KONSTANTIN PRESLAVSKY UNIVERSITY OF SHUMEN

FACULTY OF HUMANITIES
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY

STUDIA ACADEMICA ЉUMENENSIA

HISTORY AND ARCHEOLOGY OF SOUTHEAST

EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES – DEDICATED TO 80
ANNIVERSARY OF PROF. RASHO RASHEV (1943-2008)

Vol. 11/2,
2024

Shumen University Press

 STUDIA ACADEMICA ЉUMENENSIA

Editor-in-chief:
Assoc. Prof. Ivo Topalilov, Institute of Balkan Studies and Center of
Thracology ‘Prof. Alexander Fol’ – Bulgarian academy of sciences, Bulgaria

Editorial Board:
Prof. R. Ross Holloway, emeritus, Brown University, USA
Prof. Hansjörg Ubl, emeritus, University of Vienna, Austria
Prof. Wolfgang Wischmeyer, emeritus, University of Vienna, Austria
Prof. Marion Meyer, University of Vienna, Austria
Prof. Andrey Pantev, University of Sofia, Bulgaria
Prof. Ioan Piso, Babeș-Bolyai University, Romania
Prof. Mustafa Sayar, University of Istanbul, Turkey
Prof. Biser Georgiev, University of Shumen, Bulgaria
Prof. Rumen Vatashki, University of Shumen, Bulgaria
Prof. Stoyan Vitlyanov, emeritus, University of Shumen, Bulgaria
Assoc. Prof. Emine Tok, Ege University, Turkey
Prof. Mateusz Zmudzinski, University of Wroclaw, Poland
Prof. John Bodel, Brown University, USA
Prof. Andrew Poulter, University of Birmingham, UK
Dr. Dan Dana, French National Center for Scientific research, France
Dr. Maria-Gabriella Parissaki, National Hellenic research Foundation,
Institute of Historical Research, Athens, Greece
Dr. Ulrike Peter, Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities
(BBAW), Germany
Prof. Ruth Kolarik, Colorado College, USA
Prof. David Parrish, Purdue University, USA
Dr. Danijel Dzino, Macquarie University, Australia
Prof. Stefan Karner, Austrian academy of sciences, Austria
Prof. Grygorii Skundin, Russian academy of sciences, Russia
Prof. Artur Błażejewski, University of Wroclaw, Poland
Dr. Stefan Pop-Lazić , Serbian academy of sciences, Serbia
Dr. Archer Martin, University of Cologne, Germany
Assoc. Prof. Angelos Zannis, Ecole française d’Athènes, Greece
Prof. Olivier Picard, Academie des inscriptions et Belles – Lettres, France
Assoc. Prof. Andreas Pülz, Austrian academy of sciences, Austria
Assoc. Prof. Adrian Robu, Fribourg University, Switzerland
Prof. Stephen Mitchell, emeritus, Exeter University, UK
Dr. Florian Matei-Popescu, Institute of Archaeology, Bucarest, Romania
Assoc. Prof. Svetlana Nedelcheva, Shumen University, Bulgaria
Dr. Bilge Ar, Istanbul Technical University, Turkey
Prof. Michele R. Salzman, University of California, Riverside, USA
KONSTANTIN PRESLAVSKY UNIVERSITY OF SHUMEN
FACULTY OF HUMANITIES
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY

STUDIA ACADEMICA ЉUMENENSIA

HISTORY AND ARCHEOLOGY OF SOUTHEAST
EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES – DEDICATED TO 80
ANNIVERSARY OF PROF. RASHO RASHEV (1943-2008)

edited by
Ivo Topalilov and Svetlana Nedelcheva

Vol. 11/2,
2024

Shumen University Press

 Published with the financial assistance of the
Bulgarian National Science Fund under project
KP-06-MNF/28 of 08.08.2023 and partially
financed by Project RD-08-139/24.02.2023 of the
Faculty of Humanities at Shumen University

ISSN 2367-5446

© 2024 Shumen University Press

Rasho Rashev (1943-2008)
 Contents
Contributions to Cappadocian influences in the architecture and liturgy
of the Early Medieval rock-cut monastery at Murfatlar ....................... 9
George Atanasov

Early Slavic pottery from Ivancha? Possible solutions..........................37

Galina Grozdanova, Deyan Rabovyanov

Secondary tombs from the early Middle Ages in older tumuli in the
Lower Danube area ................................................................................55
Boyan Totev, Cristina Paraschiv-Talmațchi, Tiberiu Potarniche

The production center of metal art at the village of Nadarevo, Targovishte

Municipality (advance notice) ..............................................................72
Stella Doncheva, Stanislav Ivanov, Tihomir Tihov

Analysis of finds (ingots and scrap) from the production centers near
Nadarevo, Targovishte municipality, Part II .........................................83
Stella Doncheva, Nina Archangelova, Ákos Csepregi,
Anikó Angyal, Zita Szikszai

Clothing adornments and jewelry discovered in the early medieval

fortified settlement of Oltina ...............................................................123
Constantin Şova

Early Bulgarian monuments from Kaliakra ....................................... 143

Filip Petrunov

Signs on pottery fragments discovered at Vlădeni-Popina

Blagodeasca ...........................................................................................152
Emilia Corbu

Medieval clothing adornments and jewelry discovered at Tropaeum

Traiani ................................................................................................... 170
Cristina Paraschiv-Talmațchi, Gabriel Talmațchi

Data about Medieval Necropolises in Ruse .........................................191

Svetlana Velikova, Varbin Varbanov
Traditions and innovations in Late Middle Ages Bulgarian female head
coverings .............................................................................................. 208
Kalina Atanasova

The Khan Kaisar. The lead seal of Tervel and Bulgarian realities in the
8th century .............................................................................................222
Zhenya Zhekova

