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 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON.

has emphasized that in estimating the achieve

MACH1 ments of Newton in the theory of gravitation we
should not underrate that of the imagination. "We have,
indeed," says Mach, "no hesitation in saying that this last
is themost important of all." In the present article, I wish
to point out the fact that theway for this feat of imagina
tionwas amply prepared, notably by Robert Hooke, whose
works can hardly have been quite unknown?directly or
indirectly? to Newton.
The ideas that the key to themotions of the sun and
planets was a gravitational force and that the orbits could
be explained by a force deflecting the planets from the
straight line which, according to Galileo's law of inertia,
they would otherwise describe uniformly, were quite fa
miliar to Newton's elder contemporaries Wren, Hooke and

Halley. What made it impossible for them, and possible

forNewton, to unlock the door which guarded one of the
secrets of the heavens was simply due to the happy circum
stances that Newton was a great and far-seeing mathemati

cian, and the timewas ripe for the reduction of infinitesimal

ideas into a powerful method. The "method of fluxions"
was, we know, discovered by Newton even before the
falling apple, according to the well-known story, first
turned his thoughts toward gravitation.
Newton's feat of imagination consisted2 in the widen
1
Mechanics, p. 189.
*Ibid., p. 190.
 354 THE MONIST.

ing of his sphere of thought so as to connect the falling of

themoon in her orbit towards the earth with the descent
of a stone near the surface of the earth. Newton3 himself
illustrated the identity of terrestrial gravity with the uni
versal gravitation which determines the motions of the
celestial bodies by imagining stones to be projected from
the top of a high mountain with greater and greater hori
zontal velocities. Finally the stones become satellites circu
round the earth. Later, commenting on Rosen
lating
berger^4 statement that the idea of universal gravitation
did not originate with Newton, Mach5 says: "But itmay
be safely asserted that itwas with all of them a question
of conjecture, of a groping and imperfect grasp of the
problem, and that no one before Newton grappled with the
notion so comprehensively and energetically ; so that above
and beyond the great mathematical problem, which Rosen
berger concedes, there still remains to Newton the credit
of a colossal feat of the imagination." Mach6 then gave
a short account of some of Hooke's researches, and con
cluded: "Thus Hooke really approached nearest to New
ton's conception, though he never completely reached the
latter's altitude of view."
It seems to me that we must lay less stress on Newton's
feat of imagination and more stress on his great advance
inmathematics and its applications to physics thanMach,
apparently, would admit. Further, and this seems to me
the most important thing from a philosophical point of
view, we shall see that Hooke had begun to grasp that
principle of mechanics which Newton grasped more firmly
in his third "Law of Motion."
In quotations from old works, I shall, since my object
'Ibid., pp. 533-534.
4Isaac Newton und
seine physikalischenPrincipien, Leipsic, 1895, pp. 135
^
8
Mechanics, p. 531.

9Ibid., p. 532.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 355

is scientific and not merely literary, modernize spelling

and punctuation. However I shall always quote literally
for purposes of reference the titles of books and such pas
sages as seem to have a interest.
literary

I.

Robert Hooke was born at Freshwater in the Isle of

Wight on July 18, 1635. He was very infirmand weakly
and was therefore nursed at home, though his brothers and
sisters were nursed abroad, and for at least seven years
his parents had very little hope of his life, since he was
often ill. For his age he was very sprightly and active in
running, leaping, and so on, though very weak as to any
robust exercise. He was very quick to learn anything,
and, after his English, soon learned his Grammar by heart
but, as he says, with little understanding, till his father,
who was minister of the parish of Freshwater, designing
him for theministry, took some pains to instructhim. But
since he was very often subject to the headaches which hin
dered his learning, his father laid aside all thoughts of
breeding him a scholar, and finding that he himself grew
very infirmthrough age and sickness, he wholly neglected
his son's further education. Thus Hooke being left to
himself spent his time in making littlemechanical toys
about which he was very intent. He endeavored to imitate
everything he saw done by any mechanic; he had also a
great fancy for drawing. How he spent the next six or
seven years of his life is not known. After his father's
death in 1648, he was placed in theworkshop of Sir Peter
Lely the painter, but presumably stayed there only a short
time as the smell of the oil colors did not agree with his
constitution. After this he lived with Dr. Busby, master
of Westminster School, with whom his education pro
gressed with surprising rapidity both in its classical and
mathematical branches. Here he applied himself to Latin
 THE MONIST.
356
and Greek and at the same timemade some acquaintance
with Hebrew and other Oriental languages. Here too
he a serious study of mathematics. From West
began
minster School he went in 1653 to Christ Church, Oxford,
as "servitor" (one who performed certain menial duties
instead of paying fees) and ten years later he took his
M.A. degree by special recommendation of Lord Claren
don, then Chancellor of the university. After 1655 he was
employed and patronized by the famous experimental phys
icist (the Hon.) Robert Boyle,7 who turned Hooke's skill
to account in the construction of his celebrated air-pump.
Hooke's inventive faculty exercised itselfbetween 1657 and
1659 m devising thirty different methods of flying, and
also?more profitably?in regulating the movements of
watches by the application of the balance spring. In 1675
a lively controversy arose between him and Huygens re
specting their rival claims to this ingenious invention. The
truth seems to be that the original idea belonged toHooke,
but that the coiled form of the spring, on which its practical
utility depends, was due to Huygens. On November 12,
1662,Hooke was appointed first curator of Experiments to
the Royal Society,8 and filled the officewith extraordinary
diligence and skill during the remainder of his life. In
1664 Sir John Cutler instituted forHooke's benefit a me
chanical lectureship of ?50 a year, and in the following year
he was nominated Professor of Geometry inGresham Col
lege, London, where he subsequently resided. After the
great fire in 1666 he constructed a model for the rebuilding
of the city,which was highly approved although the design
of Wren was preferred. Neither plan was, however,
adopted. During the progress of the works Hooke acted
as surveyor, and accumulated in that lucrative employment
a sum of several thousand pounds. This hoard was dis
T
See Mach, Mechanics, pp. 123-127.
8
This society was founded in 1662. Cf. Rosenberger, op. cit., pp. 69-71.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 357

