Chapter 6

Unravelling Indigenous Knowledge Using

the Msangu (Faidherbia albida)Tree
in Malawi: Through the Voice of Farmers

Boyson Moyo, Deepa Pullanikkatil, Jostino Peter Phiri, and David Gerow

Abstract While development professionals, academics and policy makers use

modern science to understand and explain changes in nature and make predictions
for future weather, some isolated communities in remote rural areas rely on
Traditional Ecological Knowledge obtained by observing environment around them
to help make decisions to cope with weather shocks. This paper looks at the
Faidherbia albida tree and describes its roles and benefits associated with the liveli-
hoods of Malawian local farmers, through the farmer’s voice. The paper unpacks
both Scientific Ecological Knowledge and Traditional Ecological Knowledge about
this tree. Using literature review, field observations and ten in-depth interviews con-
ducted in two villages of Salima District, Malawi, where the tree is abundant in
farms, we collated both Scientific and Traditional Ecological Knowledge about
Faidherbia albida (or ‘Msangu’ in the local language Chichewa). The tree has vari-
ous purposes, as a nitrogen fixer, fodder for animals, firewood and wood for carving
dugout canoes. The tree’s pods are fed to pregnant goats as this is believed to pre-
vent miscarriages in animals. The directions in which the tree’s leaves fall are inter-
preted as rainfall prediction indicators by community members. Using a decolonial
approach and merging Traditional Ecological Knowledge with Scientific Ecological
Knowledge, F. albida is used to unpack farmers’ knowledge in decision-making
related to agricultural practices.

Keywords Traditional Ecological Knowledge · Climate prediction · Decolonial

approach · Forecasting for farming

B. Moyo
Faculty of Natural Resources Management, Lilongwe University of Agriculture and Natural
Resources, Lilongwe, Malawi
D. Pullanikkatil (*)
Sustainable Futures in Africa and Abundance, Mbando Village, Malawi
J. P. Phiri
Kaphaisi Village, Salima District, Malawi
D. Gerow
School of Education, University of Glasgow, Scotland, UK

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 107
D. Pullanikkatil, K. Hughes (eds.), Socio-Ecological Systems and Decoloniality,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15097-5_6
108 B. Moyo et al.

Introduction

As one drives along cultivated fields sparsely dotted with young trees on the uplands
of Malawi, one is confronted with imposing, tall and mature Faiderbhia albida
along the shores of Lake Malawi. They present a sharp contrast to the general land-
scape of Malawi, which is characterised by few mature trees as a result of extensive
deforestation and the expansion of agriculture lands (Ngwira & Watanabe, 2019).
Clearly, the F. albida is valued by local people (FAO, 2015) and therefore preserved,
sparing it from the widespread deforestation synonymous with Malawi’s landscape.
Talking to farmers in this area, the importance of F. albida comes to light. Some of
the virtues of this tree include it being an indicator of drought, an agent improving
soil fertility, providing fodder to animals, providing wood for fuel and canoes and
not competing for light with crops, as it sheds its leaves during planting season. This
paper unveils Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) (as defined by Berkes,
1993) amongst communities in Malawi about F. albida, called the ‘Msangu’ in the
local language, Chichewa.
TEK represents the collective knowledge of the people living on the land,
recorded in anecdotes, poems and stories, including place-based knowledge of the
landscape which is not siloed by disciplines. It is interconnected knowledge that
spans several generations, often passed on through word of mouth and traditional
practices, and it incorporates sustainability aspects of land and natural resources
management. Ideally, this paper would have only covered the voices of farmers,
particularly their TEK; however, in science, to ‘accept’ TEK, one has to scientifi-
cally validate it, particularly for realists (Eriksen, 2007). After the colonial period
ended in Africa and around the world, a model of global power termed ‘Coloniality’
continued, characterised by racial hierarchisation, resource concentration, natural
resource categorisation and valuation, trade and economic production systems sup-
porting the global north, and the dominance of Eurocentric knowledge (Aníbal,
2000; Eriksen, 2007; Howitt & Suchet-Pearson, 2006). In other words, coloniality
refers to ‘ways of thinking, feeling, and being associated with European global
domination’ and has persisted long after decolonisation (Adams et al., 2018). Thus
we carry in our minds the metaphysical empire, which influences how knowledge is
perceived, thereby reproducing domination. The challenge remains as to how to
prevent this. Is there perceived wisdom against all odds for many or some to embark
on a decolonial approach, which involves amongst other things recognising coloni-
ality in many spheres, including in academic work?
Human-environment interactions are complex, making Western science as a
dominant knowledge source inadequate for explaining the nuances of social-­
ecological systems (Raymond et al., 2010, Fabricius et al., 2006). There is thus a
need to take account of different types and sources of knowledge (Olsson & Folke,
2001; Cash et al., 2003; Reid et al., 2006; Fabricius et al., 2006). Indeed, even
Petzold et al. (2020) explain that knowledge systems and practices of indigenous
people have not been used consistently in adaptation efforts and have often been
neglected in policy and research though are recognised as a major resource for
6 Unravelling Indigenous Knowledge Using the Msangu (Faidherbia albida) Tree… 109

