place at the university in Timbuktu. However, Timbuktu was but one of a myriad of
cities throughout the empire. By 1500, the Songhai Empire covered over 1.4 million square
kilometres.
Oyo Empire
Oral history recorded under the Oyo Empire derives the Yoruba as an ethnic group from the
population of the older kingdom of Ile-Ife. Archaeologically, the settlement at Ife can be
dated to the 4th century B.C.E, with urban structures appearing in the 12th century (the
urban phase of Ife before the rise of Oyo, ca. 1100–1600, a significant peak of political
centralization in the 12th century) is commonly described as a "golden age" of Ife. The oba
or ruler of Ife is referred to as the Ooni of Ife.
Oyo and Ile-Ife
The settlement at Ife appears to have entered this "golden age" with the appearance of
urban structures by the 12th century. This seems to be the formative period of the Yoruba
people as reflected in oral tradition and due to it, Ife continues to be seen as the "spiritual
homeland" of the Yoruba. The city was surpassed by the Oyo Empire as the dominant
Yoruba military and political power in the 17th century.
20
Benin Empire
The Benin Empire (1440–1897) was a pre-colonial empire; with its capital Benin City now
located in Edo state in what is now Nigeria.
The original people and founders of the Benin Empire, the Edo people, were initially ruled
by the Ogiso (Kings of the Sky) dynasty who called their land Igodomigodo. The rulers or
kings were commonly known as Ogiso. Igodo, the first Ogiso, wielded much influence and
gained popularity as a good ruler.
The Oba had become the paramount power within the region. Oba Ewuare, the first Golden
Age Oba, is credited with turning Benin City into City States from a military fortress built by
Ogiso, protected by moats and walls. It was from this bastion that he launched his military
campaigns and began the expansion of the kingdom from the Edo-speaking heartlands.
Oba Ewuare was a direct descendant of Eweka I great grandson of Oduduwa, Oni of Ife.
A series of walls marked the incremental growth of the sacred city from 850 AD until its
decline in the 16th century. In the 15th century Benin became the greatest city of the
empire cqreated by Oba Ewuare. To enclose his palace he commanded the building of
Benin's inner wall, a seven-mile (11 km) long earthen rampart girded by a moat 50 feet
(15 m) deep. This was excavated in the early 1960s by Graham Connah. Connah estimated
that its construction, if spread out over five dry seasons, would have required a workforce of
1,000 laborers working ten hours a day seven days a week. Ewuare also added great
thoroughfares and erected nine fortified gateways.
Excavations also uncovered a rural network of earthen walls 4 to 8 thousand miles long that
would have taken an estimated 150 million man hours to build and must have taken
hundreds of years to build. These were apparently raised to mark out territories for towns
and cities. Thirteen years after Ewuare's death tales of Benin's splendors lured more
Portuguese traders to the city gates.
Nri Kingdom
The Kingdom of Nri (Igbo: ) (948—1911) was the West African medieval state of
the Nri-Igbo, a subgroup of the Igbo people. The Kingdom of Nri was unusual in the history
of world government in that its leader exercised no military power over his subjects. The
kingdom existed as a sphere of religious and political influence over a third of Igboland, and
was administered by a priest-king called the eze Nri. The eze Nri managed trade and
21
diplomacy on behalf of the Igbo people, and possessed divine authority in religious matters.
One of the better-known remnants of the Nri civilization is its art, as manifested in the Igbo
Ukwu bronze items.
Archaeological evidence suggests that Nri hegemony in Igboland may go back as far as the
9th century, and royal burials have been unearthed dating to at least the 10th century. Eri,
the god-like founder of Nri, is believed to have settled the region around 948AD, with other
related Igbo cultures following after in the 13th century. The first eze Nri (King of Nri),
Ìfikuánim, follows directly after him. According to Igbo oral tradition, his reign started in
1043. At least one historian puts Ìfikuánim's reign much later, around 1225 AD.
In 1911, the names of 19 eze Nri were recorded, but the list is not easily converted into
chronological terms because of long interregnums between installations. Tradition held that
at least seven years would pass upon the death of the eze Nri before a successor could be
determined; the interregnum served as a period of divination of signs from the deceased
eze Nri, who would communicate his choice of successor from beyond the grave in the
seven or more years ensuing upon his death. Regardless of the actual date, this period
marks the beginning of Nri kingship as a centralized institution.
22
Pre-Colonial Cultural Locations and Characteristics (Art, Language, Clothing and Courtesy)
This lecture for the week will concentrate on diffusing the notion that civilisation is
predominantly Eurocentric ie civilisation would have gotten to Nigeria (even if development
was slow) even if there was no phase of colonisation.
Early Nigerian history relates to the period of history in Nigeria prior to the Common Era.
Recent archaeological research has shown that people were already living in Nigeria
(specifically the Iwo-Eleru) as early as 11,000 BC and perhaps earlier at Ugwuelle-Uturu
(Okigwe) in south-eastern Nigeria. Microlithic and ceramic industries were developed by
savanna pastoralists from at least the 4th millennium BC and were continued by subsequent
agricultural communities. The Efik/Ibibio/Annang Efik, Ibibio, and Annang people of single
ancestor of the coastal southeastern Nigeria are known to have lived in the area several
thousands of years before Christ.
Archaeological research, pioneered by Thurstan Shaw and Steve Daniels, has shown that
people were already living in south-western Nigeria (specifically Iwo-Eleru) as early as
11,000 BC and perhaps earlier at Ugwuelle-Uturu (Okigwe) in south-eastern Nigeria, where
microliths were used. Smelting furnaces at Taruga dating from the 4th century BC provide
the oldest evidence of metalworking in archaeology.
The earliest known example of a fossil human skeleton found anywhere in West Africa,
which is 13,000 years old, was found at Iwo-Eleru in western Nigeria and attests to the
antiquity of habitation in the region.
Microlithic and ceramic industries were also developed by savannah pastoralists from at
least the 4th millennium BC and were continued by subsequent agricultural communities. In
the south, hunting and gathering gave way to subsistence farming around the same time,
relying more on the indigenous yam and oil palm than on the cereals important in the
North.
The stone axe heads, imported in great quantities from the north and used in opening the
forest for agricultural development, were venerated by the Yoruba descendants of Neolithic
pioneers as "thunderbolts" hurled to earth by the gods.
Kainji Dam excavations revealed iron-working by the 2nd century BC. The transition from
of metallurgy in the upper savanna by more than 800 years.
23
The earliest identified iron-using Nigerian culture is that of the Nok culture that thrived
between approximately 900 BC and 200 AD on the Jos Plateau in north-eastern Nigeria.
Information is lacking from the first millennium AD following the Nok ascendancy, but by
the 2nd millennium AD there was active trade from North Africa through the Sahara to the
forest, with the people of the savanna acting as intermediaries in exchanges of various
goods.
Iron Age
Kainji Dam excavations revealed ironworking by the 2nd century BC. The transition from
of metallurgy in the upper savannah by more than 800 years.
Nigeria has more than 300 ethnic groups with diverse languages, culture and beliefs, but is
predominantly divided into three major ethnic groups, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. Historically,
there was no Nigeria until the amalgamation in 1914 therefore before then there were
empires where villages came under; these are Songhai Empires consisting majorly of the
northern states, the Oyo Empire holding the south-west fort and the Benin Empire for the
South-east.
Long before 1500 much of modern-Nigeria was divided into states identified with
contemporary ethnic groups. These early states included the Yoruba kingdoms, the Igbo
Kingdom of Nri, the Edo State kingdom of Benin, the Hausa cities, and Nupe. Additionally
numerous small states to the west and south of Lake Chad were absorbed or displaced in
the course of the expansion of Kanem, which was cantered to the northeast of Lake Chad.
Bornu, initially the western province of Kanem, became independent in the late 14th
century. Other states probably existed but the absence of archaeological data prevents
accurate dating. In the southeast, the earliest Igbo state was Nri which emerged in 900 AD.
Despite its relatively small size geographically it is considered the cradle of Igbo culture.
The Archaeology of Igbo-Ukwu has been revealed in bronzes dating from the 9th century
A.D., which were discovered during excavations by Thurstan Shaw and his team in 1959 and
1964 in Igbo-Ukwu, an Igbo town in present-day Nigeria. A total of three sites have been
excavated, revealing bronze artifacts along with pottery and thousands of glass beads,
materials demonstrating trade with such distant cultures as the Egyptians.
These bronze artifacts had been made by Igbo Ukwu's ancient residents from local copper
and other materials. They have been confirmed as the first people in West Africa to work
copper and its alloys, centuries before other cultures.
24
Nok Culture
The earliest identified Nigerian culture is the Nok culture that thrived between 1500 BC and
200 AD on the Jos Plateau in northeastern Nigeria. Information is lacking from the first
millennium BC following the Nok ascendancy, but by the 2nd millennium BC there was
active trade from Ancient Egypt via Nubia through the Sahara to the forest with the savanna
people acting as intermediaries in exchanges of various goods.
The Nok culture appeared in Northern Nigeria around 1000 BC and vanished under
unknown circumstances around 300 AD in the region of West Africa. It is thought to have
been the product of an ancestral nation that branched to create Benue-Congo peoples such
as the Edo, I`tr`doma, Igala, Igbo, Nupe and Yoruba.
The Nok culture was considered to be the earliest sub-Saharan producer of life-sized
Terracotta. The terracotta figures are hollow, coil built, nearly life sized human heads and
bodies that are depicted with highly stylized features, abundant jewellery, and varied
postures.
Little is known of the original function of the pieces, but theories include ancestor portrayal,
grave markers, and charms to prevent crop failure, infertility, and illness. Also, based on the
dome-shaped bases found on several figures, they could have been used as finials for the
roofs of ancient structures.
Iron use, in smelting and forging for tools, appears in Nok culture in Africa at least by 550 BC
and possibly earlier. Christopher Ehret has suggested that iron smelting was independently
discovered in the region prior to 1000 BC.
The Nok culture was discovered in 1928 on the Jos Plateau during tin mining. In 1943, near
the village of Nok, in the center of Nigeria, a new series of clay figurines were discovered by
accident while mining tin. A worker had found a head and had taken it back to his home for
use as a scarecrow, a role that it filled (successfully) for a year in a yam field. It then drew
the attention of the director of the mine who bought it. He brought it to the city of Jos and
showed it to the trainee civil administrator, Bernard Fagg, an archaeologist who
immediately understood its importance. He asked all of the miners to inform him of all of
their discoveries and was able to amass more than 150 pieces.
Afterwards, Bernard and Angela Fagg ordered systematic excavations that revealed many
more profitable lucky finds dispersed over a vast area, much larger than the original site. In
1977, the number of terra cotta objects discovered in the course of the mining excavation
25
amounted to 153 units, mostly from secondary deposits (the statuettes had been carted by
floods near the valleys) situated in dried-up riverbeds in savannahs in Northern and Central
Nigeria (the Southwestern portion of the Jos Plateau).
The archaeologist Bernard Fagg, in his studies on the Nok culture, identified the Nok culture
with central Nigerian groups such as the Ham (Jaba) ethnic group of Southern Kaduna State,
based on similarities between some of the cultural practices and dressing of those modern
central Nigerian groups and the figures depicted in the Nok art.
Songhai Empire
The Songhai state has existed in one form or another for over a thousand years, if one
traces its rulers from the settlement of Gao to Songhai's vassal status under the Mali Empire
to its continuation in Niger as the Dendi Kingdom.
The Songhai is thought to have settled at Gao as early as 800 BC, but did not establish the
city as their capital until the 11th century, during the reign of Dia Kossoi.
Sonny Ali was credited to have founded, established and enriched the empire through his
brutality and tyranny, but his successor Askia Mohammed Ture (also known as Askia the
Great) is said to have influenced the empire with his Islamic religion thus the dominance of