Early medieval Bulgarian seals bearing the name John......................242

Todor Todorov

Enlightening the future of the contingent of the Persians in the Byzantine

army after Theophobos († 842): Theophilos κόμης τῶν Περσῶν (10th C.,
first half)................................................................................................254
Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt, Konstantinos Kalantzis

Lead seal of Nikephoros mystikos, found during archaeological

excavations at Kale Shirokovo .............................................................263
Deyan Dragoev

Medieval coins from the collection of the Park-Museum of Military

Friendship - 1444 ..................................................................................274
Nevyan Mitev

Ottoman silver coin hoard from Military Building V in the Citadel of

Medieval Cherven (14th century) ....................................................... 284
Iskren Velikov

Contributors to the volume .................................................................320

STUDIA ACADEMICA ŠUMENENSIA 11/2, 9-36
© 2024 by Shumen University Press

Contributions to Cappadocian influences in the

architecture and liturgy of the Early Medieval
rock-cut monastery at Murfatlar*
George Atanasov

Abstract: With this article, I continue the theme of the rock monastery near
Murfatlar and its specifics in decoration and architecture, which have no complete
analogue among the other rock monasteries of the 10th century in N/E Bulgaria and
Dobrudja. In this case, the emphasis is on the liturgy, respectively on the liturgical
installations. Attention is drawn to the forms of the apses, often slightly Ω-shaped,
having the altar tables in the apses themselves and to analyses of apses both in
Cappadocia and in rock cloisters in southern Italy, Ispatia and the Crimea. Other
parallels with the Cappadocian churches and especially the multi-throne altars, such
as we see in the Murfatlar churches B1, B2 and B4 and the rock church next to the
village of Krepcha, region Targovishte, are also found. Special attention is paid to the
location of the prostheses. The ways are also sought as these specifics in the
architecture and liturgy in Murfatlar came from Cappadocia.

Keywords: Cappadocia, Prothesis, apse, bathtub, reliquaries

Резюме: Тази статия продължава темата за скалния манастир край

Мурфатлар и неговите специфики в украсата и архитектурата, които нямат
пълен аналог сред останалите скални манастири от X век в Североизточна
България и Добруджа. В случая акцентът е върху литургията, респективно върху
богослужебните съоръжения. Обръща се внимание на формите на апсидите,
често леко Ω-образни, с олтарни маси в самите апсиди и на анализи на същите
както в Кападокия, така и в скални манастири в Южна Италия, Испатия и Крим.
Откриват се и други паралели с кападокийските църкви и особено с
многопрестолните олтари, каквито виждаме в Мурфатларските църкви В1, В2 и

*
This text is the result of scientific research on the Borders and Cultural Models:
Paganism and Christianity in the Contact Zone of the Danube Limes (Scythia Minor
and Moesia Secunda in the 4th – 7th Centuries) Project financed by the Scientific
Research Fund of the Ministry of Education and Science, 17.11.2021-17.11.2024.

9
 George Atanasov

В4 и скалната църква до с. Крепча, Търговищко. Специално внимание се обръща

на разположението на протезите. Търсят се и пътищата, след като тези
специфики в архитектурата и литургията в Мурфатлар идват от Кападокия.

More than 20 years ago, I assumed influences from the

Cappadocian rock-cut churches from the late 9th - 10th centuries in the
interior architecture and decoration of the rock-cut monastery near the
town of Murfatlar, Constanţa district (fig. 1).1 I noticed them in the plan
of the earliest church B-1 (fig. 2), and in the architectonic painting on
the altar screen of church B-4 (fig. 24a). Recently, in a special paper, I
focused on the monastic organization and the dating of the Murfatlar
Monastery, pointing out arguments for habitation as early as the second
half of the 9th century.2 Later on, in the fall of 2022, as part of the project
Borders and Cultural Models: Paganism and Christianity in the Contact
Zone of the Danube Limes (Scythia Minor and Moesia Secunda in the
4th – 7th Centuries), I was able to visit the monastery for the fourth
time and to take a closer look and photograph peculiar elements of its
architecture, furnishings and decoration. Previously, in 2019, I visited
Cappadocia and got to know some of the rock-cut churches in situ -
mainly in the Göreme Valley. As a result, my observation that there is a
similarity between the plan of church B-1 in Murfatlar (fig. 2) and the
Cappadocian churches of St. Symeon in Zelve (fig. 13) and especially of
Nikeatas the Stylite at Gűllű Dere (fig. 12) from the 9th – 10th centuries
was confirmed.3 They are similar in plan (one-apse, one-nave, vaulted
chapels) and have extensive narthexes. Still another peculiarity is the
rounded shape of the apses (in B-3, B-4 and E-3 they are slightly Ω- or
horseshoe-shaped) and the arrangement of the altar tables in the apses
themselves (figs. 3-5, 11). It is known and up to now supported by
thousands of examples that in Early Christian basilicas (respectively
Early Byzantine ones) the altar partitions are low and the ceremonial
“theatre” in the altar was visible to all in the nave.4 This is also the case
in Medieval churches until the 11th century when the gradual closing of
the altar partition with curtains and icons began.5 In rock-cut churches,
the liturgical installations usually do not differ significantly. Indeed,

1
Atanasov 1992, 79-86. Atanasov 1996, 112-124.
2
Atanasov 2021, 63-86.
3
Rodley 1985, 168-170, fig. 34, 35.
4
Delvoye 1966, 246-268; Delvoye 1966a, 900-920; Chadzidakis 1973, 326-330; Wessel
1966, 115-119.
5
Lazarev 1971, 121-124; Chadzidakis 1973, 326-330.

