Made in Nusantara

Made in Nusantara
Made in Nusantara serves as a comprehensive introduction to the history, sociology, ethnogra-

phy, and musicology of historical and contemporary popular music in maritime Southeast Asia.
Each essay covers major fgures, styles, and social contexts of genres of a popular nature in
the Nusantara region including Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei, Singapore, and the Philippines.
Trough a critical investigation of specifc genres and their spaces of performance, produc-
tion, and consumption, the volume is organised into four thematic areas: 1) issues in Nusantara
popular music; 2) history; 3) artists and genres; and 4) national vs. local industries.
Written by scholars working in the region, Made in Nusantara brings local perspectives to
the history and analysis of popular music and critically considers conceptualisations developed
in the West, rendering it an intriguing read for students and scholars of popular and global
music.
Adil Johan is a research fellow at the Institute of Ethnic Studies (KITA), Universiti Kebangsaan
Malaysia.
Mayco A. Santaella is an associate professor and head of the Film and Performing Arts
Department at Sunway University, Malaysia.
Routledge Global Popular Music Series
Series Editors: Franco Fabbri, Conservatorio di Musica Arrigo Boito di Parma, Italy, and
Gofredo Plastino, Newcastle University, UK
Te Routledge Global Popular Music Series provides popular music scholars, teachers, students, and
musicologists with a well-informed and up-to-date introduction to diferent world popular music
scenes. Te series of volumes can be used for academic teaching in popular music studies, or as a
collection of reference works. Written by those living and working in the countries about which
they write, this series is devoted to popular music largely unknown to Anglo-American readers.
Made in France: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Gérôme Guibert and Catherine Rudent
Made in the Low Countries: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Lutgard Mutsaers and Gert Keunen
Made in Turkey: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Ali C. Gedik
Made in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Shelley Brunt and Geof Stahl
Made in Greece: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Dafni Tragaki
Made in Taiwan: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Eva Tsai, Tung-Hung Ho, and Miaoju Jian
Made in Poland: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Patryk Galuszka
Made in Hong Kong: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Anthony Fung and Alice Chik
Made in Yugoslavia: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Danijela Š. Beard and Ljerka V. Rasmussen
Made in Germany: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Oliver Seibt, Martin Ringsmut, and Davil-Emil Wickström
Made in Ireland: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Áine Mangaoang, John O’Flynn and Lonán Ó Briain
Made in Finland: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Toni-Matti Karjalainen and Kimi Kärki
Made in Nusantara: Studies in Popular Music
Edited by Adil Johan and Mayco A. Santaella
Made in Nusantara
Studies in Popular Music
Edited by
Adil Johan and Mayco A. Santaella
First published 2021
by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2021 selection and editorial matter, Adil Johan and Mayco A. Santaella;
individual chapters, the contributors
Te right of Adil Johan and Mayco A. Santaella to be identifed as the
authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual
chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafer invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
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Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identifcation and explanation
without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Adil Johan, editor. | Santaella, Mayco A., editor.
Title: Made in Nusantara: studies in popular music/edited by Adil Johan
and Mayco A. Santaella.
Description: [1.] | New York: Taylor & Francis, 2021. |
Series: Routledge global popular music series | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifers: LCCN 2020043342 (print) | LCCN 2020043343 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780367428464 (paperback) | ISBN 9780367428471 (hardback) |
ISBN 9780367855529 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Popular music–Southeast Asia–History and criticism. |
Popular music–Social aspects–Southeast Asia–History.
Classifcation: LCC ML3502.A785 M34 2021 (print) | LCC ML3502.A785
(ebook) | DDC 781.630959–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020043342
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020043343
ISBN: 978-0-367-42847-1 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-367-42846-4 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-0-367-85552-9 (ebk)
Typeset in Minion Pro
by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India
For Rose, Tawan, Nabilah, Asha and Ashman
Contents
List of Figures ix
Preface xii
Acknowledgements xvi
Introduction: Popular Music as a Means of Conceptualising the Nusantara 1

adil johan and mayco a. santaella
Part I: Issues in Nusantara Popular Music 23
1 Revisiting the “Traditional” and the “Popular” in Maritime Southeast Asia:

Towards a Nusantara Popular Praxis 25
mayco a. santaella
2 Colonialism and Identity: A Short History of Popular Music in the Philippines 35

felicidad a. prudente
3 Te (De-) and (Re-) Mythifcation of OPM: Decentring a Popular Music Sign 45

krina cayabyab
4 Popularising Malaysian Cultures through the Music Industry and Music Education 55
shahanum mohd. shah
Part II: History 63
5 Revisiting Post-Cultural Imperialism: Singing Vernacular Modernity and

Hybridity through the Lagu Melayu in British Malaya 65
tan sooi beng
6 Acoustic Epistemologies and Early Sound Recordings in the Nusantara Region:

Phonography, Archive, and the Birth of Ethnomusicology 75
melê yamomo
7 Bodabil Music in the Rise of the American Empire 83

arwin q. tan
8 Songs for and of the Youth: Mapping Trends in Philippine Popular Music, 1900–2000 92
verne de la peña
vii
viii • Contents
Part III: Artists and Genres 101
9 Singapore Arts Icon or Malay Nationalist?: Mobilising Zubir Said Across

the Causeway 103
adil johan
10 Te Popularisation and Contestation of Dangdut Koplo in the Indonesian Music

Industry 114
michael h.b. raditya
11 KL Sing Song: Alternative Voices in the Kuala Lumpur Singer-Songwriter Circuit

(2000–2009) 123
azmyl yusof @ azmyl yunor
12 Hijrah and the Rise of Nasyid Kontemporari in Malaysia 137

raja iskandar bin raja halid
Part IV National vs. Local Industries 151
13 Branding the Nation through Ahmad Nawab’s “Malaysia Truly Asia” 153
shazlin amir hamzah
14 Te Indonesian Popular Music Industry: Navigating Shadows of Politics and

Cultural Uncertainty 164
citra aryandari
15 More than Mimicry: Alternative Modernities in the Birth and Development of

Iban Popular Music 172
connie lim keh nie
16 Transcultural Commodities: A Comparative Analysis of Sama-Bajau Popular

Musics in Maritime Southeast Asia 184
bernard b. ellorin
CODA: Global Movements, Local Sounds: Nusantara Music and Artists Overseas 195
paul augustin and adil johan
Aferword: Bercerita (Sharing Stories) with M. Nasir, Joey Ayala, Dwiki

Dharmawan, and Pra Budi Dharma on Nusantara Popular Music 210
raja iskandar bin raja halid and mayco a. santaella
Notes on Contributors 220
Selected Bibliography 224
Index 232
Figures
0.1 P. Ramlee (right) and Rahayu Efendy (lef), at the 19th Asian Film Festival,
Singapore, 1973. Utusan Filem & Fesyen (Film and Fashion Messenger)
magazine cover. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 4
0.2 Film stars Jin Shamsudin (lef) and Emelia Contessa (right) at the 19th Asian
Film Festival, Singapore, 1973. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju,
South Korea) 5
0.3 Film stars Dicky Zulkarnaen (lef) and Sarimah (right) at the 19th Asian Film
Festival, Singapore, 1973. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 6
0.4 Film stars Latifah Omar (lef), Ratna Timor (centre), and Dayang Sofa
(right) at the 19th Asian Film Festival, Singapore, 1973. (Courtesy of Asia
Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 7
0.5 Front sleeve of Sanisah Huri and the Hooks, Baju Hijau EP, EMI, 1968.
(Personal collection of Adil Johan) 8
0.6 Back sleeve of Sanisah Huri and the Hooks, Baju Hijau EP, EMI, 1968.
0.7 Side One disc label of Sanisah Huri and the Hooks, Baju Hijau EP, EMI, 1968.
0.8 Side Two disc label of Sanisah Huri and the Hooks, Baju Hijau EP, EMI, 1968.
0.9 Front sleeve of Freddie Aguilar’s Kenangan Ayah (Memories of my Father)
album sleeve and record disc labels, Philips-Polygram, 1979. (Personal
collection of Adil Johan) 12
0.10 Back sleeve of Freddie Aguilar’s Kenangan Ayah (Memories Of My Father)
album sleeve and record disc labels, Philips-Polygram, 1979. Te album’s
lyricist Mohd. Nasir @M. Nasir is featured prominently. (Personal collection of
Adil Johan) 13
0.11 Side One disc label of Freddie Aguilar’s Kenangan Ayah (Memories Of My
Father) album sleeve and record disc labels, Philips-Polygram, 1979. (Personal
0.12 Side Two disc label of Freddie Aguilar’s Kenangan Ayah (Memories Of My
Father) album sleeve and record disc labels, Philips-Polygram, 1979. (Personal
0.13 Front sleeve of Carefree’s debut album, Kebebasan (Freedom), EMI, 1979.
(Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 16
ix
x • Figures
0.14 Back sleeve of Carefree’s debut album, Kebebasan, EMI, 1979. (Courtesy of Asia
Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 17
0.15 Side A disc label of Carefree’s debut album, Kebebasan, EMI, 1979. (Courtesy of
Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 18
0.16 Side B disc label of Carefree’s debut album, Kebebasan, EMI, 1979. (Courtesy of
Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 18
0.17 Sweet Charity, Pelarian (Refugee) album cassette sleeve, WEA 1980. (Courtesy
of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 19
0.18 Search, Fenomena album sleeve, compact disc reissue, Pawana Records 2017,
orig. BMG Pacifc 1989. (Personal collection of Adil Johan) 19
1.1 Conceptualising the continuum for the popular in maritime Southeast Asia 32
11.1 Front album sleeve of Voices From Next Door, compact disc compilation,
Troubadours Enterprise, 2006. Tis is the frst and only documented attempt at
compiling the works of singer–songwriters based in Malaysia from the period.
(Personal collection of Azmyl Yusof) 129
11.2 Back album sleeve of Voices From Next Door, compact disc compilation,
Troubadours Enterprise, 2006. (Personal collection of Azmyl Yusof) 130
11.3 KL Sing Song 2009 poster. Te fnal three-day KL Sing Song showcase from 30
October to 1 November 2009 was held at Te Annexe Gallery, Central Market,
Kuala Lumpur. (Personal collection of Azmyl Yusof) 132
11.4 KL Sing Song 2009 promotional fyer. (Personal collection of Azmyl Yusof) 133
12.1 El-Surayya taken in 1970 with Ahmad Baqi, standing fourth from the lef 140
12.2 Te Kumpulan Nasyid Kompleks Budaya Negara (KBN) won the National
Nasyid Competition in 1979. (Courtesy of Fauzi Majid) 141
12.3 Front sleeve of the DVD edition of Raihan’s debut album Puji-Pujian (Praises),
Warner Music Malaysia. 1997. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju,
South Korea) 145
12.4 Back sleeve of the DVD edition of Raihan’s debut album Puji-Pujian (Praises)
Warner Music Malaysia. 1997. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju,
South Korea) 146
15.1 Front sleeve of Christopher Kelly’s Mar Mudah Mesti Di-Uji (Hard or Easy, You
Have to Try) EP (accompanied by Te Royalists band), South East Asia Radio &
Records, c.1970. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 179
15.2 Back sleeve of Christopher Kelly’s Mar Mudah Mesti Di-Uji (Hard or Easy, You
Have to Try) EP (accompanied by Te Royalists band), South East Asia Radio &
Records, c.1970. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 180
15.3 Side One disc label of Christopher Kelly’s Mar Mudah Mesti Di-Uji (Hard or
Easy, You Have to Try) EP (accompanied by Te Royalists band), South East
Asia Radio & Records, c.1970. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju,
South Korea) 181
15.4 Side Two disc label of Christopher Kelly’s Mar Mudah Mesti Di-Uji (Hard or
Easy, You Have to Try) EP (accompanied by Te Royalists band), South East
Asia Radio & Records, c.1970. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju,
South Korea) 182
17.1 Front sleeve of vinyl LP record reissue of Sheila Majid’s sophomore album,
Emosi (Emotion), Universal Music, 2019 (orig. 1986). (Courtesy of Asia Culture
Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 197
Figures • xi
17.2 Back sleeve of vinyl LP record reissue of Sheila Majid’s sophomore album,
Emosi (Emotion), Universal Music, 2019 (orig. 1986). Includes a new version of
her hit song “Sinaran” (“Radiant”) recorded in Japan. (Courtesy of Asia Culture
Centre, Gwangju, South Korea) 198
17.3 Paul Ponnudorai performing at the Penang Island Jazz Festival, 2007. (Photo by
Michael Lee, courtesy of Penang House of Music, Malaysia) 199
17.4 Asian Spirits compact disc cover of their concert in Seoul, South Korea.
(Courtesy of Penang House of Music, Malaysia) 204
17.5 Poster of Asian Spirits Concert in Seoul, South Korea. (Courtesy of Penang
House of Music, Malaysia) 205
17.6 Bob Aves and Grace Nono at the Penang Island Jazz Festival, 2007. (Photo by
Michael Lee, courtesy of Penang House of Music, Malaysia) 206
17.7 Farid Ali at Penang Island Jazz Festival, 2005 (Photo by Michael Lee, courtesy
of Penang House of Music, Malaysia) 206
17.8 Farid Ali and shamisen player Chie Hanawa at the Penang Island Jazz Festival,
2005 (Photo by Michael Lee, courtesy of Penang House of Music, Malaysia) 207
Preface
Can we conceptualise popular music(s) as characteristically Nusantara? We decided to set sail

on the journey of exploring the many answers to this question, unfolded within the pages of this
book. Here, we reveal the fuid maritime connections and shared Nusantara histories linked to
the development of popular music in the region. Within the recent post-colonial (and largely
post-national) condition of both scholarly and musical endeavours, this indigenous designa-
tion continues to expand in meaning with both historical and contemporary identity signifers.
Parallel to diferent ethnic conceptions and assimilations, kingdoms, colonies, 20th-century
nation-states, and regional entities such as ASEAN, Nusantara sustains indigenous sensibilities
and idiosyncratic logics and approaches towards cultural forms, aesthetics, and practices.
Part of the challenge lies in the academic imperative of defning felds, terminology, and gen-
res. Just like the plural nature of identity in Southeast Asia given considerations like ancestry,
ethnicity, language, status, nationality, race, and gender, among others, so is there a multiplicity
of understandings of Nusantara popular music. Locale, practitioners, genres, instrumentation,
audience, sound, and movement, among other factors, shape the nature of Nusantara popular
music. However, agency is crucial to understanding, conceptualising, and producing popular
music characterised as Nusantara. Popular music comprises numerous forms from the region
and abroad, including traditional and folk genres popularised at the provincial and/or national
level, pop, rock, jazz, and new national genres such as dangdut, to name a few examples. In
this sense, the “popular” does not mark boundaries as the “traditional” might. Te inclusivity,
adaptability, and versatility of the “popular” is analogous to that of the “Nusantara”, an identity
umbrella that serves as both refuge, if needed, and as point of departure.
Despite recent 21st-century developments of English scholarship in the region through new
publications, journals, and dissertations, many regional studies are ofen excluded from anglo-
phone canons of ethnomusicology and popular music studies developed in western academia.
An example is a recent interdisciplinary publication titled “Producing Indonesia: Te State of
the Field of Indonesian Studies” (Tagliacozzo, 2014) written almost entirely by western scholars
covering mostly western sources. Besides works written in national languages such as Malay,
Tagalog, and Indonesian, sources in indigenous languages such as Kadazan, Minangkabau,
and Sulod may ofer alternative understandings and conceptualisations of the region. With
this volume, we hope to revert the power dynamics of knowledge production from global –
that is, mostly western-governed – unidirectional academic attitudes to consider, instead, how
Nusantara popular music may help redefne regional approaches and, possibly, those of other
regions as well.
Importantly, this publication addresses a lacuna on the shared afnities and interactions
of popular music performance, production, and consumption found in a historically fuid
xii
Preface • xiii
Nusantara region based on current case studies presented by scholars working in the region.
Tis book’s exploration of “local” music within and across the Nusantara hopes to challenge
the common assumption that popular music emanating from the Anglo-American music
industries were widely transmitted to the global south to be reproduced and consumed by local
populations. As the book reveals, such popular music was in fact adopted and adapted to local-
regional styles, aesthetics, and social-cultural contexts to form entirely new practices, econo-
mies, and expressions of popular culture. More so, we believe that the fuid connections and
cultural diversity revealed through this volume’s study of the Nusantara region will remind
relevant educators, scholars, and practitioners of the global afnities and local particularities of
popular music as practiced, performed, produced, and consumed in a world of dissonant and
consonant relationships of power and cultural exchange.
Organisation
Te structure of this volume is fourfold with themes that revisit the conceptualisation of popu-
lar music within the region. Te frst theme, issues in Nusantara popular music, evaluates popu-
lar music as a feld and discourse considering its applications for and in the Nusantara region.
Te chapter by Mayco A. Santaella revisits emic/etic conceptualisations of the “traditional”
and the “popular” in the Nusantara region through an investigation of the popularisation of
indigenous forms and the indigenisation of global and national genres. Considering popular
performance genres rather than anglophone diferentiations of music, dance, and theatre (see
Santaella 2019), the chapter proposes a look at a Nusantara praxis within national and regional
alternative modernities. Based on her musical journey and experience, Felicidad Prudente’s
chapter presents a brief history of popular music in the Philippines using OPM and its vari-
ous correlated Pinoy genres to analyse the assertion of Filipino identity(-ies). In turn, Krina
Cayabyab’s chapter scrutinises the term “OPM” and its signifers with a discussion of socio-
cultural impacts, political nuance, and historical relevance which redefne nationalism and
identity of Filipino artists specifcally and the country at large. Shahanum Mohd Shah’s chapter
reviews the national music industry in Malaysia and investigates the largely understudied con-
fuences of popular music and music education.
Te second theme, history, investigates the development of popular music in the region dur-
ing the 20th century. Tan Sooi Beng’s chapter highlights the vernacular modernity and agency
of musicians in the Malay archipelago of the early 1900s by challenging the common analysis
that cultural imperialism led to an erasure of indigenous music genres. Considering interna-
tional, regional, and local forms during the frst half of the 20th century, the author reveals the
agency of bangsawan artists who, through their gramophone recordings of lagu Melayu (Malay
songs), gave voice to alternative interpretations of an imposed colonial modernity refective of
a Nusantara identity. Continuing the focus on the frst half of the 20th century, in an inves-
tigation of early sound recordings in the Nusantara region, Yamomo analyses the embodied
and mediated acoustic technologies that shaped sonic epistemologies considering both regional
and colonial archives and a globalising recording industry in its incipient stages. Arwin Tan’s
chapter interrogates the transculturation of vaudeville (bodabil) in the Philippines as popular
public entertainment epitomising a cultural shif of Filipinos both adopting and negotiating
American culture under the US colonial era. Te last chapter under this theme by Verne de la
Peña takes the reader on a musical journey through the 20th century and explores the relation-
ship of trending songs and the youth in Philippine popular music. De la Peña considers infra-
structures, the mass media, and the national music industry that shaped a uniquely Filipino
auditory culture.
xiv • Preface
Artists and genres comprise the third theme and looks at specifc infuential fgures, musical
styles, and trends focusing on biographies, local and global infuences, and their impacts on
specifc genres and music eras. Adil Johan’s chapter examines the context, positionality, and
works of Zubir Said across the Malaysia–Singapore causeway as an embodiment of a Nusantara
hybrid identity. Te author positions the composer as a Minangkabau from Bukittinggi, born
in pre-independence Indonesia amidst the gestation of Sumatran anti-colonial and nationalist
ideals, who moved to Singapore and was recognised as an illustrious citizen afer composing the
national anthem, and who grew to become an icon of Malay identity and nationalism in Malaya.
Te following chapter looks at the evolution of dangdut koplo considering artists, groups, and
the mass media. Michael Raditya’s examination posits three eras for the iconic Indonesian genre
from its inception within an East Javanese regional industry until its national development and
dissemination in Jakarta’s popular music industry. As co-artistic director and co-founder of
Troubadours Enterprise, Azmyl Yusof discusses the urban music scene in Kuala Lumpur by
charting his group’s annual “KL Sing Song” showcase of Malaysian singer–songwriters. Te
chapter presents an unprecedented analysis of the event that challenges the conceptualisation of
popular music eras and anglophone popular culture discourses. Tis theme is wrapped up with
a seminal chapter by Raja Iskandar that discusses the concept of Hijrah as not only physical
but also spiritual mobility among individuals and groups of nasyid kontemporari in Malaysia.
Te genre is germane to this volume as it examines a form popular throughout the Nusantara,
characterised as “contemporary”: an adjective that widely depicts current approaches, popular-
ity, and an indigenous present, while highlighting the inherent fuidity of identity in the region.
Te last theme, national vs. local industries, provides a critical investigation of local genres
and aesthetics subsumed under or in contestation with nationally bounded spaces of produc-
tion and consumption. Te analysis considers how interactions and disjunctures between the
state and local expressions of popular music might intersect with regional and global contexts.
Te chapter by Shazlin Amir Hamzah inaugurates the theme at the national level by discussing
the use of popular music for nation branding and government campaigns in Malaysia, all com-
mon phenomena throughout the Nusantara. Continuing at the national level, Citra Aryandari’s
chapter investigates the politics of Indonesian popular music via a critique of top-down reli-
gious and politically motivated state laws, bans and censorship that have afected and continue
to impinge upon the music industry. Te chapter by Connie Lim introduces a case study of a
local industry by delving into the very understudied development of Iban popular music in
Sarawak. Departing from an Iban alternative modernity within the Malaysian nation-state,
the analysis demonstrates the negotiation between an ethnic pre-modern warrior identity and
the representation of a modern Sarawakian during the time that the state became part of the
Malaysian federation. Bernard Ellorin’s chapter examines the Sama-Bajau sangbai as a popular-
ised music genre and a transcultural commodity in east Malaysia and the southern Philippines.
Pertinent to this volume as a transnational community and genre, the study is placed within a
historically vibrant region conceived as the “Sulu Zone” by James F. Warren (2007), and looks
at the Sama-Bajau as marginal and divided at the periphery of modern nation-states, as a single
ethnic minority group operating under diferent hegemonic majorities of peninsular Malays
and lowland Christian Filipinos in Malaysia and the Philippines respectively.
Te volume concludes with a discussion of Nusantara popular music by musician, Penang
Island Jazz Festival director, and Penang House of Music (Resource Centre and Gallery) found-
ing director, Paul Augustin. Tis “coda” presents an analysis of Nusantara popular music
outside the region as well as the production of new music within the region performed at
international festivals. Last but not least, the volume closes with an aferword that consists of
three interviews with Singaporean-Malaysian singer–songwriter, composer, and producer M.
Preface • xv
Nasir, Filipino singer–songwriter Joey Ayala, and two members of the Indonesian jazz-fusion
group Krakatau: keyboardist, composer, and producer Dwiki Dharmawan and bassist Pra Budi
Dharma. Te interviews of renowned performers and composers provide their conceptualisa-
tion of Nusantara popular music closing the volume with a conversation that calls for new
rhetorics.
Notes on Names, Spelling, and Translations

Te ethnic and religious diversity of the Nusantara results in a mixture of naming conventions
appearing throughout the book. Malay names are patronymic; however, many artists have “stage
names” or abbreviated versions of their longer Muslim names. For example, the Malaysian art-
ist known as Sheila Majid is Sheila binti Abdul Majid; M. Nasir is abbreviated from Mohamad
Nasir Bin Mohamed; and Zain Azman’s name is Abdul Aziz Majid. For well-known artists such
as the ones above, this volume refers to such individuals by their commonly known stage names
unless clarifed by individual authors. In terms of referencing, the volume considers patronymic
naming conventions by citing the frst names of the authors in text and writing out their names
in full in the bibliography. For example, Shazlin Amir Hamzah is cited as “Shazlin” and Azmyl
Md Yusof is cited as “Azmyl”. Exceptions are made for Malay or Indonesian authors that cite
themselves by their “second” names, e.g. “Izharuddin” for Alicia Izharuddin, “Burhani” for
Ahmad Najib Burhani, and “Setiyono” for Budi Setiyono.
Where Nusantara artists and authors have Spanish or Christian names such as Freddie
Aguilar and Paul Augustin, the standard western conventions apply in citation of their sur-
names: Aguilar and Augustin. Importantly, the reader will have no issues in cross-referencing
authors names in text with the bibliography provided at the end of each chapter.
All authors within this volume have endeavoured to provide accurate English translations
of texts in Malay, Indonesian, Tagalog, and other languages that are the subject of their study.
Where indigenous languages are presented in the form of song titles or song lyrics, authors have
provided English language translations in parentheses or alongside the quoted text. For exam-
ple, Connie Lim’s chapter provides English translations alongside the lyrics of four songs in the
Iban language cited at length in her chapter.

Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
23 May 2020
References
Santaella, Mayco A. 2019. “‘Doing Rano’ Among the Kaili of Central Sulawesi: A Choreomusicological Analysis of the
Body as Cultural Locus of the Sound-Movement Continuum.” Asian Music 50(1), 33–57.
Tagliacozzo, Eric. 2014. Producing Indonesia: Te State of the Field of Indonesian Studies. Ithaca: Cornell University.
Warren, James F. 2007. Te Sulu Zone, 1768–1898: Te Dynamics of External Trade, Slavery, and Ethnicity in the
Transformation of a Southeast Asian Maritime State, 2nd ed. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the series editors Franco Fabbri and Gofredo Plastino for providing us
the opportunity to contribute to this pathbreaking Global Popular Music Series. We are equally
grateful to Matthew Sansom and Donald Bowyer for their initial endorsement and continu-
ous support throughout this project. It has provided a much-needed space for both young and
established scholars from this region to explore a burgeoning area of academic inquiry.
With that said, we are most indebted to all the contributors of this volume, close colleagues,
and collaborators, of whom we hope to see more related cross-disciplinary research in the felds
of ethnomusicology, popular music studies, and Southeast Asian studies following the publica-
tion of this book.
Editing a volume of this breadth is no small task, and we greatly appreciate the entire pro-
duction staf, editorial team, and copyeditors from Taylor & Francis. Mahalo to Ricardo D.
Trimillos for reviews on a chapter and mahalo to Wayland and Desiree Quintero for their thor-
ough reviews, comments, and suggestions. We also acknowledge the anonymous reviewers for
their useful and constructive feedback.
Terima kasih and salamat to M. Nasir, Joey Ayala, Dwiki Dharmawan, and Pra Budi Dharma
for their time, generously sharing their stories in the Aferword of the book. Kamsahamida also
to Kim Mijung and the archive team at Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea for permis-
sion to reproduce images from their Nusantara popular music collection.
Funding for the research and writing of this book was provided by the National University of
Malaysia Young Researcher’s Encouragement Grant (GGPM-2017-079) and Sunway University’s
Collaborative Research Fund 2019 (STR-RMF-MRU-003-2019) for this Made in Nusantara
project.
Tis book was mostly written and edited during the trying period of the COVID-19 pan-
demic, while Malaysia was under a nationwide lockdown called the Movement Control Order.
Amidst tending to crying babies, teaching online classes, and meeting other professional dead-
lines, both editors would not have been able to complete this project without the enduring sup-
port and patience of their family members.

Petaling Jaya and Subang Jaya
Malaysia
xvi
Introduction
Popular Music as a Means of
Conceptualising the Nusantara
Buka Panggung – Setting the Stage

Made in Nusantara serves as a broad introduction to the history, sociology, ethnography, and
musicology of popular music in the extended Nusantara region. Each essay covers major fg-
ures, styles, and the social contexts of popular Nusantara genres in the area including Malaysia,
Indonesia, Singapore, Brunei, and the Philippines. Trough a critical investigation of specifc
popular music and their spaces of performance, production, and consumption, the volume is
organised into four thematic areas: 1) issues in Nusantara popular music; 2) history; 3) artists
and genres; and 4) national vs. local industries. Tese are broad categories for chapter con-
tent that signifcantly intersect across topics. Chapters provide a historical context for their
areas of inquiry and discuss artists, genres, as well as their related cultural practices, music
industries, and economies of production and consumption. Crucially, as this volume deals with
regional popular music spaces, we have explicitly avoided groupings of chapters by nation-state.
More so, chapters should be read as dialogues between and across each other. Te cultural and
geopolitical histories of each nation and their people are intricately intertwined through fuid
pre-colonial and colonial-era relationships fostered within a maritime-oriented world (Andaya
2006) across connecting water spaces and the post-independence national boundaries imag-
ined by popular music artists and fans of the Nusantara region. Tis volume ofers insights on
how the porous borders of this region are contained by national or regional genres, as well as
how such borders might be challenged via the aesthetics and the social and cultural contents of
the various popular music cases explored. We hope that this book provides a valuable contribu-
tion to the study of popular music in this region as well as global studies on popular culture
that have consistently sought to question the imaginary lines of nation states that ofen obscure
our understanding of humanity. However, we also believe that expressions of popular music
in the region are uniquely Nusantara; based on complex social histories of interaction within
and between the Malay Peninsula and the archipelago of islands that comprise the Nusantara
region.
Conceptualising the Nusantara

Popular music in the Nusantara region highlights shared and interactive cultural, histori-
cal, political, geographical, and sonically mediated spaces of maritime Southeast Asia which
includes “the totality of cultures and societies of a region encompassing the present nation
states of Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and (tangentially) Singapore” (Trimillos
1
2 • Adil Johan and Mayco A. Santaella
2017, 3). On an artistic and aesthetic level, however, we consider this shared space to resonate
more inclusively with the term “Nusantara”, as understood by local communities and their art-
ists. It is an indigenous term that references cultural diversity and complex exchange networks,
contestations and afnities that occur within and between the borders of these nation-states.
Te endonym “Nusantara” appropriately contextualises a complex history of inter-regional net-
works through the historically predominant Malay as lingua-franca (though related variations
and dialects proliferate) amongst the region’s population, which is then expressed in the region’s
popular culture1.
Te term Nusantara is historically associated with the Majapahit empire in its broader sense,
which included peninsular Malaysia, coastal Borneo communities, as well as the southern
Philippines. Te empire did not have “borders”, but rather functioned as a Mandala (see Wolters
1999) with Java as its centre (Negara Agung) and peripheral communities serving diferent cen-
tres of power. Te region developed economically during maritime Southeast Asia’s “age of
commerce” (Reid 1990) from the mid-15th century until the end of the 17th century, with dis-
tinct (yet linked) vibrant economic and cultural complexes such as the straits of Malacca, the
Riau Islands, the Sulu Zone (Warren, 2007), and the Maluku Islands. Exonyms have linked the
Nusantara with other areas in the region. Te sinocentric appellation Nanyang (southern seas)
grouped the Nusantara with mainland kingdoms and lands south of Yunnan. Te applicabil-
ity of the term was further validated by hybrid local cultural communities known as baba-
nyonya, peranakan, or parianon established afer earlier Chinese migrations. Te anglophone
term “Southeast Asia” (which developed signifcantly as a feld of study afer WWII) grouped
the Nusantara with Myanmar, Tailand, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. Tis latter group of
countries are at times described as mainland Southeast Asia (earlier known as Indochina) while
Indonesia, Brunei, Singapore, and the Philippines are grouped as Island Southeast Asia (also
known as insular/maritime Southeast Asia) with Malaysia placed at the nexus of the two regions
(with its peninsular and eventually island states). Te 20th century resurgence of Nusantara in
Philippine, Malaysian, and Indonesian literature, particularly nationalist works, highlights the
shared experiences, cultural cohesiveness, and modern-day relevance of the indigenous term.
Lastly, the 1963 (post-independence) short-lived “Ma-Phil-Indo” project based on Jose Rizal’s
ideals of regional unity continued to highlight the foundations and logics of this region. As
such, Nusantara simultaneously signifes pre-colonial heritage, shared colonial struggles, and
post-colonial indigeneity.
Initially, the term derived from the Sanskrit nusa meaning “island” and antara meaning
“in between” or “including”, and was found in ancient 14th- and 15th-century manuscripts
and “copperplate inscriptions dated 1305 from Java” (Evers 2016, 4). Evers notes that the term
consequently reappeared in lefist inter-regional Malay independence movements in the 1950s
that envisioned a unifed “Melayu Raya” state “comprising the Netherlands Indies and the
Federated Malay States” (Evers 2016, 7). However, the most enduring organisation to use the
term is Organisasi Sasterawan Nusantara, a collective of Malaysian, Indonesian, Bruneian, and
Indonesian poets, writers, and politicians that was formed in 1973 and held its thirteenth meet-
ing in 2015 (Evers 2016, 7). In more recent times, the term Nusantara is predominantly used
in Indonesia, where the infuential religious movement of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), for exam-
ple, promotes their brand of “Islam Nusantara” as “an interpretation and implementation of
Islam that features a harmonious integration between Islamic teachings and local cultures”,
with an expressed aim “to counteract radicalism and terrorism” (Burhani 2018, 2). In a sense,
while the term here is used within the Indonesian context, it does denote an inclusivist and
tolerant ideological approach to Islam that is cognisant of its local syncretic roots (Burhani
2018, 3–13) and analogous to their national motto “Bhinneka Tunggal Ika” (roughly, “Unity in
Introduction • 3
Diversity”). “Islam Nusantara” includes the southern Philippines as part of the “Land Below
the Winds” (south of East Asian typhoons), also known as “bilad al-Jawi” (roughly “Muslim
Jawi state/region”) and constitutes one of the eight world “religious-cultural Islamic domains”
(Azra 2015). Nusantara is also used by Malaysian musicians who initiated a revival of tradi-
tional and folk music integrated with modern pop in the 1990s called Balada Nusantara, to be
discussed in more detail below. Te inclusion of the Philippines in the Nusantara scope follows
both historical and modern rationales. Historically, the Nusantara region included Mindanao
and the extended Sulu Zone with trading networks into the Visayas and as far north as Luzon,
particularly through foreign Chinese traders and local Bajau/Sama sea-dwelling communities
that also reached southern territories of east Kalimantan and Central Sulawesi (Santaella 2013).
During the 20th century, the Nusantara was redefned through popular performance genres
and the Philippines became a crucial contributor to the development of popular music across
the entire region.
Te study of Nusantara provides an inclusive epistemological approach to considering
a shared space of cultural expressions and interactions. It is also an attempt to decolonise
nation-state boundaries that denote distinct legacies of European empires in the region. Te
Nusantara focus diverges from hegemonic ethno-nationalist politics of Malaysia and associ-
ated ideas about the “Malay world” that source Malay-ness in 15th-century Melaka as well
as the extensive reach of the Srivijaya empire. Tis volume’s approach decentres exclusive
Indonesian adoption that is tied to the archipelago of islands that form the nation-state, espe-
cially considering that Malaysian musicians in the peninsula were adopting the term to claim a
regional and cosmopolitan sense of “Malay-ness”. Tis book also acknowledges early colonial-
cosmopolitan Spanish and Anglo-American musical encounters and experiences of Filipino
musicians who were instrumental in the dissemination and hybridisation of new music with
local practices through commercial and diasporic routes of popular music dissemination
throughout the region from the turn of the century until the postwar period. A recent mono-
graph by Keppy (2019) on popular music in Southeast Asia resonates well with our approach,
examining side by side the musical biographies of Filipino bodabil musician Luis Borromeo,
popularly known as Borromeo Lou, and Indonesian keroncong star Miss Riboet, both active at
the turn of the 20th century. While the two artists did not necessarily meet amidst their storied
musical journeys they intersected in spaces of performance through technologies of popular
music recording and dissemination, as well as in the expressions of burgeoning anti-colonial
sentiments in their songs, all during the cultural zeitgeist of Southeast Asia’s jazz age (Keppy
2019). Made in Nusantara adds further to this multi-subject approach by encapsulating, in
inclusivist terms, how popular music may be contextualised within a complex regional space
of historical and cultural relationships and interactions. Tus, it is within and between this
maritime space of fuid identities, afnities, and contestations that popular music is made in
the Nusantara. Consequently, popular music narrates the circulation, exchanges, and shared
consumption of ideas, genres, artists, recordings, and media that comprise the focal point of
this volume.
Popular Music in the Nusantara

From bodabil (Filipino vaudeville) to OPM (Original Pilipino Music),2 the Philippines serves as
an important “point of entry” for popular music in the Nusantara. Te development of popu-
lar music culture in the Philippines, and by extension the Southeast Asia maritime region, is
intimately linked to Spanish colonialism, Roman Catholicism brought by Spanish colonists,
and American colonialism. Colonialism was central in the import, adoption, and adaptation of
Figure 0.1 P. Ramlee (right) and Rahayu Effendy (left), at the 19th Asian Film Festival, Singapore, 1973.
Utusan Filem & Fesyen (Film and Fashion Messenger) magazine cover. (Courtesy of Asia Culture
Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
Western musical practices and instruments into the wider Nusantara region. As “the world’s
frst global city”, Manila served from the 16th century as a diverse entrepôt of people, products,
and ideas (Irving 2010, 19). Such an environment enabled the “worldwide difusion of musi-
cal commodities… (as) a vital element in the simultaneous cultivation of certain shared musi-
cal repertories or performance traditions”, whereupon “the meeting of mutually alien cultures
ofen determined the identities of the opposing voices that would engage in the most sustained
and complex contrapuntal dialogue” (Irving 2010, 45).
Such “complex contrapuntal dialogue” forms the basis of the regional development of artis-
tic practices and popular culture, as established through the colonial counterpoints of musical
encounters between local, colonised populations with colonial agents and their accompanying
musical commodities (Irving 2010, 45). However, these exchanges were nuanced and fuid, and
Introduction • 5
Figure 0.2 Film stars Jin Shamsudin (left) and Emelia Contessa (right) at the 19th Asian Film Festival,
Singapore, 1973. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
developed in novel ways over time, for the “colonised” ofen embodied diverse indigenous and
hybrid identities. Te case of Filipino music icon Borromeo Lou, for example, reveals a 20th-
century tale of a pianist of Chinese-Filipino descent from Parian (a historical district of Chinese
traders in Cebu City) who would go on to play ragtime (jazz) piano in the United States, and
then return to Manila in 1921 to start a uniquely Filipino style of vaudeville repertoire and stage
performances called bodabil or vod-a-vil (Keppy 2019, 19, 60, 64; also see Arwin Tan’s chapter).
Te legacy of Anglo-American acquired musicianship such as the ability to play European
instruments and repertoire and read and write Western music notation resulted in the export
of Filipino musicians to other parts of colonised Southeast Asia. During the British Colonial
Administration, the state of Selangor hired sixty-four Filipino musicians to form a state band.
One of these musicians was the father to Malaysia’s “Father of Jazz”, Alfonso Soliano, who was
born in Singapore in 1925 (Low & Syahir 2015). As a talented bangsawan theatre performer,
Figure 0.3 Film stars Dicky Zulkarnaen (left) and Sarimah (right) at the 19th Asian Film Festival, Singapore,
1973. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
jazz pianist, and composer, Soliano would helm the frst Radio Malaya Orchestra (later, Radio
Televisyen Malaysia [RTM]) in the mid-1950s, just afer the declaration of independence for the
Federation of Malaya, leaving behind a legacy of jazz, orchestral, and pop compositions (Low
& Syahir 2015). Of Filipino descent, Soliano was born in the Straits Settlement of Singapore
and died a revered Malaysian music icon. In fact, Soliano’s legacy in popular music draws the
threads of connections from the Philippines’ vod-a-vil history, past OPM (as he was not a par-
ticipant in Philippine nation-making) to RTM. It was the context of British colonialism and
postwar independence in the Malay Peninsula that would foreground Soliano’s experiences as
a popular music artist.
Aside from enduring threads of connections across time and space, Nusantara relationships
can also be seen in the historical conficts between the nation-states of the region. Adil’s chap-
ter, for example, considers the contested yet shared history between Malaysia and Singapore.
Introduction • 7
Figure 0.4 Film stars Latifah Omar (left), Ratna Timor (centre), and Dayang Sofa (right) at the 19th Asian
Film Festival, Singapore, 1973. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
Additionally, for all Nusantara nations, the historical and political context of European and
Anglo-American colonialism plays a particularly important role in the way ideas about national
and ethnic boundaries were and are shaped in the post-World War II era onwards. However,
no post-independence confict between the nations within this region can overshadow the
Konfrontasi3 (Confrontation) between Malaysia and Indonesia from 1963 to 1967 and the
unique role of popular music in this war.
Tis period of Konfrontasi gave birth to many popular songs with the theme Ganyang
Malaysia (Crush Malaysia) which were broadcast across the Indonesian national radio. Farram
(2014) highlights the major contradiction that despite Soekarno’s policy against Western infu-
ences many of these ganjang songs were done in a 1960s rock ‘n’ roll style. On the other side of
Figure 0.5 Front sleeve of Sanisah Huri and the Hooks, Baju Hijau EP, EMI, 1968. (Personal collection of
Adil Johan)
the new national borders, Malaysia experienced an increase of popular patriotic songs broad-
cast on the airwaves. Tese songs were more militaristic and departed very far from the rock
‘n’ roll style. Many of these songs were actually written by an Indonesian composer based in
Malaysia named Saiful Bahri whose most famous work is still sung today, a militaristic song
called “Perajurit Tanahair” (“Warriors of the Homeland”) (Saidah 2017, 229–231). Tis song is
still popular and easily recognised amongst Malaysians of diverse backgrounds, broadcast on
national media for patriotic events, and sung by school children for sporting activities (Adil &
Shazlin 2019, 180–181, 186). Saiful Bahri and his compositions best represent the polar opposite
of rock ‘n’ roll ganjang songs in Indonesia. He was an Indonesian citizen who was actively work-
ing in Malaysia to write patriotic songs for national broadcast during the Konfrontasi period.
While he was appreciated by many, he also experienced much antagonism from certain col-
leagues due to his Indonesian nationality (Saidah 2017, 231). However, his personal attachments
to Malaysia (he married two wives there) and the copious number of musical contributions
Introduction • 9
Figure 0.6 Back sleeve of Sanisah Huri and the Hooks, Baju Hijau EP, EMI, 1968. (Personal collection of
Adil Johan)
indicate the fuidity of Nusantara musical personalities especially during the period when
national boundaries were newly drawn.
While tensions could be discerned from some musical relationships within the Nusantara,
many musical afnities and intimate connections characterise the development of popular
music in the region especially during the 1970s to 1990s. Te popular culture industries and
their talents were eager to renew amicable relations in the early 1970s. Te Malaysian enter-
tainment magazine Utusan Filem & Fesyen (No. 34) published in June 1973, features on its
cover the Malay flm-music icon P. Ramlee next to Indonesian flm star Rahayu Efendy at
the 19th Asian Film Festival in Singapore (Figure 0.1). Te issue served as a memorial for
P. Ramlee who had just passed away on 29 May the same year. Te flm festival was the last
major event he had attended, held earlier during the same month of his death. Te maga-
zine printed a photo of him at the festival dated 18 May 1973 (Utusan Filem & Fesyen, June
1973, 4). Noting that many flm stars were also pop singers with record deals, this particu-
lar issue of the magazine demonstrates how popular music icons and flm stars from the
region represented their nations as de facto ambassadors within the region’s popular cul-
ture industries. Te magazine also features full-colour spreads of Indonesian, Malaysian, and
Figure 0.7 Side One disc label of Sanisah Huri and the Hooks, Baju Hijau EP, EMI, 1968. (Personal
collection of Adil Johan)
Singaporean flm stars posing together: Jins Shamsuddin (Singapore) with Emelia Contessa
(Indonesia) (11, Figure 0.2); Dicky Zulkarnaen (Indonesia) and Sarimah (Malaysia-Singapore)
(Utusan Filem & Fesyen, June 1973, 47, Figure 0.3); Latifah Omar (Malaysia), Ratno Timoer
(Indonesia), and Dayang Sofa (Singapore) (Utusan Filem & Fesyen, June 1973, 14–15, Figure
0.4). In doing so, the magazine appears to present an intimately linked constellation of
Nusantara popular culture stars. An article in the magazine titled “Hubungan Semakin Erat
Antara Artis-Artis Malaysia-Indonesia” (“Increasingly Close Relations Between Malaysian
and Indonesian Artists”) includes the views of two iconic popular music singers, Malaysian-
Singaporean Saloma and Indonesian Beng Selamat (a.k.a. Bing Selamat), which indicates a
waning Malaysian flm industry in comparison to the fourishing Indonesian industry at the
time (Utusan Filem & Fesyen, June 1973, 36).4
Te examples cited above also depict symbiotic relationships between the flm industries
of the Nusantara and the region’s popular music industry. Malay language flms produced
in Singapore from as early as the 1930s until the late 1960s, aside from sourcing capital from
East Asia and directors from South Asia, also provided employment for production, acting,
and musical talent across the Nusantara (Uhde & Uhde 2010; Barnard 2010). Early Malay flm
Introduction • 11
Figure 0.8 Side Two disc label of Sanisah Huri and the Hooks, Baju Hijau EP, EMI, 1968. (Personal
collection of Adil Johan)
composers and musicians included cosmopolitan individuals such as Zubir Said who, like many
of his counterparts, emigrated from Sumatra and other parts of the Malay archipelago to work
in the bustling entertainment industry of Singapore. Te continuity between Malay flm music
and the bangsawan theatre heritage can be seen in the incorporation of the ronggeng music and
dance repertoire of the Malay world. Tis flm industry also employed Filipino directors for
select flms, such as Lamberto V. Avellana for the flm Sergeant Hassan (1958) which featured
P. Ramlee in a starring role singing and composing the flm’s featured song “Tunggu Sekejap”
(“Wait for a While”) (Adil 2018, 76–77). Here, an important Nusantara exchange can be heard.
Unlike Malay flms prior to this, Sergeant Hassan stands out in its explicit use of a leitmotif
from the song’s melody that is heard throughout the flm’s score. “Tunggu Sekejap” is also one
of the most lushly orchestrated songs in P. Ramlee’s repertoire from the period (Adil 2018, 81).
In many ways, the use of Western-styled orchestration and leitmotif was infuenced by the flm’s
director, Avellana, who drew from an aesthetic sensibility already apparent in his own and
many other Filipino flms. Tus, the motifs and sounds of Western-Filipino flm music made an
indelible mark on the consequent development of popular music mediated en masse via flms
in the Nusantara.
Figure 0.9 Front sleeve of Freddie Aguilar’s Kenangan Ayah (Memories of my Father) album sleeve and record
disc labels, Philips-Polygram, 1979. (Personal collection of Adil Johan)
From the mid-1960s to the late 1970s a very diferent musical sensibility benefted from this
popular music and mass media relationship in the Nusantara – rock ‘n’ roll. Rock bands infu-
enced by Beatle-mania in Indonesia were banned on public airwaves for allegedly succumbing
to cultural imperialism from the West specifcally during the Soekarno era in the 1960s. Bands
such as Koes Bersaudara faced imprisonment until Soekarno’s regime was ousted (Baulch 2016,
93 cit. Setiyono 2001; Farram 2007; and Aryandari’s chapter). However, while met with ambiva-
lence and reservations by the older generation, rock ‘n’ roll in the Malay Peninsula, known as
pop yeh yeh, thrived during this period. Te waning Malay flm industry of Singapore pro-
duced rock ‘n’ roll-themed flms such as Muda Mudi (Te Young Ones, 1965, dir. M. Amin) and
A-Go-Go ’67 (1967, dir. Omar Rojik), in attempts to retain older viewers and attract younger
audiences. Such flms therefore “mirrored the rise of the Malay popular music record industry
that would be more pervasive than flms from the late 1960s to the late 1970s” (Adil 2018, 220).
Te musical director for A-Go-Go ’67, Kassim Masdor, would move past the closure of Shaw
Brothers’ Malay Film Productions Studio to be a full-time manager and record producer for the
EMI label’s Malay music division based in Singapore (Adil 2018, 222).
Introduction • 13
Figure 0.10 Back sleeve of Freddie Aguilar’s Kenangan Ayah (Memories Of My Father) album sleeve and
record disc labels, Philips-Polygram, 1979. The album’s lyricist Mohd. Nasir @M. Nasir is
featured prominently. (Personal collection of Adil Johan)
Te performance and practices of modern women highlight concomitant ties across the
Nusantara. While women were increasingly included in popular media, music debates arose
regarding the appropriateness of more physically revealing fashion as well as intellectually
and sexually liberated women who were freeing themselves from traditional social restric-
tions (Lewis 2009; Weintraub 2014; Izharuddin 2018; 2019). However, while female artists
took to the stage and recorded as modern women, at times they also reproduced tropes about
masculine nationalism. Interestingly, popular rock ‘n’ roll-styled songs where women sang
in adoration of soldiers patriotically defending their nation-states can be seen across the
Nusantara. While the all-girl Indonesian band Dara Puspita “was ofen photographed in
military uniform”, their counterpart Lilis Suryani created a hit with the rock-styled song “Si
Baju Loreng” (“Camoufage-Shirted Guy”) in tribute to Indonesian servicemen (Baulch 2016,
94–95). Just a year later in 1968, EMI released Sanisah Huri & Te Hooks’ “Si Baju Hijau”
(“Green-Shirted Guy”), recorded in the pop yeh yeh style of most Malay hits of the era popu-
lar in Malaysia and Singapore (EMI EGEP.658, 1968, Figures 0.5–0.8). Te romanticisation
Figure 0.11 Side One disc label of Freddie Aguilar’s Kenangan Ayah (Memories Of My Father) album sleeve
and record disc labels, Philips-Polygram, 1979. (Personal collection of Adil Johan)
of the male soldier, a potent symbol of national identity and patriotism in Nusantara popular
music, aptly signals the era’s period of emergent nationhood, post-colony, and post-interre-
gional separations and confrontations whereby distinct national spaces were being expressed.
However, the fuidity of the Nusantara still emerges in some of these popular expressions. “Si
Baju Hijau”, in particular, was performed by a Singaporean band and singer and enjoyed by
a Malaysian audience.
Rock, and eventually heavy metal,5 across the Singapore–Malaysia–Indonesia border would
be a prominent popular music articulation from the 1970s until the 1990s. No other group
than Singaporean-based Sweet Charity, fronted by Ramli Sarip, would exemplify this tripartite
connection better. Te group’s hit song “Kamelia” released in the album Pelarian (Refugee) was
a rendition of an Indonesian singer–songwriter’s song “Camelia 2” (WEA Q40 93223, 1980,
Figure 0.17). However, the band performed the song in the “heavier” manner of a guitar-bass-
drums rock band while also initiating the recording with an extended instrumental introduc-
tion strikingly similar to the opening section of Dee Dee Bridgewater’s version of Elton John’s
“Sorry Seems to be the Hardest Word” (Elektra 6E-119, 1978).6 Te Singaporean band Sweet
Introduction • 15
Figure 0.12 Side Two disc label of Freddie Aguilar’s Kenangan Ayah (Memories Of My Father) album sleeve
and record disc labels, Philips-Polygram, 1979. (Personal collection of Adil Johan)
Charity, regarded as pioneers of the thriving Malay rock scene in the Malay Peninsula, was
also a huge infuence on consequent Malay bands such as Wings, Lefhanded, and Search. Te
Malaysian band Search which was active in the 1980s and 1990s was best known for the hit song
“Isabella”, which speaks of a doomed relationship between lovers separated due to diferent cul-
tural backgrounds (“terpisah kerana adat yang berbeza”). Yet, the poetic separation expressed in
the song contrasts starkly with its reception in Indonesia. If ganjang songs and patriotic popular
music expressed the hostilities between Indonesia and Malaysia during the confrontation years,
Malay rock perhaps served as a musical reconciliation between the two countries and included a
Singaporean presence. “Isabella” was released in the record-breaking album, Fenomena (Pacifc
Music Corporation/BMG Pacifc PMC/MAL 1033, 1989, Figure 0.18),7 which sold over two-
hundred-and-ffy thousand units in Malaysia and over one million units in Indonesia, a com-
mercial sales feat for a Malaysian group at the time (Riadz 2019). Te group’s popularity in
Indonesia culminated in a flm titled Isabella (1990, dir. Azmi Mohammad and Boyke Roring)
starring Nia Zulkarnaen @ Venya as the title character and Suhaimi Abdul Rahman @ Amy,
the frontman of the band, along with the other members of the band playing themselves in a
Figure 0.13 Front sleeve of Carefree’s debut album, Kebebasan (Freedom), EMI, 1979. (Courtesy of Asia
Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
fctional story about a romantic relationship between Amy and Isabella. Released in the same
year, the Malaysian flm Fenomena (1990, dir, Aziz M. Osman), starring Amy as himself again
and Ramona Rahman as the lead character Isabella, features a slightly diferent story about
a female lead character that has an incurable but mysterious illness sourced in Malay magic
(jampi). However, the romantic relationship in this flm is between Isabella and a character
portrayed by M. Nasir, the songwriter and producer behind the success of the Fenomena album.
Te Singaporean producer and songwriter was much sought afer by many Malay rock groups
and played a major role in the promotion and development of a new brand of Nusantara music
in the 1990s that would precede the popularity of rock bands.
While all the examples thus far have indicated the intricate connections between various
popular music genres and artists between the region’s many national borders, none explicitly
employ the term “Nusantara” itself. Te use of Nusantara in the region’s popular music can be
found in the genre Balada Nusantara, popularised by Malaysian producer and musician Manan
Ngah in the 1990s, who had produced music for artists such as Francissca Peters, Sudirman,
and Sharifah Aini (Zawawi 2016, 14). His future recordings and other contemporaries such
Introduction • 17
Figure 0.14 Back sleeve of Carefree’s debut album, Kebebasan, EMI, 1979. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre,
Gwangju, South Korea)
as Pak Ngah, S. Atan, and M. Nasir would experiment with musical adaptations of folk and
traditional music with musicians from across the region. Zawawi observed that the new genre
“was… an attempt to ‘intensify’… (a) ‘traditional’ feel in contemporary Malay music”, draw-
ing from Malay folk genres such as “Dondang Sayang, Nasyid, Ghazal” while also being aware
of such local musics’ syncretic and “hybrid” links to “Hispanic, European, Arabic, Indian
and Chinese origins” (Zawawi, 33, citing an interview with Manan Ngah in Zawawi 1995, 5).
However, while the genres of folk music can be found in Malay regions of Indonesia, Malaysian
Nusantara artists adapted such genres to champion a commercially successful anti-West and
pro-Malay agenda in the nation-state’s popular music industry.
Alternative brandings and claims of a Nusantara popular music, particularly during the
1990s in Malaysia and Indonesia, are intricately challenged by the cultures and scenes that fall
in between if not outside of these stark boundaries of genres and localities. However, connec-
tions in popular music are also present in less overt ethno-cultural relationships. Wallach’s
(2011) observations about heavy metal across Malaysia–Singapore–Indonesia provides a useful
conceptualisation of “scenic infrastructures” that “sustain regionwide networks of cultural and
Figure 0.15 Side A disc label of Carefree’s debut album, Kebebasan, EMI, 1979. (Courtesy of Asia Culture
Figure 0.16 Side B disc label of Carefree’s debut album, Kebebasan, EMI, 1979. (Courtesy of Asia Culture
Introduction • 19
Figure 0.17 Sweet Charity, Pelarian (Refugee) album cassette sleeve, WEA 1980. (Courtesy of Asia Culture
Figure 0.18 Search, Fenomena album sleeve, compact disc reissue, Pawana Records 2017, orig. BMG
Pacifc 1989. (Personal collection of Adil Johan)
musical exchange involving touring musicians and the wide circulation of musical and textual
artifacts” (88). As Wallach reveals, many heavy metal bands form mutually benefcial touring
circuits between the three countries. Amy Search still benefts greatly from his band’s success in
Indonesia, as he was recently engaged to sing at a surprise performance with a busker, initially
disguised as a crowd member, to promote the launch of the new Mass Rapid Transit (MRT)
service in Jakarta in 2019 (Zaidi, Berita Harian, 2019). Furthermore, while M. Nasir seems to
focus on a more Indonesia–Malaysia conception of Nusantara, he was previously the lyricist for
Filipino singer–songwriter Freddie Aguilar’s Malay-language album that contained his regional
(and global) hit-song “Anak” (Philips 6455511, 1979, Figures 0.9– 0.12). Te Filipino hit was so
popular, it even yielded other Malay versions within the same year, such as the one penned by
Malaysian pop star Sharifah Aini, performed by the group Carefree (EMI EMGS 5532, 1979,
Figures 0.13– 0.15) and the song “Dosa” (“Sin”) in the Alleycats’ frst Malay album (Terima
Kasih, Philips 6455505, 1979). Such examples of mutually supportive “scenic infrastructures”
(Wallach, 88), however, should be understood as the distinct afnities and connections across
the Nusantara that have emanated throughout the region’s history and its engagement with
colonialism, nationalism, and the commercial economies of regional and global popular music
production and consumption.
Notes
1 For an overview of the historical development of Malay across the region and globe, see Collins (2018), Malay, A
World Language.
2 For more on OPM see Prudente’s and Cayabyab’s chapters in this volume.
3 Te Konfrontasi was a three-year hostility between Malaysia and Indonesia, mainly fought in skirmishes along
the East Malaysian state border with Indonesia in the island of Kalimantan. It was sparked shortly afer Malaysia’s
frst Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman announced the formation of the Federation of Malaysia that would
include Singapore and the states of Sabah and Sarawak that bordered Indonesia and were located on the island
of Kalimantan. President Soekarno of Indonesia at the time “was convinced that the formation of Malaysia was
a neo-colonialist plot that would allow the British imperialists to maintain economic, political and military
infuence and was thus a threat to Indonesia’s sovereignty” (Farram 2014, 3). Upon the fall of Soekarno’s Partai
Komunis Indonesia (PKI: Indonesian Communist Party) in 1965, the confrontation was ended with an agree-
ment made between the two countries on 16 August 1966 to “normalize relations between the two countries”
(Farram, citing Mackie 1974, 322).
4 Te article also reveals the close relationship between Saloma, her husband P. Ramlee, and Beng Selamat. Beng
Selamat would visit them “ofen for meals and exchanges of ideas” (“seringkali mengunjungi mereka untuk
makan-makan dan bertukar-tukar fkiran”) (36). Overall, this magazine issue, drawing on the interviews and
photos taken at the 19th Asian Film Festival, highlights the close Indonesian–Malaysian–Singaporean connec-
tions of popular media icons and the flm industry during the post-Konfrontasi era (afer 1967), which included
important Nusantara popular music personalities P. Ramlee, Saloma, and Beng Selamat.
5 For an overview of the development of the Malay rock kapak genre in Malaysia see Ferrarese (2016). Unfortunately,
limitations of space in this chapter do not allow for extended discussion of heavy metal, which was equally
crucial in the articulation of Nusantara popular music. Existing studies of the genre include: heavy metal in
Brunei (Amalina and Zawawi 2017); the death metal scene in Bali, Indonesia, and its broader regional connec-
tions (Baulch 2003; Baulch 2007); Malaysian policing of heavy metal in the late 1990s and early 2000s (Azmyl
2010); multicultural heavy metal scenes in Penang (Ferrarese 2014); a comparison of heavy metal music between
the cultural politics of Malaysia and Singapore (Liew and Fu 2006); the afnities of heavy metal scenes across
Indonesia-Malaysia-Singapore (Wallach 2011).
6 Tis connection was relayed to Adil Johan by Raja Iskandar Raja Halid (Personal Communication, Penang, 1
May 2019).
7 Te song was produced by M. Nasir, with lyrics by Bob Lokman, and keyboard parts by Ramli M.S.
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PART I
Issues in Nusantara Popular Music
Part I introduces the reader to broader issues that inform and contextualise the study of popular
music in maritime Southeast Asia. As central to the articulation of modernity in the region, the
resonances of the colonial era and the development of nationalism feature prominently. Tus,
despite the agencies that are present in unique Nusantara expressions of popular music, the his-
torical context of European colonialism in the region has lef an indelible mark on how cultural
and national identity is imagined, created, practiced, enforced, and even policed.
Tis section therefore provides a conceptual “compass” on how to navigate the complexi-
ties of Nusantara popular music studies in both its historical and its contemporary contexts.
A myriad of musical developments from the Malay Peninsula, Indonesia, and the Philippines
are explored in this section, while also highlighting social and national contexts in which such
music is produced and consumed as popular culture.
Te frst chapter of this section, written by this volume’s co-editor, sets the conceptual
“stage” for popular music studies in the Nusantara. To study popular music in a region that
is inherently interconnected, complex, and diverse in pre- and postcolonial cultural practices
and belief systems requires an understanding of how notions of the traditional, as imagined by
formal state and ethnic structures, are complicated by the practices of popular culture. Trough
a broad yet incisive overview of specifc Nusantara genres that oscillate between traditional and
popular aesthetic approaches, Santaella ofers a continuum of analysis for music that indigenises
the popular and music that popularises the indigenous. Tis chapter thus serves as a conceptual
foundation to understanding the popular music cases presented throughout the volume as fuid
negotiations of “what is indigenised and popularised in the … region as alternative moder-
nity” and why such practices should be regarded as “inherently Nusantara”. Prudente’s chapter
continues the discussion about the indigenisation of popular music by providing a brief his-
tory of popular music genres in the Philippines from the 1970s to the early 2000s, specifcally
focusing on otherwise global-Western popular music genres that asserted a “Pinoy” identity in
both content and nomenclature (e.g. Pinoy Ska, Pinoy Jazz, and Pinoy Hip-Hop). Tis marks
a consistent narrative in Nusantara popular music, inherently bound to “Western” music, yet
also expressing postcolonial agency in the formation of national styles. Te following chapter
remains in the Philippines but ofers an important critique on how certain national genres of
popular music in the region are mythifed to reinforce a national narrative. Cayabyab takes issue
with the mythical national status of Original Pinoy Music (OPM), popularised in the 1970s,
that occupies a position of national popular music par excellence. Te case of OPM provides the
author a means to dissect the concept of popular music myth-making, while also de-mythifying
its status through a detailed analysis of Filipino popular culture. Lastly, Shahanum’s chapter
24 • Issues in Nusantara Popular Music
ofers a rare insight into mainstream popular music and its role in the Malaysian education
system. She highlights the pervasive role of global popular culture in infuencing the musical
tastes of Malaysians, which in turn results in a wealth of popular music content being learnt
in educational institutions and music schools. Tis snapshot of a popular music milieu in the
Nusantara reveals larger contexts of mass consumption of both global and local popular music
in the region.
1
Revisiting the “Traditional” and the
“Popular” in Maritime Southeast Asia
Towards a Nusantara Popular Praxis
Mayco A. Santaella
Tis introductory chapter investigates regional and national performing arts genres as the
popularisation of indigenous and indigenisation of popular forms (Sutton 2002) that are both
product and producers of alternative modernities (Gaonkar 2001) in maritime Southeast Asia.
While local popular performance genres developed both before and afer national independ-
ence, national popular genres were largely a post-independence experience under new national
industries that helped defne the character of national boundaries. Revisiting western con-
ceptualisations of “popular music” as a feld and its global applications, the chapter considers
alternative experiences of popular performance genres including the analysis of “popular tra-
ditions” supported by regional industries, the prominent role of dance and movement, as well
as Southeast Asian aesthetics that shape the production of such genres. Te examination also
considers cross-border infuences and 21st-century developments. Following a decentralisation
process and within a post-national performing arts era in maritime Southeast Asia (Santaella
2014), the analysis examines the popular as a process and an experience that negotiates the “tra-
ditional” and global genres producing new forms that continue to carry aesthetics, sensibilities,
and afect features hereby conceived as inherently Nusantara (see Trimillos 2016).
Te feld of popular music has been defned and redefned as both the discourse and new
genres have developed in Europe and the United States. Williams (1976) highlighted the “peo-
ple-oriented” nature of the term and its Latin roots. Adorno (2001) posited that the study of
popular music, in contrast to serious music, is a refection of communal experiences and that
the inclusion of popular music to the curricula of higher education institutions is analogous to
the development of ethnomusicological studies. Simon Frith analysed popular music aesthet-
ics produced by the industry, which discusses “not what… popular music reveal(s) about ‘the
people’ but how… it construct(s) them” (Frith 2004, 36). Te study of “world music” and “hybrid
formations” as categorised in Rojek (2011) included non-western discussions of globalisation
and localisation (Ho 2011) and deterritorialisation of place and identity (Connell and Gibson
2011). Such global trends that conceptualised popular music against serious music as well as
emerging rhetorics that linked popularity to inferiority (Rojek 2011) highlight a western bias.
Shuker acknowledged a geographical “Anglo-American” and “English language centric” nature
of cultural and media studies (Shuker 2017, 3). Fabbri and Plastino’s “made in” series has paved
the way for indigenous conceptualisations of national genres and experiences (Shin and Lee
25
26 • Mayco A. Santaella
2017) as well as negotiations with western forms focusing on local aesthetics (Mitsui 2014) in
East Asia. Considering these pivotal developments and with a focus on maritime Southeast
Asia, this chapter presents analytical strategies towards the “popular” through a historical over-
view, alternative conceptualisations, and fnally the rationales for a Nusantara popular praxis.
Popular Music in Maritime Southeast Asia

Te development of popular music in maritime Southeast Asia is characterised by a historical
experience defned by shared musical periods in the region. Pre-existing and newly created gen-
res developed synchronically following common external infuences of colonialism, regional
exchanges, and the advent of global genres. Tese shared experiences resulted in a diachronic
emergence of collective popular music eras and in the modifcation of existing forms and styles
as well as the creation of new ones. Te diachronic development of genres considers social forms
during seven identifed time periods: colonial era (19th century and early 20th century), musi-
cal changes in theatrical productions (early 20th century), the evolution of jazz (frst half of the
20th century), the development of flm music genres (1950s–1960s), the importation of global
popular genres (1950s–1980s), the development of national popular genres (1970s–1990s), and
the spread of post-colonial world beat (1990s–2000s). Tese seven eras were not isolated, but
rather served as felds of continuity from which musical seeds planted in every era have evolved
into new styles and new genres until the present day.
Te early presence of the Dutch, Portuguese, Spanish, and British in maritime Southeast
Asia was driven by an economic impetus to control the spice trade in Eastern Indonesia and the
trade in the straits of Melaka, and to eventually control their colonies. Te presence of Europeans
established several musical legacies such as church music in Eastern Indonesia, with early 16th-
century traditions by the Portuguese and Spanish including Ambrosian and Gregorian music
traditions (Sylado 1998), and in the Philippines under the Spanish, with a strong centre in Bohol
in the Visayas having Baclayon as the cabezera and strong centre of musical ontogenies (Iñigo-
Chua 2010). Military music lef numerous legacies including marching bands (orkes barisan,
mosiko) and their indigenous versions (musik bambu, mosikong frumfrong), and infuenced the
development of new repertoire and traditions such as the Filipino kumintang (war song) and the
Minahasan maengket (folk dance). Classical music was another legacy of the Europeans with
new vocal genres conceived during the 19th century and early 20th century such as the kundi-
man (love song) in the Philippines and seriosa (art songs) in Indonesia, both of which developed
sentiments of resistance against the Spanish and the Dutch respectively.
New music genres with Portuguese and Spanish infuence included string instruments.
Te term keroncong alluded to the lute in the 19th century (Yampolsky 2013) linked to the
Portuguese cavaquinho, and presently it commonly makes reference to the ensemble (guitar,
cello, cak, cuk, and melodic instruments such as fute, violin, and voice), the performance, and
the repertoire of this genre. Te music was originally accompanied by pantun (extemporane-
ous verses in quadratic form) although it eventually developed into song form with diferent
styles. A historical centre lies in Tugu, a village close to the port and north of Batavia (Jakarta)
populated by mardijkers (freed slaves) where a Creole version of Portuguese was spoken. As
social music, keroncong was popular in many urban centres, sung in the Malay language, and
enjoyed by many including the Chinese Peranakan (of mixed-race heritage in local communi-
ties). Keroncong was also prominent in Melaka, a historical centre of trade in Malaya with both
a Portuguese settlement and a Peranakan community (see Tan 2019).
Te ronggeng was also a popular genre of social music and dance from the straits of Melaka.
Te instrumentation includes two frame drums (rebana) that provide the characteristic rhythm
Revisiting the Traditional and the Popular • 27
for each dance, a violin that provides melody in addition to the vocal melodic line used for
the extemporaneous exchange of pantun verses by the participants, and a gong that provides
punctuation. Te generic dance repertoire begins with a buka panggung, followed by the lagu
mak inang, the senandung/gunung sayang, and the lagu dua. Dance genres that developed from
this repertoire include the graceful inang, the elegant asli, and the fast-paced joget. Joget is
performed in 6/8 meter and is infuenced by the Portuguese branyo which is still performed
nowadays by the Portuguese community in Melaka (see Sarkissian 2000). Te term “ joget”,
which also means “to dance”, is a foating term commonly used across the archipelago and
ofen maintains celebratory and firtatious connotations present in ronggeng and earlier forms
of keroncong through the exchange of pantun verses.
In the Philippines, the rondalla is a popular ensemble of plucked strings that include the ban-
duria, laud, octavina, guitar, and bajo de uñas (bass). With Spanish roots, the rondalla evolved
with new instruments, repertoire, and performance contexts. Te ensemble is associated his-
torically with love songs and the harana (serenade). Te rondalla developed to include folk
songs, dance, popular songs, new compositions, and existing classical repertoire, making the
ensemble a versatile and all-embracing symbol of the Philippines. Te repertoire of dances from
the Spanish colonial era includes the habanera, jota, pandanggo, polka, and cariñosa, among
others. Similar to keroncong in Indonesia, the ensemble does not have a specifc ethnic identity,
but rather a national one (with colonial roots) that incorporates songs from the existing reper-
toire and melodies from a number of diferent genres.
Social music and dance genres such as ronggeng and keroncong were not only performed
during wedding ceremonies and other communal events, but were also incorporated into bang-
sawan, a theatrical performance that developed in Penang and the Straits of Melaka. Bangsawan
(Malay for “nobleman”) stories centred on a royal fgure from Malay, Chinese, Indian, Javanese,
Arabic, and western stories. Scene changes included “extra turns” where numerous music gen-
res (generally with an accompanying dance) were performed including the ronggeng repertoire
as well as localised global genres such as rumba, waltz, foxtrot, and tango, among others (see
Tan 1993). A similar theatre form and structure developed in Surabaya (East Java) known as
komedie stamboel (Istanbul comedy) infuenced by wayang parsi Indian theatre troupes (see
Cohen 2006). Te theatre form also included performances between acts that infuenced radio
programmes to include an extra melajoe (Malay extra) for an Arab-based musical performance
or a lagu extra (extra song) for a repertoire played by the orkest kacapi (a Sundanese music
ensemble). Songs of the stambul genre had a repertoire associated with the theatre form and
developed particular chord structures. Keroncong music was originally part of the stambul
umbrella and repertoire but it evolved into a genre of its own. Yampolsky proposes that keron-
cong was “urban folk music” until the 1920s while stambul became popular music before WWI
(Yampolsky 2013).
Filipinised Hispanic theatrical forms also developed in the Philippines such as the sarsu-
wela (Spanish zarzuela) which included music and dance, the senakulo, a dramatisation of the
life events of Jesus Christ that includes the pasyon recited verses during Lent, and the kom-
edya (moro-moro) in the Christian regions of the Philippines which included music, dance,
and theatre portraying the confict between the Christians and the Muslims (see Irving 2010).
However, new Anglo-Saxon forms soared under the US colonial era (see Joaquin 1978) such as
bodabil (Vaudeville) performances and paralleled the evolution of bangsawan in Malaya and
stambul in Java during the frst half of the 20th century (see Keppy 2019). During this period,
slapstick comedy gained popularity and bodabil performances included global genres of music
and dance such as the foxtrot, rumba, and ragtime, as well as the Filipino kundiman during the
jamboree presentations in between acts, similar to the extra turns of bangsawan theatre. Short
performances of bodabil were also incorporated in full-length sarsuwela (Fernandez 1993 and
1996) and eventually took over in popularity.
Changes in the music and dance of bangsawan, stambul, and bodabil during the 1920s coin-
cided with the development of jazz in maritime Southeast Asia as part of the “popular” along-
side other music and dance genres. As popular music, jazz was not only enjoyed as performance,
given the advance of the radio and flm industry during the 1930s, but also served as a platform
for collaborations with other genres such as keroncong. Jazz (very much like keroncong) allowed
the inclusion of a number of global genres such as tango, rumba, and Hawaiian songs. Jazz had
a strong infuence on other popular forms that included music, dance, and theatre because
many of the musicians participated in diferent groups and genres. During this time, Filipino
musicians were hired by the British and brought to Malaya, establishing stronger musical links
and shared experiences in the region. Te jazz era was also infuential for traditional music
performance and compositions. Te infuential and respected Javanese gamelan musician Ki
Wasitodipuro participated in the jazz scene as a drummer (Notosudirdjo 2001). Rather than a
genre, jazz served as a performance medium in maritime Southeast Asia, very much like the
keroncong and rondalla ensembles.
Te post-WWII and western colonial era experienced the development of a flm industry
infuenced by theatrical forms such as bangsawan, stambul, and sarsuwelas. Performances,
literature, folk stories, and legends were adapted to the screen with singers and performers
becoming screen actors. Famous production companies such as the Shaw Brothers in Malaya
and Sampaguita Pictures in the Philippines released numerous flms that included popular
music genres and scenes from traditional theatrical genres. Sampaguita Pictures released Sa
Isang Sulyap Mo Tita (Just Your Single Glance Dear, 1953), a milestone musical movie starred
by the acclaimed couple Pancho Magalona and Tita Duran. In Malaya, Shaw Brothers released
Seniman Bujang Lapok (Te Tree Worn Out Actor Bachelors, 1961) with the acclaimed couple
P. Ramlee (Penang-born musician, singer, songwriter, actor, director, and producer) and singer
and actress Saloma (see Adil 2018; Heryanto 2014). Like traditional theatre forms, these flms
incorporated both local genres such as asli, inang, joget, and kundiman, as well as global genres
such as Hawaiian song, Latin American dance forms, and jazz.
Te 1950s saw a global wave of rock ‘n’ roll, with famous musicians and bands emerging from
the US and the UK. Given the continuing US colonial infuences in the Philippines, a number of
musicians performed popular US standards and became Asian imitators, such as Eddie Mesa,
who was known as the “Elvis Presley of the Philippines” or the band Koes Bersaudara (Koes
Brothers), known as the “Everly Brothers of Indonesia”. Te Beatles also had a strong infuence
across maritime Southeast Asia. In Malaysia, Te Beatles infuenced the new pop yeh yeh genre
(based on the famous Beatles song “She Loves You”), with songs sung mostly in Malay. However,
anti-colonial sentiments targeted western culture and English language songs, which led to the
ban of rock music by Sukarno (frst president of Indonesia) at the end of the 1950s. A similar
reaction took place in Singapore when government ofcials took action to ban events such as Tea
Dances in the 1960s deemed as expressions of “yellow culture” (Adil Johan, Pers. Comm.). Aside
from rock, country music and ballads were long-lasting infuences on popular music in the region.
During the 1970s, national music industries developed in the economically thriving capi-
tal cities of Manila, Jakarta, Kuala Lumpur, and Singapore. With support, sponsorship, and
relative oversight by the national government, new music drew on national genres and tra-
ditions. Tis nationalisation period in maritime Southeast Asia coincided with the Marcos
regime in the Philippines, the Suharto regime in Indonesia, Tun Abdul Razak’s pro-Malay
National Economic Policy (NEP) and National Cultural Policy (NCP) in Malaysia (following
the 1969 riots), the withdrawal of British troops in Singapore, and the reinforcement of religious
orthodoxy. Amidst this context, folk music and ballads became prominent popular music gen-
res, categorised in the Philippines under the industry’s Original Pilipino Music (OPM) umbrella
(see Castro 2011). Filipino singers like Joey Ayala incorporated traditional music instruments
and musical styles into their new songs. In Malaysia, singers like Noraniza Idris, known as “the
queen of ethnic pop”, performed modern popular versions of traditional genres such as ghazal,
joget, and zapin. In Indonesia, pop melayu (Malay pop) and dangdut, with roots in the orkes
melayu (Malay orchestra), fourished as a genre (see Baulch 2014).
Te world beat era of the 1990s and 2000s grew out of the 1970s movement for new music
that was representative of local traditions, and was infuenced by the global “world music” or
“world beat” phenomenon. Te ubiquitous use of the synthesiser in the 1970s was replaced
with traditional instruments, the guitar, and traditional vocal qualities and embellishments
in the 1990s. While national genres continued to thrive, the 1990s saw the rise of regional
music industries and genres in Indonesia such as pop daerah (regional pop) associated with
specifc ethnic groups. In Malaysia, musicians such as M. Nasir produced new songs with tra-
ditional melodies, rhythms, and music instruments. M. Nasir was conscious of both traditional
Malaysian music and that of the Nusantara region, conceptualised as such in his konsert akar
– manifestasi akustika (roots concert – acoustic manifestation) which closed with the song piece
titled “Nusantara”. Song competitions such as the Anugerah Industri Musik award and the TV3
song competition in Malaysia supported the development of larger musical umbrellas such as
irama Malaysia (Malaysian beat), pop etnik (ethnic pop), and etnik kreatif (creative ethnic) (see
Tan 2005). A similar concept gave rise to the Metro Manila Popular Music Festival, also known
as Metropop, in the Philippines including the development of pop songs sung in regional lan-
guages such as Tausug, Cebuano, and Ilokano. Likewise, a number of television-sponsored song
competitions fourished in Indonesia including the recent D’Academy Asia, which focused spe-
cifcally on dangdut singers of the Nusantara region.
Te development of popular performance genres in maritime Southeast Asia exhibits three
distinctive parallels to the global and western experience. First, while the mass media played
an important role in the dissemination and consumption of music at the beginning of the 20th
century, popular performance predates this era with the prevalence of folk theatre forms, social
music and dance, music scores, and strong oral traditions throughout the region. Secondly, the
English terms “pop” and “popular” in terms of use, rhetoric, and relationships for maritime
Southeast Asia difer from their use in the Anglophone West. While the term “pop” generally
refers to a post-independence experience, the term “popular” did not come into wide use until
the 21st century. Tirdly, the realm of the popular is not part of the western distinctions with
“art music” and “traditional music”. Te Filipino kundiman shares aspects of the Western cat-
egories of “popular music”, “art music”, and “traditional music”. Similarly, the jazz experience in
maritime Southeast Asia does not engage in the western dyadic discussion of categorising jazz as
“classical” or “popular” but regards it as within the realm of the popular. Te diverse and fuid
cultural landscape of popular music and culture in the region calls for alternative rationales.
Conceptualising the Popular

Te conceptualisation of “popular music” as such in maritime Southeast Asia is a 21st-century
experience strongly infuenced by Anglophone discourses and approaches to this feld of study.
Te use of English loanwords for categories in national languages, such as popular na musika
sa Pilipinas in the Philippines and musik populer in Indonesia and Malaysia, poses, at times,
challenges to the examination of “popular experiences” in the region. Even though scholars
such as Yampolsky (1994) translated the term “popular music” into Indonesian at the end of the
20th century, “pop” as a genre has developed in various directions since the 1960s such as pinoy
pop (Philippines), pop yeh yeh (Malaysia), and pop daerah (Indonesia). Pop as a genre received
support from the Indonesian government in the 1970s, as evident in the “Festival Lagu Populer
Tingkat Nasional” (“National Level Popular Song Festival”), and gained popularity through a
number of television contests and programmes broadcast in mass media. Pop genres in mari-
time Southeast Asia were largely a post-independence episode and an ofshoot of “popular expe-
riences” that took many shapes following the colonial period.
Te development of popular forms and experiences since the colonial era was largely pro-
pelled by external infuences and the indigenous responses in the negotiation of performance
practices and their conceptualisations. New genres refected a process that both “popularised the
indigenous” and “indigenised the popular”. Te focus on process, rather than product-oriented
foci, considers the fuid identity of musical ensembles and genres that as platforms allowed for
the inclusion of diverse musical elements, both intra- and inter-local. Expanding upon Sutton’s
(2002) investigation of Indonesian genres that incorporate “local” and “traditional” elements
to “western-style pop music” (and vice-versa), the following discussion proposes fve possible
degrees along the “popularising the indigenous” and “indigenising the popular” continuum.
National Renditions of Global Genres

Tis degree considers global genres, largely western-infuenced, performed in maritime
Southeast Asia. Examples of national renditions include jazz and Latin American genres during
the beginning of the 20th century, pop and rock in the post-independence era, punk and heavy
metal, and rap and hip-hop from the end of the 20th century onward. Lyrics are both in English
and national languages, using conventional rhythmic and melodic features specifc to the gen-
res while incorporating the occasional traditional melodic/rhythmic ornamentation. Bands
have multiple style identities as do musicians who may perform contrasting genres, such as jazz
and punk. Apart from a few cases of musicians who have managed to perform professionally
abroad, most groups and musicians fnd their successful visibility and continuity in the region.
National Genres Based on Global Popular Musics