covered after his death in an old iron chest which had evi
dently lain unopened for about thirtyyears. He fulfilled
the duties of secretary to the Royal Society during five
years after the death of Henry Oldenburg in 1677.
A protracted controversy with Hevelius, in which
Hooke urged the advantages of telescopic over plain sights,
brought him littlebut discredit. His reasons were good but
his offensive style of argument rendered them unpalatable
and himself unpopular. Many circumstances concurred
to embitter the latter years of his life. The death in 1687
of his niece, Mrs. Grace Hooke, who had lived with him
formany years, caused him deep affliction; a lawsuit with
Sir John Cutler about his salary?a suit which was, how
ever, decided in his favor in 1696?occasioned him pro
longed anxiety ; and the repeated anticipation of his discov
eries inspired him with a morbid jealousy. Marks of public
respect were not wanting to him. A degree of M.D. was
conferred on him at Doctor's Commons, December 7, 1691,
and in 1696 theRoyal Society made him a grant to enable
him to complete his scientific inventions. While engaged
on this task he died, worn out with disease and toil, on
March 3, 1703, and was buried in St. Helen's Church,
Bishopsgate Street.
In personal appearance Hooke made but a poor show.
His figure was crooked and his limbs shrunken; his hair
hung in disheveled locks over his haggard countenance.
His temperwas irritable,his habits penurious and solitary.
He was blameless inmorals, and reverent in religion. His
scientific performances would probably have been more
striking if they had been less varied. He originated much,
but perfected little. His optical investigations led him to
adopt in an imperfect form the undulatory theory of light,
to anticipate the doctrine of interference, and to observe
independently of, though subsequently to, Grimaldi the
phenomenon of diffraction. He was the first to state clearly
 THE MONIST.
358
that themotion of heavenly bodies must be regarded as a
mechanical problem, and he approached in a remarkable
manner the discovery of universal gravitation. He sug
gested a method ofmeteorological forecasting and a system
of telescopic signaling, anticipated Chladni's experiment of
strewing a vibrating bell with flour, investigated the nature
of sounds and the function of the air in respiration and
combustion, and originated the idea of using the pendulum
as a measure of gravity.9
His principal writings areMicrographia or some Phys
iological Descriptions of Minute Bodies (London, 1665,
1667),10 Lectiones Cutlerianae (London, 1679), and Post
humous Works, containing a sketch of his "Philosophical
Algebra," published by Richard Waller in 1705. A biog
raphy ofHooke was prefixed byWaller to thePosthumous
Works of Robert Hooke.11 This prefixture, entitled "The
Life of Dr. Robert Hooke,"12 which, by theway, has been
referred to by Brewster13 as if itwere a separate publica
tion and which utilized the beginning of an autobiography
left by Hooke, gave, inWaller's words, "An Account of
his Studies and Employments, with an Enumeration of the
many Experiments, Instruments, Contrivances and Inven

tions, by him made and produced as Curator of Experi

ments to the Royal Society." This biography, together
with that in the ninth edition of theEncyclopaedia Britan
nica, has been used in what precedes.
Hooke was a very ingenious man and a skilful experi
menter. Here we are only concerned with his speculations
9
Cf. alsoW. W. Rouse Ball, A Short Account of theHistory ofMathe
matics, 4th. ed., London, 1908, p. 315. Cf. also Rosenberger, op. cit. pp. 71-73.
10
Rosenberger, op. cit., p. 35.
11
The Posthumous Works of Robert Hooke,.. Containing his Cutlerian
Lectures and other Discourses Read at the Meetings of the Illustrious Royal
Society. In which_, published by Richard Waller, London, 1705.
12
Ibid., pp. i-xxviii.
18
Memoirs of the Life, Writings, and Discoveries of Sir Isaac Newton,
Edinburgh, 1855,Vol. I, pp. 285, 286; 2d. ed., 1860,Vol. I, p. 249.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 359

on gravitation and his relations with Newton on this point.

The biographical details intowhich we have entered are
very much to the point when we are considering Hooke's
on the
work theory of gravitation. Hooke's education,
owing to his health and worldly circumstances, was in
complete. Owing to these reasons and his ill fortunewith
his inventions and writings, he was jealous and embittered.
His speculations show that he was, I think,quite the equal
of Newton in imagination. As a mathematician he was
vastly inferior toNewton, and hence his merits have been
less noticed than they deserve to be, since they lie in the
shadow of the great theorywhich was almost completed by
Newton with unrivaled mathematical talent. And lastly,
Newton himself seems to have underestimated the value
ofHooke*s work and perhaps even its influence on himself.
Both in his researches on the theory of gravitation and in
his discovery of the method of fluxions, Newton showed
at first an almost complete lack of interest in his rights of
authorship, and later, when a question of whether others
had plagiarized fromhim arose, he showed himself touchy,
suspicious, to attribute meannesses to others, and
ready
ready to expend great labor in the carrying out of a mean
action. An example of this last unenviable characteristic
is given by the discovery, after Newton's death, of a first
draft in Newton's own handwriting of an account?in
Newton's favor?of the dispute between Newton and Leib
niz and their supporters about the invention of the infini
tesimal calculus. This document was intended to appear

as, and was indeed printed as, the unbiassed report of a

committee of independent judges appointed by the Royal
Society.
Newton's amanuensis has left on record how Newton,
with apparent carelessness, used to leave a box of guineas
lying about in his rooms at Trinity College, Cambridge.
The amanuensis thinks it possible that this was done to
 THE MONIST.
36

test the honesty of the old woman who made his bed and
cleaned his rooms. It is difficultnot to be forced to think
that we see some analogy between his scientific and his
domestic methods. If we resist this temptation, we shall
have to assume that in early lifeNewton was either not
conscious of the importance for science of his discoveries
or even did not esteem science itself very highly, but that
in later life his sense of property grew so strong that it
embraced even things forwhich he did not care. I do not
think that it can be maintained that Newton, at any rate
until he was old, did not really esteem science highly. He
wrote14 indeed to Hooke in 1678 that he "had for some
years past been endeavoring to bend" himself "from phi
losophy to other studies in so much," said he, "that I have
long grudged the time spent in that study unless it be per
haps at idle hours sometimes for a diversion," and15 that
his "affection for philosophy" was "worn out, so that," as
he said, "I am almost as little concerned about it as one
tradesman uses to be about another man's trade or a coun

tryman about learning" ; and16 toHalley in 1686 that "Phi

losophy is such an impertinently litigious Lady that a man
had as good be engaged in lawsuits as have to do with her.
I found it so formerly, and now I am no sooner come near
her again, but she gives me warning." Still, Newton for

tunately did not then abandon "philosophy." He hated

and was irritated by controversy, but in spite of this he
only abandoned the science which gave rise to the con
troversies he suffered so impatientlywhen he was honored
and prosperous and when nobody inEngland had the pre
sumption to set up an opinion against that of the great
and god-like Newton.
Nor could Newton have been under the delusion that
14
W. W. Rouse Ball, An Essay on Newton's Principia, London, 1893, p.
141 ; cf. pp. 155, 157.
"Ibid., p. 44.
"Ibid., pp. 158-159.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 361

his discoveries were of littlemoment to science. So we

must, I think, infer that his character changed from the
frankness shown in his first printed researches on optics17
to the secretiveness and grudgingness to others shown in
themanner inwhich thePrincipia was written, and in the
jealousy, lack of candor and suspicion shown to all but his
most intimate friends. This change was brought about,
it seems, by the partly irritating controversies?the criti
cisms and objections of Hooke, Huygens, Pardies, Linus,
Gascoigne, Lucas18?to which his early optical researches

gave rise.
We will now turn to Hooke's publications. It seems
true that, as Rosenberger19 says: "Since Hooke, like Bo

relli,was a very clever physicist but no mathematician, he

too could only be the percursor of a greater discoverer in
whose brightness the lesser sun of his fame faded from
view more than it should."

