JOUR 30123

SEMINAR ON JOURNALISM ISSUES

Prepared by:

Assoc. Prof. JIM C. DURAN, PhD

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 Overview

Discussion of issues affecting journalism practice in the country, in the region, and in the world.
The course intends to train students to critically look at the problems, questions and concerns
besetting the profession and the industry.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

MODULE 1 Journalism as a Career 4

Lesson 1 Job opportunities and qualifications 4
Lesson 2 Journalism as a High Profession 8
Lesson 3 Media Ethics 12

MODULE 2 Legal Issues 21

Lesson 1 Freedom of Information in the Philippines 21
Lesson 2 Right of Reply 25
Lesson 3 Reporting on Minority Issues and Diversity 26
Lesson 4 Safety of Journalists in the Philippines 28

MODULE 3 Citizen and Civic Journalism 37

Lesson 1 Civic Journalism 37
Lesson 2 Media Innovators 47
Lesson 3 Campus Journalism 51
Lesson 4 Journalism and the New Media 55
Lesson 5 The Future of Journalism 65

References 73

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 Institutional Learning Outcomes:
1. Creative and Critical Thinking
2. Effective Communication
3. Strong Service Orientation
4. Community Engagement
5. Adeptness in the Responsible Use of Technology
6. Passion to Lifelong Learning
7. High Level of Leadership and Organizational Skills
8. Sense of Personal and Professional Ethics
9. Sense of National and Global Responsiveness

Program Outcomes:

1. Demonstrates creativity, innovativeness and critical thinking in Editorial, Column and

Opinion Writing;
2. Applies communication knowledge and skills in problem-solving and decision-making
relative to the subject;
3. Exhibits exemplary performance as communication professionals in terms of government
and non-government services;
4. Engages in endeavors related to editorial writing as well as extension programs;
5. Actualizes adeptness in access to and responsible use of mass and digital media;
6. Integrates academic preparations and practical applications necessary in communication
and lifelong learning;
7. Exemplifies leadership qualities and managerial skills in the practice of editorial writing;
8. Practices ethical standards both in personal and professional communication
engagements; and
9. Strikes a balance between nationalism and globalism that promotes cultural communication
competence.

Course Outcomes:
At the end of this course, future Journalism professionals are able to:

1. Demonstrate critical and analytical thinking, advanced reporting and editorial viewpoint, and
recommend ideas and events which need opinion writing;
2. Express ideas and produce editorials that stimulate progressive-thinking. Combine creative
and persuasive writing techniques with proper referencing;
3. Develop the habit of validating facts and arguments, assessing the credibility of sources,
and evaluating the consistency of historical data;
4. Analyze the role of media in influencing public opinion and understand the impact of
opinion pages and editorials;
5. Examine the role of illustrations and visual representation in communicating opinion.
Assess the contribution of technology in the creation and propagation of editorials;
6. Prioritize socially relevant topics and expand one's historical knowledge;
7. Discover various forms and styles of opinion writing. Develop one's own style in opinion
writing aware of its complexities and its legal and ethical aspects; and
8. Initiate discourse and exchange of opinion in different platforms.

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 MODULE 1 Journalism as a Career
Lesson 1 Job opportunities and qualifications

Excerpt taken from Vanessa Edwards’ Journalism as Profession (Careers and Expectations)
“The journalist has a position that is all his own. He alone has the privilege of
molding the opinion, touching the hearts and appealing to the reason of hundreds
of thousands every day. Here is the most fascinating of all professions.” Joseph
Pulitzer (1904), The North American

Review Ask most people to describe what journalists do and there’s generally a swift
reply – they report the news. Of course, the truth has never been as simple as that. Journalists
work in a wide variety of areas from writing and filmmaking to archiving and data analysis and
this has always been the case.
From the days of the first printing presses; through the introduction of mass distribution
networks; to the first computers; journalism has always been a profession in flux.
Over the last decade however, journalism practice has undergone an unprecedented
revolution and scrutiny of such intensity, that many new questions are being asked, not only
about the future of the profession, but about the roles and careers of working journalists. For
journalists and employers alike, there are two central issues.
Firstly, whether new forms of journalism can, or ever will, raise enough revenue to allow
for the quality and quantity of professional work seen in the past. Secondly what should (and
can) be the roles and responsibilities of professional journalists in the new media world? When
it comes to examining the financial future of professional journalism, many of the predictions are
bleak.
In his book “The Big Switch: Rewiring the World from Edison to Google” Nicholas Carr
(2008, Pg 156) quotes former New York Times Executive Martin Nisenholtz saying: “How do we
create high quality content in a world where advertisers want to pay by the click, and consumers
don’t want to pay at all?” Carr then adds his own pessimistic conclusion: “The answer may turn
out to be equally simple: We don’t.”
In the wake of the phone hacking scandal of 2011 and other crises of trust in journalism,
the criticism of the profession and those involved in it has been vociferous and widespread,
Journalists have been accused (with considerable justification) of fundamental failings their in
ethical and professional standards.
Professor of Journalism at New York University, Jay Rosen (2011) has said: “Things are
out of alignment. Journalists are identifying with the wrong people. Therefore the kind of work
they are doing is not as useful as we need it to be.”
Former Daily Star Editor Brian Hitchen (2012) summarized much of the outrage, when
he told the trade publication, Press Gazette he was “appalled, angry and disgusted” by the
phone hacking affair, which he said was “another example of poor journalism today”.

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 While such debate about the role and purpose of modern journalism is undoubtedly
critical at such a time, this chapter seeks to investigate the implications of the crisis at a more
fundamental level. It looks specifically at the lives and working conditions of journalists today
and considers the possible future awaiting those young people hoping to enter the profession.
According to data from the Higher Education Statistics Authority, in 2010-11 there were
11,840 students studying journalism in the UK at either undergraduate or postgraduate level.
There are many hundreds more studying at further education and private colleges. Each of them
hopes to join a profession that many would argue is in turmoil. So, when these young people
finish their training, this chapter asks:
• Are there enough rewarding jobs for journalists entering the profession?
• What can they expect their working lives to be like?
• Why are significant numbers of working journalists apparently disenchanted with their
careers?
• And can such a rapidly changing industry offer the financial and personal development
needed to provide lifelong professional development?
Death by a thousand cuts?
The journalism trade press is full of stories of job cuts. Among working journalists, it has
become a commonplace belief that jobs are disappearing and career opportunities shrinking at
a rate unrivalled in other workplaces, but does the evidence bear out that conviction?
In 2010 researchers from international public relations company Burson-Marsteller
spoke to a hundred and fifteen journalists from across Europe, the Middle East and Africa. 81%
of those interviewed said they were experiencing cost-cutting measures.
Of those, nearly a quarter said the spending reductions would be implemented as job
cuts, while just short of a third said they’d be cutting freelance budgets. The subsequent report
makes depressing reading; “A common thread across the region, like the US, is the enormous
number of journalists being laid off.
All across the region editorial departments are downsizing significantly in response to
the economic crisis and the intense competition in the media sector. Even for journalists lucky
enough to be in full-time employment, their lot is not a happy one; job uncertainty, vastly
increased workloads, demands for multiplatform content; less editorial space to put that content
into and (often) moves to “dumb down” the content and editorial agendas in general.” (Burson-
Marsteller, 2010, Pg 3).
This may well be true, but are these cuts any worse than those for other professions? In
its most recent “Employee Outlook” survey of general employment, the Chartered Institute for
Personnel Development found that around a third of working people questioned said their
employers were cutting jobs.
That figure is higher than the 25% in the Burson-Marsteller survey and for staff working
in the public sector, the number experiencing job cuts rose dramatically to 57%.
These two sets of data aren’t strictly comparable as the sampling and methodology are
different, but they do give a rough indication that the pressure of job cuts in journalism may well
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be no worse than it is in many other professions. One area of employment where journalism is
distinct from other industries is the large number of freelance journalists who produce thousands
of pages of copy and fill the rotas in dozens of newsrooms.
As we have seen in the Burson-Marteller research, many editors have been making cuts
by reducing their freelance budgets. There has been much written about the growth of digitally
published “citizen journalism” and whether this is directly related to the demise of freelance
journalism, but for many commentators, the situation appears more complex.
City University Professor of Journalism and former Daily Mirror Editor, Roy Greenslade
(2012), has blogged about his belief that many newspaper publishers are using new technology
as an excuse to boost their bottom line: “Beware publishers who link announcements about
going online with the cutting of journalists’ jobs.
The digital revolution is not a sensible (or ethical) reason for news providers to reduce
the number of staff engaged in journalism. Part of the problem is about appeasing investors.“
The Director of media think-tank Polis, Charlie Beckett (2009) also thinks the situation is far from
simple. This is from a blog post: “The problem is not that the work is being done by the public
instead of professionals.
Although personally I would welcome that if it was the case. I think that the pressure on
freelancers is part of a much broader industry trend towards some fundamental restructuring
which will has [sic] already seen widespread job losses with more to come.”
Pay and Working Conditions
So, while the reasons for cost-cutting may be complex, it is undoubtedly true that there
are more journalists chasing fewer jobs. What does this mean for those who are lucky enough
to remain in employment? How much can they expect to earn and what will their working
conditions be like?
The official graduate careers website “Graduate Prospects” suggests the average salary
for all journalists in 2011 was around £24,500, with a top salary after ten years in the business
being around £40,000 and a little higher for journalists working in broadcasting and particularly
television. In comparison, the current average (median) annual full-time salary in the UK is
£26,200 (ONS, 2011).
While most journalists would probably argue that salary was not the main reason they
entered the profession, the National Union of Journalists claims its members’ pay and working
conditions are deteriorating dramatically. The organization’s General Secretary is Michelle
Stanistreet:
“A long-hours culture and stress is rife in our industry. Too many newspapers and
website services are being run on goodwill, with journalists working very long hours. This is
simply unacceptable. Cuts to editorial posts and recruitment freezes mean that many are
working longer and longer hours. We are all prepared to go the extra mile when required, but
members are routinely covering for their former colleagues and working excessive hours” (Email
to author, 16th April 2012).
This may well be true, but once again are these working conditions any worse than those
of in other industries in these tough economic times?

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 The CIPD found that fewer than half of those employees surveyed, across the general
working population, were satisfied with their jobs and more than a third said they were under
excessive pressure at least once a week. Clearly journalists are not the only workers who claim
to be dissatisfied and over-worked.
In addition, considerable numbers of media organizations would argue that they invest
time and money to improve the experiences of their employees. According to the UK
Commission for Employment and Skills (Emails to author, various dates June – July 2012),
around forty employers connected with, or working within, the media are accredited by its
“Investors in People” staff management kitemark program.
These include some very large players, such as Channel Four, the BBC and Real Radio.
Stories from the Newsroom Although figures tell part of the story, it’s journalists themselves who
can reveal the most about their working lives. In an attempt to find out more about their personal
experiences the author of this chapter conducted a small and very unscientific study. A short
questionnaire was promoted via professional contacts and the website “www.journalism.co.uk”.
Contributors were anonymous and self-selecting and since the survey drew only forty-
eight respondents it would not be wise to draw any broad conclusions. With that caveat, it was
interesting to note that the numbers of journalists claiming to have had good and bad working
experiences were roughly equal.
More than 44% of journalists who took part said they found their jobs enjoyable, while
around the same number said their roles were unrewarding. Perhaps more enlightening though,
were the additional comments of those who were unhappy in their jobs: “The cuts make me feel
very unsecure [sic] about a future in journalism.
The way that long-serving employees were treated also shows what little respect the
multi-national corporations show their staff.” Another replied: “Although changes have not led to
a decrease in my salary, I have not received the two pay rises I should have in my first year of
work.” One wrote simply that their current job had given them depression.
Of course, such comments should come with a number of health warnings, not least that
there is a natural tendency for people to use such an anonymous survey to gripe. What is
interesting though is the dissonance between the intensity of these comments and the general
satisfaction expressed by large numbers of the respondents. It’s a pattern that many editors and
newsroom managers will recognize.
Most newsrooms have a small but very noisy coterie of journalists whose dissatisfied
voices can be heard regularly and frequently above the general hubbub of workplace debate.
One theory to explain the most extreme views is that the complainers might be older journalists
who have experienced a longer and more sustained period of change.
Although there were not enough respondents to this writer’s survey provide accurate
statistical analysis, additional interviews conducted for this chapter suggest age and career
length might be a factor. Former Chief Sub Editor Paul Stevens decided to take redundancy
from the Bournemouth Echo a few years ago.
He’s now retraining as a teacher and works at a local radio station. Like many print
journalists of his generation, Paul built his much of his career within the same newspaper group
and saw the transformation of his workplace.

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Lesson 2 Journalism as a High Profession
Excerpt taken from Journalism, A Profession Under Pressure by Tamara Witschge and
Gunner Nygren.

New media technologies are said to change news journalism. For better or for worse,
they are said to change the nature of news and the way in which it is produced. Some feel that
the world of news will be turned on its head as “new technologies re-engineer the relationship
between how views and information are exchanged, judged and assigned significance, and how
public opinion is formed” (Lloyd & Seaton, 2006: 1).
The notion of evolving consensus over the qualities and skills belonging to the world of
journalism would change as “technologies of news relay broaden the field of who might be
considered a journalist and what might be considered journalism” (Zelizer, 2004: 23). Some
suggest that the three major constituencies in the world of news journalists, newsmakers, and
the audience will blur into each other, with audiences becoming part of the process of journalism
(Gillmor, 2004: xxiv-xxv).
Others suggest that the professional culture of journalism is becoming more diverse,
open and dynamic when journalists turn to be identified as “media workers” with a “portfolio
worklife” based on flexibility and multi-skilling (Deuze, 2007). However, it is also argued that
even though the “intertextual merging of journalism with other formats and discourses is maybe
its most pressing present challenge”, not everything can simply converge.
Rather, if journalism is to survive, it has to “assert a specific location within this media
sphere, demonstrate that it can deliver a particular form of service to the public, however
fragmented and commoditized that public might become” (Conboy, 2004: 224). Many of these
claims about the way in which new media technologies change the nature of the news production
process and the way journalists respond to these changes have yet to be empirically examined.
In this article, we propose to do just that and we ask: how has the profession of news
journalism changed given the recent changes in the mediascape? We seek to shed light on the
questions:
1) whether and if so, how the technological changes have reconfigured the job of the
journalist and the production of news in terms of inquiry, observation, research, editing
and writing; and
2) how journalists respond to these changes.
From extensive qualitative and quantitative research done in Sweden and England, we
will argue that there is at once a fading of the professional values due to changes in the
journalistic practices and at the same time a return to professional values by journalists
themselves, which they deem sets them apart from other news providers in the current
broadened mediascape.
There has been quite a bit of criticism on the profession of journalism lately, exemplified
by a book written by journalist Nick Davies: Flat Earth News (2008), which is partly based on
research conducted by Cardiff University (Lewis, Williams, Franklin, Thomas, and Mosdell,
2008).
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 This research says journalists “now produce three times as much copy as they did twenty
years ago” (ibid: 3). With regard to the role of PR, the researchers find that “60% of press articles
(quality broadsheet) and 34% of broadcast stories come wholly or mainly from one of the
prepackages sources” (ibid).
An administrative news culture is dominating newsrooms—with journalists sitting behind
their desks recycling or regurgitating PR and wire material (also dubbed “churnalism”)—rather
than the investigative news culture.
Davies’ book and this research do not stand alone: there has been more criticism about
the state of journalism and the demise of its professional values (in the US see, for example,
Kovach and Rosenstiehl, 2001). In this article we examine the different changes in journalism
and the consequences for the profession.
The article starts with a theoretical discussion of the professionalization of journalism.
This is followed by the introduction of the two research projects and their results: how have
journalistic practices changed, how does this affect their professional status, and how do
journalists respond to these changes? In the conclusions we bring together the two trends
suggested by the empirical research of de-professionalization on the one hand and a resurgence
of professional values on the other.
Modern journalism developed with industrialism. The early newspaper was often run by
the printer or the owner of the printing house. But with the development of the penny press, a
division of labor developed both between the owner and those employed for producing the
content and between journalists and technical personnel. As in other parts of the industry,
division of labor was an important part in organizing newspapers with a strict hierarchical
organization.
The division of labor was clear between journalists and typographers/printers—a
separation of “thinking” from “doing”. This was paired with a division of labor between different
kinds of journalists—reporters, subeditors, editors, photographers, designers, proofreaders etc.
(see also Raviola and Hartmann in this issue).
Journalism as Profession There has been an ongoing debate about whether journalism
is a craft or can be considered a profession like the traditional professions in medicine and law
(Tumber and Prentoulis, 2005), with a profession seen as more than an occupation. According
to sociological research, the professional logic is a way of controlling the work by rules and
standards defined by the professionals themselves.
Other logics in the control of the work are the bureaucratic logic with rules defined by the
state or by organizations, and the market-logic with all power in the hands of the consumers.
These three logics are ideal typical models, and most work is controlled through a combination
of these three logics (Freidson, 2001).
To constitute a profession, the members of an occupation have to be able to control their
own work, to have autonomy in their everyday practice. Sociologists have distinguished a
number of means, which allow professionals to exercise this control (Selander, 1989; Freidson,
2001):
• A knowledge-monopoly: No one outside the profession has the knowledge and the
ability to do the work of the profession;