climate adaptation. It is for this reason that some scholars have called for the devel-
opment of approaches where TEK is considered alongside Western scientific knowl-
edge (Pullin & Knight, 2001; Reed et al., 2007; Reed, 2008; Cowling et al., 2008;
Moyo & Moyo, 2013). Some scholars have gone so far as to say that to ignore
people’s knowledge is almost to ensure failure in development (Brokensha et al.,
1980; Chambers, 2008). However, linking TEK and Western science presents the
challenges of power asymmetries (Raymond et al., 2010), and Eurocentric observ-
ers have mostly discounted and underrated TEK (Shizha & Emeagwali, 2016).
Despite this, the merits of TEK have been widely recognised, for example, evidence
from forest conservation in Bolivia (Paneque-Gálvez et al., 2018) and from studies
by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the
World Health Organization (WHO) who have looked at ‘traditional knowledge’ and
its links with food security and traditional medicine (Tucker, 1999; Chambers, 2008).
In this paper, we apply a decolonial approach as defined by Agboka (2014) to
illuminate the local knowledge about F. albida and how it is being used in a com-
munity in Malawi. Through the engagement of scientific knowledge, the paper pro-
vides many socio-ecological perspectives embedded in TEK to the use of this tree
and argues for greater respect for and acceptance of local knowledge, thereby nar-
rowing the gaps between the two ‘sciences’. This is particularly relevant for a coun-
try like Malawi, where rural communities rely on TEK.

Background on Malawi

Malawi, classified as a least developed country, is predominantly an agriculture-­

based society and has a Human Development Index of 171 out of 189 countries
(UNDP, 2018). With over 95% of its farmers (Steven & Madani, 2016; Karin et al.,
2020) depending on rain-fed agriculture and at subsistence level, the country is
particularly susceptible to climate change’s negative consequences and is conse-
quently vulnerable (USAID, 2013). With a growing population (Fig. 6.1) and 85%
of farmers at subsistence level, demand for land to produce food is ever increasing.
Population density in Malawi has increased from 142.44 persons per square kilome-
tre in 2006 to 186.4 in 2018 (Food Security Portal, 2019).
Food production is hampered by several factors including declining landholding
(Karin et al., 2020), declining soil fertility and inappropriate sources of soil nutri-
ents such as fertilisers that are too expensive for smallholder farmers to acquire
(Mhango & Dick, 2011; Lele, 1989). Although it occurs at a very low rate in Malawi,
the use of chemical fertilisers as a source of nutrients translates into reduced organic
matter addition to the soils of Malawi. Low soil organic content is as a result of
continuous cultivation of fields with little rotation and limited fallowing, which
leads to lower crop yields and reduces the water-holding capacities of soil. This
exacerbates the impacts on Malawi’s recurrent droughts and flooding (World Bank,
2016). Figure 6.2 shows how rice, maize and wheat production have declined over
three years (2013–2016).
110 B. Moyo et al.

Populaon of Malawi
2,00,00,000
1,80,00,000
1,60,00,000
1,40,00,000
1,20,00,000
1,00,00,000
80,00,000
60,00,000
40,00,000
20,00,000
0
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

Fig. 6.1 Population of Malawi from 2006 to 2015. (Source: Food Security Portal, 2019)

Information from Fig. 6.2 is in agreement with other research on soil fertility in
Malawi. Njoloma et al. (2016) state that studies from the northern, central and
southern regions of Malawi indicate that soil fertility, especially in the smallholder
farms, has been declining over the years and there is urgent need for soil fertility
restoration through means such as planting nitrogen-fixing trees in farms.
Food insecurity remains a challenge in the country, with the prevalence of under-
nourishment1 as an indicator of food insecurity being 25.9% for the years 2014–2016
(FAO, 2019). Under 5 mortality2 as an indicator of food insecurity was 55.1 per
1000 in 2016 (World Bank, 2016). According to the Integrated Household Survey of
2016 (NSO, 2017), which looked at food adequacy between 2010 and 2016, it was
found that households which reported food inadequacy increased from 40% to 55%
in rural areas, while in urban areas they increased from 31% to 36%. Children are
amongst the groups that are predominantly vulnerable. In 2016, 6.5 million people
in Malawi were food insecure, and UNICEF estimated 3.5 million children were
affected, many by severe acute malnutrition (UNICEF, 2018). In April of the same
year, the country declared a national disaster with regard to food security. The
results of the 2016 Food Security Assessment in Malawi revealed that 6.5 million
people, which is 39% of total population, would not be able to meet their annual
food requirements during the 2016/2017 consumption period (Government of
Malawi, 2016).