II.

As an indirect result of an inquiry into the nature of

gravity instituted by the Royal Society in 1661,20Hooke
on March 21, 1666, according to Birch,21 "presented a

paper, which was read, containing some experiments of

gravity made in a deep well near Banstead Downs in

Surrey ; towhich was annexed the scheme of an instrument
for finding the difference of theweight, if any, between a
body placed on the surface of the earth, or at a considerable
17
Cf. Rosenberger, op. cit., pp. 67-68.
19
Ibid., pp. 73-117.
19
Ibid., pp. 150-151.
30
Ibid., p. 151.
21
Thomas Birch: The History of theRoyal Society of London for im
proving of Natural Knowledge, from its first rise. In which the most con
siderable of those Papers communicated to the Society which have hitherto
not been published, are inserted in their proper order, as a Supplement to the
Philosophical Transactions, Vol. II, London, 1756, pp. 69-72; the extract is
from pp. 69-70. Cf. pp. 77-78.
3?2 THE MONIST.

distance from it, either upwards or downwards. It was

ordered that this paper should be registered22 as follows:
"
'Gravity, though it seems to be one of themost uni
versal active principles in the world, and consequently
ought to be the most considerable, yet has it had the ill
fate to have been always, till of late, esteemed otherwise,
even to slighting and neglect. But the inquisitiveness of
this later age has begun to find sufficientarguments to
entertain other thoughts of it. Gilbert began to imagine
it a magnetical attractive power inherent in the parts of
the terrestrial globe; the noble Verulam [Francis Bacon]
also, in part, embraced this opinion; and Kepler (not with
out good reason) makes it a property inherent in all celes
tial bodies,?sun, stars, planets. This supposition we may
afterwards more particularly examine; but first itwill be
requisite to consider whether this gravitating or attracting
power be inherent in the parts of the earth, and, if so,
whether it be magnetical, electrical, or of some other na
ture distinct from either.
"
'First then, if itbe magnetical, any body attracted by
itought to
gravitate more, when nearer to its surface, than
"
when farther ofif/
The ingenious experiments, which were conducted at
the tops ofWestminster Abbey and St. Paul's Cathedral,
led, however, to no result.23

III.

On May 23, 1666, according to the Journal Book of the

Royal Society,24 there was read "a paper of Mr. Hooke's
concerning the inflection of a direct motion into a curve
by a supervening attractive principle," which was ordered
22
Register, Vol. III, p. 93.
28
Rosenberger, op. cit., pp. 151-152; Mach, Mechanics, p. 532.

24Waller' ?oc' cit'' ' xi?; B?rch> a'?' ?90~92? Rouse Ball, Essay, p.
151
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 363

to be registered.25 "The discourse contained therein," says

Waller, quoting Hooke, "is an introduction to an experi
ment to show that circular motion is compounded of an
endeavor by a direct motion by the tangent and of another
endeavor tending to the center."
This paper is as follows :26
"I have often wondered why the planets should move
about the sun according to Copernicus's supposition, being
not included in any solid orbs (which the ancients possibly
for this reason might embrace) nor tied to it,as their cen
ter, by any visible strings ; and neither depart from it be
yond such a degree, nor yet move in a straight line as all
bodies that have but one single impulse ought to do., For
a solid body, moved in a fluid towards any part?unless it
be protruded aside by some near impulse, or be impeded
in that motion by some other obviating body, or that the
medium through which it ismoved be supposed not equally
penetrable every way?must persevere in its motion in a

right line, and neither deflect thisway nor thatway from it.
But all celestial bodies, being regular solid bodies, and
moved in a fluid and yet moved in circular or elliptical
lines and not straight, must have some other cause besides
the first impressed impulse that must bend their motion
into that curve. And for the performance of this effect I
cannot imagine any other likely cause besides these two:
The firstmay be from an unequal density of themedium
throughwhich the planetary body is to be moved. That is,
ifwe suppose that part of the medium which is farthest
from the center, or sun, to be more dense outward than
thatwhich ismore near, itwill follow that the direct mo
tionwill be always deflected inwards by the easiest yielding
of the inward and the greater resistance of the outward
part of thatmedium. This has some probabilities attend
25
Register, Vol. III, p. 114.
28
Birch, op. cit., pp. 90-91.
 THE MONIST.
364

ing it: thus, that if the ether be somewhat of the nature

of the air, it is rational that that part which is nearer the
sun, the fountain of heat, should be most rarified, and con
sequently that those which are most remote should be most
dense; but there are other improbabilities that attend this
supposition which, being nothing to my present purpose,
I shall omit.
"
'But the second cause of inflecting a direct motion
into a curve may be from an attractive property of the
body placed in the center whereby it continually endeavors
to attract or draw it to itself. For if such a principle be
supposed, all the phenomena of the planets seem possible
to be explained by the common principle of mechanical
motions, and possibly the prosecuting this speculation may
give us a true hypothesis of theirmotion, and from some
few observations theirmotions may be so far brought to
a certainty that we may be able to calculate them to the
"
greatest exactness and certainty that can be desired/
Hooke illustrated themotions of the planets about the
sun
by
means of an experiment with a conical pendulum.27
The force to the center, in this case, increases with the
distance, which is not so with the attraction of the sun.
The experiment was thus merely superficially imitative
and not explanatory, and the most interesting thing was
a second pendulum-experiment which imitated the motion
of themoon. Hooke added a smaller ball which he made
to swing round the firstbymeans of a short string thatwas
fastened to the wire; he then remarked "that neither the
bigger ball which represented the earth nor the less which
represented themoon were moved in so perfect a circle or
ellipsis as that inwhich theywould otherwise have moved
if either of them had been suspended and moved singly,
37
Cf. Waller, loe. cit., p. xii; Birch, op. cit., pp. 91-92; Brewster, op. cit.,
Vol. I, pp. 283-286 ; 2d ed., pp. 247-249; Rosenberger, op. cit., pp. 152-153;
S. P. Rigaud, Historical Essay on the first Publication of Sir Isaac New
ton's Principia, Oxford, 1838, pp. 38-40.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON.
365

