Medical Anthropology
Medical Anthropology
Medical Anthropology
Development Team
Prof. Anup Kumar Kapoor
Principal Investigator
Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi
Dr. Ajeet
Dr. MeenalJaiswal
Dhall
Content Writer Department of
Department ofAnthropology, University of Delhi
Anthropology,Pondicherry University
Module Id
15
3.2 : Ethnomedicine
6. Summary
Learning objectives:
The course provides an introduction to the field of medical anthropology.
It includes the application of different forms of social and cultural analysis to the study of
health, illness, and healing.
The study of this module enables the students at postgraduate level to understand the
Theoretical orientation of Medical Anthropology.
Medical Anthropology is a subfield of anthropology that draws upon social, cultural, biological, and
linguistic anthropology to better understand those factors which influence health and well being (broadly
defined), the experience and distribution of illness, the prevention and treatment of sickness, healing
processes, the social relations of therapy management, and the cultural importance and utilization of
pluralistic medical systems. The discipline of medical anthropology draws upon many different theoretical
approaches.
It is as attentive to popular health culture as bioscientific epidemiology, and the social construction of
knowledge and politics of science as scientific discovery and hypothesis testing. Medical anthropologists
examine how the health of individuals, larger social formations, and the environment are affected by
interrelationships between humans and other species; cultural norms and social institutions; micro and
macro politics; and forces of globalization as each of these affects local worlds (Scotch, 1963; Steegmann,
1983; Thomas, 1973)
Medical Anthropology examines how health and well-being are socially and culturally constituted in
comparative and transnational contexts and the ways in which culture influences the experience of illness,
the practice of medicine and the process of healing for the individual and community. It explores how the
experiences and perceptions of the body, self or notion of the individual or person influence the illness
experience. It is also concerned with how cultural values and practices dynamically shape and are
themselves shaped by biomedical research and practice and non-Western medicines and healing traditions
(Romanucci et.al, 1983).
Medical anthropology is the study of human health and disease, health care systems, and bio-cultural
adaptation. The discipline draws upon the four fields of anthropology to analyse and compare the health of
regional populations and of ethnic and cultural enclaves, both prehistoric and contemporary. Collaboration
among paleopathologists, human biologists, ethnologists, and linguists has created a field that is autonomous
from any single sub-discipline, with strong potential for integration of physical and Cultural anthropology.
The field is also highly interdisciplinary, linking anthropology to sociology, economics, and geography, as
well as to medicine, nursing, public health, and other health professions.
Since the mid-1960s, medical anthropology has developed three major orientations. Medical ecology views
populations as biological as well as cultural units and studies interactions among ecological systems, health,
and human evolution. Ethno-medical analysis focuses on cultural systems of healing and the cognitive
parameters of illness (Paul, 1955; Polgar, 1962).
Applied medical anthropology deals with intervention, prevention, and policy issues and analyses the
socioeconomic forces and power differentials that influence access to care. In this triad, cultural
anthropology is most closely allied with ethno-medicine. In the formative years, some anthropologists
favoured identifying the field as "ethno-medicine," while others preferred "anthropology of health." The
term "medical anthropology prevailed, however, coming to represent a diversified range of orientations.
William Caudill (1953) was the first to identify the field, followed by review articles by Steven Polgar
(1962) and by Norman Scotch (1963). Academics, applied scientists, and clinicians enthusiastically worked
in the 1960s to organize the emerging social science in medicine movement at national meetings of the
American Anthropological Association (AAA) and the Society for Applied Anthropology (SAA). Caudill,
Polgar, and Scotch were among the most active, as were Hazel Weidman, Arthur Rubel, Dorothea Leighton,
Clifford Barnett, Marvin Opler, Marion Pearsall, Donald Kennedy, Benjamin Paul, and Charles Leslie.
The Group for Medical Anthropology (GMA), established in 1967 with Weidman as chair, affiliated with
the SFAA in 1969. As the Society for Medical Anthropology (SMA), the organization became a formal
section of the AAA in 1972, with Dorothea Leighton, a psychiatrist-anthropologist, serving as its first
president. Membership grew from 657 in 1972 to 1,523 in 1993, including a few hundred Canadian and
other international members, primarily Europeans. Next to North America, Great Britain has the largest
number of medical anthropologists. Most of them are concerned more with political economy and clinical
issues than with bio-cultural perspectives. Increasing numbers of medical anthropologists work in Australia,
Latin America, the Philippines, and India.
A key concept in medical ecology is "adaptation," the changes, modifications, and variations that increase
the chances of survival, reproductive success, and general wellbeing in an environment. Alexander Alland,
Jr. (1970), was one of the first to apply the concept of adaptation to medical anthropology. Humans adapt
through genetic change, physiological responses (short-term or developmental), cultural knowledge and
practices, and individual coping mechanisms. A basic premise is that health is an ineasure of environmental
adaptation, and disease indicates disequilibrium. A second premise is that the evolution of disease parallels
human biological and cultural evolution. The risks faced by foraging peoples differ from those of
agricultural groups and industrial societies, and the epidemiological profile of each subsistence type is a
function of human relations with the environment and with other species in the ecosystem, especially food
sources, domesticated animals, and pathogens.
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In the field, medical ecologists study subsistence patterns and nutrition; children’s growth and development;
pregnancy and birth rates; population size, density, and mobility; chronic and infectious disease; hazards and
injury patterns; and demographic change over time. Research on prehistoric populations analyses skeletal
remains, house sites, settlement patterns, and ecology. Medical ecology has usually studied isolated
populations living in rigorous environments, such as high-altitude regions, the arctic, and tropical forests,
such as the classic work of Napoleon A. Chagnon (1992) and James V. Neel (1977) on the Yanomamo, the
work of A. T. Steegmann, Jr. (1983), on cold adaptation, and the long-term research in high-altitude regions
of South America by Paul T. Baker and Michael A. Little (1976) and by R. Brooke Thomas (1973) and their
respective colleagues and students (Clements, 1932; Foster and Barbara, 1978).