10
 Contributions to Cappadocian influences in the architecture and liturgy of the ...

there are no high screens in front of the altar apse in the Early Byzantine
monasteries along the Suha River and near Dumbrăveni village.6
Observations are similar in the colony of rock-cut monasteries from the
10th - early 11th century along the Kanagyol/ Dristra River and the
neighboring dry rivers between Pliska and Drastar.7
It is not excluded that in Murfatlar we have direct or indirect
influences from Cappadocia. Indeed, several early rock-cut churches
such as the one at Zelve and especially at Gülü Dere (figs. 12, 13)8
encompass closed apses (with liturgical items: altar table, prothesis and
diakonikon or rather additional altars in their interior) and plans very
similar to B-1 at Murfatlar.9 However, some rock-cut churches in Spain
in the provinces along the Ebro River, and in Alava and Treviño in
particular, have a similar arrangement, which raises more questions.
There, especially in the rock-cut churches Gobas 4 and 6, Seracho,
Tartalés, Virgen de la Peňa, San Juliân, Cueva 2, etc., we see a similar
altar arrangement - rounded apses with an altar table in their interior,
solid, rock-cut altar partitions with a narrow door between the apse and
naos (figs. 17, 18, 27). Their dating is controversial though, because we
observe habitation and reuse from the late 6th to the 11th century as the
most peculiar of them refer to the 7th - 8th centuries and are associated
with the Visigoths, who at that time had already rejected Arianism and
accepted Orthodoxy.10 A similar layout with rounded apses and with
solid partitions, is also recorded in some Early Medieval rock-cut
churches in the province of Apulia (now Puglia) in southern Italy
(Jacovelli 1963) (fig. 19).11 In couple of rock-cut churches on the Crimean
Peninsula (Inkerman, Mangup, Shulgan?) we again see extensive
rounded and horseshoe-shaped apses with altar tables in their interior
(fig. 20),12 dated 8th – 10th century. It is curious how in such distant

6
Atanasov 2023, 184-196.
7
Atanasov 2023, 220-237.
8
Rodley 1985, 168-170.
9
Atanassov 1996, 112-124.
10
Palol 1967, 82, 136, 373, 397-401; Garai-Olaun 1988, 159-160, 166-168, 169, 175, 178-182,
247, fig. 22, 26, 27, 31, 33, 74, 82; Jumeno 1989, 49-50, 69-70, 118-124, 130-133, 145-146,
148-150, 252-257, 291-294, 309-312, fig. 16, 28, 72, 74, 83, 100, 102, 109.
11
Jacovelli 1963, 43-58; Jacovelli 1966, 19-25.
12
Yakobson 1964, 32-33, fig. 12; Mogarichev & Ergina 2023, 30-33, 68-70, fig. 50, 177, 187.
The authors, Y. M. Mogarichev & A. S Ergina refer these churches to the 13th – 14th
centuries, when the wall paintings are actually dated. However, it is not excluded that
it is a matter of reusing earlier churches and monasteries, as this, for example, was
registered in the colony of rock-cut monasteries from the 5th – 6th centuries along

11
 George Atanasov

points from Cappadocia, through the Crimean Peninsula, Northeastern

Dobrudja and to Southern Italy and Spain, we observe similar features
of the arrangement of such an important detail in the architecture of
rock-cut churches as the apses, the position of the apse altar tables and
the dense altar partitions. Remarkably, we find such specifics
predominantly in the rock-cut churches in these regions so far from
each other and that they are, as a rule, absent in the hundreds of
masonry churches dated between the 5th and 11th centuries. It seems to
be a stadial phenomenon dictated by the small size of the rock-cut
churches and the naves in particular. Perhaps the lack of enough space
for setting up the altar tables in front of the apse made it necessary to
fit them into the apse itself. This naturally implies apses larger than
usual for arrangement the necessary items, as well as for the movement
around the holy table. Moreover, in the majority of cases the stone block
of the altar table in the presbytery is attached to the eastern wall of the
apse, thus making the services, respectively the Eucharistic liturgy, hard
to perform (figs. 2, 3, 5, 14, 16, 17). This compromise is also a result of the
limited spaces. Rather, it may be attributed to Cappadocian influences,
but the issue remains open to debate. It is noteworthy that, unlike the
churches of the 9th - 11th centuries in Constantinople and in the
Balkans, respectively in Bulgaria, where the altar tables are
predominantly in the bema in front of the apse, in Cappadocia they are
most often inserted in the apse, i.e., in liturgical terms, the apse is also
the bema around the altar. Finally, there in most rock-cut churches, like
those in Murfatlar, the altar tables are attached to the eastern walls of
the apses (figs. 14, 16). The apses themselves are usually horseshoe-
shaped (Ω-shaped) (figs. 13-16), a kind of insignia of the Cappadocian
churches,13 which is rare to appear in other provinces, but is found in
the apses of churches B-3, B-4 and E-3 in Murfatlar (figs. 3-5).
However, there are also other signs of possible influences in the
rock-cut churches in Murfatlar from the Cappadocian rock-cut
monasteries of the 8th -10th centuries.14 I have already commented

Suha River in Dobrudja, revived in the 10th – 11th centuries (Atanasov 2011, 189-218).
This is probably the case on Crimea with the rock-cut church of St. George (Clement)
in Inkerman, frescoed after the 13th century, but there, in the conch of the apse,
appears a relief cross with tendrils (Mogarichev & Ergina 2023, 18, figs. 8-11) with
analogues from the 6th – 8th centuries (Millet 1910, 96-109, figs. 1, 4; Atanasov 1994,
63, note 44).
13
Teteriatnikov 1996, 36-38, 47, 58.
14
Atanassov 1996, 112-124; Atanasov 2023, 198-205.