the religion to the empire.
At its peak, the Songhai city of Timbuktu became a thriving cultural and commercial centre.
Arab, Italian, and Jewish merchants all gathered for trade. A revival of Islamic scholarship
also took place at the university in Timbuktu. However, Timbuktu was but one of a myriad of
cities throughout the empire. By 1500, the Songhai Empire covered over 1.4 million square
kilometres.
Oyo Empire
Oral history recorded under the Oyo Empire derives the Yoruba as an ethnic group from the
population of the older kingdom of Ile-Ife. Archaeologically, the settlement at Ife can be
dated to the 4th century B.C.E, with urban structures appearing in the 12th century (the
urban phase of Ife before the rise of Oyo, ca. 1100–1600, a significant peak of political
centralization in the 12th century) is commonly described as a "golden age" of Ife. The oba
or ruler of Ife is referred to as the Ooni of Ife.
Oyo and Ile-Ife
The settlement at Ife appears to have entered this "golden age" with the appearance of
urban structures by the 12th century. This seems to be the formative period of the Yoruba
26
people as reflected in oral tradition and due to it, Ife continues to be seen as the "spiritual
homeland" of the Yoruba. The city was surpassed by the Oyo Empire as the dominant
Yoruba military and political power in the 17th century.
Benin Empire
The Benin Empire (1440–1897) was a pre-colonial empire; with its capital Benin City now
located in Edo state in what is now Nigeria.
The original people and founders of the Benin Empire, the Edo people, were initially ruled
by the Ogiso (Kings of the Sky) dynasty who called their land Igodomigodo. The rulers or
kings were commonly known as Ogiso. Igodo, the first Ogiso, wielded much influence and
gained popularity as a good ruler.
The Oba had become the paramount power within the region. Oba Ewuare, the first Golden
Age Oba, is credited with turning Benin City into City States from a military fortress built by
Ogiso, protected by moats and walls. It was from this bastion that he launched his military
campaigns and began the expansion of the kingdom from the Edo-speaking heartlands.
Oba Ewuare was a direct descendant of Eweka I great grandson of Oduduwa, Oni of Ife.
A series of walls marked the incremental growth of the sacred city from 850 AD until its
decline in the 16th century. In the 15th century Benin became the greatest city of the
empire cqreated by Oba Ewuare. To enclose his palace he commanded the building of
Benin's inner wall, a seven-mile (11 km) long earthen rampart girded by a moat 50 feet
(15 m) deep. This was excavated in the early 1960s by Graham Connah. Connah estimated
that its construction, if spread out over five dry seasons, would have required a workforce of
1,000 laborers working ten hours a day seven days a week. Ewuare also added great
thoroughfares and erected nine fortified gateways.
Excavations also uncovered a rural network of earthen walls 4 to 8 thousand miles long that
would have taken an estimated 150 million man hours to build and must have taken
hundreds of years to build. These were apparently raised to mark out territories for towns
and cities. Thirteen years after Ewuare's death tales of Benin's splendors lured more
Portuguese traders to the city gates.
Nri Kingdom
The Kingdom of Nri (Igbo: ) (948—1911) was the West African medieval state of
the Nri-Igbo, a subgroup of the Igbo people. The Kingdom of Nri was unusual in the history
of world government in that its leader exercised no military power over his subjects. The
kingdom existed as a sphere of religious and political influence over a third of Igboland, and
27
was administered by a priest-king called the eze Nri. The eze Nri managed trade and
diplomacy on behalf of the Igbo people, and possessed divine authority in religious matters.
One of the better-known remnants of the Nri civilization is its art, as manifested in the Igbo
Ukwu bronze items.
Archaeological evidence suggests that Nri hegemony in Igboland may go back as far as the
9th century, and royal burials have been unearthed dating to at least the 10th century. Eri,
the god-like founder of Nri, is believed to have settled the region around 948AD, with other
related Igbo cultures following after in the 13th century. The first eze Nri (King of Nri),
Ìfikuánim, follows directly after him. According to Igbo oral tradition, his reign started in
1043. At least one historian puts Ìfikuánim's reign much later, around 1225 AD.
In 1911, the names of 19 eze Nri were recorded, but the list is not easily converted into
chronological terms because of long interregnums between installations. Tradition held that
at least seven years would pass upon the death of the eze Nri before a successor could be
determined; the interregnum served as a period of divination of signs from the deceased
eze Nri, who would communicate his choice of successor from beyond the grave in the
seven or more years ensuing upon his death. Regardless of the actual date, this period
marks the beginning of Nri kingship as a centralized institution.
28
TRADITIONAL CONCEPT OF ECONOMICS, PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT
In traditional Africa, peace is not an abstract poetic concept, rather, a down to earth
practical concept. In African Traditional Religion (ATR), peace is conceived not in relation to
conflict and war, but in relation to order, harmony and equilibrium. Peace is associated with
religious values in that everything associated with peace in the society is believed to be
divinely established and the obligation to maintain it is religious. It is also a moral and social
value since good conduct is required of human beings if order, harmony and social
equilibrium are to be maintained.
Peace transcends the absence of conflict in that African tradition looks at the absence of
pestilence, untimely death, poor harvest, unsafe journey, slave raid and sundry vices as the
presence of peace.
The practical aspect of peace in traditional Africa is also traceable to human conduct.
Traditional beliefs, social and cultural interaction imply that certain types of conduct that
conform to the norms, traditions and customs of the society at large are maintained. At the
centre of tradition is human life. Africans have a sacred reverence for human life, for it is
believed to be the greatest gift of God. To protect and preserve their lives, all humans are
inserted within given community and it is within this community that one works out one’s
destiny and every aspect of individual existence. The promotion of life is therefore the
determinant principle of African traditional morality and this promotion is guaranteed only
in the community. Living harmoniously within one’s community is therefore a moral
obligation for the sustenance of societal peace.
The promotion and enhancement of life is the central principle of African traditional
understanding of peace. Human life is considered to be peaceful in Africa when it is marked
by spiritual, material and social blessings. This is what is meant by peace in African
Traditional Religion (ATR). “Peace is good relationship well preserved; health, absence of
pressure and conflict, being strong and productive.” Peace is the totality of well-being,
fullness of life here and here-after; the sum total of all that man may desire, an undisturbed
harmonious life. However, if one processes all the good things of life and lacks a harmonious
relationship with neighbors or members of one’s community (living or dead), one cannot be
said to have peace. Mere procession of material wealth or progress that is not accompanied
by integral moral life is neither regarded nor envied by traditional African societies.
Moreover, any action that is capable of hindering another from attaining fullness of life is
considered a breach of peace. Selfish and unjust persons, even when they are not violent,
are anti-social and therefore regarded by Africans as enemies of peace.
In many African societies, there may be specific period of the year marked out for
promotion of peace. During this period, which sometimes last for up to a week or more,
29
litigations are suspended while quarrels and all forms of violent and unjust acts are avoided
for fear of incurring the wrath of the gods, ancestors and deities. This sacred period
sometimes precedes the planting seasons and it is believed that any breach of peace at a
time like that will lead to poor harvest.
Wars and Conflict in Africa
Wars were not usually fought for the sake of might. Even in the event of provocation by a
neighboring community, attempt was first made to negotiate and resolve the problem
without resorting to armed conflict. This being value traditional Africa attached to human
life. There were of course, several inter-clan wars and raids in Africa before the European
slave trade, colonial conquests and current globalization trends have raised violent conflict
to a dimension never dreamt of in traditional Africa. Hence, violence and breach of peace
has become permanent feature of contemporary African reality. Traditional Africa viewed
war as morally unacceptable, since it was a total collapse of social order and harmony. In
fact, Robert Smith, observed wars in pre-colonial Africa and opined that they were mere
‘skirmishes’ and not wars. Wars were said to be suspended in planting and harvest seasons.
Thus, amicable solutions might have been sought before resumption of violence could be
considered.
Other domestic and social conflicts were managed such that resolution was possible. The
concept of village square and Kings’ yard meetings were common features in the olden
days, where issues were raised and resolved amicably and transparently. Most of the time,
aggrieved parties were called together and they were made to drink palm wine together in
the same calabash and kola nuts were broken and shared between them. These gestures
symbolized an end to impasse and everybody went home happy.
CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT IN TRADITIONAL AFRICA
Since justice is the prerequisite for peace, peace then is a major condition for development.
Africans hardly ever talked of development without founding it on peace. In a culture that
sees development as divine blessing, it is impossible to think of true progress in the midst of
moral, social and cosmic disorder. Due to the superstitious nature of traditional Africa,
peace was considered a divine gift. Thus, all effort was put in place to maintain the social
equilibrium that guaranteed smooth interaction with divinity.
Development was viewed from social or moral, economic and personal or spiritual
perspectives. The social and moral aspect deals with the maintenance of social order and
sanctity of social justice and moral obligations. From economic viewpoint, high yield on farm
produce, hunting expenditures, and profitable trade relations are considered factors of
development in traditional African society. Finally, the spiritual tenet of the people required
the belief that all occurrences – good or bad – was ordained and sanctioned by a Supreme
Being. The idea of ‘chance or coincidence’ was alien to traditional Africa. Therefore, a
30
breach of social order and harmony was believed to attract the wrath of the gods who in
turn have the capability to hinder development.
The Political Institution
The maintenance of law and order in society constitutes the major demand in the efficient
use of traditional political power. Government in whatever form is expected to provide the
management, direction and control required for efficient law and order.
In the traditional political system, two paramount systems can be identified: the
monarchical and non-monarchical. What is important to emphasise in the two is that they
are a mixed-bag in contents and contexts in the political system. It may describe a kingdom
(monarchy), republican (stateless) or city-state. The capacity of the political system is to
enter into socio-political and economic relations with other neighbours. This becomes an
important issue in traditional political practices.
As we have noted earlier, we identify the nuclear family as the smaller unit of social and
political organisation. This is in the sense that the oldest male family member is conferred
with the title as head of a family unit. In this capacity, he controls the political, economic
affairs and the fortunes of family members. Besides, he is regarded as the custodian of the
family tradition and ancestral cults. In ibis position, he acts as the intermediary between the
family's ancestors and the living members.
At the village level (based on extended family structure) the family is fused into a larger
village political state. This is because, the village is regarded as a state, and each is
independent of each other. And by this arrangement, each village state maintains its
territorial independence, tolerating no interference in its internal affairs. Also, recognising
no other authority except the one within its territorial boundary.
What we have described above is the general impression of social and political organisation
among the people, east of the Niger. However, them are some differences in the way these
institutions function in order to create social order in the society. We shall now take some
of the groups in the area under discussion to bring into focus the socio-political organisation