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 • A clear division of labor, and the power to keep others outside the profession; • Strong
professional education and research;
• Strong professional organizations with ethical rules and standards;
• An ideology that asserts greater commitment to doing good work than to economic gain
and to quality rather than economic efficiency of work.
Journalism cannot be fully regarded as a profession; it would be against the freedom of
expression to demand some kind of legitimization from those expressing themselves in media.
Media scholars have thus considered journalism as a semi-profession, mostly because of this
reason of not being able to exclude non-professionals from the field of journalism.
There will always be many routes into journalism (Shoemaker and Reese, 1996;
McQuail, 2000), making it difficult to identify an exclusive professional track. However, having
said this, a process of ongoing professionalization has been observed by media scholars for the
last 30-40 years.
An important factor in this process has been the development of a professional ideology
(which includes the attention given to notions such as objectivity, integrity and public service),
the growth of professional institutions, and codes of practice (Tumber and Prentoulis, 2005).
Moreover, comparative studies have shown that the journalistic values as to the role of
journalists, the ethical standards and what is important in the job are very much the same in
different parts of the world, even though the interpretation of these values may differ.
The differences are considered to be a result of the cultural background and history more
than a difference between media systems (Weaver, 2005). Profession as Identity and Social
Control There are different traditions in the research on professions. In the 1960s the emphasis
was (in the Anglo-American tradition) to analyze the specific traits that constitute a profession,
such as mechanisms to exclude the outsiders.
The last 20 years the emphasis has shifted to the dynamic processes by which
occupations gain professional status. Now the important questions are not if a profession fulfils
all the conditions of an ideal typical profession, but about how professionalism is used to change
and control an occupation. Research in this approach also considers the influences of specific
cultural and historical traditions in different countries (Evett, 2003; Tumber and Prentoulis, 2005).
The British sociologist Julia Evett explicates two different perspectives taken on
professions (Evett, 2003): • a normative value system created and upheld by the profession itself
giving the profession a collective identity—a positive interpretation; • an ideology used as a
mechanism for social order and discipline among the professionals—a more negative
interpretation.
The question is how the notion of professionalization is used in an occupation.
Professionalization can come from within when the professionals themselves can exert the
control and form the values and norms for the profession. But it can also be used by groups
outside (owners, state and organizations) to change an occupation and to use it as a system of
control and discipline.
The latter interpretation of professionalization can replace bureaucratic control, and can
be used by external forces to promote change in the profession (Evett, 2003). In an analysis of
the concept of professionalism in journalism, Evett and Aldridge (2003) conclude that the
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discourse “professionalism” is used as tool to separate the producers from the product and
change is legitimized by referring to the “professional” nature of it. At the same time, this
professionalism gives journalists their identity.
Journalism can be analyzed as an ongoing negotiation between these two sides of
professionalism: between the organizational demands with standards, routines and goals for the
media company and the occupational professionalism—values, norms and identity developing
among journalists themselves (Örnebring, 2008). The question is how the current trends in the
journalistic profession and in journalistic work influence the balance between the two kinds of
professionalism. Different perspectives can be identified in the discussion on the current trends
among professions in general.
Some Anglo-American sociologists talk of a de-professionalization occurring due to
factors such as:
1) the profession suffering from a loss in public trust and confidence;
2) the profession coming under harder financial pressure putting the professional
ideology in the second place; and
3) the labor division becoming more unclear and the profession getting increasingly
heterogeneous (Freidson, 2001; Evett, 2003).
In all discussions about professionalism the key concept is the autonomy for the
profession. In this article we empirically examine the way in which both the organizational
notions of the profession may be changing and the way in which those occupying the
profession—the journalists—view the profession in the current changing mediascape.
The way journalists work has changed rapidly over the last ten to fifteen years. Digital
technology has given journalists new tools and newsroom processes have changed. New forms
of outlets—mostly Internet-related— have emerged both within the traditional media companies
and in new media companies in competition with traditional media.
How has this development influenced the journalistic work and the professional roles for
journalists? Are new ways of doing the daily work influencing thinking about journalism and
journalistic values? Are new processes in the newsrooms only a more efficient way of producing
the same old journalism, or are professional values also changing?
Several scholars emphasize the need for research addressing questions such as how
technological change influences work practice, the role of sources, and news content (Cottle,
2003; Schudson, 2005). The sociology of news production was developed in the USA in the
1970s (for example: Gans, 1979; Tuchman, 1983), and since then much has happened calling
for an in-depth analysis of how practices of news production are changing.
Creative opportunities versus formatting
The different kinds of journalism are all based on some sort of format. Formats are
considered to make it easier for journalists to produce and for the audience to consume news
journalism. Digital tools give journalists new creative possibilities, but at the same time the
increased speed leads to a greater need for standardization in the daily production. New CMS
of newspapers have standard layouts so the reporters can write directly into the pages without
a sub-editor doing the editing.
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 The formats in newspapers make the pages look the same every day, and in TV and
radio news the format leaves very little room for surprise. The most well-defined formats are
used in online news where the news has to be published immediately. BBC online news formats
are so standardized that the number of characters of the title are prescribed (between 31 and
33 characters). The first four paragraphs of online news have to be suitable for Ceefax and
mobile phones (often defining word order and word choice).
The technology thus very much “dictates” the way a story is written. At the same time
digital tools make it easier to create new formats and news types of content, for example “photo
galleries” and chat-sessions, as well as redesigning which more often give readers a changed
interface.
Constant Deadlines and Accuracy The journalistic process has three parts:
newsgathering, evaluation and production. The constant deadline in online media compacts
these three parts, and the phase of evaluation is often carried out in front of the audience; “facts”
are published, only to be checked retrospectively and new information is published on the site
as “ongoing news”.
The responsibility for accuracy is to an increasing degree given to the sources and the
public, as journalists often do not check the facts before publishing. The Telegraph in the UK
has started with an experiment on post-publication editing where material is put online by
journalists directly and only moderated live one time (Ponsford, 2008).
Constant deadlines conflict with the need for accuracy: the Swedish survey as well as
the British ethnographies and interviews show that verification is still the (abstract) norm but
many journalists say that speed makes it more difficult to fulfill the norm.

Lesson 3 Media Ethics

Excerpt taken from A Call to Responsible Journalism by Baldwin Chiyamwaka.
Introduction For many years now, globally, the media has assumed and reinforced its
important role as a legitimate reflection of public interest and opinion. Since Edmund Burke’s
famous remarks made in the House of Commons in England in 1774 in recognition of the
important contributions the press made, the place and position of the media in society and
governance structure of states continues to be recognized and consolidated as the fourth estate.
This is very true of the Malawian media which is fast becoming a strong pillar, catalyst
and tool of democracy since 1994 when Malawi re-embraced multi-party democracy with a
liberalized, plural media. The power and apparent influence of the media was long realized time
in memorial.
All governments since independence, corporate organizations, influential and powerful
politicians and individuals have sought ways and means to control and regulate the media not
only by wanting to limit its legitimate right to write, broadcast and publish freely but also to
possess it, manipulate it, subject it to mere puppets that can be pulled by the string and as we
observe today to reduce the media to tools of third grade propaganda.
Luckily, global, regional and local trends in good governance coupled with a Malawian
constitution that provides for freedom of expression and above all media institutions that
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safeguards the freedom of the media through self-regulation and advocacy, seem to be working
in favor of the media by advancing the principle that a free media is one of the pre-requisites for
good governance and a legitimate voice of public opinion and interest.
This helps to remind those in power, whatever power, wanting to restrict the media, to
be a little restraint for want of a good score on the governance record card. However, the threat
to media freedom seems to be beyond the powers that we know to have an insatiable desire to
restrict the media. Malawian journalism, in some of its quarters, plays betrayal.
This presentation discusses what might be a grey area in the Malawian media, the ethical
conduct that brings about a responsible and credible media. It explores the challenges that lie
within the media threatening its very fabric of existence, that is, the fundamental principles and
values of professionalism and the essential milieu of freedom without which media practice
becomes almost impossible.
The presentation tries to do so by firstly clarifying the concept of self-regulation through
a code of conduct or practice; the betrayal of the profession and breach of public trust through
unethical and unprofessional conduct in the industry; the need for ethics; challenges to ethical
conduct and finally the way to achieving responsible journalism.
Ethical Conduct a safeguard of Media Freedom
The initiative by the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) to facilitate a process of self-
regulation through a code of practice to guide the conduct of the media during the 2009 general
elections lies at the heart of Media Council of Malawi’s (MCM) mandate to safeguard media
freedom through self-regulation.
The number one objective of Media Council of Malawi is to defend and safeguard media
freedom in Malawi. The establishment of MCM is an initiative to unite media practitioners in their
effort to raise professional standards and in that way consolidating the social standing of the
media profession.
The cooperation among journalists in the field of ethics in this country is also a great
training ground for their co-operation in demanding their legitimate rights from the government.
Of course, quality should never be understood as a prerequisite for media freedom
because it is only a fully free media that can be responsible just like a child who grows to be
able to stand on their own learn to be responsible. However, ethical and professional conduct is
a safeguard of media freedom and media power.
The formulation of a code of practice by the media usually are welcomed by
dissatisfaction from the public that it often lacks teeth with which to bite, meaning that no punitive
measures are explicitly stipulated in the code.
This may not be true or it may be a misunderstanding of self-regulation. While punitive
measures and disciplinary actions might be important in enforcing ethical conduct and editorial
policies of individual media houses and regulatory bodies, it is important to note that this is not
the primary objective of self-regulation.

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Defining Self-Regulation
Self-regulation is about setting minimum standards on ethics so that journalists attain the
highest professional standards that enable them become responsible. It is a responsible media
that can be trusted by the public and that can make its rightful demands from the government.
A media that is characterized by punishments is often viewed negatively as being irresponsible
and therefore not credible.
Self – regulation helps the media respond to legitimate complaints and therefore correct
the errors and mistakes that are a genuine concern of the public. It is a pledge by quality
conscious media professionals to conduct themselves professionally and maintain dialogue with
the public. This is why, as you will notice, the code of practice has within it a complaint
mechanism which is intended to deal with justified concerns in a rational and autonomous way.
However, the trust by the public, the demand for their legitimate right to freedom of
expression and information, and the beauty of the profession itself, is often betrayed by media
practitioners who operate irresponsibly through clandestine means.

Media Betrayal
There is betrayal of freedom of the media in Malawi, including the freedom of expression
and the public right to freely receive and impart information and opinion and ultimately betrayal
of professionalism. Key to this betrayal is the adage: “Who eats ethics?” This is an operating
maxim that guides some media practitioners.
It is the motto of the antithetical media profession that operates in the opposite direction.
It has made media practitioners or industry succumb to various pressures ranging from poor
remuneration packages, ambush managers, tight lips, political pressure, commercialism and
ownership.
This betrayal of the profession becomes rampart during the critical period of elections
when ethical and professional conduct of media professionals becomes crucial for fair and
peaceful general elections.
If this betrayal, is not dealt with now, it will quickly like a bush fire consume all the good
that is left in our media profession and leave it undesirable only to fulfil destructive agendas
through callous means for clandestine rewards. But the question is: How do we stop unethical
and unprofessional conduct in the media? In my opinion this is a toll order.
However, it is not an insurmountable undertaking. All it requires is commitment to
professionalism, passion for the profession where our desire is to bring the best to the public
and leave a legacy that will endure for posterity because of the good work that we live behind.
Why Ethics? Social Reasons
Everything that a journalist does has ethical implications, to a lesser or greater extent.
This is because everything that a journalist writes or says or neglects to write or to say in some
or other way has an influence on people. This influence can be good or bad. Because the media
have an enormous influence, it is of vital importance that journalism be practiced in an
accountable and responsible way.

14
 When the media act irresponsibly several things happen:
1. unnecessary harm is done to people;
2. the media looses credibility;
3. it weakens the media’s vital role as watch dogs;
4. the well-being of democracy suffers.

Philosophical and Moral

There are two fundamental characteristics of human behavior: harm and mutual aid.
Ethics and moral behavior are important because of people’s universal aversion to harm either
physical or psychological. Harm is the experience of pain, suffering or deprivation against our
will that results from the willful or neglect act of another person.
From the moral point of view harm is wrongful injury as a result of human action and
should be seen as an aspect of evil. While most, if not all human beings would not want to be
harmed, it is true that most human beings inflict harm from time to time on others. The co-
existent realities – the universal human aversion to harm and the universal human tendency to
inflict harm are the conditions that call ethical practice in the media necessary.

Professional Reasons
Anyone can write or express their views in any way they want. This is a human right
included in the bill of rights. However, professional communication exists among a group of
people who are deemed and recognized so. Therefore, if journalism is going to be recognized
as a profession, then it must have ethical standards, professional training that enables a
prospective practitioner or professional to acquire a body of theoretical knowledge, a set of skills,
cultivate the necessary qualities and finally go through a rigorous process of practical experience
or internship before graduation.
This is what sets a professional communicator from ordinary communicators. This is the
more reason why MEC recruits qualified journalists to cover the electoral process. This training
serves as a specialized training for a special process of general elections.

Media can be a source of conflict

The Media can also be source of conflict through the harm they cause to Society. When
media practitioners do their work unprofessionally their products can be potentially harmful to
individuals, organizations, societies and the world at large.
Harmful media products can incite hatred and violent conflicts, damage people’s and
organizations reputations, businesses and disrupt social and economic life in general. This is
why, although not only for this reason, governments come up with different legislation to protect
the public from harmful effects of irresponsible media.

15
 There are so many laws such as those against libel, defamation etc. There is a marked
difference between ethics and laws. One of the functions of MCM is to ensure that government
does not enact laws that repress the media but this is not a license for the media to be breaking
laws that are meant for a just and order society.

What Are Ethics?

Most scholars define ethics as a branch of philosophy which deals with the study of moral
behavior, its underlying moral principles and rational justification. However, there is a difference
between morality and ethics.
The Latin word mores refers to the customs and conventions that govern the ways
people behave while the ethos from Greek means character. The following are some definitions:
1. The study of what we ought to do. It has to do with duty. Duty to self and duty to others.
2. Critical reflection on and self-confrontation with the moral choices that arise daily.
3. Rules of conduct or principles of morality that point us towards the right or best way
to act in a situation.
4. Ethics are concerned with making rational judgements as well as sound moral
decisions in daily journalistic performance.

General Ethical Guidelines

Journalists ought to serve the public with thoroughness by providing them with factbased
and accurate information. True and accurate information helps the public to understand issues
and therefore able to develop informed opinions and make informed choices. The following are
some of the general ethical issues or guidelines that will help media practitioners provide the
public with facts.

Accuracy
Accuracy firstly involves gathering all the relevant facts. This means that firstly, if a
journalist leaves out one important detail of a particular story the story will not be accurate.
Secondly, concentrate only on all the relevant facts. Irrelevant facts will not only lack space
(newspaper) and time (radio and television) but will also distort the balance that is so important
for accurate reporting.
Secondly, accuracy involves verifying and checking your facts thoroughly using more
one source. Reporting facts before confirmation is a violation of one of the basic principles of
journalism. Thirdly, put the relevant facts in proper context.
This is absolutely important for an accurate story. Changing the context will give an
incomplete and therefore inaccurate story. This consequently changes the meaning of the story
altogether.

16
 Finally, although this is not all, put your facts in a fair and balanced way. Give the different
sides in the story the importance they deserve. Do not exaggerate or give your comments. This
is not what readers are looking because they are not interested in your opinion but facts.

Why Inaccurate Reporting must be avoided

1. It can cause irreparable personal harm.
2. It prevents the public from making informed decisions on important matters such as
voting, investments, shopping etc.
3. It affects the media’s integrity (what we think of ourselves) as well as their credibility
(what the public think about us).
4. The public expects quality work from the media and they have a right to be served by
honest journalists. Our readers, listeners and viewers do not only deserve accurate
reporting but also pays for it.

Truth
Truth is the oldest and most highly regarded ethical principle of humankind. It has been
the fundamental journalistic value the invention of the printing press by Gutenberg.
Philosophers, courts, religious people, teachers and parents value truth.

Why Truth is important?

1. Without the truth a journalist has neither integrity nor credibility
2. Truth demonstrates a respect for people as people (that is dignified human beings)
who are not objects of manipulation.
3. It builds relationship of trust between the media and the public Truth involves basing
a story on solid evidence.
Any doubt should be disclosed in the story. Accuracy in this case is thus one underlying
concept of truth. Another basic concept of the notion of truth is promotion of understanding. A
story should contain adequate relevant information to enable the consumer understand the facts
as well as the context of the facts. Finally, reporting should be fair and balanced. Avoid biased
reporting.

Balance and Fairness

One of the cardinal rules in journalism is taking cognizance of the fact that there is
virtually all the time another side to a story. “A professional journalist therefore, has the obligation
to present balanced and comprehensive information. They look not at two but all sides of a
subject” (Rioba et al 2002: 42).

17
What is fair?
According to the Oxford English Dictionary fairness, among other things means ample,
just, equitable, of moderate quality or amount, according to rules, above board, straightforward
and equal opportunity.
Black et al (1995: 53) defines fairness as the pursuit for truth with both vigor and
compassion and providing information without favoritism, self-interest or prejudice. According to
Black et al, what is required is to be open minded, avoid biased reporting, stereotypical
portrayals and unsubstantiated allegations.
According to The Freedom Forum Online, 16 December 1997), fairness also imply
weighing all sides, presenting all sides in a context, looking at least at two sides of an issue.
From the above efforts to define “fair”, Retief 2002:86, makes an attempt to define this elusive
word and says: “Fairness is firstly an honest attempt to:
a. To balance your report in such a way that no party is misrepresented either by your
choice of words or by the lack of proper context (that would be unjust);
b. Ensure that all parties get their say (equality) c. Give coverage to different parties in
relation to their important (moderation).

Aspects of fairness
1. The choice of words: Fairness means choosing your words most appropriately in order
to justly reflect and depict the reality that you are reporting on.
2. The quest for perspective: You cannot properly communicate a story without putting
it into its proper perspective or context.
3. The Rashomon Effect: Always bear in mind the fact that each individual has their own
(unique) interpretation of the same event. Choosing the account of one witness above
the other implies that you have not given your sources equal opportunity to portray the
truth. That is unfair.
4. Balance: “Fairness means balance. A balanced report is one that looks at all sides to
an issue. If one concerned party is overlooked, the report cannot be fair (Retief 2002:84).

Achieving Balance and Fairness

Whenever, you are working on a contentious story such as during elections, you will
encounter interested and disgruntled sources. These are individuals, or organizations or parties
who are involved in a story and each of them always fight to be in the lime light.
Use each source for their version of the truth or facts. However, you will find that they
tend to portray their side with a rosy picture, exaggerating the ill of the other party but do not
mentioning their own shortcomings.

18
Objectivity
Objectivity just like neutrality and impartiality mean not to take sides. But is it true that
journalists do not take sides? Many journalists claim that they are at all times objective, neutral
and impartial. They say “They do not make the news, they just report on it” (Retief 2002:99).
They use the slogan: “we just report the facts. According to Day (1991), objectivity is a
controversial value and not all media theorists and practitioners ascribe to it.
Day asserts that it is probably impossible to achieve it. “The reality however, is that all
people are subjective, partial and biased” (Retief 2002: 99). Journalists are no exception but
many of them do not accept this. Mary Kay said: “Aerodynamically speaking, a bumblebee
shouldn't be able to fly, but the bumblebee doesn't know that, so it goes on flying anyway”.
Drawing from Ash’s words of wisdom, if one wants to be a good journalist, you had better
understand this fundamental human trait that all people are subjective, journalists inclusive.

Objectivity is a commitment
The first step to overcoming subjectivity is therefore to understand that although you are
a journalist but as a human being you are subjective. The second step is to make a quality
decision, that is, “a fundamental commitment” as Retief 2002: 102 calls it “to strive to be
objective”. This means nothing but the commitment to report truthfully, comprehensively, and
intelligently. Always put an event into its right perspective or context.