but that a certain point, which seemed to be the center of

gravity of these two bodies, however posited28 (considered
as one), seemed to be regularly moved in such a circle or

ellipsis, the two balls having other peculiar motions in

small epicycles about the same point."
"This last observation reminds us," says Rigaud, "of
the fundamental property ofmotion in the eleventh section
of the firstbook of thePrincipia ;but thatwas much more
than Hooke could have demonstrated, and indeed his ex
periment, though it answered the immediate purpose of
illustrating his hypothesis, admitted no further reasoning
to be derived from it as to themotion of the planets. He
was aware that it did not represent the true action of gravi

tation, because the tendency towards themiddle (there was

no fixed point to which the body was constantly drawn)
increased with the horizontal distance, which he knew to be
wrong, although he gave no indication at the time of his
knowing what the law really was by which the variation of
was
gravity regulated."
The eleventh section of the firstbook of thePrincipia is
on the motions of bodies under their mutual attractions,
and here, for the first time in thePrincipia, is applied the
third law of motion?or rather that (fourth) corollary
from it known as the principle of the conservation of the
center of gravity. Hooke's name is not mentioned in con
nection with the third law inNewton's scholium, but here
and, as we shall see, elsewhere, Hooke made quite percep
tible advances towards both this law and theNewtonian con
ception of "mass." In neither case did he bring his thoughts
into the form of a definite enunciation, but he may, I think,
be considered as occupying in this respect a position inter
mediate between Descartes and Newton.
The instinctivenature of the third lawmay also be illus
*Brewster has here the misprint "pointed."
 THE MONIST.
366
trated by an extract from Birch's History29 which imme
diately follows the account of Hooke's paper just re
ferred to :
"Mr. Oldenburg produced a letter written to him by
Dr. Wallis fromOxford, May 19, 1666,30 in answer to the
objections made at the preceding meeting against his hy
pothesis of the tides. This lettergiving occasion to renew
the discourse upon that subject, Dr. Goddard offered to the
consideration of the Society this doubt, viz., supposing
the earth and moon to move about a compound center
of gravity, if the highest tides be at new moon when the
earth is farthest from, and the moon nearest to the sun,
and the tides abate as the earth approaches nearer till she
comes into the supposed circle of her annual motion; why
they do not abate, as the earth comes still nearer to the
sun within the said circle? And so why we have not one
spring-tide and one neap-tide in every course of the moon ?"
Let us return to Hooke's idea?an idea which is a con

sequence of Galileo's considerations and was shared by

Wren and the planetary mo
Halley31?of compounding
tions of a direct tangential motion and an attractive motion
towards the central body. Hooke in a letter to Newton
of 167932 asked forNewton's thoughts on this idea. New
ton in his answer said33 that so far as he remembered he
had not before heard of this "hypothesis." Hooke, judg
ing from his manuscript comments on this letter,34did not
believe this statement. There seems no reason to doubt
Newton's word; we know that such ideas were not peculiar
toHooke alone, and further, building on the dynamics of
29
Vol. II, p. 93.
80
Letter-Book, Vol. I, p. 320: It is printed in the Phil. Trans., No. 16, pp.
281-283, end of the 2d section.
81
Rouse Ball, Essay, p. 162.

"Ibid., p. 140.
88
Ibid., p. 141.

"Ibid., pp. 144-145, 152.

 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 367

Galileo, Newton was surely quite capable of extricating

and applying such an idea.

IV.

In March, 1671,35 Hooke "showed several experiments

to explain the nature and cause of gravity: particularly,
on the 9th, an experiment was made in which some flour
put into a void shallow glass with a large sloping brim and
a pretty tall footwas made to rise and run over like a fluid,
by the knocking on the edge of the glass, and also by the
forcibly moving of one's finger round the edge of the
same. Leaden bullets also being put into this glass, did, by
knocking, move it like a fluid.... This was proposed to con
sider what might be the cause of gravity and suggest an
.. ."
hypothesis to explicate themotion of gravity by.
v.
Later Hooke resumed the consideration of the subject
of the planetary motions, and in a work which appeared
in 1674s6 he published some interesting observations on
"I shall hereafter," he says,37 "explain a system
gravity.
of the world, differing inmany particulars from any yet
known but answering in all things to the common rules of
mechanical motions. This depends upon three supposi
tions. First, that all celestial bodies whatsoever have an
attraction or gravitating power towards their own centers

whereby they attract not only their own parts and keep
them from flying from them, as we may observe the earth
to do, but that they also do attract all the other celestial
bodies that are within the sphere of their activity; and
consequently that not only the sun and moon have an in
88
Waller, loe. cit., pp. xiv-xv.
99
An attempt to prove the Annual Motion of the Earth, from Observations
made by Robert Hooke, London, 1674; Cf.. Phil. Trans., No. 101, p. 12. Cf.
also Brewster, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 286-288, 2d ed., Vol. I, pp. 249-251; Rosen
berger, op. cit., pp. 153-155; Rouse Ball, Essay, pp. 151-152.
87
At the end, pp. 27-28.
368 THE MONIST.

fluence upon the body and motion of the earth, and the
earth upon them, but thatMercury and also Venus, Mars,
Jupiter, and Saturn, by their attractive powers, have a
considerable influence upon its motion, as in the same man
ner the corresponding attractive power of the earth has a
considerable influenceupon every one of theirmotions also.
The second supposition is this, that all bodies whatsoever
that are put into a direct and simplemotion will so continue
to move forward in a straight line till they are, by some
other effectual powers, deflected and bent into a motion de
scribing a circle, ellipsis, or some other more compounded
curve line. The third supposition is that these attractive
powers are so much the more powerful in operating, by
how much the nearer the body wrought upon is to their own
centers. Now what these several degrees are I have not

yet experimentally verified ;but it is a notion which, if fully

prosecuted as itought to be, will mightily assist the astron
omer to reduce all the celestial motions to a certain rule,
which I doubt will never be done truewithout it. He that
understands the nature of the circular pendulum and of
circular motion will easily understand thewhole ground of
this principle, and will know where to find direction in
nature for the true stating thereof. This I only hint at
present to such as have ability and opportunity of prose
cuting this inquiry and are not wanting of industry for
observing and calculating, wishing heartily such may be
found, having myself many other things in hand which I
would first complete, and therefore cannot so well attend it.
But this I durst promise the undertaker, that he will find
all the great motions of theworld to be influenced by this
principle, and that the true understanding thereofwill be
the true perfection of astronomy."38
88
In quoting this passage, which Delambre (Astronomie du i8me Si?cle,
pp. 9, 10) admits to be very curious, he scarcely does justice to Hooke when
he says that what it contains is found expressly in Kepler. It is quite true
that Kepler mentioned as probable the law of squares of the distances, but
he afterwards, as Delambre admits, rejected it for that of the simple dis
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 369

"In this remarkable passage," says Brewster, "the doc

trine of universal gravitation and the general law of the
planetary motions are clearly laid down. The diminution
of gravity as the square of the distance is alone wanting to
complete the basis of the Newtonian philosophy, but even
this desideratum was in the course of a few years supplied
by Dr. Hooke." We will speak of this in the seventh sec
tion.