1
Population undernourished is the percentage of a country’s population that consistently has a food
intake that is less than a minimum dietary energy consumption required for maintaining health and
performing light physical activity. This requirement varies by country and is calculated by looking
at the amount of food available in a country and a measure of inequality in distribution developed
using household income and expenditure surveys. The minimum requirement for dietary energy is
usually between 1750 and 2030 kilocalories per person per day. The data is expressed as a coun-
try’s average over a 3-year period.
2
The under 5 mortality rate is the number of children per 1000 who die before the age of 5.
6 Unravelling Indigenous Knowledge Using the Msangu (Faidherbia albida) Tree… 111

Rice Producon Wheat Producon

140000 2000
120000
100000 1500
80000
1000
60000
40000 500
20000
0 0
2013 2014 2015 2016 2013 2014 2015 2016

Maize Producon Soybean Producon

5000000 135000
130000
4000000
125000
3000000 120000
2000000 115000
110000
1000000
105000
0 100000
2013 2014 2015 2016 2013 2014 2015 2016

Fig. 6.2 Agricultural production of rice, wheat, maize and soybean in Malawi from 2013 to 2016.
(Source: Food Security Portal, 2019)

In addition to food insecurity issues, Malawi is facing the challenges of extreme

weather events from climate change (Fujisawa et al., 2020). The frequency of floods
and droughts has increased over the years (in 2015, 25 of Malawi’s 28 districts were
affected by flooding) (World Bank, 2016), while the drought that started in 2016
continued in 2017. Preparing for disasters linked to both natural and man-made
causes is crucial for this least developed country where nearly 70% of its 17 million
people live on less than $1.90 a day (UNDP, 2018; Fujisawa et al., 2020). The
majority of those in rural areas, who remain cut off from modern knowledge and
services, are able to manage their lives and livelihoods using TEK.
In the wake of the food insecurity and climate challenge that Malawi’s agrarian
populace faces, managing land to sustain food production is crucial (Peters, 2002).
Peters (2002) and Moyo (2009) demonstrate that smallholder farmers apply several
and varied techniques in the growing of crops and site selection to sustain produc-
tion. The practices include agroforestry techniques such as keeping trees in their
fields to retain moisture and to increase the organic matter and nutrients in the soil
necessary for sustained agricultural production, which includes crop yields and
increased livestock production. In the areas to which F. albida is acclimatised, it is
the most important tree in this old practice that is now called agroforestry.
112 B. Moyo et al.

TEK and Scientific Knowledge

While development professionals, academics and policymakers use climate science,

scenarios and peer-reviewed analysis to understand changes in natural resources
and predict future weather, communities in many rural areas rely on TEK to make
their predictions, albeit having access to weather reports through radios and social
media. Scientific knowledge acquired as weather reports from social media and
radios seems to be compared with the weather-related TEK that has been used for
generations.
Some scholars have argued that TEK is holistic (Brush, 2007) as it does not sepa-
rate humans from the environment and it looks at the landscape through large tem-
poral scales, spanning generations (Whyte, 2013). In many aspects, it is
cross-disciplinary, multidisciplinary, interdisciplinary and trans-disciplinary.
Indeed, TEK and African indigenous ways of knowing and knowledge production
have received the attention of many scholars over the years (e.g. Odora-Hoppers,
2002; Moodie, 2003; Nkondo, 2012, Moyo & Moyo, 2013). A study in Kenya
(Mbuku, 2013) looked at drought monitoring using local knowledge by pastoralists,
where a number of indicators (rainfall, temperature, wind, flora, fauna and astro-
logical constellations) were used to predict droughts and take action for the farming
season. For example, in East Africa most especially, climate change information
and agro-advisory services are crucial in helping smallholder farmers and pastoral-
ists manage climate-related risks and adapt to climate change; therefore, most farm-
ers and pastoralists rely on indigenous knowledge for seasonal weather forecasts
where local-observed indicators and experiences are used to assess, observe, fore-
cast and interpret local weather conditions and climate (Radeny et al., 2019). As
such practitioners are starting to realise that to improve the adaptive capacity and
resilience of rural communities (Orlove et al., 2010), indigenous and local ways of
forecasting are necessary in rural communities and beyond. In isolated rural com-
munities, TEK is valuable – particularly in instances where communities are often
cut off from modern science due to poor connectivity, lack of access to electricity,
low literacy levels and other challenges – but of paramount importance is that TEK
has stood the test of time. In such communities, academics/scholars could try to
understand both knowledge streams and bring in improved understanding and
respect for TEK, thereby contributing to decoloniality.
It is clear that local people living long term in geographical areas and ‘affinity
interest’ groups that extensively utilise natural resources directly (such as fisherfolk,
charcoal sellers and bush meat sellers) ‘are likely to possess a deep knowledge of
the present and past condition of the “landscapes” that provide such resources’ and
‘have a good idea of the likely impact of future climate conditions based on their
own experience with short-term changes due to natural climate/weather variability’
(USAID, 2013; Malawi Vulnerability Assessment Committee, 2013). Based on this
experience with nature, there are local weather forecasters in rural Malawi who use
TEK, observing the behaviour of flora and fauna as well as environmental condi-
tions, to make predictions (see Phuthego & Chanda, 2004). Radeny et al. (2019)
6 Unravelling Indigenous Knowledge Using the Msangu (Faidherbia albida) Tree… 113