Ethical dilemmas
There are various pressures and challenges preventing journalists behaving ethically.
These range from poor remuneration packages, ambush managers, tight lips, political pressure,
commercialism and ownership.
How do we achieve commitment and passion for the profession?
Always Remember you have a responsibility to the public no one else will do it except
you make factual information available. The traditional role of the media and their key function
as reporters of facts is to give the public the information necessary to make good decisions and
sound choices using various communication technologies.
They are the outlets for disseminating large amounts of information to reach large,
heterogeneous and widely dispersed audiences. While this is a daily duty, it is nevertheless,
particularly important during the electoral process when the leadership of the country must be
elected.
You facilitate participation by ensuring that many voices are heard You give a chance to
many important but otherwise ignored or neglected voices. Remember the minority are as
important as the majority in a democracy and without them there is no democracy.
Greater participation by all citizens in democratic processes is therefore one key element
of good governance. Participation of the citizenry through representation in the house of
parliament and other similar institutions is not extensive and intensive.
19
 The media fills this huge gap by providing plural voices, space and agenda for public
dialogue and debate. A multiplicity of voices means that differing perspectives will be heard.
These differences are so critical in fostering democratic dialogue and moving forward as a
country and as a society.

A free media is critical in ensuring transparency

By now it should be common knowledge that transparency is a fundamental precept in
good governance everywhere. In Malawi, like elsewhere, the media is sometimes referred to as
a "watch dog," in large part because of its willingness to "bark" when something seems amiss.
To some extent, a free media is also a beacon or a flashlight, shining a light on dark corners that
some would prefer to ignore.
Whatever the metaphor or image, it is difficult to imagine how issues of corruption,
accountability and transparency can be effectively be addressed in the absence of a free and
professional media. Imagine an electoral process that is devoid of transparent transactions and
accountability.
It would be like allowing someone sneak into your house in darkness only to realize you
have a python sleeping next to you. It is therefore important that for the media to carry out their
important role effectively and efficiently, the media should operate within a well-defined code of
ethics while maintaining their freedom and editorial independence.
Since irresponsible journalism invites restriction, robbing off the media its freedom,
professional conduct and ethical practice are vital to safeguarding freedom of the media and
ensuring that public trust invested in the media is sustained.

Activity 1

Direction: Answer the questions briefly.

1. Discuss the current opportunities in the journalism profession.

a. Practice of journalism in the regions outside Metro Manila
b. Journalism practice in the National Capital Region
c. Opportunities of Filipino journalists in international media organizations

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 MODULE 2 Legal Issues
Lesson 1 Freedom of Information in the Philippines
Excerpt taken from Republic Act 10173 or the Data Privacy Act of 2012, the Freedom of
Information - Philippines (FOI Philippines)

In compliance with Republic Act 10173 or the Data Privacy Act of 2012, the Freedom of
Information - Philippines (FOI Philippines) is committed to ensure that all personal data that you
share with us is safeguarded and protected. Whenever you engage with us by using our
services, such as visiting the FOI Philippines sites, filing a complaint, and/or requesting
information, we may collect your personal data to allow us to identify you as an individual.
A “requestor of information” is a user of a service of FOI Philippines, who registers and
shares his or her personal information through online and/or offline interactions with us in order
to request for information.
As a “requestor of information,” you will have to share your personal information with us,
which allows identification of you as an individual and as a Filipino citizen (e.g., name, email,
address, telephone number, affiliation, and citizenship).
This Privacy Notice outlines the personal data that we may collect about you and how
we use it. FOI Philippines reserves the right to revise and update this Privacy Notice at any given
time. We encourage you to visit this page regularly to become notified of any changes that may
be implemented.

I. Coverage
This Privacy Notice applies to all personal data about you that we collect as we provide
you with our services. By using FOI Philippines services (including FOI Philippines sites such
as FOI.GOV.PH and FOI Philippines social media accounts) and providing us with your personal
data, you accept all practices defined in this Privacy Notice. Please refrain from using FOI
Philippines sites if you do not agree with this Privacy Notice.

II. Data Collection

FOI Philippines may collect your personal data through various sources, which include
1) Online and electronic engagements with FOI Philippines (e.g., eFOI portal, email, text
messaging, phone call, fax, and other electronic means; FOI Philippines sites and programs; or
third-party social media and network channels) and 2) Offline engagements with FOI Philippines
(e.g., face-to-face inquiries, hard copy of the FOI Philippines Standard Request Form, and other
direct transactions).

21
1 A. General Information that You Provide Us
The personal data you provide us with your consent and for a specific purpose may
include your contact information (e.g., name, mailing address, and phone number); demographic
profile (e.g., age, sex, education level, marital status, income, and location); login information as
FOI Philippines account user (e.g., username, email address, password, and answers to security
questions); your comments and feedbacks on our services; and other content data that you
upload to any of our sites and/or provide to us offline.

1 B. Information We Collect from Third-Party Sources

When we provide you with our public services, we may collect data about you from other
government agencies and other relevant and legitimate third-party sources where you have
given consent to disclose any information about you and where otherwise lawfully permitted.

C. Information on Children
FOI Philippines does not seek, obtain, and keep on record personal data of individuals
below 12 years of age, unless the information has been directly provided by, and with explicit
consent of, the individual’s parent or guardian. If such data has been inadvertently collected, it
will be immediately removed from our records.

D. Information We Collect through Cookies and Other similar Technologies

FOI Philippines uses cookies and other similar technologies to collect and track device
and usage information when you engage with us by using our sites. Cookies are small text files
stored in your device whenever you visit any of our sites. These primarily provide us information
about your browsing history and previous activities on our sites.
The information we collect allows us to improve our sites’ functionality and makes our
sites easier for you to use. Cookies and other similar technologies neither collect data stored in
your device nor transfer viruses, spyware, or malware to your device.
You can manage these technologies by setting your browser or device to block, remove,
or disable them. However, our sites may not function effectively on your device when you
perform these options.

E. FOI Philippines Portal or (eFOI portal) Utilization

FOI.GOV.PH uses a technology to collect standard internet log information and details
of our visitor behavior patterns. We use this technology to monitor the site’s statistics, such as
the number of visitors, total requests, and all data that fall under the eFOI portal statistics page,
which you can visit at: https://www.foi.gov.ph/statistics.
We receive this information in a way that does not identify anyone. We also neither make
nor allow any third-party attempt to find out the identities of those visiting our website.
22
 FOI Philippines only collect personally-identifiable data through our website when the
user logs-in, as they use FOI Philippines’ services. Upon doing so, it will be clear to the user that
his or her personal information will be collected for all the purposes it may serve, as explained
in the eFOI portal’s Terms of Agreement.
F. Information That You Provide Us Through an FOI Request
Whenever a Filipino citizen applies for a request via standard form or the eFOI portal, or
engages with FOI Philippines in any way possible, FOI Philippines may collect personal data
about him or her from a variety of sources, with examples as specified above (Part II of this
document).
Once your request for information is deemed valid by the government agency you have
applied to, the information from your application will be used by the agency to deal with your
application as set out in Executive Order No. 2 of 2016. If the agency gives you access to a
document, the document may be published online in the agency’s disclosure log, along with your
name and the date you applied.

G. Information that You Provide Us through a Complaint

When a user submits a report to us regarding any request that we post publicly, whether
denied or granted, we collect the information of the said user using an online reporting tool that
is hosted by FOI Philippines’ electronic portal.
When we receive a complaint report from a user (such as through a “Report Request” in
the eFOI Portal), we make up a file containing the details of the report, which normally contains
the identity of the complainant and any other individual involved in the report.
The personal data we collect (through a variety of sources, with examples as specified
in Part II of this document) are used, only to process the report and to check on the level of
service we provide. We compile and publish statistics showing information like the number of
reports we receive or the success rate of the requests, but not in a form that identifies anyone.
We usually have to disclose the reporter’s identity to whoever the report is about, for it
may be impossible to handle an anonymous report. We will do our best to respect the user. If a
reporter doesn’t want information identifying him or her, however, disclosure may be inevitable
depending on a case-to-case basis.

III. Why and How We Use Your Personal Data

FOI Philippines collects and uses personal data to verify your identity, only as necessary
and for a specific purpose, which is primarily to process the request/s that you submit to us. The
information you provide on the FOI form (standard or electronic) will be used by the agency you
have applied to, to deal with your application as set out in Executive Order No. 2 of 2016.
You may be required to provide certified copies of identity or other documents in order
for us to process your application.

23
 It is therefore recommended that you contact the relevant FOI officer to arrange this. FOI
Philippines may use your personal data for the purpose of:
1) processing, responding to, or informing you about the status of your request/s;
2) creating and maintaining your account/s with us;
3) providing and improving public services (e.g., responding to your questions,
comments, and feedbacks about our services);
4) promoting citizen engagement, primarily through third-party social networking
platforms such as Facebook; or
5) other specific purposes, such as in conducting research and various studies to
understand you better as user of our services.

IV. Sharing of Personal Data with Third-Parties

FOI Philippines may share your personal data with third-party entities for specific
purposes, but only in compliance with all applicable laws and best practices. We do not disclose
your personal data to third parties other than as follows:
1. Related government agencies, affiliates, and other partners for legitimate public
service purposes or as part of your transaction or involvement in any activity with them;
2. Contracted service providers that act on our behalf;
3. As a response to lawful requests and in compliance with legal requirements and
processes; and
4. FOI Philippines’ merger with, acquisition by, or transfer to another agency.

V. User’s Rights Pursuant to the Data Privacy Act of 2012

You have the right to appropriate control over your personal data and ensure its accuracy
and integrity upon your disclosure. You also have the right to file complaints with the National
Privacy Commission in relation to the collection, processing, and use of your personal data. You
have the right to access information about you and correct any personal information you deem
inaccurate.
You also have the right to revoke your consent to any transaction or engagement with
FOI Philippines. You may exercise control over your personal data by accessing any of your
accounts with FOI Philippines or by sending us a request at [email protected].

VI. Data Retention and Security

FOI Philippines is committed to keeping your information safe, secure and protected from
unlawful and unauthorized access, alteration, deletion, and disclosure through the following
technical measures:
24
 1. Providing secure operating environments for data collection, use, and storage;
2. Identity authentication prior to account access via login ID and password.
FOI Philippines will only retain your personal data only as necessary and for a specified
purpose.

VII. Contact FOI Philippines

FOI Philippines implements measures to ensure that your personal data is protected and
lawfully processed. Should you have questions, comments, requests, or concerns regarding
your personal data and how we use it, please contact us by
1. phone at +632 588 0691;
2. email at [email protected] or [email protected]; or
3. mail at FOI-PMO, Presidential Communications Operations Office, New Executive
Building, J.P. Laurel, Malacañang, Manila.

Lesson 2 Right of Reply

Excerpt taken from the Act Granting the Right of Reply and Providing Penalties for Violation
Thereof

AN ACT GRANTING THE RIGHT OF REPLY AND PROVIDING PENALTIES FOR

VIOLATION THEREOF Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the Philippines in Congress assembled:
SECTION 1. Right of Reply - All persons natural or juridical who are accused directly or
indirectly of committing or having committed or of intending to commit any crime or offense
defined by law or are criticized by innuendo, suggestion or rumor for any lapse in behavior in
public or private life shall have the right to reply to the charges published or printed in
newspapers, magazines, newsletters or publications circulated commercially or for free, or to
criticisms aired or broadcast over radio, television, websites, or through any electronic device.
SEC. 2. Where Reply Published - The reply of the person so accused or criticized shall
be published in the same space of the newspapers, magazine, newsletter or publication or aired
over the same program on radio, television, website, or any electronic device concerned.
SEC. 3. When Published - The reply shall be published or broadcast not later than three
(3) days after the reply shall have been delivered to the editorial office of the publication
concerned or to the station that carried the broadcast being replied to.
SEC. 4. Length of Reply - The reply shall not be longer than the 17 accusation or
criticism as published or broadcast.

25
 SEC. 5. Free of Charge - The publication or broadcast of the reply shall be free of
charge, payment or fees.
SEC. 6. Editing Reply - The reply as such shall be published or broadcast except for
libelous allegations.
SEC. 7. Penalties - The editor-in-chief, the publisher or station manager, or owner of the
broadcast medium who fails or refuses to publish or broadcast the reply as mandated in the
preceding section shall be fined in an amount not exceeding Ten thousand pesos (PhP
lO,OOO.OO) for the first offense; Twenty thousand pesos (PhP 20,000.00) for the second
offense; and Thirty thousand pesos (PhP 30,OOO.OO) for the third offense.
Thereafter, for repeated failures or refusals to publish or broadcast the reply as
mandated herein, a fine of Fifty thousand pesos (PhP 50,000.00) shall be imposed. Moreover,
if the offender is a public official, he shall be subject to administrative liability under existing Civil
Service laws.
The court may also recommend that proper sanctions be imposed by any appropriate
mass media organizations on erring editors-in-chief, publishers, station managers or owners of
media concerned.
SEC. 8. Self-Regulation - The block-timers who also fail to broadcast or publish the
reply shall be subject to the Code of Ethics or to the realm of self-regulation of the network or
station.
SEC. 9. Other Remedies - The publication of the reply does not preclude recourse to
other rights or remedies available to the party or parties concerned.
SEC. 10. Sunset Clause - This Act shall lapse seven (7) years after its approval unless
Congress shall provide otherwise.
SEC. 11. Effectivity - This Act shall take effect fifteen (15) days following its publication
in three (3) newspapers of general circulation.

Lesson 3 Reporting on Minority Issues and Diversity

Excerpt taken from The New Media, Society & Politics in the Philippines By Raul Pertierra
2012

Media & minorities

A major failing of the mainstream media is its general neglect of cultural and other
minorities. The major networks are based in Metro Manila and most of their reporting is Manila-
based. References to Imperial Manila are common complaints aired in the Visayas and
Mindanao.
While national events often take place in the capital cities, the plight of cultural minorities
is rarely discussed in the media except during disasters and other calamities. Local media can

26
be expected to raise certain issues pertinent to minorities but their coverage is limited and
seldom seen as nationally relevant. Moreover, according to Longboan (2009):
Based on extrapolated data, there are roughly 18 million indigenous people
in the Philippines, making up 20 percent of the country’s total population...
(Networking Knowledge: Journal of the MeCCSA Postgraduate Network,
Vol 1, No 2.)
This isolation has not been addressed by the mainstream media. Only some of these
indigenous peoples have access to local newspapers and radio, while the majority rely on
sporadic and often misconceived reports in the national media.
The oldest local newspaper was established by Ibaloys, a tribal minority in the Cordillera
region. On 28 April 1947, the Baguio Midland Courier, the longest-running local newspaper in
the Philippines and the first indigenous newspaper was published (Longboan, 2009).
In this case, the possibilities offered by the new media may be more promising. Blogging
has become an acceptable avenue for Igorots (generic term for Cordilleran peoples) to express
views that rarely merit comment in the mainstream media.
The case of the urinating Igorot statue illustrates the mobilizing capacity of the new
media. The controversy started when an American posted on YouTube a picture of a statue of
a man urinating against a wall. This statue supposedly depicted an Igorot and quickly attracted
the attention of several local bloggers who objected to the ethnic stereotype.
Online activity was complemented by letters written to the local authorities in Baguio City.
The offending statue was removed and an apology offered by the owners of the establishment.
The controversy was also featured in a major national daily.
In this case the new media, provoked the attention of the mainstream media. Longboan
sees this as evidence of the new media providing a more sympathetic voice for cultural
minorities. She writes:
Igorot ethnic identity construction on the Internet is, to a large extent, rooted
in the Igorot’s struggle to provide a more accurate representation of who
they are now, in these present times... Blogs appear to enable them to
‘actively design their own meaning systems instead of passively consuming
the meaning system of the prevailing social order (Igorots in the
Blogosphere: Claiming Spaces, Re-constructing Identities, Liezel C.
Longboan, 2009:13)
Longboan’s discussion of Igorot cyber groups shows us the complex interaction
between globalization and its effects on locality. While reinforcing the latter, it also
transcends it by including outsiders as sympathetic members. E-gorot consciousness
includes a virtual ethnicity in two senses.
It involves actual Igorots as well as those who identify with them in cyberspace.
This new virtual space is itself a location for developing both old and new ethnicities.
Identifying ethnicities has always been problematic since these include both material (e.g.
places, practices and genealogies) and symbolic elements.

27
 The delimited and patrolled boundaries associated with nation-states are
constituted differently in local communities, where mobilities and boundaries are often
shifting.
For this reason, the new media may assist not only in the maintenance and
reproduction of identities in diaspora but also in generating new forms of ethnicity,
combining actual and virtual elements. E-gorot ethnicity is one expression of this extended
identity.
Anthropologists have noted how the new media allows indigenous groups not only
to express their voice to a global audience but also to question the assumptions made
about the emancipatory possibilities of cyberspace.
Ginsburg (2007) points out that the term Digital Age locates minorities as existing
prior to this age. Traditional societies are often thought as existing in a remote past rather
than in a contemporary present.
Ginsburg asks- who has the right to control knowledge and what are the
consequences of the new circulatory regimes introduced by digital technologies? Many
members of indigenous communities, while welcoming the internet also express concern
over its totalizing powers. The commoditization of knowledge and the notion of intellectual
property rights involving custom and folklore are among their major concerns.
Ginsburg argues that we have to rethink the notion of Digital Age to include rather
than marginalize indigenous communities.
The political consequences of such rethinking are now being debated in forums
such as the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS: 2003). A major concern is
access to the new media and other expressions of digital inequality.

Lesson 4 Safety of Journalists in the Philippines

Reading 1 Excerpt taken from The UN and the Safety of Journalists, Resource Kit for UN Staff
by the UN Focal Points Network on Safety of Journalists United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization - 2021 version

The Media under Attack (An increasingly hostile environment for journalists)
Attacks on journalists, including killings, have increased in the past decade. With two
killings per week on average, journalists and media workers are exposed to danger in the pursuit
of facts. However, killings only represent a small part of the risks and threats faced daily by
journalists, media workers and social media producers.
These include, among others: kidnapping, arbitrary detention and surveillance, torture,
intimidation and harassment. The UNESCO World Trends in Freedom of Expression and Media
Development – Global Report 2017/2018 shows an increase in these other forms of violence
towards journalists in recent years. This trend is further exacerbated by increased online
harassment and digital surveillance of journalists.