12
 Contributions to Cappadocian influences in the architecture and liturgy of the ...

earlier that not only the apse, but in general the plan, dimensions and
layout of rock-cut church B-1 (perhaps the earliest one) in Murfatlar
(figs. 1, 2, 9) is very reminiscent of the Cappadocian 9th century rock-
cut church of Nikeatas the Stylite at Gűllű Dere (fig. 12).15 In both
churches, we see relatively large narthexes, almost as large as the naves,
which are common in Cappadocia and Murfatlar respectively. Indeed,
all the churches at Murfatlar, with the exception of B-3, have relatively
large narthexes, especially in B-1, B-2 and E-3, which is also peculiar of
most early Cappadocian churches.16 The worship, liturgical and
funerary functions of the narthex were related to the daily rites and
spiritual needs of the monks and laity. Here we can also add the fact
that, like in Cappadocia, the entrance to the narthexes of all the 6
churches in Murfatlar is through only one door, which distinguishes
them from the practices in Constantinople, the Balkans and the First
Bulgarian Kingdom in the 9th - 10th centuries.17
The Cappadocian rock-cut churches from the 8th - 9th centuries
are peculiar with cut out pools (troughs) for ritual washing,18 which at
first glance we find next to the altar table in Murfatlar B-3.19 Having in
mind the small size of the very shallow “pools” in B-3 (figs. 4, 23c), dug
into porous chalk rock, the probability that they stored water is
minimal, and even more so, there are no traces of plastering with
hydrophobic mortar. Furthermore, in Cappadocia (and in the Early
Christian architecture in general) the pools for ritual washing are
outside the apse next to the church entrance, most often in the narthex
or next to the entrance to the nave, but never in the apse.20 Their
arrangement in close proximity to the altar table in church B-3 suggests
another possibility. It is more likely they were small reliquaries, such as
are recorded in several Cappadocian rock-cut churches and especially
with the two altar tables of the two-aisle St. Basil Church from 9th
century in Mustafapaşa area.21 By the way, between the three altar
pedestals in the central church B-4 there are small openings in the floor,
15
Rodley 1985, 186-188, pl. 168-170.
16
Teteriatnikov 1996, 131, 155-157, 163.
17
Teteriatnikov 1996, 124, 162-163.
18
Teteriatnikov 1996, 94-98, 153-155
19
Damian et al. 2009, 122, fig. 6a; Holubeanu 2020, 182, fig. 21
20
Teteriatnikov 1996, 98-101, 153-154, 227. Two relatively deep square cuts-outs,
flanking the interior entrance to B-3, can hypothetically be interpreted as pools for
ritual washings (fig. 4, 23a). Possibly though, they were holes to anchor the sides of
the wooden door frame.
21
Teteriatnikov 1996, 44, 58, il. 10.

13
 George Atanasov

which hypothetically can also be interpreted as places for treasuring

pieces of relics (figs. 5, 24a). Lastly, on the upper surface of the two (!)
slabs flanking the central altar (additional altars?) of the same church,
there are cut out rectangular ‘boxes’ (figs. 5, 24b, c), in which it is also
possible to embed small reliquaries? In another rock-cut church from
the first half of the 10th century, called “Belrbernitsa”, opposite the Early
Medieval fortress near Tsar Assen village, Alfatar municipality, again at
the foot of the altar, a reliquary chamber was also formed.22
Furthermore, a small hole for keeping relics (reliquary chamber) was
also carved on the top of the altar in the rock-cut church from the early
10th century in Krepcha village, Targovishte region,23 which is
synchronous in dating with the Murfatlar churches.24 This practice of
rock-cut churches in northeastern Bulgarian lands continued in the 12th
- 14th centuries as well.25 Apparently, even in the rock-cut monasteries
from the early 10th century, Canon No. 7 of the Seventh Ecumenical (the
Second Nicene) Council of 787 was strictly followed, which commanded
that an altar should not be consecrated without relics.26
I have already paid special attention to the layout of the altar
screen of B-4,27 respectively a single-colour red - dark ocher painting in
B-4, C1, E3, E5, G-3 and 4 (fig. 24)28 and the close parallels with the early
Cappadocian churches.29 It has already been noticed30 that the rock-cut
St. Marina Church in Apulia, Southern Italy, like B-4, has a three-part
altar screen with two massive pillars. The formation of the altar table
flanked with slabs (of the prothesis and diakonikon?, or rather
additional altars?) in the interior of the apse has been documented with
relevant references to the rock-cut monasteries of Cappadocia.31 In this
sequence, there were also suggestions of Cappadocian cultural
influences in the design and decoration of some of the cloisters at
Murfatlar.32 Therefore, in this direction, we can consider and

22
Atanasov 2023, 225-226, № V.80, fig. 69.b.
23
Georgiev 2023, 80-81, obr. 4, 5.
24
Kostova 2004, 292-293.
25
Georgiev 2023, 79-85, obr. 1, 2, 7-16.
26
Ioannou 1962, 260-261; Stefanov 1998, 307-308.
27
Atanasov 1992, 79-86; Atanasov 1996, 112-124.
28
Barnea & Bîlcurescu 1959, 557, 559, 591; Barnea & Ştefănescu 1971, 191; Barnea 1981,
52, 59, pl. 15; Holubeanu 2020, 175, 177, 178.
29
Restle 1967, 15; Verzone 1962, 134, fig. 17, 18; Restle 1978, 1052, 1080.
30
Agrigoroaei 2007, 569, fig. 4.
31
Jacovelli 1963, 43-58.
32
Atanassov 1996, 112-124.