VI.

In Hooke's Cometa of 1678, he speaks not only dis

tinctly of a "kind of gravitation by which the planets are
attracted and have a towards the sun as terres
tendency
trial bodies have towards the center of the earth,"39 but
considers comets as probably acted upon by the same force
and moving by the effect of it in curvilinear paths.40

VII.

Hooke, after Oldenburg's death, became secretary of

theRoyal Society, and accordingly wrote a friendly letter
on November 24, 1679,41 to Newton, expressing a hope
that he would continue to make communications to the
Society, and, among other things, asking Newton to com
municate to him any objection he might have to Hooke's
idea of compounding tangential and central motions, re
ferred to in the third section above. Newton, in his reply
of November 28, excused himself from the proposed cor
respondence on the grounds of a cessation of his interest
in "philosophy," but he courteously discussed some of the
tances. Hooke, on the contrary, announces it as a truth. Clairaut has justly
remarked that the example of Hooke and Kepler shows how great is the
difference between a truth conjectured or asserted and a truth demonstrated.
This note is Brewster's.
89
P. 31.
40
P. 44. Cf. Rigaud, op. cit., p. 38, and Rouse Ball, Essay, p. 157.
of the letters, or drafts of them, together with Hooke's comments,
ttJMost
in this correspondence between Hooke and Newton are in the Library of
Trinity College, Cambridge, and are printed in Rouse Ball's Essay, pp. 138
153; cf. pp. 18-24. Cf. also Rosenberger, op. cit., pp. 155, 167-171.
370 THE MONIST.

topics suggested by Hooke, and mentioned that it had oc

curred to him that a demonstration of the earth's diurnal
rotationmight be obtained by seeing whether a stone,when
falling freely, deviated in an easterly direction from the
perpendicular, and added that the free path was part of a
spiral which passed through the earth's center. The ques
tion simply concerned the composition of themotion of the
stone round the earth's axis with its falling motion.42
This letter was read to the Society on December 4,
1679; and to this reading referWaller's43 words:
"An experiment being suggested to try whether the
earth moved with a diurnal motion or not, by the fall of
a body from a considerable height, alleging itwould fall
to the east of true perpendicular, Mr. Hooke read a dis
course upon that subject, wherein he explained what the
line described by a falling body must be, supposing it to
be moved circularly by the diurnal motion of the earth,
and perpendicularly by the power of gravity, and showed
itwould not be a spiral line, but an excentrical-elliptoid,
supposing no resistance in the medium, but supposing a
resistance, it would be an excentric-ellipti-spiral, which
after many revolutions, would rest in the center at last;
that the fall of the body would not be directly east but to
the south-east, and more to the south than the east. This
was tried, in which the ball was still found to fall to the
south-east."44
On December 9, Hooke wrote again to Newton;45 the
letter is lost, but it seems to have been to the same effect
as the communication to the Royal Society. Newton's
reply ismissing, but Newton wrote toHalley in 1686 that
Hooke's "letters occasioned my finding themethod of de
termining figures" described under a central force and
"Birch, History, Vol. Ill, 1757, pp. 512-513; Rouse Ball, Essay, p. 145.
"
Loc. cit., p. xxii.
"Cf. Birch, History, Vol. Ill, p. 516; Rouse Ball, Essay, p. 146.
48
Rouse Ball, Essay, pp. 145, 152.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 371

finding thus the ellipse,46 and "his correcting my spiral

occasioned my finding the theorem by which I afterwards
examined the ellipsis."47
It must be added that inHooke's letter of January 6,
1680,48the law of attraction (varying as the inverse square
of the distance) is explicitly stated,49 and Newton, in the
scholium to the fourth proposition of the second section
of the first book of the Principia, gave Hooke credit for
this.
These are the facts on which was based the controversy
between Hooke and Newton about the discovery of the
theory of gravitation. We shall here pass over this con
troversy, and in the next section will give some account
of Hooke's fundamental physical views, among which is
the beginning of a conception of "mass" as distinct from
the Cartesian idea of a plenum of matter whose essence is
extension. Hooke considered an ether containing pieces
of matter, apparently qualitatively different.
However, we must here give some account of a rather

pathetic incident which occurred as a result of the con

troversy between Hooke and Newton about the discovery
of the theory of gravitation.
In 1813, says Rigaud,* a collection of letters was
printed from the originals in the Bodleian Library of Ox
ford,with some biographical notices taken from themanu
scripts of J.Aubrey in theAshmolean Museum of Oxford.
Among these last was a letter fromAubrey to A. Wood
on the claims of Hooke to the discoveries which were said
to pass forNewton's. Aubrey's own authority on such a
point is not great, and the letter therefore, as it is printed,
46
IM., p. 165.
47
Ibid., p. 167.
48
It must be remembered that at that time in England the year began on
March 25, so that this date was thenJanuary 6, 1679.
48
Rouse Ball, Essay, p. 147.
*
Op. cit., pp. 41-42.
372 THE MONIST.

is not only obscure, but deprived of its real value. The

editor has given a long passage which he states to be taken
fromwhat is inHooke's handwriting; but he has inserted
it in thewrong place, in such a manner as tomake it appear
to be merely a loose paper which Aubrey had sent to his
correspondent. a reference however to the the original,
By
itwas found that the lettermust have been written under
Hooke's immediate direction; it is not only corrected and
altered by him inmany places, but by far the greater part
consists of additions which he has made with his own
hand. This letter is reproduced by Rigaud.* As Rigaud's
work is rather rare we will here reproduce the letter of
Aubrey and Hooke spoken of.
"Sept. 15, 1689.
"Mr. Wood!
"Mr. Rob. Hooke, R.S.S., did in anno 1670 write a dis
course called, An Attempt to prove the Motion of the
Earth, which he then read to theRoyal Society ;but printed
it in the beginning of the year 1674. . . .f to Sir John
Cutler, to whom it is dedicated, wherein he has delivered
the theory of explaining the celestial motions mechanically ;
his words are
these, pag. 27, 28. viz.J
"About 9 or 10 years ago Mr. Hooke writ to Mr. Isaac
Newton of Trin. Coll. Cambridge, to make a demonstra
tion of [it] thisTheory, not telling him at first the propor
tion of the gravity to the distance, [and] nor what was
the curved line that was therebymade.
"Mr. Newton [did express], in his answer to the letter,
did express that he had not thought? of it ; and in his first
* In the following was
Ibid., pp. 52-55 of Appendices. letter, whatever
inserted by Hooke is in italics. Aubrey's words are enclosed in square
brackets when they have been erased in order that others might be substituted
for them.
fThe words here are not legible, but probably they make mention of
Hooke "as lecturer to Sir John Cutler," or something to that purport.