at the village/state levels. The material we are going to use will be taken from the
publication by Nwanna Nzewunwa on the Pre- Colonial Nigeria, East of the Niger The
publication contains the historical and ethnographic materials on the major ethnic groups. I
must remind you that the major groups are the Efik, Ibibio and Igbo.
31
The Efik-Ibibio Political Institution
Among the Annang and Efik-Ibibio, the unit of political authority is vested in the extended
family structure (lineage). It is called the Ekpuk (lineage or extended family). The nucleus is
called Itibe Ekpuk, meaning literally the Royal Family. This is similar to the title given to the
founding family Ekpuk. While the founding family, (the Ekpuk) produces the Okuku Obong
Obio and Amanayabo, whose office is marked by elaborate investiture, the Igbo exercised
headships carrying honorific and religious status with insignificant political influence.
The traditional governance at the village level is the joint responsibility of the lineage heads
or elders of the lineages (Ekpuk). In Cross River, the Okuku (the founding family) directs
other lineage heads, like Amanayanabo. The office of Okuku and Amanayanabo is said to
have been autocratic, and from time to time he exercised right of life and death over his
subjects.
Between the founding family and lineage heads is sandwiched the office of Akpan Okuku,
whose responsibilities are those of communication between Okuku and lineage heads. The
Akpan Okuku is usually the most senior member among the lineage heads in the village
council. And as the president of the village council, he is conferred with executive, judicial
and administrative powers. The Annang village system of government does not allow
anybody to rise to prominence as no one could possess power beyond his lineage level
(Ekpuk).
It can also be observed that the political process of governance among the Efik-Ibibio groups
differs in the distribution of power. For instance, the esop idung (village council) main
function is religious. The political and judicial functions are handled by men who are
appointed for this purpose. The functions they play, are regarded to be those of holding
ministerial appointments. Such functions include other aspects of traditional economy.
The ministers are appointed from among a special class called, the Obong Order. This order
is made up of royal members of the village council. With the Ekpuk heads and the Obong
Order members, the Obong Ibio forms the village council, called Esopidung.
It is necessary to emphasise the fact that among the Efik-Ibibio, the bond of lineage and the
village did not lie strictly in kinship/blood ties as in the case among the Igbo and Annang
ethnic groups. This is explained by the fact that the lineage and village members belong to
diverse ancestry who had migrated into the area from different settlements. Unity in the
villages simply lies in the political autonomy, obligations, and the territorial isolation of the
villages.
32
The Igbo Political Organisation
The traditional political system is based on the lineage structure. It consists of flexible
democratic political systems, characterised by autonomous federations of lineages or
villages, organised through lineage heads, age-grades and title societies. The age-grade and
titled people cut across lineage lines. The body charged with decision-making processes is
made up of representatives from lineages within the autonomous political groupings.
The body of decision-makers can be grouped into five categories: first, traditional archetype
where decisions are made by consensus among the lineage representative based on age,
wealth or privilege, but have no overriding influence in selection. The second is a slight
modification of the first in which members of title societies and lineage elders constitute the
political decision-making group (this system is found among the Awka Igbo). The third is
found among Cross River Igbo in Abriba, Ohafi a and Arochukwu, where secret societies
dominate the political scene. The fourth category operates where age grade and lineage
heads form the decision-making body. This is common in Asaba, Aguleri and Abriba. The
fifth is found among the Niger Igbo (Ogbani, Oguta Abo, Onitsha and Osomari), where the
political structure is hierarchical.
System of Decision-Making
We have indicated in our discussion that the units of political organisation among the
peoples east of the Niger are the village and lineage levels. In the execution of political
decisions or policies at the level of the lineage, two factors are used– the human and the
supernatural. Also, the political and religious functions are distributed among the lineage
representatives. Other organs of political and religious institutions can also be used in
decision-making processes. For example, age grades are used in carrying out the legislative,
executive and judicial decisions at the lineage and village levels. The use of age- grades is
also classified. The oldest grade is normally co-opted into the village council when the need
arises. In most cases, the role of the oldest grade is specified in the administration of oaths,
offering sacrifices and initiating male members into secret cults. The role of the middle age-
grade which is made up of successful business people is to assist the youths in military and
social services. The lowest grade, the children, are used for public sanitation. Beyond these
functions, the age grades organise public entertainments from time to time and assist in the
maintenance of law and order and social control at both the village and lineage levels.
Exclusive Clubs
The term exclusive club is synonymous with secret society. The existence of exclusive club is
a common feature in governance. The most prominent are the Ekpe and Ekpo (Ekpe means
leopard and Ekpo — ghost or masquerade). The Ekpe and Ekpo are graded; each grade has
its own peculiarities in dress, dance and rituals. Admission and advancement into and within
any of the two clubs involves an elaborate ritual and monetary investments.
33
The Ekpel Ekpo represents the supreme authority in the maintenance of law and order. The
two societies also represent a form of insurance policy for the living members, and a source
of elaborate funeral ceremony for dead members. The functions of Ekpe/Ekpo include
security duties and other civil intelligence responsibilities at the village and family levels.
In the case of the Igbo, the masquerade (mmuo) club operates. In the Delta and Riverine
areas, people used the owu. Memberships into masquerade clubs are however restricted. It
is necessary to emphasise that both the executive and masquerade clubs as a rule, are often
exclusively for men. Women play no significant political and religious roles.
Religion
Religion represents the pivot on which the system of social control is anchored for effective
implementation. In fact, the concept of life among the Annang, Ibibio, Efik and Igbo can be
mirrored in peoples idea about god, spirit world, deities, ghosts and witches. According to
their spiritual essence, all laws have supernatural/ancestor essence, and the lineage heads
and eldest family member derive their political, judicial and social authorities from the
invincible ancestors.
Social Control
Social control is made possible through the use of exclusive clubs (secret societies). Also the
use of folk play in which young men and women entertain the public and use satirical and
abusive songs against social deviants represent the popular technique for social control.
Similarly, oath-taking, divination and oracles and other forms of social control, are designed
to serve the purpose of controlling social deviants. Another known form of social control is
the rites of passage. For example, the puberty rites of the Annang called Mbobo is aimed at
ensuring that no teenage girl had sexual experience before Mbobo ceremony which leads to
marriage.
The Judicial System
The adjudication of justice starts from the nuclear family. This is the first court over which
the head presides to settle minor cases among immediate family members.
The next court is the lineage level in which the heads settle cases involving fighting, assault,
theft, interfamily disputes, adultery and divorce cases between and among nuclear families.
The third is the village court. It handles inter-lineage cases, over which the lineages could
not reach consensus. However, where consensus could not be final, divination is used to
adjudicate cases.
34
Yorubaland
Political structure
The Oyo Empire developed a highly sophisticated political structure to govern its territorial
domains. Scholars have not determined how much of this structure existed prior to the
Nupe invasion. Some of Oyo's institutions are clearly derivative of early accomplishments in
Ife. After reemerging from exile in the early 17th century, Oyo took on a noticeably more
militant character. The influence of an aggressive Yoruba culture is exemplified in the
standards placed on the oba (king) and the roles of his council.
The Alaafin of Oyo
The oba (meaning 'king' in the Yoruba language) at Oyo, who was referred to as the Alaafin
of Oyo, (Alaafin means 'owner of the palace' in Yoruba), was the head of the empire and
supreme overlord of the people. He was responsible for keeping tributaries safe from
attack, settling internal quarrels between sub-rulers, and mediating between those sub-
rulers and their people. The Alaafin of Oyo was also expected to give his subordinates
honors and presents. In return, all sub-rulers had to pay homage to the Oba and renew their
allegiance at annual ceremonies. The most important of these was the Bere festival,
marking the acclamation of successful rule by the Alaffin. After the Bere festival, peace in
Yorubaland was supposed to last for three years.
Selection of the Alaafin
The Oyo Empire was not a hereditary monarchy, nor an absolute one. The Oyo Mesi
selected the Alaafin. He was not always directly related to his predecessor, although he did
have to be descended from Oranyan (also known as Oranmiyan), a son of Oduduwa (also
known as Odudua, Odua ) and to hail from the Ona Isokun ward (which is one of the three
royal wards). At the beginning of the Oyo Empire, usually the Alaafin's oldest son succeeded
his father to the throne. But, this sometimes led to the oldest son, i.e. the first-born prince,
the Aremo, hastening the death of his father. Independently of the possible succession, the
Aremo was quite powerful in his own right. For instance, by custom the Alaafin abstained
from leaving the palace, except during the important festivals, which in practice curtailed his
power. By contrast, the Aremo often left the palace. The two councils which checked the
Alaafin had a tendency to select a weak Alaafin after the reign of a strong one to keep the
office from becoming too powerful.
The Ilari
The Alaafin of Oyo appointed certain religious and government officials, who were usually
eunuchs. These officials were known as the ilari or half-heads, because of the custom of
shaving half of their heads and applying what was believed to be a magical substance into it.
35
The hundreds of Ilari were divided evenly among the sexes. Junior members of the Ilari did
menial tasks, while seniors acted as guards or sometimes messengers to the other world via
sacrifice. Their titles related to the king, such as oba l'olu ("the king is supreme") or
madarikan ("do not oppose him"). They carried red and green fans as credentials of their
status. All sub-courts of Oyo had Ilari who acted as both spies and taxmen. Oyo appointed
these to visit and sometimes reside in Dahomey and the Egbado Corridor to collect taxes
and spy on Dahomey's military successes, so that the Alaafin of Oyo could get his cut. Similar
officials had existed in Ife, as attested by terracotta art depicting them.
The Councils
While the Alaafin of Oyo was supreme overlord of the people, he was not without checks on
his power. The Oyo Mesi and the Yoruba Earth cult known as Ogboni kept the Oba's power
in check. The Oyo Mesi spoke for the politicians while The Ogboni spoke for the people
backed by the power of religion. The power of the Alaafin of Oyo in relation to the Oyo Mesi
and Ogboni depended on his personal character and political shrewdness.
The Oyo Mesi were seven principal councilors of the state. They constituted the Electoral
Council and possessed legislative powers, similar to today's United States Congress. The
Bashorun, Agbaakin, Samu, Alapini, Laguna, Akiniku and an Ashipa are the seven members
of this council. They represented the voice of the nation and had the chief responsibility of
protecting the interests of the empire. The Alaafin was required to take counsel with them
whenever any important matter affecting the state occurs. Each man had a state duty to
perform at court every morning and afternoon. Each mesi had a deputy whom they would
send to the Alaafin if his absence was unavoidable.
They controlled the military. The head of the council, the Bashuron, consulted the Ifa oracle
for approval from the gods. New alaafins of Oyo were seen as appointed by the gods. They
were regarded as Ekeji Orisa, meaning "companion of the gods." The Bashuron was a sort of
prime minister. He had the final say on the nomination of the new Alaafin. The Oyo Mesi
developed as a check on the Alaafin's power. The Bashorun's power rivaled that of the
Alaafin. For example, the Bashorun orchestrated many religious festivals; in addition to