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 There has also been a worldwide surge in attacks against journalists covering protests.
Moreover, besides experiencing the same kind of risks as their male peers, women journalists
are also often targeted specifically because of their gender. With the pervasiveness of social
media and the digital disruption of the media industry, old and new propaganda and
disinformation messages have become widespread.
This has impacted also on citizens’ perception and trust vis-à-vis journalists and the
media in general. In addition, verbal attacks on the media, including by politicians, may lead to
acts of violence against reporters and to a culture of impunity. When a proper prosecution and
a trial cannot be ensured for those who attack journalists, this not only stifles media freedom but
undermines the rule of law in the country concerned.
As attacks and threats are on the rise, the climate of impunity prevails. Any attack on
any journalist or media worker carried out with the motivation to silence him/her constitutes an
attack on the tenets of democracy. Furthermore, impunity for perpetrators of these crimes can
lead to self-censorship by the media and has a chilling effect on society, stifling the public
expression of opinion and dialogue.
In recent years, journalists have faced increasing attacks while covering protests,
including instances of harassment, arrests and physical violence. Many were intimidated,
surveilled, abducted, held incommunicado, humiliated, and suffered equipment damages.
Others came under fire, targeted both with lethal and non-lethal weapons. UNESCO’s
Issue brief Safety of Journalists Covering Protests – Preserving Freedom of the Press During
Times of Civil Unrest, identified 125 cases of attacks on or arrest of journalists that were covering
demonstrations in 65 countries between 1 January 2015 and 30 June 2020, with at least 10
journalists having being killed.
In most cases, attacks were perpetrated by police and security forces, while there were
also some instances in which they were committed by protestors.
When carrying out their professional duties, women journalists can be victims to specific
dangers, including: sexual assault, online harassment, mob-related sexual violence; or sexual
abuse while in captivity. Many of these crimes are not reported, as a result of cultural and
professional stigma. While the substantial majority of journalists killed are men, killings of women
journalists are increasing.
The UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity
Initiated in 2012, the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of
Impunity (UN Plan of Action) is a UN-wide plan to promote the safety of journalists and tackle
the widespread impunity for crimes committed against them.
It was developed by UNESCO, in close collaboration with a wide range of stakeholders,
including Member States, other UN agencies, NGOs, academia, as well as media
representatives and practitioners.
The UN Plan of Action was first endorsed by the UN Chief Executives Board (CEB) in
2012, and then subjected to a global multi-stakeholder review in 2017, organized by UNESCO
and OHCHR. More than a hundred specialized NGOs and representatives from the media
community as well as Member States participated in this review. Numerous concrete
suggestions were put forward to strengthen its implementation and impact.
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 The UN Plan of Action envisions cooperation and practical actions with all relevant
stakeholders in Six key areas:

Area 1 Raising Awareness

Sensitizing the public as well as key stakeholders and partners on the societal
importance of independent and professional journalism is crucial towards the achievement of
the UN Plan of Action. International UN Days such as World Press Freedom Day (3 May) and
the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists (2 November) highlight on
an international as well as local stage the importance of promoting the safety of journalists and
tackling impunity.

Area 2 Standard Setting and Policymaking

Global standard setting provides a baseline upon which regional and national policies
can be founded. Over the past decade, there has been a growing recognition at regional and
national levels of the importance of ensuring the safety of journalists.
Landmark resolutions by the UN have inspired other governmental, regional and national
bodies to unequivocally condemn all attacks against media workers as well as to take steps to
establish mechanisms tasked to protect the right to freedom of expression. In addition, these
resolutions called upon national governments to implement measures to guarantee the safety
of journalists.

Area 3 Monitoring and Reporting

Research and data on the state of press freedom and the safety of journalists worldwide
is crucial to ensure positive and sustainable change. Multiple publications and reports by the
UN and specialized international organizations provide much needed background information
to orient and frame development efforts. These include reports by the:
• UN Secretary-General
• UNESCO Director-General
• UN High Commissioner on Human Rights
• Human Rights Council’s special procedures mandate holders
• UNESCO World Trends on Freedom of Expression and Media Development
• Universal Periodic Reviews Furthermore, the reporting on SDG indicator 16.10.1
provides official data on attacks against media workers.
The UNESCO Observatory on Killed Journalists is an online database providing
information on each killing of a journalist or media worker recorded by UNESCO since 1993. It
allows anyone to obtain information on the circumstances of the killings, with search options
based on nationality, country of killing, name, sex, media type, and employment status.
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 The database also provides information about the status of judicial inquiries and, in many
cases, includes documents provided by Member States on the status of the judicial proceedings.
Country profiles allow insights into levels of impunity per country.
In Tunisia, a monitoring mechanism to track attacks against journalists was launched in
March 2017. Coordinated by the National Union of Tunisian Journalists (SNJT), the “Monitoring
and Documentation Unit on Attacks against Journalists” is supported by UNESCO and the
Tunisian Office of OHCHR.

Area 4 Capacity Building

In implementing the UN Plan of Action on the ground, change is brought about through
building the capacities of local actors, including journalists, security forces, and the judiciary.
Capacity building efforts also involve assisting national governments in developing and enacting
legal frameworks favorable to freedom of expression and freedom of information.
For example, UNESCO has signed Memorandums of Understanding with the African
Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the ECOWAS Court of Justice, the Inter-American Court
of Human Rights and the Ibero-American Judicial Summit, to strengthen the capacities of judicial
actors on international and regional standards and policies related to freedom of expression,
access to information, safety of journalists and ending impunity for crimes committed against
them.

Area 5 Research
In addition to monitoring and reporting, issues related to the safety of journalists require
academic inquiry where solutions and proposals can be identified. Since 2016, UNESCO has
organized an annual academic conference on the safety of journalists, and actively promoted
further research in this area. UNESCO also promotes research using its Journalists’ Safety
Indicators.
The digital era has created new opportunities for women journalists, but has also
provided a platform for new forms of attacks. These attacks include online harassment,
cyberstalking, invasion of privacy, defamation campaigns, rape threats, trolling, hacking, abuse
through the use of email, websites, social media, and social messaging.
As observes the UNESCO 2019 In Focus report on the Safety of Journalists, existing
research shows that women journalists more frequently become the target of online violence
than their male colleagues.
The digital harassment and abuse women journalists face also tend to be more vicious,
and their nature is also often different, involving sexual or sexist language and referring for
instance to their physical features, personal life or cultural background, rather than being based
on aspects of their work.
Recently, UNESCO has launched a global study on measures tackling online
harassment of women journalists, which will analyze good practices from across regions and
develop recommendations for all concerned stakeholders.

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 UNESCO encourages new academic research on the issue of women journalists’ safety
within the framework of its “Research Agenda on the Safety of Journalists”, launched in 2015.
This initiative was strengthened by the creation of a “Journalism Safety Research Network” by
the Centre for Freedom of the Media (CFOM) of the University of Sheffield to encourage
research projects.

Area 6 Coalition Building

A single actor cannot individually tackle the multifaceted challenges involved in creating
a safe environment for journalists. Thus, the UN joined forces with media, NGOs, academia and
governments to develop the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of
Impunity.
This coalition-based mechanism requires collaboration and partnerships at all levels to
ensure the safety of journalists and media workers worldwide, which includes the sharing of
information in order to foster dialogue between different stakeholders and complementarity
among their actions.
In more than 30 countries, the UN Plan of Action is implemented in collaboration with the
UN Country Teams (UNCTs), often as part of the UN Sustainable Development Cooperation
Framework (UNSDCF), and with the support of CSOs.

Reading 2 Excerpt taken from International Media Support (IMS), Defending Journalism (2017),
p.48
The Philippine Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists
The PPASJ provides the framework and platform to coordinate the partnership efforts of
various actors to prevent, protect against, and prosecute attacks against journalists and media
workers, including reporters, editors, columnists, broadcasters, news program producers, news
photographers, TV news crew members, and media crew drivers. The PPASJ provides a special
focus on women media practitioners as well.
a. Vision and Goals
Vision:
Journalists and media workers in the Philippines are safe and protected to practice their
profession, thus upholding press freedom, safeguarding human rights, and strengthening
democracy.
Goals:
1. Strengthen journalists’ professional competencies and thereby increase public trust;
2. Improve working conditions by establishing multi-sectoral structures to address duty
of care;
3. Strengthen and expand protection structures and mechanisms to effectively manage
cases of intimidations, threats and attacks on journalists and media workers;
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 4. Counter the issue of impunity through strengthening the criminal justice system for
investigations and prosecution;
5. Increase public awareness and knowledge about the role of media in a democracy
through public information, journalism education, and research.

b. Flagship Areas
The following flagship areas have been identified through the multi-stakeholder
consultation process. They summarize the priority areas for national action with regard to
journalist safety:
1. Integrity and Professionalism
This flagship area will enhance competencies and ethical standards of male and female
journalists. It will raise self-esteem among journalists and improve public trust and confidence
in the media. Professionalism will also be pursued and promoted by independent national and
local press councils committed to free and responsible news media. Key actions include:
• Working for the creation of an independent, multi-sector and multi-stakeholder
National Press Council;
• Promoting and strengthening self-regulation within and among media houses
and adherence to ethical standards by individual journalists.

2. Conducive Working Conditions

This flagship area highlights the rights of journalists and media workers to be assured of
economic and job security, and occupational health and safety, as provided for by national laws
and international protocols.
It considers the different working relationships or work status of journalists (e.g.
employed/self-employed, correspondents, stringers) and the corresponding economic and
professional benefits, physical and mental health care, and social security, which contribute to
the general safety and protection of journalists and media workers. Key actions include:
• Working to establish an industry-wide association of journalists and other media
workers to ensure compliance with international standards and national laws/
policies including labor and social welfare laws;
• Advocating with media houses/owners to fulfil their duties and obligations and
observe occupational health and safety (OSH) standards;
• Moving for the operationalization of the Industry Tripartite Council (ITC) for the
media sector at the national and local levels.

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3. Safety and Protection Mechanisms
This flagship area focuses on institutionalizing mechanisms for safety and protection.
Such work will entail risk mapping and safety training courses for journalists and media workers;
monitoring, documenting, and reporting attacks and threats; providing quick responses; and
providing safe spaces, tools and protective equipment. Key actions include:
• Strengthening mechanisms and capacities for journalists and media workers as
well as media houses and responding to attacks and threats against journalists,
media workers and media houses;
• Developing and/or enhancing safety-focused gender sensitivity programs for
journalists and media workers;
• Institutionalizing regular dialogues between media and state security forces.

4. Criminal Justice System

This flagship area will map and examine laws and policies that imperil or undermine
press freedom and journalist safety. It will then advocate for the repeal or amendment of such
laws and push for policies that will protect and foster fundamental rights and freedoms, including
freedom of the press.
This area will also establish and strengthen legal defense services for journalists and
media workers and monitor and report on court cases involving crimes against journalists. Key
actions include:
• Reviewing and working for the reform of laws impeding and endangering freedom of
expression and the press;
• Developing legal support mechanisms and partnerships, establishing legal defense
funds and networks for journalists and media workers, and encouraging coordinated
campaigns among journalists under related legal attacks or legislative offensives;
• Developing and conducting policy advocacy in partnership with the Supreme Court,
Department of Justice, Public Attorney’s Office, National Bureau of Investigation, and
the National Prosecution Service.

5. Public Information, Journalism Education, and Research

Media and Information Literacy (MIL) initiatives will contribute to greater public
understanding and appreciation of the role of the news media in protecting democracy and an
enhanced recognition by media audiences of their responsibility in safeguarding media freedom.
Journalism education can be more relevant by integrating safety and protection in the curriculum
and research agenda. In addition, journalists and media workers are empowered by continuing
human rights and legal education. Key actions include:
• Working to raise public awareness and appreciation for the role of free and
independent media in democracy and development;

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 • Strengthening regional memberships of existing nationwide associations of MIL and
Communication teachers to promote the teaching of journalist safety in schools;
• Identifying and documenting good labor practices in the newsroom in the context of
journalist welfare and safety, as models for replication.

Implementing Structures and Mechanisms

a. Scope
The implementing actors of the PPASJ include media development organizations, media
houses and news organizations, press and broadcast associations, academia, civil society
organizations and nongovernment organizations, independent constitutional bodies, national
and regional government agencies, state security forces, and international organizations and
UN agencies.
During the five-year period of 2020-2024, the PPASJ aims to see its various components
and strategies operationally in place. Through collaboration, the various stakeholders will help
shape an environment for journalists that will at least bring to a minimum cases of harassment,
intimidation, threats and other forms of attack.
At the same time, it will develop and strengthen an enabling environment that “involves
freedom from prosecution and punishment for reporting; security of person and security of
sources; and material conditions that enable journalists to pursue a story, such as legal
protection and stable employment.”
The PPASJ also recognizes the mandate and role of state-led institutions and
mechanisms to “provide a conduit for journalists and freedom of expression groups to raise
security concerns at high levels of government.
Moreover, the state has the authority to prosecute or marshal the country’s security and
police forces to offer protection to journalists and conduct special investigations. State
mechanisms function best, however, when media and civil society are active participants,
providing expertise and oversight.”

b. Key Implementers
PPASJ Multi-Stakeholder Coalition
Pursuing the vision and goals of the PPASJ requires multi-stakeholder engagement and
commitment. In the course of crafting the PPASJ, many individuals, groups, and sectors
nationwide were consulted and provided valuable inputs including concrete actions to take.
(Refer to Appendix D for the list of stakeholders.)
Their engagement needs to be sustained and institutionalized during the PPASJ’s
implementation and beyond. A viable option for sustainability is the creation of a Multi-
Stakeholder Coalition that mobilizes all possible stakeholders in the process. Coalition members
have committed to:

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 • Promoting and protecting freedom of the press, especially the safety and protection of
journalists and media workers.
• Participating in the crafting of the PPASJ and have formally expressed willingness to
sustain participation in the pursuit of PPASJ goals and objectives.
• Acknowledging the PPASJ vision and goals and have formally expressed willingness
to support and participate in coalition flagship areas/actions and advocacy initiatives.
• Providing resource support for the pursuit of actions included in the PPASJ.

Roles and responsibilities of Coalition members

• Integrate safety initiatives, especially those included in the PPASJ, into their regular
programs/projects and activities;
• Expand and improve ongoing safety initiatives consistent with PPASJ;
• Participate in relevant technical working groups created to pursue specific flagship
areas/actions identified in the PPASJ;
• Share and exchange lessons and experiences of journalists and media workers’ safety
policies, programs, tools; • Lobby for common advocacy areas as agreed by the coalition;
• Organize/convene relevant meetings to be attended by coalition members;
• Attend annual PPASJ review.

Activity 2

Direction: Answer the question briefly.

1. What are the legal issues Filipino journalists face today? Cite obscure policies or laws
that greatly discourages media practitioners to quit the profession. Answer in a 500-
word essay.

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 MODULE 3 Citizen and Civic Journalism

Lesson 1 Civic Journalism

Excerpt taken from Manual on Civic Journalism

CONNECTING WITH CITIZENS

Public Journalism or Simply a Deeper Commitment to Craft and Community?

By Red Batario
There is no denying that when Leonilo “Toots” Escalada, a radio station manager in
General Santos City in Mindanao, talks about the reshaping of local communities he sounds
more like a development worker, or a politician, rather than a journalist.
It is - the barangays (villages) of General Santos where Escalada actually facilitates
discussions of current issues. “It’s both encouraging and fulfilling when I see and hear ordinary
people becoming part of the process of shaping the news of the day -especially in remote
barangays where access to information and grievance is not readily available and where people
cannot relate with government,” says Escalada.
“It means they are thinking more critically and slowly looking within themselves for
solutions to some of the issues or problems facing their community,” he adds. By all indications,
the disconnection between citizens and democratic structures noted by Escalada in the
barangays of General Santos is seeping into the socio-political fabric of other local communities
in the country.
Journalists in the provinces like Escalada are realizing that people are not taking
advantage of the opportunities for popular participation offered by the Local Government Code
as a decentralizing and democratizing mode. One probable reason is that critical information
does not get to the communities or is to some extent flawed, resulting in a skewed understanding
of local governance and the decentralization environment.
Many journalists admit to being partly responsible for such a situation because of their
own limitations and constraints such as their incomplete understanding of local governance and
autonomy issues which are at the heart of decentralization and the empowerment of citizens.
Argues one print journalist based in Cebu: “What we’re seeing are communities and
people somewhat disdaining public life; they are not actively participating in democratic
processes like volunteering and voting. Or when they participate in the latter, it is with the
prodding of some materialistic stirrings.
We’ve often asked ourselves why.” it This question was also raised by both non-
government organizations and the media Kalibo, Aklan a few years back when the influx of
tourists grew tremendously.
While there was increasing concern about incidents of pedophilia and child sexual
abuse, nobody seems to know, or want to do, anything about it. It took the Uswag Development

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Foundation of Aklan to convene other civil society groups and entice the media and the
provincial local government unit to join a series of roundtable discussions about this concern.
This led to the formation of the Citizens Council on Social Concerns, a multi-sectoral
action group wherein the media played a very critical role it dispersing correct and accurate
information. Says Didi Quimpo, Uswag executive director: “It was difficult at first to engage the
media because of their perception of what they ought to be.
But eventually they felt that they don’t participate in the project and look at events only
from the periphery, they won’ have the same kind of impact on the communities. “We were
actually looking for a reconnection with the communities.
Our feeling was that merely reporting the news was not enough. We needed to know
more, we needed t understand the issues better not only to make us better journalists but also
in some ways help communities look at their own problems and begin solving them,” explains
Jay Tejada, program manager of GMA Super Radyo in Aklan.
Today, members of the Citizens Council on Social Concerns believe that they would not
have been able to successfully implement their campaign against child sexual abuse without the
media which catalyzed a number of citizen actions and facilitated dialogues between authorities
and communities.
The Council has since expanded its thrust to cover other equally pressing concerns in
the province. With the governor as chair, the Council is also working on it being institutionalized
through local legislation.
Provincial journalists also feel that the disconnection with the communities affects media
in many ways. When citizens disdain public life, they will have less use for the news media. But
being able to see the broad picture from the outside has also given journalists a vantage point
from which to reexamine their own roles and shortcomings as against those of the community’s.
As the socio-political landscape changed, and quite rapidly at that, journalists found
them- selves at the cusp of transformation. It also posed a dilemma for many practitioners of the
craft: to sit back, observe, and report or to actively participate and provide the mechanisms for
the articulation of community concerns.
“Besides, we feel we should be doing something more than just reporting the news,”
says Agnes Lira-Jundos of ABS-CBN Bacolod. “That is one of the reasons why some of us here
in Negros Occidental formed the Negros Green Corps to specifically address environmental
issues beyond the scope of what we ordinarily do as journalists. We don’t want our communities
to merely be sources of news; we want them to become resources as well.”
What is actually emerging in the local areas is a redefinition of journalism as journalists
perceive it: that better journalism and connected communities will result to better or enhanced
public life converging in a concept called public journalism.
In a week-long seminar workshop in Boracay, Aklan, journalists from lloilo, Negros
Occidental and Capiz studied the Aklan media experience and ‘discussed what they can do to
engage citizens and communities not only to reinvigorate their role but also to enhance public
life.