XHere a space is left in which Aubrey evidently intended to insert the

passage.
? "known" is written over "thought" ; but the first word is not erased.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 373

attempt about it,he calculated the curve by supposing the

attraction to be the same at all distances : upon which Mr.
Hooke told him in his next letter thewhole of his Hypoth
esis, seil, that the gravitation was reciprocal to the square
of the distance, which would make themotion in an ellipsis,
in one ofwhose foci the sun being placed, the aphelion and
perihelion of the planet zvould be opposite to each other in
the same line, zvhich is thewhole celestial theory, concern
ingwhich Mr. Nezvton hath made a demonstration, not at
all owning he received the first intimation of it fromMr.
Hooke. Likewise Mr. Newton has in the same book
printed some other theories and experiments ofMr. Hooke's
as that about the oval figure of the earth and sea, without
acknowledging from whom he had [it] them, though he
had not sent it up with the other parts of his book, tillnear
a month after this theorywas read to theSociety byR. H.,
(Mr. Hooke,) when it served to help to answer Dr. Wallis
his arguments produced in theR. S. against it.
66IntheAttempt to prove theMotion of theEarth, etc.,
printed 16/4, but read to theRoyal Society 1671, pag. 27,
lin. 31.
"
(I shall only for the present hint, that I have, in some
observations, discovered some new mo
of my foregoing
tions even in the earth itself, which perhaps were not
dreamt of before, which I shall hereafter more at large
describe, when further trials have more fully confirmedand
completed these beginnings. .At which time also I shall
explain a system of the world* But these degrees and
proportions of the power of attraction in the celestial bodies
and motions were communicated toMr. Newton by R.
Hooke in the year 1678 by letters, as will plainly appear
both by the copies of the said letters,and the letters ofMr.
Newton in answer to them,which are both in the custody

* Here follows the extract in ? V above down to "ex

already reproduced
perimentally verified."
 374 the monist.

of the said R. H., both which also were read before the
Royal Society at their public meeting, as appears by the
Journal Book of the said Society.'*
"Mr. Wood!
"This is the greatest discovery in nature, that ever was
since theworld's creation : it never was so much as hinted
by any man before. I know you will do him right. I hope
you may read his hand: I wish he had writ plainer, and
afforded a littlemore paper.
Tuus,
"J. Aubrey_
"Before I leave this town I will get of him a catalogue
of what he hath wrote, and as much of his inventions as
I can ; but they are many hundreds ; he believes not fewer
than a thousand. 'Tis such a hard matter to get people
to do themselves right."
Other lettersf in the Bodleian, of which Rigaud's ex
tracts are given here, show that Hooke had been inces
santly urging Aubrey to procure some notice of him by
Wood. Thus :
"London, Sept. 15, 1674. Mr. Hooke told me, (who
has looked over your bookj), that you have leftout several
eminent men. You have not either mentioned him, which
I desired. England has hardly produced a greater wit, viz.
for mechanics."
"Gresham Coll., March 2, 1691-2. Mr. Wood! I ac

quainted you, some weeks since, thatMr. Hooke (now Dr.

Hooke) desired you to do him the favor to send him a
transcript of what you are to print concerning him. I have
not yet heard from you about it : and Dr. Hooke doth again
* In the
Journal Book of the Royal Society there is no mention of any
such correspondence in 1678, or in 1679 till December. It was a mistake there
fore in Hooke to refer to the former of these two years.
From this point the quotation, "But it is a notion_the true perfection of
astronomy" is resumed.

t Ibid., pp. 56-57 of Appendices.

tHistoria et Antiquitates Univers. Oxon.; published in 1674.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 375

this day earnestly desire you would be pleased to write as

aforesaid, as soon as you can possibly: for itdoth (he says)
concern him. He will repay you for the trans
exceedingly
cription,which I shall deliver to you when I come to you."
"London, March 3, 1691-2. Mr. Wood! I sent you
a letter some weeks since that Dr. Hooke remembers him
very kindly to you, and does earnestly request you to do
him the favour to send him a transcript of what you intend
towrite of him, with all possible speed ; and he will repay
you for the transcribing. To this purpose I yesterday left
a letterwith Mr. Bennet; but to-day speaking with Mr.
Bennet, he tells me that he sent a letter from you to me,
by the penny-post, on Saturday last: my landlady affirms
she received it not. Now your book* drawing to an end,
I, not knowing what the consequence of that lettermay be,
thought it a sure way to trouble [you] with this letter by
the post."

"April 13, 1692, Gresham College. Dr. Hooke does

again desire, ifyou do make any mention concerning him,
you would favour him with a copy of it,before itgoes to the
press, and he will gratify you in anything that is equiva
lent. He remembers him kindly to you, and will be ready
to serve you in any thing thatmay lie in his way."

VIII.

To "A Discourse of theNature of Comets ; read at the

Meetings of the Royal Society soon after Michaelmas,
1682," in Hooke's Posthumous Works,50 "we have....
here annexed," saysWaller,51 "a pretty large, and (if I
may be allowed to speak) an ingenious discourse of gravity
or gravitation. The running title will direct the reader
to it. In this he considers the most known properties of
*A theme
Oxonienses, of which the firsteditionwas completed and pub
lished in 1692.
60
Posthumous Works, pp. 149-185; cf. Rosenberger, op. cit., pp. 156-157.
81
Posthumous Works, pp. 149-150.
 376 THE MONIST.