demonstrate that in East Africa (rural Tanzania, Malawi, Zimbabwe and Kenya),
communities largely rely on indigenous knowledge to forecast weather through
observation and monitoring the behaviour of animals, birds, plants and insects.
Furthermore, sightings of certain species of birds, frog croaks, wind directions and
the flowering of certain plant species are used as indicators in Malawi as elsewhere
to make predictions of future weather and climate conditions (Kalanda-Joshua
et al., 2011; Phiri, 2017). It is for this reason that Kalanda-Joshua et al. (2011) pro-
posed that indigenous knowledge as well as TEK needs to be integrated into scien-
tific climate forecasts at a local level to enhance resilience and reduce the
vulnerabilities of rural communities. Without the integration of current scientific
weather and climate predictions with indigenous knowledge in Malawi, weather
and climate prediction at village level is less useful. There is thus a need to incorpo-
rate TEK into scientific knowledge about weather and climate change at a village
level (Kalanda-Joshua et al., 2011).
The advantage and strength of incorporating TEK in weather and climate predic-
tion is also demonstrated elsewhere in the world, where studies have also alluded to
the use of indigenous knowledge in climate prediction with success. By observing
‘lightning, wind direction, cloud formation, rains, drought, birds, animal, trees’, the
tribal people of Sindh, Pakistan, are able to predict climate (Ahmed et al., 2016).
Kagunyu et al. (2016) describe indigenous early warning signs of climate variation
as used by pastoralists in Kenya with success as well. In Malawi, especially the
Lower Shire Valley, the behaviour of locally available plants and animals (abun-
dance of ants, nyerere in the village; hippo, mvuwu migration from the riverbanks to
villages; increased flowering of Acacia nigrescens, Mkhunku tree; increased pro-
duction of the Adansonia, Mbwemba tree), changes in the river behaviour (increased
sounds from the waters moving in the river, colours of water which turn to darker,
muddier, creation of foam in the water and waters’ backflow effects) and monitoring
of the weather and temperature changes (occurrences of dark clouds, heavy winds,
extremely hot temperatures) predict that there will be flooding (Trogrlic &
Homberg, 2018).
With such imbedded value of TEK, the authors stress that with increasing cli-
mate variability, early warning of weather changes is very important, and they sug-
gest combining ‘the existing indigenous early warning indicators with modern
forecasting methods, to make them more appropriate’ (Kagunyu et al., 2016). Many
scholars agree that local and indigenous knowledge (and TEK to use a technical
term) and observations in analysis of climate change can improve adaptive capacity
and complement modern climate science as local observers make observations and
predictions at specific local spatial scales (which are smaller than modern climate
scientists) (Hiwasaki et al., 2014; Nyong et al., 2007; Chaudhary & Bawa, 2011).
It is not only with forecasting of climate that TEK is helpful; it can be useful for
a variety of agriculture and land management decision-making. In this chapter, we
examine one tree, F. albida, the TEK related to this tree that exists in communities
in Salima, Malawi, and how they use this knowledge for decision-making. We then
interrogate this knowledge and figure out to what extent it can be useful in
114 B. Moyo et al.

unpacking indigenous and scientific knowledge for decision-making by smallholder

farmers across the globe.