Te infuence of global genres, iconic bands, and instrumental developments resulted in
national genres with standardised rhythms, chord progressions, singing styles, and aesthetics
that became characteristic of the Nusantara region. Post-independence national genres devel-
oped along with the national industry and were sung largely in the national language although
occasionally in English. An example of a national genre based on a global popular music form
is kugiran, short for kumpulan gitar rancak (lively guitar group), which was infuenced by the
rock ‘n’ roll craze of the 1960s and the electric guitar (the music consisted of a lead guitar, a
rhythmic guitar, a guitar that acted as the “bass”, drums, and keyboard). During this time, pop
yeh yeh (referencing the Beatles hit) developed in the Malay peninsula and was sung mostly in
Malay, although bands of this genre bore English names such as M. Osman and the Mods and
Kassim Selamat and the Swallows, among others. Another style that appears as ubiquitous in
the Nusantara region is the balada (derived from the slow thirty-two-bar ballad of the west), at
times distinctive as a genre (as it happens in Eastern Indonesia) but ofen a style of pop, as evi-
dent in numerous Indonesian bands of that genre such as Ebiet G. Ade, Ari Lasso, and Peterpan.
Others drew upon the styles of western rock bands and spinofs, such as the rock kapak groups
of the 1980s in Malaysia and Singapore, which sang in Malay and were infuenced by the balada
style (see Ibrahim 2016).
National Popular Genres of the Nusantara Region

Tis degree considers new national genres that developed afer independence and were largely
supported by national industries that fourished during the 1970s. A classic example is dangdut
in Indonesia. Dangdut was popularised by Rhoma Irama based on the orkes melayu (Malay
orchestra), a form with roots in the ronggeng repertoire and ensemble and with infuences from
popular genres of the 1950s such as Indian, Latin, Arabic, and Malay, primarily their melodies
and rhythmic structures (particularly the orkes melayu Deli in Medan, north Sumatra). In 1970,
with the group Soneta, Rhoma Irama added the electric guitar (infuenced by rock) and the
electric organ (replacing the accordion) which paved the way for the development of dangdut
music (Irama 2011). Another national phenomenon with regional renditions was pop daerah
(regional pop) which comprised pop songs sung in the languages of specifc ethnic groups, and
at times included the addition of traditional melodic and rhythmic ornamentation. In Malaysia
and the Philippines, popular rock and folk musicians (largely guitar players) incorporated tra-
ditional instruments and musical idioms (such as M. Nasir and Joey Ayala, mentioned above).
Popularised Traditions (Extrinsic)

Tis degree considers social genres, ofen both music and dance, sung in the national language
(occasionally in regional languages), and popularised by the national industry via new compos-
ers and performers. Tis process began largely with the development of new songs for the 1950s
flm industry, as stated above. Te orkes melayu also served as a platform for the performance
and composition of new songs based on traditional genres and disseminated through the radio.
However, both the 1950s flm industry and the orkes melayu included regional musicians who
were well-versed in local social music and dance forms such as ronggeng and keroncong. Te
development of the music industry during the 1970s produced new repertoires that were based
on traditional genres such as joget, inang, asli, ghazal, dikir barat, and zapin, among others. In
1970, Malaysian singer Orchid Abdullah released “Penawar Rindu” written by Attan Ahmad
(with a synthesiser playing the melody, characteristic of the decade) and recorded with the
ghazal ensemble “Orkes Sri Kenangan Batu Pahat” from Johor. Over time, a number of singers
including Noraniza Idris and Siti Nurhaliza released modern renditions of traditional genres.
Te late Pak Ngah (Datuk Suhaimi Mohd Zain) was a prominent composer and exponent of
Irama Malaysia music, an illustrative genre of extrinsically popularised traditions.
Popularised Traditions (Intrinsic)

Closest to the popularisation of the indigenous in the proposed continuum (see Figure 1.1) lie
popular renditions of traditional forms largely sung in regional languages and infuenced by
aesthetics of regional industries. A notable infuence is the use of the keyboard to add melody,
harmonic accompaniment, and rhythmic background to new genres such as campursari in
Central Java (played with gamelan instruments). Dero developed among the Pamona in Central
Sulawesi based on the ende circular movements traditionally accompanied by a gong and drum.
Te sangbai, with extemporaneous lyrics that are accompanied by a keyboard, is also a popu-
larised genre among the Bajau in East Sabah and the Southern Philippines based on traditional
melodies and rhythms of the gabbang (wooden xylophone) and the kulintangan (gong-row)
ensemble. Tis type also considers genres such as ronggeng, popular as social music and dance,
as well as dikir barat, a tradition in Kelantan (Malaysia) that is popularised through competi-
tions and popular singers in the region.
Figure 1.1 Conceptualising the continuum for the popular in maritime Southeast Asia.
Te proposed continuum does not assert fxity of what is considered “popular” or “tradi-
tional” (both signs and at times signifers of Anglophone origin), but rather presents a nego-
tiated fuidity of what is indigenised and popularised in the extended Nusantara region as
alternative modernity. Te indigenisation of global popular genres underwent a nationalisa-
tion process through a conscious adaptation, standardisation, and performance practice that
considered and invoked local aesthetics within the industries of production. Simultaneously,
the development of new national genres considered the incorporation of music elements from
traditional music ensembles and social music and dance genres that served as a national alter-
native modernity to largely global genres. At the other end of the continuum, the popularisation
of indigenous forms served as a regional, ofen ethnic, alternative modernity with a specifc
cultural site of production that developed regional industries. Regional popular forms negoti-
ate three strata of modernity (the global, the national, and the regional) and construct, in situ,
distinctive popular experiences.
Denouement as Segue: Popular Praxis in the Extended Nusantara Region

Tis concluding section proposes to regard the characterisation of popular praxis as inherently
Nusantara. Te experience of the popular in the extended Nusantara region of today is char-
acterised by similar negotiations during the colonial era, shared post-independence evolutions,
and the emergence of genres that operated between indigenous forms and global infuences.
Te idea of Nusantara denotes both a historical region and a contemporary indigenous con-
cept that highlights socio-cultural features that transcend nation-state boundaries in maritime
Southeast Asia. Popular praxis references performative logic and intrinsic traits in the produc-
tion and execution of popular performance genres.
Te use of the larger umbrella term “popular performance genres” is intentional for the
investigation of dance (as a genre) and movement (as participation) as a cohesive experience
propelled by “popular music” (see Santaella 2019a). Te development of popular forms in the
region has historically been associated with movement, from the “extra turns” of earlier theatre
forms, dance genres in flm music, indigenisation of global music such as pop yeh yeh, popu-
larisation of traditional/social music-dance genres, and development of new ones such as dan-
gdut. Movement largely infuenced the standardisation of music genres by new popular artists.
Despite new melodic adaptation, ornamentation, and instrumentation, popularised genres such
as joget, inang, and asli were largely defned by their characteristic rhythm and tempo that are
based upon the kinetic experience. Te introduced umbrella term of irama Malaysia (Malaysian
beat) refects such signifcance. Similarly, dangdut, an onomatopoeia for the recurring rhythm
played by the tabla, emphasises the signifcance of the genre as a participatory dance form with
diverse melodic arrangements.
Te presence and negotiation of material culture highlight common features and shared
practices. Te inclusion and use of western instruments such as the violin and the guitar during
the colonial era in social music-dance genres constitute early examples for the region. Te
prominence of the piano at the beginning of the 20th century for jazz, earlier uses of the electric
guitar in kugiran (before the arrival of the electric bass), the sound of the synthesiser during the
1970s and the Yamaha Electone and other keyboards for the popularisation of indigenous forms
are examples of regional negotiation and incorporation of new musical instruments. Te forms
of distribution refect shared experiences towards the popular through theatre performances,
radio, television, audio cassette tapes, and the VCD industry that provided visuals and led to a
karaoke experience with local music. Popular music situated in local food stalls, markets, and
music shops continues to function as a social and communal medium while at the same time
the MP3 and the mobile phone signifcantly individualise the experience.
Lastly, a Nusantara popular praxis includes performative logics that are region-wide. Te
voice, a common instrument across all communities, serves as a useful point of departure.
Singing is ofen part of ceremonies, celebrations, and social music and dance. Te exchange
of extemporaneous pantun in ronggeng and earlier versions of keroncong is an example of the
prominent role of song and lyrics. Modern amplifcation, the karaoke, and the keyboard con-
tinue to support participatory singing during celebrations. Te “standard” performance prac-
tice of singing two songs, clapping afer the frst verse line (which ofen reveals the title of the
song), and the inclusion of non-semantic syllables are also examples of a Nusantara popular
praxis. Ultimately, as a visceral and felt experience, singing allows the utterance of words and
phrases that may not be culturally sanctioned by discursive speech, allowing the extraordinary
delivery and reception of sentiment within the social setting.
Te analysis of music and dance as a single emic structure (see Trimillos 2017; Santaella
2019b), the use of material culture, and the investigation of performance and afect for popular
performance genres argue for a popular praxis that is characteristically Nusantara. Revisiting
the conceptualisation of the popular as a continuum that both popularises and indigenises not
only highlights Anglophone hegemonic discourses of the feld including western rhetoric and
frameworks, but also privileges a focus on emic perspectives and the provocative concept of
“local genius” (kearifan lokal) current in regional performance discourses. Te examination
of the shared historical degrees of colonialism, independence, nationalism, and the develop-
ment of both national and regional industries in the Nusantara region highlight alternative
modernities and Southeast Asian redefnitions of the loanword and time-specifc exonym
“popular”. Similar to pop yeh yeh, kundiman, and dangdut, negotiating and reevaluating global,
national, and regional discourses of popular performance genres can ofer alternative canons
for Nusantara as a cohesive cultural complex.
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2
Colonialism and Identity
A Short History of Popular Music in the Philippines
Felicidad A. Prudente
Te term “popular music” is used in the Philippines to refer to music created by Filipinos in
the country and disseminated through mass media such as radio, television, recorded music,
video, flm, and printed sheet music including digital platforms. Popular music correlates with
commodifcation in various forms and technologies such as records, tapes, compact discs, and
music scores including music streaming services such as Spotify. Within the Philippine context,
a discussion of popular music requires a socio-political and cultural perspective that considers
the impact of colonialism in the country. Te colonisation period of about three hundred and
ffy years under Spain (1521–1898) and later under the United States of America for almost
half a century (1898–1946) imprinted legacies on its local population. Te search for a Filipino
identity became persistent afer gaining independence with considerable discussions among
nationalists, intellectuals, and artists.
Tis chapter provides a historical overview of popular music in the Philippines in the con-
text of the Filipino experience. I witnessed the growth of popular music in the Philippines as
a Filipino living in the country. Tis essay has a self-refexive approach based on varied expe-
riences from my years as a teenager until adulthood as a music professor and musician. My
memory of popular music connects me to my younger days during the 1950s when imported
popular music was ubiquitously played on the radio, phonograph, and television. Jam session
parties in the 1960s were dominated by American and British popular music such as that by
Elvis Presley (1935–1977), Clif Richard (b. 1940), Te Ventures, and Te Beatles. I also recall
playing top tunes on the piano of mostly American music such as “Blue Moon” and “Take Five”
as well as singing karaoke while hanging out with friends in the 1970s. From the 1980s until
the 2000s, I immersed myself in academic work teaching Philippine music wherein I included
studies and performances of Filipino popular music created by Asin, Eraserheads, Local Brown,
Grace Nono, and others. I relate these experiences as a glimpse into the production of popular
music during the second half of the 20th century in the Philippines.
Filipino Identity in Music

Filipino musicians strived to diferentiate themselves sonically from imported popular music
particularly from American and British pop music. Local musicians’ familiarity with western
music, along with their talent and creativity, became the foundation in the making of Filipino
popular music or OPM, an acronym for “Original Pilipino Music”. Te name OPM was derived
35
36 • Felicidad A. Prudente
from a non-proft organisation of singers and songwriters formed in 1986 called Organisasyon
ng mga Pilipinong Mang-aawit. It is synonymous to “Pinoy music” today. Te word “Pinoy” is
a colloquial term coined in the 1920s by Filipino Americans that referred initially to Filipinos
born or living in the United States but later included Filipinos in the Philippines as well. Te
label “Pinoy music” emerged in the early 1970s as a marker of Filipino identity in popular music.
Tagging the word “Pinoy” in musical genres and styles such as “Pinoy pop”, “Pinoy jazz”, “Pinoy
rock”, “Pinoy punk”, “Pinoy ska”, “Pinoy reggae”, “Pinoy hip-hop”, and “Pinoy rap” signifes
Filipino creation and Filipino identity. “Pinoy music” underscores hybridity (Canclini 1995)
wherein imported musical forms and styles are shaped and localised following Filipino aesthet-
ics and sensibilities.1
Pinoy Pop
Pinoy pop or P-pop is a broad term that refers to various types of songs such as ballads, novelty
songs, and inspirational songs. Distinctly, Pinoy pop uses the Filipino language and other local
languages such as Tagalog, Ilocano, and Sebuano. It also uses the English language including
the fusing of English and Tagalog words referred to as “Taglish”. By the 1950s, Filipino popular
music was produced by local recording companies that later became member organisations of
the Philippine Association of the Record Industry, Inc. (PARI). PARI was established in 1972
and is a non-proft and private trade organisation that aims to promote and develop the Filipino
music industry.
Before the emergence of the name Pinoy pop in the 1970s, early popular songs were iden-
tifed by their local genre such as kundiman, balitaw, and danza while Filipino vocal forms
were generally known as awit. By the turn of the 20th century, American companies such as
Columbia Records and Victor Talking Machine recorded local music by well-known singers
like Socorro Santiago, Maria Evangelista Carpena (1886–1915), and Atang de la Rama (1902–
1991) (Villasquez 2019, 46). Early Filipino movies drew their stories and music from Spanish-
derived music theatre (sarswela) like Dalagang Bukid (Country Maiden) written by Hermogenes
Ilagan with music composed by Leon Ignacio. Dalagang Bukid was flmed and directed by Jose
Nepomuceno in 1919 using the same stage cast led by actors Atang de la Rama and Marceliano
Ilagan. Although a silent flm, it was a box-ofce hit released with subtitles in English, Spanish,
and Tagalog and was accompanied by the live music performance of actress–singer de la Rama
who rendered its featured song “Nabasag ang Banga” (“Te Clay Pot is Broken”) at every flm
screening accompanied by musical instruments (Africa 2016, 5).
Filipino songwriters played a vital role in the fourishing of Pinoy pop. Early songwriters
composed with similar expressiveness of the kundiman. Well-known composers were Santiago
Suarez (1901–1964), Constancio de Guzman (1903–1982), Mike Velarde, Jr. (1913–1986),
Restituto Umali (1916–1998), Leopoldo Silos, Sr. (1925–2015), and George Canseco (1934–2004).
Te prolifc poet and songwriter Levi Celerio (1910–2002) wrote the lyrics to about four thou-
sand songs such as “Saan Ka Man Naroroon” (“Wherever You Are”), “Kahit Konting Pagtingin”
(“Even Just a Glance”), and the favourite Tagalog lullaby, “Sa Ugoy ng Duyan” (“Swaying of the
Hammock”). Celerio was given the country’s highest honour as the National Artist for Music
and Literature in 1997. Likewise, Ernani Cuenco (1936–1988) known for his sentimental songs
was posthumously awarded the National Artist for Music in 1999. Outside of Metro Manila,
Yoyoy Villame (born Roman Tesorio Villame, 1932–2007) from Cebu City stood out with his
distinct folk style and comedic lyrics fusing Tagalog and English in “Magellan” and “Mag-
exercise tayo” (“Let’s Exercise”). Max Surban (b. 1939) also from Cebu City recorded ballads
and novelty songs in the Sebuano language.
Colonialism and Identity • 37
Te desire to create Filipino songs in local languages became even more pronounced afer
the Philippines gained independence from the United States in 1946. Te next generation
of Filipino songwriters such as Wilfredo “Willy” Cruz (1947–2017), Freddie Aguilar (born
Ferdinand Pascual Aguilar, 1953), Rey Valera (born Reynaldo Valera Guardiano, 1954), and
Venancio “Vehnee” Saturno (b. 1954) stood out with their poetic songs mostly about love.
Aguilar recorded “Anak” (“Child”) in 1977 and became popular both in the Philippines and
abroad with about 30 million record copies sold worldwide. Cruz’s “Bituing Walang Ningning”
(“Star Without a Sparkle”) composed in 1985 and “Sana’y Wala Nang Wakas” (“Hoping Tere
Is No End”) in 1986 were both theme songs in box-ofce movies. Valera, a prolifc songwriter
and record producer, was a favourite because of his romantic songs suitable for soap operas.
Saturno was credited with about eight hundred songs to date such as “Wala na Bang Pang-
ibig” (“Is Tere No More Love?”) and “Sana Kahit Minsan” (“Hoping Even Once”). He was
awarded an OPM Lifetime Achievement by My Only Radio Pinoy Music Awards in 2018. On
the other hand, the endearing songs of Jose Mari Chan (b. 1947), mostly written in the English
language, also gained popularity such as “Deep in My Heart” (1969) and “Can We Just Stop and
Talk Awhile?” (1973). Chan’s Christmas song titled “Christmas in Our Hearts” (1990) from his
album of the same title sold over twenty million units in 1995 and continues to be heard dur-
ing the Christmas season. A pillar of OPM, National Artist for Music Ryan Cayabyab (born
Raymundo Cipriano Pujante Cayabyab, 1954) wrote Pinoy pop songs in English and Filipino
for flm, theatre musicals, and special events. His hit songs included “Kay Ganda ng Ating
Musika” (“How Beautiful Is Our Music”) which won the grand prize at the First Metro Manila
Popular Music Festival in 1978, “Iduyan mo” (“Swing My Cradle”), and the Christmas song
“Kumukutikutitap” (“Flickering Lights”).
Te succeeding generation of songwriters such as Gary Granada (b. 1960), Ogie Alcasid
(born Herminio Jose Lualhati Alcasid, Jr., 1967), Mike Villegas (1973), Jungee Marcelo, and
Trina Belamide explored broader topics on Filipino life and culture as refected in their song
titles. Granada’s song “Salamat, Salamat Musika” (“Tank You, Music”) and “Mabuti pa Sila”
(“Tey’re Better Tan Me”) both won grand prizes at the Metro Manila Pop Festival in 1984
and 1998, respectively. Alcasid’s top tracks included “Nandito ako” (“Here I Am”) and “Mahal
Kita, Walang Iba” (“I Love You, No One Else”). Te inspirational song “Tell the World of His
Love” by Trina Belamide was chosen to be the theme song for the World Youth Day during
Pope John Paul II’s visit to the Philippines in 1995. Similarly inspirational was Jungee Marcelo’s
“Salbabida” (“Lifesaver”) which won the grand prize at the Tird Philippine Popular Music
Festival in 2014. Lito Camo (b. 1972) is best known for his funny novelty songs such as “Boom
Tarat-tarat” and “Otso-Otso” while Mike Villegas’s (b. 1973) song “Bayani” (“Hero”) ranked as
one of the top ten songs in the Himig Handog competition. “Hawak Kamay” (“Hold Hands”)
by Yeng Constantino (born Josephine Eusebio Constantino-Asuncion, 1988) was recognised as
best theme song by the Filipino Academy of Movie Arts and Sciences Award (FAMAS) in 2007
and at the 32nd Metro Manila Film Festival.
As pop groups became trendy in the United States and Great Britain, the Philippines did
not escape the formation of its own local pop groups. Te multi-awarded APO Hiking Society
which began as a high school singing group in the 1960s emerged as a successful trio. Te group
lasted for three decades with about twenty albums and hit songs such as “Pumapatak ang Ulan”
(“Trickling Rain”), “American Junk”, and the historical “Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo” (“Gif
of the Filipino to the World”) which celebrated the 1986 People Power Revolution that ended
martial law. Tere were many Pinoy pop bands that hit the airwaves with romantic ballads such
as Side A, True Faith, and South Border. An all-female group, the SexBomb Girls, emerged in
1999 and became associated with sexy novelty songs, particularly “Spageti Song” (“Spaghetti
Song”), performed with choreographed suggestive movements. In 2007, the group was awarded
“Hall of Famer” by the Guillermo Mendoza Memorial Scholarship Foundation, Inc. SexBomb
Girls was re-launched in 2014 with a new set of members and renamed SexBomb NewGen.
Pinoy Rock
Pinoy rock encompasses diverse styles and subgenres such as pop rock, folk rock, punk rock,
hardcore punk, heavy metal, and alternative rock. American and British bands served as models
and became a springboard in the creation of local rock music. Relatedly, radio stations played
a key role in the development of Pinoy rock led by Boss Radio DZRJ 100.3 which was started in
1963 by businessperson and musician Ramon “RJ” Jacinto. Years later, NU 107, with its tag line
“Home of New Rock”, began airing in 1987 under the Progressive Broadcasting Corporation.
NU 107 honoured local talented Filipino rock bands with the NU Rock Awards from its incep-
tion in 1994 until it signed of in 2010. In 2014, NU 107 was reformatted under a new name,
Wish 107.5, and unveiled the frst mobile FM radio booth in a bus called Wish FM Bus where
OPM artists and Pinoy rock bands performed live. In 2015, Wish 107.5 opened a YouTube chan-
nel which gained almost seven million subscribers by 2019.
Te founder of radio station DZRJ, Ramon “RJ” Jacinto (b. 1945), is considered the pioneer of
Pinoy rock music. Himself a musician, Jacinto introduced rock music to Filipino listeners in the
1960s. Known for his band “RJ and the Riots”, DZRJ initially played the latest rock music from
abroad. Te legendary Pinoy rock group, the Juan de la Cruz Band, was formed in 1968 and
performed at the Antipolo Rock Festival in 1970, reminiscent of the American Woodstock fes-
tival of 1969. Te Juan de la Cruz Band later regrouped with Wally Gonzales, Joey “Pepe” Smith
(born Joseph William Feliciano Smith, 1947–2019), and Mike Hanopol (b. 1946). As a trio, they
premiered, in 1973, their original song “Himig Natin” (“Our Hymn”) which became a catalyst
in the emergence of Pinoy rock (Caruncho 1996, 123, 258).
Te name “Manila sound” emerged in the 1970s and was identifed with songs composed
by Te Hotdog. Te Hotdog gained popularity because of its light and catchy melodies, lively
rhythm, and how it ofen mixed English and Tagalog as in the songs “Manila” and “Ikaw ang
Miss Universe ng Buhay ko” (“You Are the Miss Universe of My Life”) which serenaded the
contestants of the Miss Universe beauty pageant held in Manila in 1974. Te Hotdog gave the
local music industry a boost that captured a wide listening audience.
Manila sound likewise followed global trends in disco music of the late 1970s exemplifed
by foreign groups like the Bee Gees, ABBA, and singer Donna Summer. Local groups with all-
male members, namely the Boyfriends, VST and Company, and Hagibis were at the forefront
of Pinoy disco music. Te Boyfriends hit songs included “Dahil Mahal Kita” (“Because I Love
You”) and “Sumayaw, Sumunod” (“Dance, Follow”) while the VST and Company disco hits
were “Rock Baby, Rock” and “Isasayaw Ko” (“I Will Dance”). Hagibis, consisting of fve macho-
looking men wearing black leather jackets and boots, were best known for their song “Katawan”
(“Body”). Another Manila sound pop group was Cinderella with lead vocalist Yolly Samson
(1957–1997) who popularised “T.L. Ako sa ‘yo” (“I Am Your True Love”) composed by multi-
awarded songwriter Snafu Rigor (1946–2016). Cinderella songs were ofen in Taglish, mixing
Tagalog and English in combination with street jargon and rendered in cool sof voices about
puppy love like “May Crush Ako sa ‘yo” (“I Have a Crush on You”).
Te merging of folk elements in Pinoy rock became predominant during the martial
law years (1972–1986) as expression of nationalism and protest. Te fourteen years of mili-
tary rule under then President Ferdinand Marcos was a time of intense creativity among
Philippine citizens. Performances of activist musicians and folk rock bands animated street
demonstrations and protests. Students, academics, and members of cause-oriented groups

patronised Pinoy folk rock songs that told about the abuses of martial law, cronyism, and
the exploitation of people and the environment. Te Jerks, formed in 1979 by Chickoy Pura
and guitarist Jun Lopito, made a mark on the Pinoy rock scene with their nationalistic song
“Reklamo ng Reklamo” (“Complaining Incessantly”) which won the 1998 NU Rock Awards
for Best Album and the 1998 Katha Award for Best Rock Song. Heber Bartolome (b. 1948) and
his band Banyuhay played bandurria and sang “Tayo’y Pilipino” (“We are Filipinos”) at pro-
test meetings. Songs critical of the Marcos-led Philippine government were mostly produced
independently by activists and/or the artists themselves. Recording companies shied away
from producing these albums due to limited profts aside from sufering the consequences of
military rule.
Te integration of folk music instruments such as the horizontally-laid gongs (kulintang),
bamboo jaw harp (kubing), and two-stringed lute (faglong/kudlong) into rock bands signifed
Filipino identity. Te group Asin (meaning “salt”) was formed around 1976 by Mike Pillora, Jr.
and Cesar Bañares, Jr., later joined by Lolita Carbon and Pendong Aban, Jr., and explored the
playing of the kulintang in their song “Ang Bayan Kong Sinilangan” (“Te Country Where I
Was Born”). In 1990, Pendong Aban, Jr. and his wife Chat Coloma-Aban formed their own folk
rock band named Ang Grupong Pendong and released two albums entitled Panahon (Season)
and Dito Sa Lupa (Here on Earth) which won the “Best in world music album” given by Katha,
an association of composers and songwriters in the Philippines. Even afer the lifing of mar-
tial law in 1986, local rock bands and artists continued creating more relevant songs such as
Local Brown, formed in 1988 by record producer Ed Formoso. Local Brown sang about Filipino
values, social ills, and the problem of Filipino colonial mentality. Songs included “Tis Is Not
America” and “Wishing You Were Brown” rendered in English and various Filipino languages
such as Ilocano, Tagalog, and Kapampangan. Te band, led by Joey Ayala (born Jose Iñigo
Homer Lacambra Ayala, 1956), and called Joey Ayala at ang Bagong Lumad (Joey Ayala and the
New Native), was formed in 1982 in Davao City in the southern Philippines. Tey prominently
used indigenous instruments of Mindanao in combination with electric guitars, synthesisers,
and a drum set. Years later, singer Grace Nono (b. 1965) launched her self-produced album
Salidummay around 1994 followed by several more albums containing repertories inspired by
traditional music. Nono collaborated with the late composer and jazz musician Bob Aves (d.
2019) who also advocated Filipino music. Nono’s vocal timbre, learned from indigenous chant-
ers, made her diferent from other local singers.
Pinoy rock bands prevailed in the mainstream music scene and airwaves in the 1990s. Te
Eraserheads, formed in 1989 and led by Ely Buendia, stood out as the most infuential and multi-
awarded group. Teir controversial debut album Ultraelectromagneticpop!, stickered with paren-
tal advisory by PARI due to foul words in the songs, was a smash hit in 1993 and was even
given the NU Rock Awards Album of the Year in 1994. Many more awards followed and the
group was honoured with the Hall of Fame award at the NU Rock Awards in 2003. By 2005,
Ely Buendia formed a new group named Pupil. Te video for Pupil’s initial song “Nasaan Ka”
(“Where Are You?”) was recognised as Best Rock Video by MTV Philippines in 2006. In 2008,
Pupil garnered two Awit Awards for Wild Life as Album of the Year and “Monobloc” as Best
Music Video. Another multi-awarded band is Parokya ni Edgar, formed in 1993. Led by vocal-
ist Alfonso “Chito” Miranda, Jr., their song “Mr. Suave” (“Mr. Debonair”) earned three Awit
Awards in 2004: Record of the Year, Best Music Video Performance, and Best Novelty Recording.
Local media called Parokya ni Edgar “Pambansang Banda ng Pilipinas” (“Te National Band of
the Philippines”). Sharing the same title of national band was Rivermaya, which released their
frst self-titled album in 1994 containing their most remembered song, “Awit ng Kabataan”
(“Song of the Youth”). Rivermaya’s popular songs included “Himala” (“Miracle”), “Kisapmata”
(“Blink of an Eye”), “Liwanag sa Dilim” (“Light in the Dark”), and “Your Song.” Te group was
given the MYX Magna Award in 2019 for their contribution to OPM Rock band history. Te
Filipino rock band Aegis, formed in 1993, made its reputation in Japan and signed a contract
with Alpha Records in Manila in 1998. Teir pop rock songs like “Mahal na Mahal Kita” (“I
Love You Very Much”), “Sinta” (“Love”), and “Basang-basa sa Ulan” (“So Wet with Rain”) were
revived in the longest-running musical titled “Rak of Aegis” which portrayed the challenges of
an urban community ravaged by foodwaters. All-female rock bands that emerged in the 1990s
were Keltscross, formed in 1992, with an album Revenge of the Fishlips, and Tribal Fish which
issued a self-titled album in 1994 that featured edgy raucous sound and harsh voices like “Wag
Kang Baboy” (“Don’t Be a Pig”). Pinoy rock bands proliferated around the country such as Te
Dawn (1985), AferImage (1989), Rizal Underground (1994), Siakol (1994), Itchyworms (1996),
Sponge Cola (1998), Sugar Free (1999), Urban Dub (2000), and Callalily (2006). Unique to Silent
Sanctuary (2001) and Gracenote (2008) is the integration of classical instruments such as the
cello and violin into the band.
Pinoy punk rock was infuenced by the punk movement in the United States and Great
Britain. Early Pinoy punk acts can be traced to visual artist Romeo Lee in the early 1980s with
his performances of “Wild Ting” from the British garage band Te Troggs. Local Pinoy punk
rock groups in the 1980s included Tird World Chaos, Philippine Violators, Te Wuds, Urban
Bandits, and George Imbecile and the Idiots. Loud and critical of society, their debut albums
were recorded under the Twisted Red Cross label. A Tird World Chaos album titled New Move
for Error was considered the frst Pinoy punk rock record in 1984. Underground gigs were com-
mon practice among punk groups as a step towards landing a recording contract like the group
Te Youth. Formed in 1989, Te Youth played sold-out shows with a big following because
of their irreverent humour, high energy, and impromptu performances. Tey signed a major
contract with Universal Music in 1993 and released an album titled Album na Walang Pamagat
(Album Without a Title) which contained their carrier single “Multo sa Paningin” (“Ghost in
Sight”) that became an instant hit. Te local band Razorback began in 1990 by playing cover hits
of metal bands like Led Zeppelin and Black Sabbath. Teir album Beggar’s Moon went platinum,
which included hits like “Payaso” (“Clown”) and “Ikot Ng Mundo” (“Turning of the World”).
Teir third album, Star, contained the award-winning song “Voodoo, Who Do?”. Yano, formed
in 1993, was a folk/punk band led by poet and musician Dong Abay (born Westdon Martin
Abay, 1971) who rendered political and social commentaries such as “Tsinelas” (“Slippers”),
“Banal na aso, Santong kabayo” (“Pious Dog, Saintly Horse”), and “State University.” Bad Omen
was considered one of the longest active punk bands, forming in 1989 and releasing their latest
single titled “Pinas Lang” (Philippines only) in 2019 as a critique on the government’s current
controversial campaign against illegal drugs.
More Filipino rock bands surfaced later in the 1990s playing hardcore punk rock and heavy
metal with more aggressive sounds and voices, yelling and growling to express opinions for
social change. Te local band Wolfgang formed in 1995 was popular with hits like “Halik ni
Hudas” (“Kiss of Judas”), “Natutulog Kong Mundo” (“My World Is Sleeping”), and “Mata ng
Diyos” (“Eyes of God”). Teir fourth album, Serve in Silence, won frst place for Album of the
Year and the Listener’s Choice award from the NU107 Rock Awards in 1999. Heavy metal band
Slapshock formed in 1997 and took their cue from American east coast hip-hop. Teir great
hits included “Sigaw” (“Shout”) and “Cariño Brutal” (“Brutal Afection”). Teir seventh album,
titled Atake (Attack) and released in 2017, fused rap in the songs “Atake” (“Attack”), “Tukso”
(“Temptation”), and “Huling Gabi” (“Last night”). Slapshock was named Best New Artist in
2000 by the NU Rock Awards. Kamikazee formed in 2000 and was known for hardcore punk.
Teir lead vocalist, Jay Contreras, spoke cuss words and danced sexually suggestive movements
during their live shows. Kamikazee’s hit songs were “Huling Sayaw” (“Last Dance”) and “Martyr
Nyebera” (“Sufering Lover”). Other hardcore and metal bands included Salamin, Valley of the
Chrome, Dahong Palay, and Greyhound, to name a few.
Pinoy Ska
Pinoy ska began to be popular in the local scene in the 1980s. Te Skalawags, formed in 1986,
was a pioneer group in playing at clubs and music bars around Metro Manila. Te syncopated
rhythm with accents on the second and fourth beats plus the incorporation of brass instruments
into the band made the group distinct from other local rock groups. Te Skalawags recorded
only one song, titled “Tank You, America”, about the problem of AIDS and sexually transmit-
ted diseases acquired from American soldiers stationed at the US military facility in Pampanga
Province. Te song was part of a compilation album called “Paalam, Uncle Sam” (“Goodbye,
Uncle Sam”) which featured various artists under the label Musika and was released in 1990 in
time for the turnover of the US military base to the Philippine government in 1991.
Pinoy ska became mainstream with the band Put3ska, formed in 1993 (Caruncho 1996, 209).
With its name, taken from “putris ka” (“damn you”) and “ska”, the group’s self-titled album
carried its hit single “Manila Girl” which earned a gold record award in 1994. Today, there is
a long list of ska bands in the Pinoy Ska Archive on Facebook. In addition, the Philippine Ska
Community was founded in 2017 to organise musicians and ska music enthusiasts as well as to
promote ska music. With about four thousand members, the community supports activities like
the Philippine Ska Festival. Philska Radio Online, through Facebook, started streaming live ska
music in 2018 hosted by Noel Salonga.
Pinoy Reggae
Pinoy reggae music gained attention in the 1980s. Inspired by the songs of Bob Marley
of Jamaica, Pinoy reggae bands have been paying tribute to the reggae icon by holding the
Bob Marley Festival Manila since 2014. However, unique to Pinoy reggae songs is the incor-
poration of local folklore and beliefs, Filipino humour, and the use of Filipino languages.
Cocojam was recognised as the pioneering Pinoy reggae band, formed in 1980. Teir hit song
“Lakambini” (“Princess”) injected rapping accompanied by reggae rhythm as an ostinato.
Tropical Depression became known in the 1990s, led by the late vocalist and guitarist Dominic
“Papadom” Gamboa (1965–2013). Teir hit songs included “Kapayapaan” (“Peace”) and “Bilog
Na Naman ang Buwan” (“It’s Full Moon Again”). From the northern region of Luzon, Badjao
Roots asserted their Cordillera cultural heritage with the song “Kalinga Dreadlock Rastaman”
fusing traditional instruments and a song called “Salidummay” to reggae beat. Around Metro
Manila, Pinoy reggae bands included Eurasia, Brownman Revival, and Hemp Republic. A well-
known solo reggae artist was Joseph Amoto Formaran (1969–2016), better known as Blakdyak,
whose performance acts and rapping like “Ang Modelong Charing” (“Te Model Charing”)
were ofen hilarious. His album, titled Noon at Ngayon (Past and Present), earned a platinum
record award in 1997. Reggae bands from the Visayas region included Junior Kilat and Enchi
while those from Mindanao included Doppstarz, Jayson in Town, Sud-anen Tribe, and Nairud
sa Wabad which meant Durian sa Dabaw (Durian in Davao) spelled backwards. Most of their
songs tell about Filipino life and society.
Pinoy Rap / Pinoy Hip-Hop

Pinoy Hip-Hop, also known in the country as Pinoy rap, started becoming popular in the 1980s.
It was rendered in English, Filipino, and other Philippine languages such as Bikolano, Ilocano,
Sebuano, and Chavacano as well as Taglish, or a mix of English and Tagalog. Igorot rap in the
northern Philippines used Ibaloi spoken in Baguio City and Benguet. Delivered in a half-spoken
and half-sung rhythmic manner, Pinoy rap tackled varied themes from seemingly trivial topics
to serious ones especially about love and sex. Rendered in a storytelling style, Pinoy rap was char-
acterised by irreverent yet humorous wordplay accompanied by a rhythmic ostinato, and repeti-
tive harmonic progressions. Other times, familiar popular melodies were appropriated to serve
as points of interest. For example, the tune of “Yellow Submarine” by Te Beatles was appropri-
ated in a Pinoy rap entitled “Sinabmarine” by Andrew E (born Andrew Espiritu, 1967). Te
earliest recorded rap, titled “Na Onseng Delight” (“Scammed Delight”), was attributed to Dyords
Javier (born George Javier) and released by WEA Records in 1980. Another pioneering rapper,
Vincent Dafalong, released an Alpha Record album entitled Okay sa-rap (Okay with Rap) fea-
turing “Mahiwagang Nunal” (“Miraculous Mole”) which talks about Filipino beliefs on moles.
Pinoy rap entered the mainstream through matinee idol Francis Magalona (1964–2009) with
his debut rap album, titled Yo!, which included “Mga Kababayan ko” (“My Countrymen”) as
an expression of love of country. Te Yo! album was a big success and was followed by another
hit album titled Rap is FrancisM in 1992. Te contents of the album addressed social and polit-
ical problems such as “Mga praning” on drug addiction and “Tayo’y mga Pinoy” (“We Are
Filipinos”). A multi-talented artist, Magalona received the Pioneer Hall of Fame Award from
Empire Entertainment at the 1st Annual Philippine Hip-Hop Music Awards in 2005 as well as
the Presidential Medal of Merit in 2009 for his musical contribution.
Another early exponent of Pinoy rap is Andrew E who gave Filipino listeners blunt yet funny
advice in “Humanap ka ng Panget” (“Look for Someone Ugly”). By mid-1995, Andrew E founded
a rap recording label called Dongalo Wreckords where he produced new talents like Salbakuta
with a debut single titled “Stupid Love”. Female rappers also rose in popularity like MC Lara,
Lady Diane, and Julie Ann San Jose (b. 1994), who was paired with Elmo Magalona (b. 1994),
son of pioneering Filipino rapper Francis M. Gloc 9 (born Aristotle Pollisco, 1977). Magalona is
undeniably the most highly acclaimed Filipino rapper in the country today. An award-winning
artist, he paid tribute to his mentor Francis M with “Alalay ng Hari” (“Tribute of the King”) in
2012. Gloc 9 songs tackle social issues such as poverty, corruption, and patriotism.
Rap contests were much-anticipated events and known as “fiptop battles” among local rap-
pers. Coming from the word “fip”, rap battles were meant to toss back insults between com-
petitors and to discredit each other’s viewpoints with ofensive words and vulgar phrases. Rap
recitations were unaccompanied and therefore more fexible in rendering. Local rappers gener-
ally used the Filipino language while English was employed when competing with international
participants. Fliptop audiences laughed, jeered, and clapped as the battle progressed. A referee
maintained order during the competition. At the end of a rap battle, each member of the judg-
ing panel explained how he or she voted. A fiptop website named Fliptop Battle League was
founded in 2010 by rapper Anygma, born under the name of Alaric Riam Yuson.
Pinoy Jazz
Jazz came to the Philippines during the American colonial period (1898–1946). American
nationals and returning Filipinos brought with them the phonograph and fat disc records of
American music such as the foxtrot, blues, and jazz (Quirino 2004, 12). American Tin Pan
Alley songs gave inspiration to Filipino composers like M. Nazario, who wrote “Manila Boxing
Rag” in 1914 and Jose Estella with his songs namely “California: March” in 1899, “Germinales”
in c. 1908, “Manila Carnival Rag” in 1914, and “Visayan Moon” in 1922 (Walsh 2013). Noted
composer Francisco Santiago was obviously infuenced by the music of the time when he wrote
“Balintawak: Filipino Fox-Trot” in 1920. Local orchestras and big bands formed as early as the
1920s and were patronised by foreigners in the country and afuent Filipino families. Moreover,
an important singer around this period was Catalina “Katy” de la Cruz (b. 1907–2004) who
specialized in jazz vocals and torch songs. By 1914, she was hired in Manila theatres to sing
in-between movie screenings from which developed the local vaudevilles (bodabil). She was
known for the song “Balut” (“Duck Egg”) rendered in fast-paced jazzy tune with vocal improvi-
sation or scat singing.
Pianist Luis Borromeo (b. circa 1879) of Cebu came home in 1921 afer six years of musi-
cal stints in vaudeville theatres in the United States. His concerts in Cebu, Iloilo, and Manila
featured a mixed repertoire of early jazz and classical songs including Filipino art songs (kundi-
man). Eventually, he formed his own vaudeville troupe named “Borromeo Follies of 1924”
which presented an amalgamation of music, dance, plays, and comedies. Borromeo dominated
the local cultural scene which earned him the title “King of Jazz” in the Philippines (Quirino
1996, 16). Big bands playing in dance halls and hotels for social events fourished in the 1930s.
Among the favourites were the Pete Aristorenas Orchestra, the Tirso Cruz Orchestra, and the
Mesio Regalado Orchestra. Radio became the medium to air jazz music where local artists per-
formed live at broadcast time. Mike Velarde, Jr. (1913–1986), composer of the popular “Ugoy-
ugoy Blues” in the mid-1930s, was a featured musician in weekly radio shows. He sang and
played jazz arrangements on the piano and later formed a jazz band named “Mike Velarde’s
Jazztocrats”. Exequiel “Lito” Molina (1930–1998), dubbed the “Father of Philippine Jazz”,
started playing professionally with various bands in the 1940s. By 1955, Molina formed the Jazz
Friends which were active in the concert scene until the 1980s. Angel Peña (1921–2014), a music
stalwart of both jazz and classical music, was a composer, arranger, and bass player. His jazz
piece “Bagbagtulambing” made a mark in the local repertoire when it was performed in 1956 for
a university fraternity annual concert. Likewise, his “Concerto for Jazz Quartet and Orchestra”
premiered in 1981 at the seventy-ffh anniversary of the Filipino presence in Hawaiʻi and
exemplifed the fusing of two contrasting genres of jazz and classical music into a composition.
Bobby Enriquez (born Roberto Delprado Yulo Enriquez, 1943–1996) was undeniably the most
exciting Filipino jazz piano virtuoso of his time. A child prodigy, he was self-taught and started
playing jazz professionally at the age of fourteen. He lef home and travelled to pursue a music
career in Manila, Southeast Asia, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Honolulu, Hawaiʻi. Eventually, he
settled in the United States where he achieved international recognition as “the Wildman”. Te
Katindig clan and the late Eddie Katindig (1937–2017) were well-known jazz artists. A major
proponent of Pinoy jazz was Bob Aves (1955–2019) who embarked on rediscovering Philippine
indigenous music in the 1990s and fused this with jazz resulting in the groundbreaking albums
Translating the Gongs (2006) and Out of Tradition (2014). A young breed of musicians who per-
form Pinoy jazz today are former members of the University of the Philippines Jazz Ensemble
led by Raymundo “Rayben” Maigue (b. 1957). Others include Bond Samson (b. 1965) of Ugoy-
ugoy Band, Edwin Lumanug (b.1974), RiaVillena-Osorio (b. 1980), and Jesper Colleen Mercado
(b. 1988). Te Jazz Society of the Philippines or Jazzphil was established in 2003 with the aim
of promoting jazz in the Philippines and fostering camaraderie among jazz musicians, music
collectors, fans, and musicians.
Conclusion
Colonialism contributed in the rooting of Western popular music in the Philippines. Te
import of new knowledge and modern technology from Europe and the United States efected
the growth of Pinoy popular music. Te country’s music infrastructure was nascent during its
early years in the 1900s but eventually fourished greatly due to agencies created by Filipinos
themselves. Local initiatives of songwriters, singers, musicians, businesspeople, and various
organisations including award-giving bodies were key agents in the growth of Filipino popular
music or OPM. Te process of hybridisation gave birth to local music genres that subverted
colonial culture and asserted Filipino identity. Following Bauman’s idea (Berger and Del Negro
2004, 131), Filipino identity is constructed in action and deeds embodied in the creation and
performance of OPM, being expressive portrayals of how Filipinos view themselves and how
they are imagined or understood by others.
Te establishment of local organisations such as the Organization of Professional Filipino
Singers (OPM), the Organization of Filipino Composers (KATHA), the Association of Filipino
Musicians (AMP), the Philippine Association of the Record Industry, Inc (PARI), and the
Filipino Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers, Inc. (FILSCAP), as well as interest
groups, were instrumental in the production of Pinoy popular music. Song-writing compe-
titions became important vehicles for drawing local talents to create and perform their own
music. Tese competitive events include the Metro Manila Popular Music Festival, better known
as “Metropop”, Himig Handog (Song Ofering), and the Philippine Popular Music Festival or
Philpop. Moreover, incentives for Filipino artists include the many award-giving bodies like
the Awit Awards of PARI, the KATHA Award, the NU Rock Award, the RJ Jacinto Pinoy Rock
and Roll Award, and the Filipino Academy of Movie Arts and Sciences Award (FAMAS) that
continue to spur growth in the music industry. Te role of mass media in promoting OPM
gained further signifcance afer martial law ended in 1986 when Executive Order no. 255 was
signed by then President Corazon Aquino in 1987 requiring all radio stations with musical pro-
gramme formats to broadcast at least four original Pilipino musical compositions at every clock
hour. Local recording companies and independent music producers with the support of radio
stations, television networks, and the power of the Internet continue to be vital for OPM as an
expression of Filipino identity in the global world.
Note
1 Pinoy popular music genres mentioned in this chapter are available on YouTube.
References
Africa, Antonio. (2016). Expressions of Tagalog Imaginary: Te Tagalog sarswela and Kundiman in Early Films in the
Philippines, 1939–1959 (Doctoral dissertation). Manila: Te Philippine Women’s University.
Berger, Harris & Del Negro, Giovanna. (2004). Identity and Everyday Life: Essays in the Study of Folklore, Music, and
Popular Culture. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press.
Canclini, Nestor. (1995). Hybrid Cultures: Strategies for Entering and Leaving Modernity. Minneapolis, MN: University
of Minnesota Press.
Caruncho, Eric. (1996). Punks, Poets, Poseurs: Reportage on Pinoy Rock & Roll. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc.
Quirino, Richie. (2004). Pinoy Jazz Traditions. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc.
Villasquez, Gloria Rosario. (2019). Globalizing and Commodifying Music in the 20th Century: Te 78-rpm Recordings in
the Philippines, 1900–1950s (Doctoral dissertation). Manila: Te Philippine Women’s University.
Walsh, Tomas. (2013). Tin Pan Alley and the Philippines: American Songs of War and Love, 1898–1946, a Resource
Guide. Lanham, MD: Te Scarecrow Press, Inc.
3
Te (De-) and (Re-) Mythifcation of OPM
Decentring a Popular Music Sign
Krina Cayabyab
In 1978, a new record company called JEM Records began placing a category on the shelves
of record outlets to distinguish their locally produced Long Play vinyl records (LPs) from the
others. Disc jockeys took notice and began including these marked records on the playlists of
their radio programmes. Tis marketing strategy launched the name “OPM”, Original Pilipino
Music, as a classifcation of records that transformed into everything and anything made by
Filipinos. OPM generated a consciousness of cosmopolitanism and nationalism within the pop-
ular media-driven music cultures of Manila in the 1970s. It became an anachronistic signifer
for diverse associations of music in the decade from the Hotdog-initiated sonic brand of Manila
Sound to the thickly orchestrated winning songs of the Metropop Festival including the con-
trasting chart-topping hit by Freddie Aguilar, “Anak” (“Child”); from the Filipino translations
of English covers to the newly fashioned rearrangements of folk songs and popular songs from
the past decades; from the Vicor vs. OctoArts vs. JEM company mainstream record conficts
to the alternative radio station DZRJ and its programme Pinoy Rock and Rhythm; from the
cultural policies surrounding radio airtime to payola being raised in the senate; and from Jingle
Chordbook Magazine’s political commentaries to the martial law regime during the Presidency
of Ferdinand Marcos and the protest songs that came along with it. Even today, OPM is still
linked to the 1970s highlighting those social, political, economic, and technological disruptions
that buttressed mainstream and underground tastes of the decade from “Tagalog syndrome”
(when songs/flms in Tagalog seemed hard to sell) to “Tagalogmania” (when Filipino slang or
colloquial lyrics became the trend); and from “plakang-plaka” (exact cover versions) to new
song compositions and arrangements. Tese occurrences have built up a myth that captures an
ideology of quotidian expressions in the decade’s recorded sounds. OPM became a metaphor
for this diferentiation – an identity, a community, and to some extent an ethnocentric senti-
ment. OPM grew into a dominant cultural value that became engaged in a process of modernist
reformism (Turino 2000, 15) and as a form of cultural capital in the country’s music history.
OPM became a myth in and of itself.
While the veneration of OPM as a turning point in the Philippine record history surged, it
became conditioned as the slogan for the country’s popular music scene. Consequently, in the
last four decades OPM has developed into a cultural value that dictated a nationalist ideal that
has sustained an inconvenience. Writers, patrons, and makers of OPM’s history and heritage
have catalysed a canon of works, personalities, and practices that in efect became its emblems
that continue to be of use at the present. Tis direction has caused the consequence of exclusion
45
46 • Krina Cayabyab
rather than its presumed inclusivity. When one says, “Te 1970s was the Golden Age of OPM
and the songs of the following decades do not match its glory”, does this not ignore a cul-
ture’s unstable state through time? When there is certainty in describing OPM as everything
and anything Filipino, has there been enough recognition and opportunity for works outside
Metro Manila to be embraced across varied intermediations? Furthermore, can the alterna-
tive ethos that the music and the practices produced be fully considered to be part of what was
supposed to be an encompassing range of OPM? Te term “OPM” seems to have obtained a
divine state hovering through Philippine popular music history as a myth. A bourgeois myth
to be more accurate. Looking at OPM in this perspective, an unaware Filipino who cares about
national unity and identity “might pass over history entirely and buy into a mythical history
instead, removed of all specifc historical context and signifcance” (McKagen 2017). And so
OPM bulges with multiple meanings and unresolved interpretations. It has become a myth that
requires a political language to subvert the naturalised and accepted illusions that are merely
celebrated without seeing the “distorted realit[ies] hidden” (McKagen 2017).
Tis chapter problematises the OPM myth to expose the contradictions in its process of
meaning-making, representation, marketing, and consumption by deconstructing or demyth-
ifying OPM itself. I proceed to discuss the myth-making process and why myth-making is
important in conceptualising a cosmopolitan nationalism. I end by exploring an idea of re-
mythifying OPM as a substitute for contextualising popular music cultures in the Philippines.
OPM as a Myth
Te deconstructed interpretations of OPM would frst require defning it as an exclusive stable
centre (Cobusen 2002) of national popular music and as a myth. How does OPM as a centre
and focal point of national popular music “attempt to exclude, ignore, repress and marginalise
‘[an] other’” (Marcel Cobussen 2002, 9) to be a “standard” representation of Pinoy popular
music? How have ambiguous songs from the past and present suggested new representations
of OPM? How does OPM as a myth serve to create truths about the socio-historical moments
and cultures of the times? Tis centring of OPM presupposes a great national mono myth
and either reinforces a “positive validation of our being or as touchstones for demythologiz-
ing – perhaps repudiating the monomyth – and reifying a new myth” (Scheurer 1991, 5–6). A
common Filipino mono myth in the context of popular music is that Manila’s exposure to tra-
ditional western classical music and American popular music in the early 20th century enabled
Filipinos to produce records that were stylistically similar to those of the colonisers. Tis myth
has reinforced the impulse of some “nationalists” to distinguish an “authentic” Filipino popu-
lar sound. Tus, for example, when OPM as a myth becomes relatively understood with a sign
(Barthes 1972),1 such as hearing Juan de la Cruz’s “Himig Natin” (“Our Songs”) as a signifer,
the idea or image of Pepe Smith is signifed. Tis associating impulse becomes a denotation2 of
the sign “Pinoy Rock”. In this second order of signifcation, Pinoy Rock becomes the connota-
tion of the myth of OPM. In other words, Pinoy Rock became valued as the sonic impetus to the
culturally naturalised idea of OPM.
Eric S. Caruncho (1996) described what has come to be “the way things are” (Chandler 2014)
for the beginnings of Pinoy Rock, which may also be embraced as a myth of OPM:
Luckily, when history fails, there’s always popular mythology, and the legend that makes the
most mythic sense is that Pinoy rock sprang full grown from Joey “Pepe” Smith’s chemically
enhanced cortex when he composed “Ang Himig Natin”… Here was the precise moment of
self-defnition, and one can only imagine what a fash of revelation it was for audiences to
Te (De-) and (Re-) Mythifcation of OPM • 47
hear the Juan de la Cruz Band perform it in public for the frst time. It had always been our
music. But now our music had a name… “Himig Natin” was the anthem ushering in the
Seventies and the classic era of Pinoy rock.”
(Caruncho 1996, 258)
But in keeping with the defnition that myths are culture-specifc and also attached to personal,
ideological, and emotional associations, do all participants of OPM have this same natural
refection about the term? Aren’t myths supposed to “reconcile or resolve confict and contra-
diction” (Scheurer 1991, 7), maintaining a certain belief system that consequently becomes a
transcendent evocation of a nation’s popular culture?
Another resounding myth of OPM is its signifcant association with the Metropop Music
Festival. Touted as the country’s pioneering songwriting competition chiefy supported by
Teodoro Valencia and then dictator Ferdinand Marcos’s daughter Imee Marcos, its main objec-
tive was to construct an occasion for the development of Filipino music. Two thoughts may be
raised: 1) haven’t the winning compositions from 1978 and onward demonstrated the pompous,
symphonic “to win it” rousing quality of instrumentation, exemplifying a kind of manufactured
way of “authenticating” a popular sonic quality of the time?; 2) doesn’t this event, which was
patronised by the Marcos government, pose a challenge for artists, producers, and audiences to
indiscriminately absorb and consume the depoliticised reality of the martial law regime?
Tis myth making has sparked the problem of defning OPM across all Pinoy cultures,
media, intermediations, spaces, and times. Some meanings have dominated, but as articles,
papers, and other media about the defnition and position of OPM have curated, Filipinos and
academics alike not only gain knowledge of more varied interpretations of the label. We also
fnd “semantic undecidability and deferred meaning[s]” and a “multiplicity of realities” (Fox
2014) that allow a disregard for any means of control or authority over OPM. To demythify the
popular myth of OPM as the two quotations immediately above does not mean the invalidation
of OPM. Te inclusion of several voices and constructs to recognise OPM as contextual with an
“infnite chain of texts from the starting point of any signifer” (Fox 2014) might aid in bringing
about a sense of resolution to the unstable nature of meanings.
OPM “Author[s]”:3 Recognising a Limit to Knowledge,

Deviating from Deterministic Constructs
We continue by puzzling over some penned truths of OPM. In recent years, a few university
undergraduate theses have discussed OPM where defnitions were laid out and have certainly
displayed diferent interpretations. One begins by directly equating OPM to “Philippine popular
music” thereafer enumerating the intermediations of various musical and social practices that
afect the quality, creation, production, and reception of a song in terms of song style, singer,
production, audience, physical media, and circulation through the decades (Ferrer 2016). Te
study’s limitations pertain to the recording output of the giant company Vicor Records, now
Viva Records, which is presented as a preliminary archive and discussion about the material
technologies utilised by the company. Additionally, these recordings were encapsulated in gen-
eral decadal descriptions as defned by a practitioner (composer and singer) within this world
(author’s italic emphasis) of OPM. Jim Paredes summarises the 1960s as the “Aspiration Era”
where “the masses aped the upper class and longed to have an American experience in the
local popular scene” (Ferrer 2016, 10). Te 1970s was labelled as the “Age of Relevance” because
“people wanted something diferent, something that applied to them directly” (Ferrer, 11). For
the 1980s, Paredes highlighted the infuence of MTV in the lowering of local gold and platinum
awards based on album sales. Te 1990s was seen to have “reverted back to copying foreign art-
ists” (Ferrer, 15). Tis lens that is framed in a somehow idiosyncratic “turning-point” approach
and evolutionism, which are ofen based on mainstream record sales and commercial radio
choices, has been a common writing direction of newspaper, magazine, and popular online
articles. Tese articles mark a sonic and creative change in popular music-making, as refected
in Norma Japitana’s (1977) writing:
Te acceptance of the new type of Philippine pop songs marks the formation of a new breed
of Filipino composers. Tis even points to the fruitful search for identity in Philippine con-
temporary music which will fll the gap between the traditional composers and the new
group of songwriters.
Te comparative approach of writing about the “old and the new”, the “local and the interna-
tional”, and the “high and the low” are utilised to portray the current and distinct Philippine
popular sound. Tis essay was followed by the programme fow of the concert with the heading
“Final Portion: Popular” for a state event at the Folk Arts Teatre.
In a publication for a diferent audience published three years later in 1980, socially and
politically engaged Jingle magazine released an article entitled “Why Local Pop Music Can’t
Get It Up: An Inquiry Into the Current State-Of-Te-Slump” (1980) where the dismay of
record producers and radio personalities about the year’s slack production of original music
was displayed. “Tere is no excitement in the current music scene” (Azarcon 1980, 71), Vic
del Rosario of Vicor-Blackgold describes. Snafu Rigor of P&D Records observed, “Tis is the
groping stage” (Azarcon 1980, 71). An article written in the 1990s by Danny Yson in the book
Te Recording of Pilipino Music4 states the problem of the recording industry of the decade in
numbers: “Te reason why sales of the industry [have] become stalled at between P 130 to P 150
million annually for the past ten years (1975–85) is because the Philippine market had never
really expanded” (Yson, n.d.). Recent media interpreted OPM in a similar vein with titles such
as “Who Killed OPM?” (Replente 2017), “Now and Ten: Is OPM Going Extinct?” (Santos 2012),
“Original Pilipino Music in Crisis” (Ballaran 2012), “OPM Fighting for Survival” (Bercasio
2016), “Original Pilipino Music (OPM) Is Still Vital Today” (Lirios 2017), “Te Fall and Rise of
Philippine Music” (bworldonline 2018), and “OPM: Rising Tru Streaming” (Business Mirror
2019). Tis writing lens of maturity/decline based on revenues establishes the myth of OPM
in the economic and ecological system of the mainstream record industry. Furthermore, this
delimits the restricted sonic qualities accepted within the industry’s conventions. In terms of
production slips in the perspective of the industry, the surveying of wide-ranging events in the
country that may have afected this “state-of-the-slump” must be considered.
Te mythifcation of OPM indeed has a strong reference to recorded music made in Metro
Manila that is broadcasted across the country. Going back to 1978, the Metropop Songwriting
Competition amplifed this dominant centre of production to build up and propagate a Filipino
identity and artistic uniqueness through a pop music aesthetic. Te efect of songwriters aim-
ing for their songs to have a novel quality recalled by listeners, the efect of the competitions
to upheave the most efective songs that impacted a so-called national consciousness, and the
arrangements of the competition’s song entries refected this nature of engaging musical prow-
ess. As briefy mentioned above, the songs of the frst few years of Metropop took up forms,
melodic contours, harmonic progressions, and expansive ranges that favoured a dynamic devel-
opment of expressing drama, climax, radiance, and bravura. Leading with this aesthetic are
“Kay Ganda Ng Ating Musika” (“How Beautiful Our Music Is”) composed by Ryan Cayabyab
and interpreted by Hajji Alejandro, “Pagdating Mo” (“When You Arrive”) composed by Nonoy
Gallardo and interpreted by Celeste Legaspi, and “Narito Ako Umiibig” (“Here I Am, Loving”)
composed by Nonong Pedero and interpreted by Maricris Bermont. Against this template stood
“Anak” (“Child”) by Freddie Aguilar, a song that immediately achieved international distinc-
tion post-factum, and remains a classic in the Nusantara region. Te song’s impassioned lyric
against a modest yet stirring musical arrangement has become a proposition for a demytholo-
gised standard of producing hit songs.
Looking closer now at the rationality and mythologisation of the acronym itself, direct and
indirect speculations have been laid out by a few studies. In one introduction, OPM was spelled
out as “Original Philippine Music or Original Pinoy Music” (Esquivias 2014, 10). Te choice
of words may have been prompted by the avoidance of an error or of the political nuance that
“Pilipino” has. According to Article XIV Section VI of the Philippine Constitution of 1987, “Te
national language of the Philippines is Filipino. As it evolves, it shall be further developed and
enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages.” Post-Hispanic political and
pejorative terms raise nuances in the use of “Filipino”: In the new constitution using “F” instead
strengthens the nationalistic expression not only of the language, but also of the peoples and
cultures of all regional and ethnolinguistic groups of the country (Agoncillo and Manuel 2015).
In the 1940s, the language of the Tagalog groups was the basis for “Pilipino” being established
as the ofcial term for the national language. Indeed, “F” was a foreign letter to the exclusive
Tagalog. Te Komisyon ng Wikang Filipino (KWF) or Commission on the Filipino Language
clarifed that “F” actually exists in the northern Philippine Ifugao and southern Philippine
B’laan languages, to name a few. Te transition to using “F” rather than “P” was already man-
dated in the 1973 Constitution but was only strictly reformed and followed by the majority in
1987. Tus, in this context the problematic “OPM” only refers to Tagalog songs made by Tagalog
participants (see this reiteration in the terms “Tagalogmania” and “Tagalog syndrome” in the
1960s to the 1970s mentioned above). Te danger of this “Tagalog Nationalism” (L.P. Dacudao
1988) myth used by the State has segregated other ethnolinguistic groups which has spurred
various controversies across social, cultural, and political arenas through the years.
A stronger resistance to the use of “P” is transparent in another thesis as a response
to the enigmatic exclusivity of the label OPM. Jason Paul C. Laxamana (2012), ethnically
Kapampangan, expressed how even during this era’s mainstream music scene the diversity of
Philippine languages is not well represented in various media platforms. During the time of his
writing, there were fewer than ten songs in other languages that successfully penetrated Metro
Manila (considered synonymous to national) reception. Many communities of this archipela-
go’s ethnic groups naturally utilise the Filipino or English languages rather than their mother
tongues. Paradoxically, this inclusivity of all ethnolinguistic groups to the “Filipino” language
enables a diglossia system, weakening fuency and devotion to one’s mother tongue. Te aim
of Laxamana was to “aid other ethnolinguistic communities in the Philippines in representing
themselves in what the letter P stands for in OPM” (Laxamana 2012, 7).
Until the present day, a radio listener from Ilocos, Cebu, or Davao would be aware of the top
artists and songs that have become hits in Manila since the 1970s. But it was not until the 21st
century that pop hits from Visayas and Mindanao became more noticeably aired on Manila’s
radio stations, not to mention on online platforms as well. Tis cross-border transmission and
media fow did not come unaccompanied by the urgency of Southern Philippine local music
communities to have their pop music expressions heard on a larger scale. As one participant of
the Philpop Songwriting Competition shared in 2018, “It means so much for me to be able to tell
my own story in my own language because there are some things that I cannot say in Filipino
or English but [which I] can really express in my own language” (Garcia 2020). Nevertheless,
BisRock or Bisaya rock has been around since the 1980s and is widely considered as a subgenre
of Pinoy Rock in the Cebuano music scene. It is the lack of national representation that became
the primary motivator for a movement like this as a songwriting platform based in Visayas
indicated. Before becoming an accepted label for a campaign that empowers the Visayan lan-
guage in the region’s pop music as well as propelling a songwriting presence on a national
level, VisPop was a song competition in 2012 conceptualised by Jude Gitamondoc in 2009. Te
Visayan Pop Music Festival was not only a competition but also a workshop space to fesh out
new songs with efective writing and music production practices. Years and disputes later, the
term VisPop became a genre that references mainstream Visayan popular music. Similar to
this mission is that of MinPop, described by its creators as a collective term that refers to pop
music created by Mindanaoans through the annual songwriting competition which began in
2019. Some of the recent national hits of VisMinPop and BisRock include “Ha-Ha-Ha Hasula”
(“Ha-Ha-Ha Hassle”) by Kurt Fick, “Sa Akong Heart” (“In My Heart”) by Von Saw, “Lame”
(“Delicious”) by Midnasty, “Cebuana” by Karencitta, “Bisan Pa” (“Even If”) by WetSlipperz,
and “Duyog” (“Accompanied”) by Jewel Villafores. With the same desired efect of enriching
and deepening one’s nationalism through his or her ethnolinguistic and regional roots, the
competitions and workshops enabled a re-mythifcation of OPM.
Furthermore, news articles emphasised a call for inclusion, for revolt against social divides,
as well as for support of the semioclasm of “OPM”. Tese were written in titles such as “OUR
Pinoy Music” (Poblete and Ly 2012), “Sa Ikauunlad ng Bayan, OPM ang Kailangan!” (“For the
Success of the Nation, What We Need Is OPM!”) (Santiago 2012), and “No To the Term OPM!
Yes to Filipino Music” (Manitoba Filipino Journal 2015). In the striking cry of “OPM is Dead,
So Sue Me”, Leroy Claudio (2012) utilises OPM as an allegory of the country’s ignorance in fos-
tering its socio-political climate. Tese perspectives that take up issues of confict (Abad 1991)
extend towards another myth of OPM. In the response “Long Live Local Music!”, Katigbak
(2012) wrote that “‘P’ practically [stood] for ‘Popular’”. Katigbak further clarifes it by writ-
ing, “When someone says OPM IS DEAD, he or she really means ‘Te local music I like is not
popular.’ When someone says OPM IS NOT DEAD, it means ‘Te local music I like exists (and
in fact, is in many ways thriving)’” (Katigbak 2012).
In this rewriting of myth, the music scenes and materials of genres such as Pinoy-made
punk, alternative, hardcore, hip-hop, jazz, and “people’s music” are consciously taken into
account. In 1996, Caruncho published a compilation of his newspaper and magazine articles
from the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s entitled Punks, Poets and Poseurs. Critically writing as a
music fan, Caruncho in his articles substantially contributes to the popular cultural heritage in
Philippine music, articles that are very similar to Jingle Magazine’s “ambag sa eksena” (“contri-
bution to the scene”). Caruncho’s overarching theme and problematisation are refected in the
article “Forging Filipino” (1990) where he writes:
Te trouble with most of what we call – for lack of a better term – Original Pilipino Music
is that there is little in it that is original, and still less that is “Pilipino”… To fnd Filipino-
ness – we must look outside the confnes of commercial music to the work of a handful of
struggling artists creating what we might call “alternative music”.
(Caruncho 55)
With this statement as with all the articles in his book, Caruncho proposed that popular music
cultures not bounded by the “misnamed OPM” are defly defnitive of becoming Filipino. In
another article called “Troubadours for Troubled Times” (Caruncho 1996), he wrote to make
sense of what “alternative” is in the Filipino context, coming up with the question that if the
status quo of the music industry is “dictated by the international (read Western) recording
companies, wouldn’t that make all Filipino artists ‘alternative’?” He continued that it is popu-
lar music, “being of, for and about the people,” (Caruncho 76–77) that is bent on a nationalist
perspective. As a brief yet sharp semioclasm of OPM, fracturing the myth becomes a complete
alternative.
Te Re-mythifcation of OPM in 21st-Century Spaces

Tis framework of mythologising OPM engages a political language that allows one to contex-
tually reinvent its validity through time. Yet how far can one go into thinking of utilising the
acronym and redefning its inclusions? Will it still be a myth if there are no established limi-
tations? If anything and everything made by a Filipino is mythically accepted as OPM, then
live music-cultures re-mythify OPM, once linked to records only. Musical spaces such as bars,
underground venues, and informal stages like open mics where bands and singer–songwriters
can play their penned repertoires portray how original music can happen elsewhere too. Tere
are originals-only nights, busking in the streets, performance collaborations, rapping and sing-
speaking with backing tracks, and production gig nights with a variety of genres. Additionally,
all these new possibilities can be transmitted and intermediated through online media and
other forms of digital documentation.
On social media, OPM artists can be infuencers such as Bullet Dumas. Aside from being
distinguished for his attractively unrefned natural voice, choices of guitar playing styles, and
brazen musical themes and texts, Dumas places his personifcation on and translates his per-
formativity over social networks. He sets his online third wall on Twitter with idiomatic state-
ments of subtle relevance and clever thoughts, keeping his followers engaged. He demonstrates
his agape aesthetic and mindfulness as he stirs up his feeds fashionably, making his intimate
performance space a rather digital coliseum, and consummately interpreting the world for his
Filipino audience. Armed with an ethos of protest, Filipino consciousness, and artistic will,
Dumas has taken the popular alternative route successfully tread by Joey Ayala, Yoyoy Villame,
Gary Granada, and Grace Nono about three decades ago. Akin to this ethos is the DIY culture
that all these artists maintained as their convention of making music. As artistic iconoclasts,
these music artists became trailblazers of alternative songwriting content and aesthetics that
further stimulated more musical choices.
Te current “indie” label had quite a similar confrontation with “mainstream” as “alterna-
tive” had with the latter in the early 1990s. “Mainstream” is described by Alison Huber (2013) as
a “conceptual tool that illuminates the ways in which certain kinds of music come to temporar-
ily dominate everyday life at certain times and in certain places” (Huber, 11). Today, any form of
musical data blown up on the cloud that disrupts and foods Internet search feeds will momen-
tarily garner a range of participative levels from diferent groups of people. When the numbers
reach millions of hits and followers, an imagined mainstreamity is attained. Pinoy “indie” has
become an industry-based genre (Negus in Nordgård 2016) with conventions that include “sim-
plicity, austerity, technophobia, and nostalgia” (Fonarow in van Poecke 2017, 8). Furthermore,
instrumentations usually include acoustic guitars, multiple voices and harmonies, egalitarian
stage set-ups, the downplaying of musical virtuosity and soloing, and the use of metaphor and
polysemy in language (van Poecke 2017). Overall, mainstream operates in the “participatory
culture” framework of music-making, aesthetics, and production.
From being an unsigned and starting indie band to becoming one of the most popular bands
now, the members of Ben&Ben have shifed into working full-time in the group focusing on the
production, creation, and performance of their music. Ben&Ben joined the Philpop Songwriting
Competition in 2016 winning third place. Considering the competition’s feature of being
commercially produced, the audience reach of the band has spilled out from digital media. Afer
2016, the band has been producing stand-alone concerts with a following that has reached more
than two million monthly listeners on Spotify. Te group was eventually named as one of only
two local artists in the top ten Spotify charts in 2018. Testifying to their superior audience reach
would be their mall concerts where audiences of close to one thousand people boisterously sing
along to their songs. Te vivacity in the entire mall is overwhelming. With a number of covers
of their songs uploaded on YouTube and by being on top of the listenership of the local Spotify
channel, Ben&Ben has achieved ample audience approval. In this context of the term “indie” as
more of a genre rather than a practice, Ben&Ben has been aided by the talent management com-
pany Sindikato, while their music is being distributed by the record label Sony Music Philippines.
Despite being managed by Sindikato, the musical and creative choices in writing and producing
their songs are taken through the collective agency of the band’s members. Tis is an example of
a current “alternative mainstream” practice, or platform, in a music industry where bottom-up
production and top-down distribution converge (van Poecke 2017).
Conclusion
As we have seen from revisiting its origin, OPM began as a diferentiation that transformed
into an identifcation. Trough the anchoring efect of mythologising, OPM became a national
descriptor that has developed diverse meanings for diferent people. In the 21st century, OPM
is a label that represents the popular music of the 1970s, an ethereal and ambiguous defnition
for music made by Filipinos, and it is a term that is either avoided or politicised. Here, the de-
mythifcation of OPM results in a contemporary re-mythifcation to continuously distort and
vitalise history. Every attempt of re-mythifcation requires an act of “collaps[ing] history – past,
present, future – into that moment” (Scheurer 1991, 13) to critically observe the myth’s present
position. Te tradition and heritage of OPM continues to be rewritten, augmented, and reduced
in the urge to reinforce intertexts of myths that represent a nation. Tese intertexts can never be
frozen. Tey are infnitely dynamic, aimed to sequester and interweave diferences. Is it neces-
sary to have a telos of the nationhood in the context of OPM?
OPM is still sustained by the participations of and collaborations between diferent media,
bodies, and art forms. OPM is still an interplay of power dynamics and socio-cultural urgen-
cies and continues to be an assortment of belief systems, ideas, and aesthetics. It progresses in
transition, seeping through people’s sonic quotidian experiences, online, ofine, and in retro-
spect. OPM remains a sign of multiple-layered associations in the world of Philippine music.
Inevitably, it is necessary to constantly re-mythify the concept of OPM across time and space
because a truth about its myth is that OPM will continue to be a construct for people whose
nationhood and identity matter.
Notes
1 Following Roland Barthes’s semiological system of myth: the signifer which is an object produces an idea that is
signifed. When the relation between the two creates an idea that is recognisable to a person, it becomes a sign.
2 Discussing Barthes’s denotation, connotation, and myth, Chandler explains that denotation is an “obvious”
meaning of a sign that consists of a signifer and signifed. Tis denotation in turn becomes the signifer that
brings about the second order of signifcation, which is the connotation. Combining denotation and connotation
results in an ideology that can be embodied by myths whose “function is to naturalise the cultural – in other
words, to make dominant cultural and historical values, attitudes and beliefs seem entirely natural, normal, self-
evident, timeless, obvious… and thus objective and ‘true’ refections of ‘the way things are’” (Chandler).
3 Taken from Barthes’s “Death of the Author”.
4 A copy of this book has not yet been found by the author.
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4
Popularising Malaysian Cultures through
the Music Industry and Music Education
Shahanum Mohd. Shah
Popular music both constructs and refects the society of the time and evolves according to
global and national developments. Whilst the term “popular” typically refers to commercially
oriented music, in Malaysia, popular also references music that has been popularised in some
way or another. With the advent of technological advances, new styles have emerged as well as
new ways of listening to music. Te way people worldwide consume music has changed dra-
matically in the past years. Malaysia was not spared from this phenomenon, where popular
music has been developing since independence and continues to be the predominant musical
form that has pervaded all levels of society through media exposure. Tis chapter has a twofold
purpose. First, it examines what constitutes popular culture in the Malaysian music industry
covering the infuences and characteristics of popular genres including events and technologies
that afected the styles and songs that changed the face of the Malaysian popular music indus-
try. Second, it examines the infuences of popular culture on the Malaysian education system,
specifcally in the music curriculum and co-curricular music activities. Popular culture can be
defned as the products and “forms of expression and identity that are frequently encountered
or widely accepted, commonly liked or approved, and characteristic of a particular society at
a given time” (Delaney 2019). Popular is what the masses want, and popular is the culture of
the people which involves the aspects of social life most actively involved in by the public. It is
determined by the interactions between people in their everyday activities and is also informed
by the mass media (Brummet 2018).
Music is one experience of popular culture due to its mass accessibility and general appeal.
Popular culture has infuenced the Malaysian music industry in many ways and refects what
is happening in the country. Malaysia is a multiethnic country with diverse musical herit-
ages given the infuence of many foreign cultures. Western colonisation had a wide impact
on Malaysian music cultures and colonialists introduced their own heritages and music to the
people. According to Chopyak (2017), the frst infuence of foreign culture on Malaysian music
can be traced to the arrival of the Portuguese in the 16th century. Te Portuguese introduced
the violin and guitar in the region. Tese two instruments were used in the keroncong ensemble.
Originally, the keroncong song was performed by the African-Portuguese known as Mardijkers
accompanied by guitars and violins. Tese instruments were eventually incorporated in other
music ensembles as well as in bangsawan theatre troupes (Matusky and Tan 1997, 343).
However, Chopyak (2017) also states that the colonial impact on the local music scene for-
mally began with the advent of the British in what was then called “Malaya” along with the
55
56 • Shahanum Mohd. Shah
arrival of European military wind bands. Tese bands served as entertainment for colonial of-
cials with band members mainly from the Philippines and India. Te band members eventually
settled in the country and formed dance and cabaret ensembles that also provided background
music for bangsawan (Chopyak 2017, 3–4).
Following colonial infuences, a globalised syncretic Malaysian popular music scene can be
traced as far back as the 1930s with genres such as keroncong, ghazal, and the asli music and
dance genres (Pillai 2013). Te bangsawan theatre and the joget dance halls were considered
popular culture with the music amalgamating a multitude of Malaysian, Middle Eastern, Tai,
Western, and East Asian rhythmic styles (Matusky and Tan 2004, 8). Fusion took place with
many intercultural music infuences in early popular music and these infuences are recognised
as a seminal part of Malay popular culture (Lockard 1998, 1–2). Tis assimilation of music
infuences was rooted in a foundation of traditional Malay rhythmic patterns that incorporated
folk themes and tonalities (Lockard 1998, 1–2).
Since the 1930s, music in Malaysia has developed signifcantly. With globalisation and the
advent of technological advances, new ideas, styles, and trends have emerged as well as new
ways of listening to music. Popular music developed signifcantly since independence in 1957
and continued to be the predominant form of music consumed by all levels of society through
media exposure. Technological developments since the advent of the radio to the present day
Internet and digital platforms have also played a major role in changing the landscape, acces-
sibility, and consumption of music in Malaysia.
Popular Culture in the Malaysian Music Industry

Te Malaysian music industry is constantly shifing and as such there are several popular
cultures that have predominated over the past three decades. According to composer and
music director Faizal, popular songs have reverted to simple melodies since the 1990s, i.e.,
what catches the ears of mainstream listeners (Interview with Faizal, Selangor, Malaysia).
Songwriters are mostly making songs that focus on mass appeal and commercialisation and
at times borrow melodies from existing songs and rearrange them based on current trends.
Tis includes the use of major and minor scales without venturing into more complex har-
monies. Some examples include Aiman Tino’s “Permata Cinta” (“Jewel of Love”), “Menahan
Rindu” (“Holding on to Longing”) by Wany Hasrita, and “Di Mata Mu” (“In Your Eyes”) by
Sufan Suhaimi.
According to Mohd. Azhar Abu Bakar (chief judge of a national song competition who goes
by the name Azmeer), ballads and electronic dance music (EDM) are still popular genres among
young audiences (Interview with Mohd. Azhar Abu Bakar, Selangor, Malaysia). Despite the
lack of compositional developments to songs or music in these genres, Malaysians mainly from
Generation Y (born between 1980 and 1994) and Generation Z (born between 1995 and 2015)
still consume these genres. Songs in the ballad genre include “Lelaki Teragung” (“Te Greatest
Man”) sung by Dayang Nurfaizah, “Tergantung Sepi” (“Hanging Loneliness”) by Haqiem Rusli,
and “Aku Cinta” (“I Love”) sung by Syameel and Ernie Zakri. DJ Goldfsh and DJ Blink are two
popular DJs who spin EDM music in Malaysia and play solo acts or as a duo that goes by the
name Goldfsh and Blink.
Another compositional method used is the production of “beats” using repetitive loops. Te
purpose of a music loop is to create a simple melodic line for the chorus while someone raps on
top of a percussive beat. Music with loops consist mostly of programmed drum patterns and
music samples sustained throughout the song. “Bunga” (“Flower”) by Altimet; Alif, Sona One;
“Berserah” (“Surrender”) by Ismail Izzani and Zizan Razak; “Mimpi” (“Dream”) by K-Clique;
Popularising Malaysian Music Education • 57
and “Sampai Jadi” (“Till It Happens”) by Joe Flizzow are examples of songs and artists that use
music loops.
Tere are numerous popular culture platforms, a primary one being the mass media, espe-
cially flm, television, radio, video games, and the Internet. Te media has a strong infuence
on popular culture and the ability to make a song and/or artist popular. Due to the unevenness
of media coverage, i.e. TV and radio, local musicians and singers remain relatively underpaid.
Musicians have turned to social media to build their reputation and branding and to advertise
their performances following recent DIY trends in Malaysia and throughout the Nusantara
region. Te recording industry has also changed signifcantly largely due to the Internet. Global
streaming platforms such as Spotify and Apple Music have all contributed to the demise of CDs
and physical albums. On-demand music purchasing or streaming platform subscriptions are
the norm today. As a result, the meaning of the word bintang (star) is being redefned through
online platforms with Facebook likes, YouTube views, and Instagram and Twitter followers,
among others.
During the mid-2000s, the introduction of the reality television concept revived public inter-
est in music entertainment. Since then, there has also been a signifcant growth in the number
of Malaysian reality TV shows of the “talent” genre following programmes that started in the
United Kingdom and the USA. Te audience became excited with the idea of choosing their
own stars by sending text messages through handheld phones and becoming involved in the
making of a celebrity. Tese reality shows are largely Malaysian versions of American Idol-type
programmes, the frst being Malaysian Idol. Te contest determines the best young singer in
Malaysia; the viewing public votes to decide who the winner is. Malaysian Idol was broadcast
to Malaysian viewers via terrestrial television stations 8TV and TV3 and lasted for two seasons
from 2004 to 2005.
Afer Malaysian Idol, the next Malaysian reality competition show was One in a Million, the
frst reality singing competition to ofer a RM 1,000,000 prize to the winner. In May 2006, the
show began airing on 8TV. Having a similar purpose of discovering the best young singer in
the country through several auditions held nationwide, the prize money provided the winner
high quality production and marketing resources. One in a Million was also the frst reality
singing competition that allowed viewers to vote in as well as vote out the contestants. Te show
featured two judges who critiqued the contestants’ performances and facilitated the voting. Te
judges were former singer and music lecturer Syafnaz Selamat and Paul Moss, the brand man-
ager for 8TV. Te show’s airing lasted from 2006 to 2009.
Akademi Fantasia (AF) is Malaysia’s frst reality television show in which a number of con-
testants enter as students to compete for the winning title and a chance to start a career in the
entertainment industry. Te frst season premiered June 2003 and was one of television network
Astro Ria’s highest rated shows. Te format of the show was taken from La Academia which
originated in Mexico. Malaysia was the frst country in Southeast Asia to have its own version
of the show. Akademi Fantasia subsequently went on for thirteen seasons. A fnal competition
of Akademi Fantasia featured selected contestants in 2018.
Mentor is yet another reality singing competition that presents established artists as mentors
to guide their respective protégés who are themselves the contestants. Mentor began in 2005
airing on TV3 for two seasons and subsequently returned in 2009 to the present except for 2013.
Te contestants are divided into two groups. Each contestant competes against each other in
their respective groups during the early stages of the competition. Scores are determined by the
jury (30%) and viewer votes (70%).
Bukan Sekadar Rupa (Not Just Appearance / Not as it Seems) is a television singing compe-
tition aired by TV3. Te show was introduced in 2011 with the purpose of identifying talents
based on their vocal abilities and not on their physical looks. In the show, a jury panel assesses
the contestants who sing behind a curtain without seeing them during the competition. Results
are based entirely on the marks given by the permanent and guest judges. Only afer singing do
the participants expose themselves at the concert. Te winner of season one was Norhasmidar
Ahmad (Asmidar) while Mohd Yusof Ahmad (Uchop) was the winner of season two. Te sing-
ing reality show Gegar Vaganza aired by the television network Astro presents twelve seasoned
or experienced professional artists of the Malaysian music industry competing against each
other. Te frst season aired in 2014 on Astro Ria (104) and on Astro Ria HD (123), the second
season beginning in 2015.
Te current trend in the Malaysian music industry involves capitalising on what is termed
“Budak Baru Nak Up” (BBNU) or New Arising Young Talents. Te concept of BBNU started
with online media such as YouTube, where youngsters with looks, style, and some singing abil-
ity post videos to promote themselves. Te reality show Big Stage by the media network Astro
capitalised on this by scouting young popular new talents from the current millennials on the
show. Te frst season in 2018 was only for Malaysian singers but the second season in 2019
has opened its doors to participants from Indonesia, Tailand, Brunei, and South Korea. Te
show appoints two permanent judges and invites one jury every week. A professional sing-
ing teacher is appointed to guide the contestants. Without auditions, the production scouts for
these BBNU contestants and selections are based on the number of YouTube viewers and sub-
scribers that potential contestants have accumulated. Some of the currently trending BBNU are
Sarah Suhairi, Arif Bahran, Andy Bernadee, and Ismail Izzani. Idola Kecil (Small Idol) by TV9
(2008), Bintang Kecil (Small Star) by Radio Television Malaysia, and Ceria Pop Star (Cheerful
Pop Star) by Astro (2019) are three other singing reality shows currently showcasing children.
Te Internet has also infuenced the music industry where becoming a celebrity and going
viral go hand in hand. Breaking into the industry may be easier nowadays with a YouTube
account and uploaded homemade songs which are then played alongside those of label artists,
thus blurring earlier boundaries with recognised artists. Some start with cover songs while
others work with professional producers, composers, or songwriters to work on singles that are
then shared on a YouTube channel. Sufan Suhaimi, Aiman Tino, Wany Hasrita, and Khai Baha
are examples of current artists who were discovered via this medium. It is also increasingly
common to be one’s own agent, producer, or manager in line with regional DIY trends. New
talents are in charge of their own persona, marketing, and distribution, posting their music on
social media and selling their own songs on streaming platforms such as iTunes, Spotify, or
Jook. Listeners are seemingly satisfed with local content that is authentic and “raw” (such as
Lo-Fi) rather than polished.
Popular Culture in Music Education