being commander-in-chief of the army, this gave him considerable independent religious
authority.
The Ogboni
The Oyo Mesi does not enjoy an absolute power or influence, and while the Oyo Mesi may
wield political influence, the Ogboni represented the popular opinion backed by the
authority of religion, and therefore the view of the Oyo Mesi could be moderate by the
Ogboni. And most interestingly, there are checks and balances on the power of the Alafin
and the Oyo Mesi and thus no one is arrogated absolute power. The Ogboni was a very
36
powerful secret society composed of freemen noted for their age, wisdom and importance
in religious and political affairs. Its members enjoyed immense power over the common
people due to their religious station. A testament to how widespread the institution was is
the fact that there were Ogboni councils at nearly all sub-courts within Yorubaland. Aside
from their duties in respect to the worship of the earth, they were responsible for judging
any case dealing with the spilling of blood. The leader of the Ogboni, the Oluwo, had the
unqualified right of direct access to the Alaafin of Oyo on any matter.
Removing an Alaafin of Oyo
Chief among the responsibilities of the Bashorun was the all-important festival of Orun. This
religious divination, held every year, was to determine if the members of the Mesi still held
favor with the Alafin. If the council decided on the disapproval of the Alafin, the Bashorun
presented the Alafin with an empty calabash, or parrot's egg as a sign that he must commit
suicide. This was the only way to remove the Alafin because he could not be legally
deposed. Once given the parrot's egg, the Bashorun would proclaim, "the gods reject you,
the people reject you, the earth rejects you." The Alafin, his eldest son, and the Samu, his
personal counselor and a member of the Oyo Mesi all had to commit suicide in order to
renew the government all together. The process and suicide ceremony took place during the
Orun festival.
Military
There was a high degree of professionalism in the army of the Oyo Empire. Its military
success was due in large part to its cavalry as well as the leadership and courage of Oyo
officers and warriors. Because its main geographic focus was north of the forest, Oyo
enjoyed easier farming and thus a steady growth in population. This contributed to Oyo's
ability to consistently field a large force. There was also an entrenched military culture in
Oyo where victory was obligatory and defeat carried the duty of committing suicide. This
do-or-die policy no doubt contributed to the military aggressiveness of Oyo's generals.
Structure
The Oyo Empire, like many empires before it, used both local and tributary forces to expand
its domains. The structure of the Oyo military prior to its imperial period was simple and
closer aligned to the central government in metropolitan Oyo. This may have been fine in
the 15th century when Oyo controlled only its heartland. But to make and maintain farther
conquest, the structure underwent several changes.
37
The Political Institution
The maintenance of law and order in society constitutes the major demand in the efficient
use of traditional political power. Government in whatever form is expected to provide the
management, direction and control required for efficient law and order.
In the traditional political system, two paramount systems can be identified: the
monarchical and non-monarchical. What is important to emphasise in the two is that they
are a mixed-bag in contents and contexts in the political system. It may describe a kingdom
(monarchy), republican (stateless) or city-state. The capacity of the political system is to
enter into socio-political and economic relations with other neighbours. This becomes an
important issue in traditional political practices.
As we have noted earlier, we identify the nuclear family as the smaller unit of social and
political organisation. This is in the sense that the oldest male family member is conferred
with the title as head of a family unit. In this capacity, he controls the political, economic
affairs and the fortunes of family members. Besides, he is regarded as the custodian of the
family tradition and ancestral cults. In ibis position, he acts as the intermediary between the
family's ancestors and the living members.
At the village level (based on extended family structure) the family is fused into a larger
village political state. This is because, the village is regarded as a state, and each is
independent of each other. And by this arrangement, each village state maintains its
territorial independence, tolerating no interference in its internal affairs. Also, recognising
no other authority except the one within its territorial boundary.
What we have described above is the general impression of social and political organisation
among the people, east of the Niger. However, them are some differences in the way these
institutions function in order to create social order in the society. We shall now take some
of the groups in the area under discussion to bring into focus the socio-political organisation
at the village/state levels. The material we are going to use will be taken from the
publication by Nwanna Nzewunwa on the Pre- Colonial Nigeria, East of the Niger The
publication contains the historical and ethnographic materials on the major ethnic groups. I
must remind you that the major groups are the Efik, Ibibio and Igbo.
The Efik-Ibibio Political Institution
Among the Annang and Efik-Ibibio, the unit of political authority is vested in the extended
family structure (lineage). It is called the Ekpuk (lineage or extended family). The nucleus is
called Itibe Ekpuk, meaning literally the Royal Family. This is similar to the title given to the
founding family Ekpuk. While the founding family, (the Ekpuk) produces the Okuku Obong
38
Obio and Amanayabo, whose office is marked by elaborate investiture, the Igbo exercised
headships carrying honorific and religious status with insignificant political influence.
The traditional governance at the village level is the joint responsibility of the lineage heads
or elders of the lineages (Ekpuk). In Cross River, the Okuku (the founding family) directs
other lineage heads, like Amanayanabo. The office of Okuku and Amanayanabo is said to
have been autocratic, and from time to time he exercised right of life and death over his
subjects.
Between the founding family and lineage heads is sandwiched the office of Akpan Okuku,
whose responsibilities are those of communication between Okuku and lineage heads. The
Akpan Okuku is usually the most senior member among the lineage heads in the village
council. And as the president of the village council, he is conferred with executive, judicial
and administrative powers. The Annang village system of government does not allow
anybody to rise to prominence as no one could possess power beyond his lineage level
(Ekpuk).
It can also be observed that the political process of governance among the Efik-Ibibio groups
differs in the distribution of power. For instance, the esop idung (village council) main
function is religious. The political and judicial functions are handled by men who are
appointed for this purpose. The functions they play, are regarded to be those of holding
ministerial appointments. Such functions include other aspects of traditional economy.
The ministers are appointed from among a special class called, the Obong Order. This order
is made up of royal members of the village council. With the Ekpuk heads and the Obong
Order members, the Obong Ibio forms the village council, called Esopidung.
It is necessary to emphasise the fact that among the Efik-Ibibio, the bond of lineage and the
village did not lie strictly in kinship/blood ties as in the case among the Igbo and Annang
ethnic groups. This is explained by the fact that the lineage and village members belong to
diverse ancestry who had migrated into the area from different settlements. Unity in the
villages simply lies in the political autonomy, obligations, and the territorial isolation of the
villages.
The Igbo Political Organisation
The traditional political system is based on the lineage structure. It consists of flexible
democratic political systems, characterised by autonomous federations of lineages or
villages, organised through lineage heads, age-grades and title societies. The age-grade and
titled people cut across lineage lines. The body charged with decision-making processes is
made up of representatives from lineages within the autonomous political groupings.
The body of decision-makers can be grouped into five categories: first, traditional archetype
where decisions are made by consensus among the lineage representative based on age,
39
wealth or privilege, but have no overriding influence in selection. The second is a slight
modification of the first in which members of title societies and lineage elders constitute the
political decision-making group (this system is found among the Awka Igbo). The third is
found among Cross River Igbo in Abriba, Ohafi a and Arochukwu, where secret societies
dominate the political scene. The fourth category operates where age grade and lineage
heads form the decision-making body. This is common in Asaba, Aguleri and Abriba. The
fifth is found among the Niger Igbo (Ogbani, Oguta Abo, Onitsha and Osomari), where the
political structure is hierarchical.
System of Decision-Making
We have indicated in our discussion that the units of political organisation among the
peoples east of the Niger are the village and lineage levels. In the execution of political
decisions or policies at the level of the lineage, two factors are used– the human and the
supernatural. Also, the political and religious functions are distributed among the lineage
representatives. Other organs of political and religious institutions can also be used in
decision-making processes. For example, age grades are used in carrying out the legislative,
executive and judicial decisions at the lineage and village levels. The use of age- grades is
also classified. The oldest grade is normally co-opted into the village council when the need
arises. In most cases, the role of the oldest grade is specified in the administration of oaths,
offering sacrifices and initiating male members into secret cults. The role of the middle age-
grade which is made up of successful business people is to assist the youths in military and
social services. The lowest grade, the children, are used for public sanitation. Beyond these
functions, the age grades organise public entertainments from time to time and assist in the
maintenance of law and order and social control at both the village and lineage levels.
Exclusive Clubs
The term exclusive club is synonymous with secret society. The existence of exclusive club is
a common feature in governance. The most prominent are the Ekpe and Ekpo (Ekpe means
leopard and Ekpo — ghost or masquerade). The Ekpe and Ekpo are graded; each grade has
its own peculiarities in dress, dance and rituals. Admission and advancement into and within
any of the two clubs involves an elaborate ritual and monetary investments.
The Ekpel Ekpo represents the supreme authority in the maintenance of law and order. The
two societies also represent a form of insurance policy for the living members, and a source
of elaborate funeral ceremony for dead members. The functions of Ekpe/Ekpo include
security duties and other civil intelligence responsibilities at the village and family levels.
In the case of the Igbo, the masquerade (mmuo) club operates. In the Delta and Riverine
areas, people used the owu. Memberships into masquerade clubs are however restricted. It
is necessary to emphasise that both the executive and masquerade clubs as a rule, are often
exclusively for men. Women play no significant political and religious roles.
40
Religion
Religion represents the pivot on which the system of social control is anchored for effective
implementation. In fact, the concept of life among the Annang, Ibibio, Efik and Igbo can be
mirrored in peoples idea about god, spirit world, deities, ghosts and witches. According to
their spiritual essence, all laws have supernatural/ancestor essence, and the lineage heads
and eldest family member derive their political, judicial and social authorities from the
invincible ancestors.
Social Control
Social control is made possible through the use of exclusive clubs (secret societies). Also the
use of folk play in which young men and women entertain the public and use satirical and
abusive songs against social deviants represent the popular technique for social control.
Similarly, oath-taking, divination and oracles and other forms of social control, are designed
to serve the purpose of controlling social deviants. Another known form of social control is
the rites of passage. For example, the puberty rites of the Annang called Mbobo is aimed at
ensuring that no teenage girl had sexual experience before Mbobo ceremony which leads to
marriage.
The Judicial System
The adjudication of justice starts from the nuclear family. This is the first court over which
the head presides to settle minor cases among immediate family members.
The next court is the lineage level in which the heads settle cases involving fighting, assault,
theft, interfamily disputes, adultery and divorce cases between and among nuclear families.