the celestial bodies, and having made several deductions

from observations, as to the nature of the ether, air, and
the like, inwhich in transita he explains thunder and light
ning, asserting a l?vitation, as well as gravitation (or a
receding from, as well as tendency towards the center) ;
having also shown that the ether or vast fluid expansum
is themedium to convey themotions of gravitation as well
as light ; he comes in the next place to treatmore particu
larly of body and motion, explaining what he understands
by each of them, and then treating of motion, says that
the two great laws of motion are light and gravity, and,
having before treated of the former, he comes to ex

plain the latter more particularly when, having shown

that there is such a thing as gravity, with the limits and
proportions of its power, and that it exerts it in all bodies,
he comes at last to the principal part, the cause of gravity,
and after the enumeration of its properties, gives his ex
plication and hypothesis of the cause thereof. The author
designed to have answered several objections this
against
his hypothesis, but having replied to one only, the discourse
ends. To supply this defect, I have added some fragments
which I found relating to the same subject, which the
reader will find immediately annexed."
"All solid celestial bodies, then/' says Hooke,52 "have
two properties; first a faculty of emitting or reflecting
light ; secondly an orbicular figure.... The second prop
erty of their orbicular or spherical form is an indication
of another active principle which I conceive universal to
all solid bodies in nature, and that is, of a gravitation or
power of attracting similar solid bodies towards their cen
ters. Which two principles I take to be the most con
siderable and the most active in nature and those from
which the most considerable effects are produced; and
when they are understood and explained as they ought, I
"Ibid., p. 166.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 377

question not but that theywill afford us solutions and rea

sons for a thousand phenomena, the explication of which
does now so much puzzle and perplex us."
From his observation he deduced,53 among other things,
that "the power of gravitation is extended into the ether,
without the atmosphere of bodies, and consequently that
the atmosphere or air is not the cause of gravitation, but
rather the ether, inwhich the atmosphere or air is but a
kind of dissolution, as salt or tinctures are dissolved in
water or other and that from thence comes even
liquors,
the gravitation of the atmospheres to their incompassed
bodies ;which we observe bymany other experiments made
here upon the earth. For it is evident that bodies in a re
ceiver, exhausted or emptied of the air bymeans of the ex
hausting engine, or any other ways, have not less of grav

ity towards the perpendicular or center of the earth than

the bodies in the open and free air ; nay they are found to
be proportionably heavier, by how much a body of the air,
equal to them in bulk, has been found to be lighter than
them; which is an experiment that has often been tried."
To prove these deductions, Hooke demonstrated "four
particulars" ; first explaining what notions his expressions
are meant to convey.54
"I conceive then the whole of realities that any ways
affect our senses to be body and motion. By body I con
ceive nothing else but a reality that has extension every
way, positive and immutable, not as to figure but as to
quantity ; and that the body, as body, is the same whatever
figure it be of, as a quart of water is a quart of water, or
a certain quantity of body, though contained in a globe,
cylinder, cone, cube, quart pot, or any other figured con
taining vessel : and as body, it is indifferentto receive any
figure whatever ; nor has itmore extension in one than in
1531
Ibid., pp. 168-169.

"Ibid., pp. 171-172.

 THE MONIST.
378
the other vessel, nor can it have less ; nor is itmore essen

tially a body when solid, as ice, than when fluid; that is,
theminims of it are equally disposed to motion or rest in
position to each other; and therefore body, as body, may
as well be, or be supposed to be indefinitelyfluid as defi
nitely solid ; and consequently there is no necessity to sup
pose atoms, or any determinate part of body perfectly solid,
or such whose parts are incapable of changing position one
to another; since, as I conceive, the essence of a body is
determinate extension, or a power of being unalter
only
ably of such a quantity, and not a power of being and con
tinuing of a determinate quantity and a determinate figure,
which the anatomists suppose. These I conceive the two
powers or principles of theworld, towit, body and motion ;
uniformity of motion making a solid and dififormityof the
motion of the parts making a fluid, as I shall prove more at
large by and by.
"By motion I understand nothing but an alteration, or
power of alteration of theminims of a whole in respect of
one another, which power may be increased or diminished
in any assignable quantity ; but the natural balance of the
universe is reciprocal to the bulk or extension, or to the
quantity of the other power, body.
"These two I take to be two single powers, which co
operate in effecting themost of the sensible and insensible
effects of the world."
And again:55
"As for matter, that I conceive in its essence to be
immutable, and its essence being expatiation determinate,
it cannot be altered in its quantity either by condensa
tion or rarefaction; that is, there cannot be more or less
of that power or reality, whatever it be, within the same
expatiation or content; but every equal expatiation con
tains, is filled, or is an equal quantity of materia; and the
"Ibid., pp. 172-173.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 379

densest or heaviest, or most powerful body in the world

contains no more materia than that which we conceive to
be the rarest, thinnest, lightest, or least powerful body of
all ; as gold, for instance, and ether, or the substance that
fills the cavity of an exhausted vessel, or the cavity of the
glass of a barometer above the quicksilver. Nay, as I shall
afterwards prove, this cavity ismore full, or a more dense
body of ether, in the common sense or acceptation of the
word, than the gold is of gold, bulk for bulk ; and that be
cause the one, viz., themass of ether, is all ether; but the
mass of gold which we conceive is not all gold but there
is an intermixture, and that vastly more than is commonly
supposed, of etherwith it ; so that the vacuity, as it is com
thought, or supposed, is a more dense
monly erroneously
body than the gold as gold. But ifwe consider the quan
tityof thewhole content of the one with that of the other,
within the same or equal quantity of expatiation, then are
they both equally containing themateria or body.
"This possibly may at first hearing seem a little para
doxical, ifnot absurd ;however I doubt not but that by the
sequel ofmy discourse I shall be able tomake it somewhat
more plausible, if not positively and undeniably demon
strate it so to be.
"The second principle or power, which is motion, is
of a quite differing nature, and may be rarified and con
densed, diminished or increased, within the same quantity
of body or matter, in any proportion assigned ; that is, the
same quantity of the first power, body or part of matter,
may receive any assignable quantity of the second, that is,
any assignable degree of motion; and being possessed of
it, itmay communicate or lose any assignable part of what
it has, and still the body, as body, remain unaltered and
the same; for as itmay be moved with any motion, how
swift soever itbe supposed ; somay itmove with indefinitely
slow motions, and that so far as that the next step one
38 THE MONIST.

would suppose itmust lose all itsmotion, and remain in

entire rest, and unalterable of position, as to the contiguous
body."
With regard to the second of the "great laws ofmotion
which constitute the form and order of theworld"?grav
ity, the first being light,Hooke56 says:
"By gravity then I understand such a power as causes
bodies of a similar or homogeneous nature to be moved
one towards the other till they are united ; or such a power
as always impels or drives, attracts or impresses motion
into them, that tends thatway, or makes them unite. The
universality of this principle throughout the whole and
everything therein I shall afterwards have more occasion
to explain when I come to the effects of nature in the lesser
bodies. At present I shall only proceed to show it in the
greater bodies of theworld."
"There have been," says Hooke,57 "as many differing
opinions concerning the limits of this power : some extend
ing it too far, and others as extravagantly too little ; some

supposing that wheresoever in the universe a terrestrial

body should be placed, there it would have a tendency
towards the center of the world or earth; and therefore
that in the creation all the terrestrial matter of the chaos
met together and made up the body of the earth. Others,
on the other hand, have been too penurious in limiting its
power to some few miles; some to fiftymiles, others to
a boundary that a cannon well charged with powder would
be able to shoot a bullet out of its reach. But though they
are both enough mistaken, yet they agree in this, that this
power of gravitation does act at some distance above the
surface of the earth."
On the next page, Hooke58 asserts :

"Ibid., p. 176.
11
Ibid., p. 177.