Te curriculum developers of the Ministry of Education in Malaysia have taken a step in the
right direction by including a variety of traditional, classical, and popular music genres in the
formal school music curriculum, either in the history or performance categories. Te emphasis
on Malaysian traditional music is important for the preservation of cultural heritage and for
cultivating cultural identity. Mohammad Amin and Santaella (2014) indicate that a community
is able to establish identity imprints through learning and experiencing songs from their own
cultural and generational backgrounds. Te Malaysian school music curriculum emphasises an
intercultural approach to music education in order to recognise the diversity of cultures within
the country (Johami 1993). All music genres have a legitimate place in the school music cur-
riculum, although some are emphasised over others.
Tere is considerable interest in organising music competitions and festivals for school chil-
dren learning to play traditional music instruments that require that one of the pieces per-
formed be borrowed from the popular music repertoire including a combination of traditional
instruments from Malaysia. In so doing, it is now commonplace to hear pieces with diferent
instrumental ideas including the combination of instruments from diferent ethnic groups,
emphasising multiculturalism. Some music teachers of traditional ensembles such as the
gamelan or the caklempong are incorporating a variety of instruments from other traditions.
Te gamelan is an ensemble that originated in Indonesia typically featuring a variety of instru-
ments such as metallophones, xylophones, drums, and gongs while the caklempong comprises
traditional musical instruments belonging to a small family of gongs. Te caklempong is usually
played with the accompaniment of other instruments such as the fute.
With the popularisation of new arrangements, techniques other than the ones used to play
traditional pieces are being used. Tis is seen in the way instruments are played both stylisti-
cally and technically, as well as in the way traditional instruments are being used to explore
sonic possibilities in terms of range of colour, melody, tonal ability, and expression. New playing
techniques for gamelan include variations in the way instruments are struck or damped, and the
use of double mallets or diferent types of mallets intended for a particular instrument. Some
teachers are also experimenting with the use of new tone colours such as using instruments not
typically found in an ensemble, for instance, the human voice or a group of voices, ethnic and
Western percussion instruments, electric guitar, electric bass, violin, and fute. Compositions
or arrangements also include combinations of diferent music instruments while collaborations
refect the cultural diversity of Malaysia.
Popular culture in the form of popular music has also made its way into Malaysian music
education. Te wide dissemination of popular music, the status of music in the school cur-
riculum, and the perception of most Malaysians towards music are infuencing most Malaysian
youth and shaping their preferences regarding music knowledge in general and popular music
in particular through informal music education (Shahanum 2006). As accessibility to popular
music is greater than accessibility to music classes in schools, most youth are growing up mostly
knowing the popular repertoire.
With regards to popular music in the school curriculum, ofcially it appears that popular
music is not a primary feature in the formal music curriculum except in the aesthetic appre-
ciation category. However, fexibility is given to allow the use of popular music in the musical
experience category of the curriculum (singing and instrumental playing activities and ensem-
bles) although it is not known how extensively popular music is actually used. Although its
use is restricted to Malaysian popular music at the primary school level, popular music at the
secondary school level is taught on a wider scale to include an array of genres. Te strong infu-
ence of popular music is also refected in the choice of repertoire performed by music groups
in schools. Tis is seen in activities such as the Ministry of Education’s annual concert and stu-
dent performances inside and outside the school that tend to primarily feature popular music.
Malaysian-featured popular music includes genres such as pop, rap, hip-hop, rock, rhythm and
blues, and heavy metal.
Te private fee-paid music class taught by private teachers or at music schools is another
music education platform in Malaysia that allows access to the study of popular music. Students
that learn music at music schools follow the music syllabus set by the particular examination
board that they register for. Te most common of these examination boards in Malaysia are
those set by the Royal Schools of Music, the Trinity School of Music, the Guildhall School of
Music from England, and the Yamaha Music Schools. Changes have been made to Western
music examination systems to include popular music (such as Rock School under ABRSM and
Rock & Pop under Trinity). Terefore, students who study instruments such as the keyboard,
guitar, and drums may have an increased exposure to popular music through the school’s per-
formance repertoire.
Popular culture is also evident at the higher education level in Malaysia. Most of the uni-
versities, public and private, ofer programmes that either incorporate popular music elements
or programmes in popular music performance, composition, popular music studies, or popu-
lar music production. Public universities such as Universiti Teknologi MARA, University of
Malaya, Universiti Putra Malaysia, Sultan Idris Education University, University of Science
Malaysia, Universiti Malaysia Sabah, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak, and private universities
such as Sunway University, UCSI University, and the International College of Music (ICOM),
ofer music programmes in popular music or music programmes with popular music elements.
While there are many variations in the curriculum of these programmes, popular music is typi-
cally found in similar courses such as Music Appreciation and Popular Music Studies, and in
vocal/instrumental instruction and ensembles.
Similar to schools, the infuence of popular music is also refected in the music ensembles
ofered in universities such as pop music ensembles and the choice of repertoire performed by
music groups. Popular music is not only played by pop music ensembles or pop orchestras in
the respective universities but also by traditional music ensembles. Te use of non-traditional
compositional or performance techniques as previously discussed are popular practices incor-
porated at a higher level than that of the national schools. It has become commonplace to hear
compositions using a mix of traditional and Western instruments and musical elements.
Conclusion
Music and culture fow simultaneously and musical changes are a manifestation of the con-
stant shifs taking place in the world and of contemporary society’s worldview. Popular culture
has sparked a number of developments in the Malaysian music industry and music education.
Globalisation, the Internet, and other media of transmission have intensifed the fow and con-
sumption of popular culture. Due to technological advancements, popular music has become
digital, faster to download or stream, and easily accessible. In addition to technological changes
there has been a shif in the content of popular music as seen in a myriad of music styles, the
media, the increase in reality/competition shows, and the focus on new young talents. In music
education, popular culture can be seen increasingly through the use of non-traditional playing,
arranging, and compositional techniques.
Music is inextricably linked to the context it is produced, consumed, and taught in, develop-
ing an intimate relationship between music, society, and culture. Due to the aforementioned
technological advancements, Malaysians are growing up immersed in the world of social
media, YouTube, and the music video industry. Artists are using social media to cultivate their
online presence allowing them to communicate with their fans. Te Internet also allows acces-
sibility to artists and music genres beyond conventional 20th century mainstream platforms.
As such, popular culture in Malaysia follows global mainstream developments. What is unique
to Malaysia are the areas that popular culture has infuenced, advancing developments in the
music industry and music education. Te rise of reality shows and the focus on the search of
young, rising artists is prolifc even to the extent of sidelining quality of singing ability in favour
of popularity and appearance. Reality shows and to some extent the media tend to focus on the
Malay market over the English language and Western markets in the search for local artists and
music.
One of the main reasons attributed to Malaysian listeners’ preference for popular music is
that the popular music education they receive outside the school setting is signifcantly stronger
than the music education quality inside the school. Malaysian youth receive music education
outside of the formal, traditional school setting, as only a handful of students have the oppor-
tunity to learn music in schools. Familiarity and preferences for popular music are supported
by easy accessibility and exposure while lack of exposure and familiarity make other styles of
music less popular (Shahanum 2006). In addition, government policies have a signifcant impact
on the development of popular music within the education system. Similarly, mass media poli-
cies have a major impact on the social status of music and thus on the role of music in education.
Popular culture has largely infuenced the development of the music industry and music
education in Malaysia during the 21st century. While weak in certain pedagogical approaches,
popular culture may present advantages for the improvement of Malaysian music both in the
industry and in educational institutions. With globalisation and technological advancements,
the nation has learned and absorbed more knowledge about music performance and production
while simultaneously creating its own music culture identity.
Bibliography
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And the Music Plays On. 2019, July 24. https://themalaysianreserve.com/2019/07/24/and-the-music-plays-on/https://
themalaysianreserve.com/2019/07/24/and-the-music-plays-on.
Brummet, Barry. 2018. Rhetoric in Popular Culture, 5th ed. Tousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publishing.
Chopyak, James. 2017, August. “Globalization, Westernization and Islamic Infuence in Music in Malaysia.” In:
Conference on Music in the world of Islam. Assailah, 8–13.
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Lockard, C.A. 1998. Dance of Life: Popular Music and Politics in Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Matusky, P. and Tan S. B. 2004. Te Music of Malaysia: Te Classical, Folk, and Syncretic Traditions. Aldershot, Hants,
UK; Burlington, VT: Ashgate.
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Seneviratne, Kalinga. 2012. Countering MTV Infuence in Indonesia and Malaysia. Singapore: ISEAS Publishing.
Shah, Shahanum. 2006. “Popular Music in Malaysia: Education from the Outside.” International Journal of Music
Education, 24(2), 132–139.
White, Cameron and Susan McCormack. 2006. “Te Message in the Music: Popular Culture and Teaching in Social
Studies.” Te Social Studies 97(3): 122–127, doi:10.3200/TSSS.97.3.122-127.
PART II
History
Part II delves into specifc historical case studies of Nusantara popular music in pre-inde-
pendence Malaya, Indonesia, and the Philippines. Te context of colonial rule and the creative
agency of the colonised – as expressed by Nusantara popular music artists and practitioners – is
elucidated through the historical cases presented in this section.
Tan Sooi Beng’s chapter begins Part II, delving into her well-established work on 78 RPM
recordings from the Malay Peninsula. She analyses select recordings of the commercially pro-
duced Lagu Melayu (Malay song) genre from the 1900s to the 1940s, highlighting how colonial
subjects in the region expressed agency through a “vernacular modernity” that was both rooted
to local traditions, while also being uniquely hybridised, drawing from Nusantara’s cultural
diversity.
Chapter 6 provides an insight into the sonic history of the Nusantara region, discussing
how early European sound recordings from the 1900s to the 1930s contributed to the estab-
lishment of comparative musicology in Europe. Te author examines the ethnomusicological
phonograph recordings of Jaap Kunst that were accessed from the Berlin Phonogrammarchiv
(Berlin Phonogram Archive) and Lautarchiv der Humboldt Universität zu Berlin (Berlin Sound
Archive). Tis chapter provides a unique historical context for Nusantara popular music studies
that invites readers to “listen to subaltern voices” enabled by early sound recordings stored in
archives, while also considering how such audio capture “technologies enable and continue to
enable agencies of various people … from the Nusantara region”.
Te next chapter examines the history of bodabil, a localised version of American vaudeville
in early 1900s Philippines, in line with the adoption of imperial culture and the agency of cos-
mopolitan artists. Te author views the era of bodabil not as a “simple exhibition of mimicry”
but as a “framed fuency” of an imperial (American) art form that allowed for an “intercultural”
and “reciprocal exchange of cultures” to materialise in the Nusantara. Tis conceptual view of
musical exchanges in the historical context of colonial/imperialist power dynamics suitably
applies to popular music studies throughout the Nusantara region.
To end this section, the cases presented in Chapter 8 are oriented toward contemporary
popular music contexts, by mapping youth popular music trends in the Philippines from the
1900s to the 2000s; from the cabaret jazz interpretations of Tagalog folk songs, to the emergence
of Pinoy rock in the 1970s, to the proliferation of Pinoy hip-hop from the 1990s to 2000s. Te
diachronic mapping of popular music genres in the Philippines presented are refective of simi-
lar genre developments across the Nusantara region.
5
Revisiting Post-Cultural Imperialism
Singing Vernacular Modernity and Hybridity
through the Lagu Melayu in British Malaya
Tan Sooi Beng
Apa pulak handak di-chari / Kronchong “Singapora” nama bistari

Lain lain negri bawak kemari / Tidak jemu sehari-hari
Ini Kronchong “Pulau Jawa” / Paling agus timbangan jiwa
Dalam majis banyak-nya lawa / Mana dengar senyum tertawa
What else is there to look for / Kronchong “Singapore” is the learned name
Brought from another country / We are not bored [singing it] everyday
Tis is Kronchong “Java Island” / [It is] very good and suitable for the soul
In get-togethers it is beautiful / Whoever hears it will smile and laugh
Penghiboran Hati [Entertaining the Heart] (HSL1924)
Popular music song texts that were compiled by the Peranakan Chinese and published in song-
books such as Penghiboran Hati (HSL 1924) ofen referred to Singapore, Jawa, and other parts
of the Nusantara or Malay Archipelago in the early twentieth century. Similarly, the song titles
of recordings by well-known Malay singers of the gramophone era were not confned to the
Malay Peninsula but also incorporated locations throughout the region. Some examples include
“Embon Acheh” (“Dew of Acheh”, Che Norlia, His Master’s Voice [HMV], P. 12910), “Singapore
Rumba” (Che Ainon and Kassim’s Orchestra, P. 12905), “Gendang Bandong” (“Drums of
Bandong”, Miss Julia and Lincoln’s Orchestra, HMV, P. 12906), and “Selasih Bali” (“Passion
Fruit of Bali”, Che Norlia, HMV, P. 12916).
Te song lyrics and titles illustrate that the people from the islands of the Nusantara includ-
ing the Peranakan Chinese shared a common musical repertoire in the frst half of the twentieth
century. Known as Lagu Melayu, the songs refer to the frst popular music in the Nusantara, sung
in the Malay1 language but which incorporated Malay, Western, and other musical elements and
instruments from the local communities of the region. Lagu Melayu was disseminated to audi-
ences in the Nusantara through live travelling shows such as the bangsawan theatre or Malay
opera. Te Malay opera musicians and singers came from and performed in the islands of the
Malay Archipelago in the frst half of the twentieth century (Tan 1993; Cohen 2006).
Furthermore, Lagu Melayu became popular among the people of the Nusantara as it formed
the main repertoire of the gramophone2 records made in Singapore that were marketed across
65
66 • Tan Sooi Beng
the Dutch East Indies and British Malaya (Tan 2013a; Yampolsky 2010a, 2010b).3 Te Malaya
Tribune (11 July 1934) reported that Chap Kuching4 (Cat Brand) recordings were sold in “the
most remote parts of the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra and Java”. Te Straits Echo (24 May 1934)
further emphasised that “thousands of gramophone owners throughout Malaya and the Dutch
East Indies” were “enabled to enjoy the unique records of the Chap Kuching stars”. HMV cata-
logues of the 1930s that were published in Singapore contained information on the singers and
songs from both British Malaya and the Dutch East Indies.
Trough the study of the musical style and content of the Lagu Melayu of the frst half of
the twentieth century, this essay attempts to appraise the cultural imperialism framework that
predicts the demise of local and indigenous genres of music and music-making as they are being
homogenised or substituted with mass-mediated popular music from the United States and
Europe (Adorno 1994). In his book Orientalism (1978), the postcolonial scholar Edward Said
emphasised that cultural imperialism can be seen as a form of cultural hegemony of a colonised
country. Te British not only controlled the politics and economy of Malaya but also transmit-
ted the English language, values, and cultures to the masses through education and the mass
media. However, did cultural hegemony wipe out local music-making?
In response, post-imperialist researchers emanating from cultural studies have suggested
that local cultures and identities do not disappear so easily. Rather, globalisation as a process
that began with the voyages to and the establishment of colonies in the New World in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has resulted in cultural diversity and diference as well
as a variety of emergent identities at the local level. In particular, Stuart Hall (1997, 38–39) has
highlighted that “the aesthetics of modern popular music is the aesthetics of the hybrid, the
aesthetics of the crossover, the aesthetics of the diaspora, the aesthetics of creolization”. Even
though Hall is addressing the postcolonial subjects, his question of what constitutes vernacular
hybridity and modernity is pertinent to our historical study of popular music. Te premise here
is that hybridity does not only represent the mixing of cultures but can be understood as a “dis-
juncture” between the local and the global as well as tradition and modernity (Appadurai 1996).
As Babha (1992) illustrates in his article entitled “Of Mimicry and Man”, hybridity provides an
avenue for local people to challenge dominant imperial cultures and aesthetics.
A critical reinterpretation of the sonic history of the Nusantara shows that Malay music was
mixed, dynamic, and ambiguous during the colonial period. Te Malays of the region referred
to this kind of local “hybridity” as kacukan (Andaya 2019; Weintraub 2014). Further, the new
technologies and mass media provided Malay musicians with new genres, sounds, styles, and
ways of making their own hybrid music (Tan 1993; Barendregt 2014). I argue that the popular
musicians were constantly creating new sounds to be modern in their own way. Te bangsawan
and Chinese Peranakan musicians who recorded Malay songs were able to voice their own
interpretations of modernity that difered from those formulated by the colonial powers. Tese
musicians not only combined Malay and Anglo-American pop elements but also included the
music of other communities such as the Chinese, Indians, and Arabs with whom they inter-
acted. Furthermore, the song lyrics promoted reform and exposed the problems of the common
people as they adapted to social change and colonialism. Te interaction of diferent cultures
in pre-World War II colonial Malaya resulted in a fusion that Bakhtin (2001) describes as an
“organic hybridity” which led to the formation of a “new language” or “world view”. Musical
blending illustrates the ambivalences in binary oppositions such as West/East, modern/tradi-
tion, and hegemony/resistance that dominate cultural imperialism discourses.
Studying the Lagu Melayu permits us to question assumptions about national boundaries
and identities that prevail in state-dominated histories (Harper and Amrith 2012). Tis study
provides the historical context for the chapters in this volume as it examines the musical culture
Revisiting Post-Cultural Imperialism • 67
of a period that has shaped much of the modern popular music of Malaysia, Singapore, and
Indonesia. Musical examples and annotations of Lagu Melayu by the author can be found in
Gibbs et al. (2013).
Local Hybridity and Crossing Boundaries

Popular music in British Malaya developed in tandem with socio-political transformations
resulting from colonialism in the early twentieth century. Rapid economic development
attracted Chinese, Indian, and Indonesian immigrants who provided labour for the tin mines,
rubber estates, and the construction of roads and railways. By the early twentieth century, port
cities and towns had been created and an urban multiethnic population had emerged. Various
Malay-speaking Muslims who worked as merchants, traders, religious teachers, journalists,
and artisans also inhabited the colonial cities.5 Tese Malays travelled throughout the region
and recognised themselves as part of a greater Malay world which they referred to as Malaya
Raya, Indonesia, Malaya, or Nusantara. Tey interacted with other Malays and non-Muslim
immigrants using the Malay language as a lingua franca and formed an emerging cosmopoli-
tan urban middle class (Kahn 2006). Tis diverse population constituted the performers and
audiences of the Lagu Melayu; they comprised the market for the popular music, live theatre
performance, and recording industries.
Not only did the musicians actively advocate a broader type of Malayness through inter-
cultural blending and fexibility in their music, they also experienced this openness in their
lives. Te majority of the pre-World War II recording artists were bangsawan performers who
came from a variety of backgrounds. Tey originated from, performed in, and travelled all over
Malaya, Southern Tailand, Sumatra, Java, and Borneo. Tey interacted with and married into
the many and varied ethnic groups of the archipelago, spoke and performed in various languages
and dialects, and they were part of and identifed with a diverse and mobile group of people liv-
ing in the greater Malay world. Many were of mixed parentage. Tey exchanged knowledge and
learnt from one another and from performers from China, India, the Middle East, Europe, and
the Philippines who joined the Malay opera groups (Tan 1993, 2013; Cohen 2002).
Accordingly, hybridity (kacukan), fexibility, and the mixing of cultures were part and parcel
of being Melayu in the colonial period. Crossing boundaries prevailed in the popular imagi-
nation of the people living in the region. It is therefore not surprising that Lagu Melayu was
neither Malay nor Anglo-American but a mixture of both. What makes it diferent from other
Anglo-American pop is that it not only combined Malay and Western elements but other musi-
cal elements from other communities and was constantly evolving and adapting to the times in
the colonial era. As such, it had mass appeal in many islands of the Nusantara.
Articulating Vernacular Modernity through Hybridity and Change

Te musicians of British Malaya appropriated Western technology, media, instruments, and
musical elements to create a new popular musical idiom, which was “modern” (moden). Tis
modern music included the recreation of Malay folk social dance music as well as adaptation of
the jazz and the dance band hits of the day.
Modernising Malay folk social dance music

Malay folk social dance and entertainment music that was performed at social occasions such
as weddings, live theatre, and at amusement parks in various parts of Malaya formed a large
part of the recorded Lagu Melayu repertoire. Te genres included the asli, inang, joget, dondang
sayang, zapin, masri, and kronchong where vocalists sang Malay verses or pantun to the rhythms
associated with specifc folk dances or songs. Te vocalists were accompanied by a violin, one or
two Malay frame drums called rebana, and a Malay gong. Beginning in the 1920s, bangsawan
musicians transformed these dance songs into modern popular genres by adapting to the Anglo-
American dance band arrangements. Te bangsawan musicians added the piano and replaced
the frame drum with the Western drum kit. Te ensemble was enlarged with a plucked bass,
extra violins, and other instruments of the Western dance band. However, the newly arranged
songs retained their local folk character by using the rhythmic patterns associated with each
dance or song and the alternation of Malay pantun verses (see Tan 1993, Chapter 6).
“Linggang Mak Inang” (sung by Che Norlia, HMV, c.1930) and “Dondang Sayang” (sung by
Tijah and Dean, Pt. 2; Chap Kuching, NG 2, c.1930) exemplify this new folk social dance music
style. Te former is accompanied by a violin, a piano, and a rebana while the latter is accompa-
nied by a violin, a piano, and a plucked bass. Although new Western instruments are used, the
inang and asli sound is maintained. Te extra violin and the treble part of the piano still play
in heterophony with the voice, while the bass part of the piano and plucked bass produce the
characteristic rhythmic pattern of asli songs and replace the gong. Although vertical triads are
played by the piano, vocal, and instrumental lines remain fairly independent. Te singer uses
the traditional style of singing with a nasal and fairly narrow and tense vocal width. With the
addition of the piano, bass, and drum kit, as well as harmonic triads, these recordings became
more “modern” compared to the 1904 recordings made by Fred Gaisberg (Lagoe Serampang,
Tambi Kecik, Te Gramophone Co. 1904, GC 12903).
Lagu Melayu also difered from other Anglo-American pop as well-known singers such as
Temah, Tijah, and Dean ofen incorporated Chinese, Middle Eastern, and Indian elements to
the Malay–Western mix. While “Mas Merah” (Temah, HMV, GC-12-13169, c.1920) uses the
typical Chinese pentatonic scale with characteristic minor thirds, “Aladom” (City Opera, Beka
26408, c.1930) is based on the masri rhythmic pattern that resembles the rhythms used in belly
dancing in the Middle East. “Tandi Tandi” (Che Tijah, HMV, P 16489, c.1930) exemplifes
Indian infuence. Te inclusion of a short unmetered introduction (alap) by the harmonium
and voice and vocal ornamentations (such as slides between notes and vibrato at melismatic
phrases) link the song to Indian folk and light classical singing. As in other recorded ronggeng
music of the 1930s, European instruments such as the piano were added to the harmonium and
tabla while the piano bass played an oom-pah-pah beat reminiscent of a waltz.
Modern jazz, dance band, and flm music

Following the dance craze in Europe and America, Malay songs based on European ballroom
and Latin American dance rhythms were in vogue and formed the other part of the recorded
Lagu Melayu of the gramophone era. Compared to the modernised folk social dance-songs,
Anglo-American pop elements predominated in this category of songs. Te songs had catchy
melodies superimposed on waltz, foxtrot, tango, and rumba rhythms. Western dance bands
known locally as the orkes Melayu, or Malay orchestra (comprising the violin, trumpet, trom-
bone, fute, clarinet, piano, double bass, guitar, saxophone, drums, maracas, claves, and wood-
block), accompanied them. Te Hawaiian guitar was added when Hawaiian music hit the
market in the 1920s and 1930s. Te well-known musicians performing this type of repertoire
included Soliano, D’Cruz, and Martinez who were, in fact, Filipinos earlier recruited to Malaya
to form British music bands. Te orkes Melayu performed at dance halls, in amusement parks,
in the bangsawan shows, and at other festivities.
In the 1950s, this type of dance band music developed in close association with the Malay
flm (flm Melayu) that reached its peak then. Malay flms were produced by Chinese-owned
companies such as Malay Film Productions (Shaw Brothers) and Cathay-Keris Productions (Ho
Ah Loke and Loke Wan To). Tese companies employed Indian directors who relied on local
actors and actresses such as Yem, Sharif Medan, Suki, Kasma Booty, and Siput Sarawak and
choreographers from the bangsawan theatre. Well-known bangsawan artists became flm stars
as they could earn higher incomes in the flm industry (Tan 1993). To an extent, Malay flm
music took on a life and meaning of its own that was independent of the cinema. Audiences
became familiar with flm songs via the radio, dance halls, and live shows at the amusement
parks. Film music was also marketed separately as records. Pathe in particular not only dis-
tributed flms but produced and pressed records of flm stars such as Che Asiah, Jasni, Zaharah
Agus, Miss Noormadiah, and Jamaliah Sharif. Columbia also featured its own flm luminaries
such as Miss Lena, R. Azmi (known for his Hindustani songs), Jasni, and A. Rahman. Film
celebrities who sang for HMV included Momo Latif (formerly from the Dardanella Dramatic
Company), Rubiah, and P Ramlee, the flm director, actor, and icon of Malaysia.
Consequently, a new flm studio musical style emerged characterised by swing or big bands,
which played “sweet” style jazz (compared to a more Black-derived variety of jazz). Te big
band music incorporated lively (rancak) and modern dance rhythms such as the waltz, tango,
foxtrot, rumba, kaparinyo, paso doble, swing, mambo, bolero, samba, beguine, conga, and
cha cha. Songs with jazz-tinged harmonies that were categorised as swing were also recorded.6
Compared to the pre-World War II period, more Western instruments were added and the
studio orchestra became bigger. Besides the trumpet, trombone, clarinet, saxophone, fute,
violin, accordion, piano, plucked bass, drum, and other percussion instruments, the electric
guitar was introduced at the end of the 1950s. Tere was a trend towards orchestration and less
improvisation. Aside from its ability to fll dance halls with sound, the key to big band music
was the concept of sectional writing for contrasting instruments in which distinct trumpet,
trombone, and saxophone sections would play interlocking, responsorial lines. Contrasting
instrumental timbres and long instrumental interludes were ofen employed. Te songs were
basically in the diatonic scale while the tuneful melody was supported by triads built on funda-
mental degrees of the diatonic scale. Te use of the microphone resulted in a type of crooning
style of singing. Ofen the Malay text was the only Malay element found in these songs. Te
songs “Nasib Di Bunga” (“Fate in the Flower”, Lena, Yusof B Orchestra, Film: Lupa Daratan,
Columbia, GEM 201, c.1950) and “Lihatlah” (“Look”, Asiah, A Jaafar Orchestra, Film: Bahagia
di Singapura, Pathe, PTH 181, c.1950) exemplify the cha-cha-cha and swing styles of the 1950s
respectively.
At the same time the flm songs continued to employ Malay folk social dance music but
increasingly used more Western musical elements. Terms such as joget baru (new joget) and
masri moden (modern masri) were ofen utilised by recording companies to diferentiate these
songs from those of pre-World War II times. Band leaders expanded traditional linear lines
with brass and reed instruments such as the trumpet, trombone, saxophone, and clarinet as well
as the Western trap set. Tere was also a tendency towards using Western instrumentation that
replaced all traditional instruments. Singers used the crooning style and added more vibrato as
they adapted to the use of the microphone. Te singers and instrumentalists harmonised with
one another while the plucked bass and piano played primary triads.
Despite greater stylistic homogeneity the flm style remained eclectic. Te asli song “Tudong
Periok” (“A Kind of Sea Fish”, P. Ramlee and Saloma, Film: Sumpah Orang Minyak, Parlophone,
DPE 8073, c.1950) incorporated characteristic phrases using minor third intervals in the typi-
cal Chinese pentatonic scale. Middle Eastern-derived rhythmic patterns such as zapin and
masri were employed in the P Ramlee flm songs such as “Maafan Kami” (“Pardon Us”, Film:
Pendekar Bujang Lapok, Parlophone DPE 8093, c.1950) and “Nasib Si Miskin” (“Te Fate of the
Poor”, Film: Antara Senyum dan Tangis, Parlophone, DPE 8050, c.1950) respectively. Songs with
a Hindustani favour (irama Hindustan) by Zainab Majid, Zainal Alam, and Asiah were also
popular. Some ghazal melodies sung to Malay pantun and accompanied by the Indian harmo-
nium and tabla, Middle Eastern gambos, and Western violin, guitar, maracas, and tambourine
were recorded in the 1950s.
Modernity through Song Texts about Progress and Agency

Te musicians of the pre-Independence period created a kind of colonial modernity that was
based on the values of European “liberal humanism” as well as reformist Islam. Tis type of
modernity emphasised the “advancement of humanity”, “individual autonomy”, and “an inner
moral universe” (Foulcher and Day 2002; Hooker 2000). Trough their songs, the bangsawan
performers and recording artists contributed to contemporary discourses about how to create
a more progressive or advanced society, issues that were being debated in the Malay press and
other literature by modernist reformist Muslims and Malay nationalists during the 1930s and
1940s in British Malaya and throughout the greater Malay world (Kahn 2006; Milner 1995).
To capture the attention of listeners, musicians created lyrics about reform and how Malay
society could best “move forward”. To sound modern, the songs used catchy melodies superim-
posed on upbeat dance rhythms such as the waltz, foxtrot, tango, and rumba. For instance, the
HMV and Chap Singa (Lion Brand) singer Ahmad CB called on audiences to “wake up from
sleep” and to “pursue knowledge”. In an interview with the author, Ahmad CB stressed that as
he “travelled from island to island… while earning a living, he was educating the young... [and]
educating the community so that they could move forward”.7 He declared that his performance
group staged many songs and stories that called on children to “wake up” (bangun anak-anak).
He sang the following song to me, which he had recorded with Chap Singa (personal communi-
cation, Ahmad CB, 17 April, Kuala Lumpur 1986):
“Bangun Anakku” (“Wake Up My Child”) (Ahmad CB, Chap Singa, 1938)

Bangun anakku dari tidurmu / Semua kawan-kawanmu sudah menunggu / Jikalaunya sudah,
segera berpakaian / Menuntut ilmu, jangan-jangan dilupakan / Ini semua demi masa depan.
Wake up my child from your sleep / All your friends are waiting / If you have woken up,
quickly get dressed / Pursue knowledge, do not forget / All this is for the future.
Tere was a considerable increase in song texts about virtuous behaviour through the 1930s, as
if to convince listeners to change for the better. Keywords pertaining to values which were used
in the new Malay prose were ofen used in the HMV advertisements, catalogues, and song lyr-
ics. Showing sympathy (belas kasihan) to the less fortunate and to women and generosity to the
needy were ofen presented in recorded songs. Te song “Kesian” (“Pity”, Che Aminah, HMV,
P. 13186, Lagu Melayu) advised audiences to pity and help the poor:
Orang kaya bersuka-suka / Membuang wang tiada berhingga / Kesian miskin apakah daya /
Tiada makan tiada blanja.
Rich people like to enjoy themselves / Waste their money endlessly / Pity the poor who do not
have the means / Who have no money even for food.
Comic Songs about the Common People and Social Inclusion

New types of comic songs began to appear in the recorded repertoire of HMV and its subsidiar-
ies in British Malaya during the 1930s until the 1950s. Tese songs explored topical issues such
as the plight of taxi drivers and trishaw men, and included comments on poverty and the prob-
lems of ordinary people in Malayan society. Tey also criticised the weaknesses of local people,
for example, their gambling and womanising. Tese songs were ofen enlivened by humour
in the tone of voice and in the lyrics. Tese songs cut across ethnic lines combining Chinese,
Indian, and Western elements, and used upbeat dance rhythms such as rumba and tango. Sung
in diferent dialects, the songs dealt with the experiences and problems of all the ethnic com-
munities in Malaya in a comic way. Tey helped the audiences make sense of the new colonial
world they were living in and the changes in lifestyles of people living in the cities.
Comic songs ofen used bahasa pasar (market or colloquial Malay) which juxtaposed difer-
ent languages spoken in the daily lives of ordinary urban folk. Tey added phrases in English,
Tamil, Hindustani, and even some Chinese dialects to comment on personal, ethnic, and social
problems, or to appeal to the social conscience of the audience. Comical songs such as “Yam
Choi Chow” (“Drink Alcohol”, Mohd. Yatim, HMV, NAM 13, c.1950) and “Kling Mabok”
(“Te Drunken Indian”, Aman Ballon and Leiman SS, HMV, P 22900, c.1940) incorporated
Cantonese, Tamil, and Malay texts, and commented on the consequences of drinking alcohol.
Comic songs that concerned ordinary working people of all races and their troubles were
also popular. “Saudagar Minyak Urat” (“Te Nerve Oil Merchant”, Aman Ballon King Clown
Nooran Opera & HMV Orchestra, HMV, P 13078, 1948), “Che’ Mah Dengan Tukang Becha”
(“Che’ Mah and the Trishaw Man”, Aman Ballon, P 13179, c.1940), “Kesah Tok Bomo” (“Te
Story of the Medicine Man”, Aman Ballon, HMV P 22788, c.1950), and “Uncle Murtabak”
(“Pan-Fried Bread Uncle”, Mohd. Yatim, HMV, P 22945, c.1950) describe the hardships faced
by the Malay nerve oil merchant, the Chinese trishaw puller, the Malay medicine man, and the
murtabak seller respectively. Te small businesspeople such as the murtabak seller were inevi-
tably harassed by the police:
Uncle Murtabak tersalah cakap / Mata gelap datang tangkap

Kena masuk dalam lokap / Central polis tiga tingkat.
Uncle Murtabak said the wrong words / Te police came to catch him
He had to enter the lock up / [In the] third foor of the Police Central.
Wak Kasban Belajar (Mohd. Yatim, HMV, NAM 13, c.1950) pokes fun at the common man who
tries to learn Western dances such as the tango and foxtrot and Western instruments such as the
violin and saxophone as was fashionable at that time. Wak Kasban (named afer Wak Ketok, the
comic fgure in the Malay newspapers) created such a din at the cabaret that the manager threw
him out. He made so much noise playing his instruments until late at night that the neighbours
reported him to the police. Tese comical songs provided an insight into signifcant social changes
in the Malayan cities and formed a tradition that prevailed in the songs of other post-Independ-
ence musicians such as P. Ramlee (1960s and 1970s), Hang Mokhtar (1990s), and Rampa (1990s).
Nationalist and Patriotic Songs

In tandem with the rise of nationalism, songs about the love of the country and diferent races
living together such as “Lagu Malaya” (Chap Singa, QF 87, Ahmad CB, 1935) were composed.
According to the flm magazine Filem Melayu (l May 1941), Mem Tuan Hemsley, the wife of
the Manager of Sharikat Record Chap Singa (Lion Brand Record Company), wanted to record
a song that praised the beauty of the country and the diferent races living in it. Te article
continues to say that Ahmad C.B. was commissioned to write the tune and the Malay text and
the song contained the “voices of many including Malays, Chinese, Indians, Eurasians, Manila
[Filipinos], Portuguese and English”.
Patriotic songs that encouraged youths to unite and work towards achieving Independence
(Merdeka) were also recorded by songwriters such as Zubir Said and Ahmad C.B. during the
post-war period (see Tan 2013 and Adil Johan in this book):
Pemuda Melayu (“Malay Youths”) (Ahmad C.B. and Osman Ahmad Orchestra, HMV, N
238, 1950s)
Pemuda mesti berbakti / Membela ibu pertiwi

Marilah bersama bertegak bersatu / Merdeka tetaplah Merdeka
Youths must be loyal / Uphold [our] motherland

Let us together stand upright and unite / Independence [is] defnite
Concluding Remarks
Revisiting the post-imperialist framework, this chapter shows that British cultural imperialism
in the pre-Independence period did not lead to the disappearance of local music and music-
making. Rather, local agency was central in the production and reception of the Lagu Melayu
in British Malaya. Te pioneering popular musicians experimented with their diverse local cul-
tural resources along with new Anglo-American music and technology to create hybrid and
modern music that was made in and for the Malay Archipelago. Te music artists reworked
traditions and generated vernacular modernity through cultural mixing and song texts about
progress, reform, and nationalism. Tey used Western instruments and musical elements but
the language, texts, vocal styles, and other folk elements made the music their own. By includ-
ing the musical elements of the other communities such as the Chinese, Indians, and Arabs,
the performers were able to attract audiences of listeners who crossed boundaries of ethnicity,
religion, generation, gender, and class. Teir idea of diference and hybridity was ambivalent
and elucidated a type of intercultural blending that was localised.
Just as the Malay language was the lingua franca of the wider Malay world, the Lagu Melayu
was the popular music, which was mediated between social classes and the diverse Malay and
other ethnic groups. Lagu Melayu formed the pan-regional music of the Malay Archipelago
prior to the formation of nation states. Tis music was fexible and always changing to suit
the tastes of the listeners and there was a constant exchange of musical styles and performers
in the region. Folk songs such as “Rasa Sayang” (“Feeling of Love”), “Terang Bulan” (“Bright
Moon”), and “Lenggang Kangkung” (“Swaying Water Spinach”) were sung and enjoyed by
diverse peoples of the region. Te recording in Malay and Hindustani of “Rasa Sayang” by Lata
Mangeshkar (HMV, N 53573, c.1950), the famous Bollywood flm playback singer, is testimony
to how Malay folk songs crossed colonial, national, and regional boundaries.
Acknowledgements
Tis essay is based on my long-term research on the 78 RPM gramophone recordings of British
Malaya, a small part of which has been published in Tan (2013). I would like to thank Jaap
Erkelens, David Murray, and Naina Merican for the use of their recordings for analysis and
Ahmad CB for the oral interview in 1986.
Notes
1 Malay or Melayu has been the medium of communication and writing among the diverse Malay peoples in the
Malay Archipelago and is marked by “heterogeneity” (Foulcher and Day 2002). In this article, diferent spellings
of specifc Malay words are used, especially in the titles of songs and quotations from newspapers. I have followed
the spellings as found in the newspapers, record catalogues, and record labels quoted. For instance, keronchong,
kronchong, and krontjong are all used, following the various printed versions. Tere was no standardisation of the
spelling of Bahasa Indonesia and Bahasa Melayu in the early twentieth century.
2 Te gramophone era lasted from 1903 till the early 1960s when vinyl records became the new recording technol-
ogy. Gronow’s seminal work on the gramophone recording industry in Asia gives an account of the diferent
companies that were active in the region during this period (Gronow 1981). Te English gramophone companies
were predominant in the colonies of India and Egypt, German companies in China, Turkey, and the Dutch East
Indies; the French companies were most active in North Africa, and the North American companies in Latin
America and the Philippines.
3 Philip Yampolsky (2010a and 2010b) has estimated that about 27,805 recordings were made in British Malaya
(including Singapore) and the Dutch East Indies from 1903 to 1942 (prior to World War II). A total of 18,451
records were made for the Dutch East Indies, while 6,944 Malay and 2,410 Chinese records were produced for
British Malaya.
4 Chap Kuching (Cat Brand) and Chap Singa (Lion Brand) are sister companies of the Gramophone Company or
HMV. Recordings were made in Singapore but were pressed at the HMV factory in India. Te local company
distributed and sold the recordings in Malay and the region (Tan 2013).
5 Te Malay-speaking Muslims included the Minangkabau, Mandailing, Kerinci, Achehnese from Sumatra; dif-
ferent groups from the Riau archipelago, Java, and Madura; Bugis from Sulawesi, Banjar from Borneo; “pure”
Malays from the port cities and estuarine towns of British Malaya, Sumatra, and Borneo; Kelantanese and people
from the Patani district of southern Siam (Kahn 2006,174–5).
6 Tan (1993, 2013) and Jones (2001) show that the Malays in the Malay Archipelago and Chinese musicians in
China respectively experimented with popular jazz styles in the early twentieth century at the same time as the
musicians in Europe and America. Barendregt, Keppy, and Nordholt (2017) discuss the frst popular music stars
and the development of jazz-style music in Batavia, Singapore, and Manila in the 1920s and 1930s.
7 “pulau ke pulau jalan sambil cari makan sambil kita bimbingan anak-anak, bimbing masyarakat supaya boleh
maju sikit” (personal communication, Ahmad CB, 1986).
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6
Acoustic Epistemologies and Early Sound
Recordings in the Nusantara Region
Phonography, Archive, and the
Birth of Ethnomusicology
meLê yamomo
When sound recording technology was invented in the last quarter of the nineteenth century,
a new sonic world opened that would shif how we understand music and sound. Te ability to
register sounds and play them back would pave the way for two avenues through which music
researchers were to form our understandings of the diferent auditory cultures today. Tese
technologies would, on the one hand, allow the capturing of “musics” from diferent communi-
ties and distribute them around the world. Te same technology would also give birth to the
Eurocentric academic feld of “comparative music studies”, the progenitor of “ethnomusicol-
ogy”. Hence, the felds of “world music” and “ethnomusicology” would emerge from the arrival
of sound technology dispositif1 and the sound cultures of the Nusantara region would be con-
sequentially intertwined with the history of these acoustic epistemologies tied to the colonialist
project.
In this chapter, I will look at two of the earliest sound archives where some of the earliest
sound recordings from the Nusantara region are still stored. Both of these archives are located
in Berlin, Germany: the Berlin Phonogrammarchiv or the Berlin Phonogram Archive and the
Lautarchiv der Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, which I will refer to here as the Berlin Sound
Archive. Te Berlin Phonogram Archive contains collections of traditional music from difer-
ent parts of the world including musical cultures from Southeast Asia. Tese music recordings
would become the basis for the development of the academic feld “comparative musicology”,
which would later become what we now call “ethnomusicology”. Te Berlin Sound Archive, on
the other hand, primarily contains linguistic recordings of war prisoners interned in Germany
during the First World War created within the context of the Royal Prussian Phonographic
Commission. Te main discussion in this essay will cover musical recordings from and about
the Nusantara region at the Berlin Phonogram Archive, particularly recordings made by the
“father of ethnomusicology”, Jaap Kunst.
A Phonographic Discourse
When the talking machine, the frst iteration of the phonograph, was commercially released
in 1899, inventor Tomas Edison was convinced that the machine’s rightful place was in the
75
76 • meLê yamomo
ofce and not for the commercial recording and distribution of music. Te audio storage
devices of the phonograph, as media scholar Kathrin Dreckmann points out, “were not pro-
duced to distribute acoustic media content commercially, but rather to dissect the acoustic
material and evaluate it scientifcally” (Dreckmann 2018, 62).2 From a scientifc point of view,
the creation of the phonograph paradigmatically shifed the way we understand sound and
acoustics. For Dreckmann, the phonograph “[a]s a ‘scientifc measuring device’ […] was used
to compare repetitive acoustic sound events” and enabled the recorded sounds to be broken
down for analysis (Dreckmann 2018, 61). 3 Te phonograph’s technological a priori would be
utilised in linguistics and would be crucial to the emergence of new felds of music research.
It took several years before the technology would be utilised for what would become the com-
mercial music industry.
In listening to the extant sound and musical recordings from the Nusantara region this
chapter examines how recording media and the ability to play back sounds formed new under-
standings of music and its popularisation. Ofen less analysed in popular music research is the
history of how the sound recording constructed a system of categorising and archiving music
knowledge, and how the practice of ethnomusicology inevitably became intertwined with the
history of the popular music recording industry.
Tis essay explores the myriad ways in which a particular imagining of the global world in
the early twentieth century was audifed through wax cylinders. In the frst four decades fol-
lowing the invention of Edison’s phonogram, the enthusiasm to capture the world in sounds
also brought about scientifc fervour in an emerging feld of sound archiving. Te cylinders
and discs of the “exotic” and “foreign” sounds from around the globe needed to be housed
somewhere. Many of these recordings went to Berlin for safekeeping. With the new steamship
technology and the opening of the Suez Canal in the second half of the nineteenth century, the
global world would once again be reconfgured in terms of time and space. Te Asia Pacifc
would by then be a mere forty-day ship journey from London – the closest the two continents
have ever been in terms of travel time. Chinese opera troupes, Siamese phiphat ensembles, and
Javanese gamelan orchestras would come to world expositions in Europe. Tourists, missionar-
ies, and expatriates – who also travelled to the colonial territories, brimming with enthusiasm
– would record speeches and folk songs on their portable phonographs. In this attempt to col-
lect sound materials, the sonic imagining of a multicultural world was animated and resounded
through the spinning of wax cylinders. Between 1900 and 1950, ethnomusicological and com-
mercial musics recorded on wax cylinders were stored in colonial archives or were distributed
to an early globalising music market.
Te need to examine history within sound and media historiography remains urgent par-
ticularly in developing critical methodologies in colonial and post/decolonial historiography.
Rosalinda Brung and Rinella Cere observe that the “development of postcolonial studies so far
has […] concentrated on the circulation of narratives and representations of ‘other’ colonized
cultures and paid relatively little attention to popular culture and contemporary media prac-
tices” (Brunt and Cere 2011, 3). Cultural anthropologists Bart Barendregt and Els Bogaerts,
writing about music in colonial Indonesia, refect on how “[m]usical practices cast a light on
the customs of both colonizer and the colonized, and the very fabric of everyday life in those
days; matters that otherwise might be difcult to untie” (Brunt and Cere 2011, 3). Tey also
point out how “[m]usic’s meanings, in absence of ‘any denotative back-up’ need to be constantly
established and thus may be instrumental in hiding the traces of representational violence;
even more so than the literary or visual arts” (Brunt and Cere 2011, 3). Listening to the colonial
resonances in sound recordings in the archives provides a way to consider the material sources
for this examination.
Acoustic Epistemologies in the Nusantara • 77
Listening to the Archives

Today, the Berlin Phonogram Archive contains one of the biggest collections of musical feld
recordings from the early twentieth century. Nearly eleven percent of these recordings come
from the Southeast Asian region. Aptly, the very frst recordings that would eventually insti-
gate the creation of the archive was made in 1900 when Carl Stumpf, professor of psychology,
recorded the performance of “Kham Hom” by a Siamese phiphat ensemble visiting Berlin in
September of that year. Te Berlin Phonogram Archive would later include recordings from
other parts of Southeast Asia. With the ambition to collect diferent musical cultures from
around the world, European colonial expats, missionaries, and travellers could be issued
portable phonograph recorders. Teir wax cylinder recordings were then submitted to the
Phonogram archive.
Below is a table of music recordings made in the Nusantara region between 1907 and 1939
that are in the Berlin Phonogram Archive.4
Te frst column of Table 6.1 shows the year(s) of the recording. Te second column indicates
the place of recording – some areas are specifc (name of island, region), some are generally
labelled (name of country in general). Te fourth column indicates the recordist/collector, and
the last column shows the number of cylinders. If the third column is empty, this means that
the collector/recordist cannot be ascertained.
Table 6.1 Wax Cylinder Collection from the Nusantara Region at the Berlin Phonogram Archive5
Year Place of Recording Collector No. of Cylinders
1907 Bali Lenore Selenka 13

1908 Sumatra Alfred Maas 3
1908–1909 Sumatra Hermann Schoede 19
1908–1912 Borneo Ernst Rudel 96
1909 Java Ernst Rudel 18
1910 Sumatra Max Moszkowski 2
1912 Indonesia Odo Deodatus Tauern 87
1922–1923 Java Jaap Kunst 18
1924–1925 Malacca Paul Schebesta 36
1925 Java 8
1925 Bali Jaap Kunst 15
1927 Bali Paul Wirz 4
1928 Indonesia Ernst Vatter 8
1929 Indonesia Jaap Kunst 327
1934 Philippines Jenö von Takács 43
1937–1938 Moluccas Forschung Institut für Kulturmorphologie, 90
Frankfurt am Main
1938 Celebes S.J. Esser 54
1939 Philippines Matthias Müller 14
Tese wax recordings that comprised the archive would become the basis for the estab-
lishment of Vergleichenden Musikwissenschaf or comparative musicology.6 For the Berlin
Phonogram Archive’s frst directors Carl Stumpf and Erich von Hornbostel, what the replayable
sound recordings provided was a means for better transcription of the “foreign musics” into the
European notation system.
78 • meLê yamomo
Until well into the twentieth century in Western Europe, imaginings and practices of glo-
balisation were governed by the logic of European empires. In an essay, Stumpf intended to raise
support for the archive and wrote in Wissenschafdiche Wochenschrif für Wissenschaf, Kunst
und Technik in 1908 that:
Te new Reich is proud of its colonies and does everything in its power to exploit them
materially. It is our duty to combine this with scientifc exploitation, i.e. the research into
nature and the native culture of the new territories. Other colonial empires have not shirked
this “nobile ofcium”. We too have made an excellent start but wherever the culture of the
indigenous [sic] peoples is to be described exactly, comprehensively and scientifcally in a
scholarly work, phonographic records should not be lacking. And then what? Are they just
to be squandered and destroyed? No, of course they must be collected and stored. Such an
institution is a corollary of our colonial aspirations, in the highest sense.
(Stumpf 2000, 83–84)7
Tis colonial ambition of the archive also intertwined with how the early theoretical project
of the archive was constructed based on evolutionary theory premised on pitch and interval-
lic organisation in music (Ames 2003, 303). Tese sound recordings, as Germanist and media
scholar Eric Ames points out, became technological evidences for Stumpf’s notion of musical
evolution (Ames 2003, 316). In his essay, “Te Sound of Evolution”, Ames argued how the pho-
nograph was employed as “a discursive technique for rendering evolution audible, a technique,
that is, for dissecting ‘primitive’ songs and rebuilding them into evolutionary narratives” (Ames
2003, 299).
Te second archive, the Berlin Sound Archive, consists of more than one thousand speech
samples and song recordings of prisoners of war (POWs) interned in German internment
camps during the First World War. Te recordings were implemented under the Royal Prussian
Phonographic Commission established in 1915 under the supervision of Carl Stumpf and
Wilhem Doegen. One of the biggest POW internment centres and the site of most of the sound
recordings was the Halfmoon camp located in Wünsdorf in the suburb of Berlin. During the
war, European countries and kingdom states would bring their colonial subjects from territo-
ries in Southeast Asia and Africa to deploy as foot soldiers in the war in Europe. Tis would
explain the range of geographic and cultural origins of detainees in these camps.
Merely forty kilometres from the German capital, the camp provided an ideal site and con-
ditions for conducting scientifc research efciently and systematically with constant supply of
high-quality recording equipment. Te Phonographic Commission intended to build an ency-
clopaedic collection of sounds through recordings of the recitation of numbers, vocabularies,
folktales, prayers, anecdotes, riddles, and jokes as well as singing of folk songs.
Included in these recordings are the voices of the soldiers from Southeast Asia: Luciano
Sase8 (Khmer/Cambodia); Nguen van Tiep9 and Nguen van Tao10 (both Annamites); and
Muhamed bin Hadji Abdurrahim (Malay).11 Muhamed, who took the nickname Erik Flower
while in Europe, was born in Johor, Malaysia and was twenty-seven years old when he was
recorded on 27 April 1917.12 For this session, he recited three pantuns (recorded on shellac
discs). He sang an unannotated dance song that was labelled generally as nari on the tran-
script. On another wax cylinder, he also played a traditional song (generally labeled lagu) on
a European violin.13 Te metadata of the recordings at the Berlin Sound Archive are available
on the website of the institute. However, the contents are accessible only by making personal
requests to the archivists due to the ethical concerns with regards to the nature of how the
recordings were made.14
Within the framework of European imperialism and its claim for Enlightenment rational-
ism, European music served as the primary logic through which sound production, organi-
sation, and consumption were framed globally. On the one hand, universalist conceptions of
music and the function it served in the service of the empire are fraught with inconsistencies
and are the source of epistemic violence in the cross-cultural negotiations between the colonis-
ers and the colonised. On the other hand, as evidenced by the preliminary hypothesis of Carl
Stumpf and his progenies, the universality of a European understanding of music propelled
the gathering and scientifc study of “musical” practices in diferent cultures around the globe.
Almost a century later, this theme would still be a point of criticism in Radano and Bohlman’s
analysis of the intersection of music and race. Radano and Bohlman’s incisive observation – the
possession of “the objects containing the music, one acquires the power to own and control the
ways in which music bounds the group for which it has meaning” (Radano and Bohlman 2000,
6) – lends us several points of consideration in the evaluation of the collections of the Berlin
Phonogram Archive and the Berlin Sound Archive.
Inventing “Ethnomusicology” and “World Music”?

Between 1919 and 1934, the Dutch musician and colonial administrator in the Dutch East Indies,
Jaap Kunst, made an extensive collection of musical recordings from Bali, Java, and Sumatra.
Kunst, a trained lawyer and violinist, arrived in the Dutch East Indies in 1919 as the violinist in a
touring quartet that also comprised a pianist, soprano, and singer. His encounter with the perfor-
mance of a gamelan orchestra at the palace in Yogyakarta made him decide to stay in the Dutch
Indies to conduct research on the music in Java. He found a government post in Jakarta and later
in Bandung. Outside his ofce hours, Kunst made recordings of and studied the diferent music
traditions in Java. Around the same time, Mangkunegoro VII, the ruler of the Central Javanese
principality of Mangkunegaran, was involved in the establishment of the Java Institute which was
an organisation committed to the preservation of Javanese culture. Mangkunegoro VII was its
honorary president. Kunst found the institute’s vision an apt platform to realise his own music
research ambitions. He would also become friends with the Javanese prince who would assist
with his ethnomusicology enterprise.15 Between 1930 and 1931, Kunst was an ofcially appointed
government musicologist who, in his own words, functioned as a “civil servant for the system-
atic research into Indonesian music” (Djajadiningrat and Brinkgreve 2014, 195).16 Trough this
appointment Kunst was able to conduct his research and sound recordings as his main occupation.
Based on the musical recordings that Kunst made and collected, he wanted to develop his
own research discipline. Tinking that the prevailing term of the time, “comparative musicol-
ogy”, did not capture the musical research methodology that he was developing, Kunst com-
bined the prefx “ethno” with “musicology”, and coined “ethno-musicology” which would later
become ethnomusicology. Te term was intended to indicate that the study was of the music of
the races of man.17 In the early inception of this discipline, Kunst did not consider Western and
popular music.
Developing his music theories based on the Balinese, Javanese, and Sumatran musical prac-
tices, Kunst consulted the director of the Berlin Phonogram Archive, Erich von Hornbostel.
Von Hornbostel developed the theory of the cycle of blown ffhs and Kunst used some of von
Hornbostel’s ideas in his work in the Dutch Indies. Troughout Kunst’s work in ethnomusicol-
ogy, he kept an extensive correspondence with von Hornbostel. Kunst sent his wax cylinders to
von Hornbostel at the Berlin Phonogram Archive where the institute developed a technology to
preserve the wax cylinder by creating copper positives. Von Hornbostel sent Kunst empty cyl-
inders and advised him on the technical aspects of the recording equipment (Van Lamsweerde
80 • meLê yamomo
1994, 8). As fttingly described by Ernst Heins, the feld of ethnomusicology was thus developed
together by “both scholars […] one behind the desk study, the other in the feld” (Heins 1976,
98).
Jaap Kunst’s position as ethnomusicologist “in the feld” also brought him in contact with
commercial music companies recording in Indonesia. Being the European knowledgeable in
the music practices in Java meant that he would serve as an intermediary between the record-
ists and local musicians. In 1925, Odeon Records sought the advice of Kunst who would then be
involved in the organisation of the recordings and the recruitment of interesting musicians (Van
Lamsweerde 1994, 44). Kunst also had an interest to learn about and utilise the more recent sound
technologies that these companies brought with them. During the 1928 recording trip of Odeon
in central Java and Bali, Kunst also consulted the company on this matter (Van Lamsweerde 1994,
44). Music historian Tim de Wolf opines that Kunst would have also been involved in the series of
gramophone recordings of a gamelan orchestra of Mangkoenegoro VII by Columbia Records in
Solo (Wolf 2011, 7). However, this would have transpired indirectly as Kunst’s appointment and
funding as a government musicologist had already been terminated by 1931.
For the 1928 recording in Bali, ninety-eight gramophone titles were made and released by
Odeon and Beka labels for local distribution (Gronow 1981, 274). Out of these ninety-eight
titles, fve were included in the album Musik des Orients (Music of the Orient) under Odeon and
produced by the Carl Lindström Company. Te tracks for the anthology were selected by von
Hornbostel who also wrote its accompanying twenty-six-page booklet. Music historian Pekka
Gronow notes that the recording companies’ ambitions to develop an indigenous market in
Indonesia failed. Reasons for the failure included local disinterest in the expensive technology,
“especially when there was a world of live performances happening daily in the thousands of
temples and households throughout the island” (Gronow 1981, 274).
Tis intersection between the early commercial recording and the beginnings of ethnomusi-
cological interest for documentation was refected in Jaap Kunst’s work. In Ethno-Musicology: A
Study of Its Nature, Its Problems, Methods and Representative Personalities, originally published
in 1955, Jaap Kunst commented on the necessity for recording companies to work with experts:
Tis measure would not only safeguard a correct and varied choice of recordings but also
ensure a greater likelihood of the records turning out truer to reality. To give an example of
this latter point: existing records of Javanese gamelan music which include the vocal element
ofen allow the voice to be far too prominent, as if it were a solo with accompaniment, while
in reality the solo- and choral voices are nothing more than equivalent elements in an oth-
erwise instrumental tonal texture; in other words the singer ought not to have been placed
in front of the microphone. By utilizing the knowledge and advice of a musical specialist it
will also be possible to prevent the titles on the records from containing such an annoyingly
large number of spelling mistakes.
(Kunst 1955, 30)
However, Kunst was aware of separating his academic interest from the commercial interests
of recording companies. He expressed his disappointment in how the gramophone companies,
“being run as they are on a purely commercial basis, have not rendered so much service to
ethno-musicology as could be expected” (Kunst 1955, 30).
In tracing the intersection of the academic and commercial interests in “exotic” musics, we
might also consider the historicisation of the notion of “world music”. Te category “world
music” in the recording industry may have only ofcially appeared in the 1980s to market musi-
cal recordings of non-Western traditional music. In academic discourse, Bruno Nettl argues
through Philip Bohlman that the beginnings of the idea of world music began as far back as the
eighteenth century through the thinking of Johann Gottfried Herder. In “Stimmen der Völker
in Liedern” (1778–1779), Herder “proposed that each people has its music – that there is such a
thing as folk song, Volkslied, which is peculiar to each people, but some of whose characteristics
all peoples have in common” (Nettl 2013, 29). I would, however, argue for situating development
of the idea within the dispositif of sound recording technology that made legible the sounds of
the “Other” and also enabled the capturing and commercial distribution of these sounds. A
century since the recording and anthropological analysis of the auditory cultures in Nusantara,
contemporary discourse now critiques ethnomusicology’s colonialist knowledge-making inas-
much as “world music” is a capitalist logic of neo-colonialism.
If media and technology allowed the perceptibility of the human voices, how can we listen to
subaltern voices stored in the archives and phonographs? Perhaps more importantly, how did
sound technologies enable and continue to enable agencies of various people whose voices were
captured, including the ones taken from the Nusantara region? Tis volume hopefully ampli-
fes voices and musical cultures made in Nusantara long afer the age of colonial phonography.
Archives Consulted
Berliner Phonogramm-Archiv / Te Berlin Phonogram Archive
Lautarchiv der Humboldt Universität zu Berlin / Te Sound Archive of Humboldt University
of Berlin
Notes
1 “Dispositif” is a term used by the French philosopher Michel Foucault to refer to the various institutional, ideo-
logical, and epistemological systems that structure and maintain the power relationships within social systems.
Elaborating that Foucault’s concept of dispositif goes beyond the notion of “discourse”, economic and social his-
torian Matti Peltonen summarises it as “historically specifc totalities of discourses and practices” (206). English
intellectual historian David Macey, who translated many of Foucault’s works to English, translated dispositif as
“the grid of intelligibility”.
2 My translation.
3 My translation.
4 See: Susanne Ziegler, “Liste Der Walzensammlungen Des Berliner Phonogramm-Archivs / List of the Berlin
Phonogramm-Archiv’s Cylinder Collections”, in Berliner Phonogramm-Archiv 1900–2000: Sammlungen Der
Traditionellen Musik Der Welt / Te Berlin Phonogramm-Archiv 1900–2000: Collections of Traditional Music of
the World, ed. Artur Simon (Berlin: VWB – Verlag für Wissenschaf und Bildung, 2000), 228–264.
5 For further information also see: Susanne Ziegler, Die Wachszylinder Des Berliner Phonogramm-Archivs:
Textdokumentation Und Klangbeispiele, Yearbook for Traditional Music (Berlin: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin –
Preußischer Kulturbesitz, 2006).
6 For a concise and biographical summary of how Carl Stumpf and Erich Moritz von Hornbostel developed
Vergleichenden Musikwissenschaf as an academic discipline at the University of Berlin see: Dieter Christensen,
“Erich M. von Hornbostel, Carl Stumpf Und Die Institutionalisierung Der Vergleichenden Musikwissenschaf
/ Erich M. von Hornbostel, Carl Stumpf, and the Institutionalization of Comparative Musicology,” in Berliner
Phonogramm-Archiv 1900–2000: Sammlungen Der Traditionellen Musik Der Welt / Te Berlin Phonogramm-
Archiv 1900–2000: Collections of Traditional Music of the World, ed. Artur Simon (Berlin: VWB – Verlag für
Wissenschaf und Bildung, 2000), 141–150.
7 Te original German article appeared on Wissenschafdiche Wochenschrif für Wissenschaf, Kunst und Technik
on 22 Feburary 1908.
8 See fle number PK 218.
12 PK 851–1.
13 PK 852–2.
14 Te archive’s website has recently been updated and now has an English version: https://www.lautarchiv.hu-ber-
lin.de/.
82 • meLê yamomo
15 For further information regarding the friendship between Mangkunegoro VII and Jaap Kunst, see: Madelon
Djajadiningrat and Clara Brinkgreve, “Chapter 8. A Musical Friendship: Te Correspondence Between
Mangkunegro VII and the Ethnomusicologist Jaap Kunst, 1919–1940,” in Recollecting Resonances: Indonesian-
Dutch Musical Encounters, ed. Bart Barendregt and Els Bogaerts, trans. Aletta Stevens-Djajadiningrat, vol. 4,
Southeast Asia Mediated (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2014), 179–201.
16 Quoted from his letter to Mangkunegoro on 9 January 1930. See: Ibid., 195.
17 See: Jaap Kunst, Musicologia (Amsterdam: Uitgave van het Indischle, 1950), 7.
24 Felix Van Lamsweerde, “Jaap Kunst’s Field Recordings,” in Indonesian Music and Dance: Traditional Music
and Its Interaction with the West: A Compilation of Articles (1934–1952) Originally Published in Dutch, ed. Ernst
Heins (Amsterdam: Royal Tropical Institute/Tropenmuseum, 1994), 8.
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7
Bodabil Music in the Rise of
the American Empire
Arwin Q. Tan
On 10 April 1980, the Philippine Educational Teater Association (PETA) premiered Canuplin:
An Improvisation on the Life and Performances of a Filipino Comedian. Tis play written by
Manny Pambid is about the life of one of Manila’s most popular vaudeville superstars during
the American colonial period. Te play chronicles the success and popularity of Canuto Francia
(1904–1979), a.k.a. Canuplin, when bodabil (the Filipinised version of American vaudeville)
reigned as the most prolifc public entertainment form in the Philippine Islands during the
1920s until the eventual collapse of Canuto’s stardom afer the Second World War.
As a young boy, Canuto’s impoverished origins from the poor region of Tondo compelled
him to work as an errand boy for the owner of Banda Aguila in order to help bring food to
his family’s dining table. Te eventual death of Canuto’s mother when he was eleven years old
worsened his destitute situation. To bring joy into his desolate childhood, Canuto saved a few
cents occasionally so that he could sneak inside movie houses to watch his favourite American
flm star, Charlie Chaplin, whose moves he imitated. Donning a Chaplin-like suit, Canuto won
the competition for the most imaginative costume at the annual Manila Carnival in the late
1910s which opened the opportunity for him to work at the circus. Initially working as a barker,
Canuto learned a few tricks from the carnival’s master magician, Blas Angeles, and became his
assistant.
Eventually, he met Luis Borromeo, a.k.a. Borromeo Lou, a returning Filipino performer in
1921 who had spent fve years in the USA and Canada as a vaudeville performer. Borromeo
invited him to join his circuit and named him “Canuplin”, Chaplin of the Philippine Islands.
He became one of the most bankable stars of the Philippine bodabil scene whose famed act
featured him as a “pathetic clown, a magician whose tricks frequently failed or were revealed
to the audience” (Maniquis 2017, 559). As a bodabil superstar, Canuplin earned a hundred and
twenty-fve pesos (about sixty-two US dollars) while others were paid only seven pesos a week
(Pambid 2015, 355).
Despite the gradual shif towards a new form of entertainment in the 1930s, the talking mov-
ies, Canuplin’s popularity soared. Afer the Second World War, the rising prominence of flms
obligated Canuplin to migrate to the new art form. He appeared in and directed a few movies
but the frequency of his performances was limited. In his attempt to revive his career as a boda-
bilista (vaudevillian), Canuplin continued to perform his signature acts – unchanged from his
pre-war exhibitions – in the struggling bodabil theatres afer the war. However, these did not
receive a similar level of appreciation by the new generation of theatre audiences whose taste for
83
84 • Arwin Q. Tan
entertainment had changed to the new media technologies, particularly sound movies (Keppy
2019, 116). Audiences also preferred newer imitations of younger American singers who were
featured in the new material marker of a modern household, the television (Fernandez, Chua,
and Zafra 2017, 127).
In one play, the following poignant words uttered by Canuplin provide a glimpse of a bodabil
star’s valuation of his work and acceptance of his career’s impending end:
Te limits of what I knew,… my talent,… my strength,… of what I was capable of! It is all
I know,… [and] do: to mimic. But the public accepted it. Tey embraced me. Tey laughed
when I performed. Tey enjoyed my impersonations. And I was able to get by because of
them. We lived like royalty. But they didn’t just give me money. Tey showered me with their
awe, with their applause. Now, I’m old. I’ve slowed down. And like what you said, nobody
cares about me anymore. I’m a has-been.
(Pambid trans. by So 2015, 362)
Te story of Canuplin is a nostalgic remembrance of the glorious days of bodabil productions,

during a time period when Filipinos “greeted, with open arms, the invasion of American
products, the American way of life” (Pambid trans. by So 2015, 339). Te 1920s was also a
period when the efects of capitalism – introduced in the late nineteenth century under the
Spanish colonial government – had transformed the social, cultural, and economic condi-
tions of the Islands. Te burgeoning middle class of the late nineteenth century expanded
to include Western (mostly American)-educated Filipinos who were eventually employed in
the colonial bureaucracies of the American Insular Government (Barendregt, Keppy, and
Nordholt 2017, 19). Tis new social group appropriated a “cosmopolitan orientation and a
modern consumer lifestyle” (Keppy 2019, 14) that refected their taste for what was American
– wearing fannel scarves, silk shirts, and wide bell-bottoms, speaking in slang, dancing the
Charleston, watching vaudeville, and attending the carnival, among other things – which
refected modernity and progress (Joaquin 1978, 2735–2736). As Filipino historian Resil
Mojares argues, “contact with America nourished an appetite for urbanity and cosmopoli-
tanism” (2006, 20).
Canuplin’s life story demonstrates how the popular music industry capitalised on the mar-
ketability of “stars” who were considered “popularisers” of American culture, mimicking suc-
cessful American superstars, following the belief that “they could not ‘make it’ unless they
were copies of an American original” (Fernandez et al. 2017, 127). Bodabil’s prioritisation for
marketable acts obligated stars to work hard, to constantly try to outdo themselves through
introducing new acts, songs, or dances, and to surrender to the tedious itinerary designed by
impresarios whose main intention was to generate more profts.
Jacques Attali, in his landmark work Noise, argued that stars could make a fortune through
the practice of popular art and posited that these earnings allowed for the fulflment of the
working class’s dreams for social advancement (1985, 77). Canuplin’s story shows how Filipino
bodabilistas responded to the emerging popular culture industry which created a space for
social mobility as their mastery of American ways gave them power to negotiate their ambiva-
lent status as colonial subjects (San Pablo and Mae 2008, 31). Tis was at a time when the US
was solidifying its empire in the Islands and Filipino music and talent were utilised to produce
commodities that were consumed in the realm of music printing, music recording, and espe-
cially live performance. Bodabil was an important genre of live performance that eventually
dominated popular public entertainment and became an infuential agent in the distribution
and consumption of new commodities.
Bodabil Music and the American Empire • 85
In establishing the American Insular Government in the Islands, the US introduced
“American ideals and the American way of life through a nationwide educational system, then
later through the print and broadcast media and via flm” (Fernandez 2000, 1). Naturally, the use
of English was instituted and represented the language of modernity for colonial subjects. Te
Americans were determined to educate Filipinos in English and expose them to American cul-
ture in order to infuence their taste for popular entertainment and theatrical forms (Tofghian
2008, 82). Tis Westernisation of taste and consciousness was a necessary prerequisite for the
acceptance of everything that the American government intended to advance: concepts of
democracy and progress, consumer goods, education, and governance (Fernandez 1983, 10).
Tis chapter interrogates the transculturation of vaudeville in the Philippines as popular
music, focusing on how Filipino musicians responded to the capitalist imperatives of a growing
market and audience while maintaining a space for the negotiation of relations between the
divergent cultures of the hegemonic empire and the colony. Departing from cosmopolitanism
as conceptual framework, the discussion examines the emergence of popular culture in the
Philippines in an attempt to contextualise the articulation of local expressions in appropriat-
ing American vaudeville, considered “pop cosmopolitanism par excellence” (Keppy 2019, 28).
Consequently, I posit the following queries: in its heyday, how did bodabil contribute to the
circulation of popular music in the Philippines, specifcally as a venue for adopting new meth-
ods of advertising and selling songs, sheet music, and other commodifed forms of music? How
did bodabil provide a space for social mobility among colonial subjects, particularly entrepre-
neurial musicians who participated in popular cultural production as a mark of modernity?
Cosmopolitanism is defned as “an orientation, a willingness to engage with the Other. It is
an intellectual and aesthetic stance of openness toward divergent cultural experiences, a search
for contrasts rather than uniformity” (Hannerz 1990, 487). Gilbert and Lo reiterate cultural
cosmopolitanism as “a practice of navigating across cultural boundaries” (2007, 26). Keppy
loosely defnes cosmopolitanism as “receptiveness to alien cultures” (2019, 7) and links it closely
to the idea of modernity, which he explains as “ideas and practice associated with progress and
individual freedom” (2019, 7). Moreover, borrowing from the application of Henry Jenkins and
Joel Kahn in their individual studies, Keppy posits that both of them “see [the] roles of non-
elites in actively shaping and engaging in cosmopolitanism and modernity without associa-
tions of high culture and elite manipulations” (2019, 7). He highlights the pivotal role of Luis
Borromeo, a middle-class Filipino, “who helped to create a pop cosmopolitanism and popular
modernity” (2019, 8) in the Philippines by “reworking the modernist meanings and texts of the
elites on the one hand, and constructing meanings for the masses on the other” (Kahn in Keppy
2019, 8). Bodabil also exhibits the specifc processes that characterise Turino’s (2000) view of
cosmopolitanism “as the interaction of local cultural practices with ‘global’ processes” (2000,
4). Turino’s perspective is summarised as “a negotiation of the external with the internal; the
foreign adapted to the native; the global in interaction with the local” (Adil 2019, 476).
Te mixture of many local cultures within an established American form in the bodabil
productions of the mid-1920s displays what Adil Johan explained as the cosmopolitan cultural
practice of “articulating two or more contrasting identities simultaneously… [which may] not
necessarily [be] divergent, but interactive [and are] the result of active aesthetic agency” (2019,
476). It also signals the intention of cosmopolitan agents to attain competence and a sense of
mastery of the culture of the Other, initially alien to local culture (Hannerz 1990, 488). Te
short but dynamic period of bodabil’s popularity in the Philippines afrms the cosmopolitan
interconnectedness of divergent cultures through interaction and forged social relations, repre-
senting how Filipinos appropriated American cultural institutions to negotiate their position in
the empire (Enriquez 2008, 6–7).
86 • Arwin Q. Tan
Vaudeville in the Philippines

Vaudeville was brought to the Islands in the early years of America’s imperial project to enter-
tain American troops assigned in the colony and featured foreign entertainers, mostly from
the US mainland. Vaudeville was a showcase of popular culture from the US and featured a
potpourri of songs, dances, comedy skits, magical acts, contortionists, animal tricks, fre and
sword eaters (Tiongson 2017, 10), and many other fascinating acts that enthralled audiences.
As a mixture of entertainment acts, this genre has been present in the Islands as early as the
late nineteenth century, albeit not labelled as “vaudeville” and not American. Under the vibrant
Spanish theatre tradition, theatre star Valeriana Mauricio, a.k.a. Chananay, ventured as an
entrepreneur and established Compañía lírica-dramática-coreográfca in 1885. Tis company
combined four performance felds (cuadro de compañía) which featured the singing of arias,
dances, and gymnastic performances. By 1897, Teatro Circo Filipino along Calle Echague in the
Santa Cruz district featured a regular schedule for its Compañía acrobática, cómica, gimnástica
y pantomímica, signifying that there was a stable patronage for productions of such variety
shows.
Due to the shif in colonial control of the Philippines from Spain to the US in the early
twentieth century, many foreign vaudeville troupes came to perform in the new and slowly
“Americanising” colony. Among the earliest troupes to visit the Islands were the American
Lilliputians in 1901, the Russian Baroufski Imperial Circus in 1902 (Cayabyab 2018, 328), and
Levy’s Australian Vaudeville Co. in 1903. Te Australian company inaugurated the newly reno-
vated Orpheum, formerly Teatro Filipino, on 9 September 1903 to a full house (Te Manila
Times [TMT], 10 September 1903). Te Orpheum was envisioned to open continuously and run
“on the lines of the vaudeville houses in the States… [and] it is intended to make the Orpheum
the home of vaudeville in Manila” (TMT, 10 September 1903).
A marketing innovation introduced at the Orpheum a month afer its inauguration was
the presentation of an “amateur night” that furnished fresh talents and acts, contributing to
its popularity and crowd-drawing infuence (TMT, October 19, 1903). Te freshness and the
variety ofered by the discovery of new performers paved the way for vaudeville competitions
that attracted more audiences. In 1918, Leonard Nelson, the manager of Savoy Teatre’s vaude-
ville company, organised a competition that allowed candidates to perform “any class of act
they liked” that was suitable for the stage (TMT, 14 March 1918). Te winner was awarded one
hundred pesos, a contract at the Savoy Teatre, and a possible tour to the leading theatres in
Australia, New Zealand, India, and China (TMT, 14 March 1918).
Vaudeville productions prior to its localisation in the 1920s helped develop a taste for
American popular culture. Fernandez mentions that there was an eminently receptive Filipino
custom that embraced American culture which unquestionably made it become part of Filipino
habits and frames of reference, partly due to the consideration that the conqueror’s culture was
superior to his own (1983, 2). In addition, Fernandez asserts that in vaudeville’s heyday, it was
the venue by which American musical culture entered painlessly, pleasurably, and almost unno-
ticeably into Philippine life at every level, “producing generations of Filipinos who sang of their
feelings and thus thought of and analysed them in American terms” (4).
Transformation of Vaudeville to Bodabil