Methods

This research idea emanated from discussions between first and second co-authors
during meetings of the Sustainable Futures in Africa (SFA) network at the University
of Glasgow, Scotland, in 2017 and at Lagos, Nigeria, in 2018. The SFA network is
an interdisciplinary collective of academics, practitioners and communities address-
ing the complexities of sustainability practices, and both co-authors are founding
members of this network. The co-authors recognised this research idea as an area of
mutual interest to both. In August 2018, at a subsequent meeting in Malawi, the
fieldwork and data collection was done by the co-authors. The method used is quali-
tative; using literature review and in-depth interviews with key informants, we col-
lated TEK about Faidherbia albida. Ten in-depth interviews were conducted in
August 2018 in two villages of the Salima District of Malawi, where the tree was
found to be abundant in farms. One of the main informants was a traditional village
leader who is also a co-author of this chapter. The authors also undertook field visits
to the farms where F. albida was present. Interviews were done in Chichewa, the
local language. The farmers’ production and livelihood practices emerging from the
study were then analysed in the context of farming and livelihood strategies with the
aid of scientific knowledge on F. albida.
The study site covered three villages under group village headman Kaphaizi, in
Salima District, 112 km from Lilongwe, the capital city of Malawi. The average
annual rainfall in this area is around 1059 mm with frequent flooding occurring dur-
ing the rainy season (Climate data, 2019). The main economic activities include
agricultural production, including crop production, with maize as dominant crop
and cotton as a cash crop. Almost all villagers have livestock dominated by goats
and chickens, while other livestock types include pigs, cattle and pigeons. The sites
are off the M5 road, which has a bitumen surface along a dirt road towards the east
(7 km) where a shore of Lake Malawi is located. These smallholder farmers also
work as fishermen and sell firewood, and some make canoes as additional income-­
generating activities.

Findings

The findings outlined here first provide information from field observation and then
results on use and beliefs regarding F. albida through the farmer’s perspective,
which is then explained using scientific knowledge derived from literature review.
This paper does not claim to be an exhaustive account of all information related to
6 Unravelling Indigenous Knowledge Using the Msangu (Faidherbia albida) Tree… 115

F. albida, but the most common TEK, beliefs and uses related to the tree have been
covered.
Field observations showed F. albida in farms to be green and mature. Most of
these were just as big when village headman Kaphaizi settled in the area in around
1938, suggesting that most of these trees are over 160 years old. Similarly, preva-
lence of trees on farms was noted in Lilongwe as early as 1934, and F. albida of
6.5 m mean canopy diameter, 40 trees per 100 ha and 1410 canopy per 100 ha, was
noted in Lilongwe Agriculture Development Division in 1992 (Dewees, 1995).
In our study site, F. albida’s height varies because branches are used as firewood,
but those that have not been trimmed are above 10 metres tall. The trees are spaced
at least 15 metres apart, the spacing between each tree not necessarily being random
but managed by local people in such a manner that their canopies do not overlap.
Although these trees shed leaves in the rainy season, exhibiting reverse phenology,
TEK guided the community to space the trees at intervals so that they are far apart
to allow light for crops grown underneath. Clearly, there is management of trees
within the people’s gardens to maximise benefits from them. The management of
the trees also extends to the provision of a suitable environment for livestock.
Livestock such as goats were observed either at the bottoms of the trees enjoying the
shade or around homesteads. The farmland as depicted in Fig. 6.4 has standing hay,
and the shade provided by the trees during the dry hot season is very clear (Fig. 6.3).
The community at Kaphaizi village moved there in 1938 and they found the
F. albida trees already fully grown. Some respondents recall that in the 1930s, the
trees were fully mature and about 10 m high. The respondents informed us that the

Fig. 6.3 Study site map of Khombedza in Salima District of Malawi

116 B. Moyo et al.

trees were already there when they moved in, suggesting that the presence of
F. albida was part of the decision to settle in the area. In fact, two key features were
mentioned in relation to the selection of the site for settlement in the area. The first
was the possible flooding of the water source next to the river Nkombezi, where the
first village was which may have been a reason for the village to move to this ‘new’
area. The second was the presence of F. albida trees, which is known to be an indi-
cator of good soil fertility. The F. albida tree is mainly dispersed (planted through
seeds contained in animal droppings) by wildlife including livestock, particularly
cattle; hence it has to be managed so that the spacing between trees is suitable for
cultivation of crops. Indeed, the field observations as depicted in Fig. 6.4 reveal that
the trees were spaced at a distance suitable for the cultivation of crops. As men-
tioned earlier, such spacing allows adequate sunlight to reach all trees and crops
grown underneath, in a way also preventing crowding and competition for soil nutri-
ents and water. It appears that the system is geared towards high reliability of agri-
cultural output of both crops and livestock rather than maximising individual
enterprises (goats, chickens, maize and so on). It is the total output of agricultural
products utilised at a household level that becomes the major goal of the production
system in which F. albida tree plays a significant role. The following anecdote pro-
vides an indication of how highly the farmers value the trees and are currently man-
aging the trees:
Mitengo sitidula wamba (Chichewa). The trees are not cut anyhow. The trees are cut down
only if they grow too close to each other, preventing sunlight from coming down to the
crops due to their canopies. Or when wood is needed to make dugout canoes. Each tree far
apart from another. Branches should not touch. Cutting tree branches is good for crop
growth. (Local farmer).
The Chief allocates land and makes sure his subjects are managing the land well and not
cutting down the Msangu. (Local farmer).