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 The concept of public journalism in the Philippines has parallels in the United States
where journalists at the beginning of 1990 began to reexamine their relationship with local
communities which they perceive to have become apathetic and less participative especially in
such democratic exercises as registering and voting.
Several cases of successful public, or civic, journalism as it is sometimes called in the
US, have been documented by the Pew Center for Public Journalism and the Poynter Institute
for Media Studies. These cases reflect initiatives by journalists and media organizations to I
reconnect with their communities and engage citizens in the newsmaking process, as Jay
Tejada in Aklan, Toots Escalada in General Santos City and Agnes Lira Jundos in Bacolod are
doing.
These are not mere happenstances proclaiming a new fad among a different breed of
journalists out there. Rather, it is a consciousness that is brought about by a desire to put: power
in the hands of citizens by providing catalytic avenues for expression and action. Melinda de
Jesus, Executive Director of the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility and resource
speaker at the Boracay workshop put it rather more aptly.
Said she: “Public journalism, while totally new in the Philippine context, demands of the
journalist a commitment, it demands of him a decision to step over the line between traditional
journalism and public journalism or not.” It may be too early to say that public journalism, given
the rambunctious nature of the industry in the Philippines, could easily take root only to be
repudiated as another aspect of the “developmental journalism” espoused during the Marcos
regime.
Observable trends, however, indicate an increasing awareness among journalists, at
least in the provinces, of the need for media to not only engage citizens and communities directly
to help them find solutions to their own problems but also for them to become part or the
democratization process. This may not sit well with purists who believe that the role of journalists
is to merely report the news as factually and objectively as possible.
Others tend to view the concept as co-opting the media into the mainstream of
governance itself which media are posited to view from an adversarial standpoint. But as
Melinda de Jesus said in one of the small group discussions in Boracay, while there is much
debate about public journalism, journalists themselves are saying that they see from their roles
expanding beyond the usual norms.
The concept may have also triggered some introspection among veteran, Manila-based
journalists. “I don’t know if I Can label it public journalism or not, but after I did a story for Probe
about the plight of farmers in a small Quezon town, I felt I had to do something more...so I put
the people in touch with the concerned authorities,” narrates Howie Severino of the Philippine
Center for Investigative Journalism and The Probe Team.
Severino was discussing investigative reporting during the Boracay workshop. What is
really clear at this point is that public journalism could provide the mechanism for journalists to
find that reconnection with their communities in helping them solve their problems and at the
same time open windows of opportunities for improving and invigorating their craft.
A journalist-participant in the workshop perhaps provides fitting context to what public
journalism is all about: “It is both a work ethic an principle of engagement and participation that

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redefines the role of media in the change process. It really boils down to helping communities
articulate their views more effectively.”
RED BATARIO is a freelance journalist based in Manila. He is also Executive Director of the
Center for Community Journalism and Development (CCJD), a non-profit working with media,
civil society and institutions for the development of an enabling environment that would
contribute to better communities through public journalism.

CIVIC JOURNALISM IS ABOUT...

Looking through different lenses When I went into sports writing, I had an interesting
revelation. I’d sit on the bench cover a game and ask the coach, “Why’d you do this? What’s
your strategy here?” Then I went just to watch. I’d sit in the stands and people would start talking
to meabout what the game meant to them, how they felt watching it. I found out it was a major
part of people’s lives.
I found they needed a different kind of coverage than I was providing. So started writing
columns from their perspective. It’s just amazing the things you can come up with just by
listening. I wound up winning an Associated Press award and the guy who gave it to me said,
“You really have a different view on things, don’t you?” Civic journalism, to me, is a way to see
things from that different view.
It lets us get know the people of our community and - perhaps better than any other
method we use - it lets us deal with people’s ambiguity over issues and processes I can apply
those principles even better online. Now I have the ability to do more than listen.
I can put a soapbox out there and let people respond, supplement and give the opinion
on stories. I can give more people a voice. - Rick Scheuerman, Editor, Tampa Bay Online

Connecting with the reader

For years, we wrote about the right topics but in the wrong way - in ways that didn’t
connect to the daily lives of our readers. So we didn’t give them the information that they needed,
that they could use. Our definition of civic journalism is that it connects the read and the
community more directly to the journalistic process of formulating stories and asking questions.
We use different approaches.
One is the “Front Porch Forum.” We’ve asked people have a conversation with their
neighbors about issues such as growth and the future of the Puget Sound region - and then tell
us what they said. We found that people in this community understand issues with a level of
sophistication that’s beyond what we might have guessed.
They contribute. Our staff is energized by this. At first, they were apprehensive. They
asked good, honest questions, like: “Will we be setting aside our journalistic independence or
journalistic oversight if we invite the community in?”
The thing that is energizing is that when you bring readers into the conversation, there
is this sense they really do care about the things journalists want them to care about and they
value the opportunity to join the dialogue.
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 Journalists worry that paying attention to what readers want really means moving to the
lowest common denominator, or making journalistic judgments by polling or marketing.
When they realize that, in fact, readers: value the role of the newspaper in their
community, it never fails to be an uplifting experience. -Mike Fancher, VP and Executive Editor,
The Seattle Times

Making ordinary concerns compelling

A lawyer friend of mine recently told me why he doesn’t read newspapers anymore. He
said journalists always focus on conflict and seek out people who have extreme points of view.
He thinks we leave out the people in the middle because “they’re boring.” Experience tells me
he’s right.
Journalists do shy away from people who aren’t clear in their convictions, who don’t
deliver powerful quotes. Yet most people find themselves somewhere in the middle on issues.
Before making up their minds, they like to hear what thoughtful, diverse people have to say -
people the newspaper can introduce them to.
For me, civic journalism is about enlarging the range of voices on stories, bringing to the
surface the values behind peoples’ opinions, helping citizens see possible common ground and
giving information on how, if they choose, they can play a role in shaping solutions.
Our challenge is to do so in engaging, compelling ways. Like The Enquirer’s “Dear Mr.
President” package.
When Clinton came to Cincinnati four days after Ken Start released his report on the
president’s relationship with Monica Lewinsky, we invited readers to send us the questions they
would ask Clinton if they had the chance. Surprisingly, many of the 1,500 readers who
responded didn’t mention sex.
They talked about China, unemployment and the environment. Then again, a lot of them
talked about sex and their thoughts on the presidency and what should happen next. Boring?
Ha! - Rosemary Goudreau, Managing Editor, Cincinnati Enquirer

People taking action

There was a neighborhood near the Myrtle Beach Sun News called Racepath, where
drug dealers would shoot out the street lights and people were afraid to go outside. When I was
the editor there, we wrote a series of stories about Racepath.
But we also took the extra step of devoting a full page to a list of things the people in
Racepath needed to create a cleaner, safer neighborhood. They needed volunteers, bullet-proof
streetlights, heavy equipment to remove abandoned mobile homes, building materials,
playground equipment.
The university in town agreed to take phone calls from people offering help and we
prominently displayed that phone number. So instead of reading the stories and saying, “That’s

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awful, but it has nothing to do with me,” people could see that there were some specific things
they could do to help. And they called that number.
And in less than two years, Racepath achieved its goals. We went over when they were
turning on the new streetlights, and the streets were clean and children were outside playing
and everybody was happy.
To me, civic journalism takes good reporting a little bit further and helps people figure
out what they can do to solve the problems we write about. -Sue Deans, Asst. Managing Editor,
Denver Rocky Mountain News

Rebuilding our credibility

In 1960, I received the Pulitzer Prize for my coverage of the Milledgeville (Georgia) State
Hospital. At the time, it was the nation’s largest mental institution, with 12,500 patients and just
48 doctors. Conditions were deplorable. It was a snake pit, a warehouse for humans.
My Milledgeville reporting taught me an important journalism lesson: You should always
follow up reports exposing bad conditions with additional reports on proposals to reform or
correct the conditions. After the Atlanta Constitution published the Milledgeville series, an editor
assigned me to go to Kansas and write a series about its outstanding mental health reform
program.
I wasn’t enthusiastic but my editor was right. The Kansas series demonstrated that the
newspaper cared as much about reform as it did about an expose. And it served as a blueprint
for reforming Georgia’s mental health program.
Too often today much of the news media seems obsessed with reporting problems
almost to the extent of ignoring or excluding solutions. Civic journalism is an attempt to bring the
average citizen into the process of journalism to solve problems.
It brings in people who would not normally be involved in governmental solutions and
engages people who are normally left out of the process. - Jack Nelson, Former Washington
Bureau Chief, Los Angeles Times

Reinvigorating Coverage
It was the 1993 mayoral election in Rochester that changed the way I approach
journalism and has, frankly, kept me in this business. That election showed me that the news
media can be essential to our civic lives and, if any may sound so bold, essential to our
democracy. That year, the five-term mayor of Rochester decided to retire.
There were five candidates to replace him. I approached the local newspaper about
collaborating on a series of live, two-hour, prime-time debates. I suggested a format in which
citizens would get to ask the candidates some of the questions.
The citizens’ questions were direct and intelligent and far different from reporter’s
questions. They didn’t talk about how much development money would go downtown.

42
 They asked about graffiti and noise ordinances and what could be done about stray
dogs. And the candidate who was trailing the pack, with no money for TV ads, went from last
place to first and eventually won the race. Rochester elected its first AfricanAmerican mayor. He
credited the debates with his election.
It was the first time in my career that I saw my work have impact. I discovered what was,
for me, a new formula for journalism: meaningful coverage on issues meaningful to people and
involving the citizens in your community.
It is a way to better journalism. It is the kind of journalism I want to practice. - Gary
Walker, Vice Pres., News & Public Affairs, WXXXI-TV, Rochester, NY

Avoiding the extremes

In my mind, civic journalism and public service journalism and public service journalism
ought to be synonymous. When I was publisher of The Gazette in Colorado Springs, we wrote
about a bond issue in the area’s largest school district.
Voters had not been able to pass a bond issue for 20 years and when it came up on the
ballot again, we decided to look at it through the eyes of different constituents - students, parents
opponents, educators.
It was a very different take on an election story. We could have gotten the people who
stake out extreme positions - the teachers union and the anti-tax forces - but we included people
‘who had mixed feelings. That got us away from this notion of living at the extremes.
Historically, newspapers are not very good at reporting on ambivalence. But struggling
with an issue is far more common than having everything figured out. I wouldn’t want to take the
credit or the blame for the fact that the bond issue passed.
But I will say that series caused people to think differently about the schools in our
community - not simply, “Should we pay more taxes or not?” And that’s one of the most important
parts of civic journalism. It brings more than the “usual suspects” into our coverage.
It broadens our coverage and causes us to look differently at people and their
involvement in the community. -N. Christian Anderson III, Publisher & CEO, The Orange
County Registe

About spotlighting critical issues

In my mind, civic journalism and public service journalism ought to be synonymous. To
me, that means a news organization takes its big spotlight and shines it on a very important
public issue that requires attention.
And by shining a spotlight on that issue, it compels public officials to do the right thing.
An example is what The Sun did after we discovered that two-thirds of our region’s third graders
were not reading at grade level.

43
 We dissected that issue. We interviewed students, parents, teachers and college
professors who taught prospective teachers how to teach reading.
The Baltimore Sun, as a company, started giving employees - from the publisher, Mike
Waller, to the advertising department - an hour a week, on company time, to tutor children in
reading. We put our spotlight on the issue and made public officials realize that something had
to be done.
Now the state Board of Education has quadrupled the number of reading courses teacher
candidates have to take; it is committed to putting a lot more teachers in classrooms to reduce
class size.
And that is what good journalism can do: By shining the spotlight, it prods, nudges and
cajoles public officials to act. -Bill Marimow, Managing Editor, The Sun, Baltimore

Being part of the community

As civic journalists, we think about the places we live in and what journalism can do for
those places. An example is the Akron Beacon Journal’s reporting on school funding. Now, when
you say “school funding,” people’s eyes blur because nobody understands it. But our reporters
and editors said, “We are going to own this issue.”
And they did an outstanding job of explaining how Ohio funds its schools. The legislature
needed to reverse its school funding formula after the Ohio Supreme Court ruled that relying on
property taxes had created too much inequality. It was important to illuminate the problems and
also seek solutions.
The paper was very specific about what the solutions could be: How education funding
could be changed and what the results of various plans would be. The reporters showed that a
proposal to reduce dependence on property taxes was a sham that would actually increase, not
decrease, school funding disparities.
It was a difficult but important story for the community. In the end, that’s what civic
journalism is: It’s all about the community. - Jan Leach,Vice President and Editor, Akron Beakon
Journal

Getting people involved

When I think of civic journalism, I think of ideas that help citizens get involved. It sounds
corny but it’s a pretty high calling. If you can figure out a way 10 help people get involved in
changing their communities, help them - and you help your newspaper. Some of the best civic
journalism grows out oft traditional journalism.
For example, we did a series on how lobbyists greatly influence our state legislature, a
pretty traditional story. But then a non-profit group picked up where we left off and taught people
how to get in involved if they wanted to change the way the legislature conducted business.
We followed their progress and had a couple of public hearings: It was controversial.

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 We may have gone a step further than some journalists found comfortable: But the series
shed light on something people didn’t know was happening, and the follow-up activities taught
them how improve things if they wanted to - Jerry Ceppos, Former Executive Editor, The
Mercury News, Sa Jose, CA

The Public Journalism Effort

Some news organizations have decided that more must be done. They are trying to
change the basic journalism culture, converting cynicism into civic exploration. The Wichita
Eagle and Charlotte Observer have been on the cutting edge of this more systematic change,
drawing diverse citizens into public discussions about community life.
This new approach, called “public” or “civic” journalism, covers the news from the citizen
up, not from the expert down. It takes ordinary people seriously, addressing some of the issues
they think are important instead of relying solely on experts and insiders to set the agenda.
Because it permits diverse viewpoints to be heard and respected, regardless of their
dramatic value, it seems to go a long way toward breaking down the strategy, negativity, and
insider barriers that now distance audiences from the news.
At the Charlotte Observer in 1993, for example, editors learned of police concerns that
race riot was brewing. White families who lived around the downtown Freedom Park were
unhappy because minority youths were drag racing and cruising in and out of the par night,
creating disturbances.
When the park was closed because of the tension, black citizen were outraged, claiming
that the park belonged to everyone and minority youths had nowhere else to go. Many local
news organizations would see this as a great story, full of controversy and drama.
However, instead of inflaming the situation by deliberately seeking the most incendiary
quotes from polarized sides, the newspaper tried something different. It had experimented with
public journalism during the 1992 election, convening town hall meetings and roaming
throughout the community to obtain citizens’ views.
Using the same approach, Observer reporters sought thoughtful suggestions from all
sides, including people in area neighborhoods, the youths whose behavior was under question,
and the white families. A range of suggestions was published on the op-ed page, where these
diverse views were presented with respect and authority.
Citizens formed a commission to develop solutions for all sides: a small entry fee that
would cut down on the cruising and an alternative site for drag racing. Although the situation
hasn’t been completely resolved yet, a racial standoff was averted through civic discourse. The
Charlotte Observer helped the community begin to work through its problems, instead of
aggravating them with sensationalized coverage.
Many public journalism projects involve partnerships among news organizations that
normally compete with each other. For example, in summer 1994, the Charlotte Observer
teamed up with competitors WSOC-TV, the local ABC affiliate, and two local radio stations,
WPEG and WBAV, on the project “Taking Back our Neighbor-hoods/ Carolina Crime Solutions.”

45
 After using crime statistics to identity five neighborhoods that had been especially hard-
hit, the news organizations held joint town hall meetings and produced special supplements and
broadcasts, featuring residents’ proposed solutions and reporting “success stories” about citizen
fighting crime.
The effort prompted a burst of civic activity: about 500 people volunteered to help out in
targeted neighborhood, 18 law firms offered to file pro bono public nuisance suits to close down
crack houses, and a local bank donated $50,000 to build a recreation center, according to Ed
Fouhy, a former network news executive who now heads a center devoted to promoting civic
journalism.
Editors and reporters from the Virginian-Pilot in Norfolk, Virginia, at a recent seminar
described how they have become “public journalists” by changing the culture of journalism in
their newsroom:
*Articles described the values people bring to an issue, including the gray areas and
complexities, rather than simply describing the conflict.
* Citizens’ knowledge is valued along with experts’ knowledge.
* In writing about who, what, why, when, and where, they also try to explain to citizens
why they should care.
* Reporters try to explore how people resolve issues, suggesting that solutions are
possible and that readers may have a role to play.
Public journalists believe that the news is more than a spectator sport. “There’s a
difference between what the audience wants and what the public wants,” observes New York
University Professor Jay Rosen, who has been working with news organizations to develop a
from of public journalism that focuses on serious public issues raised by citizens in their local
communities.
Treating people as an audience makes them passive voyeurs, random visitors seeking
entertainment. Rosen further explains, “Treating people as citizens is asking them about the
problems in their lives, the things that concern them for the future, and trying to structure your
coverage around that.
Inevitably there are going to be conflicts between the entertainment function of the media
and the news function, but public journalism is about trying to get the news function right so it
can compete better against entertainment and pleasure.”
What news organizations don’t do - if they’re practicing good public journalism is endorse
specific solutions in their reporting. This would invalidate journalist’s ability to monitor the
community’s public life. Nevertheless, public journalism is controversial among news
professionals because some feel it weakens their hard-fought independence and objectivity.
Ed Turner of CNN, Len Downie of The Washington Post, Max King of the Philadelphia
Inquirer, and editor the New York Times are among the most skeptical Ed Turner of CNN reacted
negatively to a discussion about public journalism during the Program’s conference CHANGING
THE NEWS: “I am not a historian. I am not a playwright. I am not a poet. I am not psychiatrist. I
can just barely manage to fill newscasts that we have. And I am proud of that,” he said. “We are
chroniclers of events.
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 It is our responsibility, first and above all, to try to explain to our viewers what happened
today, why it happened, and what maybe it will mean for tomorrow.” Properly practiced, public
journalism is simply good journalism without bad habits. “Have these [public] news outlets lost
their objectivity?
Is their agreement to try the techniques of civic journalism a thinly disguised form of
community boosterism? No.... Their willingness to bring citizens into the proces rather than keep
them out is simply smart business as well as good journalism.
They are finding that some of the ‘ancient’ and ‘sacred’ practices of journalism are simply
habits best done without.
Their core values - accuracy, seriousness, context, independence - remain. Giving the
public a voice, they found does not mean they lose theirs,” says Ed Fouhy. - Pew Center for
Civic Journalism

Lesson 2 Media Innovators

Excerpt taken from the book titles ‘The Future of Journalism’ published by the BBC College of
Journalism

Video Games: A New Medium for Journalism by Philip Trippenbach

Philip Trippenbach studied international development and economics in
Canada before starting work as a TV journalist for the CBC in New York.
Since then, he has discovered that the many hours he spent playing video
games in his childhood were, in fact, preparing him for a brave new world
of media development. He now works in Current Affairs Development for
the BBC in London, where he develops interactive journalism projects.
Philip’s work centres on identifying and exploiting the new opportunities for
journalism provided by social media and gaming.
Video games are the youngest medium in our civilization. But in the few decades of their
existence, they’ve come further faster than any other medium in history. Video games have
become a mainstream medium – in fact, they are poised to become (and may already be) the
dominant medium of our society.
There are more gamers than football fans in the UK. Video games outsell both films and
music. And despite the current recession, their sales are growing at double-digit rates , while other
media sales figures are steady, or declining.
It takes time for the full potential of new technologies to be realized. When they were
introduced in the early 20th century, both radio and television were dismissed as frivolous
entertainments, unsuited to the serious business of journalism.
Though some people still perceive video games as little more than gung-ho escapism, like
any medium they are capable of great sophistication and intelligence. The gaming audience is
large and diverse. Gamers are ready for factual games that help them understand the world
around them.
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 And the interactive nature of video games gives journalists an opportunity to reach
audiences in powerful new ways. It is an opportunity not to be missed. In the last five years, video
games have climbed out of their early ‘geek’ niche.
In the UK, one of the most mature gaming markets, the average age of a video gamer in
2008 was 33. Over a third (37%) of the UK’s population describe themselves as active gamers –
and that’s across all age categories, including the over 60s. In the 16 to 29 age bracket, the
proportion of ‘active gamers’ rises to 48%. And essentially everyone in the under-16 bracket is an
active gamer.
What’s more, the proportion of gamers in every age bracket is rising with each passing
year. Video gaming is not a youth pastime that people abandon as they grow older. Rather, it is
something that people pick up as kids and then stick to – just like television and reading.
Indications are that the gaming audience is receptive to factual and journalistic content.
There is evidence that gamers as a group are more interested in politics – and more
politically active – than non-gamers.9 Nor are they an isolated sub-population: several studies
have shown that gamers tend to be at least as social and outgoing as non-gamers, if not more
so.
What’s more, the gender balance of gamers is close, though men and women do tend to
play different games. Of course, the primary reason most people play video games is because
they’re fun. But many players report that they also find games more stimulating and more thought-
provoking than TV or the cinema.
BBC audience research indicates that an overwhelming majority of gamers of all ages feel
that games can be used for education as well as entertainment. But can games really convey
journalism? Well, games have been used for learning for centuries – modern flight simulators and
war games are just the latest high-tech examples.
There’s nothing like being immersed in a situation to find out what it’s all about and gain
an intuitive understanding of it. And though games as journalism are in their infancy, there are
already several good examples of video games with a journalistic bent. Insurgency is a simulation
of street combat in Baghdad and Basra.
The game is a modification of Half-Life 2, a commercially successful first-person shooter
game. It was originally created as a volunteer project by veterans of the US armed forces upon
their return from combat duty in Iraq. Authenticity and realism were paramount, according to Pablo
Dopico, one of the game’s makers:
“This is an adult game – it requires a lot of skill, and knowledge of military
tactics. It attempts to depict modern military combat accurately. We have
many players from the military. They contribute from their experiences, and
they consult with us informally on accuracy. People come straight back
from Iraq, play the game, and they like the feeling of realism they get. Some
of the team members are actually doing military training at the moment …
America’s Army is the game most played by military people, and we are
the second-most played – the military users provide an invaluable
feedback, like mailing us and saying ‘the AK47 sounds good, but it should
actually reload like this ...”