Eforts to localise this popular American genre were initiated by a few artists such as Domingo
“Sunday” Reantaso and John Cowper (Keppy 2019, 72–74). However, Borromeo Lou is cred-
ited for establishing the localised bodabil. His shows featured a mixture of American popular
songs with local genres such as the kundiman (Tagalog love song) and a number of newly com-
posed dance pieces by Filipino composers (Barendregt et al. 2017, 31). Borromeo innovated and
revitalised the theatre tradition in the Philippines and “transformed the older, elitist Hispanic
cosmopolitanism into a Filipino pop cosmopolitanism for the masses” (Keppy 2019, 16). By
assuming a cultural brokerage position, Borromeo’s successful contribution to the creation
of a popular cosmopolitanism was attributable to his entrepreneurial skills which gave a high
premium to “stars” and the advantageous utilisation of established capitalist infrastructure in
the distribution of popular culture in the Philippines. In his shows, Borromeo featured local
mimics of American “stars” and he is widely revered for having discovered, developed, and pro-
moted local Filipino talents. A few of these Filipino artists became the “stars” of bodabil: Katy
de la Cruz, Diana Toy, Canuplin, and Atang de la Rama, among others (Schenker 2017, 554).
Tese local entertainers did not simply imitate their American originals. Tey appropriated
the popular music culture of American vaudeville but, at the same time, creatively marked
their performances with elements that portrayed local sensibilities and traditions. Other per-
formers even went beyond the limits of stereo-typifying traditions by providing an alternative
modernity such as the case of Katy de la Cruz’s ditties. De la Cruz was regarded as the “Queen of
Bodabil”, singing with a big, raspy voice that earned her the stature of a “torch singer” (Ancheta
2017, 335). In her rendition of Jerry Brandy’s “Balut” (fertilised duck egg embryo), de la Cruz
challenged “the institutional authority of the Philippine church, schools, and family units as
purveyors of morality” (Ancheta 2017, 336) by emphasising “the aphrodisiac aspect of [balut].
Tis is a topic that would certainly have been met with embarrassed titters because the sexual
is not supposed to be spoken about in polite society” (Ancheta 2017, 338). In defying the tradi-
tional notion of a virtuous and modest Filipina in her performances, de la Cruz posited a new
image of a freer-moving woman, emancipated from the confnes of conventions and not embar-
rassed to put forward issues about sexuality and female empowerment. Te stages of the bodabil
stand as witnesses to the emergence of a cosmopolitan image of the Filipina providing a proof
that the colony was a space where alternative modernities were exercised.
Similarly, Canuplin’s inclusion of “pathetic” magic tricks into his act mimicking Charlie
Chaplin was an innovation that increased his saleability to the ticket-buying public. As political
debates on the readiness of Filipinos to assume sovereignty of the Islands escalated in the late
1920s, the display of their capacity to be equipped with modernity was an important requi-
site imposed by the Americans. Te Filipinos’ inherent adeptness for mimicry signalled to the
imperial government that they were ready for independence (Gonzaga 2019, 80). In a study of
migrant Filipina taxi dancers in the continental US, Lucy San Pablo Burns asserted that colo-
nial mimicry is the “strictest form of ideological disciplining… [and] the ultimate corporeal
evidence of the ‘success’ of the American imperial project” (San Pablo and Mae 2008, 27). In
the entertainment spaces of the bodabil, mimicry was not a simple emulation of a hegemonic
icon but an understated articulation of patriotism, hinting at resistance towards imperialism.
Canuplin’s mimicry of Chaplin, although in the light tradition of humorous entertainment,
displayed a sense of mastery of the culture of the Other and probably ofered a way for the locals
to construct meanings in their colonial engagement with the US.
In addition, Borromeo Lou and other impresarios attempted to elevate Bodabil’s status as a
legitimate theatre production. Producers grappled with improving bodabil’s reputation which
was marred with vulgarity, loose morals, and cultural erosion (Barendregt et al. 2017, 26). A
particular move that aided Borromeo’s goal to raise bodabil’s legitimacy was to include highly
respected and popular stars of the earlier Hispanic theatres, e.g., Honorata “Atang” de la Rama
(Keppy 2019, 112–114). Another method employed by Borromeo was to make his shows socially
relevant. He incorporated short plays and comedy skits that slowly became permanent features
88 • Arwin Q. Tan
of bodabil. Early on, Borromeo also experimented in adopting short comedies from European
operas and Spanish zarzuelas to capture the attention of upper and middle-class theatre patrons
(Keppy 2019, 109). Borromeo’s shows “evolved from a classy musical revue… into an eclec-
tic Filipinised format [that combined]… music, dance, and drama,… with a short play [that
included a social-issue-driven content at its core] around which other acts… were arranged”
(Keppy 2013, 452). In the short plays, bodabil presentations tackled issues such as the plight of
professional female taxi dancers (bailerinas) in Manila’s cabarets, the modernising attitude of
young Filipina maidens, and the troubled private lives of bodabilistas, among others (Keppy
2013, 452; Keppy 2019, 106–107).
Bodabil and the Music Market

Te popularity of Bodabil in the 1920s coincided with the transformed taste for American prod-
ucts by the colonial population. With their improved economic condition, Filipinos adopted a
modern lifestyle marked by their preferences for imported commodities. In Gonzaga’s study
on consumerism in Manila’s commercial streets from the 1930s to the 1960s, the author argues
that Filipinos encountered “modernity as a disorienting situation, in which they confronted
unfamiliar realities without having the knowledge or capability to do so” (Gonzaga 2019, 82). It
was necessary for Filipinos to depend on American and other imported products that fooded
the luxury shopping street of Escolta in Manila to express their eforts in assimilating into
modernity, accentuating their transcendent newness, and awkwardly altering their appear-
ances, behaviours, and attitudes (Gonzaga 2019, 82).
Te immense audience reach of Bodabil made it an ideal space for advertising. In Borromeo’s
case, his business connection with the boxing promoters and co-owners of the Olympic Stadium
induced him to include boxing training stunts in his shows to assist in advertising the weekly
boxing bouts at the same entertainment arena (Keppy 2013, 451). In addition, bodabil became a
venue to introduce consumer goods such as toothpaste of various brands (Keppy 2019, 72) and
cinematographic flms (Keppy 2013, 451). Similarly, bodabil was an efective venue to advertise
new compositions, banking on the star appeal of the chosen interpreter. Bodabil introduced
new compositions to the fast-developing domestic music-making market comprised of piano-
owning middle class Filipino families who became the established audience market of printed
sheet music, mostly dances (Tan 2018, 335). Filipino composers grabbed the chance to write
music that was marketable in order to participate in the business of music commodifcation.
For Filipino composers, it was necessary to attain a stylistic versatility in order to reach a
wide range of consumers. Te burgeoning popular culture of the 1920s favoured the modern
sound of jazz music that shared the same space with the foxtrot, the tango, and the Charleston.
Te lucrativeness of publishing popular dance music – regarded as cheap, light, and mere imi-
tation (Santiago 1957, 15–17) – enticed composers such as Francisco Santiago and Nicanor
Abelardo who were trained in the Western classical idiom propagated by the newly established
University of the Philippines Conservatory of Music. Te University of the Philippines opened
its Conservatory of Music in 1916 and aimed to be the principal breeding ground of classi-
cal composers of the Philippines focusing on the development of a nationalist Filipino music
(Santos 2005, 4). Despite his classical training, Abelardo exemplifes the cosmopolitan Filipino
musician who knew how to manoeuvre within Manila’s bourgeoning music market and capital-
ised on the commodifcation of music. He combined his work as a young music professor at the
Conservatory with his salon playing at the Santa Ana Cabaret to augment his income (Santos
2005, 6).
Abelardo’s composition, “Naku … Kenkoy!” (1930) with text by Romualdo G. Ramos and
labelled as a foxtrot, is a short song in two sections, both in the key of C Major and set in
duple meter. Te song describes a comical character created by Tony Velasquez – Kenkoy – who
donned “an oversized white cotton suit with his hair slicked back with pomade … [and spoke]
in broken English” (Gonzaga 2019, 82). Te text of the song is narrated from the point of view
of a third person. Te frst verse tells of the inescapable likelihood of meeting Kenkoy every-
where with his notorious attire, transformed (colonial) attitude, and pathetic attempt to speak
English. Te second verse describes Kenkoy as a popular entertainer present in all celebrations
playing music with his ukulele, dancing with exaggerated moves, and howling uncontrollably.
Te song’s foxtrot rhythm characterises the refrain with the following text:
His forehead shaved, his movement, his walk transformed

He sings while walking, in English with no letters (with ukulele, too)
Greet him “how are you?” And the answer you receive, watch out!
“Hey! Tagalog, mi no habla”
Oh my, oh my Kenkoy! (Abelardo-Ramos 1930) [translation mine]
It is only in the second to last line that the character of Kenkoy sings, declaring that he does not
speak Tagalog with a short Spanish line, “mi no habla”. Tis displays the character’s attempt to
appear assimilated to the hegemonic culture of a coloniser, but in so doing erroneously exhibits
his adeptness to that of Spain despite being described in the song as having been Americanised.
Regardless of the seeming confusion, Kenkoy’s short answer in a foreign language reveals a
preference for the ways of the Other while neglecting his own, accentuating his attained culture
of modernity and highlighting his cosmopolitanism and colonial integration. In this comical
song, Abelardo emphasised the difculty of the locals in responding to the shifing colonial
control of the Islands from Spain to the US as it meant adapting to diferent lifestyles, culture,
and language. Kenkoy’s short and apparent spontaneous reply in Spanish hints at his incom-
plete cleansing of a deep-rooted inculturation of the previous coloniser’s culture while he strug-
gles to adapt to American ways, a comical representation of a serious early-twentieth century
Filipino reality.
Conclusion
Te immense popularity of vaudeville among Manila’s theatre-going public in the 1920s forti-
fed its power to promote the consumption of music, particularly its commodifed form. Te
established infrastructure of Manila’s music market enabled musicians to manoeuvre their way
towards economic afuence by using their labour to generate income and the established dis-
tribution network to reach a wide range of customers in order to accumulate more proft. Te
capitalist imperative of competition gave rise to the ideology of “the star”, hit songs, and box-
ofce success, all of which converge through the potent appeal of the popular, a marker in the
ramifcation of successful cultural industries.
By tracing bodabil’s proliferation in the 1920s and bringing to the fore the cases of a few of
its stars, an understanding emerges for how the concept of cosmopolitanism may be applied
to examinations of cultural interaction and negotiations within imperial and colonial circum-
stances. Bodabil in the Philippines shows how capitalist infrastructures applied by popular
culture industries were open for exploitation particularly by those who were willing to engage
with the culture of the Other, shaping a modernity that highlighted an individual’s free agency.
90 • Arwin Q. Tan
Tose who possessed the cosmopolitan attitude, i.e., entrepreneurship, gained access to the
industry and made it possible to manoeuvre within the highly divided social spaces of colonial
societies, allowing entrepreneurs to navigate fuidly in the transforming mode of cultural pro-
ductions during the second half of the twentieth century. As the most prominent popular enter-
tainment form of the 1920s, bodabil ofered social mobility to those who captured the essence of
cosmopolitanism. Tose who were not fuid enough were lef out when new technologies such as
talking movies, television, and radio were introduced.
More than its economic benefts, bodabil’s transculturation in the Philippines opened an
avenue for musical expressions that surpassed mere imitations of American popular music.
Filipino composers as agents of cosmopolitanism negotiated with the imperial culture by
employing US forms as foundations for musical expressions that were slowly becoming rec-
ognised as markedly Filipino. In their compositions and eventual performances, this framed
fuency in the imperial language cannot be confned to a simple exhibition of mimicry that was
devoid of meaning. Rather, bodabil performances became the medium for intercultural realisa-
tions where a reciprocal exchange of cultures transpired.
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8
Songs for and of the Youth
Mapping Trends in Philippine
Popular Music, 1900–2000
Verne de la Peña
Turn on the radio at any time, anywhere in the Philippines, and chances are you will tune in
to a radio station catering to the musical tastes of the Filipino youth – that is, music performed
by the youth for the youth. In both AM and FM bands, only about two radio stations are dedi-
cated to other styles of music such as classical or mellow tunes from “yesteryears” (the 1940s,
the 1950s, and the 1960s). Tis is not to say that older listeners do not enjoy pop, rock, r&b and
hip-hop, and whatever newer genres come out intended for younger audiences. Te radio waves
in the country are dominated by popular music, a kind of music that fnds its beginnings in the
development of a distinct cultural group: the Filipino youth. Tis “tribe”, like other cultural
communities, share common expressive codes and systems and occupy shared milieus and
domains for the production and consumption of culture. It is a group that is self-aware – one
that possesses a conscious and articulated sense of collective identity as heard in the hit song
“Kabataang Pinoy” (“Filipino Youth”) by the band Itchyworms from 2006:
Ang barkada namin may pangarap Our gang has a dream

Na nais abutin Tat we want to reach
Pangarap namin magtagumpay We dream to be victorious
Sa lahat ng gagawin In all that we do
Iba na tayo ngayon We are diferent now
Walang di nagagawa Tere is nothing we cannot achieve
Sabihin mo, sabihin nyo, Say it one, say it all,
Kaya natin to We can do this
Kabataang pinoy pagbutihan mo Pinoy Youth, do your best
Pag-asa ka ng buong mundo You are the hope of the entire world
Kabataang pinoy kayang kaya mo Pinoy Youth, you can really do it
Pinoy ako, pinoy tayo! I am Pinoy, we are Pinoy
When and how did this one sector of the population come to be so dominant? How was this
infuential music culture of the Filipino youth established? If one were to look into the tra-
ditional cultures in the Philippines, one will not fnd this intermediary generation between
children and adults. Among indigenous communities, various types of ceremonies and rituals
92
Songs for and of the Youth • 93
mark the transition from childhood to adulthood. Tese rites of passage occasion a person’s
full acceptance as a member of the society, ready to accept the responsibilities of a mature indi-
vidual. In short, these individuals cross from the juvenile stage directly into maturity without
going through a transitional phase, or youth, as we know it.
One may reasonably surmise that the culture of the youth in the Philippines is an invention
of the 20th century. Forming and separating itself as a distinct cultural group, the kabataang
Pinoy (Filipino youth) sprouted along with urbanisation and the secularisation of education
in the American colonial period (1898–1946). During this time, the autonomy of the youth
expanded and veered away from the control and infuence of their parents and vested themselves
with their own cultural capital. Soon they would possess a consciousness of their own imag-
ined identity, construct their own exclusive expressive forms and symbols, and occupy their
own spaces for cultural interaction. Tis phenomenal birth and growth of the kabataang Pinoy
sector parallels youth movements in the west, but would later come to trace its own trajectory.
In the early years of the 20th century, American models became valued as marks of moder-
nity. Vaudeville and stage shows, cabaret and jazz, along with the dance styles popularised
by Hollywood took a foothold as Filipino audiences discarded the outmoded products of the
Spanish era (1521–1898). Consequently, traditional song forms such as balitaw and kundiman
began to symbolise a bygone age. Popular music artists from the late 19th century to the begin-
ning of the new 20th century remained relevant by successfully transitioning to the new forms.
Zarzuela actresses Maria Carpena (1886–1915) and Honorata “Atang” de la Rama (1902–1991)
ventured into recording under Victor Records and Columbia Records when these US compa-
nies established ofces in the Philippines. It was Katy de la Cruz (1907–2004), however, who
would rise to fame as the “Queen of Bodabil”. Bodabil refers to the local incarnation of vaude-
ville entertainment performed in packed theatres such as the Savoy and Palace and dance halls
called kabaret in Manila in the 1920s and 1930s. With her sultry, jazzy renditions, de la Cruz
was also known for challenging ultra-conservative norms of society with her sexually sugges-
tive numbers such as “Balut” (“Duck Eggs” – known for their aphrodisiac quality) and “Ang
Buserong Si Mang Gusting” (“Old Man Gusting the Peeping Tom”):
sa gabi gabi pagsapit ng dilim At night, when darkness comes

aali-aligid si matandang Gusting Old man Gusting comes hovering
sa silong ng bahay tingin siya ng tingin Constantly gaping from beneath the
house
at hawak ang kanyang batutang maitim, Clutching his dark truncheon
Another fne example of de la Cruz’s signature style is her jazzed up versions of Filipino folk
songs such as “Magtanim ay di Biro” (“Planting Rice”), recorded under the RCA Victor label.
Tis track included English translations for the purpose of reaching wider audiences in the USA,
attesting to the cosmopolitan inclination of the times. Te zarzuela (later known as “sarswela”)
would also fnd its way to the silver screen starring the same actresses who performed it on
theatre stages. At about this time, local composers began weaving the western popular musical
idiom into original Filipino ballads such as “Dahil sa Yo” (“Because of You”, 1938) and “Silayan”
(“Glimpse”, 1939) by Mike Velarde (1913–1986). Early radio stations such as KZEG, KZIB, and
KZRM, along with the Philippine flm industry, played a major role in popularising these sing-
ers and songs.
World War II would put these developments on hold when popular styles were banned as
decadent during the Japanese Occupation (1942–1945). Te presence of the American mili-
tary afer liberation brought a new surge of western popular songs and their subsequent local
94 • Verne de la Peña
adaptations. “Inday Bayle Ta” is a Cebuano adaptation of “Bei Mir Bist Du Schön” (1937) by the
Andre Sisters who in turn adapted it from the Yiddish “Bei Mir Bistu Shein” (1937) by Jacob
Jacobs. Te adapted text paints a picture of the hard life during the post-WW II period when
rice was scarce and cassava (root crop) was the common substitute:
Inday, bayle ta Inday, let us dance

Di ko kay kapuy No, I am tired
Amon pamahaw bulanghoy Our breakfast was cassava
Amon panihudto bulanghoy nga puto Our lunch was cassava cake
Amon panihapon bulanghoy gihapon. Our supper was still cassava.
Te 1950s to the early 1960s saw the full emergence of a truly distinct youth identity nurtured
by the stability of the years afer the war known as “peace time”. Te movement began among
young people from elite families whose lifestyles mirrored Hollywood culture’s dances, fash-
ion, and cars. Te musical experience also increasingly became mediated by recording, radio,
and television technologies as capitalists apprehended the viability of the emerging market. It
was radio that gave birth to the frst Filipino teen idols in radio programmes such as Tawag ng
Tanghalan (Call of the Stage). Tis weekly singing competition produced countless stars, the
frst one being the so-called “Perry Como of the Philippines”, Diomedes Maturan (1940–2002),
with his hit “Rose Tattoo” (1958). So popular was the track that it spawned a movie with the
same title starring Maturan himself and inspiring several spin-ofs thereafer.
Meanwhile, as television sets became more afordable many radio shows migrated to the new
medium. Popular music and the latest dance crazes became fodder for teen-oriented shows such
as Jam Session (1960), Night Owl (1961), Darigold Jamboree (underwritten by a popular evapo-
rated milk brand introduced in the country in 1957), Dance O’ Rama, and Student Canteen.
Te mad search for the next teen idol continued. New bankable names emerged such as Bobby
Gonzales, Manila’s version of James Dean with his boogie-woogie beat of “Hahabol-habol”
(“Always Chasing”), and Eddie Mesa, the “Elvis Presley of the Philippines”, singing rock and
roll covers such as “Roll Over Beethoven” with his band the Hi Jacks. “Hahabol-habol” typifes
the rock and roll playboy archetype:
O ang babae pag minamahal O when a girl is in love

May kursunada’y aayaw-ayaw She is interested but plays hard to get
Pag panay ang dalaw ay nayayamot Call on her ofen and she is annoyed
Wag mong dalawin, dadabog-dabog Don’t pay her a visit and she throws tantrums
Wag mong suyuin ay nagmamaktol Don’t woo her and she sulks
Pag iyong iniwan, hahabol-habol Leave her behind and she comes chasing you
While “Hahabol-habol” and several other singles were written in Tagalog, the more standard
commercial practice was to write English songs such as the famed “A Million Tanks to You”
(Alice Doria Gamilla and Luis Trinidad) recorded by the celebrated Pilita Corrales. Tagalog,
Cebuano, and Ilocano lyrics were relegated to the styles of the past and associated with the older
generation and their memories of a bucolic life in the county side. Popular songs, movies, and
dances on the other hand depicting the vibrant urban life of Manila’s elite became the obses-
sion of the general public. Tey looked to these youth of the upper class as lifestyle trendsetters
whether in the latest fashion, motor trends, or musical choices.
Te members of the wealthy class, however, maintained their separation from the rest by
forming exclusive and competitive social cliques widely referred to as “gangs” with names such
as “Mohawks”, “Apaches”, and the notorious “Lo Waist Gang”. Te latter was comprised of
scions of the old rich families and included movie stars. One of these scions, Joseph Estrada,
would later enter the world of politics to fnally become the country’s president in 1998, only to
be deposed for corruption in 2001. Te mode of production occupied not just the airwaves but
also prestigious school events, nightclubs, and hotels. Te elite’s glitzy parties were festooned by
live band music – combachero groups that specialised in Latin dances in the 1950s and the rock
and roll combos of the 1960s and the 1970s.
Tis new cultural groups further underscored their imagined identity and exclusivity by
evolving their own jargon. Apart from other markers such as age, social class, and taste, insiders
were able to distinguish who belonged and who did not according to their linguistic compe-
tence. Te group language consisted in the beginning of terms borrowed from the west – cool,
guys, dolls, cats, chicks, wheels, etc. – typical of speech heard in Hollywood movies and in for-
eign pop songs. Local colloquial terms based in the Filipino language soon emerged. One code
system consisted of words read or pronounced backwards or shortened and embellished: pogi
from gwapo (handsome), yosi from sigarilyo (cigarettes), dehins for hindi (no), tsikot from kotse
(car), and erap for pare (mate or buddy). Tese expressions found their way into popular music
such as Bobby Gonzales’ “Pogi Dehin Goli” (“Handsome But Doesn’t Bathe”) adapted from
Dave Clark Five’s “Tabatha Twitchit” (1967) and issued by Mayon Records. On the other hand,
the formula of adapting western popular music with Filipino lyrics became quite lucrative, par-
ticularly among audiences from the lower classes who lacked the linguistic competence to fully
appreciate the originals. Tese ditties with comic, sometimes ribald lyrics and a preference for
country music styles would come to be labelled by the industry as novelty songs. Fred Panopio
(1939–2010), a part-time actor who was packaged as a yodelling cowboy, released several record-
ings the most notable of which was “Pitong Gatang” (1960) or seven gantas (unit of measure for
grain), a song associated with the movie of the same title. Panopio would remain active in the
music scene many years afer. “Ang Kawawang Cowboy” (“Te Pathetic Cowboy”) from 1977 is
his novelty hit adapted from Glen Campell’s “Rhinestone Cowboy” (1975):
Ang kawawang cowboy Te pathetic cowboy

May baril walang bala Owns a gun with no bullets
May bulsa wala namang pera Has pockets with no money
Ako nga ang cowboy I am the cowboy
Palaging nag-iisa Always by lonesome
Ang kabayo ay walang paa Whose horse has no legs
Ang aking brief ay butas pa And whose underwear has holes
Te most iconic artist, however, under the novelty tag is Yoyoy Villame (1932–2007), a former
soldier and bus driver who rose to fame with his witty, thickly accented English renditions of
his own compositions and adaptations. Based in the southern island of Bohol, Villame’s frst
blockbuster was “Magellan” (1972), a comical interpretation of national history. His “Butse kik”
(1980) on the other hand contained Chinese-sounding nonsense syllables which Villame con-
structed by stringing together names of shops in Chinatown set to the tune of Dee Dee Sharp’s
“Baby Cakes” (1962).
From the mid-1960s to the 1970s, youth identity spread from the elite to the lower economic
stratum as secular tertiary education became accessible to more Filipinos. Tus, sub-cultures
began to emerge distinguishing the upper rung sosyal (socialites), comprised mostly of stu-
dents from prestigious schools, from the lower stratum bakya crowd (literally wooden slippers),
made up of students from public schools as well as the unschooled youth. Te former preferred
the sophisticated cultural spaces of concert halls and discotheques while the latter took over
the more commercially driven television and movie houses. Te standard bearer for the bakya
crowd was Nora Aunor (b 1953) who began her career as a singer afer she bagged the cham-
pionship in the radio show Tawag ng Tanghalan in 1967. Raised in poverty in the countryside,
Aunor rose to fame as a singer with early covers such as “Pearly Shells” (1971), said to be the
biggest selling single in the Philippines to date. Her popularity rose to greater heights in tan-
dem with on screen partner Tirso Cruz III, a “love team” known by the moniker “Guy and Pip”
whose collaboration extended to recordings. Cruz himself came from a family music band, Joe
Cruz and the Cruzettes, a mainstay in the hotel entertainment circuit that specialised in Latin,
soul, and funk music as exemplifed in their album Lahat ng Araw (All the Days) issued by Plaka
Pilipino in 1976. Live music performers such as the Cruzettes would later be called Filipino
“showbands” who would fll the demand for hotel entertainers all over Asia. Aunor on the other
hand would hone her acting skills to become one of the most respected names in Philippine
cinema in a career that spanned four decades.
Yet another subgroup to arise were the rock music listeners who pursued iconoclastic ideals
that shunned the pretence that they saw among the sosyal whom they branded as burgis (petit
bourgeois). Following the hippie counter-culture movements in the west, this subgroup frst
patronised American and European rock groups until local bands began to write their own
compositions that would come to be known as Pinoy rock. With their huge hit “Ang Himig
Natin” (“Our Music”, 1971), considered the anthem of Pinoy rock, the Juan de la Cruz Band
paved the way for a generation of prolifc blues-rock groups such as Maria Cafra (Kumusta Mga
Kaibigan, 1978) and solo female rock acts like Sampaguita (Bonggahan, 1978). Tis subgroup,
also known as the “ jeproks”, placed a premium on being real and in the experiential dimension
referred to as the “happening”. For this reason, the use of psychedelic drugs for the enhance-
ment of experience became a marker of the subgroup.
Meanwhile, the exclusive lingo of upper-class college girls marked by code switching Filipino
and English, or Taglish, would be appropriated by songwriters who churned out pop-style love
songs. Te Manila sound, as the genre has come to be known, bridged listeners from the sosyal
to the bakya groups and were on constant loop in both AM and FM airwaves. Te Hotdog’s
phenomenal hit “Ikaw ang Miss Universe ng Buhay Ko” (“You Are the Miss Universe of My
Life”, 1975) managed to capture the other preoccupation of Filipinos – beauty contests. Also
crossing social boundaries, the Apo Hiking Society, whose roots are in an elite school where the
band was formed, produced songs that appealed to youth from various sectors. “Pumapatak na
Naman ang Ulan” (“Rain is Falling Again”, 1978) used colloquial words to describe the typical
life of teenagers:
Ang araw ko’y nabubusisi My day is scrutinised

Ako ang nasisisi I get to be blamed
Bakit ba sila ganyan, Why are they like that?
Ang pera ko ay di magkasya My money is not enough
Hindi makapagsine at ayaw naman dagdagan Can’t go to the movies, and they
refuse to give more
Te development of Pinoy rock and the Manila sound was briefy interrupted when Marcos
declared Martial Law in 1972 whereupon all radio stations came under the control of the state.
More severely afected where the long-haired rockers who were seen as the antithesis of the new
image of the youth that the repressive state wanted to promote. One of the frst public spectacles
in fact staged by the state was the fashion show Bagong Anyo (New Look) which conscripted
celebrities as models, albeit now clean-cut and “presentable”. Marcos appointed his daughter
Imee to head the Kabataang Baranggay, the government youth organisation, of which all citi-
zens eighteen years old and below were mandated to be a member. Imee Marcos also became
one of the chief proponents of the Metro Manila Popular Music Festival or Metropop, a song-
writing competition held annually from 1978 that ofered lucrative cash prizes and recording
contracts. More importantly, Metropop promoted a kind of popular music culture that the state
saw as benefcial for the youth and for the country: Filipino, musically current, and yet always
with positive and even didactic content. Te frst championship was bagged by “Kay Ganda
ng Ating Musika” (“What a Beauty Our Music Is”) composed by conservatory-trained Ryan
Cayabyab, who would remain productive in the world of popular music decades thereafer and
who would fnally be conferred the National Artist for Music award in 2018. Metropop pro-
duced a number of other iconic compositions such as Charo Unite’s “Lupa” (“Earth”, 1979) sung
by Rico J. Puno and Nonog Pedero’s “Isang Mundo, Isang Awit” (“One World, One Song”, 1980)
sung by Leah Navarro.
A further action of the state to nationalise the airwaves came with the passing of a resolu-
tion by the Broadcast Media Council (BMC) mandating all radio stations to play two original
Filipino works every hour. With this promulgation came the blanket term “Original Pilipino
Music” (OPM) which has since been the name used for the broad category of popular styles –
rock, ballad, pop, jazz, folk – composed and recorded by Filipino artists. Metropop combined
with the OPM resolution thus became a major impetus for the surge of popular music from the
late 1970s and into the following two decades. Te recording industry fourished as companies
diversifed into varying labels specialising in diferent styles and market niches.
Nationalism and social consciousness continued to grow in segments of the youth, particu-
larly among university students as well as the labour class and the peasantry. Critical of the per-
vasive colonial infuences, songwriters wrote texts that focused on identity and social justice, if
not subtly anti-establishment. Heber Bartolome and his band Banyuhay fused the traditional
sound of the banduria (a fourteen-stringed tremolo lute) into their rock ballads such as “Tayo’y
Mga Pinoy” (“We are Pinoy”, 1978):
Tayo’y mga Pinoy, We are Pinoy

Tayo’y hindi Kano We are not Americans
Wag kang mahihiya Do not feel ashamed
Kung ang ilong mo ay pango. If your nose is small
In the same year, the group Asin came out with “Ang Bayang Kong Sinilangan” (“Te Land of
My Birth”, 1978) which became one of the biggest hits of another genre labelled as Pinoy folk.
Tis style spread among artists who began their careers as folk singers in establishments known
as “folk houses” where American country and folk music were the staple. Te more promi-
nent Pinoy folk artists included Florante (“Ako’y Pinoy”, “I am Pinoy”, 1977), Coritha (“Sierra
Madre”, 1980), and Freddie Aguilar who penned the all-time favourite “Anak” (“Child”, 1978).
Te latter song, also a product of Metropop, would later be translated into various languages for
release to many parts of Asia (see Augustin and Adil’s chapter).
Despite the repressive Marcos dictatorship, student activism expanded and street protests
became alternative venues for cultural production. Protest songs produced outside the com-
mercial music industry were disseminated via DIY cassette albums within the progressive
movements. Such was the case for the album Pagpupuyos (Blaze, 1981) by the female duo Inang
Laya and Nagbabagang Lupa (Smoldering Earth, 1985) by the Patatag, a singing group active in
protest theatre.
Towards the 1980s, teen idol sensations continued to dominate radio, television, and movies as
production companies competed intensely to dominate both the recording and flm industries.
Sharon Cuneta, who released her frst single “Mr DJ” in 1978 at the height of the Manila sound
craze, would later dominate all media outlets and be dubbed “the Mega Star”. Her song “Bituing
Walang Ningning” (“Star With No Brightness”) written by Willy Cruz and released by Vicor
was produced by Viva Films as a motion picture with the same title in 1985 starring Cuneta
herself. Local dance crazes, initially fuelled by the blockbuster American movie Saturday Night
Fever (1978), spawned local bands in the mould of the Bee Gees – VST and Co. (“Awitin Mo at
Isasayaw ko”, “Sing and I Will Dance”, 1979), Te Boyfriends (“Sumayaw, Sumunod”, “Dance,
Follow”), and Hagibis (Lalake, Man 1980), the latter inspired by the American group the Village
People.
When the dictatorship was fnally toppled by the People Power Revolution in 1986, there was
widespread optimism and celebrations of unity among members of the various sectors in their
triumph to achieve a common goal. Constancio de Guzman’s “Bayan Ko” (1928), which had
become a rallying song during the Japanese occupation (1942–1945), became the anthem of the
streets as rendered by Freddie Aguilar. No other song, however, captures the euphoria and per-
ceived unity of various groups than the song “Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo” (“Te Filipino’s
Gif to the World”, 1986) penned by Apo Hiking Society’s Jim Paredes. Te song’s music video
featured various artists from diferent genres including Inang Laya, Lester Demetillo, Celeste
Legaspi, and the Apo Hiking Society. A renewed sense of nationalism cut across musical styles
and social classes. Even Pinoy rap music, the latest variety to be heard on the radio airwaves,
contributed to the conversation with Francis M’s “Mga Kababayan Ko” (“My Countrymen”,
1990) as well as his hip-hop version of Heber Bartolome’s “Tayo’y Mga Pinoy” which became
even more popular than the original. On the other hand, Joey Ayala, a native of Mindanao
island, introduced his neo-ethnic styled compositions with his band Bagong Lumad (New
Native) in the group’s album Magkabilaan: Contemporary Music of the Philippines (1988).
A diversity of musical styles blossomed in the last decade of the 20th century as youth groups
diversifed and expanded with their varied lifestyles and concerns. Social stratifcation con-
tinued as new groupings formed and new category labels emerged: the yuppies (young urban
professionals), the jologs (urban poor youth, replacing the jeproks), the promdis (country bump-
kins), and the coño kids (pretentious upper class replacing the burgis). Sophisticated young
bands who grew up listening to rock and jazz emerged with the likes of Neocolours (“Tuloy
Pa Rin”, “Still Going On”, 1990) and Side A (“Forevermore”, 1995). Te Pinoy hip-hop market
fourished with blockbusters like Andrew E’s “Humanap Ka Ng Panget” (“Look for An Ugly
Guy”, 1990) which generated a movie. Dance music remained lucrative with Gary Valenciano’s
song and dance routines such as “Hataw Na” (“Hit It”, 1993). A new generation of rock enthu-
siasts preferred the grungy sounds of alternative rock such as that of the Eraserheads in their
bestselling album UltraElectroMagneticPop! (1993). Te phenomenal Aegis Band, which domi-
nated the C, D, and E markets, closed the decade with the quadruple platinum album Halik
(Kiss, 1998) which included the megahit “Basangbasa sa Ulan” (“Drenched in the Rain”).
Te 20th century witnessed the development of Philippine popular music alongside the
growth and expansion of Filipino youth groupings. Capitalist infrastructures that included
radio, television, and flm companies recognised and invested in the market potential of the
youth early on, resulting in a highly productive and dynamic entertainment industry. While
geo-political entanglements introduced and shaped the path of popular culture, adaptability
and versatility forged an auditory culture uniquely Filipino. Amidst all of these elements, it was
technological development that acted as the main catalyst of the music economy. It is thus ironic
that technology would also play the primary role in the collapse of the recording industry in the
new millennium as the age of the Internet and digital platforms commenced. Unable to cope
with losses incurred from unabated fle-sharing and piracy, recording companies shuttered.
However, 21st-century advancements induced new musical forms and formats native to the
new technologies. To the Kabataang Pinoy this juncture was merely an opportunity to press the
reset button.
Bibliography
Cultural Center of the Philippines Encyclopedia of Philippine Art. Second Edition Volume 7 Music. 2017. Cultural
Center of the Philippines in Cooperation with the Ofce of the Chancellor. Manila: University of the Philippines
Diliman.
Tan, Arwin Q., editor. 2018. Saysay Himig: A Sourcebook on Philippine Music History 1880–1941. Manila: Te
University of the Philippines Press. www.discogs.com
PART III
Artists and Genres
Part III focuses on selected artists and genres of the Nusantara region. Considering the fuid
nature of both popular music and individual identities presented in Part II, the authors in this
section delve into specifc case studies that help to defne and challenge categorisations. Te dis-
cussions reveal intricate positionalities of musicians, composers, and producers as they defne
their genres, and the genres begin to shape their image and creative outputs. In all cases, artists
and genres negotiate ethnic, religious, and cultural identities while navigating cultural policy,
Islam, and government politics that continuously redefne the parameters within which the
industry operates. Te analyses review inter- and intra-regional migrations across diferent
states and national borders, as well as spiritual migrations.
Tis section highlights the embodiment of a Nusantara hybrid identity that characterises
each artist and genre. For artists, Nusantara signifes genealogy, social histories, and interac-
tions of individuals, families, and communities across maritime Southeast Asia. For genres,
it emphasises heritage, material culture, and performance traditions that indigenise popular
music. Nusantara embodiments negotiate cultural norms, religious expectations, and gen-
dered privileges that validate specifc genres and artists and at times challenge counterparts.
Nusantara artists and genres may also challenge boundaries established by the state through
cultural policies, mediated festivals, and a restrained media (with delicadeza, syempre).
Tis section begins with an analysis of musician, composer, and national icon Zubir Said.
Born in Indonesia of a Minangkabau family, Zubir lived most of his life in Singapore and became
an emblematic fgure of the Malay community. Te composer exemplifes a Nusantara identity
that infuences his works and validates his recognition in Singapore specifcally and the Malay
world at large. Chapter 10 looks at dangdut koplo, an Indonesian national popular music genre
that exemplifes Nusantara contestations of cultural, religious, and gender norms. Te chapter
presents three eras addressing specifc artists to discuss musical approaches and the context of
production and consumption. Chapter 11 examines a specifc music showcase that both sup-
ported and was shaped by the music, DIY philosophy, and character of the singer-songwriter
circuit. Te analysis challenges conceptualisations of artists and genres, as well as music eras
of popular music in the Nusantara region. Chapter 12 wraps up part three with an analysis of
a characteristically Nusantara genre, nasyid kontemporari, considering the spiritual journey of
artists supported by indigenous popular music movements.
9
Singapore Arts Icon or Malay Nationalist?
Mobilising Zubir Said Across the Causeway1
Adil Johan
Everyday hundreds of thousands of Malaysians commute from Johor to Singapore for work
via the Singapore–Johor causeway. Built in 1923, the Johor-Singapore Causeway links the
Woodlands Customs and Immigration Quarantine (CIQ) Complex Checkpoint (connecting to
Singapore’s Bukit Timah Expressway) to Johor Bahru’s Sultan Iskandar Building in Malaysia. A
second bridge known as the Tuas Second Link and completed in 1998 connects Singapore’s Ayer
Rajah Expressway to Malaysia’s Second Link Expressway. Te term “across the causeway” is
commonly used among Singaporeans and Malaysians to describe each other’s relative locations
and has manifested beyond geographic meanings, i.e., nationality, ideology, politics, and racial
hegemony. Aside from cultural and historical links, both countries remain mutually dependent
for labour and natural resources as the physical utility and conceptual notion of a causeway of
exchange is central to the Singapore–Malaysia relationship. Tis chapter explores this common
and complex Nusantara relationship through an ethnography of events that commemorated
one of Singapore’s most prominent icons in popular music and the arts.
Zubir Said (1907–1987), a Minangkabau–Indonesian–Malay–Singaporean who composed
Singapore’s national anthem, “Majulah Singapura” (“Onward Singapore”), was commemo-
rated for his musical contributions to the nation in a series of events in 2012 sponsored by the
National Arts Council of Singapore. In 2009 his name was immortalised in the street name
“Zubir Said Drive” where the prestigious Singapore School of the Arts is located. Te follow-
ing pages investigate issues of Malay nationalism and minority cultural politics in Singapore
through an ethnography of public events held in 2012 that commemorated Zubir Said’s musical
contributions to Singapore. I argue that Zubir Said as a Singaporean arts icon is mobilised by
the minority Malay community to claim a stake in a majority Chinese nation despite eforts
by the Singaporean government to promote him as an icon of the island-state’s multicultural
and merit-driven society. Te politics of Malay identity in Singapore must also be understood
in relation to Malay ethnonationalism across the causeway that separates the island-city from
Peninsular Malaysia. Te mobilisation by the minority Malay community of Zubir Said also
serves as a reminder of Singapore’s precarious geopolitical position in the Malay-speaking
Nusantara region (Rahim 2009). Zubir Said was a popular music icon in the production of
Malay-language records and flm music but his cumulative accolades in music also led him to
become one of Singapore’s most prominent national icons – especially for its Malay community.
Tus, the fnal section of this chapter reveals that the acts of commemoration men-
tioned above were also part of the ruling People’s Action Party’s response to a shockingly
103
104 • Adil Johan
less dominant electoral win in 2011. Tat election saw a backlash from Singaporean citizens
against rising costs of living and an ever-increasing immigrant population that resulted in
an ongoing dilution of national culture. Tese acts of commemoration sponsored by the
Singaporean state served to reassert a sense of national identity through the arts. Tese acts
also framed Singapore as a land of opportunity for people of diverse national backgrounds,
unlike neighbouring Malaysia, which champions special privileges or afrmative-action poli-
cies – depending on the critical perspective – for its indigenous Malay majority population
(Goh et al 2009; Noor and Leong 2013). However, such authority-sanctioned initiatives also
ignore the postcolonial context of Singapore’s ethnic and class divisions in which the Chinese
community form the economic and ruling elite. Te following pages unravel these contesta-
tory discourses through an ethnography of three public events: a book launch, a flm festi-
val, and a concert in tribute to Zubir Said. Tese events are also framed against Zubir Said’s
own views on Malay nationalism in the arts written in a post-World War II period when nei-
ther Malaysia nor Singapore existed as a distinct nation state. Before examining Zubir Said’s
views on Malay music, it is necessary to outline the geopolitical context of the nation state of
Singapore in relation to its Nusantara neighbours.
Singapore in the Nusantara

A 1959 painting by Chua Tia Mee titled “National Language Class” depicts Singapore approach-
ing independence from colonial rule during the 1950s to 1960s. It centres on a Malay language
class, in which students of various ethnicities learn the basic phrases “Siapa nama kamu?”
(“What is your name?”), and “Di-mana awak tinggal?” (“Where do you live?”). It is an apt open-
ing reference and cover illustration for Lily Zubaidah Rahim’s (2009) book, Singapore in the
Malay World: Building and Breaching Regional Bridges.
Rahim’s study draws attention to the precarious geopolitical position of Singapore, sur-
rounded by Malay-speaking nations Indonesia and Malaysia. Singapore’s shared colonial and
political history with Malaysia is even more fraught with tension. Te two states along with
Sabah and Sarawak merged in 1963 forming the Federation of Malaysia. Tunku Abdul Rahman’s
Malaysia was to be led by a majority Malay and Muslim coalition that would assert afrmative
action economic policies for citizens deemed indigenous to the land. Lee Kuan Yew’s Chinese
majority island, however, believed in a meritocratic “Malaysian Malaysia”. Tese diferences
were not to be reconciled. In Singapore, racial riots erupted between ethnic Malays and Chinese
in 1964. Due to these communal and political diferences, Singapore was expelled from the
Federation of Malaysia in 1965.
Since 1965 Singapore has experienced tremendous economic growth despite its lack of natu-
ral resources and limited land. Te People’s Action Party (PAP) government has ruled since
1965 in an authoritarian and state capitalist fashion while also being very open to global mar-
kets and foreign labour. Many observe that this is the model of governance that has brought
economic and developmental success to the island state with reduced emphasis on developing
and supporting cultural activities and heritage (Chong 2010, 132, citing Peterson 2001, 11; Chua
1995, 59; and Koh 1989, 736). However, despite its merit-driven ideology, economic and political
dominance is still enjoyed by a majority Chinese ruling elite.
Te ofcial narrative of the nation is articulated through Lee Kuan Yew’s (1998) “Singapore
Story”, which begins with the founding of the island by the British imperialist Stamford Rafes
and proceeds to become further developed by industrious Chinese and Indian labour and capi-
tal. Absent in this narrative is the island’s pre-colonial Malay past, which according to Rahim
Singapore Arts Icon or Malay Nationalist? • 105
has been “relegated to the realm of myth” and part of a systemic process of “forgetting and
remembering the island’s Malay heritage”, thus whitewashing the tumultous and controversial
aspects of the state’s formation (Rahim 2009, 2). Rahim aptly asserts this point by questioning
why the government-sponsored “Malay Heritage Centre” (“Taman Warisan Melayu”) isn’t just
called the “Singapore Heritage Centre” instead (Rahim 2009, 22).
However, the Malay language remains an important foundation of Singapore’s national iden-
tity. While only few non-Malay citizens now speak Malay or understand it, Malay is one of four
ofcial national languages alongside Tamil, Mandarin, and English. Importantly, it is the lan-
guage sung in Singapore’s national anthem, “Majulah Singapura” (“Onwards Singapore”), com-
posed by Zubir Said. While Singapore’s pre-colonial Malay past may be buried in the Singapore
Story narrative, Zubir Said’s position as a popular national icon, along with his clear Malay
nationalist views on the arts, has provided a rallying point for contemporary Singapore–Malays
to claim a stake in Singapore’s history of nation-making.
Malay Nationalist or Singaporean Arts Icon?

Zubir Said was a paragon of the fuid Malay cosmopolitanism during the 1950s. Born of
Minangkabau descent in Bukit Tinggi, Sumatra, he became a bangsawan musician in 1920s
Singapore and eventually became a citizen in 1967 two years afer the formation of Singapore.
In the 1940s to 1950s he, 1) composed music for Malay language flms, 2) was a talent scout and
artist and Repertoire manager for His Masters Voice (HMV) records in Jakarta, 2 3) was a free-
lance photographer, and 4) managed the Indonesian Club in Singapore (Rohana Zubir 2012, 74).
In 1957, he was even invited to write the national anthem for the newly independent Federation
of Malaya. However, all three of his submissions were rejected (106–107).
Zubir Said’s composition “Majulah Singapura” ofcially became Singapore’s state anthem
in 1959 and proceeded to become the national anthem upon the state’s expulsion from the
Federation of Malaysia in 1965 (Rohana Zubir, 3–19). Leading up to this expulsion, however,
Zubir Said was no stranger to the vibrant political exchanges of the Malay community in
Singapore.
During the post-World War II period he held weekly informal group meetings with his peers
of Minangkabau descent who became important Singaporean-Malay fgures. Tese included
Singapore’s frst president, Yusof Ishak,3 the prominent journalist Abdul Rahim Kajai, and
author Zainal Abidin Ahmad @ Za’aba (Zubir Said 1984, Reel 12). It is highly likely that Malay
nationalist ideas about language and culture were exchanged in these meetings with ideas from
Zubir Said’s more politicised peers having a direct impact on him and his consequent work.
Riding on the wave of emerging nationalism leading up to Malayan independence from
British colonial rule, Zubir Said passionately advocated for Malay nationalism in music by
composing numerous patriotic songs and writing nationalistic articles (Rohana Zubir 2012,
102–120; Zubir Said 1956/1957, 1967, 2012a, 2012b). One of his most explicit Malay nationalist
views on the arts was expressed in a publication the same year he became a Singaporean citizen
in 1967.
Te article cites a paper that Zubir Said presented in 1957 for a congress on Malay literature
and the arts. He noted a decline in standards of the Malay language compared to the “glorious
days of the Malay Sultanates (zaman gemilang Kerajaan2 Melayu)” (Zubir Said 1967, 20). Under
courtly patronage in pre-colonial times, musicians and artists were highly valued while “Malay
singing and songs occupied a good position in the feld of arts” (Ibid). He observed that in mod-
ern times such a decline in Malay authenticity and integrity in the arts was “due to the intrusion
106 • Adil Johan
of foreign elements (akibat kemasokan unsor2 asing)”. He then proposed three actionable steps
to remedy this cultural decline in Malay arts including the following:
1) Unsor2 kebangsaan hendak-lah di-tanamkan sa-banyak mungkin ka-dalam nyanyian

Melayu bagi memelihara keperibadian-nya.
2) Unsor2 asing yang merosakkan hendak-lah di-hapuskan dan yang membawa kebaikan
boleh-lah diterima.
3) Penggubah2 lagu serta biduan2 hendak-lah mempunyai pengetahuan yang se-layak-nya
tentang bahasa dan jalan bahasa.
4) Sistem pengajaran nyanyian dengan tulisan musik hendak-lah di-adakan di-sekolah2.
1) Nationalistic elements must be planted as much as possible in Malay songs to preserve their
(Malay) character.
2) Foreign elements that are detrimental must be destroyed and those that are benefcial may
be accepted.
3) Music composers and artist (singers) must have adequate knowledge about the (Malay)
language and its usage.
4) A system for teaching singing and music notation must be run in schools.
(Zubir Said 1967, 20)
Te formation of the Federation of Malaya in 1957 heralded an extensive discourse in Malay

writing on the formation of a national culture that aligned with the opinions of prominent
musicians such as Zubir Said who had been active in the region’s entertainment industry. In
imagining and creating a nation out of the complex and diverse communities of indigenous
groups from the Nusantara, the need to articulate a discourse of decline and preservation was
necessary to narrate a history of a pre-colonial, if not primordial, Malay nation. Tis would
form the basis of the new postcolonial Malay nation that exists within the larger constellation
of Nusantara states. Many Malay nationalists thus refer to the unquestionable sovereignty of
Malay sultanates or “kerajaan” as a bearer and patron of authentic Malay culture (Milner 1982).
Tis political sentiment and strategy is clearly echoed in Zubir Said’s article.
However, in retrospect Zubir Said’s Malay nationalist position is also complicated by his
fuid attachments to multiple spaces and identities between islands of the region. He was a citi-
zen of the Dutch East Indies, born on the island of Sumatra before migrating to Singapore to
earn a living. Prior to World War II, he travelled frequently to Jakarta as an HMV talent scout
for Indonesian recording artists. Tis inter-island mobility thus situates him in the complex and
contradictory socio-cultural politics of nation-states and citizenship in the Nusantara. While
he subscribed to a strong patriotic attachment to the idea of a Malay nation, Zubir Said ulti-
mately wrote the national anthem of a state that stood apart from neighbouring Malay nations.
Singapore became a “non-Malay” state in denial of its pre-colonial Malay past surrounded by
the Malay world (Rahim 2009).
How then, does the Singaporean state reconcile its shunning of its pre-colonial Malay past
with its Malay nationalist icon? Tis query should not ignore the social erasures of other ethnic
communities from national narratives, such as indigenous proto-Malay settlements, sea-dwell-
ing Orang Laut, or other diasporic groups such as the Peranakan, who have long-standing pre-
colonial histories in the Malay Peninsula. However, for the purpose of this chapter, I unravel
the paradoxes and disjunctures specifc to Malay minority politics and Singaporean cultural
nationalism by providing an ethnography of recent events that were held in tribute to Zubir
Said.
Mobilising Zubir Said: Book Launch, Film Festival, and Concert

Te following ofcial events that paid tribute to Zubir Said articulate the intricately linked his-
tory and politics of ethnicity that connect Malaysia and Singapore. All these events occurred
in 2012, an especially signifcant year for commemorating Zubir Said and his work. Tat year
a flm festival on Zubir Said’s flm music was held at the National Museum of Singapore fea-
turing Malay flms from the 1940s to 1960s. In conjunction with this event, a tribute concert
for Zubir Said featuring performances of his extensive repertoire of popular songs was held at
Singapore’s Esplanade Teatres. Tat same year, Zubir Said’s daughter, Rohana Zubir, released a
comprehensive and personal biography of her father, titled Zubir Said: Te Composer of Majulah
Singapura. Rohana Zubir launched her book in Singapore’s Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
(ISEAS) and proceeded to launch her book in Kuala Lumpur on 21 October 2012. Te Malaysian
launch was attended by the Malaysian Minister of Information, Communication, and Culture,
Rais Yatim, the Singapore High Commissioner to Malaysia, Ong Keng Yong, and the former
Prime Minister of Malaysia, Abdullah Badawi (Sinar Harian 21 October 2012). All these events
indicate that Zubir Said’s iconicity moved beyond the causeway that divides and connects
Singapore’s island state from and to the Malaysian Peninsula, thus making him a “bi-national”
cultural icon (or “tri-national” if counting his Indonesian origin). His cultural iconicity is con-
tested, promoted, and remembered through diferent notions of Malay ethnicity, Singaporean
nationalism, and the divergent political positions regarding such issues in both nations.
While the reach of his iconic status is limited in Malaysia, it must be noted that his Singapore-
born daughter and biographer is a Malaysian citizen and is also decorated with the national
honorifc title, “Puan Sri”.4 Her book was sponsored and published by the Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies (ISEAS), a Singapore-based institute. Furthermore, the title of the biography
explicitly positions Zubir Said as the composer of Singapore’s national anthem, thus highlight-
ing his role as a national cultural icon for his adopted country.
I view these modes of remembering Zubir Said as articulating a “causeway” to a complex
and entangled national, cultural, and musical history. At the Malaysian book launch both the
Malaysian Minister and the Singaporean High Commissioner concurred on the need to actively
cooperate in exchanging the historical resources of their shared national history (Sinar Harian
21 October 2012). However, beyond these diplomatic niceties greater tensions are apparent par-
ticularly in Singapore, with regard to the mobilisation of Zubir Said as an ethnonational icon.
“Long Live the Malays!”

Te tribute concert at the Esplanade, for example, was performed to a packed concert hall
and predominantly Malay audience. It had a very “Malay-centric” yet Singaporean nationalist
atmosphere. It was as if Zubir Said was the galvanising icon for the Malay minority’s cultural
stake in Singapore, a country in which Malay is an ofcial national language but whose major-
ity of non-Malay citizens hardly speak and understand the language (Rahim 2009, 1–2, citing
Te Straits Times, 19 August 2006). Tis mobilisation of Zubir Said as an ethnonational icon is
clearly expressed by the concert’s artistic director:
Tonight we celebrate one of the heroes of our race, culture and country. Zubir Said was an
artist who carved the soul of the nation with his steadfast talent and upholding tradition
through his art… Tonight we are proud to present his compositions… [and] songs that have
been arranged in a way so as to tell the story of the life of Pak Zubir himself… the pioneer
Singapore artist.
(Zizi Azah & Amri 2012, 8)
108 • Adil Johan
What is discernible in Zizi Azah’s message is an ethnic-minority voice that mobilises Zubir
Said’s iconic status as a hero of “our race, culture and country”. It is telling that the possessive
“our” is used as well which assumes an exclusive racial demographic of the concert’s attend-
ees. Indeed, the concert was defnitely more of a Malay ethnonational event than a multi-eth-
nic national event for Singapore. Te “our” in the artistic director’s statement also indicates a
political position of authorship in presenting a display of Malayness to non-Malay Singapore.
Moreover, Zubir Said is positioned as “the pioneer Singapore artist” who contributed not just to
the Malay minority community but more so to the establishment of Singaporean national–cul-
tural identity as a whole.
Te concert thus articulated the complex polarisation of Singapore’s multi-ethnic society
and also amplifed the underlying sense of displacement felt by its Malay minority popula-
tion. Te musical contributions of Zubir Said, a Malay national icon, are projected as the pride
and joy of the Singaporean-Malay community as crucial to the formation of the Singaporean
nation-state, while serving as a reminder of the state’s precarious geographic position in a sur-
rounding Alam Melayu (Malay world). As discussed in the introductory chapter, the physical
and conceptual boundaries of Malayness within the Nusantara are complex and contested in
diferent nation-state contexts across the region.
Ethnographically, in my observation of the concert, the contested relations of power between
the state and the concert’s participants were initially subtle but became more apparent towards
the end of the performance. Crucially, my position as a Malaysian-Malay researcher aforded
me a unique perspective to observe the disjuncture of Singaporean Malayness and nationalism
in the concert.
However, the most poignant moment of the concert did not occur during the course of a
multi-generational performance by various Singaporean and Malaysian artists of Zubir Said’s
repertoire of songs. Indeed, the crowd consisted of young and old fans of Zubir Said’s music
and it was clear that the nostalgic and nationalistic aims of the event were achieved, evident in
the generous applause by the audience at the end of each song. Te most interesting moment
occurred at the end of the concert when all of the performers were invited on stage along with
their most honoured guest, Rohana Zubir, to sing the national anthem, “Majulah Singapura”.
Everyone rose dutifully and sang the anthem loudly and clearly and at the end of the song,
amidst the sustained and thunderous applause, I heard a young Malay man a few seats behind
me exclaim in jest, “Hidup Melayu! Hidup UMNO!” (“Long live the Malays! Long live UMNO!”).
With great irony, UMNO (United Malays National Organisation) had been the ruling party
of Malaysia since the nation’s formation until 2018. Its ruling mandate was based on champion-
ing afrmative action (or special privileging) policies for Malays and indigenous Malaysians, a
policy directly in opposition to Singapore’s PAP-led meritocratic principles. Even more contro-
versially, some accounts have pinpointed UMNO instigators as the source for Singapore’s 1964
race riots:
It was reported that on the eve of the riots, leafets urging Malays to kill Chinese were dis-
tributed in the city… Tese leafets were said to have borne the label “Singapore Malay
National Action Committee”. Tis body, set up earlier in July was sponsored by members of
the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the dominant party in the multi-racial
coalition which controls the Federal Government of Malaysia. Indeed, there is reason to
believe that prominent fgures in UMNO, including its secretary-general, have been actively
engaged in a campaign of agitation among Malays in Singapore with the ostensible object
of securing special benefts for their co-religionists. It would probably be nearer to the truth
to say that these activities were part of a deliberate design to embarrass, if not remove, the
Chinese-dominated People’s Action Party (PAP) government in Singapore which is regarded

by many in UMNO as a threat to continued Malay pre-eminence in Malaysia’s political life.
(Leifer 1964, 1115)
While UMNO may be linked to a violent and socially divisive riot in the history of Singapore,
it remains an important link that Singaporean-Malays have to a sense of autonomy from the
Singaporean state, at least in ideological terms. Recollections of the riots still resonate with a
combined memory of ethnic and religious sentiments (Low 2001, 439–442). Many Singaporean-
Malays present during the 1964 riots link these to the religiously fuelled Nadra (Maria Hertogh)
riots in 1950 (Low 2001, 442; Aljunied 2009). However, the Singaporean state through ofcial
narratives in the media and national education programmes use recollections of the riots to fur-
ther state policies related to national cohesion especially among the younger generation. Tese
ofcial narratives are used to legitimise “the need for a Singaporean national identity and as a
means of extending the discourse of ‘being Singaporean’”, contrasting the “unruly plurality of
popular memories” (Low 2001, 452).
Such “popular memories” are manifested intimately in poignant “inside jokes” like the one
blurted out by the Zubir Said concert attendees above (“Long Live UMNO!”), which encapsulate
the paradoxes and historical continuities of contemporary Singaporean-Malay identity. Te act
of remembering Zubir Said, while instilling national pride, also reminds Singaporean-Malays
of their marginal and controversial position in the history of Singapore’s nation-making.
Onwards Past the 2011 General Elections

By contrast, the more overtly state-sanctioned event commemorating Zubir Said and his works
in the National Museum’s flm festival, MAJULAH! (ONWARDS!), attempts to subdue the
racialised tensions that were apparent in the tribute concert. Te social climate afer the 2011 gen-
eral elections, which saw signifcant and unprecedented dissatisfaction with Singapore’s ruling
People’s Action Party (PAP), resulted in increased government attention on Singaporean-Malay
heritage and local arts to promote a greater sense of national culture. However, government rep-
resentatives, institutions, and their agents also justify the increasing infux of foreign labour – a
point of resentment among citizens – by highlighting Singapore’s multicultural inclusivity as
an integral component of its national culture. Tis is done by perpetuating a less ethno-centric
and more “inclusive” nationalist discourse:
Zubir Said’s life epitomises the story of the many thousands of Singaporeans who originated
elsewhere but found roots in Singapore and gave this country unreservedly their life-time’s
work, heart and soul… Zubir Said’s music should help us recall the time in which we were
energised by a singular hope and sense of purpose for the nascent country that was being
born. Tat the anthem is written in Malay by a composer from Bukit Tinggi reminds us of
Singapore’s place in the Malay world, but also of the inclusive multicultural basis on which
our society is built. Tis society asked not where one had come from, but what one had come
to give (and what one would bear).
(Lee 2012, 12–13)
Te foreward to the booklet for MAJULAH! by Lee Chor Lin, the National Museum’s Director at
the time, implies a more racially inclusive vision of Zubir Said as a national icon. However, this
overlooks his explicit historical role in the propagation of Malay-nationalist ideas. Lee acknowl-
edges that Zubir Said’s Malayness “reminds us of Singapore’s place in the Malay world”, but
110 • Adil Johan
stresses in a somewhat overcompensatory manner the inclusivity of Singapore’s “multicultural”

society (Lee 2012, 13). Considering his positionality as indigenous to the region, Malay or non-
Chinese, a nationalised as opposed to ethnicised promotion of Zubir Said’s iconicity efectively
washes over any possibility for ethnic sentiment in claiming a stake to Singapore’s nation-mak-
ing. Singapore in its inception is envisioned as a diverse cosmopolis in which anyone from any
background could contribute to the national project, provided they contributed signifcantly.
Tis idea is very much in line with the narrative of success encapsulated by the majority Chinese
population of the island. Markedly, Zubir Said’s afliation to the regional Malay nationalist ideas
of the 1950s is downplayed to promote a vision of a cosmopolitan nation-state comprised of
dedicated citizens from diferent backgrounds. By stating his origins as being “a composer from
Bukit Tinggi”, the National Museum director actually detaches Zubir Said from his political and
ethnonationalist Malay afnities. Te MAJULAH! flm festival thus articulated Zubir Said’s cos-
mopolitan history and music but also downplayed his role in envisioning Malay nationalism in
his music. It efectively subsumed the representation of his works as “a site for the performance of
multicultural fantasies” envisioned by Singaporean state cultural policies (Chong 2010, 137-139).
In line with this, Low Zu Boon, one of the organisers for the festival, informed me that
the festival was part of a general “mandate from the top… in terms of cultural policy” that
was seeing an increased emphasis on “local content” in 2012 (Low 2012). Low (2012) informed
me of a shif towards more local cultural content in government organisations that occurred
“quite recently… post (2011) general elections”. Low curated the flms and conducted research
for the festival. He admitted that Zubir Said was not that well known among many (non-Malay)
Singaporeans prior to this. He also admitted that the festival organisers’ artistic and historical
intentions were a convenient ft with the National Heritage Board’s ofcial mission statement
“to preserve and celebrate our shared heritage” by “safeguarding and promoting the heritage
of our diverse communities, for the purpose of education, nation-building and cultural under-
standing” (Low 2012, with reference to National Heritage Board 2012–2013).
Importantly, all these initiatives for promoting national culture occurred in the wake of the
2011 general elections in Singapore. Te ruling PAP saw a marked reduction in the majority of
its votes in the election and a signifcant loss of voters to the Singapore Workers Party (SWP).
Some of the cultural issues that contributed to discontent towards the ruling party included a
sense of deteriorating local culture and the increase of immigrant labour (Ortmann 2011, 153).
Perhaps what contributed to a shif in interest to Malay icons in the arts was the publication
of a book containing interviews of Lee Kuan Yew (Singapore’s very frst prime minister), Hard
Truths to Keep Singapore Going, in 2011 that had “served to upset Malay voters” by stating “that
all religions and races except Islam could be integrated” into Singapore’s national fabric in the
long term (Chong 2012, 290). Lee Kuan Yew’s statement reads:
I think we were progressing very nicely until the surge of Islam came, and if you asked me for
my observations, the other communities have easier integration – friends, inter-marriages
and so on – than Muslims… Muslims socially do not cause any trouble, but they are distinct
and separate.
(Lee 2011, 228)
Across the causeway, Malaysia’s then former prime minister (who briefy reassumed the coun-
try’s prime minister role from 2018 to early 2020) commented with the following:
Now Kuan Yew is urging Muslims not to hold to the teachings of Islam too strictly. Most
Muslims are in breach in their practice of Islam. But it is not for others to tell the Muslims
that they should renege on their practice of Islam to facilitate integration in Singapore. In
Malaysia we try to live with our diferences. Our integration is not perfect because we are
sensitive to the sensitivities of our people. We do not ask people to forsake their religious
practices so we can integrate.
(Mahathir Mohamad 2011, http://chedet.cc/?p=505)
Of course, a comment from Lee Kuan Yew’s de facto rival in Malaysia would aptly fuel the sen-
timents of discontent among Singapore’s Malay population. However, Lee and his son Prime
Minister Lee Hsien Loong were quick to apologise to the Singaporean public. By March 2011,
Lee Kuan Yew resigned himself to be “corrected” about his views by Malay and non-Malay
Ministers from PAP at the time (Te Online Citizen 2011). Te public apology from Lee Hsien
Loong was even endorsed by the current, Malay president of Singapore, Halimah Yacob (Te
Online Citizen 2011).
Tus, amidst all the pre-election controversy involving the Malay community, Zubir Said was
indeed a convenient ft for the new national culture initiatives of the ruling PAP government,
serving to cool the fames of resentment incited by Singapore’s frst Prime Minister. To this end,
the state needed to actively promote local Malay icons and their history while also reminding
its citizens that immigrant labour is what made Singapore in the frst place, thereby legitimising
the ruling “immigrant” Chinese elite presence as well as the continuous (and necessary) infux
of foreign labour. Further, the state needed to shif the narrative of hostile, Muslim Malays
beyond the 1950s and 1960s communal riots and as a group of people who were supposedly not
well integrated into Singaporean society, by reclaiming a popular Malay-nationalist music icon
as an active contributor to the nation’s multiethnic workforce and cultural economy.
Reconciling Singapore’s Relationship with the Nusantara

Tis chapter provided an overview of Singapore’s contentious geopolitical position in the
Nusantara, discussed Malay nationalist ideas related to music, and provided an ethnography
of events dedicated to remembering the musician, flm composer, and arts icon Zubir Said.
Te events included in this chapter highlight Zubir Said’s cosmopolitan life and his musical
contributions to national culture including the paradoxes and disjunctures of his iconicity in
the national and ethnonational context of Singapore. It was revealed that Zubir Said was actu-
ally a staunch advocate for Malay nationalism as evidenced in his writings on the preservation
and development of Malay musical arts, albeit written during a period of intense postcolonial
nation-making in the region. Zubir Said’s music, particularly his composition of Singapore’s
national anthem, is a pertinent reminder of the Malay minority’s presence and relevance in
a Singapore that has over the years distanced itself from a Malay national identity. Across the
causeway, Zubir Said is remembered as an important contributor to a shared Malay musical
heritage between Malaysia and Singapore and importantly, since the 2011 general elections in
Singapore, there has been a greater emphasis on Malay content in the state’s cultural institu-
tions. Tus, as the MAJULAH! flm festival has shown, greater attention has been paid to Zubir
Said beyond his commonly remembered role as the composer of the national anthem. However,
in line with Singaporean state policy, these events actively downplay his role as a Malay nation-
alist and instead represent him as a paragon of Singapore’s inclusive and multicultural citizenry;
an idealised vision of the island-state that ignores its tumultuous political past and precarious
relationship to the surrounding Malay world and its own Malay minority citizens.5
Te Singaporean state has always displayed sophistication in its attempts to reconcile its
complex position in the Nusantara, while also managing a multicultural citizenry. Te most
112 • Adil Johan
recent act of reconciliation towards the Malay community can be seen in its appointment of
the nation’s frst Malay president in forty-seven years, Halimah Yacob (Lee 2017). In addition,
the state is currently revisioning its nation’s “once lopsided” history by recognising its pre-
colonial Nusantara past in conjunction with Singapore’s Bicentennial which marks two hun-
dred years since its “discovery” by British colonial agent Stamford Rafes (Adil 2019, 461–472;
SG Bicentennial n.d.). However, beyond these political and historical initiatives, this chapter
has drawn attention to how music and music icons in particular are instrumentalised by the
state and its citizens to advance political interests in the context of an inherently complex and
interconnected Nusantara nationalism that oscillates across fxed state boundaries. In this, the
conception of a metaphorical “causeway” (or network) across Nusantara borders of continual
exchanges in artistic and political expressions is crucial in understanding Singapore in relation
to its regional neighbours.
Notes
1 A version of this chapter was presented at the 9th EUROSEAS Conference 2017 held at the University of Oxford
on 16–18 August 2017, in a panel organised by the author titled, “Contestations of Performing Arts Within and
Across Southeast Asian Borders”. Additional research for this chapter was supported with funding from the
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Geran Galakan Penyelidik Muda (GGPM-2017-079).
2 Other important talent scouts from the period in Indonesia include Said Abdullah, a composer of Arab descent
who popularised local genres such as keroncong to promote nationalist ideas (Prihandoko 2018; Yampolsky
2013).
3 For more on Yusof Ishak, see Norshahril (2015).
4 Dr Rohana Zubir retired in 1992 as an Associate Professor and Deputy Dean at the University of Malaya, Kuala
Lumpur. Her honorifc title, “Puan Sri”, was conferred to her late husband, Tan Sri Dato Dr. Hj Abdul Hamid Hj
Abdul Rahman, who was also the Vice Chancellor of the National University of Malaysia (Universiti Kebangsaan
Malaysia) from 1984 to 1993.
5 For more on diverse origins, history, and contemporary origins of “Malayness”, see Barnard (2004); Andaya
(2008); Milner (2008); Maznah and Aljunied (2011).
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10
Te Popularisation and
Contestation of Dangdut Koplo in
the Indonesian Music Industry
Michael H.B. Raditya
Introduction
Tis chapter presents a reading of three popular eras of dangdut koplo within the Indonesian
music industry in 2003, 2013, and 2017. Trough an investigation of the construction of a genre-
based music industry, the discussion begins with Inul Daratista’s dangdut koplo (2003), pro-
ceeding then to the Cesar’s dance phenomenon (2013), and to a new style of dangdut koplo
from Pantura Melayu orchestras and various singers, such as Via Vallen, Nella Kharisma, and
Ratna Antika (2017). Considering the relation between central and regional popular logics, the
examination of the three eras discusses the cultural context of dangdut koplo with an emphasis
on power negotiation within the Indonesian popular music industry.
Dangdut koplo, which signifes dangdut music from East Java, gained popularity in the
Indonesian national music industry on several occasions. As a variant of dangdut created at
the regional level, dangdut koplo originated in an area known as Jarak Street in Surabaya dur-
ing the early to mid-1990s1 and is characterised by a drum pattern with a fast tempo that
initiates the song. Te fast-tempo music accompanied prostitutes while they were in the act
of servicing their clients in Surabaya 2 during the 1990s. Tere are two innovators associated
with this rhythmic pattern, namely, the Waryo drummers (from the group M.O. Armega) and
Slamet Rudi Hartono (from the group M.O. Palapa). Tey are ofen credited as the musicians
who popularised the style of drumming known as koplo (Weintraub 2013, 168). Tis fast-beat
music is also associated with an illegal drug that was famous in this area and sold with a cheap
price known as “koplo pills”, a hallucinogenic drug (Raditya 2013, 5). During the frst era
of dangdut koplo, the fast tempo and kendang (drum) beats became signifers of prostitution
and drugs. Dangdut koplo music was eventually disseminated through the inter-provincial
national highway pantura (Pantai Utara or North Javanese Coast highway) and via pirated
VCDs. When examining dangdut koplo, the history of this Indonesian popular genre cannot
be separated from the lead fgure Inul Daratista. Various discussions by Faruk and Aprinus
Salam (2003), Ariel Heryanto (2008), Andrew N. Weintraub (2010, 2013), Darajat (2017), and
Raditya (2013, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019) discuss the Inul Daratista phenomenon. Te popu-
larity of dangdut koplo during the frst period soared with the controversies surrounding Inul
Daratista in 2003.
114
Te Popularisation of Dangdut Koplo • 115
Inul is a female singer of dangdut koplo from Pasuruan in East Java, who started performing
at the village level. Society in East Java – with Muslim abangan (a syncretic version of Islam)
villages – ofen have dangdut koplo during their events. In 2002, a video of her performance
at a wedding in East Java spread widely, both in the region and beyond. Te popularity of the
video was related to her tight clothes and sexy dance movements. As a result, dangdut koplo
was banned as a vulgar and immoral performance, especially for the Jakarta audience that had
never seen such rendition. However, this type of performance was not a new phenomenon in
East Java where dangdut koplo was widely enjoyed and characterised by a music tempo and
presentation context that difered from Jakarta’s dangdut. Musicians who played dangdut koplo
would adjust the tempo and drum beat to enhance the dance (Raditya 2013, 83) with various
movement references sung by the singer. Hence, Malay orchestras in East Java focused on live
performances with dancers.
Aside from East Java, scholars recorded that performers in other regions show a simi-
lar tendency. Ceres Pioquinto (1995) reported singer eroticism in Pasar Sekaten, Surakarta.
Meanwhile, P.M. Laksono (1997) discussed analogous performance patterns in Purawisata,
Yogyakarta. In the same city of Yogyakarta, Max Ricther described a similar experience: “I
witnessed in 2001, organizers of Yogyakarta’s Sekaten Night Fair banned Dangdut music, cos-
tumes, and dance styles, only for some music groups to slip sexual display back into the pro-
ceedings through dangdut music and mannerisms” (2012, 13). Te “erotic” signifer became
a pattern of dangdut koplo specifcally and a number of “regional” dangdut performances at
large outside Jakarta.
Controversy emerged when Inul Daratista’s performance was placed under a regulation in
Jakarta following Rhoma Irama’s standard performance approaches. Inul Daratista’s “drill
dance” made Rhoma Irama (known as the “king of dangdut”) very upset. As a strong and dili-
gent Muslim, Rhoma Irama stated that Inul’s “drill dance” was not simply a dance, but also a
moral threat to society. Rhoma Irama also stated that such “porn action” must be forbidden
from being shown to the public. In fact, Inul Daratista’s earlier cassette titled “Goyang Inul” was
banned by Rhoma Irama and PAMMI (Persatuan Artis Musik Melayu Indonesia – Indonesian
Malay Music Artists Association). Heeren (2012, 165) recorded that “in 2003, new interest in
an anti-pornography law was aroused by the enormous upheaval across the country caused by
the erotic dance movements of the dangdut singer Inul Daratista”. Tis statement referenced
Wiwik Sushartami’s (2012) who said that, “Te row between Inul and Rhoma Irama received
wide exposure in the Indonesian mass media and divided Indonesia into pro- and contra-Inul
camps”. Along with her popularity, the contestation between Rhoma Irama and Inul Daratista
persists until the present day.
Despite the controversy, Inul Daratista reached a popularity peak in 2003. Te video of her
performance was widely disseminated which made her increasingly famous. She was invited to
Jakarta regularly to sing, dance, and participate in talk shows. Jakarta’s music industry saw her
as a proft opportunity. Rapidly, Inul’s full performance schedule resulted in high wages. Since
the village beginnings of her career, she went from receiving Rp 10,000/15,000 (see Faruk and
Aprinus 2003, 25) to hundreds of millions of Indonesian rupiah3 for a single performance at the
national level. At that time, Inul became an icon of “new” dangdut music – a movement that
developed standard approaches initiated by Rhoma Irama. However, Inul Daratista’s popularity
did not manage to support a number of agents of the dangdut koplo ecosystem. Tis included
Nabavenas – the orchestra led by Nur Ali that invited Inul to sing regularly for the frst time
and M.O. (Malay Orchestra) Putra Buana, an orchestra that supported Inul’s development in
East Java. As a result, dangdut koplo as a genre did not enjoy a long-lasting authority within the
116 • Michael H.B. Raditya
Indonesian popular music industry, compared to Inul Daratista. Within this context, I will now
discuss the trajectory of dangdut koplo’s popularisation.
Local Aesthetic Versus National Standard: Behind the Contestation

Regional dangdut (dangdut daerah) depicts a similar phenomenon in many regions, such as the
Minang saluang dangdut in West Sumatra, dangdut melayu in Riau, pongdut or dangdut jaipong
in West Java, and dangdut koplo in East Java. Hatch (1985) and Philip Yampolsky (2001) defne
the local popular music genre (pop daerah) as featuring the following: “(1) they are sung in local
languages; (2) they have indigenous musical elements; and (3) they are produced in local record-
ing studios for a local market”. “ʻLocal’ refers to musical practices of an ethnic or regional group
in relation to the national level (for example, Minang, Javanese, Acehnese), representing local
interests in the realm of culture” (2010, 19). Local musicians not only played dangdut music
but also appropriated and adapted the national genre known as “Dangdut a la Rhoma Irama”
and colleagues in PAMMI, and their musical references. Tis strategy proved compatible with
local industries. However, dangdut koplo became a new national phenomenon through which
the level of audience consumption shifed from the local to the national industry. From 2013 to
2017, dangdut koplo was the top genre in the Indonesian music industry. Te songs, musicality,
and performances were imitated by local Melayu orchestras in many regions.
However, dangdut koplo did not generate instant popularity especially during the Suharto
era when Indonesia experienced social pressure and fears. Suharto’s military regime (1967–
1998) was “built on an excessively masculine power obsessed with control and women’s sub-
mission” (Wieringa 2003, 72). Dangdut koplo was supported by a new industry context in the
mid-1990s characterised by a “changing landscape of politics and economics, greater access to
technology, lack of enforcement on locally produced recordings, and the de-centralization of
the music industry” (Weintraub 2013, 166). Te post-Suharto era stimulated a new condition
of vulnerability, anxiety, and chaos, but also of hope and energy to explore something new. It
also afrmed a freedom to conduct musical breakthroughs. Melayu orchestras played existing
songs but with diferent tempos, drum beats, and arrangements. Te exploration of harmony
and fast tempos became iconic of Malay orchestras in East Java while the success of dangdut
koplo destroyed the hegemony of “dangdut klasik” (classic dangdut) and the national music
industry. Rhoma Irama’s management went on to contact the leaders of orchestras, some of
whom were in Jombang, East Java, alleging three things: frstly, their songs were played with-
out permission; secondly, the song arrangement was changed; thirdly, the dances of dangdut
koplo performances were problematic. In East Java, Inul’s dance was named “koplo dance” (goy-
angan koplo) (Faruk and Aprinus 2003, 275). However, the complaints were ignored by local
Melayu orchestras. Dangdut koplo was favoured not only because of Inul but also due to the
East Javanese arrangements, and the use of distinct local musical elements and performance
patterns. Dangdut koplo created a local aesthetic that countered national standards supported
by Rhoma Irama, PAMMI, and the national music Industry based in Jakarta, at the western
side of the island.
Te Popular Development of Dangdut Koplo: from Inul Daratista to Via Vallen

For the discussion of dangdut koplo’s popularity, I present three peak moments in East Java
marked by the spread and great attention from consumers. Tose three moments are: dang-
dut koplo’s nationalisation through popular music by Inul Daratista in 2003; dangdut koplo
as popularised by Goyang Cesar in 2013; and dangdut koplo marked by the spread of Melayu
Orchestras of East Java in 2017 and the popularity of singers such as Via Vallen, Nella Kharisma,
Ratna Antika, and others.
National Popularisation of Dangdut Koplo and its Contestation

Te fast-tempo drumming, arrangement, as well as the dance of the singer became a stand-
ard formula of dangdut koplo since its inception until the height of its popularity in 2003. Te
Pasuruan singer Inul Daratista became an icon and local favourite. Even though Inul Daratista
was not the only agent of change for dangdut koplo, one cannot deny her contributions primar-
ily through her dance recorded on VCDs which caught the attention of central Javanese com-
munities and other regions. In the same year, Inul created an album entitled “Goyang Inul”.
Following this, Inul’s “drill dance” resulted in the controversy with Rhoma Irama’s PAMMI,
Elvy Sukaesih’s IKARDI (Ikatan Keluarga Artis Dangdut Indonesia – Indonesian Dangdut
Association), and other Dangdut singers.
Inul had also been mistreated by Rhoma Irama in various ways:
1. At a press conference Rhoma Irama attacked Inul’s dance on 19 April 2003;

2. At a meeting between Rhoma and Inul (following the fatwa from Rhoma), there was shout-
ing and rude sentences uttered by Rhoma on 24 April 2003;
3. PAMMI – under Rhoma Irama – held a ceremony for Inul’s conversion on 27 April 2003
(Faruk and Aprinus 2003, 291–293);
4. Rhoma pointed at and humiliated Inul again when speaking about RUU Pornograf (Law
on Pornography) in 2006 in the Indonesia DPR building (House of Representatives);
5. A negative image was created by PAMMI stating that dangdut koplo was not dangdut
(Raditya, 2017).
However, Inul Daratista was well-known and became a commodity of Jakarta’s popular music
scene. Te “on-air schedule” increased in quantity afer Rhoma released the fatwa (nonbind-
ing legal opinion) on Inul. Consequently, the national entertainment industry made Inul more
popular while, in the eyes of Rhoma and his colleagues, Inul was guilty and shameless.
Even though Inul worked hard to sustain the dangdut music path until the present and regu-
larly serves as a judge of dangdut singing competitions held by the national television station
Indosiar such as “D’Academy”, “Bintang Pantura” (“Pantura Star”), “Liga dangdut” (“Dangdut
League”), etc., Inul cannot “pay of” the controversy in the eyes of Rhoma Irama and his dan-
gdut regime. Until today, Rhoma Irama refuses to perform on the same stage with Inul. Even
singers from Rhoma’s regime such as Ikke Nurjanah and Iis Dahlia argue with Inul at times.
Te tension allows the construction of a view that society’s knowledge of dangdut koplo, from
2003 until today, and the popularity of the music are reduced to the dance and the controversy
discussed above.
While Inul has been subjected to humiliation, many parties defend her. Her defenders include
Gus Dur and Guruh Soekarno Putra, and in communities in East Java there were demonstra-
tions with participants holding posters that said: “Rhoma is forbidden in East Java” (Faruk and
Aprinus 2003, 294). Even though East Java used to idolise Rhoma Irama, they forbid him to enter
the region because of his attitude towards Inul. Tis shows that the music (read: power) of Rhoma
Irama formed in the centre is “defeated” by Inul’s power (read: dangdut koplo) in East Java. Tey
sacrifced dangdut’s idol for the new idol given that dangdut koplo is closer, both physically and
emotionally, to the local society. Although the demonstration posters did not represent all the
attitudes about Melayu Orchestras in East Java, the message can be interpreted as signifying a
sense of belonging by local communities and the exercise of local tactics against central domina-
tion. Tey listened to Rhoma Irama’s dangdut, but do not fully “own it”. Tey have dangdut koplo
because the performance is an organic musical product of East Java. Te contestation not only
occurred from the centralised dangdut, but also through dangdut koplo’s response.
Dangdut koplo is read as an alternative modernity. Te controversy surrounding Inul in 2003
was not only limited to Inul’s dance which was considered erotic, but also highlighted conficts
of interest with Jakarta’s dangdut (centralised and part of the national music industry based
in Indonesia’s capital) dominated by Rhoma Irama vis-à-vis the regional dangdut koplo. Tese
two rivals are not only a product of regional issues, but also ideological ones. Popular devel-
opments at the centre highlight individuality4 – similar to the framework of modern music
– while regional popularities encourage collectivity – similar to traditional music with com-
munal transmission patterns. Jakarta’s music industry is individualised through the creation
of a central fgure, star, or frontman as the popular symbol. Meanwhile, dangdut koplo uses
collectivity logics where performance and popularity are connected when both orchestra play-
ers and singers are recognised. Even the names of Melayu orchestras in East Java are similar or
as important as the singers such as M.O. Sonata, M.O. Sera, M.O. Monata, M.O. Sagita, M.O.
Lagista, and others. Tis can be read as a symbiotic relationship where both elements cooperate
with each other due to the success of dangdut koplo in performances, both live and recorded. As
a result, the contestation between Inul Daratista and Rhoma Irama is also between the regional
and the national; between local aesthetics and national standards.
Local dangdut is read only as product variant, not as a logic or local strategy, in negotiation
with the centre. Because it was popularised at the national level, dangdut koplo disrupted the
stability and the scheme of national dangdut music – as well as Jakarta’s music industry – with
distinct patterns from central or national to regional experiences. In fact, the presence of dan-
gdut koplo represented a new scheme where regional genres had the opportunity to become
dominant at the national level. Dimensions of the local and national are not only based on
the quantity of support and popularity. With dangdut koplo, the logic of communities towards
popular music is not a single unifed or centralised one.
With a popularity focus on a central fgure, and not necessarily Inul Daratista, similar sing-
ers emerged such as Trio Macan, Dewi Persik, Annisa Bahar, and others. Te popularity of
dangdut koplo during the frst phase focused on the singers with dance variants and fast tempos.
Te songs produced during the 2003 democratic era refected opportunities for the freedom
of lyrics and open forms of expression, speaking of love stories, afairs, and broken hearts in a
blunt manner.
Te National “Goyang Cesar” Phenomenon