Depicted in the quotations above is the fact that in Malawi customary land in rural
areas is managed by traditional leaders such as the Chiefs. They have the authority
to allocate land to people who live there and ensure that proper management of

Fig. 6.4 Faidherbia albida

trees in farms located in
Kaphaizi village in Salima
6 Unravelling Indigenous Knowledge Using the Msangu (Faidherbia albida) Tree… 117

natural resources including trees and in particular Msangu is done by their subjects.
Furthermore, the above anecdote indicates that the traditional leadership in the
study area has at their heart inherent value of the F. albida tree. The tree has to be
thus managed both at a household level and the leadership level. Clearly, the author-
ity and dispensing of justice related to the F. albida tree is held at the higher level of
leadership.

Uses of the Tree

Soil Fertility Enhancer

For the farmer, the tree has many uses. The farmers note healthy crops under the
F. albida trees. Based on these observations, the most prominent role of F. albida is
that it encourages better stand and yields of crops as a result of additional soil nutri-
ents found under the shade of the tree, demonstrating the trees’ ability to add nutri-
ents to the soil needed by the crops grown under it.
Farmers in Salima know that the F. albida trees enhance soil fertility, as indicated
by the following quote:
The leaves shed are used as manure and hence crops grow without the addition of fertilizer.
(Local farmer).

From the quote above, it can be seen that farmers realise that additional soil nutri-
ents come from leaves shed from the tree. The scientific underpinning of this knowl-
edge is demonstrated by Umar et al. (2013), whose soil tests on where F. albida
trees showed improved soil fertility in farmers’ fields in Zambia and in Malawi
(Saka et al., 1994). This corroborates with farmers’ knowledge in Salima. The
improved crop performance under F. albida and enhanced soil fertility could be
explained through the experience in Ethiopia, where it was found that in farms with
F. albida trees, there was greater soil organic matter, total nitrogen available, phos-
phorus, exchangeable calcium, exchangeable magnesium and cation exchange
capacity under the canopies of the trees compared to in the open land (Desta et al.,
2018; Kamara & Haque, 1992). F. albida is thus also known as a fertiliser tree and
is used in maize farms precisely due to this quality (Yengwe et al., 2018).

Fodder for Animals

The study found that in the study area, F. albida trees’ leaves and pods were an
important source of feed for livestock:
Pods are used in the dry season as feed. Msangu is a good feed for livestock. It fattens them
as well as improves the calving rate, reducing stillbirths particularly in goats. (Local
farmer).
118 B. Moyo et al.

The scientific literature provides evidence that F. albida is a good source of live-
stock feed. For example, in Nigeria, Bah et al. (2017) found that supplementing
goats with Faidherbia albida pods at a 20% inclusion level significantly increased
their weight. Hassan et al. (2007) inferred that the seed and pulp of F. albida could
be an important source of feed ingredients for livestock. In Malawi, Phombeya
(1999) alludes to the fact that the pods from the trees are used as a source of live-
stock feed.

Medicinal Properties

The fruits of the tree are good for calving goats and it prevents stillbirths in goats. (Local
farmer).

These findings are in agreement with other scholars. Medicinal properties of

F. albida have been reported in some scientific studies. In a study in Egypt, F. albida
plants and the soils in which they were growing were found to contain zinc, copper,
selenium, manganese, iron, potassium, sodium, calcium and magnesium at minor or
trace levels (Sheded et al., 2006). Since deficiency in selenium causes miscarriages
as it is an essential trace element of importance for reproduction in animals and
humans, it is not surprising that farmers in Salima have a similar knowledge reper-
toire. The Salima farmers’ belief in the medicinal properties of the tree seems to
tally with scientific evidence reported in scientific literature.
Direct medicinal properties have been reported by Kubmarawa et al. (2007a, b),
who found anti-microbial properties in F. albida. The people in Adamawa state in
Nigeria use the stem bark to treat skin infections. Furthermore, a study in Bauchi
state in Nigeria found that F. albida is traditionally used to treat fever, diarrhoea,
urticaria, vomiting, cough, rheumatism and haemorrhage. Pharmacological analysis
of crude aqueous extract of the plant indicated that it is a potent antipyretic, with
anti-inflammatory and anti-diarrhoeal effects, and is useful in the management of
fever, rheumatic inflammatory conditions and diarrhoea (Tijani et al., 2008). Salawu
et al. (2010) found that F. albida ethanolic stem bark extract possesses a potent
antimalaria effect when tested on mice.

Provision of Wood

As well as its importance in agricultural production, farmers utilise the tree for other
provisions that improve their livelihoods. In the study area, we found trees having
their branches cut off to provide firewood, while not killing the tree. The wood is
also used for burning bricks in kilns. The bigger trunks are cut to make dugout
canoes (Fig. 6.5). Even when such big trees are cut, an effort is made to allow for
6 Unravelling Indigenous Knowledge Using the Msangu (Faidherbia albida) Tree… 119

Fig. 6.5 Dugout canoes made from F. albida wood as well as firewood ready for sale at a beach
in Salima District

the regeneration of the stump or to allow for smaller trees to fill the space created by
the felling of a fully grown tree to be used in making a dugout canoe.