"Ibid., p. 178.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 381

"I say, moreover, that this power is not only placed in

the earth, but that there is the like power in every globular
body in the universe, whether sun or fixed star, planet
primary or secondary, and in the cometical body included,
as I have supposed, within the nucleus of white cloud ap
pearing in the head."
There are many other intelligent remarks on gravity
and the explanation by itsmeans of celestial motions. But
here our object is to collect what details we can of the
growth and the conception ofmass and its connection with
"the quantity of matter."
The bodies most receptive of gravity, according to
Hooke,59 "are such as have their particles of the greatest
bulk and of the closest texture. This the whole series of
grave bodies will sufficientlymanifest; and I shall after
wards prove, when I come to show the texture of body,
what it is that causes bodies to be grave or heavy and
what makes them light, and that it is not the quantity of
matter contained within the same space, but themodifica
tion of thatmatter, and the receptivity it hath of uniform
power."
"I cannot find by any certain experiment," says Hooke,60
"that grave bodies do sensibly decrease in gravity, though
further removed from the surface of the earth ;which was
the intent to an experiment I formerly tried at the top of
the steeple of St. Paul's and atWestminster Abbey, and
may now again be repeated with much more conveniency
and greater advantage at the column on Fishstreet Hill.
For by counterpoising two weights in a curious pair of
scales, first at the top of the steeple and then letting down
one of theweights by a wire of two hundred and four feet
in length, the counterpoise remaining at the top in the
scale, the aequipondium remained: whereas if the gravity
?Ibid., p. 182.

?Ibid., pp. 182-183

 THE MONIST.
382

of the body had increased by approximation to the earth,

theweight let down to the bottom must have weighed the
heavier. But though the difference were insensible in so
small an height, yet I am apt to think some differencemay
be discovered ingreater heights, and in some more curious
ways than those I then used, even in that height; for I
shall in my following discourses plainly show from the
theory thereof that there is necessarily a difference and
that the power of gravity does decrease at farther and
farther distance from the center of the earth, and conse

quently that the line of a projected descending body is not

truly parabolical, but elliptical though it should be made
in vacuo, where the impediment of themedium could make
very little or no alteration."
Then he deals61 with his hypothesis as to the cause of
gravity :
"Suppose then that there is in the ball of the earth such
a motion, as I, for distinction's sake, will call a globular
motion, all the parts thereof have a vibration
whereby
towards and fromwards the center, or of expansion and con

traction; and that this vibrative motion is very short and

very quick, as it is in all very hard and very compact
bodies : that thisvibrative motion communicates or produces
a motion in a certain part of the etherwhich is interspersed
between these solid vibrating parts: which communicated
motion causes this interspersed fluid to vibrate every way
in orbem, from and towards the center, in lines radiating
from the same. By which radiating vibration of this ex
ceeding fluid and yet exceeding dense matter, not only
all the parts of the earth are carried or forced down
towards the center; but the motion, being continued into
the ether interspersed between the air and other kinds of
fluid, causes those also to have a tendency towards the
center ; and much more any sensible body whatever that is
61
Ibid., pp. 184-185.
 ROBERT HOOKE AS A PRECURSOR OF NEWTON. 383

anywhere placed in the air or above it, though at a vast

distance ;which distance I shall afterwards determine and
show with what proportioned power it acts upon bodies
at all distances both without and within the earth : for this
power propagated, as I shall then show, continually dimin
ishes according as the orb of propagation continually in
creases, as we find the propagations of themedia of light
and sound also to do ; as also the propagation of undulation
upon the superficies of water. And from hence I conceive
the power thereof to be always reciprocal to the area of
superficies of the orb of propagation, that is duplicate of
the distance; as will plainly follow and appear from the
consideration of the nature thereof, and will hereafter be
more plainly evinced by the effects it causes at such several
distances.
"This propagated pulse I take to be the cause of the
descent of bodies towards the earth. But itmay perhaps
seem a little strange how the propagation of a motion out
ward should be the cause of themotion of heavenly bodies
downwards. To make this the more intelligible, I shall
mention an observation very commonly known amongst
tradesmen; and that is, the of a hammer or axe
driving
upon the helve, which to do the easiest way, they commonly
strike the end of the helve, holding the helve in their hand
and the axe or hammer at the lower end hanging down

ward, by which means they not only make the axe to go

on upon the helve, but make it ascend, if they continue stri
king, even to their very hand. To apply which observation
tomy present theory, I say that themedium of propagation
is the helve, and the axe or hammer is the grave body that
descends ; so that at every stroke that is given by the globe
of the earth to the propagating medium, one degree of
as
velocity of descent is given to the grave body which is
it were the axe. Now according to the velocity of this
vibrative motion of the earth, so must the power it commu
 the monist.
384
nicates be stronger or weaker. Suppose for instance, there
should be a thousand of these pulses in a second of time,
thenmust thegrave body receive all those thousand impres
sions within the space of that second, and a thousand more
the next, and another thousand the third second, so that
in equal times itwould receive equal degrees of accelera
tion. And if a second of time were again subdivided into
a thousand moments of time, the body would receive one
degree of acceleration in the firstmoment, one more in the
second, a third in a third, and so onwards; so that the
compounded acceleration would be as one in the first sec
ond, three the next second and five the next, and so on
wards ;according as it is observed in themotion of descend
ing bodies.
"The medium that propagates thismotion, I suppose to
be one part of thatwhich permeates most bodies, which we
call by the general name of ether, and thence it proceeds
that themotion is communicated to every part thereof : and
so the momentum of every body becomes proportioned to
its bulk or density of parts, difform to the fluid medium
that communicates the pulse."
Then he62 begins to discuss objections that might be
urged against it,when themanuscript breaks off abruptly.
Among the loose papers of Hooke's which are printed
after this is "An Account of Dr. Isaac Vossius's Hypoth
esis of Gravitation, with some animadversions thereupon."63

Philip E. B. Jourdain.
Cambridge, England.

?Ibid., p. 185.

"Ibid., pp. 201-202.