Te second phase of popularity of dangdut koplo at the national level began in 2013. Te televi-
sion show Yuk Kita Sahur5 (“Let’s Sahur” – sahur is the early morning meal consumed before
fasting) featured dangdut koplo as the music accompaniment with a man named Caisar6 who
accompanied the theme song with his characteristic dangdut dance movements. Caisar’s ener-
getic dance to the fast tempo dangdut koplo song supported the show that received the high-
est rating7 and eventually more air time was added with the show titled Yuk Keep Smile. Te
new segment carried a similar format with Caisar’s dance accompanying dangdut koplo. Caisar
illustrated the dance movements energetically responding to various dangdut koplo songs in
front of the audience. Caisar’s dance became a hit on Indonesian TV but eventually he decided
to move out of the entertainment world and concentrate on his studies and Islamic missionary
endeavours.
Caisar’s phenomenal dance boomed because he listened to the orchestra that stimulated him
to move energetically. It was M.O. Sonata, the Melayu orchestra from Jombang, that inspired
Caisar to dance. Instead of using a backtrack, Caisar, who ofen watched VCDs of M.O. Sonata,
brought the orchestra to the show Yuk Kita Sahur. “Caisar was asked by Soimah about his dance
idea. Caisar then answered that M.O. Sonata was the one that inspired him. From this discus-
sion, M.O. Sonata performed in three episodes of Yuk Kita Sahur” (Raditya and Simatupang
2018, 443). Edy Sonata, the manager, provided a diferent musical touch. Having worked in
the dangdut industry since the 1980s, Edy brought his experience in dangdut music having
also played in Trio Macan (2002) and New Trio Macan (2005), two popular dangdut groups
in Jakarta. In 2011, Edy concentrated again on an album and new music with his orchestra.
Consequently, the fast tempo was accompanied by bamboo instruments that became a standard
and added colour to the East Javanese genre at the time. Te musical infuences of M.O. Sonata
were popularised when they played on Yuk Kita Sahur and other national television shows.
During this second era the popularity of television was crucial to the re-introduction of dang-
dut koplo at the national level. Once again dancing was a prominent feature of the popularisation
of dangdut koplo and Caisar’s phenomenal presence generated a large exploitation potential. Te
dance started to be choreographed and performed by large numbers of people. Te presence of
Caisar also changed the earlier female erotic dance stigma of dangdut, becoming energetic, fun,
and led by a man. Rather than the swaying and rhythmical movements of the Rhoma Irama, Cici
Paramida, and Ikke Nurjanah era, the new movements followed the fast drum patterns and beat.
Tis further enhanced the signifcance of participatory elements of dangdut koplo accompanied
by a live performance as key to the success and popularity of the genre.
Te second national popularity era of dangdut koplo led by Caisar’s dance in Jakarta also had
an efect at the regional level. Te speed of drum patterns, fast tempo staccato breaks, and flled
beats became a musical trend of orchestras in East Java. Furthermore, the television programme
gave Melayu orchestras an opportunity to contribute in determining the musicality of dangdut
koplo, and thus central dangdut. Afer M.O. Sonata played on national television in Jakarta
some Melayu orchestras in Jakarta followed the musical patterns of orchestras from East Java.
While at times this was done to cut the production costs of inviting Melayu orchestras from
East Java, the musical elements of dangdut koplo Melayu orchestras afected the central form
of dangdut. Tis era was characterised by a reciprocal relationship between the regional and
central dangdut forms.
Regionalising National Dangdut

During the third phase, dangdut koplo caught the public’s attention in 2017. Unlike the two
previous eras marked by dance movements, the new phase was marked by new talented singers,
new musical elements, and lyrics that resonated with the people along with attractive perfor-
mances. Te popularity was not instant but based on the foundations of previous orchestras
and their regional popularity in Pantura and East Java. Some orchestras developed earlier ideas
from M.O. Sonata, M.O. RGS, and M.O. Roneta from Jombang that added ethnic elements such
as the calung bamboo xylophone. New groups began to perform dangdut music with a fast
tempo and the inclusion of ethnic musical arrangements. M.O. Sagita, M.O. Zagita, and M.O.
Lagista from Nganjuk with jandhut (jatilan dangdut, based on traditional music and dance) was
also widely spread. Te emergence of M.O. Lagista was a product of earlier jandhut orchestras
ofering modern jathilan renditions. M.O. Nirwana, and a group New GPS Sip, had a similar
orchestra for its patrol dangdut. M.O. Sera became famous in 2013 with pop dangdut or reggae
music similar to M.O. Monata and a male singer with a reggae style named Sodiq.8
Singers from this new era received much attention. Via Vallen, a female singer from Surabaya,
together with M.O. Sera became a new dangdut koplo star. Via Vallen had been widely known
since 2013 because of her performances and voice which were distinctly diferent during Inul
Daratista’s era. Similarly, a singer from M.O. Lagista named Nella Kharisma was also widely
known because of her performances and unique voice. Other singers include Ratna Antika,
Imelda Veronika, Tasya Rosmala, Jihan Audy, Irenne Ghea, and others who had diferent styles
compared to dangdut koplo singers. Tese singers have a vocal style that mixes pop and other
musical genres with a decreased Melayu timbre, strong techniques, friendly interaction, and
fewer dance movements compared to Inul, and follow modern pop infuences with casual refer-
ences to K-Pop. Although not all singers observe this pattern, a large wave of change in style
among singers took place in East Java. As a result, in 2017 dangdut koplo became signifcantly
diferent from the previous eras. Together with Melayu orchestras and new singers, dangdut
koplo took on a new image that did not rely on dance anymore. Te King of dangdut, Rhoma
Irama, went as far as to accept Via Vallen as his singing partner at the anniversary of Indosiar,
“Konser Raya 24 Indonesia Luar Biasa” (Raditya, 2019). Other dangdut koplo singers such as
Nella Kharisma also performed in the concert.
Tis new popular era was also highly afected by social media. Since 2015, various videos
of performances of the above-mentioned Melayu orchestras spread via social media platforms
such as Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube. Although these performances started in 2015,
2017 was very important and monumental. In 2017, the Melayu orchestras received increased
attention and generated great popularity via social media: netizens supported their YouTube,
Facebook, and Instagram postings. Video performances of Melayu orchestras were reposted by
Indonesian netizens many times. Additionally, increased attention not only came from listeners
or dangdut fans but also from listeners of other musical genres at the national level. In 2017 the
orchestras and the singers of dangdut koplo music became famous once again at the national
level with some media commentators stating that dangdut koplo marked the peak of the dang-
dut music evolution.9 Te media’s argument was that the popularity of dangdut koplo was very
high and had become the reference source for dangdut music among fans and the community at
large. Dangdut koplo songs ofen played in many places such as cafes, shops, food courts, ofces,
supermarkets, sport centres, etc. Te artist Via Vallen won three awards: Most Popular Singer
and Most Popular Dangdut Singer at the SCTV Music Awards 2017, and Most Popular Female
Solo Dangdut Singer at the Indonesian Dangdut Awards 2017. Various Melayu orchestras from
East Java were ofen invited to Jakarta not only as background music, but also to perform in tel-
evised singing competitions that focused on dangdut. Additionally, orchestra members became
guest speakers on TV talk shows and produced their own concerts.
Te popularity of dangdut in 2017 was unique in that it included the communal feature of
dangdut koplo. In addition to the role of social media which provided the opportunity for any-
one to gain popularity, the participatory style of dangdut koplo was also popularised. In 2003,
the popularity focused on Inul Daratista and similar singers while in 2017 Melayu orchestras
also had the opportunity to participate. Together, orchestras and singers dominated the cen-
tralised national music industry with increased demand for both dangdut koplo singers and the
musical styles of Melayu orchestras. Although this combination did not enjoy as much popular-
ity on television as in previous eras, dangdut koplo has been widely disseminated through social
media in 2017 until the present day. Furthermore, there were new negotiations that afected
regulations in the music industry and the new music market in Indonesia. Te popularity of
dangdut koplo during the third phase shows that regional dangdut is able to negotiate and even
dominate centralised versions of dangdut. Te music industry, the audience, the community,
and even the “King of dangdut”, Rhoma Irama, adapted to this genre.
Conclusion
In considering the trajectory of dangdut koplo music especially marked in 2003, 2013, and 2017,
the contestation between dangdut koplo and the national music industry was not only about the
genre but also about diferent logics and power centres between the nation’s capital and what
is considered “local” or “regional” and the potential to become “national”. Te popularity of
dangdut koplo showed that Jakarta’s music industry is not homogenous. Distribution patterns
were not unidirectional from the centre as patron to the local as client. Trough dangdut koplo,
the centralised national music industry consisting of art, culture, economy, and power could
not impede the development of local music at the national level.
Te centralised national music industry’s hegemony needs to be critically addressed. Dangdut
koplo represents a strategy to challenge rules and national systems of validation. Te regional
challenged Jakarta’s music industry patterns via popular accessibility at the local level. Te
national industry saw dangdut koplo as a “misleading pattern” in the Indonesian music indus-
try, a view that was even included in a draf constitutional amendment about music (Rancangan
Undang-Undang Permusikan). Te amendment sought to regulate music production and dis-
tribution following the rules of the music industry. However, I see that the “misleading pattern”
is actually a creative misunderstanding (Lipsitz, 1994). Creative misunderstandings are a crea-
tive efort from agents who are unable to comprehend messages fully because of many factors,
for example access, diferent patterns, and culture. In this case, dangdut koplo did not follow
the Jakarta’s music production system but created an independent system of production and
distribution for local artists and their music and dance.
In this contestation the local became the “disrupter” of stability and rule of a centralised
national music industry. However, the growing presence and popularity of dangdut koplo at
the local level reversed the roles from disrupter to dominant player when dangdut koplo forced
dangdut music, the central music industry, and the media to “follow” the narrative of dangdut
koplo. Te rise of dangdut in the 21st century within the Indonesian music industry was due
to the rise of dangdut koplo and not Rhoma Irama’s dangdut or other dangdut versions. As a
result regional dangdut became the strong alternative to Jakarta’s dangdut and Jakarta’s music
industry. Regional nuances through language, musical arrangements, and musicality became
dominant especially with dangdut koplo songs echoing throughout the country. Dangdut koplo
with regionalised and local aesthetics became the national standard. While the central music
industry and national standards in the past alienated local aesthetics and artists, regionalised
and local aesthetics created a similar efect alienating centralised forms.
Notes
1 Referring to the interview of the leader of M.O. Sonata in Jombang in 2017 see https://indoprogress.com/2016/03/
kepikiran-dangdut-koplo-renungan-di-bus-antarkota/, https://tirto.id/di-bawah-kerajaan-dangdut-koplo-iman
-kita-adalah-bergoyang-cAHA
2 Gang Dolly is a name of an area of prostitution located in the area of Jarak, Pasar Kembang, Surabaya, East
Java, Indonesia. In this area, female prostitutes are “displayed” in a glass-wall room that looks like a storefront.
However, in 2017, Dolly was closed by the Mayor of East Java, Tri Rismaharini.
3 Look at https://mojok.co/red/rame/nafah/penghasilan-inul-daratista-yang-jauh-lebih-dahsyat-dari-via-vallen
-dan-nella-kharisma/.
4 Referring to the reading of Philip Yampolsky on popular music during the general lecture of “Musical Culture”,
on 19 October 2017 at the Cultural Science Faculty, UGM. At that time, Yampolsky expressed the types of
changes in traditional music since the 1970s. One of them was the star system, which idolised some favourite
players and underestimated others.
5 Yuk Kita Sahur is a sahur show on Trans TV in 2013. Te show is a transformation from the show Waktunya
Kita Sahur in the previous year and then it was continued with the show Yuk Keep Smile. Tat show was popular
because of Caisar’s dance.
6 Caisar is Caesar Putra Aditya, known as Cesar Yuk Keep Smile. He was a dancer and television actor known as
goyang Cesar or Cesar dance.
7 https://archive.tabloidbintang.com/berita/polah/71511-yuk-kita-sahur-raih-rating-tinggi,-caesar-dibuatkan
-program-baru.html.
8 In 2019, Sodiq made a new orchestra named M.O. New Monata.
9 See https://tirto.id/dangdut-koplo-puncak-evolusi-dangdut-cACw or https://beritagar.id/topik/republik-dang
dut.
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11
KL Sing Song
Alternative Voices in the Kuala Lumpur
Singer-Songwriter Circuit (2000–2009)
Azmyl Yusof @ Azmyl Yunor
Tis chapter serves as a historical overview of the fostering of communal spirit and networking
amongst like-minded practitioners in the early development of the singer–songwriter circuit
in the early to mid-2000s who leveraged their subcultural networking and knowledge outside
the mainstream Malaysian music industry. Te discussion flls in gaps in the broader narrative
of contemporary Malaysian music-making, which more ofen than not bypasses historical and
subcultural contexts outside the insular music industry with the common narrative, marked by
a sense of “sadness” (Astro 2015), that it peaked twenty years ago (Azalea 2019).
Te overemphasis on economic data overshadows a holistic and historical understanding
of the development of popular culture and its current state (or perpetual malaise) in Malaysia.
Afer all, popular culture is a product of social processes and cannot be separated from society,
politics, and the time period in which it exists (Lockard 1998, 4). Studying the development of
popular music culture requires an engagement with its history in order to better situate and
understand its contemporary status (Shuker 2016, 261). If one were to trace patterns on dis-
courses about Malaysian music, there is an overemphasis on the “golden eras”, discrediting
musical communities that still produce musical works and perform in the present. Te mar-
ginal non-mainstream music-gigging circuit has its own grassroots method of navigating music
scenes not dictated by economic determinism and inadvertently produced some international
indie “stars” such as Pete Teo and Yuna. However, issues such as economic sustainability still
haunt most musicians and venues in Kuala Lumpur and the greater Klang Valley. Departing
from musical popular memory as constructed through the interaction of a number of sites that
mediate and represent popular music history (Shuker 2016, 261), this chapter examines written
accounts, the wider music press, and personal experiences to trace the Malaysian singer–song-
writer circuit from its early pub scene origins in the 1980s, to its resurgence via the under-
ground music scene networks in the early 2000s, leading up to the inception of the showcase in
2005 and smaller open-mic related projects such as Troubadours, Troubadours-Open Doors,
and Troubaganger. Given that the present-day discourse on “indie” has become commonplace,
singer–songwriters make an interesting case study on independent networking and continue to
have strong connotations of greater authenticity and “true” authorship (Shuker 2016). As musi-
cian and flmmaker Pete Teo indicates, “singer-songwriters work alone a lot, and ofen do as a
matter of routine something most musicians are afraid of – play solo. Nowhere to hide. No one
else to blame” (Teo 2019).
123
124 • Azmyl Yusof @ Azmyl Yunor
Te People
Rock ‘n’ Roll archivist and historian Joe Kidd had been playing in several bands since 1989 prior
to the formation of Carburetor Dung in 1991. Te underground music scene mostly comprised of
metal and punk bands in the late 1980s was still in its seminal stage and was informed by the DIY
punk philosophy. Kidd began organising music performances at clubs around the capital city of
Kuala Lumpur. Kidd, as well as several other musician-cum-organisers who arranged a series of
gigs around the same time, played a signifcant role in the development of the singer–songwriter
circuit in the early 2000s leading up to KL Sing Song. As there was no ideological subcultural
base from which the singer–songwriter Kuala Lumpur circuit operated from, most of the singer–
songwriters eventually became organisers of their own shows and developed a niche audience
base. Te 1990s is ofen alluded to as the era when the underground music scene blossomed and
that which led to the birth of the indie rock scene via the popularity of American alternative and
grunge rock bands. Musicians were empowered to compose and perform their own songs, some-
thing that did not happen in the mainstream music industry save a few exceptions.
Back in the fringes at the turn of the millennium, singer–songwriter Peter Brown recalled
that there were
other organised performing platforms in the circuit and a thriving alternative rock band
scene, but these band line-ups usually happened in the afernoon such as the one at the
Picadilly disco (just outside of the city in Damansara Jaya), where the bar was curtained of
and bands like Carburetor Dung and others could let go their energy and inspiration.
(Brown 2019)
Joe Kidd felt the spirit of punk attitude emanating from regional creators, namely Indonesian
folk artists:
When it comes to singer–songwriters, especially the “folky” kind, I have been a huge fan
of the well-known, infuential artists overseas since the late 1970s. Afer school, I got into
the whole Indonesian folk scene of the late to mid-1980s via Gombloh, Iwan Fals, and Doel
Sumbang; which for me was the perfect embodiment of punk rock without the fashion, nor
the loud, revved-up three chords, but a kindred, shared spirit dispensing the same lyrical
approach and intent: music with an agenda, somewhat political but not overtly so.
(Kidd 2019)
While there were pockets of singer–songwriters earlier in the late 1970s and 1980s with per-
formers such as Dr Wan Zawawi, Kit Leee (later known as Antares), Markiza & Peter (a husband
and wife duo of Markiza and Peter Brown), and Rafque Rashid who performed original mate-
rial in both English and Malay producing only a few released self-funded material (Barendregt
et al. 2017, 94). Peter Brown was already actively performing in the 1980s circuit and noted one
show organised by Rafque Rashid that gained some traction in bringing together dissenting
voices from the fringes:
I was older than these guys like Rafque and Paul Ponnudorai. Rafque helped us a lot. He
put on Statements From the Musical Fringe in 1986, and helped Markiza and I put on a show
the following year in the British Teatre. He played the bass for all the other musicians in the
show and was very encouraging. Markiza did a solo act in a Musicians Union event around
the same time as I was away in UK.
(Brown 2019)
KL Sing Song • 125
Te aforementioned Statements from the Musical Fringe featured Rafque Rashid, William De
Cruz, Julian Mokhtar, Kit Leee, Albert Sirimal, Zahid Ahmad, and Lee Hung Cheong perform-
ing their original songs that contained satirical lyric content that was visually represented in
the programme booklet with humorous liner notes as part of the Kuala Lumpur Arts Festival
in August 1986 at the Panggung Bandaraya (MY Art Memory Project). Dr Wan Zawawi, who
released several solo albums independently, also achieved further mainstream success as a noted
lyricist and songwriter for popular rock bands such as Search and collaborated with industry
giant M. Nasir. During that time, singer–songwriter Amir Yussof also released his debut album
in 1995 but by then the younger audience were attuned to the alternative and grunge rock com-
ing from America. Rafque Rashid was known for his refusal to release any of his recorded
solo works while Antares’s recorded works and performances, including his Akar Umbi ethnic-
trance-fusion project with Rafque, were available only if one sought Rashid’s works during this
period in the 1980s and early 1990s (Antares 2014). Tis was a period when the production and
distribution of recorded works were more expensive and limited. Joe Kidd observes the peculiar
absence of the popular singer–songwriter fgure in Malaysia:
I think Malaysia is pretty odd in terms of the development of a visible, quantifable singer–
songwriter scene. Everywhere else in the Southeast Asian region you would easily encounter
such creative practices existing since the late ’60s, but somehow here in Malaysia there’s
nothing of that sort. I’m still wondering why we didn’t have local singer–songwriters tak-
ing a leaf out of the Vietnam War-era American protest-folk singers, or even Bob Dylan.
It’s very odd indeed. Unless there were such artists but only undocumented and forgotten. I
mean Indonesia, Philippines, and Tailand, and I bet Cambodia and Vietnam too, had their
singer–songwriters addressing the times back when, but not here.
(Kidd 2019)
Te Spaces
Te beginning of the twenty-frst century may be the period when the term “indie” emerged to
identify music that did not belong to either end of the binary. Te punk scene stood its ground
as open for musicians who did not ft anywhere else as opposed to the metal scene from the sim-
ilar underground circuit. In 1998, Joe Kidd started a series of shows called Unclogged. As the
2000s dawned, Unclogged became a fertile ground for singer–songwriters to showcase them-
selves. Key players that enabled this series were venues associated neither with underground
music shows nor with the pub scene. Amir Yussof ran a pub called X’tacy in Damansara Utama
in the late 1990s that hosted singer–songwriters including Rafque Rashid. Te frst few shows
were performed by Amid the Mimic and included this author’s frst time onstage as an unbilled
acoustic performer. However, what was missing was a broader sense of communalism that was
prevalent in the downtown Kuala Lumpur arts community that did not perceive music per-
formances solely as entertainment. Furthermore, in the late 1990s what was also lacking was a
sense of regularity of the curated events that would encourage new and upcoming performers
to play and build their networks:
Unclogged’s frst show was either at the Kapitan’s Club on Leboh Ampang or at the roofop
of Le Masque on Changkat Bukit Bintang sometime in 1998 in downtown Kuala Lumpur.
At the time I had a sabbatical from organising underground music shows, something which
I have been doing since 1989.
(Kidd 2019)
Across town in Bukit Damansara, Peter Brown of Markiza and Peter began organising his own
showcase for independent musicians:
Acoustic Jam began in 2001. I was promoting my album Warm in the United Kingdom (mainly
London) when I came across this open mic-er called Joe Wee. He told me he was Malaysian
but living and working in London. But he said he went back to meet up with his family every
year. So I said, if I can fnd a venue would you play a set? He was agreeable to this so we
exchanged numbers. When I got back to Malaysia I thought about the venue and remembered
folk artist Ian Durrant used to put on a regular folk night at the Commonwealth Club. I was
already a member of it so that we could go swimming in a secluded place. So I enquired and
booked the small room upstairs, thus Acoustic Jam was launched on 16 July 2001.
(Brown 2019)
Both showcase series shared the commonality of being held at spaces that weren’t commonly
associated with music performances, something that was common in the fringes but not to the
general public. Tan Sei Hon refected certain parallels with the visual arts scene:
Tat was the time when alternative spaces were blossoming and very inclusive – you could do
theatre, you could do music, you could do poetry recitals. Urbanscape also came afer. Te
DIY thing and KL Sing Song didn’t just happen, you could contextualise it with the larger
things going on in KL then, it was the spirit of the times.
(Tan 2019)
Joe Kidd concurs in hindsight of the period that came afer:
I think 2007/2008 is where it was already peaking, really. It was a slow process but snow-
balled by the time we had spaces such as Rumah Air Panas, the Annexe at Central Market,
and Lostgens. Tese independent and semi-independent spaces were important enablers for
series such as KL Sing Song and Not Tat Balai, both very much a part of all those feverish
activities.
(Kidd 2019)
Pete Teo, arguably the most high-profle Malaysian singer–songwriter pre-Yuna, had also just
returned from working and living overseas:
I only became active in KL late ’90s / early 2000s so I don’t know any venue or singer–song-
writers active before then. Of course I [was] aware of the work and support given by Peter
Brown to the scene. Joe Kidd – insofar as he was a punk musician and promoter – oddly
gave me my frst gig in No Black Tie – so he was also part and parcel of the eco-system that
introduced me to KL at that time.
(Teo 2019)
Unclogged would eventually move to No Black Tie which was by then run by Evelyn Hii where
one could also see Rafque Rashid handling the sound and also performing:
I’d like to think that it was Unclogged who introduced talented singer–songwriters such as
you, Pete Teo, Reza Salleh, and a few more to the masses. Pete’s Songwriters Round came
afer the several shows he played at Unclogged. I frst met him at a small dinner party at his
house and saw lots of guitars, which triggered a lot of questions, and an impromptu audition
of his original songs; thus a slot at one of the frst few Unclogged shows.
(Kidd 2019)
Acoustic Jam and Unclogged did not solely focus on acoustic singer–songwriter shows although
at the beginning Unclogged did have strict programming. Te programming later expanded to
include a myriad of genres and styles from electronic noise to edgy poets to louder hardcore and
post-rock bands, sometimes sharing the same stage in one night, adding to the series’ eclectic,
varied, and unpredictable outcomes. Aside from acoustic performers, Acoustic Jam also fea-
tured bands like Qings & Kueens which were less edgy than bands at the Unclogged series.
Pete Teo eventually recorded his debut solo album in the 2000s and travelled abroad. One
particular trip sparked an idea for his own series focused solely on singer–songwriters:
Te frst Songwriters’ Round was in 2002 – afer I came back from performing at an indie
music convention in New York – where I had the opportunity to visit the famous folk club
Bitter End, and saw a “Songwriter Circle” in action. I was told it was a common performance
format for songwriters in Nashville – and since it encouraged collaboration and interactions
between performers onstage, I thought KL could do with one. Very little original music was
being played in the scene then and scene politics was petty and tribal.
(Teo 2019)
At its old location a few lots up Jalan Mesui (a Rainforest Bed and Breakfast as of now, 2019), No
Black Tie would prove to be an important site that led to KL Sing Song. Poets and artists came
and promoted their shows with fyers in between the sets, and during one of the Unclogged
series I literally bumped into Jerome. I met Sei Hon when we shared the bill for Unclogged when
I was performing with my noise rock band Maharajah Commission. No Black Tie would also
eventually host Songwriters’ Round and later Moonshine. From 2005 onwards No Black Tie
moved to its current space with a series started by then-emerging singer–songwriter and gig
organiser Reza Salleh who carried on the torch lit by Unclogged and Acoustic Jam.
Te Voices
Te frst KL Sing Song, titled “KL Sing Song 2005 – Te First Regional Singer Songwriters
Dialogue & Workshop”, was hosted by the International College of Music (ICOM) in April
2005, presented by Artsee.net, and funded by a grant from Arts Network Asia (Izuan 2005,
16). Over two days, the daytime programme included workshops and talks while the nighttime
programme included showcases at Pete Teo’s Songwriters Round series at Alexis Bistro & Wine
Bar in Great Eastern Mall featuring participating artists. Tis instalment was the only one fea-
turing regional artists which was part of the requirements of the Arts Network Asia grant. Te
regional singer–songwriters who were featured included Oppie Andaresta (Indonesia), Kelvin
Tan (Singapore), and Somsiri Sangkaew of Bear Garden (Tailand). Te featured local singer–
songwriters included Pete Teo, Meor, Mia Palencia, Mei Chern, and myself. I also helped organ-
ise a preceding event at the famed underground music venue Paul’s Place entitled Troubadours
featuring eighteen performers comprised of singer–songwriters and band songwriters/front-
people). Tis event included the artists featured in the main KL Sing Song programme perform-
ing two songs each. Te show was sparsely attended compared to the Songwriters Round the
following two nights. Nevertheless, the show went on undaunted and the shifing audiences
remained appreciative throughout (Izuan 2005, 16).
Tis event’s name eventually became the namesake of the company registered by myself
and two others called Troubadours Enterprise, for the following KL Sing Song. Tis frst
instalment was organised solely by Jerome Kugan and Tan Sei Hon. Te three of us formed
Troubadours Enterprise sometime between late 2005 and early 2006 primarily as a vehicle to
receive funding, to be seen as an enterprise, and to secure funding for the 2006 instalment
from the Ministry of Arts, Culture, and Heritage. “I think this also allows us to meet other
important people, not as individuals but more as a formal unit, so people have more confdence
in us. We didn’t get as much funding as we hoped for” (Tan 2019). Te posters designed for KL
Sing Song from 2006 to 2009 were also collaborations with local artists. I saw 2006 onwards as
the natural trajectory of the momentum built by Unclogged, Acoustic Jam, and Songwriter’s
Round from 2000 to 2004:
Te frst one, a collaboration with ICOM, was more educational. Tis year we are focus-
ing purely on home-grown artists. It’s for everyone, even if you don’t know the concept of
singer–songwriters. Clearly we’re giving preference to people who are not signed or have
major contracts.
(Lohan 2006, 25)
Te pool of talent widened from 2005 to 2006 with many young and emerging acts alongside
more established acts from various genres. We personally invited young, emerging musicians
based on our experience watching them or through recommendations from organisers or other
musicians:
KL Sing Song was basically to complement the scene then, to expand and (provide) oppor-
tunities to others and ourselves as well. Tere’s only so many shows and they don’t take
place all the time, so if we open a platform, you’re providing a platform and opportunity for
someone who probably would only play two–three gigs on average then (there were no open
mic nights then). We also made the efort to look for new talents, we didn’t wait, and (person-
ally) invite(d) them. We also featured those who had fallen on the wayside like the late Pak
Pandir (Azmi Ali) – he was huge at one time (Juara Lagu 1992 Music Awards winner, Irama
Malaysia category) but then he was really down when he was no longer with his label. We
were very open. People like Mei Chern who had her own political views as well, we basically
wanted to be open to as many as possible. But we were more specialised in so far as we only
supported solos and duos, I think that was what set us apart.
(Tan 2019)
What also made Troubadours Enterprise “take a step further” (Te Star, 19 June 2006) and
set us apart was a compilation we proposed. Compilations were a common format in the
underground music scene by which artists leveraged the possibility of being discovered by
listeners of other featured bands. In the proposal for the ministry funding that we received,
we included a double disc compilation album to document the performers who were active
in the circuit during the period. Voices From Next Door featured twenty-four artists and
included one Singaporean and one Indonesian artist active and based in Kuala Lumpur at
the time. Personally, I felt the compilation was also an opportunity to showcase the diversity
of the acts of the time not represented on any compilations as indie/underground compi-
lations were generally limited to genres or particular “tribes”. Te compilations also high-
lighted the works of two important singer–songwriters and buskers from the late 1990s whose
works remained resonant and who were actively performing: Meor (Meor Yusof Aziddin) and
Figure 11.1 Front album sleeve of Voices From Next Door, compact disc compilation, Troubadours Enterprise,
2006. This is the frst and only documented attempt at compiling the works of singer–
songwriters based in Malaysia from the period. (Personal collection of Azmyl Yusof)
Sherry (Sharidir). Both artists’ Malay songs and lyrical grit transcended the usual demarca-
tions of race and class. KL Sing Song and the compilation was our humble way of paying
tribute to those who came before.
Hosted by the Kuala Lumpur Performing Arts Centre (KLPAC), the 2006 instalment
retained the workshop programme of the frst instalment with practical topics conducted by
the late Pak Pandir (“Lyrics & Creativity”), Shelley Leong & Az Samad (“Singing with Style”),
Figure 11.2 Back album sleeve of Voices From Next Door, compact disc compilation, Troubadours Enterprise,
2006. (Personal collection of Azmyl Yusof)
Shanon Shah (“Make It Live”) and Pete Teo (“Te Indie Path”). Te full roster of the diverse and
featured performers were Pak Pandir, Mia Palencia (Best Solo Vocal nominee, Boh Cameronian
Arts Awards 2005), Shelley Leong (best New English Artist nominee, AIM 2004), Reza Salleh,
Arif Akhir, Fathulistiwa Soundscapes (Fathul from legendary pioneering underground band
Infectious Maggots), Shanon Shah (Best Male Vocalist, AIM 2006), Pete Teo, Meor, Mei Chern
(Musiccanteen.com’s Most Downloaded Artist 2005), Rhapsody, and Broken Scar. Te general
reception was positive. Te event and Troubadours Enterprise received wide media coverage
notably from the print and online media. Music journalist Daryl Goh, an instrumental fgure
promoting independent music since the 1990s, had a radio show called Clash on Red FM and
gave us signifcant airtime to promote the showcase and the featured artists including our own
works:
Every year when we did KL Sing Song (2006–2009), surprisingly we broke even and man-
aged to pay everyone on the strength of the sale of the tickets. We even managed to save up
enough funds to further help fund the production of two CD albums by Meor (2006’s Yang
Terlintas Di Fikiran produced by Arif Akhir) and Sharidir & Nizam (2012’s self-produced
Keramat 16). We did carry on to collaborate with KLPAC with smaller original music events
[like] the Troubadours’ Open Doors series but that wasn’t as successful because I think it was
a location problem.
(Tan 2019)
Troubadours collaborated with another organiser named Jasmine Low who independently organ-
ised a series called Doppelganger. Tis series catered to spoken word and poetry events that fea-
tured marginalised LGBTQ performers and audiences alike resulting in the fairly successful
Troubaganger series at La Bodega in Tengkat Tong Shin in downtown Kuala Lumpur. Tis crossover
series made the event bustling and diverse, not only in terms of musicianship but also types of per-
formances such as spoken word and performance art across the gender spectrum. Performers were
taking more artistic risks with edgier material that was political in nature yet marked by a certain
individuality that the earlier generation might have felt was just a facet individualism. Nonetheless,
such performances enthralled the generation that grew up during the general economic and social
prosperity of the Mahathir era who were brought up discouraged to express emotions openly or
political opinions. Te frst Mahathir era (1981–2003) was marked by the Ministry of Information’s
strict control of the media and suppression of alternative or dissenting voices, which shielded the
public from dissent through various legislative instruments like Te Printing and Presses Act, Te
Sedition Act, Te Ofcial Secrets Act, and Te Internal Security Act (Azmyl 2010, 184).
By the time the fnal KL Sing Song came around in 2009 (Figures 11.3–11.4), we moved venue
from the Kuala Lumpur Performing Arts Centre (KLPAC) to the Annexe Gallery in Central
Market where Jerome had begun work as a gallery manager. By 2006–2007 the Annexe Gallery
had become the new “heart” of the arts community brimming with activity from talks, exhibi-
tions, mini festivals, flm screenings, and music and theatre performances on the third foor.
Under the helm of photographer and LGBTQ activist Pang Khee Teik, the Annexe Gallery gave
the arts community a home in the capital for the frst time but one that became contentious
with the Central Market management in the long run. On the frst foor Joe Kidd opened his
record store Te Ricecooker Shop. Across from Kidd’s store, the political activist Hishamuddin
Rais ran a café called Bau Bau Café.
Performance spaces became commonplace by the mid-2000s and were incorporated into the
sprouting café scene including Starbucks’s brief singer–songwriter showcases in their outlets
for a couple of years with an ensuing deluge of open mic nights across town. So too did oppor-
tunities emerge to actually break through career-wise as a musician on one’s own terms as
social media took over the traditional mainstream industry barriers and smoothened the sub-
terranean edginess of the music underground. It is at this juncture that some refection on the
political conditions of the prior decade may help contextualise the eventual professionalising of
singer–songwriters. Tis professionalising made for a less than interesting experience for those
seeking edgier material, as up-and-coming younger acts viewed showcases as ways to further
their musical careers rather than as sites of contestation.
Te Politics
Te combination of the Asian economic crisis and the sacking of then-Deputy Prime Minister
Anwar Ibrahim in the period of 1997–1998 created a fertile ground for dissent to emerge in the
general creative and performing arts scene in Kuala Lumpur:
If there’s such a political marker to be “blamed” for the triggering of more vigorous creative
endeavours, I would go back to 1997/98 where there were those frst public rallies happening
in KL over the economic downturn and the sacked Anwar factor. Parts of the arts commu-
nities were already responding to the events for sure, even though it was mostly done with
rather politically vague works and activities; because it was still a testing time in terms of the
risks involved. Tere were other arts-related activities or groupings which played a similar
role, from the more upper-middle class voices in theatrical practices by groups such as Five
Figure 11.3 KL Sing Song 2009 poster. The fnal three-day KL Sing Song showcase from 30 October to
1 November 2009 was held at The Annexe Gallery, Central Market, Kuala Lumpur. (Personal
collection of Azmyl Yusof)
Arts (which started way back in 1984), to the DIY, anti-corporate punk rock scene of the
late ’90s. New arts collectives began forming along with already established ones like the
aforementioned Five Arts Centre pushing for more political theatre performances and the
relatively small arts community began taking notes of each other’s practices and some of the
common events these diverse artists would congregate [at] were live music events.
(Kidd 2019)
Figure 11.4 KL Sing Song 2009 promotional fyer. (Personal collection of Azmyl Yusof)
Tan Sooi Beng (2003) noted that in response to demonstrations calling for reformasi (reforma-
tion) in the late 1990s, alternative and fringe artists organised a multidisciplinary arts festival
that featured alternative art exhibitions, poetry readings, and musical performances to express
concerns (Tan 2003, 105). Although the particular festival was not mentioned in Tan’s article,
the line-up of performances as listed (alternative art exhibitions, poetry readings, and musical
performances) was to become a common programme of both fringe and mainstream festivals
from the 2000s onwards. Tis produced a tendency to have singer–songwriter performances,
some of which Troubadours Enterprise helped curate and at which they sometimes performed
as individual artists, since grassroots organisers worked on a limited budget. Te same commu-
nity of flmmakers, visual artists, and writers from the early 2000s began making headway in
their felds. Parallels can be drawn with the blossoming independent flmmaking community
that also saw the transition of Pete Teo from musician to flmmaker as the 1990s drew to a close.
In the post-2008 election period when the ruling government lost its majority and street pro-
tests were normalised, artists were further emboldened with the opportunity to take a chance
and reaching a wider audience was becoming a reality with social media. Political discourse too
became more open and commonplace and exposed the limits of singer–songwriter events and
other independently organised music events:
there was a limit to how efective subcultures were in helping to make real political change
– in the sense that we were seldom able to reach beyond our niche audience into the general
public. Tis in fact was the reason why I began to make “Here In My Home”, “15Malaysia”,
and other pop/viral videos. I remember feeling frustrated that the singer–songwriter subcul-
ture I occupied could do little more than “talk to the converted” even as the country’s politics
deteriorated. I felt I had to fnd a way to reach a bigger audience. So for me, the decision to
make those flms was very much a political decision based on the need to leverage bigger
demographics and audience numbers in order to serve a cause I felt was important. Shows
like KL Sing Song both refected and emboldened the zeitgeist of that time. Other than sub-
cultural music events, this was also refected in the indie flms of that period – especially in
the works of what would later be referred to as “New Wave Malaysian Cinema” – many of
which won awards internationally despite their modest technical quality and budget. Tis
reclaiming of public cultural space was aided (or indeed was made possible) by the emer-
gence of social media as a vehicle of both sub-community building as well as distribution.
(Teo 2019)
Te Outro
Te ffh and fnal KL Sing Song ran for three days from 30 October to 1 November 2009 and
featured performances by a diverse selection of singer–songwriters: Melina William, Rendra
Zawawi, Ray Cheong, Paolo Delfno, Nick Davis, Wani Ardy, Liyana Fizi, Karen Nunis
Blackstone, Edwin & Albert, Slowjaxx (Singapore), Pete Teo, Meor, Sharidir & Nizam P., David
Knight (US), Shanon Shah, Najwa, Otam, Yuna, Nik Jidan, and Izzy Mohamed. Reza Salleh’s
Moonshine series would be the sole event from this period that carried on until 2016 becoming
the longest running monthly music series in Kuala Lumpur and the greater Klang Valley. He
had also ran a sister event called Feedback from the late 2000s until it ended its run as an open
mic night at Te Bee until December 2018. However, Reza Salleh began organising singer–song-
writer round-style nights at No Black Tie recently:
Doing Moonshine as no-frills as possible allowed me to do it consistently for so long. I think

I was just happy that I could maintain a platform for the scene for so long. Longevity felt
more important, I saw Moonshine as one of stepping stones for acts, less of an end goal.
Songwriters Round, Unclogged, and Acoustic Jam were more part of the initial prompt (in
starting the Moonshine series in 2005) as by that time they didn’t run regularly anymore.
Troubadours and Doppelganger though gave me that sense of brothers-and-sisters-in-arms
and made me think “OK I can do this probably”. For me the highlights of the singer–song-
writer era in the 2000s would be the combination of Songwriters Round and KL Sing Song.
(Reza 2019)
Sei Hon recalls the similar empowerment of being a singer–songwriter in hindsight:
It’s very empowering, you write personal stuf, and you’ve got a platform to perform and sing.
And some shows you got paid and that’s nice – in our country if you don’t [sing] in Malay or
[do] Chinese cover songs (back then and even now) it’s very difcult. No Black Tie was very
progressive during its time.
(Tan 2019)
Personally, I also pursued my own creative output. For the next fve years afer the fnal KL Sing
Song I would go on to record and release albums annually. Touring and performing took most
of my time. Jerome and Sei Hon would also pursue their own creative paths and careers but I
felt that with KL Sing Song there seemed a possibility of returning. During one brief trip the
three of us did go to Singapore in 2013 and contributed as much as we could. With the beneft of
hindsight, 2009 was the right time to mark the fnal KL Sing Song. As noted earlier, careerism
took over as social media gave artists the sole control as creators and to a certain degree most of
the grit from the earlier decade had been slowly glossed over. As Joe Kidd refects:
As for a certain period of the era, the highlight has to be the early shows of the Unclogged
series. At the time there was an abundance of untapped talents not being given a chance to
perform. So I had a pool of great stuf I excitedly wanted to see. But by the decade’s end, I fnd
it hard to fnd fresh talents with the same passion, grit, and punky recklessness. New acts I
saw around then, ones which would be ftting to the format, were not as good, nor were they
as rough and edgy. Most were very polished, well-rehearsed, and very safe. Honestly, for me,
the singer–songwriter scene then got pretty boring and predictable really.
(Kidd 2019)
To take of from where Lockard (1998) lef, Malaysian singer–songwriters were able to gener-
ate some degree of sporadic politicisation during the period leading up to the 2008 election.
However, sustaining the sort of politicisation that singer–songwriters in Indonesia had done,
and still do with a new breed of singer–songwriters, is still a pipe dream. A semblance of some
form of “true mass-mediated protest music for consumption” (Lockard 1998, 260) outside of
the underground music subculture is still unlikely. For a brief moment in the 2000s protest
music peeked its head out through the work of singer–songwriters and then snuck back into the
(under)ground.
Bibliography
Antares, Maitreya. 5 Nov. 2014. “Overview of the Malaysian music scene since the 1970s.” Magick River, http://www
.magickriver.org/2014/11/overview-of-malaysian-music-scene-since.html.
Astro, Awani. 21 Jun. 2015. ‘Te Malaysian Music Industry May End’ - Sheila Majid. http://english.astroawani.com/
entertainment-news/malaysian-music-industry-may-end-sheila-majid-63184.
Azalea, Azuar. 24 Jul. 2019. “And the music plays on…” Te Malaysian Reserve, https://themalaysianreserve.com/201
9/07/24/and-the-music-plays-on.
Azmyl, Md Yusof. 2010. “Facing the music: Music subcultures and ‘morality’.” Media, Society & Culture. Edited by
Yeoh Seng Guan, 179–196. New York: Routledge.
Barendregt, Bart, Peter Keppy, and Henk Schulte Nordholt. 2017. Popular Music in Southeast Asia: Banal Beats, Muted
Brown, Hassan Peter. Interview with author, Kuala Lumpur, 5 October 2019.
“Dig the new breed.” 19 Jun. 2006. Te Star, Star Two 14.
Izuan, Shah. 12 Apr. 2005. “Stirring up support.” Te Star, StarTwo, 16.
Kidd, Joe. Interview with author, Kuala Lumpur, 14 October 2019.

Kugan, Jerome. 27 Sept. 2005. “Singer-songwriters in Kl: A little history, a little hope for its sustainability.”
Troubadours, http://troubadourskl.blogspot.com/2005/09/.
Lockard, C. A. 1998. Dance of Life: Popular Music and Politics in South East Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i
Press.
Lohan, N. Rama. 13 Jul. 2006. “All about song.” Te Star, StarTwo, 25.
Reza, Salleh. Interview with author, 4 October 2019
Shuker, Roy. 2016. Understanding Popular Music Culture. London: Routledge.
“Statements from the Musical Fringe.” MY Memory Art Project. https://myartmemoryproject.com/theatre/1986/08/
statements-from-the-musical-fringe-1986/.
Tan, Sei Hon. Interview with author, Kuala Lumpur, 23 September 2019.
Tan Sooi, Beng. 2003. “Musical Exotica and Nostalgia.” Wacana Seni – Journal of Art Discourse, 2, 91–108.
Teo, Pete. Interview with author, Kuala Lumpur, 1 October 2019.
12
Hijrah and the Rise of Nasyid
Kontemporari in Malaysia
Raja Iskandar Bin Raja Halid
Migration is one of the main reasons for the spread of culture including music. Tis idea of
mobility and movement of people forms an important pillar of Islamic historiography. It is
“intrinsic to the history and prescriptions of Islam, a religion whose zero year is measured not
from the birth of the Prophet but from the migration from Mecca to Medina” (Flood 2009, 1).
Te arrival of Islam to the extended Malay world was also the result of the movements of traders
and missionaries across the Indian Ocean, which had been happening since the 13th century
(see Drewes 1985, 7–19; Azyumardi Azra 2006, 1-25). In Malaysia, performances such as way-
ang parsi (later known as bangsawan), caklempong, and zapin were brought by migrants from
India, Sumatra, and the Arab peninsula (Matusky and Tan 2004). In the early 20th century,
jazz and Latin music became popular due to the infuence of musicians from Europe and the
Philippines in Malaya (Augustin and Lochhead 2015).
In this chapter, I look into the Muslim concept of hijrah, considering its multiple meanings
and connotations. Mobility is an idea which is central to the history and demands of Islam,
a religion with a calendar based on the hijrah or migration of the Prophet Muhammad from
Mecca to Medina in present day Saudi Arabia more than fourteen centuries ago. Mobility is a
continuous process of intra- and inter-regional movements of people across imagined bounda-
ries as part of the idealised community of the ummah (supranational Islamic community), with
a global reach and impact. Migrations – either for economic or religious reasons – brought
about the spread and integration of cultures, artistic expressions, and forms. However, the con-
cept of hijrah goes beyond the simple notion of a journey from one physical place to another and
also incorporates the metaphorical idea of a spiritual migration. How did hijrah, both in the
physical and spiritual sense, relate to the phenomenal rise and popularity of nasyid kontempo-
rari (contemporary nasyid/Islamic song) in Malaysia during the 1990s and 2000s? Considering
hijrah and its multiple meanings, this chapter explores individuals, groups, and this musical
genre’s multifaceted relations to social and political dynamics prior to and during the 1990s and
2000s, locally and globally.
Hijrah
Hijrah, also known as hijra or hegira, is an Arabic term that literally means “to abandon”, “to
break ties with someone”, or “to migrate”. It refers primarily to the Prophet Muhammad’s
migration from Mecca to Medina in 622 AD and marks the start of the Muslim lunar calendar
137
138 • Raja Iskandar Bin Raja Halid
in 639 AD which was initiated by Umar al-Khattab, the second caliph of Islam. Te term may be
physical and non-physical, religious and secular in nature, or carry metaphorical connotations,
for example the Malay hijrah (migrate), and the afxed berhijrah (migrating) and penghijrahan
(migration). According to the sayings of the Prophet Muhammad, “Te muhajir (emigrant) is
the one who abandons what God has forbidden” (Sahih al-Bukhari). Hijrah can also be seen as
a “transition from accommodating state authority to resisting it” and “emigration from a land
where Muslims are in a majority but face poverty” (Eickelman and Piscatori 1990). Tis histori-
cal migration is celebrated in many parts of the Muslim world today. In Malaysia, it is celebrated
as Awal Muharram or Maal Hijrah which marks a new Muslim year and awards are given to
outstanding individuals in the service of Islam or the country as a whole.
Spiritual Migration
Apart from the physical hijrah or migration for largely economic reasons (in the case of musi-
cians – fame and fortune), we have the spiritual hijrah. Te term hijrah has also become a buz-
zword in the Malaysian entertainment industry and used whenever a female artist wears a hijab
(head cover) or a male rock musician turns into an ustaz (religious preacher). It refers to Muslim
musicians doing a “180-degree” career change, either by abandoning their career entirely or
choosing a diferent genre – usually spiritual or Islamic in nature, together with a change in
physical outlook and image. Tis is termed by Kristin Deasy as the “Cat Stevens Efect”. Cat
Stevens was a popular British singer who converted to Islam in the 1970s, changed his name
to Yusuf Islam, and abandoned his musical career. However, he made a comeback in the 1990s
beginning with recordings of children’s Islamic songs and became part of the global nasyid
industry. Some traditional musicians performing wayang kulit (shadow puppetry) and mak
yong (traditional dance/drama) in Kelantan are “spiritually migrating” and abandoning certain
rituals deemed “un-Islamic”. I have met a few tok dalangs (puppeteers) who do not perform
certain mantras and rituals and replace them with Islamic supplications. Te famous Malaysian
singer Siti Nurhaliza, for example, is now wearing the hijab but has not abandoned her career.
Hijrah has diferent degrees of “change” depending on the “readiness” or faith in the outcome
of the decision. Tere are cases where artists who berhijrah and abandon their careers, return to
the industry due to fnancial reasons. For famous singers, hijrah is a signifcant career decision
that requires deep religious contemplation. But with a growing market for religious songs, the
nasyid genre provides an alternative path.
One such musician is Mustafa Mat Daud, popularly known as Tapai. He is a guitarist, song-
writer, sound engineer, and producer from Kelantan. Former guitarist of rock group Zodiak, he
worked as a studio technician at Booty’s Studios in Kuala Lumpur and has recorded and per-
formed with some of the biggest artists and producers in the country. He was the lyricist for Siti
Nurhaliza’s song “Kau Kekasihku” which won TV3’s Anugerah Juara Lagu (AJL) competition
under the “Balada” category in 2000. He was also the lyricist for “Puncak Kasih” sung by Zian
Zain in the fnals of AJL 1999. Te following is an excerpt of Tapai’s Facebook status regarding
his hijrah and the reasons behind his decision to return to Kelantan. Excerpts from his post are
translated as follows:
Hijrah? According to norms, life is like a wheel, you’re on top for a moment and at the bottom
sometimes… According to the Syariat (Islamic teachings)… life is a temporary journey…
towards a diferent world, hijrah is a demand (in Islam) in striving towards goodness and
Allah’s blessings.
(Tapai 2016, translation mine)
Hijrah and Nasyid Kontemporari in Malaysia • 139
Tapai told me that although he has achieved fame and fortune (which didn’t last long), there was
a void (kosong) in him, a feeling of emptiness. He tried doing odd jobs but ended up doing what
he does best, writing songs and playing music. But this time around, he decided to write and
perform only spiritual songs for the current nasyid genre, especially in Kelantan. Similar sto-
ries were told by artists such as Akil Hayy, a former rock singer, who did berhijrah and became
an ustaz while recording nasyid or Islamic-themed songs. Pop singer Aishah, who was once
with the New Zealand dance band Te Fan Club, on the other hand, did berhijrah to join Parti
Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), an Islamic political party. However, she still occasionally performs
and recently won a major singing competition. Many of these artists are now regular guests on
Islamic TV programmes and at public lectures, sharing their hijrah experiences.
Islam and Nasyid

Islam was brought to the Malay world by daei’s (missionaries), Sufs, traders, and travellers from
South Asia and the Middle East since the 13th century. Te subsequent migration of Muslims
also resulted in the introduction of performing arts such as the nobat, zapin, and nasyid. Nasyid
or insyad is derived from the word nasyada (to look for, to search). Te term ansyada also means
to recite poetry and is connected to singing (Matusky and Tan 2004). Te earliest nasyid was
sung during the Prophet Muhammad’s hijrah in the 7th century when he was welcomed in
Madinah (Medina) with the song “Tala ‘al Badru ‘alaina” (“Te Moon Has Risen Over Us”).
Nasyid spread in the Middle East and was popular among university students in Egypt in the
12th century.
Nasyid developed in Malaysia during the 1940s–1960s and was performed as accompanying
acts for Musabaqah or Qur’an recitation competitions (Matusky and Tan 2004.). In Indonesia,
indigenised Arab music developed in the early 12th century in the form of orkes gambus, played
by local Yemeni communities in East Java. Tese migrants from Hadhramaut brought with
them the gambus (short-necked, pear-shaped fretless lute) and used it with various other Arab,
Indian, and Western instruments to form the orkes gambus. Tis ensemble’s repertoire includes
a mixture of Arab, Hindustani, and local songs and is played at weddings and other communal
celebrations (Weintraub 2010). Although performed by Arab-Indonesian Muslims, the orkes
gambus’ purpose within the Islamic “da’wah” context is still ambiguous and “is viewed within
two frameworks: either as Islamic-themed music or as ethnic/entertainment music” (Berg 2011,
222). However, its Arab aesthetics and Islamically nuanced music permeated into the general
Muslims’ consciousness to further develop the “musik Islami” genre.
In the 1960s nasyid, also known as qasidah, developed afer the fall of the Communist Party
in Indonesia following the mass killings of its leaders and supporters in 1965. In the early 1970s
qasidah Rebana, qasidah Gambus, and orkes Gambus became popular styles in the “musik
Islami” or “musik religi” genre. Orkes El-Surayya, formed by multi-instrumentalist Haji Ahmad
Baqi in Medan, was one of the most popular qasidah-nasyid groups not only in Indonesia but
also in Malaysia, Singapore, and Brunei (Figure 12.1). Tis “mini orchestra” was formed in
the 1960s and modelled afer Egyptian orchestras accompanying famous Arab singers such as
Umm Kathum, Abdul Halim Hafz, and Abdul Wahab in the 1960s and 1970s. Also known as
Orkes Padang Pasir (Desert Orchestra), El-Surayya was comprised of ffeen to seventeen musi-
cians (nine to ten women and fve to eight men) playing violins, double bass, suling (bamboo
futes), accordion, keyboard, gambus, qanun, and drums. Te male musicians of El-Surayya
wore Western suits and the women wore baju kebaya or baju kurung (Malay traditional/typi-
cal loose-ftting full-length dress) without any head coverings unlike nasyid groups today. Te
group reached regional stardom in the late 1970s and had an impact on the nasyid scene in
Figure 12.1 El-Surayya taken in 1970 with Ahmad Baqi, standing fourth from the left.
Malaysia. Teir song “Selimut Putih” (“White Blanket”) became a classic nasyid song and is still
performed by nasyid groups and solo pop singers to this day. Malaysian artists such as Sharifah
Aini (a popular 1970s singer and actress), Ustaz Asri (from the nasyid group Rabbani), Ustaz
Akhil Hayy (solo nasyid singer previously from the rock group D’Riyadh), and nasyid groups
Nada Murni and Hijjaz have recorded the song. Te following is an excerpt of the song text with
translation:
Bila Izrail datang memanggil When Izrail comes calling (on)

Jasad terbujur dipembaringan Te body lying on the bed
Seluruh tubuh akan menggigil Te whole body will shiver
Sekujur badan kan kedinginan Te whole body will become cold
Tak ada lagi gunanya harta Wealth becomes worthless
Kawan karib sanak saudara Close friends and family
Jikalau ada amal di dunia If there are good deeds in this world
Itulah hanya pembela kita Tose are our only saviour
Te infuence of this Indonesian qasidah-nasyid genre spread to Sabah, East Malaysia when one of
Ahmad Baqi’s students, Haji Jalidar Abdul Rahim migrated from Medan to work as a pendakwah
(missionary). He formed a nasyid group called Noor El-Kawakib in 1978 which later went on to
win the National Nasyid Competition organised by Radio Televisyen Malaysia (RTM) that year.
Tis was followed by Kumpulan Kompleks Budaya Negara (a national institution to safeguard
and promote traditional performing arts) which won the same competition a year later. Te late
1970s also saw the emergence of nasyid groups in the Malay recording industry. Groups such as
Al-Mizan and Al-Jawahir (Singapore) began recording in the late 1970s and early 1980s followed
by Nada Murni (Malaysia) in the late 1980s. Similar to the groups of north Sumatra, these nasyid
groups performed songs known as “Irama Padang Pasir” (“desert rhythms” such as masri) with
maqams (melodic modes) commonly used in Qur’anic recitations, such as hijaz, bayati, jiharkah,
and rast. Al-Mizan was formed in 1977 by Haji Md Karim, a religious teacher in Singapore. Te
all-woman group had a lead singer named Faridah M. Amin who was a pop singer and recorded
fve albums. Haji Md Karim and his wife Ustazah Hamidah Syukor later formed another group
called Al-Jawaher in 1979, comprised of seven young girls. Te group recorded fve albums from
1980 to 1990 under Polygram records and is still active to this day.
Solo nasyid singers also emerged in the 1970s and Ahmadi Hassan from Penang, Malaysia
was probably the most famous. Early nasyid songs were sung in unison and accompanied by
Western instruments with Arab and Indian favours. National nasyid competitions and festi-
vals continued to be organised by Radio Televisyen Malaysia (RTM) and Jabatan Kemajuan
Islam Malaysia (JAKIM) or the Malaysian Islamic Development Department (Figure 12.2). In
the 1990s nasyid would be performed by male acapella groups resembling Western pop boy
bands singing catchy tunes in harmony with simple pop arrangements. Tis popular version
of nasyid was later known as nasyid kontemporari and a new musical genre was created. Te
development of nasyid and nasyid kontemporari can be attributed to the da’wah movement in
countries like Egypt, Yemen, Jordan, and Kuwait which spread to other parts of the Muslim
world including Malaysia.
Te Da’wah Movement
Islamic revival began in the early 1970s infuenced by the social and political context of the
Middle East (Muzafar 1987). Hassan al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb from Ihkwan Muslimin (Muslim
Figure 12.2 The Kumpulan Nasyid Kompleks Budaya Negara (KBN) won the National Nasyid Competition in
1979. (Courtesy of Fauzi Majid)
Brotherhood), and ulama Abul A’la Maududi were among the most revered leaders and schol-
ars that inspired movements such as Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) or the Islamic
Youth Movement of Malaysia and Jamaat al-Tabligh (Muzafar 1987). Usrah and Halaqah
(study group) circles emerged following the Middle Eastern-inspired student activism and
spread among university students in the country. Te founding members of ABIM included
Anwar Ibrahim, Fadzil Noor, and Ashaari Mohammad. Tey would later shape the religious,
political, and social landscape of the country. Apart from ABIM, other Islamic institutions were
established by the state and the following four decades experienced a rise in Islamic awareness
throughout the country. Te growth of political Islam and state-sanctioned Islamisation can be
seen as a refection of Muslims’ greater demands for fuller implementation of the Syariah and
Islamic way of life. Tis afected every facet of Muslim life from food and fashion to education
and entertainment.
Anwar Ibrahim rose to become Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia in 1993, Fadzil Noor
became President of PAS, the largest Islamic political party, and Ashaari Muhammad further
expanded al-Arqam, an Islamic social and economic movement he founded in the late 1960s.
As Deputy Prime Minister, Anwar proposed the idea of Masyarakat Madani or civil society,
a social system based on morality with roots in the governance of Madinah by the Prophet
Muhammad and ideas from Muslim philosophers such as Ibn Khaldun and Al-Farabi. It was
during Fadzil Noor’s Presidency that PAS wrested the state of Kelantan from UMNO in 1990
and began laying the groundwork to establish an Islamic state governed by Shariah principles.
Ashaari Muhammad’s Al-Arqam grew to become a powerful organisation that owned busi-
nesses from food to entertainment worth millions of Malaysian ringgit (Noor 2014). All three
individuals and the organisations they led played an important role (either directly or indi-
rectly) in the growth and development of nasyid kontemporari in Malaysia.
Islamic Politics and Music

In 1990, the state of Kelantan was governed (again) by Parti Islam Se-Malaysia or the Pan
Malaysia Islamic Party (PAS) refecting a possible political hijrah by the people of Kelantan who
wanted a more Islamic government (see Noor 2014). Since then, a new process of Islamisation
(which some view as Arabisation) began. Activities considered “un-Islamic” were gradually dis-
continued or discouraged through legal and other means. Gambling outlets were closed down,
the sale of alcohol was tightly controlled, and nightclubs stopped operating. Club musicians
such as Ibrahim Yunus (Abe Him) and Che Rohani (Kak Ani) had to look for other venues at
which to perform. Abe Him “migrated” from Penang in 1979 and played in hotels and night-
clubs in Kota Bharu until the 1990s. Both of them are retirees but occasionally perform at wed-
dings and functions (Ibrahim and Rohani 2017). Public performances where men and women
mix together were banned, and female nasyid groups were not allowed to perform. Traditional
makyong, wayang kulit, and main pateri practitioners were banned from performing due to the
inclusion of certain rituals. Artists and activists viewed this development with concern and
possibly the beginning of the end of one important part of the cultural industry in the state.
Many musicians both traditional and modern contested and even resisted the Kelantan state’s
eforts in regulating and bureaucratising the performing arts.
Political changes in Kelantan in the early 1990s coincided with the booming music industry
in Kuala Lumpur especially in the rock genre. Kelantanese-born musicians who were not able
to perform in their state moved to Kuala Lumpur and managed to secure recording contracts.
Many continued with their music careers in Kuala Lumpur and a number of them returned
to Kelantan. Two of them, Hamzan Hj Hassan (Abe Jae) and Kamarul Anuar Kamalluddin
(Keyo), became important players in the local music industry. Apart from modern pop sing-
ers and groups, traditional dikir barat singers also ventured outside of Kelantan. Dikir barat
is a group performance comprised of singers called jogho (the main singer of the group) and
tukang karut (a singer who improvises lyrics that touch on current issues or themes), accom-
panied by ten to ffeen male chorus members (awok-awok) with choreographed hand move-
ments and musicians playing rebana, gong, canang, and maracas. One of the most popular
singers is Halim Yazid who moved to Kuala Lumpur in the 1980s. According to a producer in
Kota Bharu, his fourth album Inovasi (2001) sold more than 100,000 copies nationwide. By
the mid-1990s, with the rise of Islamisation and the nation experiencing an economic crisis,
there was a need for new and more religious sounds in the recording industry. Tus, the stage
was set for the introduction of a new (or revitalised) genre – nasyid kontemporari (Sarkissian
2005).
With the rise of nasyid kontemporari, some musicians in Kelantan turned towards this new
genre and played more religious or da’wah music. Pop musicians Hamzan and Ibrahim had
to keep up with the trend and formed a nasyid group called Nasyid Orkes Sukma in 1998.
Te same phenomenon took place in Kuala Lumpur where pop singers began to form nasyid
groups to get a slice of the growing market. Although the centre of the nasyid and popular
music industry was in Kuala Lumpur, its spiritual compass pointed towards Kelantan. Nasyid
groups were welcomed to perform in Kelantan and were considered the best alternative to pop/
rock and other Western-infuenced music genres. It ft the idea of Islamising the arts as part of
the state’s political agenda. Farihin Abdul Fatah, the manager and producer of Raihan and one
of the pioneering nasyid kontemporari groups, recalls that:
Te most interesting thing was in 1997 when Raihan successfully performed a tour of
Malaysia. We also made history when we managed to open the heart of the Chief Minister of
Kelantan at that time, Allahyarham Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat, to allow entertainment with
an Islamic concept. Before that, he disallowed any form of concert in Kelantan. From that
momentum, we were invited to perform in Indonesia and other countries.
(“Legenda Raihan”. Harian Metro, 27 March 2016, translation mine)
Some “migrating” pop/rock musicians also began paying homage to Tuan Guru Dato’ Nik
Abdul Aziz Nik Mat (fondly known as Tok Guru), Chief Minister of Kelantan, considered the
most infuential ulama (Islamic scholar) at the time. Many wanted his advice on religious mat-
ters or to become his disciple. Singers such as Amy from the rock group Search and Ito from
Blues Gang were among those drawn towards this “Tok Guru Efect”. Kelantan, with its many
religious schools and Islamic governance, provided a fertile ground for the emergence of nasyid
groups that would later fourish in public universities in Kuala Lumpur. Te increasingly popu-
lar nasyid kontemporari music and “migrating” artists were welcomed by PAS and its ulamas
led by Tok Guru himself but not without contestations within his own party. While appropriat-
ing popular culture, the party began projecting a more tolerant and modern approach trying to
win over the younger generation of Muslims.
Ironically, the rise of nasyid kontemporari was partly due to eforts of the United Malays
Nationalist Organisation (UMNO)-led Federal Government in the party’s attempts to counter
the rising tide of Islamic fundamentalism in the states of Kelantan and Terengganu (Matusky
and Tan 2004). UMNO is the biggest Malay-Muslim political party in Malaysia and competes
with PAS for Malay votes by strategically outdoing the latter in Islamic matters. Consequently,
this led to the increase of Islamisation in Malaysia from politics to education, fashion, and
entertainment.
Darul Arqam
Besides PAS, the most powerful Islamic movement in the country was Darul Arqam or al-
Arqam. Tis movement started with Ustaz Ashaari Mohammad (Abuya) in the late 1960s, devel-
oped in the early 1970s, and aimed to create an ideal self-sufcient Muslim community (see
Nagata 2004). Tis movement attracted highly educated Malay Muslims including singers and
musicians who wanted to “berhijrah” and “berda’wah” or “to spread the message of Islam”. Te
movement was economically successful with its own media companies and recording studios.
Religious sermons and messages recorded and disseminated through the sale of cassettes and
the formation of nasyid groups were part of this da’wah efort. Tis efort started in the 1980s in
Kampung Sungai Penchala, a commune on the outskirts of Kuala Lumpur where all al-Arqam
members resided and ran their activities. A group of young men began singing religious songs
and formed a group called Putera-Putera Al-Arqam (Sons of Al-Arqam), sometimes known as
Syukbah Kebudayaan Al-Arqam (Al-Arqam Cultural Men). Te group was led by the late Ustaz
Asri Ibrahim who later formed Rabbani and managed to record a number of songs. Putera-Putera
Al-Arqam later changed their name to Nada Murni and the number of members increased.
Members of Nada Murni then established a production company named OVA Production
and produced recordings of sermons, as well as of children’s and women’s nasyid groups. Te
group was well received by the public and performed on national TV. However, Darul Arqam
was banned in 1994 and its leaders detained under the draconian Internal Security Act (ISA).
Among those attracted to al-Arqam was Farihin Abdul Fatah, a former punk-rocker with a
Singaporean band called Plastic Surgery. In an interview in 1997, Farihin said he migrated to
Kuala Lumpur to learn more about Islam and joined a da’wah organisation. As a child he was
exposed to Western rock groups which were considered “wild” and TV shows that were too
“liberal” and encouraged “free mixing”. Farihin recalled,
when I lef Singapore to lead a new life in Malaysia and joining a da’wah organization, I
thought that I would continue to forget about the entertainment world. But looking back at
what made me who I was, to a point that I had to re-adjust my life, I realized that I could do
something to improve my situation.
(Hanim Mohd Saleh 1998)
In al-Arqam, he used his musical expertise to form a group called Nada Murni and in ten
years managed to produce twenty albums. He was assisted by Wahab Yusof, the former A&R
manager of the British transnational conglomerate EMI, who also joined al-Arqam and was
in charge of al-Arqam’s audio production company. When al-Arqam was banned in 1994, the
group disbanded and some of its members formed other nasyid groups such as Hijjaz, Rabbani,
and Raihan.
Raihan and Nasyid Kontemporari

Raihan was formed in 1996 by Farihin Abdul Fatah and is comprised of members from the group
Te Zikr. Its founding members were Nazrey Johani (a convert from Sabah, East Malaysia),
Che Amran Idris, Abu Bakar Md Yatim, Amran Ibrahim, and Azhari Ahmad (deceased). Te
group’s name, which means “sweet scent of heaven” or “heaven’s fower” in Arabic, was known
for its simple and catchy tunes accompanied by percussion instruments. Te album Puji-
Pujian produced by Farihin Abdul Fatah and distributed by the American company, Warner
Music Group, sold three-and-a-half million copies worldwide and became the world’s biggest
nasyid group (Figures 12.3–12.4). Raihan was the precursor of the nasyid kontemporari genre
which combined Western-style boy band features and Islamic-themed songs sung in harmony.
Raihan’s soothing songs are not “Arabic” in style compared to previous nasyid tunes (given the
lack of maqams and Arab rhythmic structures) but were pop in nature and easily memorised
especially by children. Te genre developed at a time when rock music was waning in popular-
ity and Muslim youths were looking for musical alternatives. Te following is an excerpt from
“Puji-Pujian” (Praises), the song that reputedly marked the beginning of nasyid kontemporari:
Asyhaduallailahailallah I bear witness that there’s no god but Allah

Wa asyhaduanna And I bear witness
Muhammadarrasulullah Muhammad is the messenger of Allah
Tiada Tuhan selain Allah No god other than Allah
Figure 12.3 Front sleeve of the DVD edition of Raihan’s debut album Puji-Pujian (Praises), Warner Music
Malaysia. 1997. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
Figure 12.4 Back sleeve of the DVD edition of Raihan’s debut album Puji-Pujian (Praises) Warner Music
Malaysia. 1997. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
Nabi Muhammad pesuruh Allah Prophet Muhammad is the servant of Allah

Alhamdulillah pujian bagi Allah Praise be to Allah, Praise be to Allah
Subhanallah Maha suci Allah Glory be to Allah, Glory be to Allah
Allahuakbar Allah Maha Besar Allah is Great, Allah is Great
Segala puji hanya bagi Allah All praises only to Allah
Bila dipuji kejayaan kita When we’re praised on our success
Sebenarnya bukan milik kita Actually it’s not ours
Oleh itu sedarlah sentiasa We must always realise
Semuanya dari Allah Everything is from Allah
Raihan gained international recognition afer they were invited to perform in Edinburgh,
United Kingdom in 1997 and recorded with musician Yusof Islam formerly known as Cat
Stevens. In 2001, Azhari Ahmad died due to a heart attack and Raihan was lef with four mem-
bers. Te group continued to perform globally with tours in the United Kingdom and France
in 2004 and other countries such as the United States, Australia, Canada, China, Russia, South
Africa, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, and Tailand. It was reported that Raihan’s concert
at Sasana Budaya Ganesha (Sabuga) in Bandung, Indonesia attracted a record number of audi-
ence members and built a strong following there (Poetra 2004). In 2006, Raihan’s main singer
Nazrey Johani lef the group and went back to his hometown in Sabah. Te remaining members
continue to perform but lack Nazrey’s unique voice and appeal.
Nasyid was not only popular in Malaysia but was also growing in other parts of the world
among Muslim communities in Europe and the Middle East. Well-known global artists in
the nasyid genre included Sami Yusuf, Maher Zain, Dawud Wharnsby, Zain Bhikha, and
Yusuf Islam (Cat Stevens). Nasyid kontemporari was also being promoted by the state through
IKIM or the Malaysian Institute for Islamic Development. Te genre now has its own charts,
awards, and TV programme. Today with many Muslim artists “crossing over” to perform
nasyid, the genre is more open and not confned to specifc dress codes and singing styles.
New R&B and rap artists singing Islamic-themed or spiritual songs under the banner of
nasyid kontemporari refect this diversity.
Conclusion
Nasyid was frst sung to welcome the Prophet Muhammad’s arrival in Medina during his hijrah
from Mecca. Te political, economic, and spiritual hijrah of Muslims for the past four decades
in Malaysia was infuenced by regional and global Islamic da’wah, social and political move-
ments. Te demands for greater Islamisation in social life, education, and politics provided a
germinating ground for an alternative form of music and entertainment. Nasyid and qasidah
groups from Singapore and Indonesia laid the foundation for popular nasyid in the region. In
Indonesia, Middle East-educated Muslim scholars and local Arab communities developed the
Orkes Padang Pasir and Orkes Gambus music for both secular and religious purposes. Tis
development had a strong infuence on Malaysia especially the da’wah essence of the songs but
without the complexity of the orkes format. Malaysian nasyid groups were much simpler in
their instrumentation and musical arrangement. What was apparent was a Nusantara Muslim
connectivity through intra-regional migration and cross-border fows of music.
In Malaysia, nasyid fourished during a time when popular musicians migrated for eco-
nomic and spiritual reasons including to Malaysian states such as Kelantan with drastic politi-
cal and social changes under new government policies. Al-Arqam became a successful da’wah
movement that attracted followers including those from the music industry such as Farihin
Abdul Fatah and Wahab Yusof. Tese musicians used their experience and connections
with the mainstream music industry to introduce and promote nasyid kontemporari for the
purpose of da’wah. Te term kontemporari can be construed as a refection of a period when
Malaysia reached new heights economically and politically. Te newly constructed Petronas
Twin Towers, the development of Putrajaya as the new administrative city, the construction of
the Light Rail Transit (LRT) system, and the hosting of the 1998 Commonwealth Games were
testaments to Malaysia’s economic success under Prime Minister Tun Mahathir Mohamed’s
governance. Malaysia was already considered a modern country and, more importantly, a
modern Islamic country looked upon by other countries as a model Muslim state. Raihan and
nasyid kontemporari aptly projected this modern and progressive image of Islam, not necessar-
ily deeply Westernised or Arabised but grounded by their simplicity, moderation, and modesty
– which is also refected in their music. It was part of the process of Islamising modernity and
what sociologist Chandra Muzafar sees as a “manifestation of a search for an Islamic identity”
(Seneviratne 1998).
State institutions such as the International Islamic University of Malaysia (IIUM), the Islamic
Development Department of Malaysia (JAKIM), and the Islamic Propagation Foundation of
Malaysia (YADIM) helped promote nasyid and continue to provide a platform for economic
and spiritual hijrah. Tis could be seen as an efort of countering the onslaught of Western
music and culture ofen seen as destructive cultural imperialism (see Seneviratne 2012). Te
process of hijrah and the development of nasyid can be seen as “authority defned” and “every-
day defned” social realities (Shamsul 1996). Nasyid was infuenced by both the state (govern-
ments and federal agencies) and the organic nature of Malaysia’s Muslim society’s quest for
change at the macro level as well as individual journeys towards spiritual enlightenment and
fulflment at the micro level.
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PART IV
National vs. Local Industries
Part IV asserts the need to discern the presence of national and local industries for the produc-
tion of popular music in the Nusantara region. Tis section examines regulated laws, censor-
ship, and politics at the national level as well as production, consumption, and dissemination of
popular music at the regional level. Te discussion reveals alternative modus operandi between
national enterprises that operate largely at the capital city supported by the national govern-
ment and regional industries propelled by individuals and small organisations that produce
music for local communities, ofen of distinct ethnic groups. While the previous section high-
lighted inter-regional movements of musicians and genres, part IV features regionalised popu-
lar music industries demarcated by political boundaries of provinces and nation-states as well
as the presence of ethnic cultural domains.
Te diferentiation between national and local industries addresses the presence of distinct
popular music communities in the Nusantara region. Local industries are largely driven by
individuals working in small studios or at their residence, producing music for local events,
and disseminating songs through local media platforms. Local industries may beneft from
the national industry but are ofen not dependent on the national government for funding and
support. Regional genres are largely the product of the popularisation of traditional forms that
reinforce alternative cultural modernities for the ethnic group and/or the province. Historically,
the Nusantara region had several diferent centres for the production, performance, and dis-
semination of popular music given the movement of individuals and communities. Afer inde-
pendence from colonial powers, Nusantara nation-states implemented protectionist policies for
the arts in the 1970s and national music industries developed with centralized operations at the
capital cities. However, technological developments and access to recording equipment in the
1980s and 1990s allowed local industries to fourish producing regional popular music for local
audiences.
Tis section begins with a discussion on popular music and nation branding through gov-
ernmental campaigns fuelled by the infux of tourists in the region. Chapter 14 examines the
national popular music industry in Indonesia contested by state laws and censorship. Both
chapters 13 and 14 discuss the national industry in Malaysia and Indonesia, respectively, as
guided democracies with cultural policies that shape popular music following nationalistic
directives and directions. In contrast, chapters 15 and 16 investigate local industries within
marginal regions as alternative modernities to popular music within their respective nation-
states of Malaysia and the Philippines. Chapter 15 discusses the development of Iban popu-
lar music in Sarawak representative of an indigenous identity through modern expressions of
popular music. Te last chapter of this section examines the Sama-Bajau genre known as sang-
bai that is both popularised and disseminated across the national borders of Malaysia and the
Philippines as a transnational popular genre.
13
Branding the Nation through Ahmad
Nawab’s “Malaysia Truly Asia”
Shazlin Amir Hamzah
Introduction
Since its inception in 1972, the Ministry of Tourism, Arts, and Culture in Malaysia has imple-
mented campaigns to brand the country as a unique tourist destination in Asia. In this process,
popular music plays a signifcant role in depicting the country as a unique tourist destination.
In 1999, the song “Malaysia Truly Asia” was composed by Datuk Seri Ahmad Nawab and it
became, and continues to be, the most iconic song for Tourism Malaysia’s campaigns. “Malaysia
Truly Asia” was originally recorded in English and eventually translated into seventeen lan-
guages for the worldwide campaign. Tis song catapulted Ahmad Nawab’s musical career to the
level of Seniman Negara (National Laureate) and was specifcally infused with musical elements
of the three main ethnic communities of Malaysia – Malay, Chinese, and Indian. Te song
combined instrumental arrangements of kompang (single-headed frame drum), Kelantanese
wayang kulit (shadow puppets) music, serunai (quadruple reed wind instrument), tabla (a pair
of double-headed drums), accordion, and seruling (fute). National songs such as this represent
and invoke kinship among Malaysians to the predominant ideology of an “authority-defned”
national identity that links Malay ethno-national politics with a British colonial past (Shamsul
1996). Tis chapter discusses the conceptualisation of “nation branding” as both a tourism and
political tool in post-colonial Malaysia where the “nation” and “state” are not interchangeable.
As part of a destination branding campaign targeted at a global market, the song eludes con-
tested national directions of the Malaysian state (Shamsul & Sity 2012). Neglecting dichotomies
of shared symbols across the Nusantara region is an implicit process of nation branding that
aims to set Malaysia apart from its neighbours as a tourism destination while simultaneously
asserting post-colonial national hegemonies.
“Malaysia Truly Asia” made its debut in 2000 during the Citrawarna Malaysia festival held
in conjunction with the tourism campaign for Visit Malaysia that year. It was a pompous event
and for the frst time in the country’s history, a single campaign song was translated into vari-
ous foreign languages. Tis song is still remembered today and at the point of this chapter
writing, I am reminded by how people responded when I introduced myself as “I am from
Malaysia” while studying in the United States during my undergraduate years. My introduc-
tion was received with “Hey… ‘Malaysia Truly Asia!’” by an American student, singing the line
of the song to which many in the class were able to identify with. A “nation branding” project
disseminates the reputation of a country just as a company’s or a product’s brand image is cre-
ated through advertising and branding whereby the dissemination of reputation has a profound
153
154 • Shazlin Amir Hamzah
impact on the way the country is perceived (Shazlin 2019). In addition, nation branding is a
way of creating symbols and an identifcation for people to associate themselves with in order
to feel the “imagined community”. Anderson (1983) emphasised how newspapers are crucial
for the defnition of these imagined communities because they provide readers with a shared
stock of common national referents. Furthermore, radio and television are critical in situating
individuals within a national imagined community (Piroth 2008). In Malaysia, Radio Malaya
began broadcasting in 1946 and steadily became the arm for the propagation of “authority-
defned” and government approved messages through music. When television was introduced,
Radio Television Malaysia was established in 1963 and this national network began broadcast-
ing locally composed and arranged music to keep within and promote the national culture
(Chopyak 1987). Songs, much like newspapers and any other media content, are similar to sto-
ries and these stories help create a “collective imagination” of a group. Tey form a narrative
for the individuals in a society to locate themselves. Chopyak stressed further that music is an
important cultural marker in Malaysia and, as a result, musicians fnd themselves at the fore-
front of nation building. Music and musicians in Malaysia are expected to play an important
role in the process of building and defning their nation. Using an interview that I conducted
with the composer of “Malaysia Truly Asia”, I discuss the origins of this popular song used as a
nation branding apparatus against the background of Malaysia as a post-colonial state. Various
scholars have written about how advertising works to generate purchases, increase return-of-
investment for businesses, and represent Malaysia through images for the tourism industry.
However, no study has considered branding and how it works to provide the state its “nation”
status or variations of it (Jordan 2014b; Shazlin 2016).
Branding Malaysia
Branding is the process of creating a special meaning for a product, one that makes a product
distinctive in the marketplace and in its product category (May, Wells, Burnett, & Moriarty
2007). It is the intangible values built into an ordinary product or service that help it to stand
out from the crowd and to break out of the mould of similarity in a world ruled by globalisation
where products and services are virtually indistinguishable from each other, by incorporat-
ing values into consumers’ perceptions of a product or service. Nation branding is described
as the phenomenon by which governments engage in self-conscious activities aimed at pro-
ducing a particular image of the nation-state (Jordan 2013). Conceptually, it is a fairly recent
notion that is continuously developing. Te term was coined by Simon Anholt in 1996 when
the author began observing that reputations of countries are similar to the brand images that
can be attached to companies and products, and that both are equally important. Branding is
the process of designing, planning, and communicating a name and identity in order to build
a reputation. A nation brand is the reputation of a particular country and just as products and
companies have brand images created through advertising and marketing, these reputations
too have images that can create profound impacts on the country as well as the perceptions of
people (Anholt 2007). A nation branding project disseminates the reputation of a country by
sending a comprehensive message about the attitudes, images, and personality of the coun-
try. Tis reputation has a profound impact on a country’s image and the way in which it is
perceived. Countries create their reputations and communicate them to the rest of the world
through various eforts including tourism promotions. Tese campaigns are ofen the loud-
est voices in branding the nation as tourism boards usually have the biggest budgets and the
most competent marketers. According to Olins (2001), France has always been inventing and
reinventing its national image, repackaging it symbolically to be presented to both internal and
Branding the Nation through Ahmad Nawab • 155
external audiences. Tese symbols include the colours of its national fower, national anthem
(Le Marseillaise), military uniforms, great medallions, rituals, and ornaments.
Branding the nation involves inventing a reputation and image for a political community
and social entity, and thus what comes to attention are questions of who decides and engineers
what this “nation” should be. If a tourism campaign is designed by the government this would
mean that the eventual nation brand disseminated is authority-defned and a dominant elite
idea. However, would this brand eventually conform with the notion of everyday-defned sov-
ereignty that the mass population holds onto? Branding a nation then becomes a more complex
agenda than the branding and marketing of commercial goods. Tis is especially so when the
nation in this context is still a “work-in-progress”. Te following is a brief description of why
this is complex for Malaysia as a work-in-progress nation.
Epistemologically, for post-colonial countries such as Malaysia, terms such as “states”,
“nations”, and “nation-states” are completely dissimilar and cannot be used interchangeably.
Tis is because the experience of decolonisation among independent former colonies is diferent
compared to that of Europe from where the idea of “nation” originated. For Malaysia, it cannot
be assumed that the term “state” is akin to “nation” and therefore one cannot be used to replace
the other. According to Shamsul and Sity (2006), the conceptual defnition of the “state” is an
entity that has a rule of law, a territory, and citizenship. For post-colonial countries, the “state”
is separated from the “nation”, the latter being defned as an imagined community that is suf-
fused with a notion of “nation-of-intent” (Shamsul 1996). Tis is because the state existed and
was lef as a legacy by the colonials who used it to fulfl their colonial needs. Te main govern-
ance structure of the country, once it achieves independence, remains as that of the colonial
state. Tis is true even when the people heading the country are the locals themselves. Shamsul
stressed further that a nation-of-intent is a more or less precisely defned idea and as a form of
“nation” with its territory, population, language, culture, symbols, and institutions. Te idea
must be shared by a number of people who perceive themselves as members of that nation, and
who feel that it unites them, but it does not necessarily imply an aspiration for political self-
rule on the part of the group of people who are advancing their nation-of-intent. Te concept
depicts an idea of a nation that still needs to be constructed or reconstructed. For Malaysia,
nation-of-intent has emerged from a historical context of anti-colonialism all the way from
the colonial period to a post-colonial era. Te idea of advancing alternative nations-of-intent
rather than that of the authority-defned idea of Malaysia has found concrete expressions that
seek to demand a political space. Kelantan, in this case, ofers as an example of the local ruling
party of a state continuing to articulate its own nation-of-intent in opposition to the Malaysian
United Malays National Organization (UMNO)-dominant idea (Shamsul 1996). In the case of
a “nation-state”, Singapore ofers a good example of what it is. In essence, Singapore is a “state”
and it is this state that determines the kind of “nation” it should be. Ultimately these demands
by the state must be fulflled. On another note, Islamised people who self-identify as Moros
in the southern Philippines are an example of a “nation-without-state”. Te Bangsamoro may
have a “nation” or even a few “nations-of-intents” but are yet to successfully establish for them-
selves a “state”. Malaysia at the present is a “state-without-nation”. Te “nation”, or rather “how
the nation should be” for Malaysia, is a constant work-in-progress because upon independence
from the British, the latter only lef a state to be inherited by its multiethnic people that existed
for many years without a recognised nation (Shamsul 2007; Shamsul & Daud 2012).
Malaysia’s independence in 1957 marked the beginning of a modern nation-building process
for what was then the Federation of Malaya. Essentially what existed at the time was the imple-
mentation of a nation that was set by the government which was essentially Malay-dominated
(Chopyak 1987; Shazlin 2016). Te government earnestly began numerous eforts at inventing
symbols and mobilising them to educate people about their “nation and its national identity”.
Among others, these included the creation of the fag of the Federation of Malaya, the national
anthem “Negaraku”, and the Merdeka Stadium (Shazlin 2016, 2018). Tis was the inception of
nation branding for Malaysia, albeit the dominant and authority-defned one. For Malaysia,
achieving independence required a certain amount of unity among the various groups. Part of
the reason for this requirement is that in the pre-independence period, what existed was not a
single Malayan nationalism but three streams of nationalism tied to ethnicity – for the Malays,
Chinese, and Indians (Chopyak 1987; Shazlin 2016; Yaapar 2005). Music, particularly through
the mass media and education, has been given an important role in this process of unifcation
by the Malaysian government. Popular patriotic songs, among other creations, have been both
commissioned by the government as well as composed and designed by individuals specifcally
to serve this purpose and up until today have remained powerful as their names and songs
become imprinted in the minds of society from sheer exposure to constant repetition through
the radio. Radio enabled music and songs to be heard far into areas of the country not reach-
able before. Upon independence and when Kuala Lumpur was declared as the country’s capital,
Radio Malaya became the perfect tool for disseminating ideas through an authority-defned
notion of national identity. Radio Malaya invited people to participate in various activities
post-1957 independence and also served as a channel for creating and promoting unity among
the newly independent country’s people transcending ethnic backgrounds, class, and religious
afnities (Shazlin 2019). Because of its malleable characteristics, these songs have the ability
to become border markers thus mobilising eforts of inclusion as well as exclusion in the state.
Songs can help enhance the qualities of a nation while simultaneously making people forget
selected blocks of history. Tey have always been a part of the discourse of advertising and
branding by enhancing the quality of meanings in the various messages disseminated. A song
titled “Negaraku” played this same role on 31 August 1957, when the eager crowd at Stadium
Merdeka gathered to witness and celebrate the moment Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman
exclaimed “Merdeka! Merdeka!” (“Freedom! Freedom!”) jubilantly (Hasliza 2007; Shazlin
2016, 2018). Tis chapter is a presentation of the experience of “Malaysia Truly Asia” composer
Ahmad Nawab, based on a personal interview with the composer. Tough it may seem as if his
personal views refect that of the dominant elite’s nation branding, they are also a manifestation
of the imagined nation ideals of an everyday individual rooted in a belief of a shared collective
and historical identity in a multiethnic region.
“Malaysia Truly Asia”: Truly a Maestro Extraordinaire’s Touch