Other Observations About the Tree

Reverse Phenology

Farmers understand that F. albida sheds its leaves during the rainy season while
growing new leaves in the dry season, a process scientists call inverted phenology.
Local farmers say, ‘masamba amagwa nthawi ya mvula’, meaning the tree sheds its
leaves at the beginning of the rainy season. This has been widely documented by
scholars and is clearly observable in the field year in and year out. Studies show that
F. albida exhibits reverse phenology to other trees, so it is green during the dry sea-
son and sheds leaves during the rainy season, thus not competing for light and water
with farm crops (Wood, 1992; Roupsard et al., 1999). According to a study con-
ducted in Sudanese west Africa by Roupsard et al. (1999), due to reverse phenology,
low density and the depth of water uptake of F. albida, the fraction of annual rainfall
used by the trees was estimated to remain below 5%.

The Placing of the Tree and Lightning

F. albida, although very abundant in farmers’ fields along the lake shore, is rarely
found around their houses (field observation by authors). The authors investigated
whether the choice of the villagers deliberately excludes areas where F. albida is
found. Respondents mentioned that its thorny branches were a hazard to children:
120 B. Moyo et al.

Msangu is fit for gardens, not around homes. (Woman in the village).

Its thorns are not good for children when playing outside. (Woman in the village).
An interesting response was that farmers believe F. albida attracts lightning, and
this was the main reason they do not plant the trees next to households:
The tree is believed to attract lightning and consumes water and hence is not planted near
homesteads. (Woman in the village).

We could not find any published work to corroborate this. Beliefs related to trees
which repel lightning were found in published literature, but we could not find sci-
entific explanation about this either. Trengove and Jandrell (2015) have reported on
beliefs by people in southern Africa regarding Boscia albitrunca, Ziziphus mucro-
nata, Gardenia volkensii, Kigelia africana and Ochna arborea, species of trees
which were thought to repel lightning. Further studies are needed to understand how
F. albida can attract lightning while other trees can repel it. Both these phenomena
could be areas for further studies.

Signal for Rainfall Variability

Usually in Malawi, it is October when the F. albida tree sheds its leaves and planting
season begins. Delayed shedding of leaves has a significant meaning to local peo-
ple, and it is interpreted as a sign of a delayed onset of rainfall. Therefore, it becomes
a tool for the management decision-making process for planting crops. However, it
should be noted that this is not the only signal that is used to predict future weather
conditions. Other signals such as wind directions, positions of birds’ nests, sounds
of animals and insects and appearances of certain species of insects and animals are
also used to reinforce each other in likelihood of the outcome of the prediction. The
local people use a minimum of three signals before arriving at a conclusion. Once
they have reached a conclusion regarding future weather conditions, they then make
decisions related to farming, such as whether to dry plant the seeds, to use fast-­
maturing seeds, to delay planting and also what type of crop to be planted (whether
it is maize or cassava, for instance). Thus, the F. albida tree plays an important role
as one of the signals used to arrive at a prediction of future weather/climatic
conditions.
Studies suggest that leaf fall in this tree is induced by temporary anaerobic con-
ditions in the soil and that the tree can support its leaves during the dry season
because its roots are very deep and close to the water table (Frankham et al., 2004):
When the leaves shed from the tree and fall south, it indicates that the rains will not be good
that year and farmers plant fast-maturing crops, such as the Kenya Red variety of maize,
which matures in 95 days. When leaves fall in all directions, it will be good rains. (Local
farmer).

For farmers in the study area, the red maize in Fig. 6.6 is grown on an extensive
scale when the F. albida leaves fall on the southern side of the trees, which as noted
6 Unravelling Indigenous Knowledge Using the Msangu (Faidherbia albida) Tree… 121

Fig. 6.6 Farmer at study area holding the fast maturing variety Kadzira Kenya Red maize cob

earlier is an indication of an unreliable, erratic rainfall season, making it a year

when ordinarily the normal white maize would yield less than its potential. The cob
is big despite the previous years’ erratic rains, indicating a normal yield potential of
the crop is realised in the face of weather variations that reduce the yield of the com-
mon white maize. In a normal year when the forecast is good, this maize is only
grown to multiply seed for seasons that demand its extensive use. Such practices fail
to be a mechanism defined under coping and adaptation strategies. Adaptation is a
response, and it occurs when a system has experienced a shock. Adaptation and cop-
ing are thus reactive rather than proactive activities. The production system of farm-
ers demonstrates their ability to be proactive in the face of climate change and
weather variability. It would be foolhardy to assume that such a system is foolproof
against uncertainties and risks, but it demonstrates the management of risks and
uncertainties to optimise production under uncertainties and unpredictability to
reduce negative impacts of the variable and unpredictable weather and climate.
Such a system then positions the farmers as managers of their livelihoods and as
such demands that their expertise and knowledge be understood in development
theory and practice for interventions in the face of climate change and weather
variability.
122 B. Moyo et al.