14
 Contributions to Cappadocian influences in the architecture and liturgy of the ...

supplement still other analogues. It has already been commented that

in the Cappadocian rock-cut churches the side apses and apsidioles
flanking the altar were not the places of the prothesis and diakonikon,
because there is a theory that until the 11th - 12th centuries the protheses
were outside the altar space33 but rather they were in or near the nave.34
This is a controversial thesis, but especially for the rock-cut churches in
Cappadocia, N. Teteriatnikov unambiguously treats the niches and the
slabs cut into them, flanking the altar apse, as additional altars (figs. 14,
15, 26).35 It is known that in Early Christian and Medieval liturgy the
circumventium is invariably at work - the prohibition of one altar to
perform more than one liturgy during the same day. Therefore, for
additional services (memorial, commemorative, dedicated to martyrs
and saints, etc.) in Cappadocia, additional altar tables were formed,
which most often flank the main altar, where the Eucharistic services
were performed. Against this background, it is curious that in most
Murfatlar churches, in addition to the central altar in the center of the
apse (most often fixed to its eastern wall), more stone pedestals are cut
especially in the apse space. In B-1 there are two in the corners of the
apse (fig. 2), in B-2 they are also two - one in the southeastern corner
next to the altar, and the second one is attached to its southern wall (fig.
3), in B-3 there are also two – fixed to the northern and southern walls
of the apse (fig. 4), in B-4 they are two flanking the central altar and
fixed to the eastern wall (figs. 5, 24a-c), and in E-3 there is another one
in the southwestern corner of the apse (figs. 10, 11). If in churches B-1, B-
2, B-3 and E-3 these pedestals could possibly have an auxiliary role in
performing the liturgies, even if we assume (as is usually assumed so
far) that they played the role of prothesis and diakonikon, for the altar
arrangement of B-4 this is very controversial. Their small area also
excludes the possibility of keeping the liturgical utensils (by the way,
this is also peculiar of the pedestals in the other churches in sector B),
as a rule stored in the prothesis. The two massive pedestals flanking the
central altar in B-4 are meticulously shaped, even sculpted like it, of
roughly similar shapes, sizes and height, affixed to the eastern wall of
the extensive Ω-shaped apse (figs. 5, 24a-c). In that, all three pedestals
are clearly visible from the nave of the church. This circumstance makes
me suppose that, like the Cappadocian churches of the 8th - 11th

33
Mathеws 1982, 134; Varalis 2006, 282-290.
34
Teteriatnikov 1996, 41, 58, 80-82.
35
Teteriatnikov 1996, 42, 48-50, 58, 68-69.

15
 George Atanasov

centuries, it is also a question of three altars in Church B-4 in Murfatlar

- one central (Eucharistic) and two additional ones on which more
secondary services were performed - for the deceased, for the martyrs,
saints, etc. And one more argument: it was mentioned above that in the
two pedestals in B-4 there are reliquary-shaped boxes, which is peculiar
only of the altars, but not for the prothesis. It is noteworthy that in
Cappadocia the additional altars are also often in the same nave of the
church as the central altar (figs. 14, 15, 26).36 The question of the lateral
stone pedestals in the apses of the other churches in Sector B in
Murfatlar remains open. I do not exclude the possibility that they
(especially in B-1) were also designed as additional altars for “secondary”
services. Indeed, their small size and location in the corners of the apses
makes them difficult to see from the naves, but the central altars are
hardly noticeable too, given the narrow entrance between the nave and
the apse. It seems curious that in one of the rock-cut churches on
Crimea, for example in the so-called Church “Geography” (“Eugraphia”)
in Inkerman, the central altar is flanked by two monolithically cut-out
pedestals in the corners of the apse in a manner very similar to Church
B-1 in Murfatlar (fig. 21).37 Furthermore, the left pedestal has a recess –
a niche, possibly for keeping relics. Even in the above-mentioned rock-
cut church from the early 10th century near Krepcha village, considered
to have two aisles,38 we again have two altar tables, and in the southern
one (considered secondary?) there is a small reliquary chamber carved
into it.39 At first glance, the parabemas in churches from the second
halve of the 9th to the early 10th century in Pliska, Preslav (fig. 28),
Ravna, and Chernoglavtsi can be interpreted as additional altars. They
are three-apse, respectively with a three-part altar, but the walls
between the central apse - the presbytery and the side ones (parabemas)
are solid and there are no entrances for communication40 - minimal is
the possibility that the side apses can be defined as a prothesis and a
diakonikon - an opinion imposed in Bulgaria almost without
alternative.41 Only T. Smyadovski associates them with an earlier

36
Teteriatnikov 1996, 23-35, 58.
37
Mogarichev & Ergina 2023, 27, ris. 39, 41,44.
38
Kostova 2004, 292-293.
39
Georgiev 2023, 80-81, obr. 4, 5.
40
Čaneva-Dečevska 1980, 33-44, fig. 41, 45; Čaneva-Dečevska 1984, 61-63, 112-116, fig.
30, 76; Georgiev 1985, 65-81; Georgiev 2003, 76-77, obr. 2.
41
Čaneva-Dečevska 1980, 33-44, fig. 41, 45; Čaneva-Dečevska 1984, 61-63, 112-116, fig.
30, 76.

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 Contributions to Cappadocian influences in the architecture and liturgy of the ...