Ahmad Nawab Khan was born in Penang in 1933. His father, Nawab Khan, served in the
British army while in Pakistan as a musician but eventually lef the army to join a travelling
opera group known as Wayang Parsi. Tis group gave performances around the archipelago
and Nawab’s musical skills in the group fnally landed him in Penang where he eventually set-
tled down. Ahmad grew up initially as Abdullah Khan but had his name changed to Ahmad
Nawab due to frequently falling ill; a common practice among the local community then
(Syed Othman 2008). His childhood in Penang was amidst a colourful melting pot of people
from various ethnic origins from Minangkabau, Sumatra to Malabari, India, and all the way
to Teochew and Hainan in China. By the 1950s, as an efect of the colonial British free trade
policy, Penang quickly became a bustling multiethnic cosmopolitan point of commerce in the
region for those travelling through the Malacca Straits. Consequently, modern popular cul-
ture fourished and this included a mixture of musical performances, cinemas, and Western
dance music. Penang became the centre for local syncretic performances such as wayang parsi,
bangsawan opera theatre, boria, and dabus (Mohd Haqkam 2010; Syed Othman 2008). Te eco-
nomic development during the 1900s also made it possible for the burgeoning of entertainment
and recreational centres. Places such as nightclubs and hotels that ofered spaces for singing and
entertainment mushroomed like never before to service the infux of people coming in and out
of Penang island.
Ahmad, who received his musical infuence from his father Nawab Khan, went to Francis
Light Primary School with the likes of budding musicians P. Ramlee as well as Ahmad Daud
among others (Mohd Haqkam 2010; Syed Othman 2008). He earnestly learnt to play wind
instruments from his father who worked with a travelling opera group called Bangsawan Tijah
Opera as a clarinet player. Soon enough, Ahmad was playing for local Penang bands, namely
Pancaragam Bayangan Bandung and Pancaragam Bandaraya Pulau Pinang (Penang Municipal
Band), and also in cabarets, namely the Wembley park (Ahmad 2019). He introduced wind
instruments to these bands as well as the fusion of modern Western beats such as samba and
tango.
Ahmad moved to Kuala Lumpur at the age of twenty and became a saxophonist for Bukit
Bintang Cabaret in BB Park. By 1960 he joined RTM (Radio Television Malaysia), the national
radio and television broadcasting station, and was the frst Malay to play the baritone saxo-
phone with Orkestra RTM. L. Krishnan, the director of Cathay-Keris Studio, ofered Ahmad
the opportunity to compose the background music to the flm Tun Teja (1960) (Jamil 1993) pro-
duced by Merdeka Films. It was the frst flm produced by Merdeka Studio afer the company
on Jalan Ampas in Singapore was shut down (Mohd Haqkam 2010; Ahmad 2019). By the 1970s,
he had already helped hone the skills of various singers such as Salamiah Hassan, Uji Rashid,
Sharifah Aini, siblings Khadijah and Latif Ibrahim, Jamal Abdillah, Datuk Shake (Hafdah
2000), and eventually Ramlah Ram in the 1980s. In 1988, Ramlah became the frst Malay art-
ist awarded with a Double Platinum Disc Award for selling over 350,000 units of the album
Kau Kunci Cintaku (Dalam Hati Mu) (My Love is Sealed in Your Heart) composed by Ahmad
(Ramlahramgroup n.d.). “For a female singer, Ramlah had the widest range in her voice and
for a male artist, that would be Jamal Abdillah I must say”, said Ahmad during the interview
(Ahmad 2019). Troughout his career Ahmad has composed over two thousand songs sung by
local and international artists. He has been involved with producing over one hundred and ffy
albums including the song “Malaysia Truly Asia”, all recorded in Indonesia, the Philippines,
Singapore, Tailand, Taiwan, and Hong Kong.
In November 1999, Ahmad was approached by the Ministry of Tourism, Arts, and Culture
Malaysia to compose a song for the country’s tourism campaign titled “Malaysia Truly Asia”.
Upon being commissioned, Ahmad received lyrics that were broken into three sections, each
representing the three main ethnic groups in Malaysia – Malays, Chinese, and Indians. Te
task was to compose a song to ft the lyrics provided to him by the ministry while at the same
time incorporating musical elements from these three cultural groups. He also complemented
the arrangement by adding sounds of the kompang (a Malay hand-struck frame drum),
Kelantan music (specifcally the serunai sound of wayang kulit), tabla, accordion, and seruling
(fute), altogether making the song a combination of both traditional and modern styles. Tis
refects precisely what Chopyak (1987) has mentioned, that musicians in Malaysia are expected
to play an important role in the process of building and defning the nation. Tey are expected
to do their part in nation building and this afects the kind of music they are making either
directly or indirectly. Mass media is also required to refect and promote national unity and
the national culture in the same manner as the education system. Media content must abide
by the National Cultural Policy (Dasar Kebudayaan Negara) that was promulgated in 1970 as
a reaction to the racial riots in 1969. Te policy guidelines are ofen paraphrased to mean that
the Malay Culture and the religion of Islam are the basis of Malaysian national culture – but
that room must be allowed for some infuences from other racial and religious groups. Te
existence of national culture is intended as a refection of national unity and simultaneously
is an aid to its promotion. Te importance of music as a cultural marker makes it possible for
some musicians to be at the forefront of nation building. According to Chopyak this is not a
theoretical situation but rather a practical one that musicians in Malaysia are expected to deal
with on a regular basis.
A New Straits Times journalist Joe Chelliah (1988) wrote that anyone can easily identify
musical genres correctly and immediately when listening to European art music, Chinese
opera, or Indian carnatic music. Tis is because each type of music is not only distinctive but
also enjoys a well-established musical identity. With much of contemporary Malaysian music,
the same kind of aural identifcation may not be undertaken with similar ease by non-Malay-
sians because Malaysian music lacks a signifcant or distinctive musical identity. One potent
way to obtain a musical identity in Malaysian contemporary music is to employ distinctive
Malaysian scales, sounds, melodic ornamentations, and instruments. Te scale normally used
in Malaysian asli music is a combination of the traditional major and minor scales.
Soon enough, Ahmad contacted Khadijah Ibrahim whom Ahmad personally felt was
the most suitable singer to record the song for a demo tape to be presented to the ministry.
According to Ahmad every singer has his or her own character and songs need to be tailored to
ft each artist. Tis, Ahmad believes, is the correct approach when composing songs with lyrics
to serenade audiences.
Saya call Kathy, waktu tu dia ada di LA. “Kathy, can you come home, kita ada a very impor-
tant job”. Saya mahu dia audition untuk lagu yang saya cipta. Kathy sahaja yang karakternya
paling sesuai, pada saya, untuk menyanyikan lagu Malaysia Truly Asia.
(I called Kathy who was then residing in LA. I told Kathy to come home because we had
an important job to do. I wanted her to audition for the song I composed. In my personal
opinion, her character fts best and she was the most suitable singer for Malaysia Truly Asia.)
(Ahmad 2019)
Swooning over the song presented by Ahmad, the committee immediately requested for it to
be produced and recorded. Lyrics to the song were intentionally written and sung in English
for the global campaign but eventually the directive was to have it translated into seventeen
languages. Te song ultimately was performed by an orchestra of ffy musicians and recorded
in Kuala Lumpur. Ahmad himself few to each of the seventeen countries to coach their fnest
singers on how to sing the song in their respective languages such as Cantonese, Mandarin,
Japanese, Italian, Dutch, Hindi, Tamil, Russian, and French. Below are the English language
lyrics to the song:
MALAYSIA TRULY ASIA

You’ll love Malaysia now and forever
Diferent races everywhere
Te soul of Asia is surely here
Tis beautiful Malaysia
You’ll love the colour Malaysia
Where the sun loves to shine
On sandy beaches and clear waters

With smiles of friendly races
Tis land so beautiful
It steals your heart away
Tis land is paradise
Only a smile away
Te soul of Asia
Te essence of Asia
in this land where dreams come true
Malaysia
Malaysia it’s truly Asia
People smiling everywhere
Showing you how much they care
Welcome to Malaysia
(Ministry of Tourism, Arts, and Culture Malaysia 1999)
Malaysia Truly Asia was ofcially launched during the 2000 Citrawarna celebrations in Dataran
Merdeka (Independence Square) in Kuala Lumpur – a festival to showcase how Malaysia is a
tourism destination full of colours (Ahmad 2019; Mohd Haqkam 2010; Syed Othman 2008). For
this contribution to the country, Ahmad was bestowed the award Anugerah Seniman Negara
(National Laureate Award), a title that actually came afer a host of others including Te Lion
of Malaysian Music and Darjah Yang Mulia Pangkuan Negeri (an Honorary State Excellence
Degree) (Hafdah 2000).
Malaysia Truly Asia: Cultural “Embeddization” Personifed

According to Hanaf Hussin (2018), intangible cultural heritage, particularly the performing
arts of dance, music, and martial arts, as well as food heritage, plays an important role in brand-
ing the Malaysian tourism sector. Tis is in line with the various cultural policies and institu-
tions to promote Malaysian culture and cultural practices. Te tourism industry and nation
branding eforts, added Hanaf (2018), take on this role while at the same time uniting diferent
ethnic groups.
For the above-mentioned purposes, the song “Malaysia Truly Asia” has been promoted
and featured through several short videos, the frst one featuring Khadijah Ibrahim’s singing
released in 2010. Four years later, Yuna’s voice was featured in a video promotion entitled “Te
Essence of Asia”. Tis was the beginning of a more inclusive portrayal of Malaysia. Trough
this video, Malaysia is branded as “truly Asia” with cultural heritage being part of it. Te video
features the Datun Julud dance (by the Orang Ulu people of Sarawak), the Zapin Sindang
dance (by the Malays of Sarawak), the Alu-alu dance (by the Melanau people of Sarawak),
and the Rejan Be’uh dance (by the Bidayuh people of Sarawak). Te video opens with tradi-
tional and ethnic musical instruments such as the seruling (fute), pipa (Chinese pear-shape
lute), Malay gamelan, and Indian tabla (Hanaf Hussin 2018). For Visit Malaysia Year 2020, the
song “Malaysia Truly Asia” discernibly features an exciting mix of traditional instruments and
enthralling beats. Strains of the Chinese erhu string instrument and the Indian tabla mingle
with the dikir barat (a musical performance done in groups) refecting the country’s multiethnic
setting. In addition, the song features the gong, bungkau (traditional instrument of the Dusun
people of Sabah), bamboo fute, sitar (plucked string instrument used in Hindustani classical
music), and kompang (single-headed frame drum) (Te Star 2019). Te song was composed
by a former Dean of ASWARA (Akademi Seni Budaya dan Warisan Kebangsaan/National
Academy of Arts Culture and Heritage), Ramlan Mohd Imam, with English and Malay lyrics
penned by Normah Kechut and James P. Boyle respectively. Sung by professional singer Idayu,
the song is meant to emphasise universal themes such as unity, hope, sharing, inclusivity, and
prosperity.
Malaysia is located within the Malay world (Malay archipelago). To understand the country’s
societal formation today, it is imperative to comprehend the socio-political transformation of
the region (Shamsul 2009). Te evolution of the polities and governance of the Malay world is
a result of complex multi-linear ‘embeddization’. By this Shamsul means that each new culture
and civilization that arrives is layered on top of the previous one, reinventing and reconstruct-
ing it to suit the needs of the day. Te pre-colonial era of the Malay world was characterised by
a plurality of cultures that signifed a free-fowing natural process not only articulated through
migration but also cultural borrowings and adaptations. Colonial rule introduced knowledge,
social constructs, vocabulary, idioms, and institutions hitherto unknown to the indigenous
peoples of the pre-colonial era. Malaysia has evolved throughout the diferent phases of govern-
ance from the pre-colonial and colonial periods, to the post-colonial state it is today, each with
its own nation-of-intent. Tis, in a nutshell, is the complex historical background of modern
Malaysia today, certainly a country with its own socio-political trajectory in the post-independ-
ence era. As a post-colonial state, Malaysia’s contemporary identity is a result of the impact of
layers of embeddization originating from its pre-colonial civilization and cultures within the
archipelago.
A number of scholars have explored “Malaysia Truly Asia” as a case study of nation brand-
ing. Among others, Anholt (2008) asserted that nation branding can easily be wrongly equated
with eforts of destination branding while destination branding is close to the kind of branding
found in the commercial sphere and makes use of commercial techniques such as corporate
identity, public relations, advertising, graphic design, and so forth. Nation branding targets no
promotional goals. Rather, it is the desire to make people see the country in a diferent light. A
prominent case of this misalignment, according to Anholt, is the long-running tourism cam-
paign promoted as “Malaysia Truly Asia” which is ofen wrongly cited as a successful case of
nation branding. He explains further that this has been destination branding carried out with
the intention of increasing visitors to the country. It was never intended to impact directly on
the world’s overall perceptions of the country.
Morais (2013) observed that the campaign for “Malaysia Truly Asia” consisted of a series of
advertisements for both print and television carrying the message that not only is all of Asia
represented in Malaysia but also that Malaysia is “truly Asia” (92). Morais further analyses
the images used in both print and television advertisements and notes how Malaysia was only
represented by female ambassadors with uniformly light skin and almost interchangeable faces
(98). She further added that the campaign was specifcally targeted to the male leisure travel-
ler and that any audience would be led to the conclusion that erasing bloodlines is projected as
truly Malaysian and thereby truly Asian (98). Her discussion concluded with an observation of
the difculty in representing Malaysia as “truly Asia” because of the varying ideas of what the
nation really is. Tis is due to the fact that the truly Asian topography of Malaysia is threatened
by the reality of a country that very much hungers for and is in a hurry for development ofen
modelled on other industrialised countries, especially those of the West. Yaapar (2005) also
studied the “Malaysia Truly Asia” campaign and contends that tourism can and has been used
to create and assert a national identity. It is believed that through tourism policies and promo-
tional activities, the authorities can create the desired Malaysian identity and present it to the
world as well as to the country itself. Over the years, the government has transformed exclusiv-
ist concepts of national culture and national identity into something more inclusive. Te focus
since then has been more on multiethnic and multicultural Malaysia. Salleh added that this
new openness is said to be the reaction as a result of the introduction of Bangsa Malaysia, a
concept mooted by Tun Mahathir in the early 1990s. Te concept basically refers to citizens who
identify themselves with the country, speak the Malaysian language, and accept the Malaysian
Constitution. Up to the present time, Malaysian identity has been more or less an assemblage of
a set of markers and values, thus making the “nation” a rather elusive concept. Tis nation for
Malaysia is still a negotiated one and this process may be a painful one (Yaapar 2005). Tis ties
in with Jordan’s (2014a) argument on the tensions and contradictions between nation branding
and national identity. Nonetheless, nation branding is a process by which countries continue to
invest in varying interests – direct economic investment, managing a country’s image, and/or
writing narratives of identity politics.
A closer examination into the making of the “Malaysia Truly Asia” song by Ahmad Nawab
reveals a little more than being just another tourism advertisement to brand the country.
Indeed, the choice of having Ahmad compose the song with pre-written lyrics was very much
a top-down decision made by Abdul Kadir Sheikh Fadzir, who at the time was the chairman of
the Malaysia Tourism Promotion Board (Ahmad 2019). However, revealing the thoughts of the
song’s composer discloses more about the everyday-defned reality of Malaysian identity chan-
nelled through a tourism campaign. Ahmad came from a very colourful background raised
in a melting pot society in Penang, a state that by the 1930s had already been a hub for the
combination of fourishing popular culture, which was a result of the confuence of myriad cul-
tural infuences (Lochhead & Augustin 2015). Ahmad Nawab was exposed to a diverse tradition
of musical performances that included ronggeng, boria, bangsawan, and Penang’s amusement
parks such as Fun and Frolic, Wembley, which he was a part of, and New World (Lochhead &
Augustin 2015). Te inclusion of various ethnic and cultural elements (Malay, Chinese, and
Indians with a touch of kompang, Kelantanese forms, and serunai [a Malay double-reed aero-
phone]) into the seemingly modern pop song genre is not only a manifestation of shared cul-
tural heritage in the psyche of the songwriter, but is also exhibited through the eventual mass
acceptance of his song as a refection of a collective phenomenon.
Conclusion
Symbols invented for the purpose of branding and rebranding Malaysia as a modern nation,
regardless of the frequency of this branding cycle, are never detached from a long and com-
plex history of cultural borrowing and embeddedness of elements shared within the archipe-
lagic nusantara, which include Hindu, Buddhist, and Islamic infuences as well as an evolution
of governance, each with its own nation-of-intent. Te intangible cultural heritage within a
nation-of-intent and its performing arts and music will always have an important position in
the country’s tourism sector and branding eforts. Despite the fact that the “nation” for Malaysia
is very much a work-in-progress, what can be observed is that the collective heritage will remain
a representation of Malaysia irrespective of whether or not the country is actually viewed as
“truly Asia”. Elsewhere, I have examined several other popular patriotic songs of Malaysia such
as the national anthem “Negaraku” (My Country), “Tanah Pusaka” (Heritage Land), “Bahtera
Merdeka” (Independence Ark), and “Perajurit Tanah Air” (“Warriors of the Homeland”) and
concluded that these songs play the role of disseminating, through repetition via mass media,
the idea of a collective and shared national identity (Shazlin 2016, 2018, 2019). Te survival
of ethnic elements for a community rests on attitudes, sentiments, and perceptions that are
embedded in the myths, symbols, and values of a society. Popular culture is the arena where
cultural artefacts and symbolisms become amassed and interwoven in a society that continues
to reinforce a national identity. Even when changes occur and afect these myths and tradi-
tions from time to time, the importance and relevance of myths and traditions will continue
to transcend time. Te relevance and sustainability of tourism via branding Malaysia will be
dependent on this transcendence.
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14
Te Indonesian Popular Music Industry
Navigating Shadows of Politics
and Cultural Uncertainty
Citra Aryandari
At the beginning of 2019, limitations on expression and creativity became a hot topic in
Indonesia. Tere is a general anxiety among Indonesian musicians regarding the emergence of
the Proposed Bill on Music (RUUP), which would limit musical expression. Tere are several
pros and cons towards RUUP which eventually led to discussions that proposed a review of
the draf. Restrictions on musical expression, as seen in several examples both in Indonesia
and internationally, are commonly aimed at popular music genres that intersect with the local
and national industries. Political interests and competition form the root of the problem. Tis
chapter discusses the journey of the Indonesian popular music industry since the colonial era
in the early 20th century: Sukarno’s “old order” era (1945–1965), Suharto’s “new order” era
(1965–1998), and the post-Suharto reformation era (1999–present day), overshadowed by the
political context that characterised each governmental period. Given that Indonesia’s popular
music industry is tied to the socio-political condition of each era, the discussion considers his-
tory and phenomenology in order to diachronically analyse the banning of Indonesian popular
music, following the timeline of the four socio-political eras. Te investigation considers the
ups and downs of the political context in Indonesia, as well as its consequential infuence which
led to cultural uncertainties that decorate the world of the national popular music industry.
Introduction
Although the RUUP (Proposed Bill on Music) recommended in 2019, which had been largely
criticised by Indonesian musicians, was revoked, it has remained a popular topic of discussion.
Among all clauses, clauses 5 and 50 are considered the most problematic. Statements such as
“membawa budaya barat yang negatif ” (lit. “bringing negative Western cultures”) and “reli-
gious blasphemy”, appearing in these two clauses, are indeed very ambiguous. Within this glo-
balised world, in which every individual is connected as part of a single “global village”, how
can we measure Western or Eastern infuences? Which one between those two dichotomies is
(and gives) negative and positive infuences? Which norm and which “religion” can gain supe-
riority and be placed as the sole authority of music?
Tis ambiguity is the reason why these two clauses are ofen considered as “karet” (lit. “rub-
ber”) clauses which could be easily manipulated by religious and political authorities. Another
164
Te Indonesian Popular Music Industry • 165
problematic statement such as “membuat musik provokatif ” (lit. “composing provocative

music”), as an example, could be manipulated to arrest some musicians such as Swami who
composed a song entitled “Bongkar” (lit. “Taking Apart”), Efek Rumah Kaca with their “Mosi
Tidak Percaya” (lit. “Unfaithful Motion”), and Navicula with their “Mafa Hukum” (lit. “Law
Mafa”). Tese songs are just a few among many examples of Indonesian popular songs with
lyrics that poetically criticise injustices of the state.
Tis contemporary case reminds Indonesians of Soekarno’s era (1945–1965) when he banned
Western music which he called “ngak ngik ngok” (lit. “noise”) music and which he also con-
sidered imperialistic with the power to destroy the spirit of nationalism at the time. A famous
music group, Koes Plus, whose music resembles that of Te Beatles, was arrested for this reason.
Te popular music genre that received support and was distributed was the music loved by
Soekarno: Irama lenso (“local music”). Another restriction on creativity took place during the
new order era (1965–1998) when Soeharto banned the distribution of Rhoma Irama’s songs.
Following these events, I will analyse popular music in Indonesia as intrinsically linked to
the shadows of the ever-dynamic Indonesian politics. Te examination is presented diachroni-
cally to discuss the development of “popular” music from the colonial period to the present era.
Tis method is built following Foucault’s (1964) thesis in “Madness and Civilization” inspired
by Friedrich Nietzche’s masterpiece, “Untimely Mediations”, which presents alternative read-
ings of history(ies). As “a philosophical historian” (Foucault’s term), one looks back to the past
to help sort out urgent issues of the present. Tus, I dive into the chronic Indonesian context
of political uncertainty shadowing the life of Indonesian popular music to fnd the concept
and idea of a Nusantara (another term referencing the archipelago) music industry in the past,
present, and future.
Te Music Industry During the Colonial Era

Te colonial era was the embryonic period of the Indonesian industry of popular music enter-
tainment. Between 1903 and 1917, record labels, such as Gramophone Company, Odeon, Beka,
Columbia, Graphophone Company, Parlophone, Anker, Lyrophon, and Bintang Sapoe four-
ished. Yampolsky reported that Odeon produced 2,614 singles, while others such as Bintang
Sapoe and Gramophone produced 1,140 and 632 singles (Yampolsky 2013). Te popular music
industry has thrived since the early 20th century with record labels and local companies.
Among other private enterprises, Tio Tek Hong began his business in 1904 by importing and
distributing phonograph cylinders throughout Indonesia. Popular songs recorded with Tio Tek
Hong include Tjente Manis, Boeroeng Nori, Djali-Djali, Tjerai Kasih, Paioeng Patah, Dajoeng
Sampan, Kopi Soesoe, and “Sang Bango” among others.
Te most signifcant historical record of Tio Tek Hong’s company is Indonesia’s National
Anthem, “Indonesia Raya”, composed by W.R. Supratman. With this record, every Indonesian
throughout the country had access to “Indonesia Raya”. Despite its high demand, bought mostly
by some elites, several “Indonesia Raya” tape records had been banned by colonial authorities.
Afer the second congress of PNI (Indonesia’s National Party) on 20 May 1929 claimed this song
as the national anthem, the Dutch became afraid of the song’s infuence (Sularto 1985, 166).
Te German record label, Beka, came to Indonesia in 1905. Afer their record tour in Burma,
India, and Egypt recording their local music, they arrived in Indonesia to document music of
the Nusantara region, ranging from Javanese gamelan to stambul music. Following this suc-
cess, Odeon arrived in the archipelago in 1907 and successfully bought Beka’s share in 1911.
Afer 1928 Columbia Graphophone Company dominated the scene and eventually changed
166 • Citra Aryandari
their name to become EMI records. Te popular music recording industry swifly developed to
cater to a Nusantara scene and its musical endeavours.
Shaping the Nation: From the Old to the New Era

Most references on the history of the music industry in Indonesia show the dynamics that began
in 1951 when a local company named Irama started producing LP recordings. In 1954, record
companies Remaco and Dimita also participated in the industry. Some years later, Lokananta,
a state-owned record company founded in Solo in 1955, fourished and dominated the domestic
record industry focusing on Javanese music. Its short dominance due to technological changes
in the following year resulted in the inclusion of new companies and production techniques in
the music industry around the world including Indonesia (Sen and Hill 2000, 195). During this
era, under President Soekarno, the presence of foreign culture was, however, considered dan-
gerous, with the potential to damage the struggle of the nation that was looking for an identity.
Pancasila (lit. “fve pillars”, namely, belief in the one god, humanity, a united nation, democracy,
and social justice) and NASAKOM’s (lit. Nationalism and Communism) ideals served as a mid-
dle ground and strong foundation for Indonesia to face the challenges of globalisation (Dahm
1987).
President Soekarno’s speech entitled “Rediscover Our Revolution” read on 17 August 1959
urged the young generations to stand against neo-colonialism and Western imperialist cul-
tures. Te Liverpool pop band Te Beatles was considered incompatible with the ideals of the
new Indonesian nation. Te government assumed that Te Beatles’ songs could have devastat-
ing efects on Indonesian young generations. As a result, Koes Bersaudara was imprisoned for
singing Beatles songs and composing Beatles-like songs.
Te political changes in Indonesia from the Old Order to the New Order in 1965–1966 reo-
pened the national music market to receive Western products and encouraged the growth of
new pop bands. Western songs previously banned were heard once again. Songs from Western
bands such as Te Beatles, Te Rolling Stones, and Deep Purple, and groups from Indonesia
such as Koes Brothers, Te Rollies, and God Bless, were constantly played on amateur radio
stations along with musical performances in major cities in Indonesia crowded with spectators
(Sen and Hill 2004). Te Koes Brothers, imprisoned during the Soekarno reign, reappeared and
became the pioneer pop and rock ‘n’ roll group in Indonesia under the name Koes Plus in 1969.
Te popularity of this group soared and the group managed to release twenty-three albums in
1974. Tey released six albums in 1975 and ten albums in 1976.
Te prominence of Western bands did not only infuence Indonesian pop bands. Rhoma
Irama with his Soneta group concocted the genre now known as dangdut from applying Led
Zeppelin and Deep Purple infuences to Malay rhythmic songs. In 1970, dangdut was modern-
ised because the politics in Indonesia during that time allowed Western cultural infuences such
as electric guitars, percussion, saxophone, and electric organs. Musical instruments paved the
way for new variations of dangdut music. In 1977, Rhoma Irama brought dangdut music to be
at par with rock music through the “Duel Concert” of God Bless vs. Soneta Group at the Istora
Senayan, Jakarta. Te event confrmed the position of dangdut music in Indonesia, which was
later separated from the Malay music genre and became known as Indonesia’s national popular
music genre.
Rhoma Irama with his Soneta group won a place in the hearts of Indonesian citizens. Te
emergence of Rhoma Irama in the Indonesian world of music and flm supported his fame.
Posters were installed in village houses and his music was sung everywhere. As a musician,
Rhoma became a phenomenon. Not only did he make distinct rhythms with a touch of melayu
rock music, but dangdut songs also depicted social conditions with poetically embedded criti-
cism. In addition to music, Rhoma was also very interested in Islam and eventually Soneta
became a platform to chant pitched songs of da’wah (Islamic summons).
Following his success in music and movies, Rhoma stepped into politics. It is not surpris-
ing that, as a person who fought for Islam, Rhoma joined the PPP (Islamic Party)1. “I defend
PPP lillahitaala as a Muslim, I have to choose a Muslim leader too”, Rhoma said to the media
(Sikumbang 2014). Under the PPP, Rhoma naturally had an overwhelming number of support-
ers. During the two electoral seasons in 1977 and 1982, Rhoma was able to convene millions of
people to come to the PPP campaign arena.
Rhoma Irama’s political afliation, which did not align with the government’s GolKar party,
resulted in his being banned from appearing on TVRI (National Television Station). His songs
were removed from playlists of RRI (National Radio Station), the circulation of cassettes were
inhibited, and acquiring concert permits became increasingly complicated.
Te highlight of the Rhoma Irama music controversy took place when he received the fatwa
haram (forbidden under Islamic law) from the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) in 1984.
Rhoma was forbidden to include scriptural verses in his music. From that year, Rhoma and
Soneta Group stopped performing for fve years. However, when they re-launched a new album,
Rhoma Irama did not sofen his criticism in his lyrics. Teir ffeenth album Gali Lobang Tutup
Lobang, released in 1989, criticised foreign debt as follows:
Gali-gali-gali-gali-galilobang Digging a hole,

Gali-gali-gali-gali-galilobang Digging a hole
Lobang digali menggali lobang Te hole is dug to dig a hole
Untuk menutup lobang To close the aperture
Tertutup sudah lobang yang lama Afer closing an old hole
Lobang baru terbuka A new hole is opened
Gali lobang tutup lobang Dig a hole close a hole
Pinjam uang bayar hutang Borrow money to pay a debt
Gali lobang tutup lobang Dig a hole close a hole
Pinjam uang bayar hutang Borrow money to pay a debt
Gali-gali-gali-gali-gali Dig-dig-dig-dig-dig
Walau makan sederhana Although eating humbly
Ikan asin sambal lalap Salted fsh spicy sauce side dish
Walau baju sederhana Although clothes are simple
Asal menutup aurat As long as private parts are concealed
Walau makan sederhana Although eating humbly
Walau baju sederhana Although clothes are simple
Walau serba sederhana Although mostly simple
Asal sehat jiwa raga As long as with a healthy body and soul
Dan juga hutang tak punya And also without a debt
Itulah orang yang kaya Tose are rich people
Every criticism of the government made by Rhoma Irama with Soneta Group echoed widely,
not just on the radio and on television, but also during public events such as concerts. As the
ruling party, GolKar had to consider the popularity of Rhoma Irama. Afer the 1997 election,
Rhoma crossed over to join GolKar and reaped a sharp rebuke from his devotees who were
mostly supporters of the PPP party. However, Rhoma had myriad reasons to embrace GolKar.
For Rhoma, a party that is Islamic was not enough to fght for Islam. Terefore, Rhoma chose to
take shelter under the “Banyan Tree” (GolKar’s symbolic logo). “PPP is indeed voicing aspira-
tions of Islam, but because PPP is not in a winning, superior and dominant position, the results
are less efective”, (Sikumbang 2014) Rhoma stated in the media as the reason for his move.
From that moment on, dangdut became a means to mobilise political parties every fve
years during national elections from the New Order era until the present day. A dangdut singer
can sing for any party as long as the singer and group are paid well. Dangdut politicisation
was also considered a potential threat to the authorities when the “King of Dangdut” Rhoma
Irama supported political parties during the New Order era. Te banning of various Rhoma
Irama’s concerts was instituted by the authorities at the time. However, the connection between
dangdut and political elections does not mean that dangdut has ideological ties with politics.
Dangdut functions as the messenger used to mobilise various groups and interests, yet its iden-
tity remains autonomous.
According to musical sociologist Andrew Weintraub, dangdut music is native to Indonesian
culture, and its character is representative of Indonesia because the themes of the songs are
close to the lives of people in Indonesian society (Weintraub 2012). Te lyrics and music of dan-
gdut mirror the birth of blues music in the United States as seductive and full of miserable life
stories of the underprivileged. Te term “dangdut as folk music” is an inherent social identity
of the middle and lower classes which constitute the majority of Indonesian citizens. Te Koes
Brothers, with their “global favours” of musical choices, were considered inconsistent with the
ideology of a nation that was crawling in search of an identity. However, Rhoma Irama was able
to blend the rhythm of the Malay and rock genres successfully, receiving a positive response
from Indonesians transitioning from regional to global citizens.
Towards Indonesian Reformation

With the collapse of the New Order regime, political reforms were initiated to attempt to change
the previous order by starting to think about social justice through a systematic decentralisation
of the government. Te change from a Javanese centralised system to regional autonomy inevi-
tably changed the voyage of Indonesian popular music industries. Te transition resulted in the
emergence of regional pop music industries. In line with technological developments that facili-
tated independent music production systems, major label companies no longer monopolised
the distribution market, and indie labels began to grow from local to international distribution.
Prior to the reformation era the Indonesian music industry was monopolised by international
distribution companies. Tis evoked a spirit of anti-“mainstreamism”, which became known
as the “indie movement”. Some indie pop music groups were considered capable of changing
the views of the community about the market situation of the music industry in Indonesia. In
the midst of a capitalist ideology that dominated the Indonesian pop music industry, emerg-
ing streams of music were produced in the name of freedom. Tis movement set indie groups
apart from the intervention of capitalists while presenting entertainment to a society that was
hungry for entertainment. Behind the rise of Indonesian pop music, there was a fow of artists
in Indonesia that carried creative musical approaches against the interests of the cultural indus-
try. Freedom of expression is one reason why this music genre is called “independent music”.
Starting from the production process to the distribution of the album, everything is done inde-
pendently. Unlike pop music that became a mass-produced commodity, the indie movement
provided a diferent colour and message amidst national pop music uniformity.
At the same time, songs with the theme of resistance began to fll the music market in
Indonesia. Disappointment with the ruling regime mobilised the masses to unite people and
crush social injustices. Songs with critical lyrics became a powerful weapon to incite the spirit
of the masses to take action. Iwan Fals’s and Slank’s popularity represent this phenomenon very
well.
One of the largest indie groups in Indonesia is Slank. Slank began in December 1983, with
the initial name of Cikini Stone Complex (CSC), performing songs from the Rolling Stones,
the British group that Slank members idolised. Slank combined pop, rock ‘n’ roll, blues, and
ethics with simple lyrics. Slank’s frst album in 1990 exploded on the market with the hit song
“Maafan” (Forgive) and received an award at BASF as the best newcomer. In 1994, Slank
founded its own label called PISS Records which then turned into Slank Records. From then on
Slank launched work independently. Slank has a large number of fans known as Slankers scat-
tered all over the country. Te number of registered Slankers has reached three million people,
with the number of fans on social media reaching seven million.
Slank read the zeitgeist and depicted existing social conditions which made every album
break sales records. Te four main themes of Slank’s albums are social politics, love, the youth
movement, and the environment, conveyed through simple and straightforward lyrics. Te
peak of Slank’s events took place on the streets with a resistance song and supported by a large
number of Slankers in a demonstration calling for political reformation. Given their power to
control masses, members of the group were approached by many politicians to enter the world
of politics. However, given their indie spirit and their philosophy, Slank remained independent,
but not for long.
Te Democratic Fiesta and a New Chapter of the Indonesian Music Industry

At noon in 2014, under a bright sun, the Gelora Bung Karno stadium in Jakarta was flled with
millions of people wearing the colour red. On the day of the last round of the presidential cam-
paign, candidate Jokowi-JK was enlivened by hundreds of artists. Revolusi Harmoni, Konser
Salam Dua Jari (lit. Te Harmonious Revolution, Two Fingers Greeting Concert) was the title.
Musicians openly declared themselves supporters of the presidential candidate. Slank, the most
prevalent Indonesian rock band whose lyrics are infused with social criticism, were not to be
missed as they openly declared their support of Jokowi-JK.
At frst, the survey institute said that the probability of the presidential candidate ticket
of Prabowo–Hatta winning was superior. However, everything changed when the musicians
joined the Revolusi Harmoni and declared their support for Jokowi-JK on 11 June 2014. Of the
many musicians who joined the Revolusi Harmoni, the most striking was the three-decade
long group Slank. Te guitarist of Slank, Abdee Negara, stated, “Because we see that there is
hope for the future of Indonesia to get better, becoming bigger as it should be, through the
idea of a Mental Revolution initiated by Jokowi-JK” (Sikumbang, 2014). Abdee Negara also
mentioned that as a form of support for Jokowi-JK, the Revolusi Harmoni community for the
Mental Revolution created a song titled “Salam Dua Jari” (“Greeting with Two Fingers”) made
specifcally by Slank to invite the masses to support Jokowi. Te number two was set by the
Election Commission for Jokowi-JK. Te signs “two” and “two fngers” signify “the second
candidate” of the 2014 Indonesian presidential election (Jokowi-JK) arranged by the Election
Commission of Jokowi-JK for their campaign. Two fngers are ofen associated as a symbol of
peace used by Slank to signify social power for change. Slank could not be underestimated:
the Jakarta-based band had millions of fans throughout Indonesia. Afer the concert, Jokowi’s
position skyrocketed upward to 47.8 percent compared to Prabowo–Hatta with 44.2 percent
(Antara June 2014).
Support came not only from national musicians. Te day before the presidential election,
Arkarna, through the @arkarna ofcial Twitter account, wrote on 8 July 2014, “Vote Jokowi
for better and stronger future in Indonesia! Say Yes to Democracy Arkarna Vote Jokowi
#Jokowi9Juli”. Additionally, other renowned musicians such as Jason Mraz and Sting also pro-
vided support for Jokowi. Jason wrote in his twitter account @jason_mraz, “To my friends in
Indonesia, this week you are empowered with your vote! Get involved in democracy & be heard!
#Jokowi9Juli #yes!” While Sting wrote “Use your rights – every vote counts #Jokowi9Juli” on his
Facebook account www.facebook.com/sting.
Jokowi won the presidential election. Te General Elections Commission (KPU) determined
that of thirty-three provinces, Jokowi-Kalla earned 53.15 percent or 70,633,576 votes while
Prabowo–Hatta won 46.85 percent or 62,262,844 votes. Within this new political sphere, the
involvement of musicians on the political stage increased and became increasingly public. Aside
from support, many musicians also tried to become politicians. Fame became a form of great
capital for the distribution of music. Political support both from local and international groups
indicated unique patterns of the new digital millennia. Slank was no longer “independent” and
had allied itself with one political party.
Te New Order era passed while the Reformation Era arrived at its peak. Te hegemony
that had been collapsing for more than three decades gave Indonesian citizens a taste of free-
dom. Te acquired freedom has had a major impact on the music industry in Indonesia. Songs
with themes of love afairs and infdelity have adorned the music in Indonesia since the early
2000s. Indonesian society experienced a period during which the decline of confdence in the
government brought distrust among couples. Aside from love afairs and infdelity, themes of
Indonesian songs also became vulgar and described sexual relationships that were once taboo
but became very prominent. At the same time, groups that seemed to be anti-government slowly
took sides with diferent political parties.
Market logics and pop music operate as an inseparable dualism. Both have major implica-
tions in the formation of ideology and in building supporters. Tese implications, according to
Adorno (1997), are the starting point of the cultural industry logic movement that developed
as a project of homogenisation of taste. Concretely, this efect is evident from how tastes, atti-
tudes, styles of dressing, and identity construction are chosen and conducted almost entirely
with the same mindset. It is a representation of a collective identity that refects the nation. Pop
music consumed by society depicts a signifcant similarity where it becomes “standardised”
both in terms of musical patterns and lyrics (Adorno 1997). Te simplicity of the lyrics reveals
the lives of people, a revelation that at times becomes the role of the music industry in Indonesia
(Aryandari 2018, 89).
Conclusion
Te constellation system of music and politics in every era of Indonesian history displays com-
plexity. However, the patterns become clear when the history is read diachronically. During
the colonial era the national anthem, “Indonesia Raya”, ignited the spirit of nationalism and
was considered dangerous by the powerful colonialists. However, the emergence of the record
industry made the distribution of the national anthem and other local songs possible so that the
Dutch could not control music. Te colonial era was then followed by the Old Order era, a time
when the search for identity as part of a newly constructed ideology became the reason global
music with Western infuences was banned. Music from America and the West were considered
inconsistent with the Pancasila and Nasakom (Nationalist and Communist). Te search for
Indonesia’s identity was contested and the concept of multiculturalism became a wise middle
ground.
Unlike the previous government, the New Order government tried to open the veil by begin-
ning to accept Western and American cultural infuences. As a result of this shif, a hybrid music
industry became a national alternative for embracing global infuences. However, national
media stations (TVRI and RRI) were used as a mouthpiece for the government to infuence
mass opinion. Tus, musicians who were not aligned with government views were not allowed
to enter TVRI and RRI circuits. Te Reformation era ofered freedom and regional autonomy
that made musicians known to a wider community with a growth in both national and regional
industries. Despite decentralisation and regional autonomy, the national industry continued to
reside in Jakarta with a new marriage between music and politics. Tis music industry pattern
during the Reformation era questions the notion of an intrinsic decentralisation.
Lastly, starting from the striking phenomenon of the 2014 presidential election, music
became a universal language capable of mobilising the masses. Te attachment of music to sur-
rounding industries made music not only mere “entertainment” but also a vehicle with a mes-
sage that could spearhead the ongoing formation of the Indonesian nation. Te music industry
in Indonesia has always been in the shadow of dynamic Indonesian politics. To understand the
dynamics of the national music industry is to understand the dynamics of Indonesian politics.
Note
1 During the New Order Era there were three parties, namely Golongan Karya (GolKar), PPP (Islamic Party), and
PDI. GolKar was the biggest party and always won the democratic festa followed by PPP and PDI.
Bibliography
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Aryandari, Citra. 2018. Banned and (re)presented: music in the timeline of Indonesian politics, In: Music and Politics:
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Buhori, Imam. 2012. “Sepak Terjang Rhoma Irama di Panggung Politik.” Antaranews.com, 18 November.
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Colonial Era, 1903–1942. US: University of Washington.
15
More than Mimicry
Alternative Modernities in the Birth and
Development of Iban Popular Music
Connie Lim Keh Nie
Tis chapter provides a critical overview of the birth and development of Iban popular music
in Sarawak from the 1950s to the 1970s. It examines the potential of popular music historio-
graphy to uncover paradoxes of modernity in the socio-cultural meanings of song lyrics of the
Iban who are the largest indigenous ethnic group in Sarawak. During this pivotal period in
Malaysian history, the Iban experienced modernity in fux through the agents of change from
Brooke’s rule to British colonialism to the Federation of Malaysia. Inspired by Barendregt’s
(2014) “alternative conceptions of modernity” in Southeast Asian popular music, this chapter
traces the historical introductions of Western music in Sarawak from the Brooke Dynasty,
the establishment of Iban Radio under Radio Sarawak during the British colonial era, and
the development of the Iban recording industry in the late 1960s during the formation of the
Malaysian nation-state. Tese introductions reveal that Iban popular music did not just imitate
pop culture but commandeered it as a platform for pre-modern warrior identity, nation-state
promotion, and proclaiming pride in regional Sarawakian identity.
Song lyrics, as core discourse, reveal a poetic narrative to the socio-cultural, the socio-
political, as well as the dynamic movements of Iban people. Iban radio broadcasts not only
served to disseminate information about the new nation, but also emphasised “the impor-
tance of Iban language” and the preservation of the uniqueness of a “reinvented cultural
heritage” (Postill 2008, 214). Indeed, the emergence of the radio station broadened the Iban’s
exposure to adapt and assimilate popular music styles. Te rise of Radio Sarawak in 1954
played an important role in disseminating information to the Iban and it also had become
one of the most important platforms where Iban popular songs were created as a response
towards modernity. In this chapter, I argue that at the same time Iban acquired popular
music skills, they also used music as a medium to portray Iban culture, identity, and ethnic-
ity within the larger nation-state where Malay and Western cultures dominated. Trough
a history of Iban radio and a lyrical analysis of Iban songs, this chapter interrogates the
socio-cultural and socio-political factors that contributed to the creation of these Iban pop
songs. Te analysis pays close attention to meanings embedded in the lyrics that do not sim-
ply mimic popular culture but contain deeply rooted, pre-modern elements of identity such
as sentiments towards modernity and nation-building, proclaiming Sarawak as a state within
the Federation of Malaysia.
172
More than Mimicry • 173
Defning An Alternative Modernity

Te Iban are the largest indigenous ethnic group in Sarawak, Malaysia and make up approxi-
mately one third of the total Sarawak population. Encountering modernity, the Iban in Sarawak
(Borneo) also went through a period of institutional change from the pre-Brooke1 era (before
1839) to a period when Brooke’s monarchy ruled Sarawak (1841–1946), then to the post-Brooke
period under British colonisation (1946–1963) until the Malaysian nation-state era (from 16
September 1963 to present). From the colonial period to the post-colonial era, situated within
the Nusantara region, the Ibans in Sarawak had gone through dramatic historical develop-
ments and experienced political and economic changes. Historically, on the one hand the Iban
have been accepted as a cultural group in the multicultural nation of Malaysia, simultaneously
exposed to agents of change in their lifestyle and socio-cultural development. On the other
hand, the Iban were a culturally homogenous group, located geographically and politically
on the periphery of Malaysia’s power centres. Merging the concepts of modern, rationalising
modernity, modernisation, and what it stands for in alternative modernities, this chapter posi-
tions itself within the localised and time-bound debates in the context of Iban popular music.
Why an “alternative modernity”? Instead of escaping from the legacy of the Western moder-
nity discourse, we need to think of modernity as a discursive concept for emergent social
formations throughout the Nusantara region. Te binary between the West and “the rest” is
problematic considering the complexity of the time and space that modernity occupies. Societies
situated in Nusantara have cultural legacies that call for diferent trajectories of modernity than
those of Europe and North America that have provided the standards of modernity. Giddens
(1990) saw modernity as a Western invention and the result of “episodes of historical transi-
tion” (Giddens 1990, 5) and “two great transformative agencies” (the nation-state and system-
atic capitalist production) (Giddens 1990, 174–175). Regarding the transformation, it involved
social institutions that changed and developed from pre-modern to modern in various histori-
cal phases. First, the relation between time, space, and place allowed the development of social
relations between large geographical landscapes. Second, the “disembedding” (Giddens 1990,
21) of social relations from local contexts restructured relations across indefnite durations of
time–space. Tird, “refexivity” refers to human actions as an entity for future knowledge out-
comes. In other words, Giddens captured the conditions and experiences of modernity in domi-
nant societal groups in the West.
Navigating the course of modernity as a cultural turn demands a closer analysis.
Problematising radical diferences between an East and West dichotomy requires engaging
with theoretical concepts that see Western modernity either partially or totally rejected on the
ground. Indeed, it has many identical features with the West. Progress and development in
Sarawak, Malaysia, or elsewhere in non-Western settings exhibits the nature of mimicry, an
act of “imitation”, “replication”, or “catch up” (Ong, 1996). In this way, tracking developments
in the Sarawak development landscape or township expansion are already inclined towards a
modern Western trajectory. Positioning Iban in Sarawak, modernity involves the “historical
construction of a specifc position, enunciation and address” (Bhabha 1991, 201). Given these
positions it is important to note that Pratt (2002) raised the issue that modernity has always
focused on the centre and she proposed that the “center encodes the periphery in accounts
of modernity” (Pratt 2002, 22). I support the centre–periphery view for my argument in this
chapter as upheld by Pratt (2002, 22) where “historical and conceptual grounding” provides a
refection of modernity from the perspective of the periphery rather than the centre. I will also
draw upon Barendregt’s (2014) “alternative conceptions of modernity” as a basis for discussing
historical, cultural, and social formations particularly from the vantage point of Southeast Asia.
174 • Connie Lim Keh Nie
Historical Introductions of Western Music in Sarawak

While tracing the history of Iban popular music, it is important to trace the roots of Western
music in Sarawak. During the reign of the Brooke Rajahs, various music genres and new ways
of playing music were brought to the social entertainment scene in Kuching, the capital of
Sarawak. Starting in the late 19th century, Western music was brought into the Astana2 by
Ranee Margaret,3 the wife of the Second Rajah, Charles Brooke. Concerts and other forms
of entertainment were initiated by Ranee Margaret and held at the Astana for the European
Community starting from 1883. Music was placed at the centre of event functions such as
dance parties, concerts, and theatrical performances, essential forms of social entertainment
for the European community. Te novel sound of the piano and gramophone introduced by the
European community had laid the cornerstone of elitist Western music in early Sarawak.
Te Filipino musicians in residence who made up the Sarawak Rangers Band under the
Brooke monarchy had become an omnipotent symbol of musical modernity in Sarawak.
Dance music such as lancers, valse (waltz), polka, and pas dequatre were among the type of
repertoire played by the Filipino bandsmen during dance parties hosted by the Rajah in the
Astana.4 Filipino bandsmen also performed at the bandstand in the Museum Garden where
a cross section of upper middle-class Kuching residents encountered live music in the form of
cosmopolitan urban cultural entertainment. Tis tradition was later continued by the Sarawak
Constabulary Band where performances were held on Sunday afernoons. Among the reper-
toire performed were “Colonel Bogey March”, “Under the Double Eagle”, and “Tanjung Kubu”.
With the music skills transferred to the locals through training with the Sarawak Constabulary
Band, the Sarawak Music Society orchestra, and the establishment of local bands, the music
scene became more lively during performances at government functions and house parties
from the late 19th century till the 1980s. Tese band and orchestra members were comprised of
a mixture of Ibans, Malay, Chinese, and Europeans. It was a music education platform where
the locals were exposed to Western style orchestra arrangements. Consequently, the Iban, who
are adept instrumentalists, continued to explore their talent and creativity with their own mod-
ern Iban songs.
In the 1950s, bangsawan5 was a new form of entertainment which captured the attention of
urban Kuching residents attended by audiences of diferent ethnicities, genders, generations,
classes, and religions. Te Malay cultural organisations had opened the door to the Iban to join
in during the performances. Te local bangsawan theatre had served as a training ground for
early Iban singers to cultivate their skills and professionalism in singing. As recalled by Senorita
Linang (2017) during an interview about her sister’s involvement in bangsawan:
My elder sister, Pauline Linang sang in Malay concerts, and bangsawan organized by vari-
ous local association such as MBHT,6 Kpg. Boyan, Kpg. Gersik and Kpg. Sourabaya (BGS)
during 1950s to early 1960s. Te Linang family and Bayang family were actively involved in
bangsawan and concert performances in Kuching. Tis is where my sister Pauline Linang
and Esther Bayag had met other Malays singers who were Sarbanun Merikan, Rugayah Hj.
Busrah, Saniah Kawi, Fatimah Suhaili, S. M. Led, S. M. Reduan, Hasanah Moner and others.
Te village bangsawan had become a platform where singers, actors and actresses received
their training.
(Interview with Linang, Senorita Veteran Iban Singer)
Joining the Malay artists and performing in the entr’acte segments (known as “extra turns” by
the locals) in bangsawan, the Linang and Bayang families from the Iban community in Kuching
actively participated in the entertainment activities of this dynamic urban centre. Both Iban
families stood at the foreground of articulating modernity in stage shows with the Malays
through concerts and extra turn segments when bangsawan performances were held.
Radio Sarawak, the Rise of Iban Popular Music

Radio Sarawak was ofcially established on 8 June 1954 when the Sarawak Legislative Council
decided to create a broadcasting service with technical assistance from the British Broadcasting
Corporation (BBC). Among the programme in Malay, Chinese, and English, Iban-language
programming was initially broadcast for one hour from 7:00–8:00 pm daily. In the early days,
the programmes were limited to news and information on agriculture and animal husbandry.
Te rise of the Iban broadcast was a crucial dissemination tool for transitioning into moder-
nity and the creation of Iban popular music was pivotal in solidifying this transition. Malay
and Indonesian popular music was being played on the radio airwaves together with American
and European popular music. Tis Western music was new to Iban ears, hearts, and minds. As
compared to traditional Iban songs like “Renong”, “Timang”, “Sabak”, “Pantun” and “Pengap”,
Western pop had dance rhythms, common-practice harmony, and covered a broad spectrum of
styles from blues to jazz, gospel to rock. It was a period when the Iban were certainly searching
for identity, aspiring to be modern or at least on par with the global popular culture dissemi-
nated via Iban radio. Catching the wave of pop music trends, Iban people desired to be modern
and initially appropriated popular forms but quickly created their own popular music styles.
Te Iban section of Radio Sarawak was indeed searching for modern Iban music to cater
to modernity. Te emergence of Iban popular music involved two upper class Iban families
from the city of Kuching known as the Linang and the Bayang. In order to cater to the needs of
Radio Sarawak in producing new Iban songs, Terabak Tawas (Break of Day), a new Iban band,
was formed in 1957. Esther Bayang, Vida Bayang, and Pauline Doreen Linang were among
the pioneer Iban female singers. Tese musicians catered to the needs of the time and wrote
for entertainment purposes. However, their songs were also modern media vehicles used for
nation-building within the Iban territories. Iban songs were written as expressions of moderni-
sation in Sarawak. For example, the song written by Joshua Suin Lawat, “Tanah Ai Menua Ku”
(“My Land, My Country”), pays tribute to the government of Sarawak for constructing schools
for the Dayak. Similarly, the song “Menua Sarawak” (“Te Country of Sarawak”) sung by Vida
Bayang acknowledges the governorship of Sarawak under the supreme Council Negeri and the
Temenggong and Penghulu community leaders who led Sarawak on the road towards moder-
nity. Iban songs written during 1963–1965 articulated Sarawak as a member of the Federation
of Malaysia. Subsequently, the Iban songs written in 1970s illustrated modernity in a new land-
scape where the representation of new buildings as a development icon was presented in song
lyrics by Michael Jemat. Commemorating ten years of Sarawak as a member of the Federation of
Malaysia, a new symbol for Sarawak was introduced through songs depicting the new identity
of Sarawak.
Singing for Sarawak: Proclaiming a New Nation (1963–1970)

Trough the lens of modernity, it is seen how Iban popular music articulated sentiments of
Iban people in response to the emergence of British colonisation during the transition from the
Brooke monarchy to the Malaysian nation-state. Refections on a newly found independence
for the people of Sarawak strongly featured Iban popular music of the 1960s. Singers and song-
writers showed their interest towards development and the growth of political interest through
song lyrics by articulating Sarawak as a modern state within the Federation of Malaysia. As
Radio Sarawak was the only radio station in Sarawak, it served as the state-led media leading
the Iban on the road of modernity. Troughout the history of the genre, Iban popular songs
marked signifcant national developments. For example, the songs marked Sarawak’s member-
ship into the Federation of Malaysia. It is seen that Sarawak gained independence from Britain
through the formative creation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963, for progress and prosperity.
From a British Crown colony to a self-governed state under the Federation of Malaysia, Sarawak
started to progressively develop its infrastructure. Tere were considerable expenditures on
the construction of new roads, educational institutions, the improvement of medical facilities,
and public health programmes. During the World War II Japanese occupation, the people of
Sarawak were deprived of these basic needs. As depicted by Abdul Taib Mahmud, who was a
member in the First State Cabinet afer the new government was formed in 1963, “We are facing
a future of modernity, which may make it harder for us to absorb some of our customs and tra-
ditions into the existing environment” (Haji Efendi Arifn and Jameson Ahip Nawie 2007, 61).
Iban popular songs created during the early period of Sarawak’s membership in the
Federation of Malaysia signify the representation of the Iban people who witnessed an awaken-
ing of a political consciousness in Sarawak. Clear and meaningful sentiments of nationalism
among the Iban were articulated in their songs. Responding to the formal Proclamation of
the Federation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963, Myra Esther Adam7 wrote a song entitled
“Malaysia Baru” (“A New Malaysia”) (refer to Table 15.1). What was meant by Malaysia baru (a
new Malaysia) as illuminated in the song title? While examining the lyrics, it is evident that the
songwriter saw Sarawak as a land inherited from their ancestors which they kept and cared for
and which had now gained independence from the British through the Federation of Malaysia.
Table 15.1 “Malaysia Baru” (“A New Malaysia”) sung by Myra Esther Adam; song lyrics in
Iban with English translation
Tok lagu informen Malaysia baru Tis song is about the New Malaysia
Lagi mai pengerindu Incoming the feeling of love
Aram kitai sama Let’s come together
Menuju Malaysia baru Towards the New Malaysia
Malaysia baru Te New Malaysia
Udah nah bai raja A gif from our King
Nyadi ke pesaka To be our inheritance
Sama maju sama bekereja Working and progressing together
Di tanah pesaka In our inherited land
Sama sehati sama besatu In one heart, united together
Di Malaysia baru In the New Malaysia
Nya meh asai di Malaysia baru Feel and experience the New Malaysia
Di Malaysia baru In the New Malaysia
Embracing the progressive development of Sarawak under the formation of a government in

a new nation, “Menua Sarawak” (“Te Country Sarawak”), written and sung by Vida Bayang,
is another example (refer to Table 15.2) displaying how the Iban expressed their loyalty, love of
country, and strong sentiments of nationalism towards Sarawak. Concurrently, the lyrics also
articulate how the ethnicity of the Ibans was represented in the state cabinet and leadership. As
clearly illustrated, the songwriter was aware of the leadership changes when Sarawak became
a state. Along with the historical events of Sarawak, the establishment of the Area Headman
System is noted. Among the leadership designations were Temenggong, Pengarah (the village
Headman), and Renang (Penghulu), established as leaders who led the whole community towards
development in their longhouses. Articulating Sarawak as a state within the Federation of

Malaysia, the songwriter used song as a popular medium to celebrate this joyous occasion. Using
popular song as a tool, the aspirations and hopes of the people towards the leadership in the state
and infrastructure development towards the emergence of a modern Sarawak were depicted.
Table 15.2 “Menua Sarawak” (“Te Country Sarawak”) written and sung by Vida Bayang; song lyrics in Iban
with English translation
Menua Sarawak Te country of Sarawak

Menua tik endang sigi sunyi A country which is quiet as peaceful
Kenyau ari kelia endang selalu dipuji From of old being praised
Mayuh bangsa diau begulai sama seati Many races living together in unity
Sama bekereja manah ngidup kri Working together
Menua Sarawak Earning a living honestly
Endang menua asal kitai Sarawak our original country
Kami arap ka kitai maju ke dudi ari We hope future generations will be successful in life
Ngambika anak negeri nuan So that your children (Sarawakians)
Jampat pegari Will be soon famous
Menua Sarawak diatu nyau ka mansang rami Sarawak is going to develop progressively
Bangsa kitai ti nyau bisi bekunsil negeri Our race are now represented in the Legislative
Kami bepanggai ba temenggong pengarah enggau renang Assembly (Council Negeri)
Ke pengiring bangsa kitai mai pemansang We depend on our community leaders
Menua Sarawak menua asal kitai dayak Guiding us towards development
Kami arapka kitai maju ke dudi ari Sarawak is our original country
Ngambika anak negeri nuan jampat pegari We hope we will be very well developed in the future
So, Sarawakians will be famous
Articulating alternative modernity, these two songs, namely “Malaysia Baru” and “Menua
Sarawak”, presented historical and developmental accounts of the nation as popular media
broadcast through radio. As seen in the song lyrics above (Table 15.1 and Table 15.2), these two
songs depict modernity and sentiments about nation-building in Iban popular songs in the
1960s–1970s. Connecting to the history of Sarawak, these songs were created during the inten-
sifed psychological warfare period of the Information Services in Sarawak where information
was spread rapidly through radio transmission. In 1963 Sarawak, Sabah, Malaya, and Singapore
formed the Federation of Malaysia, followed by the development of new townships and the
propaganda of an idealised unity and solidarity among all races in Sarawak. In this period of
time, Iban popular music was a necessary form of entertainment sung in the Iban language to
fll the airtime between changing programmes. It is important to note that Iban pop was not
separate from Information Services but provided a sonic segue between broadcasts catering to
the needs of that particular time.
Singing for Progressive Development in Sarawak

Articulating new spaces through song afer independence, Iban popular songs were associ-
ated with modernity’s ideal notions of peace, prosperity, and harmony in diferent places in
Sarawak. Responding to modernity, these songs exhibited a story of an Independent Sarawak
within Malaysia. Living through a shared development, a focus of socio-economic activities
could be generated in towns, mainly Kuching, Sibu, and Miri. Other towns in various divisions
of Sarawak, namely Sarikei, Bintulu, Kapit, Niah, and Suai, were mentioned in the lyrics as well.
As a depiction of modernity, projects planned by the government in the social and economic
felds were spelled out in the songs. Representing the Iban, songwriters were responding to the
change of landscape by expressing their sentiments of peace, prosperity, and happiness towards
the environment.
Speaking of modernity, Iban popular songs were interrelated with historical geography. As
seen in the lyrics, changes of landscape in Sarawak were depicted in “Joget Sarawak” and “Asa
Hati Deka Batemu” (“Desiring to Meet”). Tus, these songs responded to development stages
in Sarawak. My analysis of the lyrics shows how geographies of modernity were articulated.
Trough songs, Iban singer-songwriters had conceptualised what they observed during the
transformation-of-spaces phase of the developmental stages in Sarawak. Changes in landscape
are an illustration of modernity. Created afer the formation of the Federation of Malaysia in
1963, these songs marked specifc places that signifed the “relationship between places and
across the spaces” in Sarawak (Gupta and Ferguson, 1992, 8). Trough songs, the transforma-
tion of the post-colonial metropole to modernity was described where “moments in making of
modernities” were captured by the songwriters (Gupta and Ferguson 1992, 19).
Illustrating modernity in a new landscape, Michael Jemat mentioned the icons of modernity
where Sarawak House represented the locality of Sibu and Electra House represented the capi-
tal city of Kuching in the song entitled “Joget Sarawak” (see Table 15.3). Names of the Sarawak
towns Miri, Bintulu, Suai, Niah, Kapit, and Sarikei were spelled out by Christopher Kelly in
the song “Asai Ati Deka Batemu” (“Desiring to Meet”) (see Table 15.4). Te song was released
in Kelly’s EP Mar Mudah Mesti Di-Uji (Hard or Easy, You Have to Try) (see fgures 15.1–15.4),
Table 15.3 “Joget Sarawak” was written and sung by Michael Jemat; song lyrics in Iban with English translation
Menoa Sarawak belambang baru Te Country of Sarawak has a new emblem

Burong Kenyalang nyadi ke tanda Hornbill Bird is used as the emblem
Nadai kebuah kitai chemburu Tere is no reason to get jealous
Enti enda terang di peda Unless we see with our own eyes
Sarawak House di Negri Sibu Sarawak House is in Sibu town
Electra House di Negri Kuching Electra House is in Kuching town
Enti nuan bisi ambai di empu If you are already married or engaged
Anang terebai baca kusing. Don’t fy around like a bat
Menoa Baram endang tampak rita Baram is a famous place
Leboh berami lumba perau Famous for its regatta
Enti meh ati udah sebaka If we are of one mind
Begulai manah enggau seko seko So, live together nicely
Table 15.4 “Asai Ati Deka Batemu” (“Desiring to Meet”) was written and sung by Christopher Kelly;
song lyrics in Iban with English translation
Ari Miri pegi Bintulu (repeat) From Miri we travel to Bintulu (repeat)
Ngetu enda lama kitai di Suai Stopping for a while in Suai
Asa ati deka batemu (repeat) Desiring to meet
Sulu di anti lalu enda datai (repeat) My lover did not turn up (repeat)
Ngetu enda lama kitai di Suai (repeat) We stop for a while in Suai (repeat)
Ari Suai kitai ka Niah (repeat) From Suai we go to Niah (repeat)
Sulu di anti lalu anda datai (repeat) My lover did not turn up (repeat)
Nyangka pengrindu udah berubah (repeat) Maybe she does not love me anymore (repeat)
Chorus Chorus
Sarawak udah di bagi tujuh (repeat) Sarawak had divided into seven divisions (repeat)
Kapit Sarikei nama menua (repeat) Kapit Sarikei name of the divisions (repeat)
Ati di dalam asai ka runtuh I feel my heart is broken
Laban sulu bula ka semaya Because my lover broke her promise
Figure 15.1 Front sleeve of Christopher Kelly’s Mar Mudah Mesti Di-Uji (Hard or Easy, You Have to Try) EP
(accompanied by The Royalists band), South East Asia Radio & Records, c.1970. (Courtesy of
Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
appearing in Side Two of the record (see fgure 15.4). Tese were all towns where Iban lived
showing that the Iban could be found in many of the major towns in Sarawak. Negotiating
modernity, the Ibans, who hailed from longhouses or small villages, were moving to the cen-
tres where the economy possessed the greatest strength and more opportunities. On the road
towards modernity, various other groups were gradually moving from rural to urban areas
for better prospects and modern amenities. Tis refected Sarawak as a diverse community
with people of various cultural backgrounds living and working happily together. Tis phe-
nomenon started in the 1960s when the Iban migrated to the town areas for education and
employment.
Within the frst ten years of Sarawak as a member of the Federation of Malaysia, there was a
great expansion of public building construction in both urban and rural areas. Town develop-
ment works involving the preparation of sites including necessary infrastructure for commer-
cial and industrial development was carried out in the various divisions. In other larger towns
and bazaars, extensive works on town development was also carried out. Te lyrics of “Joget
Sarawak” by Michael Jemat refer to the two major commercial buildings built in the 1960s (see
Figure 15.2 Back sleeve of Christopher Kelly’s Mar Mudah Mesti Di-Uji (Hard or Easy, You Have to Try) EP
(accompanied by The Royalists band), South East Asia Radio & Records, c.1970. (Courtesy of
Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
Table 15.3), “Sarawak House di Negri Sibu” (“Sarawak House in Sibu Division”) and “Electra
House di Negri Kuching” (“Electra House in Kuching Division”). Electra House opened in 1965
where many soldiers spent their money on trinkets to send home to their families (Pollard 1997,
126). From a geo-historical point of view, these two buildings performed a symbolic civic role
domestically, marking Kuching and Sibu, as well as the people of Sarawak, on the map as mod-
ern trading centres. As written in the lyrics of “Joget Sarawak” by Michael Jemat, the symbolism
of modernity was closely related to the national identity of Sarawak during the 1960s–1970s.
Te commercial buildings were understood as a celebration of modernity and as new spaces
for trading activities in Sarawak. At the same time, these buildings contributed to fostering a
sense of township recognition marking the achievements of Sarawak’s frst ten-year develop-
ment under the Federation of Malaysia.
Figure 15.3 Side One disc label of Christopher Kelly’s Mar Mudah Mesti Di-Uji (Hard or Easy, You Have
to Try) EP (accompanied by The Royalists band), South East Asia Radio & Records, c.1970.
(Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
Alternative experiences with varying degrees of modernity were afrmed by Iban songwrit-
ers who, in their songs, expressed a myriad of responses to development, including the state’s
governance of its people. Te Iban song lyrics analysed above have shown pan-Iban sentiments
about encountering and subsequently embracing modernity but simultaneously locating its
people, places, and landscapes in a very specifc and localised version of modernity in Sarawak
during the 1950s to 1970s. Te landscape of Sarawak during the 1970s may be understood as
its “new cultural geography” (Bunnell 2004, 27). Tese two songs, namely “Joget Sarawak” and
“Asai Ati Deka Batemu” (“Desiring to Meet”), retold the historical and developmental accounts
expressed through songs about Sarawak emerging from British colonialism to valiantly join the
Federation of Malaysia. Analysing and interpreting Iban popular music lyrics from the 1960s
to 1970s has revealed a myriad of meanings constructed around the theme of a rapidly mod-
ernising Sarawak. Te meaning of modernity was articulated by Christopher Kelly and Michael
Jemat where developmental scenes in Sarawak were captured in song lyrics. Tese lyrics are
both a text and representation of the development of Sarawak both in landscape, material space
and in ways of being; simultaneously, they represent a new space.
Figure 15.4 Side Two disc label of Christopher Kelly’s Mar Mudah Mesti Di-Uji (Hard or Easy, You Have
to Try) EP (accompanied by The Royalists band), South East Asia Radio & Records, c.1970.
(Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
Conclusion
Since 1954, Iban popular music through Radio Sarawak has played a fundamental role in ampli-
fying and disseminating ideas about the Iban people’s response to modernity. Articulating
alternative modernities in popular music, the appearance of being “modern” and the appeal of
“modernity” are ofen connected with the lifestyle of a newly found independence for the people
of Sarawak. Encountering modernity, the Iban have traversed periods of institutional change
from the pre-Brooke era to British colonisation (1946–1963) until the Malaysian nationalism
era. Tus, the agents of change that are expressed in popular songs introduced the Iban to a
world driven by the cash economy and capitalism, through which the Iban experienced a rapid
infux of change.
Articulating alternative modernity in the Nusantara region, a direct phenomenon of moder-
nity, is seen as an absolute fundamental to nation-building. As illustrated in the song lyrics, the
music presented historical and developmental accounts of the nation as popular media broad-
cast through Radio Sarawak. Iban popular songs commemorated Sarawak as a member of the
Federation of Malaysia and the changes of the geographical landscape in Sarawak. Referred
to as nation-building, song lyrics and their interpretations show that the people of Sarawak
experienced a trajectory through history that included confrontation but also the birth of the
Sarawak State as exemplifed in “Menua Sarawak” and “Joget Sarawak”, where each song por-
trays the developmental projects initiated by the government. As seen in the lyrics, modernisa-
tion changed the traditional Iban landscape. Culture and lifestyle were readapted for Iban use
through pop songs so that the needs of urbanisation became palpable. At the same time Iban
inheritance of the land from their ancestors was present in popular expressions so that they
could become viable members of the State of Sarawak.
Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I would like to express my gratitude to Universiti Malaysia Sarawak and
Universiti Malaysia Sabah for the External Grant Funding Scheme (Grant No.: GL/F03/
UMS/08/2017) given to carry out this research. Second, I would like to thank the Sarawak
Broadcasting Department for the access to the audio archive.
Notes
1 Te period of Brooke Rule (1841–1946), referring to the dynasty of British Rajahs (“White Rajahs” of Sarawak)
that ruled Sarawak (now a state in Malaysia) on the island of Borneo for a century.
2 Astana, a palace, also known as a new fort and a grand house built on the north bank of the Sarawak River. It was
built by Charles Brooke in 1870 as a bridal gif to his wife, Margaret Alice Lili de Windt. Presently, it is the ofcial
residence of the Governor of Sarawak.
3 Known as Margaret Alice Lili de Windt, her maiden name. She was married to Rajah Charles Anthony Johnson
Brooke, the second White Rajah of Sarawak in 1869. Ranee of Sarawak was a title given to her with the style of
Her Highness.
4 Sarawak Gazette, 1 February 1898, Vol. XXVIII, No. 385, 26.
5 Bangsawan, known as Malay opera, is a popular urban theatre developed in the late nineteenth and early 20th
century which features song and spoken drama, dance, and incidental music (Tan 1993).
6 Masjid Bintangor Haji Taha Association
7 Myra Esther Adam was previously a broadcaster in Iban Section, Radio Sarawak.
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16
Transcultural Commodities
A Comparative Analysis of Sama-Bajau
Popular Musics in Maritime Southeast Asia
Bernard B. Ellorin
Tis essay is a comparative study on the modern music of the Sama-Bajau, a sea-faring ethnic
minority with settlements in eastern Sabah, Malaysia and the southern Philippines. Interviews
and feldwork observations of in situ performances located within the Semporna District in
Sabah, Malaysia and in a village of Batangas City, Luzon, Philippines reveal similar and distinct
musical trajectories revolving around the ubiquitous performance of the sangbai – an improvi-
satory dance vocal music genre – practised by communities receiving governmental and non-
governmental sponsorship. Overall, this study interrogates their musical interaction with two
hegemonic majorities: 1) peninsular Malays and 2) lowland Christian Filipinos. In Malaysia, the
Sama-Bajau are an exotic tourist attraction as “sea gypsies” transmigrating throughout the Sulu
and Celebes Seas. In recent years however, the Malaysian central government has labelled them
illegal immigrants and “intruders” into eastern Sabah. On Luzon, Philippines, the Sama-Bajau
are a marginalised ethno-linguistic group forced to live in metropolitan cities as refugee com-
munities. As a result, strict mendicancy laws are enforced in metropolitan areas throughout the
lowland Philippines regulating their land-based lifestyle as beggars. Traditional and contem-
porary music found in contrasting living conditions prove that although a community shifs
their identity in two nation states, the Sama-Bajau musical identity is evident in their musical
forms and choices of expanding their musical heritage through electronic music instruments.
Using Artur Simon’s concept of musical syncretism for Southeast Asian musics, John Connell
and Christopher Gibson’s transnational soundscapes, and Bruno Nettl’s “tune family” concept
I demonstrate how the fuidity of sangbai performed in varied contexts contributes to the study
of the transcultural fows of music used to assert an ethnic identity in the diaspora (Simon 2010:
23; Connell and Gibson 2003; Nettl 2005: 113).
Transcultural music commodities – music sold as a form of village entertainment or popular
items consumed by listeners and audiences – are part of a larger movement in ethnomusicol-
ogy and popular music studies to conduct ethnographic research on ethnic minorities living
in multiple spaces. Studies on transmigrant and displaced ethnic minorities, such as the Sama-
Bajau, problematise the inclusion of a historically nomadic ethnic minority into the postcolo-
nial framework of maritime Southeast Asia – a region known for porous nation state borders.
Te circulation of the sangbai – as a musical commodity – is the recent barter trade practised
alongside the traditional trading of sea products. Diverse performances of the sangbai as cul-
tural capital sheds light on the treatment of the Sama-Bajau by their host cultures.
184
Transcultural Commodities • 185
An Overview of Shared Features

In all of the subgenres of sangbai, the improvisation of lyrics is juxtaposed with the reproduction
of traditional musical instruments through the following mediums: the electronic keyboard in
the Philippines and in Malaysia, standard musical orchestrations in Malaysia, and ad hoc per-
cussion instruments made from recyclable materials in Luzon, Philippines. Subsequently, the
Malaysia-based and Philippine-based Sama-Bajau share three features of modern music-mak-
ing: 1) improvisatory lyrics accompanied by multiple sound-producing devices, the angaleleng
(village wedding singers) in Malaysia and batang tambol (young busking drummers) in the
Philippines; 2) accessible and afordable community music ensembles, including the kumpulan
in Malaysia and the sangbai panyani (improvisatory wedding singers) in the Philippines; and 3)
pre-composed music created from external sponsorships including the Skyline Records (now
known as Skyline Pro) sangbai compilations in eastern Sabah, Malaysia and the Sama-Bajau
Born Again Christian praise songs in Luzon, Philippines. Tese three features provide insight
into the Sama-Bajau relations with the majority populations in both countries.
Te Malaysia-based angaleleng and northern Philippine batang tambol perform improvi-
satory sangbai lyrics to the accompaniment of multiple sound-producing music instruments.
Kumpulan in Malaysia and sangbai panyani in the Philippines music ensembles provide aford-
able live entertainment for the Sama-Bajau living in remote villages and provinces. Music from
the Skyline Records Sangbai DVD series from Kota Kinabalu and Semporna District, Malaysia
and the Sama-Bajau praise songs in Batangas City, Philippines are pre-composed contemporary
musical practices performed for non-Sama-Bajau audiences. Each case study refects the per-
formers’ adjustments to the circumstances of their host country. In Malaysia, the angaleleng,
berkumpulan ensemble, and the Sangbai DVD series of Skyline Records are professional forms
of entertainment sponsored by the Sabah Department of Tourism and communities generat-
ing income with their newfound Malaysian citizenship status. In the Philippines, the batang
tambol, sangbai panyani ensemble, and the Sama-Bajau evangelical Christian praise worship
songs developed because the majority of Sama-Bajau in the Philippines live under abject pov-
erty; this is attributed to the historic animosity by the lowland Christian Filipino majority
towards Muslim or indigenous minority populations rooted in the archipelago’s colonial his-
tory. Troughout my comparative analysis, I interrogated the correlation of the musical trajec-
tories of these genres.
Intrinsic Musical Features