The third is the village court. It handles inter-lineage cases, over which the lineages could
not reach consensus. However, where consensus could not be final, divination is used to
adjudicate cases.
Yorubaland
Political structure
The Oyo Empire developed a highly sophisticated political structure to govern its territorial
domains. Scholars have not determined how much of this structure existed prior to the
Nupe invasion. Some of Oyo's institutions are clearly derivative of early accomplishments in
Ife. After reemerging from exile in the early 17th century, Oyo took on a noticeably more
militant character. The influence of an aggressive Yoruba culture is exemplified in the
standards placed on the oba (king) and the roles of his council.
41
The Alaafin of Oyo
The oba (meaning 'king' in the Yoruba language) at Oyo, who was referred to as the Alaafin
of Oyo, (Alaafin means 'owner of the palace' in Yoruba), was the head of the empire and
supreme overlord of the people. He was responsible for keeping tributaries safe from
attack, settling internal quarrels between sub-rulers, and mediating between those sub-
rulers and their people. The Alaafin of Oyo was also expected to give his subordinates
honors and presents. In return, all sub-rulers had to pay homage to the Oba and renew their
allegiance at annual ceremonies. The most important of these was the Bere festival,
marking the acclamation of successful rule by the Alaffin. After the Bere festival, peace in
Yorubaland was supposed to last for three years.
Selection of the Alaafin
The Oyo Empire was not a hereditary monarchy, nor an absolute one. The Oyo Mesi
selected the Alaafin. He was not always directly related to his predecessor, although he did
have to be descended from Oranyan (also known as Oranmiyan), a son of Oduduwa (also
known as Odudua, Odua ) and to hail from the Ona Isokun ward (which is one of the three
royal wards). At the beginning of the Oyo Empire, usually the Alaafin's oldest son succeeded
his father to the throne. But, this sometimes led to the oldest son, i.e. the first-born prince,
the Aremo, hastening the death of his father. Independently of the possible succession, the
Aremo was quite powerful in his own right. For instance, by custom the Alaafin abstained
from leaving the palace, except during the important festivals, which in practice curtailed his
power. By contrast, the Aremo often left the palace. The two councils which checked the
Alaafin had a tendency to select a weak Alaafin after the reign of a strong one to keep the
office from becoming too powerful.
The Ilari
The Alaafin of Oyo appointed certain religious and government officials, who were usually
eunuchs. These officials were known as the ilari or half-heads, because of the custom of
shaving half of their heads and applying what was believed to be a magical substance into it.
The hundreds of Ilari were divided evenly among the sexes. Junior members of the Ilari did
menial tasks, while seniors acted as guards or sometimes messengers to the other world via
sacrifice. Their titles related to the king, such as oba l'olu ("the king is supreme") or
madarikan ("do not oppose him"). They carried red and green fans as credentials of their
status. All sub-courts of Oyo had Ilari who acted as both spies and taxmen. Oyo appointed
these to visit and sometimes reside in Dahomey and the Egbado Corridor to collect taxes
and spy on Dahomey's military successes, so that the Alaafin of Oyo could get his cut. Similar
officials had existed in Ife, as attested by terracotta art depicting them.
The Councils
42
While the Alaafin of Oyo was supreme overlord of the people, he was not without checks on
his power. The Oyo Mesi and the Yoruba Earth cult known as Ogboni kept the Oba's power
in check. The Oyo Mesi spoke for the politicians while The Ogboni spoke for the people
backed by the power of religion. The power of the Alaafin of Oyo in relation to the Oyo Mesi
and Ogboni depended on his personal character and political shrewdness.
The Oyo Mesi were seven principal councilors of the state. They constituted the Electoral
Council and possessed legislative powers, similar to today's United States Congress. The
Bashorun, Agbaakin, Samu, Alapini, Laguna, Akiniku and an Ashipa are the seven members
of this council. They represented the voice of the nation and had the chief responsibility of
protecting the interests of the empire. The Alaafin was required to take counsel with them
whenever any important matter affecting the state occurs. Each man had a state duty to
perform at court every morning and afternoon. Each mesi had a deputy whom they would
send to the Alaafin if his absence was unavoidable.
They controlled the military. The head of the council, the Bashuron, consulted the Ifa oracle
for approval from the gods. New alaafins of Oyo were seen as appointed by the gods. They
were regarded as Ekeji Orisa, meaning "companion of the gods." The Bashuron was a sort of
prime minister. He had the final say on the nomination of the new Alaafin. The Oyo Mesi
developed as a check on the Alaafin's power. The Bashorun's power rivaled that of the
Alaafin. For example, the Bashorun orchestrated many religious festivals; in addition to
being commander-in-chief of the army, this gave him considerable independent religious
authority.
The Ogboni
The Oyo Mesi does not enjoy an absolute power or influence, and while the Oyo Mesi may
wield political influence, the Ogboni represented the popular opinion backed by the
authority of religion, and therefore the view of the Oyo Mesi could be moderate by the
Ogboni. And most interestingly, there are checks and balances on the power of the Alafin
and the Oyo Mesi and thus no one is arrogated absolute power. The Ogboni was a very
powerful secret society composed of freemen noted for their age, wisdom and importance
in religious and political affairs. Its members enjoyed immense power over the common
people due to their religious station. A testament to how widespread the institution was is
the fact that there were Ogboni councils at nearly all sub-courts within Yorubaland. Aside
from their duties in respect to the worship of the earth, they were responsible for judging
any case dealing with the spilling of blood. The leader of the Ogboni, the Oluwo, had the
unqualified right of direct access to the Alaafin of Oyo on any matter.
Removing an Alaafin of Oyo
Chief among the responsibilities of the Bashorun was the all-important festival of Orun. This
religious divination, held every year, was to determine if the members of the Mesi still held
43
favor with the Alafin. If the council decided on the disapproval of the Alafin, the Bashorun
presented the Alafin with an empty calabash, or parrot's egg as a sign that he must commit
suicide. This was the only way to remove the Alafin because he could not be legally
deposed. Once given the parrot's egg, the Bashorun would proclaim, "the gods reject you,
the people reject you, the earth rejects you." The Alafin, his eldest son, and the Samu, his
personal counselor and a member of the Oyo Mesi all had to commit suicide in order to
renew the government all together. The process and suicide ceremony took place during the
Orun festival.
Military
There was a high degree of professionalism in the army of the Oyo Empire. Its military
success was due in large part to its cavalry as well as the leadership and courage of Oyo
officers and warriors. Because its main geographic focus was north of the forest, Oyo
enjoyed easier farming and thus a steady growth in population. This contributed to Oyo's
ability to consistently field a large force. There was also an entrenched military culture in
Oyo where victory was obligatory and defeat carried the duty of committing suicide. This
do-or-die policy no doubt contributed to the military aggressiveness of Oyo's generals.
Structure
The Oyo Empire, like many empires before it, used both local and tributary forces to expand
its domains. The structure of the Oyo military prior to its imperial period was simple and
closer aligned to the central government in metropolitan Oyo. This may have been fine in
the 15th century when Oyo controlled only its heartland. But to make and maintain farther
conquest, the structure underwent several changes.
44
INDIGENE/SETTLER PHENOMENON AND CONFLICT IN NIGERIA
Beginning in colonial times, there have been varying attempts to manage or exploit Nigeria's
ethnic, religious and linguistic diversities through various forms of federalism. Since 1996,
the country has been divided into 36 states and 774 Local Government Areas. The concept
of 'indigeneity' took root in Nigeria's 1979 constitution and lives on in the current 1999
constitution. This system categorizes all Nigerians as indigenes or non-indigenes (the latter
also labeled 'settlers') in a region based on where their parents or grandparents were born.
The mechanism's intent was to ensure ethnic parity in education and employment, as well
as to protect traditional cultures. But in 2006, Human Rights Watch and the International
Crisis Group separately reported that the principle has instead systematically marginalized
millions of Nigerians and encouraged ethno-lnguistic identity politics, which has fanned the
flames of inter-communal violence. The mere definition of which groups are indigenous to a
region creates many controversies; disputed historical migration patterns and intermarriage
often make clear delineations impossible. The policy has become a tool for indigenes across
the country to exclude competing 'settlers' from scarce educational, employment and
political opportunities, even if these are life-long residents of the community. Not
surprisingly, this has led to fierce resentment among the excluded.
In diverse Plateau State, indigeneity has been used by Christian politicians to maintain
dominance through exclusion of Muslim Hausa and Fulani 'settlers'. The Jarawa ethnic group
is also classified as 'non-indigene', although it also fails to qualify for indigenous status
anywhere else in Nigeria. Since 1999 to date in Plateau State, inter-communal fighting
arising from disputes over indigeneity, land and religion has resulted in over 550,000
internally displaced persons. April 2006 fighting between members of the Pan and Gomai
ethnic groups over issues of indigeneity resulted in over 100 killed and 8,000 displaced
persons. In 2011, entire villages were massacred; women and children were killed in their
hundreds.
The British claim to lands in today's Nigeria was internationally recognized in 1885. Initially
administered as a concession of the Royal Niger Company from 1900, Nigeria as a formal
British colony, was ruled as three distinct political units; the Northern Protectorate, the
Southern Protectorate and Lagos Colony. In 1906 the Lagos Colony and Southern
Protectorate were merged. In 1914 the three units were amalgamated into one nation. That
is, the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria. Partly in recognition of the major ethno-linguistic
differences between Igbo and Yoruba in the south, the Southern Protectorate was split in
1939 into Eastern and Western Provinces. This was given constitutional backing when in
1947 Nigeria was divided into Northern, Eastern and Western regions, and a move which
gave prominence to the three dominant groups: Hausa-Fulani in the north, Igbo in the east
and Yoruba in the west. Each of the former three regions had minorities who formed
45
themselves into movements agitating for constitutional safeguards against opposition from
the larger ethnic group that dominated the affairs of the region. The minority 'problem'
became a major political question when it became clear that Nigeria would adopt a federal
system of government. Since each region was dominated politically by one ethnic group,
minorities began aspiring to separate existences. This question was important in the 1954
federal and 1957 constitutional conferences. The north and east refused fragmentation,
while the west supported the creation of a mid-western state.
Ethnicity has been one of the regular features of African societies of which Nigeria is part.
Nigeria has had more than its share in ethnic-induced violence. The issue of ethnicity has
become the most viable factor, which explains the social reality of post-colonial Africa.
During colonization of African people, colonialists failed to put the issue of cultural
differences of various ethnic groupings into consideration before lumping them together in
(colonial) state formation. The oversight has constituted and remained one of the greatest
challenges of post-colonial Africa.
In the past decades, the Nigeria’s experience has shown that the country has a long list of
ethnic violence and hostilities various ethnic groupings. Some of these conflicts include the
ones in Jos, Umuleri/Aguleri, Ijaw/Itshekiri, Ife/Modakeke, Tiv/Jukun, among others. This is
not to say that conflicts did not exist prior to this period. The history and oral tradition of
most African societies contain elements of conflicts and ethnic conflicts, and intra-ethnic
conflict situations. The problem at present confronting the contemporary African societies is
the rage and magnitude of these ethnic problems. The issue of ethnicity has remained a
very visible feature of the Nigeria nation.
CAUSES OF INDIGENE/ SETTLER CRISES IN NIGERIA
 The main cause of indigene/settler dichotomy has been discovered by various