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 America’s Army is a free game used as a recruiting tool for the US armed forces.
Arguably it is advertising or propaganda rather than journalism, but it shares Insurgency’s
commitment to accuracy and realism. Both of these games are, in a very real sense, interactive
records of what it’s like to be a soldier on the streets of Baghdad.
Where games really come into their own is as a medium for deep explanatory journalism
– especially journalism about complicated systems with many inter-relationships, interacting
forces and factions.
These can be important situations to understand, such as factional politics on the streets
of Baghdad in 2005-06, or the complicated realities of the global fight against malaria. This sort
of story is very difficult to tell in text, and doubly so in video, as these media require journalists
to arrange dynamic relationships and issues into some sort of fixed linear narrative. Video games
allow a different approach.
A video game journalist can construct a model of how things work and interact in the
situation being described, and allow the audience to explore the model at leisure. The accuracy
of this mode of journalism consists of making sure that the model reacts to a user’s actions in
the same way that it would in reality, generating an authentic experience and applicable
understanding.
The successful Sim City series of games is a perfect example of this sort of interactive
communication. Though not intended as journalism, these games do have a factual theme and
are an example of how a game can be used to increase understanding of a factual subject.
Sim City puts players in charge of planning, growing and running a city. Starting from an
empty patch of land, players must build the energy grid, plan the transport network, set taxes and
provide services.
Though the cities that players design are fictional, success in this game requires an
internalized understanding of very real concepts such as infrastructure, tax policy, budgeting and
zoning practice. This is dry stuff by any account, but the games in this series have sold over 18
million copies, and Sim City players can spend dozens or hundreds of hours on the game.
Not every topic will be appropriate for treatment in a journalistic video game. Games as
journalism are less useful for telling the facts of what happened in a given past event. Video, audio
and text maintain their respective advantages here, not least because they can be produced very
quickly.
However, none of these media can match the power of video games to explain the way
things work in an ongoing situation or issue. This fact, coupled with the relatively long production
time most games require, makes video games eminently suited to long-form (i.e. current affairs
or documentary) journalism instead of reactive news journalism.18 Games can also transmit a
particular political or editorial point.
A simplified version of the Sim City concept has been published by The Economist in
association with the petroleum company Chevron. Energyville19 gives the player control of a
growing city and the task of ensuring its energy supply in the face of shocks, changing technology
and environmental pressures.
The game’s mechanics make this very difficult to achieve without resorting to petroleum –
hardly surprising, given the game’s principal sponsor. But this game does illustrate the power
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video games can have to make a rhetorical argument. Other games such as September 12th,
Oiligarchy and The McDonalds Game also make arguments about current events and are well
worth a play.
Video games are a very powerful medium that can achieve an unparalleled level of
engagement with the audience. The Sim City example is telling: it is hard to imagine many people
spending many hours considering knotty problems of tax policy or residential zoning law (in their
leisure time!) in any other medium.
Games can achieve this level of engagement because they are fun. This may seem self-
evident, but the concept of fun is a critical one for video game journalism, because fun in video
games is a very specific kind of enjoyment.
Fun in video games consists of problem-solving. This is the essence of the video game
as a medium. Graphics, story, and so on, are secondary features also found in most other media.
But video games are unique because they confront the user with a series of challenges set by the
game designers.
At first the user is a novice, with no idea how to solve the problems being presented.
Progress is patchy and random. With repeated attempts, however, the player gains expertise and
confidence and is eventually rewarded with the thrill of success.
Fun in video games is thus the process of engagement with a problem in the search for a
solution. In other words, fun in video games is engagement in an iterative process of skill
acquisition through repeated trial and error. The skills acquired vary from game to game.
Insurgency trains accurate aim and applied combat tactics.
Sim City requires urban planning skills. Other popular games are challenges in geometry
(Tetris), hand-eye coordination (Wii Sports), rhythm (Guitar Hero) and football tactics (FIFA
Soccer). In all these cases, players experience fictional (though more or less realistic) scenarios.
But the skills and situational understanding players gain from facing these game
challenges are very real. This challenge structure is at the heart of games’ value to journalism.
By setting challenges that are relevant to the subject matter, a journalist can communicate
understanding of almost any complex topic.
Imagine, for instance, a current affairs project on an ongoing story of topical interest: illegal
migration into the European Union. Documentary series, magazine articles and books have all
been written about this. But a game on the same topic could cast the player in the role of an
African migrant trying to get into the EU.
The player would have to deal with all aspects of the journey – tough conditions back
home, dealing with corrupt smugglers, eluding border patrols, obtaining black-market work or fake
papers once in the EU. This sort of engagement, if properly designed, would be intensely fun and
convey a rich understanding of the complex realities of a difficult issue.
At 2pm on Sunday, 16 November 2008, a 15-year-old boy from Halland province in
Sweden collapsed in an apparent epileptic fit. He was rushed to hospital, where doctors found
him to be dehydrated and exhausted from a prolonged period of extreme concentration. After a
brief stay in hospital on an electrolyte drip, he was discharged.

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 The cause of his collapse: Wrath of the Lich King, an expansion of the massively multi-
player online game World of Warcraft. The boy had gotten a copy of the game at midnight on the
Saturday and gathered with his friends to play it.
The experience engrossed them so much that they stayed up, not tiring, forgetting to eat
or drink, for over 36 hours of continuous play.26 This story was reported in several papers as a
lamentable example of what video games can do to people. The boy undoubtedly made some
poor choices. But his story illustrates a larger point.
In the video game, journalists have at their disposal a medium so powerful, so engrossing,
that people can forget to eat or sleep while using it. Players of World of Warcraft memorize great
tomes of arcane knowledge to gain an advantage in the game’s invented world. Why should this
kind of power be restricted to fiction and fantasy?
Video games are as powerful as television, radio, or even books. It is time we started using
them for more than entertainment.

Lesson 3 Campus Journalism

Excerpt taken from a research paper tiled CAMPUS JOURNALISM: VARYING CULTURES
AND ITS EFFECTS TO SECONDARY CAMPUS JOURNALISTS

Campus journalism has its own cultures, which shapes and defines the people in it.
These cultures are inevitable because it is just emerging naturally as it goes, until the campus
journalists adapt it already subconsciously or consciously. Generally, the study will focus on the
cultural effects of campus journalism among staffers. These cultures may vary depending on
the social environment, but the variables to be look upon are the same.
In the professional field, journalism defined as the fourth estate of the society, next to
administrative, legislative and judiciary. It also informs the society about itself and somehow
defines what it is, it was, and what it will be— excluding the private sphere. The field cares about
primarily to the public’s interest, making it to be their eyes-and-ears to the society (Harcup, T.,
2015).
In schools, campus journalism paves the way to the campus journalists to become the
‘torch bearers’. They have the capability to open the minds of their co-students to the situations
and issues revolving their school and at the same time in our society as a whole (Arao, D., 2013).
This may not be a cup of tea for everybody, but the fact that the legislators care about
campus journalism and its functions, is a proof that it is very important, especially to the campus
journalists (Destacamento, J.M., 2012). In addition, school publications fill the needs of the
students by giving them an outlet for their ideas, to practice creativity, and developing critical
and thinking skills.
It is also a formal way to express themselves responsibly, and they could influence the
perception of the students as well as their readers (Make My Newspaper, 2017). But it is also a
big challenge for the responsibilities.

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 The expectations for them are high. RA 7079 enables campus journalists to not only
uphold the freedom of the press on school level, but they also have the capability to develop
themselves; their ethical values, encouraging critical thinking, moral development and personal
discipline (Destacamento, J.M., 2012).
That is why they are encourage to read, understand and internalize the law (Arao, D.,
2013). On a negative note, there are also hindrances of being part of a student publication.
There are some instances that the school administration holds the budget of the
publication, or sometimes before the article/s to be published, it should first be seen by the higher
office to cross check if there are any things in the passage that could put them into the bad light
(Cortes, J., 2014).
Besides extensive gatekeeping, some publications also suffer from deprivation of fund.
According to Section 5 of RA 7079, the school may include the savings for the appropriation of
the publications, but because the law has the word may, this is somehow tricky because it is still
the prerogative of the school, although the law also states that donations are applicable and a
subscription fee should be collected also.
Because of these, House of Representatives filed a pending bill to repeal the Act,
replacing it with “Campus Press Freedom Act” by Kabataan Partylist Representative Raymond
Palatino and Bayan Muna Representative Teodoro Casino.
They said that the present law is “insufficient and lacking in material aspects to fully
maintain the existence of the campus press” (Arao, D., 2013). These are just some of many
more problems in the publication, either externally or internally. Amidst these kinds of issues,
their basic aim to the reports and opinions is accuracy.
It is the backbone and everything will fall down without it (Harcup, T., 2015). Although
there aresome campus journalists in their respective schools that are being intimidated by some
school officials, this will never stop the ideals of campus journalism and its culture, by upholding
the freedom the law has granted, helping to fight for the rights of the students and voicing them
out, of course, with some guidance of their seniors (Arao, D., 2013).
Time may come and go, but the primary goal will never change—finding out the ‘truth’,
and this will never be changed to their culture. These truths are in the shape of ‘facts that are
verified and explained’ according to Seib (Harcup, T., 2015). Campus journalism culture
nowadays somehow differs from the past, but the principles and ideals are still in tacked.
Some campus publications are now innovating through the presence of social media,
where most of the demographics of the youth have this. This encourages their audiences to be
part of the ‘virtual groups’. This is relatable and easy-toaccess (Arao, D., 2013). This is true
because more and more students could easily access to internet nowadays (Castro, E. C.,
2012).
According to Ward, students, for example, are now more active on social media and it
has the functionality for immediate feedback by just commenting, liking or sharing the feed.
Immerging of social media to the journalism culture is new, but the ‘core journalistic principles
and processes’ and the challenges is still the same (Harcup, T., 2015).
Moreover, there is also a different feeling whenever the student press’ article is being
published to their issues rather than posting online. Although there is not much difference
52
besides the platform, it makes it more meaningful in print (Tockey, B., 2017). Although this is a
good way for the advancement of campus journalists’ skills, this may also be looked negatively.
Some publications only seeking for conferences and competitions just to win or tooutdo
the other publications. But instead of this, such conferences should be not only a training ground,
but also a chance to collaborate, to connect and to learn together with other campus publications
(Cortes, J., 2014).
These campus journalists are soon-to-be adults developing maturity, ideas, philosophies
and identities while they were young (Make My News, 2017), but more importantly, as early as
now, they could be an agent of change to the community the student journalist belongs to
(Cortes, J., 2014).

The following are the conclusions that have been drawn out from the study
Female staffers are more involved in campus journalism and in line with writing articles
while male journalists are more in lined with the visual fortes. By looking up to their idols in
professional journalists by means of watching them on television, gives them sustaining fire to
continue practicing campus journalism.
Even though there are other trainings being offered in the city, their capability to go to
nationals is not quite good.
Publications suffer from delay of releasing issues because of delay on passing of articles,
some are also decreasing in readership because of the dull, not relatable topics being featured,
and resulting to decreasing of students that are paying subscription fee, thus losing its budget.
Campus journalism serves as avenue to develop one’s ability to express opinion and
overcome shyness. Being aware on issues stays the frequency almost as is; their skills and
discipline are being utilized in academics and in their craft, although sometimes they are being
late because of the responsibilities in the publication.
The correlation analysis proves the relationship between the socio-political awareness
of the respondents before and after joining the publication. Majority of the respondents already
absorbed that culture of watching news on television at the comfort of their homes via their family
members even before the intervention of campus journalism. The culture of special trainings has
a strong relation to the discipline improvement of the campus journalists.
Practicing it more hones their discipline especially if they are under time pressure in
trainings. Staffers should have the initiative to find, or raise on their own to topics to be written
rather than spoon-feeding the school activities being raised in publication meetings.
The latter only shows that since half are using English in printing of issues but majority
are using Filipino as their personal medium, it contributes to the discipline improvement of those
publications that are releasing English but naturally speaking in Filipino, because they can set
aside their preferences in language just to comply with their publications.
The more the respondents are following or idolizing their favorite professional journalists
in various forms of mediums, the more it can be relatable to their critical and analytical

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improvement. On the other hand, the lesser the use of social media, the more it is relatable to
critical and analytical improvement of the respondents.
The result suggests that there are more credible sources than social media, which is
what the respondents thought to be more credible.
The following dealt with the recommendations suggested for further development of this
study:
1. Create a study with a bigger scale by adding more respondent schools in Science City
of Muñoz; creating this kind of study further records more cultures surrounding them.
2. Create a study based from the problems being brought up via interviews. Even though
it was already presented in this study, it is recommended to focus on this aspect more in
future researches.
3. Create a research about the sex assignment of tasks among campus journalists,
carrying the reason that more females tend to become a writer rather than participating
in visual fortes (e.g: cartooning) and these are being dominated by males, as if it is
presumable that that is the stigma prevalent in campus journalism culture.
4. Use more comprehensive interview guide for the respondents.
5. Date the time period of data gathering when all schools are already starting their
school years. At this point some schools (e.g: University Science High School) are still
not open, making it more hard to collect more data.
6. Allot more time in gathering of data to have more deep and broad analysis of campus
journalism cultures and diagnosing its effects to the respondents.
To the corresponding publications interviewed:
1. Write a more relatable content for the issues of the publications; it should be more
relatable to the readers’ demographic which are the teenagers.
2. Conduct fund raising activities such as hosting a seminar for fellow campus
publications to avoid lacking on funds.
3. Engage the campus journalists to more trainings and seminars to improve their
discipline in terms of time management.
4. Engage the campus journalists to hone their discipline by discovering their own news/
article beats, or by brainstorming on their own for the topics to be written. This is to not
tolerate spoon-feeding culture in the publication.
5. Engage the campus journalists to be more aware about the current events by means
of various media.
Television and printed materials are more advisable sources for factual accuracy and
credibility.

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Lesson 4 Journalism and the New Media
Excerpt taken from The New Media, Society & Politics in the Philippines By Raul Pertierra
2012

The Philippine Media Landscape

Philippine media is among the oldest and the most free in Asia. The Philippine press is
known for its irreverential approach and the pugnacious character of its leading journalists. The
Philippine Daily Inquirer, a leading newspaper often features two ideologically opposed
commentators writing on political affairs.
Conrado de Quiros has been waging a ceaseless and often obsessional battle against
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo for years. On the other hand, The Daily Tribune never tires of attacking
the present government of Noynoy Aquino. The government rarely censors the media although
it has been known (during President Estrada) to withdraw advertising support for newspapers
critical of its policies.
Only relatively strict libel laws constrain reporters from covering controversial issues. But
while the media is free it is also highly partisan. People with interests ensure that they have
access to media reportage either through direct ownership or through economic or political
means.
Reading different newspapers often gives one the impression that they are referring to
distinct realities. While there is considerable media diversity, the ideological spectrum is much
narrower.
Ownership of the media explains this lack of ideological spectrum. The national
newspapers are in English and owned by prominent families with powerful connections to broad
sectors of society. They are generally conservative.
Regional newspapers are published in English or in the vernacular and mostly restrict
themselves to local events and personalities. There are several popular tabloids written in
Filipino and therefore more accessible to the ordinary citizen but they rarely comment on serious
national matters. There are no major left wing publications apart from partisan pamphlets.
Generally, the print media, while highly regarded, is limited to middle class urban
readers. Radio and television are the major electronic media and enjoy a much wider circulation
throughout society. Radio is generally in the vernacular and mostly addresses local issues,
sometimes amid great controversy. Feuding politicians employ local journalists to attack their
opponents, often with tragic consequences.
Almost all journalists killed worked for local radio, television or newspapers. The so-
called impunity associated with these killings results from the lack of control of the national
government over local political warlords, the most notorious being the Ampatuans from
Maguindanao province.
They massacred over 35 journalists (23 November 2009) accompanying a candidate
running for governor in the province. The case remains one of the highest single incidents
involving the killing of journalists.