liturgical practice, more precisely with the Syrian liturgy, respectively

that of St. Jacob, which was not practiced in Constantinople and the
Byzantine cultural circle in the 9th - 10th centuries.42 As a matter of fact,
many Syrian churches from the 5th - 6th centuries have side rooms
flanking the apse, which also do not have entrances to the presbytery
and are interpreted as a space for treasuring relics.43 When commenting
on the apse and parabemas of the church in Chernoglavtsi from the 10th
century, P. Georgiev admits that it may be a question of two additional
altars flanking the central - Eucharistic one, in which secondary
liturgies were performed, in this case of Apostle Paul and St. Nikolas.44
Even more, similar practice is found in churches from the 9th century
in Constantinople and especially in NEA EKKLESIA erected by Emperor
Basil I between 867-880, which had 5 altars to perform services for
different saints.45 At this stage, however, in the early churches in Pliska
and Preslav, respectively those in Ravna and Chernoglavtsi, where the
walls between the presbytery and the parabemas are solid, we have no
archaeological traces of additional altar tables, which are clearly visible
in the Murfatlar churches. Therefore, their eventual presence in these
churches remains a possible but unproven hypothesis.
And yet, the question of the location of the protheses in the
Murfatlar churches remains open. Especially in church E-3 there is a
small separate room, north of the nave, which also communicates with
the narthex. There a small Г-shaped pedestal was formed in the
southwestern corner (figs. 10, 11, 25b). I have an assumption that this is
the prothesis of the central monastery church in sector E.46 The other
churches lack similar premises. However, church B-1 contains a hewn
monolithic rectangular pedestal 0.58 x 0.45 m in size, located in the
northeastern corner of the nave, whose height of 0.65 m excludes the
possibility that it was intended for seating (for the individual chairs in
the naves below) and we can assume it was used for a prothesis (figs. 2,
22). It is possible that the block in the southeastern corner of church B-
42
Smjadovski 1976, 33-34; Smjadovski 1983, 11-12.
43
Donceel-Voüte 1991, 198, note 85; Patrich 2006, 84, 386-392.
44
Georgiev 2003, 76-77, fig. 2. This practically means that the church may be earlier
than the time of Tsar Peter I (927-969), because with the introduction of the
Constantinople liturgy in the early 10th century (Smjadovski 1976, 34-36), the
presbytery and parabemas are connected with entrances, and in the earlier churches
(for example, Avradaka - fig. 28b), entrances are additionally carved into the solid
walls separating them (Čaneva-Dečevska 1980, 33-44, fig. 41, 45).
45
Magdalino 1987, 56-57.
46
Atanassov 2023, 103, obr. 90, № III.58.

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 George Atanasov

2 played the same role (fig. 3), but the collapsed walls and installations
do not allow us to determine the height. A similar pedestal with
measures 1.50 x 0.85 x 0.55 m is present also in the southeastern corner
of the nave in church B-3 (fig. 4), which implies prothesis as well. For
the largest church – Catholicon B-4, registering a prothesis in the nave
is problematic. Only by the northern wall to the left of the entrance to
the burial chamber there is a hewn oblong “bench” about two meters
long, about 0.30 m wide and about 0.50 m high (figs. 5, 24d). At first
glance, it seems like a bench to sit on, but the possibility of being a
prothesis should not be completely ruled out. True, this pedestal is
longer, but it is located in the largest and most visited church, including
by lay persons, which implies more offerings, for which a larger area of
the “table” is needed.
Here we can add the benches carved in the naves and narthexes
of the churches in Cappadocia47 and Murfatlar (in B-1, B-2, B-3 and B-
4), mainly near the northern and southern walls, but sometimes also
near the western one. In Cappadocian churches, individual seats around
the eastern wall of the nave are also recorded, intended for
representatives of the supreme clergy and high dignitaries and donors.48
It can be hypothetically assumed that the small stone pedestals in the
eastern corners of the narthex in B-1 (fig. 2) and those flanking the
entrance to the apse in B-2 (fig. 3) had the same function.
Noteworthy is the fact that more than 20 (24?) graves were
discovered in the monastery in Murfatlar (figs. 5-7, 10), including of
several women and children.49 At first sight this circumstance is
unusual for a monastery, even more so a rock-cut one (!), given the ban
on female burials in monastic abodes, already imposed by novel 133 and
canon 47 of the Justinian Code adopted at the Trullan Council
(Quinisext Council) in the late 7th century.50 Nevertheless, special
attention was paid to exceptions in Cappadocia and Murfatlar in the
10th century, where special tombs were set aside for noble ladies if they
were donors to the monastery or had relatives among the monastic
community. It has also been proven that the monastery was
undoubtedly a popular destination for many pilgrims, as evidenced by
numerous graffiti.51 It is remarkable that burials of women, children and

47
Teteriatnikov 1996, 102-110.
48
Teteriatnikov 1996: 113-116, 122-123
49
Damian et al. 2009, 117, 126-131.
50
Popkonstantinov & Kostova 2003, 269.
51
Kostova 1966, 149-172.

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 Contributions to Cappadocian influences in the architecture and liturgy of the ...

even families are also recorded in Cappadocian monasteries, often

accompanied by epitaphs. These were definitely donors or persons of
great authority.52 There, special attention is paid to the fact that carving
rock monasteries require resources and without the help of the secular
society this can hardly be accomplished. In comparison, in the rock-cut
hermitages from the 10th century along the Kanagyol River, the stone-
working operations are much more limited and in most cases they are
within the capabilities of a group of monks without external help. I have
already indicated that only the so-called Gargeshka Church near the
town of Alfatar, like the churches in Murfatlar, was probably carefully
carved with the cooperation of the inhabitants of the nearby fortress in
the Suha Cheshma area.53 The epitaph on the wall of the St. Symeon the
Stylite Church from the early 10th century in Cappadocia is indicative
in this sense, testifying that the monk had prepared his grave before his
death: Until I am alive I dig this burial cave; receive me, O tomb…!.54 The
extensive life of St. Kliment of Ohrid also points out that when he died
on July 27, 916, his body was laid to rest in the monastery he had built
in Ohrid: “...in a grave that he himself, with his own hands, prepared to
the right wall of the front part of the church.”55 In addition to the dating,
the practice of hermits preparing their own graves during their lifetime
also coincides as graves have been recorded in both cell-mortuary
chambers of Nikeatas and Symeon in Cappadocia,56 as well as of
Antonius in Krepcha.57 Most of the churches and cells in Murfatlar (over
20) and the nearby colony of rock-cut monasteries along the
Kanagyol/Dristra River in southern Dobrudja are furnished with burial
chambers as well.58 It is difficult to decipher the meaning of this
practice, but it at least shows a disregard for perishability and death, as
well as an impatient expectation of the separation of the soul from the
flesh and its appearance before the Almighty.
The ways in which these Cappadocian peculiarities show up in
the plans and liturgy of the churches in Murfatlar are curious. They

52
Rodley 1985, 250-253; Teteriatnikov 1996, 179-182, 210.
53
Atanasov 2007, 187, tabl. XIII.1, XLVI. 122; Atanasov 2023, 227, № V-86.
54
Jerphanion 1925, 577-580; Restle 1967, XXI, ill. 217; Rodley, 1985, 193-197, fig. 36.
55
Milev1961,127-130.
56
Rodley 1985, 88
57
Škorpil 1914, 102-104; Konstantinov 1977, 19-27.
58
Barnea & Bilcurescu 1959, 551, 558, fig. 8; Barnea 1981, 86; Damian et al. 2009, 117,
126-131; Atanasov 1991, 28-29; Atanasov 1993, obr. 2.6, 4.16; Atanasov 2007, tabl. XLIV.
107, 108; XLV.112; XLVI. 123; XLVII.128.