scholars to be resource based. Ethnicity is being often employed as a tool by the
political elites in their pursuit of state power and resources. The flag of ethnicity is
flown in the allocation of state resources and power sharing.
 Primordial loyalties, prevailing subjective perception and sentiment are other issues
that characterise ethnicity. People tend to feel physically safe and psychologically
secured among the group they perceive as members of their ancestral root.
Therefore, intrusion is perceived with a high degree of suspicion and mostly repelled
if meager resources also have to be shared.
 Fear of dominance and external imperialism is also a factor responsible for the
consciousness of dissimilarity among people who had hitherto lived together for
ages. This is evident in the relationship between Hausa-Fulani and the Vum peoples
of Sango-Kataff in Platue State.
 In the last few decades, Nigerians have been going through difficult times of ethnic
conflicts, violence and antagonism. The weak state structure, characterised by
46
endemic poverty, winner-takes-all philosophy, institutional deficiencies, among
others, propel inter-ethnic rivalry. The general attitude of the political elites
reinforces the inter-ethnic hatred that is experienced in Africa.
 A major issue again is imperialism and colonialism impacted on ethnicity and ethnic
conflicts, which are traceable to the colonial masters’ systems of administration,
arbitrary delimitation and partitioning.
These conflicts have defied the long adopted western models and paradigms of conflict
management. African traditional alternatives to conflict resolution might remain imperative
for adoption in the new millennium.
In fact, it is paramount for the people and government of Africa to live above primordial
sentiments and subjective perception as well as enemy-image among various ethnic
nationalities that dominate the state of affairs on the continent. It is no gainsaying that the
problem or ethnicity can be regarded as a veritable source of underdevelopment and bad
governance in the country.
Thus, ethnic conflict has been at the forefront of international political debates for the past
decade, which aroused concerns about practical solutions to reconcile diverse ethnic groups
in the modern democratic state. In examining the concept of ethnic conflict and the impact
of variables such as governance, civil-military relations, economics and religion on ethnic
identity in Nigeria, advocacy for a ‘power-sharing model’ that promotes integration and
cooperation, will serve as a means of overcoming differences and establishing a basis for
dialogue.
47
A lot of factors have led to the change in economy of nations starting with families. These
changes occur both at the levels of individual and the society at large. These changes are
what are termed as social mobility and social change.
SOCIAL MOBILITY
This is the form of movement of an individuals or groups in social positions over time. It may
refer to class, ethnic groups, political, religion or entire nation; and may measure health
status, literacy or education, but more commonly refers to individuals or families and their
change in income or economic status. It also typically refers to vertical mobility –
movement of individuals or groups up (down) from one socio-economic level to another,
often by change in jobs marriage and other positions. It also explains horizontal movement
from one position to another within the same social level.
Social mobility is defined as movement of individuals, families, households, or other