Analysing the Malaysia-based and Philippine-based Sama-Bajau musical experiences reveal
core musical features. Tese features are present in every performance: shared musical key-
boarding techniques, vocal melodies within intervals of a perfect fourth, perfect ffh, and
major sixth, a simple duple meter as the rhythmic ostinato, formulaic chord progressions, the
commodifcation of staged and improvisatory performances, and the change of instrumental
mediums while retaining musical functions. Sama-Bajau electronic keyboard accompanists
from both geo-cultural areas incorporate gabbang gabbang (conjunct–disjunct motion), higuris
(glissando technique), and hiliguna (transitions). Every electronic keyboardist – whether he or
she is an accompanist to the angaleleng, kumpulan to sangbai panyani ensembles – has his or
her own individual style of improvising with the gabbang gabbang technique of a conjunct–dis-
junct motion within the intervals of a perfect fourth, a perfect ffh, and an octave. Additional
electronic keyboarding techniques, the hiliugna and higuris, function either as transitions to
the introduction or the recapitulation to the main musical ideas of a sangbai.
186 • Bernard B. Ellorin
Most Sama-Bajau electronic keyboard accompanists improvise with the gabbang gabbang
countermelody of a sangbai by combining keyboarding techniques during a performance. For
example, dance pieces such as “Pakiring”, “Omboh Omboh”, and “Si Amaliyah” combine the
higuris and gabbang gabbang to display the virtuosity of the accompanist. Te simple duple
meter or disco drum rhythm of the Yamaha or Technics keyboards is the preferred rhythmic
ostinato because of its lively danceable rhythm. Sangbai compositions in this meter are the most
requested at every celebratory occasion. Formulaic chord progressions used in the sangbai are
the standard I-IV-V-I and I-ii-vi-V-I – all played by a synthesised bass guitar or bass.
Multiple requests for sangbai during celebratory events in the villages of a sangbai reveal
a shared range in vocal melody popular with vocalists from all Sama-Bajau music subgenres.
Popular sangbai compositions such as “Loloh”, “Panansang”, “Pakiring”, and “Jaslina” have
melodies with an ambitus of a perfect fourth and major sixth. Angaleleng and batang tam-
bol improvise their lyrics within these intervals because it provides a fexibility to instantly
compose lyrics for a dancer and to display their virtuosity of embellishing the vocables afer
singing a through-composed or strophic sangbai; Skyline Records’ recording artists perform
pre-composed sangbai within this ambitus because the composers and musical arrangers use
older musical traditions and sangbai from the Usman group arrangements as a point of refer-
ence in their compositions.
Pre-composed song texts and improvisation occur depending on the context of the perfor-
mance; the sangbai genre is an interactive performance with a musician and dancer practised
in eastern Sabah, Malaysia and Luzon, Philippines. Improvising lyrics based on the move-
ments of an igal dancer is the common theme for every celebratory occasion. Te localisation
of the sangbai occurs in diferent performance genres refecting contrasting experiences. As a
privileged ethnic minority, the Malaysia-based Sama-Bajau perform commercialised sangbai
espousing cultural preservation. Philippine-based Sama-Bajau residing amongst the predomi-
nantly Christian region of Luzon incorporate sangbai-inspired compositions in praise of God.
Performances as such share the core feature of a change in instrumental medium that references
traditional musical idioms. Tourist music primarily references un-metered ritualistic chants,
aongka compositions, and gong-chime instruments; new religious music incorporates tradi-
tional percussion rhythms into Christian praise songs. Overall, the developments of the sangbai
genres parallel each other in varied circumstances.
Angaleleng and the Batang Tambol – Performers of Improvisatory

Lyrics Accompanied by Multiple Sound-producing Devices
Te frst set of Sama-Bajau music genres compared in this section are individual performers
who improvise song lyrics to the accompaniment of multiple sound producing devices – the
angaleleng and batang tambol. Te angaleleng improvise lyrics to the movements of any dancer,
their facial features, and sometimes their reputation in the village. Electronic keyboard accom-
panists produce a variety of programmed sounds. Te batang tambol improvise their own lyrics
in the context of begging while simultaneously playing their ad hoc tambol.
Te angaleleng and batang tambol perform compositions with a high degree of spontane-
ity. Audiences in their communities are impressed by their creativity to compose lyrics in any
context. Variants of a song from the same “tune family” characterise both genres because the
musical aesthetics of the Sama-Bajau entail multiple requests of one or two pieces of the most
popular sangbai compositions. Although the angaleleng and batang tambol musical composi-
tions sonically contrast each other, the performance of improvisatory lyrics characterises both
genres.
Tere are a number of similarities, which will be discussed frst. In the previous examples
of “Loloh”, “Panansang”, “Pakiring”, and “Jaslina”, sangbai with improvisatory lyrics accom-
panied by the electronic keyboard reproducing sounds of traditional musical instruments were
imperative to the musical compositions of the angaleleng and batang tambol. When performing
during a magkawin (wedding ceremony) or namamasko (Christmas celebrations), whether in
Sabah, Malaysia or the Philippines, a compact musical instrument is practical for these trave-
ling musicians – the electronic keyboard or three-cylinder tambol. Te angaleleng are pioneers
in singing sangbai tunes – contemporary renditions of traditional aongka, pangongkaan, and
tagunggu music – to the accompaniment of the electronic keyboard.
Te keyboard’s ability to reproduce the sounds of the gabbang, tambol, and the electronic
keyboard’s disco drum beat rhythms lessens the expenses for hiring multiple musicians for
a wedding. More importantly, having the electronic keyboard is convenient for Sama-Bajau
angaleleng who rely on one electronic keyboardist as opposed to multiple musicians. Similarly,
the batang tambol from the Philippines use recyclable materials to construct the ad hoc tambol
that produces multiple sounds and rhythms. An ad hoc tambol is the musical accompaniment
for Sama-Bajau busking musicians and carollers riding on public transportation and walking
along the streets during Christmas time.
Te sonorities of the ad hoc tambol simulate the pre-recorded disco drum beat pattern from
the electronic keyboard – a simple duple meter of a repeated eighth note tied to a two sixteenth
note fgure. Raised with the recent sangbai (a strophic melody with vocables), the batang tambol
are a younger generation of musicians infuenced by the Usman group musical arrangements.
Tere are a number of contrasts. Te angaleleng and batang tambol difer in their locations
and the spaces in which they perform. Te angaleleng residing in Semporna District are asked to
perform throughout eastern Sabah. With the popularity of Usman group sangbai arrangements,
the angaleleng are sought afer in many Sama-Bajau settlements – both legal and illegal – in the
district. In the Philippines, the batang tambol perform music to the lowland Christian Filipino
majority population as beggars (Macalandag 2009: 2). Enforcing strict mendicancy policies in
metropolitan areas of Manila refects the negative connotations that many lowland Filipinos
have towards busking musicians; this is indicative of the strict policies that prohibit them from
asking for money year-round in privatised and commercial spaces (Macalandag 2009: 11).
Malaysia-based angaleleng have the freedom to perform because of their popularity amongst
their followers in the region. Angaleleng are capable of transmigrating between eastern Sabah
and the Sulu archipelago as popular wedding entertainment. Te pioneers of angaleleng are
privileged entertainers in Malaysia because they produce popular music rooted in the musical
repertoire of the aongka tradition. For example, the traditional aongka piece “Loloh”, a song
about fshing in the sea, became popularised as a sangbai dance tune by the angaleleng. Now it is
the ubiquitous tune requested at all Sama-Bajau magkawin. Philippine-based Sama-Bajau busk-
ing musicians are denied certain privileges because of being labelled low-class beggars in the
Philippines. Te batang tambol are unable to return to their place of origin; hence they remain
in refugee settlements in Luzon. Sangbai compositions were recomposed by the batang tambol
in the context of begging to lowland Filipinos. Tese busking musicians take sangbai popular-
ised in eastern Sabah and the Sulu Archipelago, such as “Jaslina”, to improvise lyrics asking for
a generous monetary donation. To most of the police and the Department of Social Welfare and
Development (DSWD) some batang tambol are a nuisance to their cities whenever they endan-
ger their lives by playing ad hoc instruments along the streets and on public transportation.
As the angaleleng and batang tambol are an individual-based musical tradition because of its
spontaneity, the kumpulan and sangbai panyani ensembles share similar Sama-Bajau musical
characteristics.
Berkumpulan and Sangbai Panyanyi Ensemble – Accessible

and Afordable Community Music Ensembles
Ensembles with two singers and an electronic keyboard accompanist are the afordable enter-
tainment accessible for celebratory occasions in Sama-Bajau villages. Tese ensembles have
a small-scale music industry providing entertainment for Sama-Bajau unable to aford the
costs of a legendary sangbai artist; the diference lies in which communities prefer to follow
a formal protocol of putting in song requests beforehand or have casual performances for any
celebratory occasion. Te kumpulan of Semporna District, Malaysia and the sangbai panyani
ensemble of Luzon, Philippines comprise community entertainment for any special occasion.
In Semporna and in Luzon, these ensembles entertain their communities with nostalgic sangbai
composed during the Usman group era of the 1980s. Both the kumpulan and sangbai panyani
ensembles feature two singers – each with their own unique vocal qualities – and virtuosic
electronic keyboardists; these sonic layers constitute a complete ensemble. Te similarities are
as follows: performers in both countries are mobile and are accessible to diferent communi-
ties. Idol Group (kumpulan) and Maki’s group (sangbai panyani) performers are sought afer in
diferent regions of Malaysia and the Philippines as the afordable performance ensembles. Idol
Group’s afordable price range has expanded their popularity to various ofshore islands near
Semporna District, such as Pulau Bumbum and Omadal Island in eastern Sabah. In contrast to
the high cost of inviting legendary artists with names such as Jenes and Magnuru, Idol Group
performs sangbai popularised by these two pioneering angaleleng. Maki’s group performs in the
Sama-Bajau populated barangay in three Luzon provinces for their impoverished communities.
As one of the few Sama-Bajau music ensembles in Luzon, they are professional entertainers
invited to perform for any special occasion.
Tere is a shared “canon” of sangbai tunes. In both case studies, two sangbai tunes are the
most requested from their repertoire. For Idol Group, “Loloh” and “Panansang” are popular
in eastern Sabah and parts of the Sulu Archipelago. Maki’s group is known for transplanting
two sangbai from Zamboanga, “Si Amaliyah” and “Lenggang Tungitung” to Manila which are
popular at weddings and celebratory occasions by the Sama-Bajau diaspora in Luzon.
Idol Group and Maki’s group balance the vocal ranges in their ensembles with a duet of
singers: a subtle and an aggressive angaleleng or panyani. Idol Group’s singer, Levelhati, is the
most virtuosic between the singers; Maki’s group’s Carlo (Ronnie) is equally as versatile. In both
groups, Levelhati and Carlo can sing an entire sangbai with no interruptions. Bunnalani from
Idol Group and Judin from Maki’s group are the sangbai singers – subtle in performance – who
exchange lyrics (magsambag) with Levelhati and Carlo. With the two singers, the ensembles
lengthen a sangbai composition for skilled dancers; “Loloh” and “Si Amaliyah” are the most
requested songs that require the performance of magsambag. Although the tunes may difer,
the lyrics refect the same qualities of the firtatious and the personalised. For example, in Idol
Group’s version of “Loloh”, Levelhati refers to a dancer’s shapely body as the shape of a biyula
(violin). Similarly, Carlo’s version of “Si Amaliyah” praises a dancer’s dark skin and refers to her
throughout the evening as a “black beauty”. Each fgure shows how both Idol Group and Maki’s
group improvise lyrics with no reservations about the suggestive content.
Te electronic keyboard is subjected to improvisation and innovation upon pre-existing key-
board techniques. Electronic keyboardists in both the kumpulan and sangbai panyani ensem-
bles exhibit the same characteristics of improvising with the standard keyboarding techniques.
As mentioned earlier, the gabbang gabbang is the generic keyboarding technique to accompany
any singer; triadic chord progressions are played in lengthier compositions prior to singing
the lyrical content. Keyboard players Versan from Idol Group and Baluni from Maki’s group
improvise with the gabbang gabbang countermelody found in every sangbai requested in their
repertoire; both keyboardists play the musical accompaniment at a lively tempo to encourage
the singer’s skills to improvise their sangbai lyrics. Idol Group and Maki’s group are the com-
munity ensembles contributing innovative ways of singing popular sangbai for their audiences.
Tere are fewer diferences between these two ensembles. Te kumpulan and sangbai pan-
yani ensembles are distinct in their sangbai repertoire and performance protocol. In Malaysia,
Idol Group receives formal requests prior to the start of an event. Teir singers make formal
announcements of who will be dancing to a particular sangbai. In terms of learning the musical
repertoire, many of the kumpulan singers studied directly and observed musical performances
of Jenes and Magnuru. Terefore they were directly infuenced by musical arrangements from
the Usman lineage. When performing for a magkawin, Idol Group’s angaleleng have the elec-
tronic keyboardist, Versan, sing non-sangbai tunes during their break time.
Maki’s group is representative of the informal requests for sangbai that occur during infor-
mal and formal events in the provinces of Luzon. Sangbai requests are nonchalantly given by
groups of dancers; formal introduction of performers is unnecessary. Knowledge of the melo-
dies is attributed to learning from performances and cassette tape recordings of sangbai com-
positions circulating within the provinces and districts of Zamboanga, Basilan, and Sulu in the
Philippines, and Semporna District in Malaysia. Maki’s group singers also dance while impro-
vising with the lyrics – a diferent performance gimmick that contrasts the young musicians
from the stoic performance of Idol Group.
Tere is a diference between conservative and traditional performance in some contexts
versus innovative and hybridised ones in other settings. For their magkawin repertoire, the
sangbai panyani strictly perform sangbai music because their audiences in the diaspora pre-
fer to be entertained by music that is traditionally Sama-Bajau. Maki’s group and Idol Group
are ensembles performing within the context of community entertainment exclusively for the
Sama-Bajau. In contrast, other subgenres reveal the tensions between maintaining an ethnic
identity through foreign musical infuences, as found in the Sama-Bajau praise songs and the
commodifed sangbai of Skyline Record’s commodities.
Sama-Bajau Born Again Christian Sangbai-Inspired Praise

Songs and the Sangbai of Skyline Records
Te Sama-Bajau Born Again Christian Praise Songs and Skyline Records Sangbai DVD music
series refect a marginalised community’s process of assimilation through pre-composed music
created from external sponsorship. Many Sama-Bajau living amongst the lowland Christian
Filipino and Malay majorities gravitate towards assimilating into the lifestyle of land-based
ethno-linguistic groups. In this section new musical practices are indicative of their process of
assimilation into their host cultures through the uniformity of their compositions – set musi-
cal orchestrations and pre-composed lyrics. From the tourist music industry in Malaysia to the
Christian praise songs in the Philippines, these music genres are refexive of their establishment
as a recognised ethnic minority navigating between being either “Malay” or “Filipino”.
Tere are similarities between sponsored traditions. Te Sama-Bajau fourish under external
sponsorship from the majority populations in both nation states, i.e. as recording artists of Skyline
Records and devout born again Christians in Pastor Santiago’s Church Sanctuary, because they
provide an idealised image of Sama-Bajau culture that is acceptable to the majority populations
in both Malaysia and the Philippines. Te Sama-Bajau Skyline Records phenomenon developed
as young Sama-Bajau recording artists began composing with foreign musical infuences outside
of the traditional musical soundscape of the Sama-Bajau. Te sampling of foreign musical genres
– from Malay popular music, Indonesian dangdut, to Bollywood bhangra – enabled these Sama-
Bajau composers to compose music focused on cultural preservation in Malaysia’s pluralistic
society. Johan and Jasnie are the composers contracted by Edward Sheah to produce these com-
modities with standard musical orchestrations. Iconic referencing of older musical instruments
and melodies from the Sama-Bajau music ensembles instil pride in Sama-Bajau culture through
commercialised karaoke DVD series and tourist festivals. Te Bajau Born Again Christian
Sanctuary practise pre-composed and standardised contemporary praise songs inspired by the
sangbai musical formula in the context of Christian worship. Praise songs contain standard
Sama-Bajau musical elements: running eighth note drum rhythms similar to the tambol from a
tagunggu ensemble, the use of vocables in between each fve-line quatrain, and strophic melodies.
In both communities of Semporna and Batangas City, the Sama-Bajau have annual govern-
ment and non-government sponsored events highlighting their culture. Tese events show the
sponsors beneftting from the Sama-Bajau performing planned and rehearsed forms of music
and dance as a response to becoming citizens by their nation states. For example, the Regatta
Lepa festival evening concert production is sponsored by the Sabah Department of Tourism. As
such, the festival organisers’ exoticisation – Sama-Bajau cultural arts represented by promoting
their sea-gypsy lifestyle with decorative houseboats – entices politicians to sponsor such activi-
ties. Similarly, the Born Again Bajau Christian Sanctuary organised a thanksgiving event in
order to honour the donors of school supplies to their church sanctuary. Tis non-governmen-
tal event also valorised Sama-Bajau music and dance for the sponsors to appreciate. Te Regatta
Lepa festival and the Sanctuary’s Tanksgiving Day are forms of cultural assimilation that ofer
a glimpse of the Sama-Bajau transition towards becoming accepted as Malaysian and lowland
Christian Filipino citizens.
Te diferences in sponsorship from each country refect the diferent attitudes towards the
Sama-Bajau. As a government-sponsored event by the Sabah Department of Tourism, Regatta
Lepa receives sponsorship from local assemblymen in exchange for Sama-Bajau votes during
general elections. Te annual festival in Semporna District also provides industry to the region
of eastern Sabah by encouraging tourists to witness and experience Sama-Bajau culture with
its extravagant and decorated houseboats exotic to tourists in Semporna District. In contrast,
the Sama-Bajau of Batangas City receive aid from the non-governmental organisation of Pastor
Santiago’s Born Again Christian Ministry, which proselytises among people in nearby Sama-
Bajau communities in exchange for education and land-based employment. Overall, the Sama-
Bajau in Malaysia gain sponsorship through political and commercial means in cooperation
with the government. Te Sama-Bajau in the Philippines receive non-governmental sponsor-
ship from Christian communities.
Commodities of regional popular music are sold abundantly by commercial music vendors
in eastern Sabah, Malaysia. Sama-Bajau sangbai Skyline Records commodities and the Sama-
Bajau praise songs difer in performance and production. In Kota Kinabalu and Semporna, the
Sama-Bajau commodities are marketed as music for karaoke DVDs and for asserting a Sama-
Bajau identity in eastern Sabah, Malaysia. Te songs are part of commercialised events such
as Regatta Lepa. Artists contracted under Skyline are groomed by Johan and Jasnie to become
recording artists promoting Sama-Bajau culture and tourism in Semporna. Te Semporna-
based Sama-Bajau promote their culture at a commercial level with composers and musical
arrangers such as Johan and Jasnie – composing and re-arranging Sama-Bajau music as dance
tunes for the evening concert and karaoke DVD series. Johan and Jasnie’s Skyline Records com-
modities instil pride in the Sama-Bajau heritage.
Ethnic groups converting to Christianity in the Philippines exclusively practise their own
localised religious music only for worship services. Te Sama-Bajau Christian praise songs from
northern Luzon, for example, praise God and teach the gospel while this traditionally sea-faring
ethno-linguistic group transitions into a land-based lifestyle. Tese praise songs uplif the spir-
its of the congregation who subsequently acclimate themselves to the livelihood of the lowland
Filipino majority. Pastor Santiago teaches his congregation to be devout Christians while also
providing them a Western form of education and employment as a solution to remove them-
selves from poverty. By performing localised praise songs in the Sanctuary, the congregation
builds communal relationships within sacred ritual spaces. Te localised lyrics in Sama-Bajau
and Tagalog languages enliven the worship services, which are followed by positive testimoni-
als of enriching their lives through Christianity, receiving a literary form of education and
self-sufciency.
Conclusion
Te musical practices of the Sama-Bajau based in Malaysia and the Philippines refect their
navigation between ethnic identity and citizenship in two contrasting nation states. For the
Malaysia-based Sama-Bajau, the angaleleng and kumpulan ensemble in Sabah are musicians
improvising lyrics to danceable melodies for communities subscribing to their Malaysian citi-
zenship. For the Philippine-based Sama-Bajau the organic musical practices in the remote vil-
lages in provincial towns by the batang tambol and sangbai panyani are for the community to
maintain aspects of their culture in the diaspora. Praise songs and Skyline Records’ Sangbai
DVD series and albums are part of the pre-composed music setting the standard for new musi-
cal practices.
Comparative analysis of the intersectionality of music from the Sama-Bajau combined
with popular music elements in their respective countries and the transcultural fows between
the Sulu Archipelago, Luzon, Philippines and Malaysia of the diverse Sama-Bajau music gen-
res reveal the residual efects of transmigrant performers in this chapter coexisting with the
majority populations. External infuences providing patronage to these communities have
directly and indirectly afected the musical developments of Sama-Bajau music outside the Sulu
Archipelago. More importantly the practice of these new contemporary music genres refect the
Sama-Bajau resourcefulness and adaptabilities in composing music outside of traditional gen-
res. Te future of Sama-Bajau music in Malaysia and the Philippines will fourish at a commer-
cial and local level by the practitioners who thrive as entertainment for Sama-Bajau audiences,
wealthy Malaysian entrepreneurs, politicians, and tourists. In Malaysia, new compositions are
produced annually through the Sangbai DVD series.1 Many of the new arrangements by Johan
and Jasnie use the same commercialised instrumentation of a stringed orchestra, harmonium,
and iconic referencing of the tambol, gabbang, and kulintangan. Johan will continue composing
sangbai lyrics for Sama-Bajau artists attempting to break into the music industry in Malaysia.
Every year the Regatta Lepa festival organisers commission Johan and Jasnie to compose sang-
bai tunes to accompany choreographed dance routines. On the other hand, the angaleleng and
the berkumpulan ensembles will continue practicing the traditional improvisation of the song
lyrics for Sama-Bajau celebratory occasions that explicitly require the performance of improvi-
satory sangbai.
Traditional music genres – the aongka, pangongkaan, and the tagunggu ensembles – of the
Sama-Bajau will be practised mainly in remote villages by the remaining elders and children
who uphold the ritual aspects of performing these genres, as a form of leisure, for weddings,
ancestral rituals, and celebratory occasions. Tourist festivals in Malaysia highlighting Sama-
Bajau culture will include the performance of popular Sama-Bajau music referencing cultural
icons to non-Sama-Bajau tourists and audiences – a complete departure from its ritualistic
function. Aongka and pangongkaan will be performed mainly in the privacy of a family’s home:
the former for leisure entertainment by skilled musicians while the latter as game songs for
elementary school students.
Te Sama-Bajau in the Philippines will continue to learn newer sangbai melodies popularised
in Malaysia that enter into the Philippines through the barter trade and smuggling of the Sangbai
DVD series into the Sulu Archipelago; these tunes will later be the sangbai for namamasko. Tis
phenomenon is attributed to the Sama-Bajau refugees settling in various provinces of Luzon
and the Visayas as a result of the political instability in the Sulu Archipelago. More possible
developments and perhaps greater publicity of the Luzon-based Sama-Bajau music will occur as
the news and anthropologists document the changing lifestyle of the Sama-Bajau. Sama-Bajau
artists bring with them music and sangbai tunes that were popular in their hometowns prior to
relocating to Luzon. Te Christianisation of Sama-Bajau music will become the music of worship
for the Batangas City-based Sama-Bajau joining the congregation of Pastor Santiago’s Sanctuary.
Born Again Christian praise song composers working closely with the Sama-Bajau may compose
new music in the Sama-Bajau vernacular in order to retain members of their congregation.
Te fuidity of Sama-Bajau musical identity is evident in the music written by composers who
combine Sama-Bajau musical elements with their host culture’s musical practices. Ritual uses of the
sangbai will become commercialised performance pieces for the Sangbai DVD series and tourist
festivals. Te magkawin will be a performance space for both angaleleng well-versed in the Usman
Group style of textual improvisation while younger aspiring singers perform pre-composed lyr-
ics of sangbai. Busking musicians and traveling ensembles are the conduits for the preservation
of the sangbai as an improvisatory dance tribute song genre. Te Born Again Christian Church
is the newest form of ritualised music with praise songs for new converts of Sama-Bajau ethnicity
to maintain both their cultural heritage while praising the Christian God. Contemporary Sama-
Bajau music is rooted in traditions from their places of origin in the Sulu Archipelago, Philippines.
Genres such as the sangbai, batang tambol, and the Skyline Records’ sangbai commodities are part
of the cultural preservation of the Sama-Bajau identity in maritime Southeast Asia. Porous nation
state borders and the overriding popularity of small scale to commercialised music genres refect
the transmigrant nature of Sama-Bajau musicians between two countries.
In this comparative study I discussed the efects of conservation and adaptation in two sites,
revealing an urgency to maintain an ethnic identity through contemporary ethnic signifers
in popular Sama-Bajau music subgenres as transcultural commodities. For Sama-Bajau youth,
the Usman group sangbai and Skyline Records DVD series are cultural signifers for identity.
Ultimately Sama-Bajau musicians, the native practitioners, and their descendants will deter-
mine which genres are useful as well as aesthetically pleasing. Tus, comparing and contrasting
diverse Sama-Bajau musics reveal a complex musical identity that is as fuid as their trans-
migratory lifestyle. As optimistic tropes for Sama-Bajau identity in two nation states and Sama-
Bajau music, Jenes’ slogan of “Dua Orang Satu Bangsa” – “Two People, One Heritage” – and the
Philippine motto “Isang Bansa Isang Diwa” – “One Nation, One Spirit” – ring true.
Note
1 Compilation albums are now also available on Skyline Record’s YouTube channel, Skyline Pro.
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CODA
Global Movements, Local Sounds:
Nusantara Music and Artists Overseas
Paul Augustin and Adil Johan
Tis chapter highlights how Nusantara popular music artists and their music are received
beyond the shores of the region. Te structure of this chapter is twofold: the frst, historical and
the second, refective. In the frst, we provide a broad historical overview of the international
circulation of music from the Nusantara and its artists, who have travelled abroad and achieved
international recognition with their performances and recordings. In relation to internation-
alisation, the discussion considers the revival of indigenous sounds in Nusantara music since
the 1980s by examining specifc artists and groups that leveraged on the global “world beat”
and jazz fusion trends. In the second part of the chapter, Paul Augustin ofers his personal
refections as an international festival organiser operating within the Nusantara. He ponders
the possible emergence of a “Nusantara sound” developed by jazz artists in the region. Te
examination includes Augustin’s observations of two festival acts that exemplify regional aes-
thetics: Bob Aves featuring Grace Nono from the Philippines and Farid Ali @Mr. Gambus from
Malaysia. Tis chapter lays the foundations to study the global impact of Nusantara popular
music and its artists in the international recording industry and music festival circuits.
Part One: Nusantara Music Overseas

From the Nusantara region, Indonesia has perhaps made the most prominent impact on global
music practices throughout the history of the modern and postcolonial world. Te infuence of
Javanese and Balinese gamelan is particularly widespread across the global north. Some of the
earliest applications of the instrument in the West include Debussy’s “gamelan-inspired works”,
and two decades prior to that the “Indisch composer Van de Wall… ventured into oriental
music and decided to use the Javanese pelog tuning in his rhapsodies and verses” (Barendregt
and Bogaerts 2014, 10–11). Te gamelan is currently no stranger to universities in Europe and
North America (see Spiller 2015). In addition, there are government-supported groups, such
as the Southbank Gamelan Players based in the Southbank Centre in London, who focus on
Javanese gamelan, shadow puppet theatre, and dance. Tere are also long-standing, independ-
ent community-based groups such as New York City’s Gamelan Dharma Swara, who are dedi-
cated to performing the Balinese gamelan and dances. Terefore, Indonesian music is far from
unfamiliar in European and Anglo-American contexts.
Colonial nations such as the United Kingdom, Spain, and the Netherlands maintained a
musical relationship with their colonies. Anneke Gronloh and Te Blue Diamonds were Dutch-
based artists that gained considerable popularity in Singapore, Malaysia, and the Netherlands.1
195
196 • Paul Augustin and Adil Johan
Te Blue Diamonds had a big hit within the Nusantara region with their cover version of the
song, “Ramona” (written by Louis Wolfe Gilbert and Mable Wayne). Gronloh gained popu-
larity with her folk and Malay songs like “Burong Kaka Tua” (Parrot), “Buka Pintu” (Open
the Door), “Bengawan Solo” (Solo River), and “Asmara” (Romance). She also sang in English,
Dutch, and Chinese. Other Indonesians that migrated and gained some form of popularity in
the Netherlands included Sandra Reemer and Te Tielman Brothers who recorded and released
mainly in Malay and Dutch. Tus, Nusantara music overseas was performed by visiting
musicians, relocated European residents, and diasporic communities from former European
colonies.
Within the Nusantara region, musicians from the Philippines were among the frst musi-
cians who started performing outside of their country. Borromeo Lou was the frst Southeast
Asian to tour the United States as a vaudeville pianist in the 1900s (Keppy 2019). Te prominent
Malaysian musician Alfonso Soliano revealed how the British had engaged sixty-four Filipinos
from the Manila Constabulary Band to work as brass members in the Malayan towns of Ipoh,
Kuala Lumpur and Penang on a three-year contract (Lam 1980). Sixty-two members of these
municipal bands chose to stay on in Malaya past their contract, and one of them was Soliano’s
father (Ibid). In the 1970s, many “pop bands” from the Philippines such as D’Starlights,
D’Topnotes, Te Reynettes, and Te Fabulous Echos were mainly based in Hong Kong and
performing in the Asian club circuit.
In the 1960s and 1970s Nusantara musicians also received contracts from Australia, Europe,
and even America, mainly performing cover versions of Anglo-American popular music or
original compositions adapted from such genres. Such can be viewed in the case of Malaysian
jazz crooner Zain Azman, having performed in England, Vietnam, and Australia (Berita
Harian, 18 April 1998). Afer hosting a successful Malaysian television programme called “Te
Zain Azman Show” since 1967, he lef Malaysia in 1975 to win a talent competition in London,
UK, in 1976 (Berita Harian, 1 May 1977). Upon returning to Malaysia in 1977, he was dubbed
“Malaysia’s Matt Monroe”, where he couldn’t really relate to local genres such as “asli or ker-
oncong” because his “heart and soul was in jazz”, feeling connections “to the musical freedom,
the liberty of structure that could only be found in jazz music” (Te Star, 19 December 1996).
Tis adaptability and afnity to Anglo-American popular trends would continue from the
1980s onwards. Notable artists who have managed to reach Western and East Asian commercial
markets to some degree include Anggun of Indonesia; Lea Salonga of the Philippines; Jeremy
Monteiro of Singapore; and Paul Ponnudorai, Sheila Majid, Zee Avi, and Yuna 2 of Malaysia.
Notably, Malaysia’s pop icon Sudirman Arshad won the title of “Asia’s No. 1 Performer” in the
Asian Popular Music Awards held in 1989 at London’s Royal Albert Hall that was broadcast live
on televisions across the globe. Another example of global adaptability can be seen (and heard)
in the case of Sheila Majid, for example, who had considerable success in the Japanese market,
releasing Japanese-produced versions of her hit song “Sinaran” (Radiant) in Malay and Japanese.
An updated Japanese recording of the song is found in the limited edition pressing of her album
Emosi (EMI/Universal Music 7755630, 2019) originally released in 1989 (Figures 17.1–17.2). Te
Japanese version of the song was the title track for an album produced and released in Japan
(Sinaran, Planet Earth, CP32-5914, 1989) and consequently her 1990 hit album Lagenda was
also released as a compact disc (CD) in Japan (Planet Earth, TOCP-6172, 1990). Sheila Majid’s
music aligned well to the aesthetics of the widely popular Japanese “city pop” genre of the 1980s
and 1990s that articulated the rise of afuent, urban lifestyles in a period of economic success
in East (and Southeast) Asia (Arcand & Goldner 2019).
Te masterful jazz guitar playing of Paul Ponnudorai (Figure 17.3) is heard in many of Sheila
Majid’s recordings – such as the Japanese version of “Sinaran” mentioned above – and during
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Figure 17.1 Front sleeve of vinyl LP record reissue of Sheila Majid’s sophomore album, Emosi (Emotion),
Universal Music, 2019 (orig. 1986). (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
the 1980s and 1990s he was a frequent sessionist for many Malaysian pop artists. He also played
guitar and penned the lyrics to the song “One Tousand Million Smiles” (with music composed
by Michael Veerapen), that won Sudirman’s title mentioned above. While based in Singapore in
the 2000s, Ponnudorai received a glowing recognition of his musical skill and creativity from
an online article published in Time Magazine:
Comparisons could be made with José Feliciano, the Puerto Rican singer-guitarist who had
1960s hits with stylish remakes of songs like California Dreamin’ and Light My Fire. But
Ponnudorai is better. His ability to dice songs up, look into their hearts and perceive the
common veins connecting every genre has won the attention of top international players who
go to Singapore on tour. Harmonica virtuoso Toots Tielemans, drummer Billy Cobham,
guitarist Tommy Emmanuel and vocalist Bobby McFerrin have all been in the audience. In
Figure 17.2 Back sleeve of vinyl LP record reissue of Sheila Majid’s sophomore album, Emosi (Emotion),
Universal Music, 2019 (orig. 1986). Includes a new version of her hit song “Sinaran”
(“Radiant”) recorded in Japan. (Courtesy of Asia Culture Centre, Gwangju, South Korea)
2002, trumpeter Wynton Marsalis showed up at a performance and was so taken by it, he
grabbed his instrument and leapt onstage to play alongside a startled Ponnudorai, who did
not recognize him. “He told me ‘ever since I got of the plane I’ve been hearing about nothing
but you,” Ponnudorai recalls. Te pair jammed together for the next two nights.
(Fitzpatrick 2007, 57; cited in Netto 2012)
Ponnudorai here best represents the convergence of global popular music styles in the Nusantara.
Growing up in Malaysia, he was a consummate musician since he was just six years of age, and
his musical foundations were fostered through his English-language church upbringing in Ipoh
(Te Edge, 10 July 2012). He would then fnd afnities with Anglo-American jazz, blues, soul,
and rock; which would see him deconstructing the songs of Carlos Santana and Stevie Wonder,
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Figure 17.3 Paul Ponnudorai performing at the Penang Island Jazz Festival, 2007. (Photo by Michael Lee,
courtesy of Penang House of Music, Malaysia)
thereby “developing a distinct playing style and a voice that was as Malaysian as it was from
Nashville or New Orleans” (Te Edge, 10 July 2012).
Terefore, the global reach of Nusantara artists demonstrates a degree of musicality aligned
with global, Anglo-American popular music trends and they have adapted their desired styles
in songs for local audiences. Borromeo Lou and Alfonso Soliano are collectively remembered as
the progenitors of jazz in their respective Nusantara nations; Zain Azman is known to be repre-
sentative of the jazz style with his Malay songs “Air Mata Berderai” (“Falling Tears”) and “Gadis
Idamanku” (“Dream Woman”); Sheila Majid is recognised as the “Ratu Jazz” (“Jazz Queen”)
of Malaysia; and Ponnudorai was acknowledged as an interpreter of global popular music par
excellence.
However, despite the accolades of the artists above, none could match the wide-reaching suc-
cess and global circulation of the Filipino singer–songwriter, Freddie Aguilar. Aguilar sang his
folk ballad, “Anak” (“Child” in Tagalog, Malay, and Indonesian; the predominant languages of
the Nusantara region), in multiple languages: the song was sung in Tagalog and English (Anak,
Sunshine, TSP 5245, 1978); in Italian as “Un Bambino” in an album produced in Italy (Freddie
Aguilar, PDU, PLD.A7018, 1979); and in the Malay album Kenangan Ayah (Philips 6455511, 1979,
see Figures 0.9–0.12). Countless other versions were recorded across the globe by other artists
in Japanese, German, Dutch, Finnish, and Spanish.3 In summary, Aguilar’s song “was released
in 59 countries, translated into 26 languages, recorded in more than a hundred versions and
sold 33 million copies worldwide” (Salterio 2018). For a commercial recording artist, Aguilar
is perhaps the Nusantara artist extraordinaire to achieve such a global impact with his music.
However, this chapter will now draw attention away from adaptations of Anglo-American pop-
ular music styles, towards how a Nusantara approach to popular music is expressed to a global
audience in international music festivals.
Nusantara Sounds and the “World Beat” Era

Since the 1980s, there have been a few notable artists who were “fusing” indigenous instruments
and styles from the Nusantara with Anglo-American jazz: Bob Aves, Joey Ayala, and Grace
Nono from the Philippines; Farid Ali and M. Nasir (both originally from Singapore and later
relocated to Malaysia), Asiabeat, Aseana Percussion Unit, and Noraniza Idris from Malaysia;
and Krakatau and Saharadja from Indonesia. Te music they created was unique and of “inter-
national standards”; however, these artists did not get the global recognition they deserved.
While receiving adequate recognition from their peers within and beyond the Nusantara, they
mainly performed in international festivals, gaining modest followings in their respective
countries but, unfortunately, wider success past the region was limited.
During this period of the late 1980s and into the 2000s, there was a postcolonial Nusantara
renaissance with the inclusion of indigenous music amongst musicians from the region and
globally, who were attempting to rediscover their “roots”.4 And, with the rise of the “world beat”
genre, many of these artists realised that in order to appeal to the international market, their
music had to be “original” in its use of sounds not commonly heard in Anglo-American popu-
lar music.5 Tus, the best way to achieve such novelty was to highlight the use of traditional
and folk music genres and instruments from the region in their music, which was primarily
based on Western styles such as jazz. Tese approaches are apparent in Indonesian groups such
as Krakatau,6 SambaSunda,7 Saharadja, and Barasuara. From Malaysia similar groups include
Asiabeat, Tuku Kame, and Aseana Percussion Unit. As conceived in Santaella’s chapter, these
groups represent an important case of how Nusantara artists are actively “indigenising the
popular” in their music. Tis becomes increasingly intricate when artists not only indigenise
popular styles (with which they may be more familiar), but also incorporate other global styles,
which are not indigenous to the region. Examples of the latter include diasporic music tradi-
tions such as the ones from South Asian and East Asian communities based in the Nusantara.
Exemplary of these complex musical interactions are the Malaysian groups Aseana Percussion
Unit (APU) and Diplomats of Drum. Formed in 1998, APU were an eleven-member group
that consisted of “Brazilian Surdo, Indian Tabla and Taviel, Malay Kompang and Gendang,
the Chinese Drum, the Trinidadian Steel Pan, the African Djembe/Talking Drum and com-
mon household appliances” and from the years 2005 to 2011 they performed in South Korea,
Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China (Te Aseana Percussion Unit 2012). Teir most prolifc achieve-
ment was being the frst Malaysian group to perform on Jarasaum Jazz Festival’s main stage in
2005. Te group combined a plethora of global and local styles, as evident in their debut album
Colours of Rhythm (2002), which “embraces Indian, Malay and Chinese rhythmic elements as
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gleefully as it spews out funk and Afro (sic) rifs” (Pavithran 2002). APU’s eclectic approach was
a major infuence for the Diplomats of Drum – a large percussion ensemble of about twelve to
fourteen musicians (depending on the event) – who performed for the international Rainforest
World Music Festival in Sarawak, Malaysia held in 2012. Te group’s members comprise “each
ethnic race in the country” (Romero 2018) and their diverse instrumentation is “a hodgepodge
of… the Australian Didgeridoo, African Djembes and Talking Drum, Brazilian Repenique and
Surdos, Malay Gendang and Rebana, the Indian Dhol, Sitar and Tabla, the Scottish Bagpipe,
Slide and Acoustic Guitars and a whole lot more” (Rainforest World Music Festival 2012). Te
group’s international accolades include being “voted three times as ‘Best Live Act’ by MTV Asia
& the Asian Musician Magazine” and performing for the 2008 Beijing Olympics and South
Africa-hosted FIFA World Cup in 2010 (Rainforest World Music Festival 2012). In addition,
they participated in a cultural exchange programme hosted by the Rialto Centre of the Arts,
in Atlanta, Georgia, USA, with funding from the Doris Duke Foundation, which brought the
group to perform and conduct workshops in four American communities in the states of Texas,
Florida, and Georgia (Diplomats of Drum 2015). Diplomats of Drum serves as an example of a
live act from the Nusantara that represents not only the diversity of regional music but also the
afnities that Nusantara musicians have with global styles. Tis, in turn, allows them to connect
with a broad international audience, bringing this diverse “hodgepodge” approach and musical
experience to places and people that were previously ignorant of the Nusantara. In the follow-
ing pages, Paul Augustin ofers his personal observations and refections on the development of
Nusantara music and its inclusion in international music festivals.
Part Two: Refections of a Music Festival Organiser

In the 1980s, Nusantara artists and groups had started experimenting and fusing local instru-
mentation and sounds whilst searching to create a national identity for themselves and their
respective nations. In later years, I had the opportunity to programme some of them for festi-
vals that I worked on and even had a chance to work with a couple of them to take their brand
of music beyond the region’s shores.
At the time, I did not fully comprehend and appreciate what was happening with this type
of “fusion” music except to know that it was a “cool” sound and thing to do at that time. What
was also interesting to note was that in terms of Malaysia, Singapore, and to a certain extent
Indonesia and the Philippines, the music from the Nusantara region already comprised a com-
bination of sounds, scales, rhythms, and melodies of the myriad cultures from across the region,
such as the long-standing music practices of various indigenous groups as well as traditional
forms of music from the region’s diasporic communities of East and South Asian origins.
From 2003 onwards, in my capacity as a festival director and organiser, I was invited to
attend many regional and international music events, which included music markets, meetings,
symposiums, and of course, various international music festivals! It was afer my frst visit to
Norway in 2008, that I realised the importance of a country or region in building, support-
ing, and developing their very own “sound”. During this visit, my fellow festival organisers
and I were taken to many locations and we watched performances by several individuals and
groups in diferent settings. What struck me was a performance by the Norwegian group, In
Te Country, which was held in the hall of a 13th-century monastery. Te group introduced
their music as compositions that refected the landscape, lifestyle, and moods of Norway and it
was truly a memorable experience to listen to their music. In Te Country painted an imaginary
picture with their performance, in which I could “visualise” the colours of their sounds, music
and rhythms as expressive of the Norwegian landscape I had just traversed. Such is the power
of music for me – it can transport you to a place, time, and feeling with its rhythms, melodies,
and sounds.
It was also around this period, specifcally during my travels, that I was ofen asked by inter-
national jazz and world music festival directors, such as Ben Mandelson, the founding director
for the World Music Expo (WOMEX), to recommend Malaysian or regional music that refected
the tradition and culture of my nation and its region in a musically creative manner. Sad to say,
I had to pause considerably and struggled to think of adequate examples. Initially, it was a chal-
lenge for me to recommend artists or groups of that nature. Tere are many groups that sing in
the native language but in terms of musical style, there were probably a handful of individuals
or groups that I believed truly refected the music of Malaysia or the region.
In a way, it was a good “wake-up call” for me to try and listen to Nusantara music from an
outsider’s perspective, refecting on what would be musically representative of the region’s cul-
tures and traditions. Also, I had to consider the commercial aspects, or rather the marketability,
of such music to an international festival audience. What are the features of this music? What
is the Nusantara “sound”? What type of instruments, rhythms, and languages would feature
as representative of this so-called Nusantara sound? More importantly, who are the artists that
can best represent the cultural uniqueness of this region’s music to an international festival
audience? Upon refecting further, I realised that witnessing the development of music from the
region since the 1980s, along with my personal experience as a festival programmer since 2003,
would help me answer these questions.
Programming World Music in a Jazz Festival

My frst opportunity to programme a jazz festival was when I was contracted to plan and man-
age the Carl’s Sunrise Jazz Festival in 2002. It was quite difcult to convince the organisers
to turn their attention away from the “typical” mainstream artists and groups who normally
perform in Malaysia. I wanted to include eclectic artists and groups that were representatives of
their individual countries’ unique music styles and instruments, and I managed to achieve this
with some success. Jazz fusion bands such as Bangkok Connection included the ranat ek, a Tai
wooden xylophone with a curved wooden resonator.
In 2003, my company, Capricorn Connection, was contracted to programme and manage
two festivals, the Philips International Jazz Festival in Kuala Lumpur and the Kuching Jazz
Festival and, again, I included groups that had displayed “cultural/traditional” elements in their
music such as Silk from India, Krakatau from Indonesia, and Steve Tornton’s Afro Asia group
from Malaysia. I continued to adopt this approach in the programming method and style when
I started the independent Penang Island Jazz Festival in Malaysia in 2004.
Tis programming style was an efort to be “diferent” from other jazz festivals but in the
long run, we found that it worked well. We stood out and got noticed, especially in the world of
jazz and amongst world music fans. In later years, I was invited to attend a number of interna-
tional music meetings, markets, and trade shows and was told that even though Penang Island
Jazz Festival was a small festival (in terms of size and budget), we were considered by other
festival organisers, programmers, agents, promoters, music journalists, and musicians as an
important music festival in this part of the world.
Without initially realising it, our programming of “world jazz” or “ethnic jazz” groups dif-
fered greatly from “traditional” jazz festivals. We were therefore creating a platform for local
and regional music to be heard on a global stage. In the remaining pages, I would like to share
my personal experience working with two notable festival acts. For me, they are important
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artists that focused on capturing, creating, promoting, and reviving the sounds of the Nusantara
region for an international festival audience.
Bob Aves Jazz Group Featuring Grace Nono

Among some of the regional groups that we programmed for Penang Island Jazz Festival that
had a regional “sound”, there was one that I felt had a unique sound, and I was very excited
about them when I frst heard them. Tis was the Bob Aves Jazz Group featuring Grace Nono
from the Philippines.
I met Aves at a music festival in Nanning, China in 2006. When he passed me a sample CD
of his music, I found it very exciting and fresh! An advocate of Philippine culture and tradi-
tional music, Aves started his music career as a “jazz rock/fusion” guitar player and was very
passionate about his music which he termed “Philippine World Jazz” – a fusion of modern jazz
and traditional gong instruments of the Philippines. Tis sample CD was perhaps a precur-
sor to his album Translating Te Gongs, released in the same year, which was well-reviewed in
allaboutjazz.com. Te reviewer notes how the album represents a fusion of
traditional Filipino folk music and mainstream jazz grooves… (integrated with) gongs, which
percussionists use in various implementations for multihued rhythmic efects… (Tus,
making the album) a concise snapshot of counterbalancing styles which coalesce into a won-
drously conceived series of works. It’s an East meets West mindset, awash with intrigue and
endearing melodies.
(Astarita 2006)
Indeed, his performance was an intriguing combination of East and West. Aves blended dif-
ferent Filipino ethnic instruments, sounds, beats, and arrangements with Western music ele-
ments. Some of the instruments he used include the kulintang gong-row instrument (part of
the gong row tradition stemming from West Sumatra to the southern Philippines and eastern
Indonesia),8 the octavina (a small guitar introduced into the Philippines when it was part of the
Spanish East Indies and commonly used for rondalla music, associated with barrio festivals),
other traditional gongs/percussion from the region, and vocalisations of traditional Filipino
chants by Grace Nono. A number of his songs were written in the native Maguindanao scale
which resonates with other music of the Nusantara region.
Unfortunately, Aves passed away in 2019 and what amazes me in retrospect was that when
we programmed his group in the Penang Island Jazz Festival of 2007, it was their debut perfor-
mance (Figure 17.6). Tis performance “opened doors” for them to consequently play in festi-
vals within the Asian region: the Jarasum Jazz Festival and the Zhujiajiao Water Village World
Music Festival, both in 2008. With his music, Aves related to me that he had hoped to breathe
new life into the Philippine’s music heritage in the hope of awakening a keen interest amongst
the new generation about their roots, while sharing with the world the distinct sounds of indig-
enous Filipino music.
Farid Ali @Mr. Gambus

A Singaporean by birth, Farid Ali (Figures 17.7–17.8) spent most of his working years in
Malaysia. Farid studied music at the Guitar Institute of Technology, California and Berklee
College of Music in Boston, Massachusetts. Over the years, Farid performed and recorded with
many established names in the regional music industry and received several awards for his
composition and arrangements. Tese awards include the “Best Musical Arrangement in the
1988 Curacao International Music Festival” and the “World Peace Award in 1993” (Rahmah
2013).
His main instrument was the guitar, but feeling a need to rediscover his cultural “roots”
and heritage, Farid started researching the Malay gambus (with historical connections to the
Middle-Eastern oud)9 to create a unique voice in his music. He would combine and incorporate
traditional and modern elements to develop his very own unique “sound” for a global audience.
I started programming Farid for a festival in 2002, and “unofcially” started working with
him in 2003 when a good friend of mine in South Korea, Jae Jin In, shared his vision of assem-
bling an “All-Star Asian Jazz Group” with Peter Lee from Hong Kong and myself. Each of us
recommended two musicians from Asia for the band, Asian Spirits, and their frst performance
was in Seoul, South Korea in 2003 (Figures 17.3–17.4). Te group consisted of Lee Jung Sik (sax-
ophone) and Jang Jae Hyo (Korean percussions and vocals) from South Korea, Ted Lo (piano)
from Hong Kong, Shigeo Hirayama (drums) from Japan, Andy Peterson (bass) from Malaysia,
and Farid Ali (guitar) from Singapore. It was an amazing band that performed original compo-
sitions, which combined Eastern and Western musical elements. Te band also performed for a
show on the South Korean television station EBS, the 2004 Pori Jazz Festival in Finland, and the
2004 Penang Island Jazz Festival.
Farid picked up the Gambus seriously in 2003 and did his debut performance with the
instrument for a short slot in Bobby McFerrin’s 2004 concert in Singapore. He then recorded his
frst album entitled Mr. Gambus – Gambus Goes Jazz (c.2005), which contains mostly original
compositions (Multinum Entertainment Sdn. Bhd., c.2005). An accomplished composer with
an ability to create strong melodies, Farid not only incorporated Malay elements into his songs
with the Gambus but also included other Malay music instrumentation and rhythms. He had a
unique sound and was easy to promote and market. We represented Farid and negotiated per-
formances for him and his music, not only in Malaysia and Singapore but also in South Korea,
Figure 17.4 Asian Spirits compact disc cover of their concert in Seoul, South Korea. (Courtesy of Penang
House of Music, Malaysia)
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Figure 17.5 Poster of Asian Spirits Concert in Seoul, South Korea. (Courtesy of Penang House of Music,
Malaysia)
China, Taiwan, South Africa, France, and Switzerland. Farid recorded three albums and passed
away in December 2013. Te story of Farid Ali is also an amazing one as I always felt that he was
in a rush and wanted to do everything in a hurry. It was evident that music was his frst love and
there was so much more he wanted to accomplish. We spent many hours and days sharing and
exchanging ideas but, unfortunately, time was not on his side.
Figure 17.6 Bob Aves and Grace Nono at the Penang Island Jazz Festival, 2007. (Photo by Michael Lee,
courtesy of Penang House of Music, Malaysia)
Figure 17.7 Farid Ali at Penang Island Jazz Festival, 2005 (Photo by Michael Lee, courtesy of Penang House
of Music, Malaysia)
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Figure 17.8 Farid Ali and shamisen player Chie Hanawa at the Penang Island Jazz Festival, 2005 (Photo by
Michael Lee, courtesy of Penang House of Music, Malaysia)
Conclusion
Arranged in two parts, this chapter presented an overarching narrative of how Nusantara
popular music and its artists have travelled beyond the shores of the region. Te frst part pro-
vided a broad historical survey of the impact of Nusantara music and musicians such as Anneke
Gronloh, Zain Azman, Sheila Majid, Paul Ponnudorai, and Freddie Aguilar on global popular
culture, in particular their reception and recognition in East Asia and the West. Next, we briefy
discussed the rise of “world beat” and jazz fusion in the region, past the 1980s, with a focus
on Malaysian percussion group Diplomats of Drum, who toured extensively across the globe
in the 2000s. Tis frst section served as a contextual preamble to Paul Augustin’s personal
refections as a music industry practitioner in the Nusantara region. As a festival organiser
since 2002, Paul Augustin has helped pave the way to the increased inclusion of performing
acts that incorporated indigenous sounds and styles from the Nusantara. Finally, he recollected
the music of two acts that performed in the Penang Island Jazz Festival, which he initiated and
directed from 2004 until 2017. Te music of Bob Aves featuring Grace Nono and Farid Ali @
Mr. Gambus was well-received in the festival and led them to many other opportunities on
the world stage, thereby bringing the eclectic sounds of Nusantara popular music to a global
audience.
Notes
1 For more on Anneke Gronloh’s reception in the Netherlands, see Barendregt and Bogaerts (2014, 21) who cite
Andy Tielman’s (of the Tielman Brothers group) biography Tat’s My Life (2006).
2 For more on Malaysia’s internationally acclaimed recording artist, Yuna, see Barendregt et al. (2017, 93–96).
3 Tough not a comprehensive list of “Anak” adaptations, see https://secondhandsongs.com/work/183659/adapt
ations#nav-entity (Accessed 29 April 2020).
4 On the phenomenon of increased use of non-Western indigenous music in 1980s Anglo-American popular
music, see Meintjes’s (1990) study on Paul Simon’s Graceland album.
5 For an exploration of the term “World Beat” as occurring in Malaysian popular music in the 1990s, see Tan
(2002).
6 For a detailed study on Krakatau, see Harnish and Wallach (2013).
7 For more details on SambaSunda and Indonesian fusion in the 1990s, see Barendregt and Van Zanten (2002,
71–75).
8 For detailed studies on the Magindanaon kulintang see Terada (1996), Scholz (1996), Posner (1996), and
Kalanduyan (1996), all found in a special section dedicated to the Filipino kulintang in journal, Asian Music
27(2).
9 For more on the Malay gambus see Hilarian (2005).
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Aferword
Bercerita (Sharing Stories) with M. Nasir,
Joey Ayala, Dwiki Dharmawan, and Pra Budi
Dharma on Nusantara Popular Music
Raja Iskandar Bin Raja Halid and Mayco A. Santaella
M. Nasir (Dato’ Mohamad Nasir bin Mohamed) is a Malaysian singer–songwriter, actor, pro-
ducer, and visual artist. He has written and produced some of the biggest hit songs in Malaysia,
covering the pop, ballad, and rock genres. As a solo artist, M. Nasir is known as one of the
pioneers of Nusantara music, a new genre that combines progressive rock and traditional music
elements from the region. He is now the chairman of Music Authors Copyright Protection
(MACP) Berhad, a non-proft organisation providing licenses to users of music and collecting
royalties on behalf of songwriters and publishers.
R.I. and M.A.S.: How can we conceptualise the idea of Nusantara music?
M.N.: Nusantara music is about looking for the local identity of the tanah air (motherland). It’s
about looking for its form refective of a Nusantara identity, particularly of the “tanah melayu”
or the Malay Peninsula. Tere are two forms of Nusantara music, modern music and the music
that comes from the Nusantara islands. Te musical forms that come from the islands are part
of the heritage, what is considered “traditional music”. Tat is what we call Nusantara music.
But we also take this music and use the label to reference modern music with a style that carries
an identity belonging to the islands. But it is modern, that is, a fusion or the combination of
world music and music from the Nusantara islands. Simultaneously, the Nusantara music itself
is technically already a “fusion” [hybrid] from the beginnings, but what I mean here is fusion in
the modern sense, in the present day. Te repertoire is also modern. We could probably identify
the music as having 60% Nusantara elements, and 40% modern or western elements. But it
doesn’t need to be exactly that, there may be fewer Nusantara elements than that.
In Indonesia, they have also tried to create new Nusantara music but it wasn’t necessarily
towards pop. I made it in the pop stream, as popular music. Tey [Indonesia] developed it more
towards jazz, fusion, and other genres but not necessarily towards pop. I tried to develop a
Nusantara sound under the pop genre and tried to make it popular. Manan Ngah also coined a
term at the time, known as balada Nusantara. I disagree with the term balada [ballad], because
balada is just balada, slow, moderate songs. So [Nusantara music] can’t simply be balada music.
I also produced music under the balada genre. But my songs were songs that told a story. Many
210
Aferword • 211
of the pop songs of the 1980s were also known as balada. Balada Nusantara means telling a
story about the region. Tey become songs that tell a story about this locale, Nusantara stories.
Balada means a story. But the “popular” was also a complex term. Some people said that music
was popular because it had a mass appeal. But many used to call it a form as well. And the form
eventually became a genre in itself. Popular music has its own forms, the forms become a genre,
so we wanted to create that particular genre.
R.I. and M.A.S.: Was popular music developed from traditional repertoire?
M.N.: Muzik Melayu or Malay Pop Music had songs that were popularised through singers like
Siti Nurhaliza who was known to be part of the “Irama Malaysia” phenomenon. Songs with
zapin and inang rhythms became popular as well. But the ones we composed were considered
“modern fusion”. It’s not that it was never done before, but it had a progressive feel to it. P.
Ramlee used to popularise songs that were considered “traditional”. Tese became part of the
pop Nusantara. But my sound was diferent. It had contemporary and progressive features. In
an interview I said I wanted to “ruggedkan”, to make Malay music “rugged”.
Basically it’s mostly about the rhythm. Our strength [in Malaysia] is on the rhythm, such as
joget and zapin. However, the lenggok (ornamentation) is also important, such as asli melodies
based on the senandung. We had the rhythm and the lenggok at the time, but that is what we
were looking for, the senandung, a form from Sumatra which means “melagukan” (to put in song
form, “song-ify”). Te style of singing itself carried a Malay identity. Te songs may have Arabic
elements but originate from lenggok Melayu. Tat is what I was looking for. I found it through
recordings and revealed [“terbongkar”] the style of singing. I knew that Malay music was per-
formed this way, but wanted to understand the origins of the lenggok. Because the senandung
doesn’t really need music (instrumentation), just singing. We wanted to know where the leng-
gok came from. Te popular songs had Arab, Chinese, and Malay elements, including Indian
elements as well. But we looked for the “acrobatics”, for example, for the song “Seri Mersing”
– where did the ornamentation or lenggok come from? Malay aesthetics are diferent from Arab
ones if you look at the vibrato (getaran). It may also have “meleweh” (“cry” in Sundanese). Te
“meleweh” element in songs or a sense of lamenting was strong in the music. Te slendro tuning
also had some infuence in our compositions and for Nusantara music. Javanese and Sundanese
music infuenced scales in Nusantara music. In terms of acceptance, it was up to individuals.
We wanted to innovate and reach a level that we could be proud of.
R.I. and M.A.S.: Were musicians aware of each other and infuencing genres across the
Nusantara region?
M.N.: We used to infuence each other across the archipelago. But we had popular bands that
infuenced our sound like “Karimata” and “Krakatau” who played jazz fusion, but a Nusantara
fusion. However, they were more towards progressive jazz fusion at the time, it didn’t become
pop. It was sort of a jazz fusion that used Nusantara elements. We did some of that here [in
Malaysia] but we didn’t go towards jazz, rather, more towards pop and folk. Tey [Krakatau]
were also not mainstream but had many fans. Tere were some groups in the Philippines as
well. But they were more towards western music and had some fusion. But they don’t have a
strong traditional music culture clearly featured in popular music. In Tailand, for example,
they have Ram Wong which is popular but characteristically Tai. Here we have gamelan and
many fusions that took place in Indonesia. In Malaysia we could head in that direction, but not
so much in the Philippines, given their strong Spanish and western infuences.
212 • Raja Iskandar Bin Raja Halid and Mayco A. Santaella
Te genres that were developed but did not succeed did not have a clear rhythm like dang-
dut, for example. Tey didn’t go anywhere. Dangdut is also rather sexy. Zapin and other genres
here [Malaysia] are not sexy. Tey are also folksy but still polite. Because dance within popular
music ofen has sexy elements. Here, they actually had already made dangdut, but the “Ustad”
[religious teacher] was not in favour of dangdut. Tey developed from Orkes Melayu like “Orkes
Zindegi” [famous 1970s band] which had Arab and Hindustani elements from which dangdut
developed. But there were other groups that played rock, and cha cha, with conga and accordion
which became popular instrumentation at the time. Sometimes Hindustani songs were also
known as Malay songs. Te songs were ofen known as “Lagu Melayu”, and Rhoma Irama cre-
ated from that a rhythm emphasising the tabla and the electric guitar which carried a slightly
diferent sound. It had a tight rhythm with an emphasis towards dance which made it popular.
R.I. and M.A.S.: What determines the success of a genre as popular music in the Nusantara
region?
M.N.: Nusantara music can’t be really big because it doesn’t have a strong dance element unlike
dangdut music. It carries some elements of dance, joget, but it is considered traditional. Actually
dangdut is quite old too, but somehow it has overtaken Nusantara music in terms of popularity.
Dance is an important element in determining success. Like, you can dance to dangdut music.
Here [in Malaysia] it is rather difcult, there is joget which you can dance to, but it is considered
a genre from the past. Dangdut also has its history, but it managed to maintain popularity. Here
[in Malaysia] you can still reach success, if you have a good song and work with a famous singer,
but those that are able to perform it are not that many. Like Pak Ngah for example, but even his
style is more towards the Irama Malaysia genre. He is not fusion or progressive, he is more folky
or popish. We used fusion or progressive elements like jazz or other genres. Even with the use of
chords, not just simple chords, you have to know how to make it progressive. Even rock, we put
a lot of rock elements: the sound, the structure, the instruments, the chords. It sounded modern
and that made it popular. But it became a genre that wasn’t as popular because it did not have
many followers. Like reggae for example, it appeared once and had some relative popularity, but
at a certain point there were fewer followers. But they are [reggae] followers who would follow [the
genre] until they die.
At the time it was big [Nusantara music], but it didn’t quite make it as a genre. It only became
slightly famous because of the singer. Many of these genres were only popularised through
competitions, particularly TV competitions. Tey had umbrellas such as “etnik kreatif ” but, in
the long run, the genre was not popular because they were not “rock” [tak rock]. Tey did not
have the ruggedness of rock. Te ones that made it besides Pak Ngah are the singers such as Siti
[Nurhaliza], Noraniza Idris, but those are of a specifc stream of Nusantara music. Tere are
other streams as well. Many of them were popular mainly because of the singer and not neces-
sarily the genre. It came to a point where the genre could not be “pushed” any more. It became
history. Everywhere it’s the same. In the islands [Indonesia] they are strong with their national
genres and folk music, which has [a distinct] identity and uses their traditions. Tey can’t keep
up with changes in pop. In Europe they had the “world beat” but now it’s gone, and so it is for
us. Usually it takes ten years for a [new] genre in a market. By the fourth or ffh year it reaches
its peak and then it descends and disappears by the tenth year. Tis is because there are not that
many supporters for world music, which is similar to the concept of Nusantara music. World
beat, meaning from our world, the music of the Nusantara world. People don’t know what world
music is; it is actually popularised versions of traditional music. Similar to Paul Simon and oth-
ers. Te success ofen lies in the insertion of dance elements. Ten it was mixed with electronic
music so the direction became a bit blurred.
Aferword • 213
Male singers also played a big role, because they were mostly involved in the rock and balada
genres. But then you also had a female presence with the stream of Siti and Noraniza Idris.
Tere were musicians that combined folk elements and included kampong sounds in their
music but now people don’t quite consume that. All popular music has its cycles. Except some
like rap that is still consumed, although in diferent forms. But with rock as well, and its balada
feel. However, the momentum for Nusantara music has passed. We started with western infu-
ences, then the development of world music, and then it merged into dance music. Now it is
largely discontinued. People don’t make new music, except for singers like Siti that continue to
perform. But now, it is mostly pop music.
Joey Ayala (José Íñigo Homer Lacambra Ayala) is a Filipino singer–songwriter born in
Mindanao and residing in Manila. As a guitar player, his songs combine traditional instru-
ments (mostly from Mindanao) with modern popular music styles. With his group Bagong
Lumad (New Native) Joey supports education, social, and environmental causes through both
governmental and non-governmental institutions. He also served as the National Commission
for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) Chairman of the National Committee on Music.
R.I. and M.A.S.: How can we conceptualise the idea of Nusantara music?
J.A.: Nusantara denotes a specifc geographical region and ethnolinguistic group. At the begin-
ning there was resistance from people that believed that we should not mix those instruments
with drums and bass. Some people said it was sacred, and you are not supposed to modernise
them. But eventually people liked it, and it was very diferent so people noticed it. I migrated
to Manila with the band in order to develop musically and with a mission: as someone from
the south bringing southern sentiments to the mainstage in metro-Manila. We were hoping to
make a living from the economic fow in this city. Tis was during the early 1990s. Our original
band came as carrying a strong southern sound and look. By 1994 each musician went their
own way but continued to carry an indigenous image and then it spread.
Te Philippines had an infuence on the popular music of Malaysia and Indonesia. I’m not
aware of much of their infuence in the Philippines. But in Indonesia, famous for its pirated
recordings, there are many Filipino recordings that until today are famous in Indonesia, and
you can rarely fnd those recordings in the Philippines. Rock, blues, and jukebox hits are still
popular in Indonesia. Te singer Eddie Peregrina was very famous at the time, perhaps because
he had songs in Filipino and in English. He had a certain vocal style that was very popular, not
among the elites but among the lower income bracket with a very high-pitch nasal style of sing-
ing. But in the Philippines, the infuences are mainly American and maybe European. During
the 1960s and 1970s on TV you had shows with British rock, and then you had the Ed Sullivan
show with famous American musicians. When the market became global, you could only hear
the music of other countries through an American company or distribution enterprise, includ-
ing Ravi Shankar and Indian music. One of the frst records I heard as a child was produced by
the Smithsonian Institute (or Elektra records); it had African music and diferent cultures and
sounds. Tat is one of the reasons that when I frst heard the traditional music in Mindanao, I
recognised it as music. Because I had that category in my head, of music that is not popular, but
it’s real and it belongs to us, and nobody knows about it, so we better share it.
R.I. and M.A.S.: What is the relationship between traditional and popular music?
J.A.: I wasn’t the frst to begin using traditional instruments in my songs, but I have been doing
that consistently since the 1970s. Tat was when I had my frst interaction with musicians from
various indigenous groups using traditional instruments. We were making a rock opera and the
script was based on an indigenous legend. Tat’s when I frst heard hanging gongs, the kubing
(bamboo jaw harp), the lute, etc. I was in college at that time. Te story was based on a crea-
tion myth so we used lots of special efects, puppets, rock ‘n’ roll music because the model for a
rock opera in the 1970s was Jesus Christ Super Star, right? You had to have rock ‘n’ roll, but we
also wanted to include a favour from the indigenous groups from where the myth originated.
We experimented a lot with the gongs and rock music. We had no studio, nothing was written
down, we memorised all the parts. It was called “Sa Bundok ng Apo” (“On Mount Apo”) [writ-
ten by Al Santos of the Philippine Educational Teater Association] about the highest peak
of the Philippines, in Mindanao. Te Bagobo tribe has an origin myth for Mount Apo. Tis
was very striking for me because at that time I was listening to songs by James Taylor, Carlos
Santana, Jimmy Hendrix, jazz fusion, etc. I consider myself pretty well versed musically, I grew
up listening to western classical music, I knew what Indian music was, what Chinese music was,
and suddenly I see a real musician playing a real instrument in front of me, in my city, and all
I knew was from outside my country. It changed my life. I could feel the music inside my stom-
ach. So I needed to incorporate this as a musician because this is in my backyard, and nobody
knows about it.
Ten you come to a discussion of what is traditional and what is not. It’s almost a mean-
ingless distinction because… you have young people living in the village playing traditional
instruments. And if you compare that young person to their great-grandfather they have a very
diferent approach. Te young person is not incorporating the dance and the jokes, they know
how to use a microphone, know how to play a six-string guitar but the older only a two-string
lute. Tere are musicians that grew [up] listening to a two-string lute but now have a six-string
guitar. However, you can hear and see the diference in style, because they are playing as if it
were a two-string lute. It’s impressive how technology and the arts change each other. Renders
the meaning of the word “traditional” as really questionable.
Musical traditions and modern traditions in the Philippines are not connected at the lan-
guage and technology level. Tere’s a disjoint, there’s a gap between technology and tradition.
I became aware of this when I started playing in other countries. When I went to Japan, I saw
the indigenous instruments, and when you stick it to an amplifer it sounds good, but you
don’t see the pick-ups. So I realised that tradition and technology, if they are well integrated,
should give you a very healthy culture. In the Philippines there is no such a thing. If you need
a two-string lute on stage, you have to cut it up, and do things that were not meant for it, like
make a hole in the centre and insert a pick-up. So there is a gap between technology and tra-
dition. If I’m to order an instrument from a traditional maker, they will send it to me, then
I have to remove the frets and arrange them so that it is in tune with the guitar. Ten, I have
to change the tuning pegs, because otherwise the traditional ones may pop out in the middle
of a performance.
During the early 1970s there were already attempts to include traditional instruments in
popular music that I was aware of. Like Apo Hiking Society, a popular three-man group, retired
already, a little older than me. But they had one or two songs that had a very distinct rhythm
from the south. Tey were using the “singkil” and the title of the song was “American Junk”.
So this is a song that came out at the height of the anti-American sentiment. Te rallying cry
was “kick out the US bases”. Tere was this awareness of having a colonial mentality and self-
criticism: “why are we like this?”, “we want to be Americans but we are not Americans” – that
sort of sentiment. And anything that people did not like would immediately be ascribed as
a Marcos–US conspiracy. Now people want the US and don’t like China, they can’t make up
their minds! [laughs]
Aferword • 215
R.I. and M.A.S.: What makes OPM “Filipino”?
J.A.: In the Philippines we have OPM which carries a nationalistic and patriotic thinking that was
strong during the 1970s and 1980s. It was even more intense with those that resisted the Marcos
regime because it carried a nationalistic theme that went against a dictator. Te opposition to what
was perceived as an oppressive government was looked upon by most people as nationalistic. A lot
of the music that had an element of indigenous music such as mine, and words [language] that are
not exactly the same as those of the heads, were considered nationalistic and patriotic.
OPM is Filipino because of the sentiments and the circumstances described in the music. Te
situations and the language. But the music itself has a lot of Broadway infuences, jazz, blues, etc.
But because I was exposed to the music of Mindanao, my songs have a particular sound. If I had
never lef Manila, my songs would just sound the same as others. What makes OPM Filipino?
Well, sometimes, musically, there’s sweetness to the Filipino ear, the same way we like to put
sugar in the food (everyone is diabetic in the Philippines) [laughs]. Too much sweetness, even in
the ear. It’s hard to use words to describe it, it’s very sweet and very emotional.
R.I. and M.A.S.: What musical infuences do you have, and how is your music categorised?
J.A.: I draw inspiration from the group Asin [salt], it’s almost like I follow their footsteps. One
of the most popular environmental songs is from that group, up until today. Musically, the
arrangement is very American folk. But if you just take the melody, it sounds pentatonic. My
song probably sounded “weird” with gongs, a two-string lute and a lot of bells, and a weird
vocal harmony with a fatted ffh because I was arranging for three voices that were very close
together. Tis was not common in popular music, maybe more in jazz. In terms of genre, I was
classifed as world music, or folk music. Te music industry is Manila-based and the presence
from the region where I’m from is not strongly felt. So OPM is primarily based on Manila’s
language. Even if you come from elsewhere, you write songs in Manila’s language. In my songs,
I have some Cebuano and Mindanao words in the lyrics. I am one of the few artists that uses
words from other languages in my music.
I have one particular song that did not make a big impact on the mass media but because
the school teachers liked it, it was used in practically all schools. It’s an environmental song,
a chant, that says that everything is interrelated. It was released in the early 1990s and people
use it to teach at schools and include dance movements. Many people know the song, but it had
hardly any exposure in the mass media, and people that know the song don’t know that I wrote
it. It’s like an oral tradition, it became folk music. And they get shocked when I request money
for the rights. Te title of the song is “Magkaugnay” [Interrelated].
R.I. and M.A.S.: How did your environment defne your music?
J.A.: I was born in Mindanao, but I did not grow up there. When I was very young we moved to
Luzon (where Manila is), and I studied up to high school in Manila. And afer high school, just
about a little afer martial law was declared, we migrated to Mindanao, where I did college, and
where I met all these instruments. So I’m a “native” of Mindanao, but did not grow up there.
And now I have been living in Manila since 1991. Two of my earlier recordings were originally
done in Mindanao. Our studio then was a non-proft studio, everything was done in cassette
players. We recorded and mastered on stereo cassettes. We had one overdub and two cassette
machines, and we sang along. My frst two albums were produced that way. And then, every-
thing else was produced in Manila with a 16-track and later a 24-track.
Tere is no specifc rhythmic mode that is characteristic of popular music in the Philippines.
It largely follows global trends. In southern Philippine music, there are rhythmic modes that
have the potential to be popular. For example, in the kulintang ensemble, one popular rhyth-
mic mode is called “tidtu” and when that is played you are supposed to “show your best”. Tis
is based on triplets, and if you are trained in western music, this would be like jazz, and it has
a certain universal feel. Nowadays they mix sounds with synthesisers, and it creates an inter-
esting mix. If you have an acoustic instrument mixed with a synthesiser, it gives it a “real”
sound, because you are introducing harmonics that are not too exact, and produces interesting
vibrations.
Dwiki Dharmawan is a keyboardist, composer, and producer. He is one of the leaders and
founding members of the acclaimed group Krakatau where he serves as a keyboardist. He is a
respected musician in Indonesia as well as a peace activist. Presently, he serves as chairman of
the AMI (Indonesian Music Awards).
Pra Budi Dharma spent two semesters in Berklee and graduated from the University of
Washington where he played professionally with local jazz and fusion bands in Seattle as well
as with the Deborah Brown Quartet. He is one of the leaders and founding members of the
acclaimed group Krakatau where he plays the (salendro tuned) fretless bass. He is active in
music education, has a number of music publications, and serves as a consultant for a number
of music organisations.
R.I. and M.A.S.: How do you perceive the idea of Nusantara music?
P.B.D.: Actually in Indonesia we don’t have the Nusantara music concept. But we have many
music genres in Indonesia. Each island has their own music and their own traditions, and it’s
popular in their own areas, not all over Indonesia, but it’s considered popular. Like with Krakatau
we tried to make a music that was based on our own scales like pelog, notation, and frequencies.
But to become popular, you have to be accepted and it takes time. Even though we have a pop
diva singer like Trie Utami, but probably not the music. Te music is more like fusion, we mix it
with jazz, rock, and some western music combined with traditional. Te most popular music is
dangdut, right? But we cannot consider that as Indonesian music because it’s infuenced largely
from Indian music. Most of the elements are coming from India popularised through flms.
D.D.: We explored music from Sabang until Rote. I can say that Indonesia is an endless inspira-
tion. I’m amazed, and even told Pra, until we are old, the musical exploration can never end.
Because of the quantity and richness of Nusantara music. Tat is why I agree with Pra that it
is very hard to say what Nusantara music is. In a place like Flores there are many music tradi-
tions. But there are also musical backgrounds infuenced from Hindu, Arabs, Islam, China, and
others. From the point of view of the instrumentation, there are also many similarities with
instruments in Persia, China, and the Middle east. Te instruments spread in many places so
there was much assimilation that took place here. Tat is why it is hard to point out which one
is the Nusantara music.
R.I. and M.A.S.: How did Krakatau develop musically within Indonesian popular music?
D.D.: Krakatau has gone through a transformation since it was founded in 1984. In the music
industry world of Indonesia, there were changes that marked the journey of Krakatau’s music.
Aferword • 217
Te frst time was before recording an album, Krakatau focused on original instrumental music
infuenced by jazz rock. Ten, accompanied with entering the recording world in 1986, their
members changed. Tere was a change with the drummer, and we had Pra Budi Dharma on
the bass, me on the keyboard (Dwiki Dharmawan), the guitarist Donny Suhendra stayed, the
drummer Budhy Haryono was replaced with Gilang Ramadhan, and another keyboardist
joined Indra Lesmana, so we had two keyboardists, and also a vocalist joined us, Trie Utami. At
that point, our music was more towards popular [styles]. We recorded a couple of albums and
became popular. We had many hits with the six-member Krakatau formation. At the begin-
ning we were four, and we had vocal and instrumental additions. So we became a band with a
vocalist that sometimes played instrumental songs. Like Pra mentioned, the music was fusion.
Afer the recording, some said we were pop, jazz, and others. Until the year 1990 we released a
number of albums and singles. Indra Lesmana, Gilang Ramadhan, and Donny lef the group so
Budhy Haryono rejoined us and we made another album, “Let Tere be Life”, and Trie Utami
was still with us. Afer that, [as] Pra can elaborate, we had a transformation and we changed.
Tere was an awareness of the Nusantara where we explored. Myself, Pra, Budhy Haryono, and
Trie Utami stayed, but we added fve traditional musicians. Yoyon Dharsono, a rebab [bowed
lute], terompet [double-reed aerophone], suling [bamboo fute], and player of other traditional
Sundanese instruments, Ade Rudiana, [who] played Sundanese kendang [set of double-headed
drums], and three other gamelan players.
P.B.D.: Te music was planned, we designed the scale and we came up with the decatonic sys-
tem, a scale of ten tones. Within this scale we had a slendro scale which becomes the foundation
of our scale. Tis decatonic system actually existed in the past but it disappeared. So we tried to
revive this tradition to the front and created fusion with other music like jazz, rock, R&B, and
others. But the issue is with the feel of the music, that’s the main challenge. So during the frst
formation we tried diferent players. Before Ade Rudiana we tried diferent kendang players, but
Ade Rudiana was the best ft. And also with Yoyon Dharsono, he adapted the style of playing
and the instrument with our new system. So everything was planned. Ten, we had our frst
gig at the Jakarta Jazz Festival. Actually we had an ofer to play there in 1994, but at that time
we were trying to fgure out what would be a suitable music to play at that festival. Because we
cannot play pop music, because this is a jazz festival. Tat is why we took the courage to play this
form of experimental music, Sundanese music basically. And in the end, the reception was very
good, it was a breakthrough. We then received ofers to play all over the world.
D.D.: From that point, it developed. We had four albums afer that. “Mystical Mist” was released
in 1994, and is a very meaningful album for us. Because with that album we found the music
that was most suitable for us. Tat was the product of three years of searching, at the begin-
ning Pra worked with Pak Yoyon. I was surprised, because I studied classical piano when I was
young, studied gamelan, anklung, and others. And when I was young, when I was twenty years
old, I was attracted to the music so we became serious at a never-ending exploration. It didn’t
stop at Sundanese music that we explored. But we also did research and looked for inspiration
from various forms of Nusantara music that we always want to respect and uplif within our
ensemble without lowering the tradition. Both on stage and on recordings. Personally, I used
a technique of a microtuning system by controlling my synthesiser. Tis microtonal music is
very exciting because we can sustain the original scale from the tradition that is diferent from
western music. But myself, together with friends that studied jazz, bebop, swing, and others, at
the end we made unique musical idioms that we naturally encountered in the journey, which
we did not expect. To the point that ethnomusicology professors studying in the USA invited us
in 2004 to do a long tour of one month and a half in eight states and two in Canada. From there
we went to over forty countries with Krakatau.
R.I. and M.A.S.: How do you conceptualise Indonesian popular music?
D.D.: Talking about pop music, actually, in Indonesia, it is western-infuenced using the
Indonesian language. But musically, pop in Indonesia resembles mainstream Anglo-American
pop-rock, with the sound of the guitar, keyboards, and drums. But pop in Indonesia is divided
into several subcategories and periods. Popularly nowadays, we have pop nostalgia, it comes
again. But sometimes in our industry we also have what is called “upper class pop” or “pop kelas
atas”, a bit jazzy, a bit urban, a bit R&B, and smooth jazz. And also rock bands. During the 1990s
we had several rock bands such as Dewa, Padi, Potret which people in Indonesia call rock but to
me is not really rock; to me it is still pop.
P.B.D.: I think that a very heavy infuence was coming from Malaysia actually during the 1980s.
We have “Rock Mendayu-dayu” from those bands, right? Like Amy Search, very popular – every
pop singer tries to sing like him. Where is he now? I heard that he became an Ustad [laughs].
D.D.: And in Indonesia we have dangdut music, but there is also musik daerah (regional music).
Regional music has also peaked in Indonesia.
P.B.D.: And Campursari.
D.D.: Yes, music with a bit of ethnic elements, but also pop elements and in the regional lan-
guage like Melayu, Javanese, Sundanese, Ambonese. For these past fve years I have been the
chair of AMI, the Indonesian Music Awards. Every year we receive more than 2,000 songs of
Indonesian popular music. And it’s interesting, I made a description for classifcations, such as
“Musik Berbahasa Daerah” (Music in the Regional Language). Recently, we lost a big composer
and singer Didi Kempot. He is one of the biggest Javanese music artists of campursari. And eve-
rybody likes his music with Javanese language. Tis is an interesting phenomenon in Indonesia.
Tere is music in Indonesian that is popular and there is also music in the regional languages
with a large industry as I said. As chairman of AMI, I have access to the data. Musik Pop Jawa
(Javanese pop music), Batak music, Manado music, Padang (Minangkabau) music, and Ambon
music. So, in Indonesia, regional music is also popularised at the national level.
P.B.D.: Yes, especially Javanese. Because the Javanese are everywhere.
D.D.: Tis is the same with pop daerah (regional pop). But in the categories of the AMI awards
we call it “Musik Berbahasa Daerah” (Music in the Regional Language). So that the participants
that could win can be from anywhere. But we also have the category “world music”, because
then it can be instrumental, fusion, “cross-over”. So, the AMI awards in Indonesia are almost
the same as the Grammy awards; we have forty-nine categories.
P.B.D.: Actually this pop daerah has strong world music elements as well because they use the
regional music from each place. Like Didi Kempot uses gamelan, and Javanese notation. So it
could ft both categories, world music and Musik Daerah.
Aferword • 219
D.D.: But there is also something interesting in Indonesia. Te young generation likes jazz
music. But the majority, at the end, play fusion and do not complete their studies in jazz. Tere
is also another interesting phenomenon in Indonesia that we cannot forget. Like Rhoma Irama.
We can say that he modernised the orkes melayu (Malay orchestras) but imported rock like
Deep Purple.
P.B.D.: He was a rocker at the beginning. But what is also big is folk music singer–songwriters
like Iwan Fals. He falls under the folk music genre along with several other musicians.
D.D.: But a lot of Malaysian singers like Siti Nurhaliza and Sheila Majid have a lot of fans in
Indonesia. And many Indonesian bands are very popular in Malaysia as well. Regarding the
Philippine musicians, they are great at doing covers, playing in cafes, hotels, and cruises all over
the world.
D.D.: One thing that is interesting in Indonesia is that there are a lot of jazz festivals. Before
this coronavirus pandemic, almost every week there was a big festival all over Indonesia. Each
region has its own festival, Makassar, Batam, Medan, everywhere. Te funny thing is that they
all call themselves a jazz festival. Becomes a form of branding, even a trend among the young
people. [Conversation continues]
Notes on Contributors
Shazlin Amir Hamzah holds a PhD in Ethnic Studies from UKM. Her thesis titled Nation
Branding: Popular Patriotic Songs and the Construction of the Malaysian Brand focused on the
top-down mobilisation of national music in the construction of a nation brand or national
identity. Her bachelor’s degree was in advertising and she eventually acquired a Master of
Communications in Journalism. Shazlin is currently a senior lecturer and research fellow at the
Institute of Ethnic Studies (KITA), Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia.Apart from her interest in the
popular music heritage, she also looks into the study of popular songs as an efective and afective
tool for the dissemination of sentiments on nationalism.
Citra Aryandari was born in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. She received her PhD in Performance Arts
and Visual Arts Studies from Gadjah Mada University, Indonesia, in 2012. Citra is a lecturer at
the Department of Ethnomusicology at the Indonesian Arts Institute of Yogyakarta (ISI). She
was a guest lecturer at the Musicology Department in Universteit van Amsterdam. Her research
interests include ethnomusicology, popular music, performance studies, cultural studies, urban
culture and society, mythology, and visual anthropology. She is author of a number of articles,
documentary flms and books. She is also the founder and director of Citra Research Center
(CRC). Her works can be accessed through her personal website www.citraaryandari.com.
Paul Augustin (Penang born and raised) was formerly a performing musician for over ffeen
years prior to venturing into the event management industry in 1993 as a project coordinator
for concerts and tours. He was co-principal researcher and co-curator (with James Lochhead) of
Te Penang Musical Heritage Project that has produced two exhibitions on the history of popu-
lar music in Penang (in 2010 and 2013, respectively) and the book titled Just For Te Love Of It,
Penang’s Popular Music 1930s – 1960s (Strategic Information and Research Development Centre,
2015). He is founder and festival director of the Penang Island Jazz Festival (2004–2018). He is
now the founding director of the Penang House of Music (2016–Present).
Tan Sooi Beng is Professor of Ethnomusicology at the School of the Arts, Universiti Sains
Malaysia (USM), Penang. She is the author of Bangsawan: A Social and Stylistic History of Popular
Malay Opera (Oxford University Press, 1993), and co-author of Music of Malaysia: Classical,
Folk and Syncretic Traditions (Routledge, 2017); and Longing for the Past, the 78 RPM Era in
Southeast Asia (Dust-to-Digital 2013), which won the joint SEM Bruno Nettl Prize, 2014. She
also co-authored a multimedia book and box set on the Potehi of Penang (George Town World
220
Notes on Contributors • 221
Heritage Incorporated, 2017) and edited the book Eclectic Cultures for All: Te Development of the
Peranakan Performing, Visual and Material Arts in Penang (USM, 2019).
Krina Cayabyab earned her Bachelor of Music in Choral Conducting and a Masters of Music
in Musicology from the University of the Philippines College of Music, where she serves as an
assistant professor. As a composer and arranger her works include original compositions and
sound design for theatre, and arrangements for choir, string quintet and piano of Nicanor
Abelardo’s kundimans (2015). Krina currently performs with and arranges for the female vocal
trio, Baihana, whom she has participated with in both local and international shows and jazz fes-
tivals. Her research interests include popular music cultures and jazz history in the Philippines.
Verne de la Peña is the Dean of the University of the Philippines College of Music and is also the
Director of the University of Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology. He received his PhD in eth-
nomusicology from the University of Hawaiʹi at Mānoa as a degree fellow of the East–West Center.
He has conducted extensive feld work in Northern Philippines and in the southern part of Luzon.
He earned a bachelor’s and master’s degrees in composition and occasionally presents new works
for various media. In recognition of his academic and artistic achievements, the University of the
Philippines conferred him the ofcial rank of UP Artist II for the period 2015–2017.
Bernard B. Ellorin is an associate faculty of music in Miramar College and MiraCosta College
in San Diego County, California. He received his PhD in Ethnomusicology from the University
of Hawaiʹi at Mānoa in 2015. Ellorin’s academic and community work spans over 28 years
of educating Filipino American communities and non-Filipino American communities in Los
Angeles, San Jose, Michigan, San Diego, California and Honolulu, Hawaiʹi on Philippine music
and Filipino diasporic performing arts. From 2012 to 2013, Ellorin was a research fellow with the
Fulbright Research and Study Abroad programme. Under the afliate sponsorship of the Sabah
Museum and the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, he conducted a comparative study on the
contemporary music of the Sama-Bajau in Semporna Distrct, Sabah Malaysia and Batangas City,
Philippines.
Raja Iskandar Bin Raja Halid is an ethnomusicologist and Senior Lecturer at the Department
of Heritage, Faculty of Creative Technology and Heritage, Universiti Malaysia Kelantan where he
has been a faculty member since 2009. His research interests lie in the area of Malay performing
arts with a focus on court music, post-colonialism, Islam and popular culture.
Adil Johan is a Senior Lecturer and research fellow at the Institute of Ethnic Studies (KITA),
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. His research analyses aspects of popular music in mass media
that intersect with issues of interculturalism, cosmopolitanism, mobility, intimacy, afect and gen-
der. Such research has been published in articles in the Journal of Intercultural Studies and Kajian
Malaysia. His PhD thesis awarded by King’s College London was developed into a book on inde-
pendence era Malay flm music titled Cosmopolitan Intimacies, published by NUS Press in 2018.
He also performs and records as a saxophonist for Azmyl Yunor Orkes Padu and Nadir.
Connie Lim Keh Nie is a music lecturer in the Faculty of Applied and Creative Arts, Universiti
Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS). She graduated with a PhD (Music) from Universiti Putra Malaysia
(UPM) with her thesis titled Alternative Modernities in the History of Iban Popular Music from
222 • Notes on Contributors
1950s to 1970s. Since 2017, she was appointed as a panel member for the Intangible Culture
Heritage (Performing Arts) committee under the Department of National Heritage. She is cur-
rently serving as Vice President of Friends of Sarawak Museum, a Sarawak-based NGO with a
mission to promote Sarawak’s heritage through its museums.
Felicidad A. Prudente is a Philippine music specialist living in Manila. She has published articles
on various aspects of Philippine culture including epic singing, music instruments, and popular
music. A piano and music education graduate from St. Paul College of Manila, Prudente pursued
graduate studies at the University of the Philippines and later completed a doctoral degree in
musicology at the University of Michigan where she was invited as Visiting Professor in 2004. She
served as music professor at the University of the Philippines and consultant at the Philippine
Women’s University. Currently, she continues her research as an independent scholar.
Michael H.B. Raditya is a researcher, critic and writer who is interested in popular music, the
anthropology of art, performance studies, and culture. He works as a journal manager at the
Performing Arts and Visual Arts Studies Programme, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta.
Michael is the editor-in-chief of LARAS (Studies of Music in Society), an independent music
research group and website, which has been publishing online articles on popular music stud-
ies since 2014. He is also the founder of www.dangdutstudies.com that distributes research
about dangdut and is the author of the book Merangkai Ingatan Mencipta Peristiwa (Outlining
Memories, Creating Events) published by Lintang Pustaka Utama and Senrepila in 2018.
Mayco A. Santaella is Associate Professor and Head of the Film & Performing Arts department
at Sunway University. He studied at the University of Hawaiʹi at Mānoa as an East-West Center
fellow researching music and dance traditions of the extended Sulu Zone (East Malaysia, south-
ern Philippines, and eastern Indonesia) and its links to the Nusantara region. He carried out feld-
work for his doctoral studies in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia as a Fulbright recipient (2012–2013).
His research foci include the study of music and dance within the extended Sulu Zone, choreo-
musicology, and popular music in maritime Southeast Asia.
Shahanum Mohd. Shah is Professor of Music Education at Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM),
Malaysia and is currently the Director of the Curriculum Afairs Unit of UiTM. She holds a
Bachelor of Music (Perf.) (Hons) degree from Adelaide University, Australia, and M.Mus.Ed. and
PhD degrees in Music Education from Indiana University, Bloomington. Shahanum’s research
interests include the psychology of music, teaching and learning processes of Malay traditional
music and assessment. Her varied involvement in the music scene also includes positions in vari-
ous associations, appointments as external examiner and adjudicating national and international
music competitions.
Arwin Q. Tan is associate professor at the Department of Musicology at the University of the
Philippines College of Music in Diliman, Quezon City, where he also undertook his doctoral
studies. He is the editor of Saysay Himig: A Sourcebook on Philippine Music History, 1880-1941
(University of the Philippines Press, 2018), and he was a consultant and contributor to the second
edition of the Cultural Center of the Philippines Encyclopedia of Philippine Art - Music Volume
(2018). He is active as conductor of the Novo Concertante Manila and has performed in numer-
ous choral festivals and competitions in Asia and Europe.
Notes on Contributors • 223
meLê yamomo is Assistant Professor of theatre, performance, and sound studies at the University
of Amsterdam. He is the author of Sounding Modernities: Teatre and Music in Manila and the
Asia Pacifc, 1869-1946 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), and laureate of the Veni Innovation Grant
(2017–2021) funded by the Dutch Organization for Scientifc Research (NWO) for his pro-
ject titled Sonic Entanglements: Listening to Modernities in Southeast Asian Sound Recordings.
Azmyl Yusof @ Azmyl Yunor is a bilingual Malaysian singer-songwriter, musician, producer,