19
 George Atanasov

could come as a result of contacts or movement of the Bulgarian

population from Crimea, where Cappadocian influences in church
architecture are even more distinct and documented in written sources.
In addition, we have already paid special attention to the fact that
Bulgarian and foreign sources often talk about the wanderings of monks
over great distances and finally, that in the Middle Ages, monks from
different ethnicities came to live in monastic abodes together.59 This
can also be seen from the numerous inscriptions in Murfatlar. As a
matter of fact, the Old Bulgarian Cyrillic ones prevail - 20, Runic - about
60 and Glagolitic - 2, but there are also 3 Greek inscriptions.60 In
general, pilgrimage is a real opportunity to share liturgical traditions.
The historical sources inform us that from the time of St. Basil the
Cappadocian monks were frequent pilgrims to the Holy Land and
Egypt.61 Monks from Cappadocia, Asia Minor, and Antioch are also
known to have lived and been educated in monasteries in Palestine. For
example, from the life of St. Euthymius (5th century) we learn that he
accepted into his monastery three Cappadocian brothers who became
his disciples. The famous Cappadocian Saint Sabbas, who came to
Palestine in 456-7, was trained in the monasteries there and eventually
founded his own monastery and typikon. Thus, the travels of the monks
and the sharing of traditions by them may have been one of the
motivating forces for the liturgical and architectural development of
these areas, respectively their transfer and their implantation in the
remarkable rock-cut monastery near Murfatlar. Here I will add the
thesis that, unlike the West, monasticism in Byzantium and its cultural
circle was relatively open, it means not isolated from the outside world,
and in that order the monks were connected with the laity (Shreiner
2003, 13-16).62

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 1. General plan of the Murfatlar rock-cut monastery (Damian et al.

2009)
Fig. 2. Plan of church B-1 in Murfatlar (Barnea 1981)
Fig. 3. Plan of church B-2 in Murfatlar (G. Atanasov)

59
Shreiner 2003, 13-15.
60
Barnea & Ştefănescu 1971, 202-221; Beševliev 1977, 50-57; Popkonstantinov 1987, 115-
146; Damian et al. 2009, 124, notes 46-48.
61
Teteriatnikov 1996, 74.
62
Shreiner 2003, 13-16.

20
 Contributions to Cappadocian influences in the architecture and liturgy of the ...

Fig. 4. Plan of church B-3 in Murfatlar (G. Atanasov)

Fig. 5. Plan of church B-3 in Murfatlar (G. Atanasov)
Fig. 6. Plan of crypts C-1 and 2 in Murfatlar (Barnea 1981)
Fig. 7. Location of the churches in sector B in Murfatlar (Agrigoroaei
2007 with additions by G. Atanasov)
Fig. 8. Plan of Sector B in Murfatlar (Agrigoroaei 2007)
Fig. 9. Vertical section of the churches and crypts in Sector B in
Murfatlar (Agrigoroaei 2007).
Fig. 10. General plan of sector E in Murfatlar (Damian et al. 2009 with
additions by G. Atanasov).
Fig. 11. Plan of church E-3 (Catholicon) in sector E in Murfatlar
(Damian et al. 2009 with additions by G. Atanasov)
Fig. 12. Plan of the rock-cut Church of Nikeatas the Stylite at Gűllű
Dere, Cappadocia (Rodley 1985)
Fig. 13. Plan of the rock-cut Church of St. Symeon at Zylve, Cappadocia
(Rodley 1985)
Fig. 14. Plan of the lower church from the 10th century Tokali Kilise in
Cappadocia (Rodley 1985)
Fig. 15. Plan of the upper church Tokali Kilise in Cappadocia (Rodley
1985)
Fig. 16. Plan of the early 11th century Belisarama Church in Cappadocia
(Rodley 1985)
Fig. 17. Plan of the Gobas Church in the province of Álava in Spain
(Garai-Olaun 1988)
Fig. 18. Plan of the Cueva Church in the province of Álava in Spain
(Garai-Olaun 1988)
Fig. 19. Plan of a church in the province of Apulia (now Puglia) in
southern Italy (Jacovelli 1966)
Fig. 20. Plan of the rock-cut church under No. 12 in Inkerman, Crimean
Peninsula (Mogarichev & Ergina 2023)
Fig. 21. Plan of the Geography (Eugrafia) rock-cut church in Inkerman,
Crimean Peninsula (Mogarichev & Ergina 2023)
Fig. 22. View from the nave to the entrance to the apse of church B-1 in
Murfatlar (photo by Barnea 1981).
Fig. 23. Church B-3 in Murfatlar. a. The entrance to the nave of the
church and the diggings flanking the door. b. A view to the apse of the church.
c. Two cassettes dug in on both sides of the altar table (pools, reliquaries?)
(photos by G. Atanasov, Al. Milanova).
Fig. 24. Church B-4. a. The altar screen with the architectonical
monochromatic mural above it. b. The three altars in the apse and small holes
in the floor between them (repositories for relics?). c. The left altar table with
the box carved on it (reliquary?) d. Platform next to the nave northern wall
next to the apse (photos by G. Atanasov).