categories of people within or between layers or tiers in an open system of social
stratification. Open stratification systems are those in which value is given to achieved-
status characteristics in a society. The movement can be in a downward or upward
direction. Absolute social mobility refers to the overall numbers of people who end up in a
different layer of stratification from that of their parents. Relative social mobility refers to
the differences in probability of attaining a certain outcome, regardless of overall structural
changes; a society can have high absolute mobility and low relative mobility. The availability
of at least some social mobility can be important in providing pathways to greater equality
in societies with high social inequality.
Mobility is most often quantitatively measured in terms of change in economic mobility

such as changes in income or wealth. Occupation is another measure used in researching
mobility, which usually involves both quantitative and qualitative analysis of data. Yet other
studies may concentrate on social class. Mobility may be intragenerational, within the same
generation, or intergenerational, between one or more generations. Intragenerational
mobility is less frequent, representing "rags to riches" cases in terms of upward mobility.
Intergenerational upward mobility is more common, where children or grandchildren are in
economic circumstances better than those of their parents or grandparents.
As defined by Barber, social mobility refers to movement, either upward or downward

between higher or lower social classes; or more precisely, movement between one
relatively full time, functionally significant social role and another that is evaluated as either
higher or lower.
This movement is to be conceived as a process occurring over time, with individuals moving
from one role and social class position to another because of what has happened to them in
various kinds of social interaction. Mobility arises in social interaction, as each individual
reacts to others in a changing series of social roles.
48
In this sense, mobility provides the individual with more or less of the benefits which his
economy and society have to offer. A rickshaw puller’s son becomes a lawyer; a clerk’s son
becomes a doctor. In each case, a change in role between father and son provides the latter
with more of the good things of life.
Mobility is enabled to a varying extent by economic capital culture. Capital could come in
the following forms:
Information/Knowledge (such as high education)
Human capital (such as competence and effort in labour)
Social capital (such as support from one’s social network)
Physical capital (such as ownership of tools or means of production)
Symbolic capital (such as worth of an official title, celebrity)
In western modern state, example of policy issue is taxation, welfare, education and public
utility; each exercising great influence over the state. In other societies, religious affiliation,
caste membership or geographical locations may be of central importance in the discourse
social mobility.
CLASSIFICATION OF MOBILITY
Intra-generational Mobility within a generation is defined as the change in social status