Conclusion

The production system anchored by F. albida is a farmers’ production strategy in

the face of weather and climate change, accepting exposure to the vagaries of nature
rather than a coping or adaptation mechanism – so often a desired goal under the
scientific knowledge system. It may well be that from the scientific point of view,
there is a failure to understand the farmers’ production strategies, almost always
defined as coping, adaptation and building resilience; when farmers go beyond this,
they are really employing steady production strategies that vary depending on the
forecasted weather and climatic conditions. This an important difference in the
point of departure. If scientists accept this departure point, the norm under scientific
knowledge is turned on its head so that indigenous knowledge becomes another
source of expertise for scientists to respect, utilise and incorporate as necessary
knowledge for agricultural production and development theory and practice.
Farmers in the study area, therefore, aim at responding to alternate periods of
varying weather conditions by changing the type of maize crop they grow with an
emphasis on exploiting environmental heterogeneity rather than manipulating the
environment, probably aligning more to ‘high reliability systems’ theory than to the
risk-aversion framework (Kratli, 2008). They also utilise F. albida to optimise agri-
cultural production by utilising the multiple ecosystem services provided by this
superior tree. In a way, the F. albida anchors the Salima farmers’ livelihoods by
optimising crop and livestock production as well as provision of firewood and dug-
out canoes for fishing in and transportation on Lake Malawi.
The rich indigenous knowledge about this tree reveals that the tree is used for
many purposes including wood, fodder, medicine and as a signal of rainfall pattern
prediction. It is ironic that despite such observations and evidence, local knowledge
and traditional farming methods are still considered inferior to modern farming
techniques stemming from ‘scientific knowledge’. It is surprising in this instance
that local knowledge needs to be validated scientifically to be accepted as true. The
authors thus call for a different view, that of the decolonisation of knowledge so that
local knowledge can be respected in its own right based on evidence from observa-
tions. Indigenous knowledge is a holistic knowledge system, is broad and encom-
passes generations of wisdom, observations and experimentation in a community in
a particular environment (Sinclair & Walker, 1999). Local knowledge is also evolv-
ing constantly based on observations (Kolawole, 2001) and therefore not static.
Thus, this paper argues that local knowledge has virtue and should not be consid-
ered inferior to modern science, using the case study of F. albida’s use in Malawi.
For the farmer, this tree is a magic tree, as evidenced by the anecdotes provided in
this paper. The tree is so valuable that its management is encouraged and controlled
up to the highest level in the local community. It appears the local farmers in Salima
are less affected by colonial impacts on management of their resources, and their
local knowledge-based practices may have to be well understood and incorporated
in development theory and practice. Their practices need to play a major role in the
decolonisation of knowledge and scientists need to learn from these farmers.
6 Unravelling Indigenous Knowledge Using the Msangu (Faidherbia albida) Tree… 123

Personal Views on Indigenous Knowledge

For me, indigenous knowledge is a package of different forms of information, data,

understanding and knowledge that includes knowledge produced from observations
and understanding of the lived environment passed on and generated with lived
experience. In many instances it is generated to optimise their livelihoods through
careful management of things useful for sustenance. It is knowledge for manage-
ment of what surrounds them including what is expected of the society and com-
munities including individuals. We see here individual management of F. albida yet
for the benefit of all including livestock. Importance of livestock management at
societal level that includes individual action is key here especially that the tree is
both private (when used as nutrient source for crops and firewood for sale or canoe
making) and common property under free-range grazing, weather prediction and
firewood for home use. These are sophisticated ownership systems that are hard to
fit in the modernisation, neoliberalism and the western science underpinnings where
private property is key and is fixed. Clearly, we see the basis of indigenous knowl-
edge tying in ubunthu, ‘we are who we are because of others’. The manner of indig-
enous knowledge production is closely related to ubuntu, very much a decolonised
mind-based system that has not ever been colonised. Decoloniality may thus start
from ubuntu. Clearly, the educated and the learned may have to get back to the
African roots of ubuntu to achieve decolonisation.

Limitations

This study used emic epistemology and relativist ontology. The methods involved
interviews with ten community members chosen using purposive sampling in a spe-
cific region of Malawi and direct observation by the researchers. Hence it is specific
to a region and the data collected cannot be generalised for the whole country. As
this is a qualitative study, the researchers’ personal biases cannot be ruled out.

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