21
 George Atanasov

Fig. 25. Church E-3 in Murfatlar. a. A view to the altar. b. A small room
north of the naos (prothesis?) (photos by G. Atanasov, Al. Milanova).
Fig. 26. The altar of Tokali Kilise in Cappadocia (photo by Restle 1978).
Fig. 27. The Gobas rock-cut church in the province of Álava in Spain
(photo by Garai-Olaun 1988).
Fig. 28. Three-apse churches with solid walls between the apse and
parabema after N. Čaneva-Dečevska. a. Churches in Pliska. b. Churches in
Preslav.

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Godishnik na Sofiiskia Universitet „Sv. Kliment Ohridski“, Tsentar po
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Fig. 1

Fig. 2

Fig. 3 Fig. 4

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Fig. 5

Fig. 6

Fig. 7

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Fig. 8

Fig. 9

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Fig. 10

Fig. 11

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Fig. 12 Fig. 13

Fig. 14 Fig. 15

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Fig. 16 Fig. 17

Fig. 18

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Fig. 19 Fig. 20

Fig. 21 Fig. 22

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Fig. 23a Fig. 23b

Fig. 23c

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Fig. 24a Fig. 24b

Fig. 24c

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Contributions to Cappadocian influences in the architecture and liturgy of the ...

Fig. 24d

Fig. 25a

Fig. 25b

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Fig. 26 Fig. 27

Fig. 28a

Fig. 28b

36
Contributors to the volume:
Prof. Dr. habil. George Dr. Cristina Paraschiv-
Atanasov, PhD Talmațchi
Regional Museum of History – Research and Development
Silistra Department
24 G. S. Rakovski Str. Museum of National History and
BG - 7500 Silistra Archaeology, Constanţa
[email protected] 12 Ovidiu Sq.
RO – 900745 Constanța
Dr. Galina Grozdanova [email protected]
National Archaeological Institute
with Museum – Bulgarian Dr. Tiberiu Potarniche
Academy of Sciences Research and Development
2 Saborna Str. Department
BG – 1000 Sofia Museum of National History and
[email protected] Archaeology, Constanţa
12 Ovidiu Sq.
Assoc. Prof. Deyan Rabovyanov, RO – 900745 Constanța
PhD [email protected]
National Archaeological Institute
with Museum – Bulgarian Stanislav Ivanov
Academy of Sciences National Archaeological Institute
Branch Veliko Tarnovo with Museum – Bulgarian
29A Ivan Vazov Str. Academy of Sciences
BG – 5000 Veliko Tarnovo Branch Shumen
[email protected] 4 General Toshev Str.
BG – 9701 Shumen
Boyan Totev [email protected]
Regional Museum of History –
Dobrich Tihomir Tihov
18 K0nstantin Stoilov Str. Regional Museum of History –
BG – 9300 Dobrich Shumen
[email protected] 17 Slavyansky Blvd.
BG – 9700 Shumen
Prof. Dr. habil. Stela Doncheva, [email protected]
PhD
Shumen University
115 Universitetska Str.
BG – 9700 Shumen
[email protected]

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Assoc. Prof. Nina Archangelova, Dr. Anikó Angyal
PhD Institute for Nuclear Research
Shumen University (ATOMKI)
115 Universitetska Str. Bem tér 18/c
BG – 9700 Shumen H – 4026 Debrecen
[email protected] [email protected]

Dr. Ákos Csepregi Dr. Emilia Corbu

Institute for Nuclear Research Ialomitza County Museum
(ATOMKI) Research and Evidence
Bem tér 18/c Departament
H – 4026 Debrecen 30 Matei Besarab Str.
[email protected] RO – 920055 Slobozia
[email protected]
Dr. Zita Szikszai
Institute for Nuclear Research Dr. Cristina Paraschiv-
(ATOMKI) Talmațchi
Bem tér 18/c Research and Development
H – 4026 Debrecen Department
[email protected] Museum of National History and
Archaeology, Constanţa
Dr. Constantin Șova 12 Ovidiu Sq.
Research and Development RO – 900745 Constanța
Department [email protected]
Museum of National History and
Archaeology, Constanţa Dr. Gabriel Talmațchi
12 Ovidiu Sq. Research and Development
RO – 900745 Constanța Department
[email protected] Museum of National History and
Archaeology, Constanţa
Filip Petrunov 12 Ovidiu Sq.
National Archaeological Institute RO – 900745 Constanța
with Museum – Bulgarian [email protected]
Academy of Sciences
2 Saborna Str. Svetlana Velikova
BG – 1000 Sofia Regional Museum of History –
[email protected] Ruse
3 Knyaz Aleksandar Batemberg
Str.
BG – 7000 Ruse
[email protected]
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Dr. Varbin Varbanov Dr. Kalina Atanasova
Regional Museum of History – BG – 9000 Varna
Ruse [email protected]
3 Knyaz Aleksandar Batemberg
Str. Deyan Dragoev
BG – 7000 Ruse Regional Museum of History –
[email protected] Ruse
3 Knyaz Aleksandar Batemberg
Assoc. Prof. Zhenya Zhekova, Str.
PhD BG – 7000 Ruse
Regional Museum of History – [email protected]
Shumen
17 Slavyansky Blvd. Dr. Nevyan Mitev
BG – 9700 Shumen Regional Museum of History –
[email protected] Dobrich
1 „25-ti Septemvri“ Bul.,
Assoc. Prof. Todor Todorov, BG – 9300 Dobrich
PhD [email protected]
Shumen University
115 Universitetska Str. Dr. Iskren Velikov
BG – 9700 Shumen Regional Museum of History –
[email protected] Ruse
3 Knyaz Aleksandar Batemberg
Assoc. Prof. Alexandra-Kyriaki Str.
Wassiliou-Seibt, PhD BG – 7000 Ruse
Austrian Academy of Sciences [email protected]
2 Dr. Ignaz Seipel-Platz
AU - 1010 Vienna
[email protected]

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