55
 Most of these journalists worked for local radio and newspapers but the case attracted
both national and global condemnation. However, despite this attention, the case is bogged
down in the judicial system and in the meantime several crucial witnesses have disappeared or
been killed.
While radio is probably the most extensive source of information for most Filipinos,
television has become the main source of entertainment. Most television programs are in Filipino
although regional stations also broadcast in their vernaculars. Television receives by far the
greatest source of advertising income.
According to Asian Media Barometer in 2011 television got (76 per cent) radio (18 per
cent) and print media only (4.7 per cent) of advertising income. But these figures do not
necessarily reflect the political significance of these media. Generally, the print media is the most
influential nationally and radio plays an important role locally.
While television provides regular newscasts and current affairs programs, its main role
is in providing entertainment, except during critical periods such as national disasters or political
crises where its evocative imagery is most compelling. The Philippines remains one of the most
dangerous countries for journalists. Since 1986 when democracy was restored, 133 journalists
have been killed, the majority related to their work.
There seems to be an element of class or status in these killings since they all involve
local or junior members of the profession. No major journalist working for a prominent media
outfit has been summarily killed, although some have been kidnapped by Muslim secessionists
and later rescued.
Apart from the Ampatuans, who are currently in jail, no prominent personality has been
successfully convicted for the murder of journalists, often despite compelling evidence. This has
given rise to the term culture of impunity, a somewhat misleading term, since many other killings
(not journalists) also remain unsolved. The military has also been accused of disappearances
that have not resulted in convictions.
The most prominent case that has remained unresolved decades later is the
assassination of Benigno Aquino, Cory’s husband in 1983. While one may not expect the Marcos
regime, being the main suspect, to resolve this murder, the ascendancy of Corazon Aquino to
the presidency in 1986 was equally unproductive.
Only low ranking soldiers were convicted and no mastermind was ever determined. This
indicates that the culture of impunity operates deeply within Filipino society. While this event
was covered extensively by contemporary media no new information has been discovered.
Like other aspects of Philippine society, the media operates within often unstated but
marked limits. Uncovering the real masterminds of Benigno Aquino’s assassination remains
unchartered territory.
The Asian Media Barometer (2011:8) concludes:
In summary, the media landscape in the Philippines is characterized by diversity,
freedom, an active stock of journalists and citizens and an executive and
legislature slow on media reforms. However, operating in a culture of impunity and
in one of the most dangerous countries for journalists, it comes as no surprise that
even the free and rambunctious media of the Philippines reflect the constrains of
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 fear and a growing concentration of ownership in their journalistic practice. Within
this context the courage of many journalists is as remarkable as the lack of self-
criticism of the media remains deplorable.
The critical comments above refer to the often provincial and self-serving orientation of
Philippine media. Most media engage in shameless self-promotion and often report their own
activity as news. While many journalists show remarkable courage, there is also a practice of
self-censorship operating.
Ces Drilon, a noted television journalist was kidnapped by her informants in Jolo but
released unharmed. How this release came about is not discussed because repercussions
involve both local and national power brokers.
Most media is in private ownership, with varying degrees of interference on the part of
owners. While there are nominally some state operated media outfits, they are usually ineffective
or propagandist. The greatest threat to media freedom lies ironically in its uncontrolled nature.
The tragic siege of a tourist bus several years ago (24 August 2010) reflects the often-
unbridled actions of journalists desperate to score news scoops. Journalists interfered recklessly
during the delicate negotiations between the police and the kidnapper resulting in the botched
rescue attempt.
This free-wheeling style of Philippine media is a consequence of the intense competition
between networks and their attempts to satisfy peoples’ interest in gossip, violence or scandal.
A more reflective, balanced and responsible approach to news reporting is often lacking. The
lack of self-reflection of local media gives it a provincial air, where local events are reported as
though of great national importance.
Foreign news is poorly covered except when Filipinos are involved such as kidnappings
by Somali pirates. This localism was evident in EDSA 2, when foreign journalists pointed out
that ousting an elected president raises issue of legitimacy.
Almost all prominent local commentators excoriated these foreign journalists, accusing
them of not understanding Philippine realities. Admittedly, being caught up in the euphoria of
the moment makes it difficult to pass cold judgment on events.
One possibility of reducing the localism of the media is to encourage or allow foreign
ownership. This is presently constitutionally unallowable.

Is the new media any different?

It is in this context that one must carefully assess the role of the new media in shaping
the political process. The importance of the traditional media has been mentioned but its
effectiveness may well derive from its top-down non-interactive nature. In contrast, the new
media is highly interactive and bottom up.
Philippine democracy, despite its nomenclature, is not built on town hall style interactive
exchanges but on tight patronal networks. The old media is ideally suited for this purpose with
its broad but non-interactive reach.

57
 Television (1953) was introduced into the Philippines as a tool for political campaigning
but it took some time before this medium became effective (del Mundo, 1986). Only when the
medium switched from English to Filipino during the mid-1970s, with its greatly expanded
audience, did it enjoy mass appeal.
Radio and film proved to be much more successful in persuading the masses to support
political candidates. From the start, these media were aimed at a general audience. The political
success of actors such as President Estrada can be traced to their mass appeal. The continuing
mediatization of everyday life has given extra vitality to media stars and allowed them to convert
popularity into political support.
The new media, in contrast, encourages personal interaction and the free flow of
opinions. Personal opinions and critical exchanges are not normal elements of Philippine
political recruitment with its emphasis on subservience, conformity and hierarchy. Party policy
is the prerogative of leaders who rarely allow dissent by ordinary members.
Patronage politics assures followers their rewards as long as they continue to support
the patron. For the new media to significantly affect politics, its structure has to change from a
top down to a bottom-up system. In other words, the political structure must allow the views and
interests of ordinary people to shape policy.
The new media certainly facilitates the free flow of opinions and its effects are slowly
affecting the public mood. Facebook and YouTube are now routinely mentioned as indicators of
public opinion. Most politicians are aware of these sources of information and are beginning to
adjust their practices to address these concerns.
They now commonly join Facebook, have their own web sites and even blog. But the
final consequences of these new forms of political activity have not yet transformed the political
landscape. The latter retains its traditional structure, indicating that new sources of information
do not necessarily transform well established political interests.

Perspective on the New Media and Democracy

The importance of access to information was graphically illustrated in 1983, when Ninoy
Aquino was assassinated on his return from exile in the U.S.A. Even before the new media
existed, alternative sources of information were available such as an underground press (eg. Mr
& Ms), radio station (Veritas,), street theatre (Legasto, 1994) and informal sources circulating
rumours, gossip and jokes.
But these alternative media mainly relied on top-down circulation of information rather than
the person-to-person character of the new media. Moreover, they were episodic, irregular,
unreliable and non-cumulative.
Networking takes new dimensions using mobiles and the internet and it is this mobilizing
capacity that opens the possibility of initiating radical change.
Scholars such as (Rheingold, 2002) have argued that smart mobs such as the crowds
characterizing EDSA 2 are among the most effective examples of this mobilizing capacity.
Hitherto, the public sphere has been dominated and controlled by mainstream interests and
discourses.
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 The old media can be seen as an extension of elite interests into the public sphere. The
new media interrupt these interests and discourses. While they also conflate private with public,
they insert new political perspectives and interests. Mobiles are a good example of the personal
being political – they convert private interests into political issues.
An example discussed later concerned a young woman reporting in her blog a private
altercation with a politician that created a public outcry.
In this sense, the new media open up new possibilities hitherto limited to dominant groups
and interests. Ordinary Filipinos may have had political opinions in the past but they generally
communicated these only to a limited network of kin, friends and associates.
Presently, people text, use e-groups, YouTube, blogs and social networking sites such as
Facebook, to air personal views much more widely. Their political consequences, however,
remain undefined. Access to wider sources of information may be necessary but not sufficient to
bring about political change.
The effects of technology in the Philippine context Despite the early adaption of modern
technology in the Philippines, no significant social transformations were achieved as a direct
result of their usage. These technologies were centered in Manila and mostly acted as symbols
of imperial power rather than as agents of social change.
The steamboat arrived in 1849, the telegraph in 1876, the railway in 1888, telephone in
1890, motorcar in 1900 and the electric tram in 1905 (Pertierra, 2003). These technologies had
only recently been invented in the West and their effects were not uniformly felt elsewhere. Other
communication technologies followed soon after, such as film (1897), radio (1922) and television
(1953).
These media quickly became popular but mainly provided escapist entertainment rather
than the basis for new cultural perspectives. Indeed, the mass media became an extension of
and support for political domination. Hence, families with political ambitions ensure that they have
access to and control of media.
The media is also used in religious proselytization (e.g. El Shaddai, JIL). Rarely is the
mainstream media used in expressing dissent and challenging established authority (Del Mundo,
1986). While the new media may open new avenues for expressing dissent, their capacity to
translate dissent into political action remains unclear.
Nevertheless, they have transformed the media landscape to reflect a more varied range
of perspectives.

Data of new media use

According to Cesar Tolentino, an expert on ICT (personal communication IN 2012: data
culled from NCIT):
29.7 million internet users as mid-2010 (ITU)
70 % of internet users access the internet via internet cafes (Nielsen)
25 % of internet users access the internet at home
40 % of which are DSL

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 57 % of which are fixed wireless broadband
3 %of which are cable broadband
10 % of internet users access the internet at school
5 % of internet users access the internet at the office

NOTE: Some internet users access the internet from more than one access point. Hence, the
totals do not add up to 100 per cent. There are more than 30,000 internet cafes in the Philippines
(i-Cafe Pilipinas)
While the internet is not yet as accessible as it is in the West, mobiles have taken the
country by storm. Presently about 85 per cent of Filipinos own or have direct and easy access to
cellphones. There are about 60 million cellphone subscribers in a population of 88 million. No
other technology has been accepted with such enthusiasm.
Moreover, cellphones are not only mobile, allowing perpetual contact, but highly
interactive. They connect to virtually all existing electronic services (e.g. radio, television,
newspapers, and internet).
Freed from the constraints of spatial location, cellphones allow perpetual interaction with
absent interlocutors. They generate an ambient but absent presence. Cyber or virtual
communities are easily generated by these new media.

Political change & the new media

The removal of President Estrada in 2001, described as a coup d’text marked the coming
of age of the new media - Vox populi vox dei takes on new meaning in the digital age. EDSA 2
marked the political significance of mobile phones, the only communications media not under the
immediate control of elite interests. Mobile phones have been able to transform the media
landscape in unexpected ways.
Traditional media such as television, radio and newspapers have become more
interactive, requesting their audience to text in their opinions and interests. While traditional media
provided most of the information and entertainment available to Filipinos, mobile phones and the
internet now provide alternative sources.
These new sources often bypass the censoring and filtering mechanisms used in earlier
media. While formal censorship is rare, other mechanisms are used in the mainstream media that
effectively limit access to controversial views.
A recent art show was cancelled because Catholics objected to the portrayal of Christ –
this image was immediately made available on the internet, causing the controversy to include
alternative voices, something the mainstream media is loath to do.
The new media also give Filipinos better access to the global information system.
However, as an earlier study indicated (Pertierra, et. al, 2002), the importance of the new media
for political action has been exaggerated.
Filipinos do not act politically mainly on the basis of information received but rather on
more substantive and often pre-established grounds. Using the Philippines as an example but
including other cases, Miard (2008:27) argues that:
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 The effect of mobile phones is either inexistent, too weak to be measurable,
or offset by other factors. The simple assumption that mobile phones alone
will create a measurable impact on political activism cannot be sustained...
Loyalties and alliances usually frame the political actions of most Filipinos and the new
media, while providing new information, generally confirm existing expectations. The
consequences of new communicative technologies vary according to both cultural and societal
structures.
In cases where these structures are heavily intermeshed, the autonomy of communicative
action is severely restricted. Philippine politics is not just a discursive practice but, more
importantly, consists of material structures limiting the possibilities of discourse. A culture of
critical discourse is poorly developed in such circumstances.

New media as political tools

Recent research into the influence of the new media on political action in the Philippines
is at an early stage. Aguirre (2009) has looked at the relationship between social movements and
the new media. He examined their role in the context of the ouster of President Estrada and the
apparent failure in forcing President Arroyo to resign.
The decisive effect of the new media in Estrada’s ouster is still a contentious issue, even
if most researchers appreciate the role of mobiles and the internet during this event. Aguirre
(2009) argues that structural forces favored Estrada’s ouster while they did not in the case of
Arroyo.
In the absence of a confluence of factors favoring change, new media activism is
insufficient to achieve it. In other words, the new media in itself is unable to bring about
fundamental political change. Noynoy’s electoral victory depended more on the symbolism of
death (Cory’s funeral & public sympathy) than on rational disapproval of President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo’s regime.
Mirandilla (2009) has looked at the role of the new media in the campaign strategies of
major politicians. While their use of the new media is growing in sophistication, the effects are not
yet likely to be significant. Political information and practice are still based on more traditional
sources or substantive grounds.
...there is no doubt that the Internet has already started to reshape the
information and communications environment of the Philippine political
landscape. However, the Internet does not promise a panacea to cure a
sleeping interest in politics (Mirandilla, 2009:112).
Citing other studies, Mirandilla points out that the new media mostly affects those already
heavily into it rather than the average user. Politically motivated users employ the new media to
extend their political practices but most people are neither as savvy nor active.
As an emerging practice, cyber campaigning in the Philippines has yet to play a
transformative role.... Campaign reforms can only take place with improved political maturity of
Filipinos—both politicians and the electorate... Using ICTs to make campaigns more efficient,
affordable, interactive, and grassroots-oriented is just a first step toward creating a new brand of
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election campaigning in the Philippines, which, hopefully, will also translate to better governance
in between elections (Mirandilla, 2009:114).
This is hardly a surprise since revolutions are not achieved through singular means,
including the media. Nevertheless, in knowledge-based societies, the flow of information may be
critical for initiating change. Castells (2000) has argued that networks operate differently from
hierarchies and the new media more closely approximates the former.
But since the Philippines is not yet a knowledge-based society (although networks are
widely developed), the influence of media, whether new or old, is limited. In a more recent article
(Mirandilla-Santos, January 30, 2012), Mirandilla looks at the success that President Aquino
achieved through his use of social media such as Facebook.
Taking a page from the Obama campaign, Noynoy deliberately cultivated social media as
a way of contacting the youth. Within the first two months of his campaign Noynoy (2010) had
over 95,000 ‘friends’ in Facebook, dwarfing all the other presidential candidates. Building on this
early success, Noynoy also has a website (Official Gazette. http://www.gov. ph/2010/10/11)
meant to engage citizens in a conversation with the President.
However, this site is generally not very interactive, thus not allowing multiple exchanges
among interlocutors. Instead, it resembles the top down approach of most politicians. Mirandilla
notes several ways in which this website can be made more interactive but so far this does not
appear to have been achieved.
In other words, while important gains in cyber-campaigning were achieved, these gains
have not been followed up sufficiently post-election. Perhaps a more successful example of
politicking using the new media is the case of Gabriela, a women’s party group that won two seats
in the 2007 elections.
A study of Gabriela reveals a concerted attempt to make full use of the new media given
its limited resources (Karan, Gemeno & Tandoc , 2008). Gabriela has an extensive network of
well-honed activists following many years of organizing support for a broad range of women’s
issues. This network also extends overseas, drawing support from global feminist organizations.
Combining on the ground personal contacts with the reach of the new media allowed the
party to achieve a significant political victory. While the internet, particularly social media, played
an important role in its cyber-campaign, the mobile phone proved to be more useful given its
broader reach within the country.
In addition, the party shrewdly used video clips on YouTube and other sites that were later
picked up by the mainstream media. This is an example of using the new media as a source of
news for the old media. It illustrates the tendency of media to comment on itself, an observation
earlier made in relation to E-gorot bloggers.

New media & youth activism

There are increasing attempts at incorporating the new media as part of political activism.
Anthony Cruz, a well know media activist and blogger organized local bloggers to resist the
proposed constitutional changes suspected as a step to extend President Arroyo’s term. Using

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Facebook, Cruz called on Pinoy bloggers to indicate their opposition to these constitutional
changes in their sites (http://tr.im/no2conass).
He also organized a grand eyeball meeting on 26 July at 10- 12 am (2009) at the EDSA
shrine. He suggested bloggers wear black on that day and badges advocating ‘real change’ not
‘charter change’ or ‘No to Conass’. His group is called Para sa Bloggers Kapihan (at sa Pilipinas
Kontra ConAss na rin), indicating both a virtual and an actual political grouping.
This combination of the virtual-actual link is a common feature of the new media in the
Philippines. According to news reports about 12,000 people attended the above rally. This
relatively low number was, however, boosted by a much higher virtual attendance.
The website supporting No to Conass quickly attracted more supporters than the eyeball
meeting and its makers claimed that number would reach 100,000 sympathizers. This prompted
a well known political commentator and blogger to propose organizing more virtual rallies in the
future (Ople, C., 2009).
There have also been instances of the new media initiating political controversies later
taken up by the traditional media. A prominent cabinet member and his adult sons were accused
of manhandling a father and his young son and daughter during a confrontation at a golf course.
The daughter wrote about this confrontation in her blog which was quickly picked up by
other sympathetic commentators. The print media picked up the story and soon after, a political
storm broke out and the cabinet member was forced to issue an apology.
Ironically, upon investigation, it seemed that both parties were equally to blame. But in the
meantime, the politician family’s reputation had been smeared. The new media is quick to
capitalize on popular (mis)conceptions such as the abusive nature and rapacity of most
politicians.
Other cases of political scandal are regularly featured on YouTube or in blogs. On 3
September 2009, after a TV interview of Miguel Arroyo (the former President’s eldest son &
congressman from Pampanga) discussing the sources of his acquired wealth, YouTube and
bloggers angrily attacked his perceived mendacity and corruption.
Despite these new and uncontrolled sources of information, their ultimate effects in
transforming political structures remain untested. Whether these examples reflect popular
discontent or actually fuel it is difficult to assess.
President Arroyo was highly unpopular towards the end of her term and the new media
simply made this unpopularity better known. More recently (2012) President Noynoy has also
received his share of new media activism on the part of young students at the University of the
Philippines.
Accusing the president of being lazy, these students coined the term noynoying to refer to
his reputed lackadaisical manner. It quickly spread to YouTube and other media. While such
criticisms have constituted older political activism, the new media provides a platform not always
supported by the more conservative print media. In this case the old media is forced to take up
issues raised by bloggers and other users of the new media.
In this sense, the new media are having an effect on political reporting and even political
action. It is only their long-term effect that remains in doubt. Unless structural change occurs, it is
63
possible that the political elite will eventually domesticate and even subvert the new media for
their own purposes.
There are enough examples of old conservative causes that are given renewed life by the
new media. Televangelism is an example of an old missionizing zeal given new life by modern
media. Text God and digital prayer brigades are examples of new media use for old religious
interests.