over a single life time. It occurs from personal development of an individual within a family
over time. The last born of a family who along the line becomes the bread winner of his
entire house-hold is said to have achieved intra-generational mobility.
Inter-generational Mobility across generation is defined as a change in status that occurs

from the parents to the children’s generation. For instance, a professor who is the son of a
school teacher can be said to have achieved inter-generational mobility.
These definitions have proven particularly useful when analyzing how social status changes
from one time-period to another. Sociologists usually focus on inter-generational mobility
because it is easier to depict changes across generation rather than within one.
Vertical mobility: this is the movement of individual, groups, families and societies up and
down the socio-economic scale. These include gaining or lose of properties, income, status
and positions. When one gains, it is said to be upward mobility while downward mobility
relates to lose. For example, a school teacher who gets promoted to the position of a school
principal is said to be upwardly mobile on his job, both in income and status. Upward
mobility is the change in person’s social status resulting in higher position in other status
49
system. However, downward mobility implies a person’s social status falling to a lower
position in his status system.
Horizontal Mobility: It is the movement of individuals across small similar socio-economic

position. This may involve the change of occupation or remaining in the same occupation
but in different organization, or may be the same organisation but at different location.
Example is a minister of education who is transferred to preside over finance ministry or a
VC of a university going to another university to work.
Lateral Mobility: It is the geographical movement between neighborhoods, towns or

regions. Lateral mobility combines both vertical and horizontal mobility and it happens as a
result of economic, religious or other social reasons. Spatial mobility is the rate of
movement or migration made by a given population within a given time.
Structural and Exchange Mobility: This is the type of forced vertical mobility that results
from a change in the distribution of status within a society, owing more to changes in
society itself than to individual effort. Example is the declaration of ‘’Free and Compulsory’’
secondary education. In such case, the parents in the society have no option than to get
their wards enrolled. In the long run, the society is better for it but the school age students
are the beneficiaries.
Factors Responsible for Social Mobility:
The following factors facilitate Social Mobility:
1. Motivation:
Each individual has a desire not only to have a better way of living but also wants to improve
upon his social stand. In open system such as capitalism, it is possible to achieve any status.
This openness motivates people to work hard and improve upon their skills so that they can
attain higher social status. Without such motivation and efforts on the part of the individual
social mobility is impossible.
2. Achievements and Failures:
Achievement here refers to extra ordinary, usually unexpected performance, which attracts
the attention of a wider public to the abilities of a person. Not all achievements will result in
social mobility. Achievements affect status only if they are remarkable. For example, a poor
man who has acquired wealth or an unknown writer who has won a literary prize will
improve his status.
Failures and misdeeds have a similar effect on downward mobility. Fraudulent bankruptcy
will remove a member of the upper classes from blue books; he will receive no dinner
invitations from his peers and he will become ineligible as a marriage partner. If he is
already married, his wife may divorce him. He will have to resign from his clubs and all
50
positions he holds. But he will not become a member of the lowest stratum, although it will
be difficult for him to find new association.
3. Education:
Education not only helps an individual to acquire knowledge but is also a passport for
occupational position for higher prestige. To become a doctor one has to have education in
science subjects. Similarly, to appear in a competitive job interview, one has to be at least a
university graduate.
It is only after acquiring minimum formal education that individuals aspire to occupy higher
positions. In the modern industrial society in which status can be achieved, education is
basic requirement.
5. Migration:
Migration also facilitates social mobility. People migrate from one place to another either
due to pull or push factors. A particular place may not have opportunities and facilities to
improve upon. Hence, people are forced to migrate to other places to earn their livelihood.
The new places where they migrate to may have different openings and opportunities.
6 Industrialization and modernization:
Industrial Revolution ushers in a new social system in which people are given status
according to their ability and training. No importance is given to caste, race, religion and
ethnicity. Industrialization results in mass production at cheaper rate. This forces the
artisans out of their work. In search of jobs they migrated to industrial towns.
The process of modernization involves use of scientific knowledge and modern technology.
It also refers to rationality and secular way of life. With the improvement in technology,
people engage in occupations of low prestige like scavengers discard their traditional
occupations and take up occupations which are not dirty and have no polluting effects.
SOCIAL CHANGE
This refers to an alteration in social order of a society. It may refer to the notion of social
progress or socio-cultural evolution, the philosophical idea that the society moves forward
by dialectical evolutional means. It may refer to a paradigmatic change in the socio-
economic structure; for instance, a shift away from feudalism and towards capitalism.
Accordingly, it may also refer to social revolution such as the women suffrage or the civil
rights movement.
51
Social change may be driven by cultural, religious, economic, scientific, or technological
force. More generally, social change may include change in nature, social institutions, social
behaviour or social relations.
THEORIES OF SOCIAL CHANGE
Basically, change comes from two sources: one source is Random or Unique Factors such as
climate, weather or the presence of specific group of people. This is the kind of changes are
natural and mostly act of God. Another source is Systemic Factors. These are human factors
that bring about change. Example is the change from military dictatorship to civilian rule
(democracy), compulsory education, religious migration, infrastructural revolution,
urbanization, conflict etc.
52

GST110 (African Culture and Civilization) - 1

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

GST110 (African Culture and Civilization) - 1

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

GST110 (African Culture and Civilization) - 1

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

NIGERIAN PEOPLE AND CULTURE GST 110 CLASS NOTE

CONCEPTS OF NIGERIAN CULTURE AND CIVILISATION

Nigeria became an independent nation in 1960 October and subsequently became a

Adherence to Islam, Christianity, or indigenous African religions is central to how Nigerians

ARTS AND LITERATURE

Nigeria’s modern literature grows out of a tradition of storytelling and historical

Description of the Coat of Arms

Nigeria Coat of Arms

Symbolism of Coat of Arms Elements

Looking back: the Birth of Nigeria

The First Republic (October 1, 1960 - January 15, 1966)

On October 1, 1960, Nigeria gained independence from Britain. An all-Nigerian Executive

Second Republic leads to a return to military rule

The Abortive Third Republic

Although Abacha's takeover was initially welcomed by many Nigerians, disenchantment

Abacha, widely expected to succeed himself as a civilian president on October 1, 1998,

Abubakar's Transition to Civilian Rule

The Obasanjo Administration

The Yar'Adua Administration

Goodluck Jonathan's Administration

This section concentrate on diffusing the notion that civilisation is predominantly

Oyo and Ile-Ife

Oyo and Ile-Ife

Wars and Conflict in Africa

CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT IN TRADITIONAL AFRICA

The Political Institution

The Judicial System

The Alaafin of Oyo

Selection of the Alaafin

Removing an Alaafin of Oyo

The Efik-Ibibio Political Institution

The Igbo Political Organisation

The Judicial System

Selection of the Alaafin

Removing an Alaafin of Oyo

CAUSES OF INDIGENE/ SETTLER CRISES IN NIGERIA

 The main cause of indigene/settler dichotomy has been discovered by various

Social mobility is defined as movement of individuals, families, households, or other

Mobility is most often quantitatively measured in terms of change in economic mobility

As defined by Barber, social mobility refers to movement, either upward or downward

Information/Knowledge (such as high education)

Human capital (such as competence and effort in labour)

Social capital (such as support from one’s social network)

Physical capital (such as ownership of tools or means of production)

Symbolic capital (such as worth of an official title, celebrity)

Intra-generational Mobility within a generation is defined as the change in social status

Inter-generational Mobility across generation is defined as a change in status that occurs

Horizontal Mobility: It is the movement of individuals across small similar socio-economic

Lateral Mobility: It is the geographical movement between neighborhoods, towns or

Factors Responsible for Social Mobility:

The following factors facilitate Social Mobility:

2. Achievements and Failures:

6 Industrialization and modernization:

THEORIES OF SOCIAL CHANGE

You might also like