Increased attention has been given since the 1980s by human biologists and medical ecologists to
seasonality and health in agricultural populations, environmental and cultural regulation of fertility,
migration and change in health status, and to work productivity in chronically undernourished and infected
populations. The urban ecology of health is a new focus as well, and there is increasing dialogue with
political economy theorists with respect to developing a "political ecology of health."
3.2: Ethnomedicine
The ethnomedical perspective focuses on health beliefs and practices, cultural values, and social roles.
Originally limited to study of primitive or folk medicine, ethnomedicine has come to mean the health
maintenance system of any society. Health ethnographies encompass beliefs, knowledge, and values of
specialists and lay people; the roles of healers, patients or clients, and family members; the implements,
techniques, and pharmacopoeias of specialists; legal and economic aspects of health practices; and symbolic
and interpersonal components of the experience of illness (Logan and Edward, 1978).
Pluralistic societies often encompass several ethnomedical systems. Among these are cosmopolitan
medicine, a dominant system in North America and in urban centers elsewhere, which emphasizes empirical
research, naturalistic explanations, technology and surgery, use of extraordinary intervention to preserve
life, and hierarchical roles.
Humoral medicine, derived from ancient Greek medicine, emphasizes that health reflects balance among
bodily humors and their intrinsic qualities. Disequilibrium derives from ingestion of inappropriate food and
other substances, from change of climate, and from exposure to natural elements like air and water. Therapy
involves restoring equilibrium through applying or ingesting remedies opposite to the state of the body.
Humoral medicine coexists with other systems in Latin America, the Middle East, Malaysia, Indonesia, and
the Philippines. Ayurvedic medicine in India and Chinese traditional medicine meld humoral elements with
elements of other systems (Lock, 1980).
The disease-illness distinction is important conceptually in the study of ethnomedicine. Disease, defined
clinically as deviation from medical norms, is considered to be a Western biomedical category and not
universal. Biomedical terms such as "hypertension' or "diabetes" may not correspond to diagnostic
categories of a given ethnomedical system. Illness, in contrast, is the experience of impairment or distress,
as culturally defined and constructed. Cause of the illness may also be located in social and spiritual realms,
so that ethnomedical aetiology may include sorcery, soul loss, and spirit intrusion(Lock, 1980; Logan and
Edward, 1978).
In addition to negotiation of the meaning of illness, management of illness and disability also occur in a
social and cognitive matrix. Healing is often mediated by symbols and practices that induce conditioned
neurophysiological and immune system responses. The placebo effect of the healer's behaviour and symbols
to induce healing or to reduce stress is of central interest in ethnomedical studies.
Cultural psychiatry is closely allied with ethnomedicine. Many folk illnesses or "culture bound syndromes"
(such as susto, arctic hysteria, or amok) appear to be psychogenic, although environmental stressors play a
role in their onset. These folk illnesses do not fit easily into Western diagnostic categories (Kleinman, 1980;
Landy, 1977).
Ethnographic methods are primary in this orientation, and researchers usually do participant-observation,
sometimes becoming apprentices of healers and midwives. Some elicit ethnosemantic data on disease
categories, causes, and decision models in order to study underlying cognition. Interviews and life histories
allow in-depth analysis of the lives of healers and patients, and medical discourse analysis is a specialized
linguistic technique that studies the negotiation of meaning and power. Some specialists collect and analyze
pharmacologic items; others study the history of medical practices. Although traditionally researchers have
worked in folk societies, increasing numbers are studying pluralistic societies, such as Margaret Lock
(1980). Attention has been given since the mid-1980s to integrating ethnomedicine and ethnoecology, as in
studies of indigenous people's knowledge of medicinal plants. There is also strong interest in clinical
applications of ethnomedical treatments (Chagnon, 1992).
Critical clinical medical anthropology is an adjunct of political economy. This approach analyses biomedical
practice and the differentials in power and authoritative knowledge of practitioner and patient. Clinical
anthropology has been influenced by Michel Foucault's writings on the historical production of medical
knowledge and the notion that the body can become an arena in which social control issues are played out.
Usually focused on medical communication, the approach has been used particularly in relation to women's
reproductive health and has developed a controversial literature on the lexicalisation of women’s bodies
through the work of Brigitte Jordan, Emily Martin, Rayna Rapp, and others (Johnson and Carolyn, 1990).
Applied anthropology methods are eclectic, ranging from qualitative to highly quantitative. Ethnographers
have developed rapid assessment techniques to document community health needs during brief field trips.
Others trained in public health, epidemiology, nursing, or medicine may do clinical or laboratory procedures
or work with vital statistics. In quantitative approaches, rigorous attention is paid to sampling issues and
sophisticated statistical analysis, and informed consent procedures are followed. As Carole E. Hill (1991)
points out, many medical anthropologists are now working outside academia and combining standard
anthropological skills with technical planning and evaluation skills.
Some careers in this field include: University Professor, Health Education Professional, Public Health
Researcher, Epidemiologist, Medical Scientist, Health Care Administrator, Health Outreach Coordinator, Health
and Social Policy Analyst, Health Care Consultant and Social Worker
6. Summary
Medical Anthropology is a subfield of anthropology
The discipline of medical anthropology draws upon many different theoretical approaches.
Medical Anthropology examines how health and well-being are socially and culturally constituted in
comparative and transnational contexts
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