gig organiser, and academic in the feld of flm & media studies. His observations on the cultural
politics of contemporary Malaysia sees him diverge from his artist peers in the Malaysian music
scene, especially through his own published work on moral panics and heavy metal youth in
1990s Malaysia and his regular column on performing arts and media in the “Voices” section of
the news website Te Malaysian Insight.
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Note
1 Selected sources on popular music of the Nusantara region compiled and reviewed by Adil Johan, Felicidad A.
Prudente, Krina Cayabyab, Mayco A. Santaella, and Michael H.B. Raditya
Index
8TV 57 alap 68
“15Malaysia” (song) 134 Alaric Riam Yuson 42
20th century x, xi, 2, 3, 26, 27, 29, 30, 33, 35, 36, Albert Sirimal 125
44, 46, 60, 93, 98, 137, 164, 165, 183 Album na Walang Pamagat (album) 40
Alexis Bistro & Wine Bar 127
A. Rahman 69 Alfonso “Chito” Miranda, Jr. 39
abangan 115 Alfonso Soliano 5, 196, 199
ABBA 38 Alice Doria Gamilla 94
Abdul Halim Hafz 139 Alif 56
Abdul Kadir Sheikh Fadzir 161 Alleycats 20
Abdul Rahim Kajai 105 Te Annexe 126, 131–132
Abdul Taib Mahmud 176 Alpha Records 40, 42
Abdul Wahab 139 Altimet 56
Abdullah Badawi 107 Alu-alu dance 159
ABRSM 59 Aman Ballon and Leiman 71
Abu Bakar Md Yatim 144 Ambon 218
Abul A’la Maududi 142 American: culture, xi, 84–86; insular Government
Acehnese 116 84, 85; military 38, 39, 41, 93; troops 86
Acoustic Jam 126–128, 134 American Idol 57
Adam, Myra Esther 176, 183n7 “American Junk” (song) 37, 214
adaptation 3, 17, 32, 67, 94, 95, 160, 192, 200, 208 Amid the Mimic 125
Ade Rudiana 217 Amir Yussof 125
adoption 3 AMP 44
Aegis (band) 40, 98 Amran Ibrahim 144
aesthetic(s) 2, 11, 48, 51, 59, 85, 116, 171 “Anak” (song) 20, 37, 45, 49, 97, 200, 208n3
Afro Asia 202 Andre Sisters 94
AferImage 40 Andrew E. 42, 98
age of commerce 2 Andy Bernadee 58
A-Go-Go ’67 (flm) 12 Andy Peterson 204
Aguilar, Freddie xiii, 37, 45, 49, 97, 98, 199, 200, “Ang Bayan Kong Sinilangan” (song) 39, 97
207, 208 “Ang Buserong Si Mang Gusting” (song) 93
Ahmad Baqi 139, 140 Ang Grupong Pendong 39
Ahmad C.B. 70–73, 158, 161 “Ang Himig Natin” (song) 38, 46, 47, 96; see also
Ahmad Daud 157 “Himig Natin”
Ahmad Nawab 153, 156, 161 “Ang Kawawang Cowboy” (song) 95
Ahmadi Hassan 141 angaleleng 185–189, 191, 192
Aiman Tino 56, 58 Angel Peña 43
“Air Mata Berderai” (song) 199 Anggun 196
Aishah 139 Anglo-American xi, 3, 5, 7, 25, 66–68, 72, 195,
Akademi Fantasia 57 196, 198–200, 208n4, 218
Akar Umbi 125 anglophone x, xi, xii, 2, 29, 32, 33
Akil Hayy 139 Anker 165
“Aku Cinta” (song) 56 Anneke Gronloh 195, 207, 208n1
“Aladom” (song) 68 Annisa Bahar 118
“Alalay ng Hari” (song) 42 Antara Senyum dan Tangis (flm) 70
232
Index • 233
Antares 124, 125; see also Kit Leee Balada Nusantara 3, 16, 30, 138, 210, 211, 213
anti-colonial xii, 28, 155 Bali 20n5, 65, 77, 79, 80
anti-West 17 “Balintawak: Filipino Fox-Trot” (song) 43
Anugerah Industri Musik 29 Balitaw 36, 93
Anugerah Juara Lagu 138 “Balut” (song) 43, 87, 93
Anwar Ibrahim 131, 142 ban 28
Anygma 42 “Banal na aso, Santong kabayo” (song) 40
aongka 186, 187, 191, 192 Bandung 79, 147, 157
Apo Hiking Society 37, 96, 98, 214 Bangsa Malaysia 161
Arab(ic) 27, 112n2, 137, 139, 141, 145, 147, 211, 212 Bangsamoro 155
Arabisation 142 bangsawan xi, 5, 11, 27, 28, 55, 56, 65–70, 105, 137,
Arif Bahran 58 157, 161, 174, 175, 183n5
Arif Akhir 130 “Bangun Anakku” (song) 70
Arkarna 169, 170 Banyuhay 39, 97
al-Arqam 142, 144, 147 Barangay 188
Art Music 29, 158 Barasuara 200
artist(s): female 13, 138 Baroufski Imperial Circus 86
Arts Network Asia 127 “Basangbasa sa Ulan” (song) 98
“Asai Ati Deka Batemu” (song) 178, 181 Batak 218
ASEAN x Batam 219
Aseana Percussion Unit 200 batang tambol 185–187, 191, 192
Ashaari Mohammad 142, 144 Batangas City 184, 185, 190, 192
Asia Pacifc 76 Bau Bau Café 131
Asiabeat 200 “Bayan Ko” 39, 98
Asiah 69, 70 “Bayani” (song) 37
Asian Film Festival 4–7, 20n4 BBNU 58; see also “Budak Baru Nak Up”
Asian Spirits (album) 204 Beatle (s) (mania) 12, 28, 30, 35, 42, 165, 166
Asin 35, 39, 97, 215 bebop 217
Asli 27, 28, 31, 32, 56, 68, 69, 158, 196, 211 Te Bee 134
“Asmara” (song) 196 Bee Gees 38, 98
Asmidar 58 Beggar’s Moon (album) 40
Asri Ibrahim 144 beguine 69
Astana 174, 183n2 “Bei Mir Bist Du Schön” (song) 94
Astro (Ria) 57, 58 “Bei Mir Bistu Shein” (song) 94
ASWARA 160 Beka 68, 80, 165
Atake (album) 40 Ben Mandelson 202
“Atake” (song) 40 Ben&Ben 51, 52
Atang de la Rama 36, 87, 93 Beng Selamat 10
Atlanta 201 “Bengawan Solo” (song) 196
Australia (n) 86, 147, 196, 201, 221 Benguet 42
authentic 46, 58, 106 Berklee 203, 216
Awit (awards) 36, 39, 44, 97 Berlin Phonogram Archive 75, 77, 79, 81
“Awit ng Kabataan” (song) 39 Berlin Sound Archive 75, 78, 79
“Awitin Mo At Isasayaw ko” (song) 98 Bermont, Maricris 49
awok-awok 143 “Berserah” (song) 56
Az Samad 129 bhangra 190
Azhari Ahmad 144, 147 Bhinneka Tunggal Ika 2
Bicentennial (Singapore) 112
Baba-Nyonya 2 Bidayuh 159
“Baby Cakes” 95 Big Stage 58
Bad Omen 40 Bilad al-Jawi 3
Badjao Roots 41 “Bilog Na Naman ang Buwan” (song) 41
“Bagbagtulambing” (song) 43 Bintang Kecil 58
Bagobo 214 Bintang Pantura 117
Bagong Lumad 39, 98, 213 Bintang Sapoe 165
Baguio City 42 Bintulu 177, 178
“Bahtera Merdeka” (song) 161 “Bisan Pa” (song) 50
234 • Index
BisRock 49, 50 “Camelia 2” (song) 14

Bitter End 127 Campursari 31, 218
“Bituing Walang Ningning” (song) 37, 98 “Can we just stop and talk awhile” (song) 37
Black Sabbath 40 Canada 83, 147, 218
Blakdyak 41 Cantonese 71, 158
“Blue Moon” (song) 35 Canuplin 83, 84, 87
blues 43, 59, 96, 168, 169, 175, 198, 213, 215 Canuto Francia 83
Te Blue Diamonds 195–196 Carburetor Dung 124
Blues Gang 143 Carefree 16–18, 20
Bob Aves 39, 43, 195, 200, 203, 206, 208 “Cariño Brutal” (song) 40
Bob Dylan 125 Carl Lindström Company 80
Bob Marley 41 Carl Stumpf 77, 78, 81n6
Bobby Enriquez 43 Carlos Santana 198, 214
Bobby Gonzales 94, 95 Carl’s Sunrise Jazz Festival 202
bodabil (Vaudeville), xi, 3, 5, 27, 28, 43, 83–90, 93 Carnatic music 158
Boeroeng Nori 165 Carpena, Maria Evangelista 36
Bohol 26, 95 Cat Stevens 138
bolero 69 Catalina “Katy” de la Cruz 43, 87, 93
Bollywood 72, 190 Cathay-Keris Studio 157
Bond Samson 43 Cavaquinho 26
“Bongkar” (song) 165 CD (s) 57, 130, 157, 196, 203
“Boom tarat-tarat” (song) 37 Cebu (-ano) 5, 29, 36, 43, 49, 50, 94, 215
Booty’s Studios 138 “Cebuana” (song) 50
boria 157, 161 Celebes (Sulawesi) 3, 31, 73n5, 77, 184
Borneo 2, 67, 73n5, 77, 173, 183n1 Celerio, Levi 36
Borromeo, Luis 3, 43, 83, 85 Celeste Legaspi 49, 98
Borromeo Lou 3, 5, 43, 83, 85–88, 196, 199 censorship xii
Te Boyfriends 38, 98 Central Market 126, 131, 132
branding: nation xii, 153, 154, 156, 159–161 centralization (de-) 116
British Broadcasting Corporation 175 Ceria Pop Star 58
British Malaya 65–67, 70–73 Cesar (Caisar) 114, 116, 118, 121n5, 122n6
Broadcast Media Council 97 Cesar Bañares Jr. 39
Broadway 215 Cha Cha 69, 212
Broken Scar 130 Chap Kuching 66, 68, 73n4
Brooke 172–175, 182, 183nn1–3 Chap Singa 70–73, 73n4
Brownman Revival 41 Charleston 84, 88
Brunei 1, 2, 20n5, 58, 139 Charlie Chaplin 83, 87
“Budak Baru Nak Up” 58; see also BBNP Charo Unite 97
Buddhist 161 Chavacano 42
Budhy Haryono 217 Che Ainon 65
“Buka Pintu” (song) 196 Che Amran Idris 144
Bukan Sekadar Rupa (television show) 57 Che Asiah 69
Bukit Bintang Cabaret 57 “Che’ Mah Dengan Tukang Becha” (song) 71
Bukit Tinggi 105, 109, 110 Che Norlia 65, 68
Bullet Dumas 51 Che Rohani 142
“Bunga” (song) 56 Chickoy Pura 39
Burma 165 China 67, 73n2, 73n6, 86, 147, 156, 200, 203, 205,
“Burong Kaka Tua” (song) 196 214, 216
“Butse kik” (song) 95 Chinese 2, 3, 5, 27, 66–69, 71–73, 76, 95, 103, 104,
108–111, 135, 153, 156–159, 161, 174, 175, 196,
cabaret (s) 56, 71, 88, 93, 157 200, 211, 214
Cafra, Maria 96 Chinese: Filipino 5; migrations 2; opera 76, 158
caklempong 59, 137 Christian xii, xiii, 27, 184–187, 189–192
“California: March” (song) 43 “Christmas in our hearts” (song) 37
Callalily 40 Chua Tia Mee 104
Calle Echague 86 church music 26
Cambodia 2, 78, 125 Cici Paramida 119
Index • 235
Cikini Stone Complex 169 Dawud Wharnsby 147

Cinderella 38 Dayak 175, 177
Citrawarna 153, 159 Dayang Nurfaizah 56
classical music 26, 43, 46, 160, 214 Dayang Sofa 7, 10
Clif Richard 35 Dean 68
Cocojam 41 Death Metal 20n5
“Colonel Bogey March” (song) 174 Deborah Brown Quartet 216
colonial era xi, 1, 26, 67, 155, 160, 164, 165, 170, Debussy 195
172, 173 decentralisation 25, 168, 171
Columbia 26, 69, 80, 93, 165 Dee Dee Bridgewater 14
combachero 95 “Deep in my heart” (song) 37
Communist Party 20n3, 139 Deep Purple 166, 219
Comparative Musicology 75, 77, 79, 81n6 Demetillo, Lester 98
“Concerto for Jazz Quartet and Orchestra” Dero 31
(song) 43 deterritorialisation 25
confrontation 7, 14, 15, 20, 51, 183; see also Dewa 218
Konfrontasi Dewi Persik 118
conga 69, 212 “Di Mata Mu” (song) 56
coño kids 98 Diana Toy 87
Conservatory of Music 88 Diasporic 3, 106, 196, 200, 201
Constancio de Guzman 36, 98 Dicky Zulkarnaen 6, 10
contrapuntal dialogue 4 Didi Kempot 218
Corazon Aquino 44 Dikir Barat 31, 143, 159
Cordillera 41 Dimita 166
Coritha 97 Diomedes Maturan 94
cosmopolitan (ism) 3, 11, 46, 67, 84, 85, 87, 88, 90, Diplomats of Drum 200, 201, 207
93, 110, 111, 156, 174 disc jockey 45
creolization 66 dispositif 75, 81
cultural: diversity xi, 2, 59, 66; policy (ies) 28, 110, Dito Sa Lupa (album) 39
157; zeitgeist 3 DIY (culture) 51, 57, 58, 97, 124, 126, 132
cultural complex (es) 2, 33 DJ Blink 56
culture: auditory xi, 76, 81, 98 DJ Goldfsh 56
curriculum 55, 58–60 Djali-Djali 165
Doel Sumbang 124
D’Academy Asia 29, 117 Domingo ‘Sunday’ Reantaso 86
D’Riyadh 140 Dominic “Papadom” Gamboa 41
D’Starlights 196 dondang sayang: genre: 17, 68; song 68
D’Topnotes 196 Dong Abay 40
dabus 157 Dongalo Wreckords 42
“Dahil mahal kita” (song) 38 Donna Summer 38
“Dahil sa Yo” (song) 93 Donny Suhendra 217
Dahong Palay 41 Doppelganger 131, 134
Dajoeng Sampan 165 Doppstarz 41
Dalagang Bukid (flm) 36 “Dosa” (song) 20
dance-song 68 Dutch East Indies 66, 73, 79, 106
dangdut: daerah 116; jaipong 116; klasik 116; “Duyog” (song) 50
Melayu 116 Dwiki Dharmawan xiii, 210, 216, 217
danza 36 Dyords Javier 42
Dara Puspita 13
Darul Arqam 144 East Asia 26
Dataran Merdeka 159 Ed Formoso 39
Datuk Shake 157 Eddie Katindig 43
Datun Julud 159 Eddie Mesa 28, 94
Davao 39, 41, 49 Eddie Peregrina 213
David Knight 134 Edinburg 146
Da’wah 139, 141, 143, 144, 147, 167 EDM 56
Te Dawn 40 Edwin & Albert 134
236 • Index
Edwin Lumanug 43 Filipino: identity xi, 35, 36, 39, 44, 48; lowland
Edy Sonata 119 Christian, xii, 184, 185, 187, 189, 190; musician
Efek Rumah Kaca 165 (s), 3, 5, 28, 35, 44, 85, 88, 174
Egypt 73n2, 139, 141, 165 FILSCAP 44
Electra House 178, 180 Finnish 200
electric guitar 30, 31, 33, 39, 59, 69, 166, 212 First State Cabinet 176
Elektra 14, 213 fiptop 42
Elmo Magalona 42 Florante 97
Elton John 14 Flores 216
Elvy Sukaesih 117 Florida 201
Ely Buendia 39 Folk Arts Teatre 48
embodiment xii, 124 “Forevermore” (song) 98
“Embon Acheh” (song) 65 foxtrot 27, 43, 68–71, 88, 89
Emelia Contessa 5, 10 France 147, 154, 205
EMI 8–10, 12, 13, 16–18, 20, 144, 166, 196, 208 Francis Light Primary School 157
Emosi (album) 196–198 Francis M. 42, 98
Empire Entertainment 42 Francis M. (Gloc 9) 42
Enchi 41 Francis Magalona 42
Enlightenment 79, 148 Francisco Santiago 43, 88
entrepot 4 Francissca Peters 16
epistemology (ies): acoustic 75; sonic xi Fred Gaisberg 68
Te Eraserheads 35, 39, 98 Fred Panopio 95
erhu 159 French 73n2, 81n1, 158
Erich von Hornbostel 77, 79
Ernani Cuenco 36 Gabbang (gabbang) 31, 185–189, 191
Ernie Zakri 56 “Gadis Idamanku” (song) 199
Esplanade 107 Gali Lobang Tutup Lobang (album, song) 167
Esther Bayang 175 gambus (orkes) 139, 147, 203, 204, 208
ethno-centric 45 gamelan 31, 59, 76, 79, 80, 159, 165, 195, 211,
ethno-nationalist (ism) 103, 110 217, 218
Etnik Kreatif 29, 212 Ganyang 7
Eurasia 41, 72 Gary Granada 37, 51
Eurocentric 75 Gary Valenciano 98
Evelyn Hii 126 Gegar Vaganza 58
Exequiel “Lito” Molina 43 Gelora Bung Karno 169
exonym 2, 33 “Gendang Bandong” (song) 65
General Elections (commission) 109–112, 170, 190
Te Fabulous Echos 196 Generation: Y 56; Z 56
Facebook 41, 57, 120, 138, 170 geopolitical 1, 103, 104, 111
Fadzil Noor 142 George Canseco 36
faglong/kudlong 39 George Imbecile and the Idiots 40
Faizal 56 Georgia 201
FAMAS 37, 44 “Germinales” (song) 43
Te Fan Club 139 ghazal 17, 29, 31, 56, 70
Faridah M. Amin 141 Gilang Ramadhan 21
Farihin Abdul Fatah 143, 144, 147 globalisation 25, 56, 60, 61, 66, 78, 154, 166
Fathulistiwa Soundscapes 130 God Bless 166
Fatwa 117, 167 Golkar 167, 171n1
Federation of Malaya 6, 105, 106, 155, 156 Gombloh 124
Federation of Malaysia 20n3, 104, 105, 172, Goyang Cesar 116, 118, 122n6
175–182 Goyang Inul (album) 117; see also Inul Daratista
Feedback (event) 134 “Goyang Inul” (videocassette) 115, 117; see also
Fenomena (album) 15, 16, 19 Inul Daratista
Fenomena (flm) 16 Grace Nono 35, 39, 51, 195, 200, 203, 206, 208
Ferdinand Marcos 38, 45, 47 Gracenote 40
Ferdinand Pascual Aguilar 37 Grammy awards 218
Fick, Kurt 50 Te Gramophone Co. 68
Index • 237
Gramophone (Company) xi, 65, 66, 68, 72, 73n4, “Huling Gabi” (song) 40
80, 165, 174 “Huling Sayaw” (song) 41
Greyhound 41 “Humanap Ka Ng Panget” (song) 42, 98
Guildhall School of Music 59 hybrid (isation) xii, 2, 3, 5, 17, 25, 36, 44, 63, 65–67,
Guruh Soekarno Putra 117 72, 101, 171, 189, 210
Gus Dur 117
Iban xii, xiii, 151, 172–179, 181–183
Hadhramaut 139 Iban pop songs 172, 177
Hagibis 38, 98 Iban Radio 172, 175
“Hahabol-habol” (song) 94 Ibrahim 143
“Ha-Ha-Ha Hasula” (song) 50 Ibrahim Yunus 142
Hainan 156 Idayu 160
Haji Ahmad Baqi 139 identity xii; hybrid, xii
Haji Jalidar Abdul Rahim 140 Idola Kecil 58
Haji Md Karim 141 “Iduyan mo” (song) 37
Hajji Alejandro 48 igal 186
Halik (album) 98 Igorot rap 42
“Halik ni Hudas” (song) 40 Iis Dahlia 141
Halim Yazid 143 IKARDI 117
Halimah Yacob 111, 112 “Ikaw ang Miss Universe ng buhay ko” (song)
Hamzan 143 38, 96
Hamzan Hj Hassan 142 Ikke Nurjanah 117, 119
Hanawa, Chie 207 “Ikot Ng Mundo” (song) 40
“Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo” (song) 37, 98 Ilagan, Marceliano 36
Hang Mokhtar 71 Ilocos 49
Haqiem Rusli 56 Iloilo 43
harmonium 68, 70, 191 Ilokano 29
Hassan al-Banna 141 Imee Marcos 47
“Hataw Na” (song) 98 Imelda Veronika 120
HawaiʹI 43 imperialism: cultural xi, 12, 65, 66, 72, 148
Hawaiian: guitar 68; songs 28 inang 27, 28, 31, 32, 68, 211
“Hawak Kamay” (song) 37 Inang Laya 97, 98
heavy metal 14, 17, 19, 20n5, 30, 38, 40, 59 “Inday Bayle Ta” (song) 94
Heber Bartolome 39, 97, 98 indie 51, 52, 123, 124, 127, 128, 130, 134, 168, 169
hegemony (cultural) 66, 103, 116, 121, 170 indigenous x, xi, xii, xiii, 2, 5, 23, 25, 26, 30–33, 39,
Hemp Republic 41 43, 66, 78, 80, 92, 101, 104, 106, 108, 110, 116,
“Here in My Home” (song) 134 151, 160, 172, 173, 185, 195, 200, 201, 203, 208,
Hijab 138 208n4, 213–215
Hijjaz 140, 144 Indochina 2
hijrah xii, 137–139, 142, 144, 147 “Indonesia Raya” (national anthem) 165, 170
“Himala” (song) 40 Indonesian Music Awards 216, 218
Himig Handog 37, 44 Indosiar 117, 120
“Himig Natin” (song) 38, 46, 47, 96; see also “Ang Indra Lesmana 217
Himig Natin” industry xi, xii, 10–12, 17, 20n4, 25–33, 36, 38, 44,
Hindi 95, 158 48, 50–52, 55–58, 60, 61, 69, 73n2, 76, 80, 84,
Hindu 161 90, 93, 95, 97–98, 101, 106, 114–121, 123–125,
Hindustani 69–72, 139, 160, 212 131, 138, 147, 151, 154, 159, 164–166, 168–171,
Hishamuddin Rais 131 172, 188–191, 195, 204, 207, 215–216, 218;
Hispanic (theatre) 17, 27, 49, 87 entertainment 11, 33, 57, 84, 90, 98, 106, 117,
historiography 76, 137, 172 138; flm 10–12, 28, 31, 69, 93; recording xi, xii,
HMV 65, 66, 68–73, 73n4, 105, 106 10, 12, 17, 29, 31, 36, 38, 44, 48, 50, 52, 55–58,
Ho Ah Loke 69 60–61, 73nn2–4, 76, 80, 84, 95, 97, 98, 114–116,
Hollywood 93–95 118, 120–125, 140, 142, 143, 147, 151, 164–166,
Hong Kong 43, 157, 196, 200, 204 168–172, 188–189, 191, 195, 204, 207, 215–216;
Honolulu 43 tourism 154, 159
Hotdog 38, 45, 96 infrastructures xi, 17, 20, 89, 98; see also scenic
House of Representatives 117 infrastructures
238 • Index
Instagram 57, 120 Java 2, 27, 28, 31, 65–67, 73n5, 77, 79, 80, 114–120,
instrument (s) x, 4, 5, 14, 26, 27, 29–33, 36, 39–41, 121n2, 139, 165, 166, 168
44, 47, 51, 55, 59, 60, 65, 67–69, 71, 72, 76, Javanese xii, 27, 28, 76, 79, 80, 114, 116, 117, 119,
80, 119, 139. 141, 144, 147, 153, 157–160, 166, 165, 166, 168, 195, 211, 218
184–187, 190, 191, 195, 198, 200–204, 211–217 Al-Jawaher 141
insular: Southeast Asia 2 Al-Jawahir 140
interaction x, xii, 1, 3, 55, 66, 85, 89, 93, 101, 120, Jay Contreras 41
123, 127, 184, 200, 213 Jayson in Town 41
Internal Security Act 131, 144 jazz x, 5, 6, 23, 26, 28, 29, 30, 33, 36, 39, 42, 43,
International College of Music 60, 127 50, 63, 67, 68, 69, 73n6, 88, 93, 97, 98, 137, 175,
Internet 44, 51, 56–58, 60, 98 195, 196, 198–200, 202–204, 206–208, 210–212,
inter-regional 2, 137, 151 215–219; age 3, 28, 43, 68, 88; fusion xiii, 211,
Inul Daratista 114–118, 120 214, 216, 217
Ipoh 196, 198 Jazz Friends 43
Irama Lenso 165 Jazz Society of the Philippines 43
Irama Malaysia 29, 31, 32, 128, 211, 212 JEM Records 45
Irama Padang Pasir 141 Jemat, Michael 175, 178–181
Irenne Ghea 120 Jeremy Monteiro 196
Isabella (flm) 15, 16 Te Jerks 39
“Isabella” (song) 15, 19 Jerome Kugan 128
“Isang Mundo, Isang Awit” (song) 97 Jesper Colleen Mercado 43
“Isasayaw Ko” (song) 38, 98 Jewel Villafores 50
Islam 2, 3, 70, 101, 110, 111, 115, 118, 137–148, 155, Jihan Audy 120
158, 161, 167, 168, 171n1; Nusantara 2–3 Jim Paredes 47, 98
Islamic Youth Movement of Malaysia 142 Jimmy Hendrix 214
Islamisation 142–143, 147 Jingle (magazine) 45, 48, 50
Ismail Izzani 56, 58 Jins Shamsuddin (Jin Shamsudin) 5, 10
Istora Senayan 166 Joe Chelliah 158
Italian 158, 200 Joe Cruz and the Cruzettes 96
Itchyworms 40, 92 Joe Flizzow 57
iTunes 58 Joe Kidd 124–127, 131, 132, 135
Iwan Fals 124, 169, 219 Joey Ayala xiii, 29, 31, 39, 51, 98, 200, 210, 213
Izzy Mohamed 134 joget (genre, dance) 27–29, 31, 32, 56, 68, 69, 211, 212
“Joget Sarawak” (song) 178–181, 183
Jaap Kunst 63, 75, 77, 79, 80, 82n15, 82n17 jogho 143
Jabatan Kemajuan Islam Malaysia 141 John Cowper 86
Jacob Jacobs 94 John Paul II 37
Jae Jin In 204 Johor 31, 78, 103
Jakarta xii, 20, 26, 28, 79, 105, 106, 115–121, 166, Jokowi 169, 170
169, 171 jologs 98
Jakarta Jazz Festival 217 Jombang 116, 119, 121n1
Jamaat al-Tabligh 142 Jordan 141
Jamal Abdillah 157 Jose Estella 43
Jamaliah Sharif 69 Jose Mari Chan 37
James P. Boyle 160 Jose Nepomuceno 36
James Taylor 214 Jose Rizal 2
jandhut 119 Joseph Amoto Formaran 41
Jang Jae Hyo 204 Joseph Estrada 95
Japan 40, 93, 98, 158, 196, 197, 200, 204, 214 Joshua Suin Lawat 175
Japanese Occupation 93, 98, 176 Juan de la Cruz 38, 46, 96
Jarak Street 114 Juan de la Cruz Band 38, 47, 96
Jarasum Jazz Festival 203 Jude Gitamondoc 50
“Jaslina” (song) 186, 187; see also sangbai Julian Mokhtar 125
Jasmine Low 131 Julie Ann San Jose 42
Jasni 69 Jun Lopito 39
Jasnie 190, 191 Jungee Marcelo 37
Jason Mraz 170 Junior Kilat 41
Index • 239
Kabataang Pinoy 92, 93, 99 K-Pop 120

“Kabataang Pinoy” (song) 92 Krakatau xiii, 200, 202, 208n6, 211, 216–218
Kacukan 66, 67 Kuala Lumpur xii, xiii, 28, 70, 107, 112n4,
“Kahit Konting Pagtingin” (song) 36 123–125, 128–129, 131–132, 134, 138, 142–144,
Kalimantan 3, 20n3 156–159, 196, 202
“Kalinga dreadlock Rastaman” (song) 41 Kuala Lumpur Arts Festival 125
Kamarul Anuar Kamalluddin 142 Kuala Lumpur Performing Arts Centre (KLPAC)
“Kamelia” (song) 14 129, 131
Kamikaze 41 kubing 39, 214
Kampung Sungai Penchala 144 Kuching 174–175, 177–178, 180
Kapampangan 39, 49 Kuching Jazz Festival 202
kaparinyo 69 kugiran 30, 33
“Kapayapaan” (song) 41 kulintangan 31, 191
Kapit 177, 178 Kumpulan Kompleks Budaya Negara 140
Karaoke 33, 35, 190 “Kumukutikutitap” (song) 37
Karen Nunis Blackstone 134 kundiman 26–29, 33, 36, 43, 87, 93
Karencitta 50 Kuwait 141
Kasma Booty 69
Kassim Masdor 12 L. Krishnan 157
“Katawan” (song) 38 La Academia 57
KATHA 39, 44 La Bodega 131
Katy de la Cruz 43, 87, 93 Lady Diane 42
“Kau Kekasihku” (song) 138 Lagenda (album) 196
Kau Kunci Cintaku (Dalam Hati Mu) (album) 157 “Lagu Malaya” (song) 71
“Kay Ganda Ng Ating Musika” (song) 37, 48, 97 Lagu Melayu xi, 63, 65–68, 70, 72, 212
K-Clique 56 “Lakambini” (song) 41
Kebebasan (album) 16–18 “Lalake” (song), 98
Kelantan 31, 73n5, 138, 139, 142, 143, 147, 153, 155, Lamberto V. Avellana 11
157, 161 “Lame” (song) 50
Keltscross 40 lancers 174
Kelvin Tan 127 Land Below the Winds 3
Kenangan Ayah (album) 12–15, 200 Laos 2
Keroncong 3, 26–28, 31, 33, 55, 56, 112n2, 196 Latifah Omar 7, 10
“Kesah Tok Bomo” 71 Latif Ibrahim 157
“Kesian” (song) 70 Latin 25, 28, 30–31, 68, 73n2, 95–96, 137
keyboard (instrument) 20n7, 30, 31, 33, 60, 139, law: anti-pornography 115, 117; Islamic 167;
185–188, 217, 218 martial 37–39, 44–45, 47, 96, 215; mendicancy
keyboardist xiii, 185, 186, 188, 189, 216, 217 184; state xii, 151, 155
Khadijah Ibrahim 157–159 Lea Salonga 196
Khai Baha 58 Leah Navarro 97
“Kham Hom” (song) 77 Led Zeppelin 40, 166
kingdom x, 2, 78 Lee Chor Lin 109
“Kisapmata” (song) 40 Lee Hsien Loong 111
Kit Leee 124, 125; see also Antares Lee Hung Cheong 125
KL Sing Song xii, 123, 124, 126–135 Lee Jung Sik 205
Klang Valley 123, 134; see also Kuala Lumpur Lee Kuan Yew 104, 110, 111
“Kling Mabok” 71 Lefhanded 15
Koes Bersaudara 12, 28, 166 leitmotif 11
Koes Plus 155, 165 “Lelaki Teragung” (song), 56
komedie stamboel 27 “Lenggang Kangkung” (song) 72
komedya 27 “Lenggang Tungitung” (song), 188; see also
Komisyon ng Wikang Filipino 49 sangbai
kompang 153, 157, 160, 161, 200 lenggok 211
Konfrontasi 7, 8, 20nn3–4; see also confrontation Let Tere be Life (album), 217
“Kopi Soesoe” (song) 165 Liga dangdut 117
Korea 58, 200, 204 Light Rail Transit (LRT) 147
Kota Kinabalu 185, 190 “Lihatlah” (song) 69
240 • Index
Lilis Suryani 13 “Mahiwagang Nunal” (song) 42

Lilliputians 86 Majapahit empire 2
“Linggang Mak Inang” (song) 68 “Majulah Singapura” (national anthem) 103, 105, 108
lingua franca 2, 67, 72 mak yong 138
Lito Camo 37 Makassar 219
Liverpool 166 Malabari 156
“Liwanag sa Dilim” (song) 40 Malay: archipelago xi, 11, 65, 160; artists 12–16,
Liyana Fizi 134 20, 65–72, 101, 103–112, 115, 156–159, 174;
local: actors and actresses 69; aesthetics 26, 32, 48, band(s) 8–20, 174; dress 139; flm 9–12, 16;
68, 116, 118, 121, 195; artists 43, 52, 60, 87, 93, identity xii, 189; instruments 26, 68, 139, 143,
117, 121, 125, 127–128, 157, 170; communities 2, 147, 200–201, 203–205, 208; language x, xiii, 2,
3, 26, 41, 49, 65, 111, 117, 139, 147, 156; content 20, 20n1, 26, 30, 65–72, 73n1, 78, 103, 135, 160,
58, 110; genres xii, 25, 28, 36, 40, 43, 66, 87, 93, 196, 200; magic 16; media 60; nationalism xii,
112n2, 116, 156–157, 186, 200, 216; hybridity 66, 2, 103–112; opera 65, 67, 183n5; orchestra 29, 31,
67; identity 210; industries xii, 1, 38, 44, 73n2, 68, 115–116, 219; peninsula xii, 1, 6, 12, 15, 23,
80, 116, 143, 151, 164–166, 168; instrumentation 30, 63, 103, 184, 210; politics 143, 153, 155–156;
201; language(s) 36–37, 95, 116; music xi, xii, 17, popular culture 56; popular music 12, 29, 190,
24, 33, 36–38, 44, 50, 55, 58, 66, 72, 98, 121, 165, 211; radio 27, 175; rock 12–16, 19, 168; songs
170, 202; musicians 35, 39, 42–44, 57, 80, 96, 13, 17, 20, 27, 30, 65–72, 124, 129, 166, 196, 199,
116; populations 4, 35, 71, 89, 117, 155, 174, 191; 212; stars 4–8, 20; world 3, 11, 104–105, 137,
practices 3, 30, 31, 85, 139; scenes 47; traditions 139, 160; see also Lagu Melayu
29, 63 Malay Heritage Centre 105
Local Brown 35, 39 Malaya xii, 6, 26–28, 55, 63, 65–68, 70–72, 73, 137,
localisation 25, 86, 186 177; Federation of 6, 105–106, 155–156
Lokananta 166 Malaya Raya 67
Loke Wan To 69 Malayness 3, 67, 108–109, 112n5
Lolita Carbon 39 “Malaysia Baru” (song) 176–177
“Loloh” (song), 186–188; see also sangbai Malaysia Tourism Promotion Board 161
London 76, 126, 195–196 “Malaysia Truly Asia” (song) 153–154, 156–161
Long Play (LP) 45, 166, 197–198 Malaysian Idol 57
Lostgens 126 Malaysian Institute for Islamic Development 147
“Lupa” (song) 97 Malaysian Islamic Development Department 141
Lupa Daratan (flm) 69 Maluku 2
Luzon 3, 41, 184–189, 191–192, 215 mambo 69
lyricist 13, 20, 125, 138 Manado 218
Lyrophon 165 Manan Ngah 16–17, 210
Mandala 2
M. Nasir xiii, 13, 16–17, 20, 20, 29, 31, 125, 200, Mandarin 105, 158
210–213 Mangkunegoro 79, 82n15
M. Nazario 43 Manila 4–5, 28–29, 36–38, 40–41, 43–44,
“Maafan” (song) 169 45–46, 48–49, 73, 83, 86, 88–89, 93–94, 96–98,
“Maafan Kami” (song) 70 187–188, 196, 213, 215; as ethnicity 72; sound
“Mabuti pa sila” (song) 37 38, 45, 96, 98
“Mafa Hukum” (song) 165 “Manila” (song) 38
Magalona, Elmo 42 “Manila Boxing Rag” (song) 43
Magalona, Francis 42 “Manila Carnival Rag” (song) 43
Magalona, Pancho 28 Manila Constabulary Band 196
“Magellan” (song) 36, 95 “Manila Girl” (song) 41
“Mag-exercise tayo” (song) 36 Ma-Phil-Indo 2
“Magkaugnay” (song) 215 maqam 141, 145
“Magtanim ay di Biro” (song) 93 marching band 26
Maguindanao 203 Marcos, Ferdinand 28, 38–39, 45, 47, 96–97,
“Mahal kita, walang iba” (song) 37 214–215; see also Martial Law
“Mahal na Mahal Kita” (song) 40 Marcos, Imee 47, 97
Maharajah Commission 127 mardijkers 26, 55
Mahathir Mohamad 111, 131, 147, 161 maritime: connections x, 3; -oriented 1; Southeast
Maher Zain 147 Asia 1–3, 23, 25–26, 28–30, 32, 101, 184, 192
Index • 241
Markiza 124, 126 Moluccas 77

martial law 37–39, 44–45, 47, 96, 215 Momo Latif 69
“Martyr Nyebera” (song) 41 “Monobloc” (song) 39
“Mas Merah” (song) 68 Moonshine (event) 127, 134
masri 68–70, 141 Moros 155
mass media xi, xii, 12, 29–30, 35, 44, 55, 57, 61, 66, “Mosi Tidak Percaya” (song) 165
115, 135, 156–157, 161, 215 Mount Apo 214
“Mata ng Diyos” (song) 40 MP3 33
“May Crush ako sa ‘yo” (song) 38 “Mr DJ” (song) 98
Mayon Records 95 Mr Gambus – Gambus Goes Jazz (album) 204
MC Lara 42 “Mr Suave” (song) 39
Mecca 137, 147 MRT (Mass Rapid Transit) 19–20
Medan 31, 69, 139–140, 219 MTV 39, 47, 201
Mei Chern 127–128, 130 Muda Mudi (flm) 12
Melaka 3, 26–27 multi-cultural 161, 173
Melanau 159 multicultural 20n5, 103, 109–111
“Menahan Rindu” (song) 56 multiculturalism 59, 76, 170
“Menua Sarawak” (song) 175–177, 183 “Multo sa Paningin” (song) 40
Meor 127–128, 130, 134 Musabaqah 139
Merdeka Films 157 music education xi, 55, 58–61, 174, 216
Merdeka Stadium 156 musik daerah 218; see also pop daerah
Mesio Regalado Orchestra 43 musik Islami 139
Metro Manila 29, 36–37, 41, 44, 46, 48–49, 97, 213 Musika (record label) 41
Metropop 29, 44–45, 47–48, 97 Muslim xiii, 3, 27, 67, 70, 73n5, 104, 110–111, 115,
“Mga Kababayan Ko” (song) 42, 98 137–139, 141–145, 147–148, 167, 185
“Mga praning” (song) 42 Mustafa Mat Daud 138
Middle East 56, 67–70, 139, 141–142, 147, 204, 216 Muzik Melayu 211
Midnasty 50 Myanmar 2
“A Million Tanks to You” (song) 94 Mystical Mist (album) 217
militaristic 8 myth 45–50; de-mythifying 23, 46–47, 49;
military 13, 20n3, 41, 93, 155; bands 56; music 26; mythifcation 45, 48–50; mythifed 23;
regime 116; rule 38–39 mythologise; 51–52; mythology 46
mimicry 63, 66, 87, 90, 173
“Mimpi” (song) 56 “Na Onseng Delight” (song) 42
Minangkabau x, xii, 73n5, 101, 103, 105, 116, 156 “Nabasag ang banga” (song) 36
Mindanao 3, 39, 41, 49–50, 98, 213–215 Nabavenas 115
MinPop 50 Nada Murni 140–141, 144
Miri 177–178 Nadra riots 109
Miss Julia 65 Nahdlatul Ulama 2
Miss Lena 69 Nairud sa Wabad 41
Miss Noormadiah 69 Najwa 134
Miss Riboet 3 “Naku…Kenkoy” (song) 89
Al-Mizan 140, 141 “Nandito ako” (song) 37
M.O. Lagista 118–120 Nanning 203
M.O. Monata 118–119 Nanyang 2
M.O. Nirwana 119 “Narito Ako Umiibig” (song) 49
M.O. RGS 119 NASAKOM 166, 170
M.O. Sagita 118–119 “Nasib Di Bunga” (song) 69
M.O. Sera 118–119 “Nasib Si Miskin” (song) 70
M.O. Sonata 118–119, 121n1 nasyid 101, 137–148
M.O. Zagita 119 nasyid kontemporari xii, 101, 137, 141–145, 147
modernity 23, 84, 88–89, 172–182; alternative xii, Nasyid Orkes Sukma 143
23, 32, 87, 118, 173, 177, 182; colonial xi, 70; as nation branding 151, 153–162
idea 85; Islamising 147; language of: 85; marks national anthem xii, 103, 105–108, 111, 155–156,
of 93; musical 174; paradoxes of 172; vernacular 161, 165, 170
xi, 63, 65–67, 72 National Arts Council 103
Mohd. Yatim 71 National Cultural Policy 28, 157
242 • Index
National Economic Policy 28 23, 25, 63, 65, 195–208, 210–219; as popular
National Heritage Board 110 praxis 26, 33; region xi, 1–3, 16, 29, 30–33, 49,
National Museum 107, 109–110 57, 63, 65, 75–77, 81, 103, 173; relationships 6, 9,
nationalism xi, xii, 13, 20, 23, 33, 38, 45–46, 10, 20, 103–104, 111; rock 12–20, 218; stars 5–7,
49–50, 71–72, 97–98, 103–108, 110–112, 156, 9–11; terminology 2; as traditional revival 3; see
165–166, 170, 176, 182; ethnonationalism 103, also Balada Nusantara
107–111; masculine 13
nation-of-intent 155, 160–161 octavina 27, 203
nation-state x, xii, 1–3, 6, 13, 17, 32, 106, 108, 110, OctoArts 45
151, 154–155, 172–173, 175 Odeon 80, 165
“Natutulog kong mundo” (song) 40 Ofcial Secrets Act 131
Navicula 165 Ogie Alcasid 37
Nawab Khan 156–157 Okay sa-rap (album) 42
Nazrey Johani 144, 147 Old Order 164, 166, 170
“Negaraku” (national anthem) 156, 161 Omadal 188
Nella Kharisma 114, 117, 120 “Omboh Omboh” (song) 186; see also sangbai
Nelson, Leonard 86 One in a Million 57
Neocolours 98 “One Tousand Million Smiles” (song) 197
Netherlands 2, 195–196, 208n1 Ong Keng Yong 107
network: community 123; cross-border 112; OPM xi, 3, 6, 20n2, 23, 29, 35, 37–38, 40, 44–52,
distribution 89; exchange 2; inter-regional 97, 215
2; regional 17; scene 123; social 51, 125; Oppie Andaresta 127
subcultural 123; television 44, 57–58, 154; oral tradition 29, 215
trading 3 Orang Laut 106
new order 164–166, 168, 170–171, 171n1 Orang Ulu 159
New Trio Macan 119 Orchid Abdullah 31
New York 127, 195 Organisasi Sasterawan Nusantara 2
New Zealand 86, 139 Orkes El-Surayya, 139
Niah 177–178 orkes gambus 139, 147
Nicanor Abelardo 88 Orkes Melayu 29, 31, 68, 212, 219; see also Malay
Nick Davis 134 orchestra
Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat 143 Orkes Padang Pasir 139, 147
Nik Jidan 134 Orkes Sri Kenangan Batu Pahat 31
No Black Tie 126–127, 134–135 Orkestra RTM 157
nobat 139 Orpheum 86
Nonog Pedero 97 Otam 134
Nonong Pedero 49 “Otso-Otso” (song) 37
Nonoy Gallardo 49 Out of Tradition (album) 43
Noon at Ngayon (album) 41 OVA Production 144
Nora Aunor 96
Noraniza Idris 29, 31, 200, 212–213 P. Ramlee 4, 9, 11, 20n4, 28, 69, 71, 157, 211
Normah Kechut 160 “Paalam, Uncle Sam” (song) 41
Norway 201 Padang 218
Not Tat Balai (event) 126 Padi 218
NU Rock Awards 38–39, 41 “Pagdating Mo” (song) 48
Nur Ali 115 Paioeng Paatah 165
Nusantara: artists xiii, 5–7, 9–20, 101, 195–208, Pak Ngah 17, 31, 212
210–219; auditory culture 81; connections x–xi, Pak Pandir 128–130
6, 9, 14, 16–17, 20, 20nn5–6, 147, 153, 161, 195– “Pakiring” (song) 186–187; see also sangbai
208; as epistemological xi, 3, 75–81; exchanges palace 79, 183n2
xi, 2–4, 11, 19, 20n4, 112, 195, 195–208; flm Palencia, Mia 127, 130
5–7, 9–11; genres 1–3, 23, 101; history x, 1, PAMMI 115–117
66; as hybrid identity 101; identity xi, xii; as Pampanga 41
indigenous 2, 106. 195, 200–201, 203–208, 210– Panahon (album) 39
219; Islam 2–3, 147; as Malay world 67; as music “Panansang” (song) 186–188; see also sangbai
industry 151, 165–166; politics 7, 106, 108, Pancaragam Bandaraya Pulau Pinang 157
111–112, 182; popular music x–xii, 1, 3–4, 9–20, Pancaragam Bayangan Bandung 157
Index • 243
Pancasila 166, 170 periphery xii, 173

P&D Records 48 “Permata Cinta” (song) 56
Pang Khee Teik 131 Persia 216
Panggung Bandaraya 125 PETA 83
pantun 26–27, 33, 68, 70, 78 Pete Aristorenas Orchestra 43
“Pantun” (song) 175; see also Iban Pete Teo 124, 126
Pantura Melayu 114 Peter Brown 124, 126
Paolo Delfno 134 Peter Lee 204
PARI 36, 39, 44 Philippine Constitution 49
Parian 5 Philippine Violators 40
parianon 2 Philips International Jazz Festival 202
Parlophone 69–70, 165 Philpop 44
Parokya ni Edgar 39 Philpop Songwriting Competition 49, 51
Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) 139, 142 phonograph 35, 42, 63, 75–78, 81, 165
pas dequatre 174 Picadilly disco 124
Pasar Sekaten 115 Pilita Corrales 94
paso doble 69 Pillora Jr., Mike 39
Pasuruan 115, 117 “Pinas Lang” (song) 40
patriotic songs 8, 71, 72, 105, 156, 161; see also Pinoy: hip hop 23, 36, 42, 63; jazz 23, 36, 42–43;
popular patriotic songs pop 30, 36–37, 44, 46; punk 36, 40; rap 36, 42,
patrol dangdut 119 98; reggae 36, 41; rock 36, 38–40, 44–47, 50, 63,
Paul Augustin xii, xiii, 195, 201–208 96; ska 23, 36, 41
Paul Moss 57 pipa 159
Paul Ponnudorai 124, 196, 199, 207 “Pitong Gatang” (song) 95
Pauline Doreen Linang 175 PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia), 20n3
“Payaso” (song) 40 Plaka Pilipino 96
“Pearly shells” (song) 96 Plastic Surgery 144
Pelarian (album) 14, 19 PNI 165
“Pemuda Melayu” (song) 72 poet 2, 36, 40, 44, 50, 127
Penang 20n5, 27–28, 141–142, 156–157, 161, 196 “Pogi Dehin Goli” (song) 95
Penang House of Music xii; photo courtesy of 199, political xi–xii, 1, 7, 20n3, 20n5, 35, 40, 42, 45–46,
204–207 48–51, 67, 87, 98, 103–109, 110–112, 124, 128,
Penang Island Jazz Festival xii, 199, 202–204, 131–132, 134, 137, 139, 141–143, 147, 151, 153,
206–208 155, 160, 164–170, 172–173, 176, 190, 192
“Penawar Rindu” (song) 31 politician 2, 169–170, 190–191
pendakwah 140 polka 27, 174
Pendekar Bujang Lapok (flm) 70 Polygram records 12–15, 141
Pendong Aban, Jr. 39 pop: Anglo-American xi, 66–68, 196, 199–200,
“Pengap” (song) 175; see also Iban 208nn4–5, 218; composition 6; etnik 29; Melayu
Penghiboran Hati (songbook) 65 29; modern 3, 29, 66–68, 120, 143, 161, 213; star
People’s Action Party (PAP) 103–104, 109 20; Visayan 50
Pepe Smith 38, 46 pop daerah 29, 31, 116, 218
“Perajurit Tanahair” (song) 8, 161 pop nostalgia 218
peranakan 2, 26, 65–66, 106 pop yeh yeh 12–13, 28, 30, 32–33
performance: and afect 33; busking 19, 51; popular: cosmopolitanism 87; culture xi, xii, 1–2,
discourses 33; education 58–61; genres xi, 4, 9–10, 23–24, 47, 55–61, 76, 84–89, 98, 123,
3, 25–33, 184–192; of indigenous culture 143, 156, 161–162, 172, 175, 207; memories 109,
184–192; of interculturalism 90; live 36, 80, 84, 123; patriotic songs 8, 156, 161; popularisation
107–108, 124–127, 131–135, 166, 174, 198–199; xi, 25, 31–33, 59, 76, 114, 116–117, 119, 151;
of multiculturalism 110; in music festivals popularised x, xii, 16, 23, 30–32, 38, 55, 93,
199–208; of popular music 35, 40–41, 44, 51, 112n2, 114, 116, 118–120, 151, 187–188, 192,
57, 70, 83, 87, 107, 115–118; practice 32; and 211–212, 216, 218; praxis 25–26, 32–33
protest 38–39, 135; recordings 77; of regional Pori Jazz Festival 204
culture 119–121; restrictions 142; spaces 1, 3, 51, Portuguese 26–27, 55, 72
125–135; stage 5, 156; theatre 27, 33, 67, 86, 174; postcolonial 23, 66, 76, 104, 106, 111, 184, 195, 200
traditions 4, 28, 31, 79, 87, 101, 143, 159, 161, post-independence 1–2, 7, 25, 29–30, 32, 71
214; video 39, 115, 118–119 post-national x, 25
244 • Index
postwar period 3, 6 Ray Cheong 134

Potret 218 Raymundo “Rayben” Maigue 43
Pra Budi Dharma xiii, 210, 216–219 Razorback 40
Prabowo 169–170 RCA 93
praxis: popular 25–26, 32–33; see also Nusantara rebana 26, 68, 139, 143, 201
and popular reformasi 133
pre-colonial 1–2, 104–106, 160 Reformation Era 164, 168, 170–171
pre-modern xii, 172–173 Regatta Lepa 190–191
Printing and Presses Act 131 Rejan Be’uh 159
producer xii, xiii, 12, 16, 28, 37, 39, 44, 47–48, 58, “Reklamo ng Reklamo” (song) 39
87, 101, 138, 143, 210, 216 Remaco 166
production x, xii, 1, 10, 12, 20, 25–26, 28, 32, 35, Rendra Zawawi 134
44, 47–48, 50–52, 56–58, 60–61, 72, 79, 84–87, “Renong” (song) 175; see also Iban
90, 92, 95, 97, 101, 103, 119, 121, 125, 130, 144, Restituto Umali 36
151, 166, 168, 173, 190; see also industry Revenge of the Fishlips (album) 40
promdis 98 Rey Valera 37
Prophet Muhammad 137–139, 142, 146–147 Te Reynettes 196
proto-Malay 106 Reza Salleh 126–127, 130, 134
Puji-Pujian (album) 144–146 Rhapsody 130
“Puji-Pujian” (song) 145 “Rhinestone Cowboy” (song) 95
Pulau Bumbum 188 Rhoma Irama 31, 115–121, 166–168, 212, 219
“Pumapatak na Naman ang Ulan” (song) 37, 96 Rialto Centre of the Arts 201
“Puncak Kasih” (song) 138 Riau 2, 73n5, 116
punk 30, 36, 38, 40–41, 50, 124–126, 132, 135, 144; RiaVillena-Osorio 43
hardcore 38, 40–41, 50, 127 Ricecooker Shop 131
Put3ska 41 Rico J. Puno 97
Putera-Putera Al-Arqam 144 Rivermaya 39
Putra Buana 115 Rizal Underground 40
rock: alternative 38, 98, 124; Bisaya (bisrock) 49,
Qasidah 139, 140, 147 50; folk 38, 39; pop 38, 40, 143, 218; punk (er)
Qings & Kueens 127 38, 40, 124, 132, 144
Queen of Bodabil 87, 93 Rock & Pop (Trinity) 60
“Rock Baby, Rock” (song) 38
R. Azmi 69 rock kapak 20n5, 30
Rabbani 140, 144 Rock School (ABRSM) 59
Radio Malaya 6, 154, 156 Rohana Zubir 107, 108, 112n4
Radio Sarawak 172, 175–176, 182, 183n7 “Roll Over Beethoven” (song) 94
Rafque Rashid 124–126 Te Rollies 166
ragtime 5, 27 Rolling Stones 166, 169
Rahayu Efendy 4, 9 Roman Catholicism 3
Raihan 143–147 Romeo Lee 40
Rainforest World Music Festival 201 rondalla 203
Rais Yatim 107 ronggeng 11, 26–27, 31, 33, 68
“Rak of Aegis” (musical) 40 “Rose Tattoo” (song) 94
ram wong 211 Royal Prussian Phonographic Commission 75, 78
Ramlah Ram 157 Royal Schools of Music 59
Ramlan Mohd Imam 160 RRI 167
Ramli Sarip 14 RTM (Radio Televisyen Malaysia) 157
Ramon “RJ” Jacinto 38 Rubiah 69
“Ramona” (song) 196 Rumah Air Panas 126
Rampa 71 rumba 27, 28, 65, 68–71
R&B 92, 147, 217–218 Russia (n) 86, 147, 158
Ranee Margaret 174 RUU Pornograf (RUUP) 117, 164
“Rap is FrancisM” (song) 42 Ryan Cayabyab 37, 48, 97
“Rasa Sayang” (song) 72
Ratna Antika 114, 117, 120 S. Atan 17
Ratno Timoer 10 “Sa Akong Heart” (song) 50
Index • 245
Sa Bundok ng Apo (rock opera) 214 Senorita Linang 174

Sa Isang Sulyap Mo Tita (flm) 28 Seoul 204, 205
“Sa Ugoy ng Duyan” (song) 36 Sergeant Hassan (flm) 11; Cebuano (Sebuano) 29,
“Saan Ka Man Naroroon” (song) 36 36, 42, 50, 94, 215
Sabah 20n3, 31, 60, 104, 140, 144, 147, 159, 177, “Seri Mersing” (song) 211
183–188, 190–191 Seriosa 26
Sabah Department of Tourism 185, 190 Serve in Silence (album) 40
“Sabak” (song) 175; see also Iban SexBomb Girls 37, 38
Saharadja 200 Shanon Shah 130, 134
Saiful Bahri 8 Sharidir & Nizam P. 134
“Salam Dua Jari” (song) 169 Sharifah Aini 16, 20, 140, 157
“Salamat salamat musika” (song) 37 Sharif Medan 69
Salamiah Hassan 157 Sharon Cuneta 98
Salamin 41 Shaw Brothers 12, 28, 69
“Salbabida” (song) 37 “She Loves You” (song) 28
Salbakuta 42 Sheila Majid xiii, 196–199, 207, 219
“Salidummay” (song) 39, 41 Shelley Leong 129, 130
Saloma 10, 20n4, 28, 69 Sherry 129
Saluang dangdut 116 Shigeo Hirayama 204
Samba 69, 157 “Si Amaliyah” (song) 186; see also sangbai
SambaSunda 200, 208n7 “Si Baju Hijau” (song) 13, 14
Sami Yusuf 147 “Si Baju Loreng” (song) 13
Sampaguita 28, 96 Siakol 40
“Sampai Jadi” (song) 57 Siam (ese) 73n5, 76, 77
“Sana kahit minsan” (song) 37 Sibu 177, 178, 180
“Sana’y wala nang wakas” (song) 37 Side A 18, 37, 98
Sandra Reemer 196 “Sierra Madre” (song) 97
Sang Bango 165 “Sigaw” (song) 40
sangbai xii, 31, 184–192 “Silayan” (song) 93
Sanskrit 2 Silent Sanctuary 40
Santa Ana Cabaret 88 Silos Sr., Leopoldo 36
Santa Cruz 86 “Sinabmarine” (song) 42
Santiago Suarez 36 “Sinaran” (song) 196
Sarah Suhairi 58 Sindikato 52
Sarawak Constabulary Band 174 “Singapore Rumba” (song) 65
Sarawak Legislative Council 175 Singapore Workers Party 110
Sarawak Music Society 174 singer-songwriter xii, xiii, 14, 20, 51, 123–129, 131,
Sarawak Rangers Band 174 133–135, 178, 199, 210, 213, 219
Sarikei 177–178 sinocentric 2
Sarimah 6, 10 “Sinta” (song) 40
Sasana Budaya Ganesha 147 Siput 69
“Saudagar Minyak Urat” (song) 71 Siti Nurhaliza 31, 69, 138, 211, 219
Saudi Arabia 137, 147 Te Skalawags 41
Savoy (Teatre) 86, 93 Skyline Records 185–186, 189–192
saxophone 68, 69, 71, 157, 166, 204 Slamet Rudi Hartono 114
Sayyid Qutb 141 Slank 169–170
scenic infrastructures 17, 20 Slapshock 40
SCTV Music Awards 120 Slowjaxx 134
Search 15, 19, 125, 143, 218 Smithsonian Institute 213
Seattle 216 socio-cultural 32, 52, 106, 172–173
Sedition Act 131 Socorro Santiago 36
Selangor 5, 56 Sodiq 119, 122n8
“Selasih Bali” (song) 65 Soekarno (Sukarno) 7, 12, 20n3, 28, 164,
“Selimut Putih” (song) 140 165–166
Semporna 184, 185, 187–190 Soimah 119
senandung 27, 211 Solo 80, 166, 196
Seniman Bujang Lapok (flm) 28 Somsiri Sangkaew 127
246 • Index
Sona One 56 “Tabatha Twitchit” (song) 95

Soneta 31, 166–167 tabla 32, 68, 70, 153, 157, 159, 200, 201, 212
Songwriter’s Round 128 Tagalog x, xiii, 36, 38, 39, 42, 45, 49, 87, 89, 94,
Sony Music 52 191, 200
“Sorry Seems To Be Te Hardest Word” (song) 14 Taglish 36, 38, 42, 96
South Africa 147, 201, 205 Tagunggu 187, 190–191
South Asia 10, 139, 200–201 Taiwan 43, 157, 200, 205
South Korea 4–7, 16–19, 58, 145, 146, 179–182, “Take Five” (song) 35
197–198, 200, 204–205 “Tala ‘al Badru ‘alaina” (song) 139
Southbank Gamelan 195 Tamil 71, 105, 158
“Spageti Song” (song) 37 Tan Sei Hon 126, 128
Spain 35, 86, 89, 195 “Tanah Ai Menua Ku” (song) 175
Spanish xiii, 3, 26–27, 36, 84, 86, 88–89, 93, 200, “Tanah Pusaka” (song) 161
203, 211 “Tandi Tandi” (song) 68
Sponge Cola 40 tango 27, 28, 68–71, 88, 157
Spotify 35, 52, 57, 58 “Tanjung Kubu” (song) 174
Srivijaya 3 Tapai 138, 139
Stamford Rafes 104, 112 tapes (cassette) 33, 35
Starbucks 131 Tasya Rosmala 120
“State university” (song) 40 taxi dancers 87, 88
Steve Tornton 202 “Tayo’y Mga Pinoy” (song) 97–98
Stevie Wonder 198 “Tayo’y Pilipino” (song) 39
Sting 170 Teatro Circo Filipino 86
Straits of Malacca 2, 26–27 Ted Lo 204
Straits Times (New) 107, 158 “Tell the World of His Love” (song) 37
“Stupid Love” (song) 42 Temah 68
Suai 177, 178 Teochew 156
subcultural 123, 124, 134 “Terang Bulan” (song) 72
Sud-anen Tribe 41 Terengganu 143
Sudirman Arshad 16, 196–197 “Tergantung Sepi” (song) 56
Suez Canal 76 Terima Kasih (album) 20
Sufan Suhaimi 56, 58 Texas 201
Sugar Free 40 Tai (Tailand) 2, 56, 58, 67, 125, 127, 147, 157,
Suharto 28, 116, 164 202, 211
Suki 69 “Tank You, America” (song) 41
Sultan Idris Education University 60 Tird World Chaos 40
Sulu Zone xii, 2, 3 “Tis is not America” (song) 39
Sumatra xii, 11, 31, 66–67, 73n5, 77, 79, 105–106, Tomas Edison 75
116, 137, 141, 156, 203, 211 Te Tielman Brothers 196, 208n1
“Sumayaw, Sumunod” (song) 98 Tijah 68
Sumpah Orang Minyak (flm) 69 “Timang” (song, see Iban) 175
Sundanese 27, 211, 217–218 Tin Pan Alley 43
Sunway University 60 Tio Tek Hong 165
Surabaya 27, 114, 120, 121n2 Tirso Cruz III 96
Surakarta 115 Tirso Cruz Orchestra 43
El-Surayya 139, 140 Tjente Manis 165
Surban, Max 36 Tjerai Kasih 165
Swami 165 “T.L. ako sa ‘yo” (song) 38
Sweet Charity 14, 19 Tok dalangs 138
swing 37, 69, 217 Tony Velasquez 89
Switzerland 205 transculturation xi 85, 90
Syafnaz Selamat 57 Translating the Gongs (album) 43, 203
Syameel 56 Tribal Fish 40
Syariah 142 Trie Utami 216, 217
symbiotic relationship 10, 118 Trina Belamide 37
syncretic 2, 17, 56, 115, 156 Trinidad, Luis 94
synthesiser 29, 31, 33, 216–217 Trinity School of Music 59
Index • 247
Trio Macan 118 valse 174

Te Troggs 40 VCD 33, 114, 117, 119
Tropical Depression 41 Velarde Jr., Mike 36, 43, 93
Troubadour 123, 127, 131, 134 Venancio “Vehnee” Saturno 37
Troubadours Enterprise xii, 128–130, 133 Te Ventures 35
Troubaganger 123, 131 Via Vallen 114, 116–117, 120
“Tsinelas” (song) 40 Vicor 45, 47–48, 98
“Tudong Periok” (song) 69 Victor Talking Machine 36
Tugu 26 Vida Bayang 175–176
Tukang karut 143 Vietnam 2, 125, 196
“Tukso” (song) 40 Villegas, Mike 37
Tuku Kame 200 Vincent Dafalong 42
“Tuloy Pa Rin” (song) 98 Visaya (s, n) 3, 26, 49, 50, 192
Tun Abdul Razak 28 “Visayan Moon” (song) 43
“Tunggu Sekejap” (song) 11 VisPop 50; see also pop Visaya
Tunku Abdul Rahman 20n3, 104, 156 Viva Films 98
TV3 29, 57, 138 Viva Records 47
TV9 58 Voices From Next Door (album) 128–130
TVRI 167, 171 Von Saw 50
Twisted Red Cross 40 “Voodoo, Who Do?” (song) 40
Twitter 51, 57, 169–170 VST and Company 38
Uchop 58 “Wag Kang Baboy” (song) 40

UCSI University 60 Wahab Yusof 144, 147
“Ugoy-ugoy Blues” (song) 43 Wak Kasban 71
Uji Rashid 157 “Wala na bang pang-ibig” (song) 37
Ultraelectromagneticpop! (album) 39, 98 Wan Zawawi 124–125
Umar al-Khattab 138 Wani Ardy 134
Umm Kathum 139 Wany Hasrita 56, 58
ummah 137 Warner Music Group 144
UMNO 108–109, 142–143, 155 Waryo drummers 114
“Un Bambino” (song) 200 wax cylinder (s) 77–79
“Uncle Murtabak” (song) 71 wayang kulit 138, 142, 153, 157
Unclogged 125–128, 134, 135 wayang parsi 27, 137, 156
“Under the Double Eagle” (song) 174 Wea Records 42
United Kingdom 57, 126, 146, 147, 195 West Java 116
United States 5, 25, 35–37, 40, 43, 44, 66, 147, 153, Western: bias 25; dance (band) 68, 156; drum kit
168, 196 168; music 4, 5, 23, 35, 59, 69, 148, 165, 172,
Universal Music 40, 196–198 174–175, 203–204, 211, 216–217; stories 27; style
Universiti Malaysia Sabah 60 11, 30, 145, 174, 200; technology 67
Universiti Malaysia Sarawak 60, 183 WetSlipperz 50
Universiti Putra Malaysia 60 Wild Life (album) 39
Universiti Teknologi MARA 60 “Wild Ting” (song) 40
University of Malaya 60, 112n4 Wilfredo “Willy” Cruz 37
University of the Philippines 60 William, Melina 134
University of Washington 216 William De Cruz 125
Urban Bandits 40 Willy Cruz 37, 98
Urban Dub 40 Wings 15
Urbanscape 126 “Wishing you were brown” (song) 39
ustaz 138, 139, 140–141, 144 Wolfgang 40
Ustaz Akhil Hayy 140 Woodstock 38
Ustaz Asri 140, 144 world beat 26, 29, 195, 200, 207, 208n5, 212
Ustazah Hamidah Syukor 141 world music 25, 29, 39, 75, 79–81, 201–203, 210,
Utusan Filem & Fesyen 4, 9, 10 212–213, 215, 218
World Music Expo 202
Valeriana Mauricio 86 World War II (WWII) 2, 7, 28, 66–69, 73n3, 93,
Valley of the Chrome 41 104–106, 176
248 • Index
W.R. Supratman 165 yuppies 98

Te Wuds 40 Yusof Ishak 105, 112n3
Yusof Islam 146
X’tacy 125 Yusuf Islam 138, 147
“Yam Choi Chow” (song) 71 Zaharah Agus 69

Yamaha (Music Schools) 33, 59, 186 Zahid Ahmad 125
“Yellow Submarine” (song) 42 Zain Azman xiii, 196, 199, 207
Yem 69 Zain Bhikha 147
Yemen 139, 141 Zainab Majid 70
Yeng Constantino 37 Zainal Abidin Ahmad 105
Yo! (album) 42 Zainal Alam 70
Yogyakarta 79, 115 Zamboanga 188–189
Yolly Samson 38 zapin 29, 31, 68–69, 137, 139, 159, 211–212
“Your song” (song) 40 zarzuela (sarsuwelas) 27, 28, 88, 93
YouTube 38, 44n1, 52, 57–58, 60, 120, 192 Zee Avi 196
Yoyon Dharsono 217 Zhujiajiao Water Village World Music Festival 203
Yoyoy Villame 36, 51, 95 Zian Zain 138
Yuk Keep Smile 118, 121, 122n6 Te Zikr 144
Yuk Kita Sahur 119, 121n7 Zizan Razak 56
Yuna 123, 126, 134, 208n2 Zodiak 138
Yunnan 2 Zubir Said xii, 11, 72, 101, 103–112

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Made in Nusantara serves as a comprehensive introduction to the history, sociology, ethnogra-

Introduction: Popular Music as a Means of Conceptualising the Nusantara 1

Part I: Issues in Nusantara Popular Music 23

1 Revisiting the “Traditional” and the “Popular” in Maritime Southeast Asia:

2 Colonialism and Identity: A Short History of Popular Music in the Philippines 35

3 Te (De-) and (Re-) Mythifcation of OPM: Decentring a Popular Music Sign 45

Part II: History 63

5 Revisiting Post-Cultural Imperialism: Singing Vernacular Modernity and

6 Acoustic Epistemologies and Early Sound Recordings in the Nusantara Region:

7 Bodabil Music in the Rise of the American Empire 83

Part III: Artists and Genres 101

9 Singapore Arts Icon or Malay Nationalist?: Mobilising Zubir Said Across

10 Te Popularisation and Contestation of Dangdut Koplo in the Indonesian Music

11 KL Sing Song: Alternative Voices in the Kuala Lumpur Singer-Songwriter Circuit

12 Hijrah and the Rise of Nasyid Kontemporari in Malaysia 137

Part IV National vs. Local Industries 151

14 Te Indonesian Popular Music Industry: Navigating Shadows of Politics and

15 More than Mimicry: Alternative Modernities in the Birth and Development of

16 Transcultural Commodities: A Comparative Analysis of Sama-Bajau Popular

Aferword: Bercerita (Sharing Stories) with M. Nasir, Joey Ayala, Dwiki

Notes on Contributors 220

Selected Bibliography 224

Can we conceptualise popular music(s) as characteristically Nusantara? We decided to set sail

Notes on Names, Spelling, and Translations

Adil Johan and Mayco A. Santaella

Adil Johan and Mayco A. Santaella

Buka Panggung – Setting the Stage

Conceptualising the Nusantara

Popular Music in the Nusantara

Popular Music in Maritime Southeast Asia

Conceptualising the Popular

National Renditions of Global Genres

National Genres Based on Global Popular Musics

National Popular Genres of the Nusantara Region

Popularised Traditions (Extrinsic)

Popularised Traditions (Intrinsic)

Denouement as Segue: Popular Praxis in the Extended Nusantara Region

Filipino Identity in Music

demonstrations and protests. Students, academics, and members of cause-oriented groups

Pinoy Rap / Pinoy Hip-Hop

OPM “Author[s]”:3 Recognising a Limit to Knowledge,

Te Re-mythifcation of OPM in 21st-Century Spaces

Popular Culture in the Malaysian Music Industry

Popular Culture in Music Education

Apa pulak handak di-chari / Kronchong “Singapora” nama bistari

Local Hybridity and Crossing Boundaries

Articulating Vernacular Modernity through Hybridity and Change

Modernising Malay folk social dance music

Modern jazz, dance band, and flm music

Modernity through Song Texts about Progress and Agency

“Bangun Anakku” (“Wake Up My Child”) (Ahmad CB, Chap Singa, 1938)

Comic Songs about the Common People and Social Inclusion

Uncle Murtabak tersalah cakap / Mata gelap datang tangkap

Nationalist and Patriotic Songs

Pemuda mesti berbakti / Membela ibu pertiwi

Youths must be loyal / Uphold [our] motherland

Listening to the Archives

Year Place of Recording Collector No. of Cylinders