New media, e-goverment & social movements

Various government agencies have incorporated e-governance as part of their practice
but these services have not yet resulted in a significant improvement in governmentality. The
technology is often inadequate to the task and the resources for their implementation are often
lacking. Most e-government services simply allow for the transmission of information but do not
translate the information into practical action.
A study conducted by students at NCPAG (National College of Public Administration and
Governance, University of the Philippines) concluded that most government departments either
do not use e-services or use them inadequately. The potential for citizen-government interaction
is available through mobiles but the broader support structures, including attitudinal orientations,
are still largely missing (Colobong, et. al, 2009).
In other words, the new media is tokenly incorporated into old bureaucratic structures. A
more interesting question regarding the influence of media in initiating fundamental change
relates it to civil society and social movements (Aguirre, 2009). Sociologists have pointed out that
democracy is a defining and central concept of modernity.
Initially seen as a narrow political act (suffrage, voting), the concept of democracy is being
applied across wider areas of life, from the public to the private sphere. This democratization of
increasing areas of life from politics to the economy, religion, gender and sexuality is still playing
itself out.
Politically, this includes the capacity to organize around issues often overlooked by the
formal structures of the state. Social movements and civil society are a direct consequence of
applying democracy to areas of life outside the formal political structures. The recognition that
society exists beyond the state motivates people to pursue collective goals outside or even
against existing political structures.
An essential component of civil society and social movements is access to information,
particularly if the traditional media is unable to provide it. NGOs (non-government organizations)
are a common feature of Philippine society, reflecting both the openness of political structures as
well as the ineffectiveness of the state.
Their efficacy varies from highly significant (e.g. community health, non-formal education)
to insignificant (e.g. improving governance), with most NGOs in between. In the field of ICT,
several civil society groups are also active in lobbying the government and the private sector, with
mixed results. In a study of their influence in shaping government ICT policy, Hecite (2009) writes:
Major hurdles to CSO participation ... are the following: lack of a
consumerist rights movement, lack of policy and political audience, the
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 need for capacity building and CSO strategy, and the need to develop
critical practices in engagement. (These CSOs) remarked that the
constituents as consumers of ICTs such as mobile phones should be the
policy audience of their advocacies and agenda. The absence of genuine
consumer –rights minded citizens contribute to the absence of policy
audience... The capacity to engage is another issue. Aside from the lack of
financial and logistical resources, CSOs often times face challenges in
sustaining participation because of lack of skills and knowledge about the
processes within governments. Furthermore, ... (one CSO) indicated the
need to utilize critical practices that will ensure interventions will be people
–centered and pro-marginalized.
The hurdles mentioned reflect general features of Philippine society, including the basis
for consumerist activism. TXT-Power, a very successful lobby group opposes any increase in the
costs of sending text messages.
They can rapidly mobilize their members to bombard politicians and media with their
objections using SMS. So far, they have succeeded in maintaining the low costs of texting. In this
case, both the interests and the technology reinforce one another. But this conflation of political
interests and technology is rare in the Philippines, although the mobile phone at least promises
communicative access.

Lesson 5 The Future of Journalism

Excerpt taken from The Future of Journalism

The End of Fortress Journalism by Peter Horrocks

Peter Horrocks was appointed Director of BBC World Service in February
2009. He had been Head of the BBC's Multimedia Newsroom since 2005,
and previously the BBC's Head of Current Affairs. Since joining the BBC in
October 1981 as a news trainee, he has been the Editor of both Newsnight
and Panorama, the BBC's domestic flagship television current affairs
programs. Peter won BAFTA awards in 1997 and 2005 for his editorship of
Newsnight and for the documentary series The Power of Nightmares
respectively.
Most journalists have grown up with a fortress mindset. They have lived and worked in
proud institutions with thick walls. Their daily knightly task has been simple: to battle journalists
from other fortresses. But the fortresses are crumbling and courtly jousts with fellow journalists
are no longer impressing the crowds.
The end of fortress journalism is deeply unsettling for us and requires a profound change
in the mindset and culture of journalism. Fortress journalism has been wonderful. Powerful,
longestablished institutions provided the perfect base for strong journalism. The major news
organizations could nurture skills, underwrite risk and afford expensive journalism.

65
 The competition with other news organizations inspired great journalism and if the
journalist got into trouble – legally, physically or with the authorities – the news organization would
protect and support. It has been familiar and comfortable for the journalist. But that world is rapidly
being eroded.
The themes are familiar. Economic pressures – whether in the public or private sectors –
are making the costs of the fortresses unsustainable. Each week brings news of redundancies
and closures.
The legacy costs of buildings, printing presses, studios and all the other structural supports
of the fortress are proving too costly for the revenues that can now be generated. Internet-based
journalism may be the most significant contributor to this business collapse.
But the cultural impact on what the audience wants from journalism is as big a factor as
the economics. In the fortress world the consumption of journalism was through clearly defined
products and platforms – a TV or radio program, a magazine or a newspaper. But in the blended
world of internet journalism all those products are available within a single platform and mental
space.
The user can now click and flit between each set of news. Or they can use an aggregator
to pull together all the information they require. The reader may never be aware from which
fortress (or brand) the information has come.
The consequence of this change in users’ consumption has only dimly been understood
by the majority of journalists. Most of the major news organizations had the assumption that their
news product provided the complete set of news requirements for their users. But in an internet
world, users see the total information set available on the web as their 'news universe'.
I might like BBC for video news, the Telegraph or Daily Mail for sports results and the New
York Times for international news. I can penetrate the barriers of the fortresses with ease. The
ability of audiences to pull together their preferred news is bringing the walls of the fortresses
tumbling down. In effect, the users see a single unified news universe and use technology (e.g.
Google, Digg etc.) to get that content to come together.
So, if the users require collaborative content, what of the competitively minded news
organization? Clearly competition will still generate originality, enterprise journalism and can help
to lower costs. But as a business, each organization will need to choose very carefully where it
has a comparative advantage.
If agency news is available, there will be no advantage in creating it yourself. In each
specialized area of news, organizations need to assess their unique advantages and reduce effort
where they don’t have such advantages. Reducing effort in any journalistic section is anathema
to the old fortress mindset. Even more disturbingly, it might also mean co-operating explicitly.
If the BBC is best in news video and the Telegraph best in text sports reports, why
shouldn’t they syndicate that content to each other and save effort? Jeff Jarvis, Professor of
Interactive Journalism at the City University of New York, has coined the neatest way of describing
this: “Cover what you do best. Link to the rest.”
That linked approach requires a new kind of journalism, the opposite of fortress journalism.
It is well described as “networked journalism”, a coinage popularized by Charlie Beckett at the

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LSE/Polis. And it requires organizations to be much better connected, both internally and
externally.
That kind of networking can be unnatural for the journalist or executive brought up in the
fortress mentality. What changes might be required? It means moving from a culture which is
identified by the news unit you are in towards a culture based on audience understanding. So as
a journalist don’t think of the world as being identified by the program you work on or the network
you provide for.
Don’t think of the world solely through your paper or magazine. If you are a subject-based
journalist, remember that the reader is likely to be consuming your journalism within a much wider
frame of reference. They are probably not consuming news through your specialist prism. You’ll
need to link with specialists in other fields.
As a technology journalist, you might get more coming to your story via a link from the
entertainment or consumer section than those choosing to read about technology. News
organizations can assist their teams by providing much richer data about how audiences are
consuming.
And we are helped in this by technological changes. On-demand journalism automatically
generates much more specific data about audience usage of stories and story types. Most online
sites have real-time systems that provide editors with information on story popularity. There is a
danger that such information systems could prompt editors to prioritize stories simply according
to the numbers.
A recent study by Andrew Currah1 identified a move towards a narrower agenda of sports
and celebrity stories in newspapers as being partly caused by an over-concentration on these
techniques. The BBC has developed test Beta software that allows the main BBC news front page
to be presented according to the order of users’ click preferences – i.e. the most popular stories
at the top.
It creates a news product that is pretty bizarre and one that would not, in the BBC’s
judgement, be wanted by audiences. Users still want clear professional editorial judgment. But
that judgement can be much better informed by a sophisticated understanding of the data.
That is especially important in considering user experience, design and user journeys. As
well as improving internet-based journalism, audience insight is also the foundation of an
important cultural shift across platforms.
The BBC has in recent years put significant effort into improving the availability of its
audience research to staff. BBC television and radio producers have a much greater
understanding of their audiences through qualitative data such as the daily internet survey, the
Pulse. That provides overnight data on the audience’s judgement of the quality of programs and
news items.
In 2009 the BBC will be developing further techniques that will allow us, for the first time,
to analyze audience consumption alongside demographics. So, if we want to, we might be able
to tell which stories were most popular among young audiences, or men, or ethnic minorities. We
know that there are certain parts of the audience that consume BBC News less than others.
Detailed information will enable us to address these audience gaps.

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 However, we will always make sure that BBC News’ editorial values are our guiding
principles and not simply 'chasing audiences'. Yet the biggest impact of greater use of audience
insight is on overall organizational attitudes.
Within the BBC, the research for the Creative Future project on journalism and for its
reassessment of the BBC News brand proved conclusively that, for audiences in the UK and
internationally, the aspect of the BBC that they most appreciate is 'BBC News'.
They value the BBC’s individual news programs, but it is that overall concept that matters
most. The integrity and dominance of the BBC News brand was a powerful driver in the rebranding
of BBC News in 2008. But it has also acted as a powerful organizational and cultural driver. BBC
News has been re-organized on multimedia lines. Instead of departmental teams gathering each
morning in platform-aligned meetings, there is a single conference where all of BBC News comes
together to discuss priority stories.
Tithe barriers and secrecy within the organization (our mini-fortresses) have been torn
down. Program plans and running orders that were once hidden are now open. In determining
whether a piece of information or content should be held back from another part of BBC News or
shared, we apply the test of a notional member of the audience looking at us.
In almost all cases that mythical BBC license payer would want good journalism shared
as widely as possible. It has also prompted major re-organization. In the past, as various BBC
services and programs were launched, they were often added to the existing organization without
being properly integrated. The structure of BBC News could be imagined as a series of
archaeological sedimentary layers, with the attitudes and working practices living on from the
initial foundation of that unit.
Recent reforms have adopted a holistic and integrated approach to working practices and
all the other accretions of the many different journalistic operating models accumulated over the
years. Audience insight has therefore driven cultural and organizational change. It will
undoubtedly drive further cultural change as all the resources of BBC journalism, in the UK’s
nations and regions and across the BBC World Service, are drawn together and leveraged for the
benefit of all our audiences.
This further change is likely to have the biggest effect in the BBC’s online content creation
and distribution. When BBC Online was launched, with great foresight over ten years ago, it was
created as an adjunct to, rather than an integral part of, the BBC’s broadcasting production base.
And BBC Online was not itself integrated.
Instead, the model that was generally adopted was of each division of the BBC launching
separate websites related to their particular program brands or subject genres. So, for instance,
arts content could be produced separately within News, Television and Radio. Information about
climate change might sit within a science website, a Radio 4 environmental program site or the
BBC News website.
A golden opportunity to create a website and an organizational structure that aligned with
audience information needs was missed.
In recent years attempts have been made to create more cross-linking, and technology is
now being employed to allow more automatic cross-fertilization. But the BBC website structure is

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still a better approximation of the organizational diagram than it is a mental map of the BBC’s
purposes and its audience needs.
The only answer to this long-term is a BBC-wide appreciation of overall audience
requirements and a ruthless focus on what we do best and what content we can provide, as a
coherent proposition, to all our audiences.
What closer integration of content also needs to take into account is the proper balance
between an efficient, centralized system and the needs of the BBC to serve a variety of audience
needs. In a resource-constrained organization the temptation will often be to centralize and
standardize.
BBC journalists typically describe this as a fear about producing bland 'news nuggets' in
a news factory. BBC News has currently negotiated this balance by creating systems that ensure
that basic BBC news content (e.g. press conferences, speeches, raw material) is gathered and
processed as efficiently as possible.
The greater efficiency of those systems leaves more resources available for differentiation
around that core. Program makers are able to chase alternative angles, explanations that
illuminate the central news and therefore offer variety around it.
Soon some of these ideas about sharing content might be developed externally through
partnerships. The internal dilemmas we have faced around journalistic identity, efficiency and the
balance between efficiency and plurality will move to the external debate.
The UK and international news industry is under threat from structural and cyclical change.
The cyclical factor – the recession and its associated advertising downturn – is combining with
structural factors such as the fragmentation of the TV market and the splitting of content and
advertising on the internet.
The effect of this is to imperil expensive newsgathering operations, at both the local and
international level. The question of possible public intervention to sustain journalism has moved
center stage in the UK.
Possible remedies include the easing of regulatory constraints on media consolidation,
regulatory pressure on new media businesses like Google to encourage them to return more
value to content creators, incentives for charitable giving that could subsidize public interest
journalism, the creation of public-private partnerships at the local level, and the possible use of
direct public subsidy to support journalism.
The BBC has been undertaking a major rethink of its responsibilities in the face of a
collapse in the UK and international news market. The BBC’s Director General, Mark Thompson,
has put forward a number of ideas for the BBC to partner other organization – potentially sharing
content, technology, facilities and resources.
The biggest possible change to the BBC’s journalism could be in a partnership to underpin
the provision of regional news on commercial TV. For the BBC’s regional journalists, the idea of
partnering their long-time rivals in ITV regional news initially came as a shock.
But it may well be the first portent of a much wider sharing by the BBC to support the UK
news industry. If other sectors of the news industry decline, the government has said it would

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consider the BBC offering widespread support – possibly to commercial radio news, network TV
news and online operations at local and national level.
Some of this might not be through formal partnerships but by extending and formalizing
the underpinning of the media sector that the BBC has often supported. For instance, the BBC
could share its audience research, its production technologies, its knowhow in multimedia
journalism, its training capabilities, like the BBC College of Journalism, and its technological
expertise in areas such as metadata.
Metadata and the effective 'tagging' of all content will be the lifeblood of the new
sharing/linking journalism. So, it would be appropriate for the BBC to develop that capability, as it
is an organization that should be the embodiment of sharing. Beyond the sharing of facilities and
capabilities, the BBC might also syndicate its content more widely to other websites and other
news organization.
But if the BBC just develops partnerships through providing to others it will not be seizing
the real two-way opportunity of partnership. To be true to that the BBC will need to consider taking
content from its partners. And, online, it will need to be more generous in its inclusion of content
from others and linking outwards.
The BBC’s strong position in ondemand content provision in the UK needs to be
accompanied by a corresponding generosity in directing audiences to others who produce great
content.
The BBC Trust has asked the BBC to link out more and there has been some
improvement. But the real barrier to achieving progress in this is the fortress mindset. BBC
journalists must realize that they have a wider purpose than just to sustain their own program and
content.
They have a wider responsibility to audiences to direct them to the best content, wherever
it comes from. Unless we do this, we will never deliver the more open approach to content that
the new audience requires and which will be the foundation of a modernized trust in the BBC.
Openness and partnership should help to answer the charge that the BBC is economically
over-dominant in the news industry. If it can successfully support the rest of the industry, it could
be seen as less of a threat. But it could also answer the charge that it is intellectually over-
dominant.
The BBC has been accused of adopting a “group-think” on some news stories. By having
a wider range of voices internally, welcoming in a wider range of contributors and linking out to a
greater diversity of news views and sources, the BBC can adopt the permeability and plurality
which the modern audience requires. But moving towards this networked world will be hard for
journalists trained in the fortress mindset.
For editors and decision makers it requires balancing the interests of their program or
website with a wider view of audiences. It means a far higher level of collaboration with colleagues
than has traditionally been the case. It also means 'inheriting' more shared content from elsewhere
in the organization.
Editors can no longer commission and publish content exactly to their own specifications.
For many, this is profoundly unsettling. And it may go further and entail more external

70
collaboration – for instance, agreeing shared news coverage with partners who are also
competitors and partnering non-media organizations such as NGOs.
This will be tough stuff. But new news journalists will need the flexibility to cope. They will
need to network with the audience as much as they do with their colleagues. The audience is
becoming a vast but still untapped news source. The most go-ahead journalists are using social
networking tools to help find information and interviewees.
Responding on blogs and using those to promote a dialogue with informed members of
the audience is leading to improved journalism. It can be time-consuming but it can yield real
benefits. So journalists will need changed culture, changed organization and an improved
understanding of the modern tools of journalism – audience insights, blogging, Twitter, multimedia
production.
It sounds like being pretty challenging. It’s certainly more complex than the old fortress
world – of riding out to fight the enemy to the death every day. But I suspect that the public may
well appreciate a journalism that puts serving their information needs at its heart, rather than one
which is about organizing the world in the way that journalists prefer.

Activity 3

Direction: Answer the question briefly.

1. Write a 500 word story pitch about the future of journalism in the Philippines and in the
Southeast Asian region.

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Midterm Examination:
Write an editorial or opinion piece about journalism as a high profession and the
challenges it faces in the digital era. The articles have to be publishable online or offline on all
the topics below. Choose 3 from the list below. Make sure your write-up is 500-1000 words.

1. Personalized news feeds

2. Declining circulation
3. 24-hour news cycle
4. Political advocacy
5. Fake news

Final Examination:

Write a 500-word story pitch and you choose at least 5 from the list below.

1. Lack of transparency
2. Compliance with laws or regulations
3. Challenges with respect to taxation
4. Threat to media channels
5. Hurt and life threats to people working in the industry
6. Concern relating to data privacy
7. Licensing requirements
8. Copyright and piracy issues

Course Grading System:

Written Works (Activities) 60%

Attitude (Initiatives/ Neatness of Works) 10%
Midterm/ Final Examination 30%
Total 100%

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REFERENCES:
Committees on Public Information and Mass Media and Justice and Human Rights. (2008).
Act Granting the Right of Reply and Providing Penalties for Violation Thereof. Senate
of the Philippines.
Dela Rosa, J., Lucero, J.,Vargas, D. (no date). Campus Journalism: Varying Cultures and its Effects to
Secondary Campus Journalists. Central Luzon State University.

Edwards, V. (no date). Journalism as Profession (Careers and Expectations).

International Media Support (IMS). (2017). Defending Journalism, p.48.

Karashani, F & Rioba, A. (2002). To Write or Not to Write: Ethical Concerns in Journalism. Dar es
Salaam: Media Council of Tanzania.

Manual on Civic Journalism. (2016). Building Better Communities Through Civic Journalism Reference
Materials for the Seminar-Workshop Series. Sponsored by: The Coca-Cola Export Corporation In
partnership with the Philippine Press Institute (PPI).

Tamara, W. & Gunner, N. (no date). Journal of Media Business. Journalism, A Profession Under
Pressure.

Pertiarra, R. (2012). The New Media, Society & Politics in the Philippines. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung
Hiroshimastrasse 28 10874 Berlin, Germany.

The BBC College of Journalism. (2009). The Future of Journalism Papers. Editor: Charles Miller
Conference producer: David Hayward
The UN and the Safety of Journalists. (2021). Resource Kit for UN Staff by the UN Focal Points
Network on Safety of Journalists. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization.
Republic Act 10173. (2012). The Data Privacy Act of 2012, the Freedom of Information -
Philippines (FOI Philippines). Presidential Communications Operations Office, New
Executive Building, J.P. Laurel, Malacañang, Manila.
Retief, J. (2002). Media Ethics: An Introduction to Responsible Journalism. Cape Town: Oxford University
Press Southern Africa.

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