Review of International Political Economy

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What is new in the study of policy diffusion?

Covadonga Meseguer & Fabrizio Gilardi

To cite this article: Covadonga Meseguer & Fabrizio Gilardi (2009) What is new in the
study of policy diffusion?, Review of International Political Economy, 16:3, 527-543, DOI:
10.1080/09692290802409236

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Review of International Political Economy 16:3 August 2009: 527–543

What is new in the study of policy

diffusion?
Covadonga Meseguer1 and Fabrizio Gilardi2
1
Center for Research and Teaching in Economics (CIDE), Mexico City, Mexico
2
Institute of Political Science and Center for Comparative and International
Studies, University of Zurich, Switzerland

Beth Simmons, Frank Dobbins and Geoffrey Garrett (eds) (2008) The Global
Diffusion of Markets and Democracy. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 384 pp., US$90, £45 (hardcover), ISBN 978-0-521-87889-0,
US$32.99, £16.99 (paperback), ISBN 978-0-521-70392-5
Kurt Weyland (2007) Bounded Rationality and Policy Diffusion: Social Sec-
tor Reform in Latin America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,
312 pp., US$60, £35 (hardcover), ISBN 978-0-691-12974-7, US$24.95,
£14.95 (paperback), ISBN 978-0-691-13471-0

INTRODUCTION
The internationalization of policies and politics is catching the attention of
a growing number of scholars in the field of international political econ-
omy and comparative public policy (Knill, 2005; Levi-Faur and Jordana,
2005; Simmons et al., 2008; Weyland, 2007). Renewed interest in the inter-
nationalization of policies and in policy diffusion has been paralleled by
the debate on the impact of globalization on national economic policies.
Two major claims are central to this debate. First, national governments
have converged worldwide toward economic policies highly valued in an
increasingly integrated international political economy. Second, compe-
tition has caused a race to the bottom in trade barriers, capital account
regulations, tax rates, and government intervention in the economy in
general. Indeed, the degree of variance in the world with respect to capial
account openness, political regime type, and the revenues derived from
privatization of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) more than halved in the
1980s and 1990s (Simmons et al., 2008).

Review of International Political Economy

ISSN 0969-2290 print/ISSN 1466-4526 online
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DOI: 10.1080/09692290802409236
 REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY

In view of these trends, recent work on policy diffusion claims that ex-
isting explanations of policy choices do not pay sufficient attention to the
international factors that shape those choices. Comparative political econ-
omy has been prolific in the study of domestic responses to international
events, and successful at showing how those responses vary depending on
local institutions and political and economic conditions. Yet the wave of
democratization, economic liberalization, deregulation and re-regulation,
together with the sense that policy choices have grown more alike, call into
question the specification of explanatory models that take only domestic
conditions into account. Research on the internationalization of policies
improves the specification of explanatory models to take into account the
possibility of horizontal diffusion, that is, the possibility that policy choices
in one country affect the policy choices in other countries, so causing poli-
cies to converge.
To explore this phenomenon, the general research strategy consists of
adding a diffusion component as an independent variable to test the null
hypothesis that only domestic socioeconomic and political variables ex-
plain a particular policy choice. This null hypothesis is rejected in studies
covering a wide range of policy choices: capital and current account liber-
alization, privatization, regulatory policies, trade liberalization, and social
reforms are proved to have diffused across space and, in a few cases, very
fast. Hence, it appears that previous models of policy choice were missing
an important part of the story.1
Policy diffusion is not a new topic, though. It dates back to at least
1889 (see Ross and Homer, 1976: 1–2). The fact that observations in polit-
ical research are most likely not independent is discussed in virtually all
methodology texts. Yet, in many comparative studies, the possible exis-
tence of diffusion, though briefly acknowledged, is often soon forgotten.
Early exceptions are Rogers’ (2003) seminal work on the diffusion of in-
novations and the study by Collier and Messick (1975), who explicitly
analyzed the adoption of social security programs in 59 countries as an
interdependent policy choice.2 Thus, if diffusion is not a new social phe-
nomenon, what is new in the study of policy diffusion?
We review two recent books on the diffusion of policies. The collection
edited by Simmons et al. explores the determinants of convergence in de-
mocratization and in a wide range of economic policy choices. The book
provides an overwhelming amount of new empirical material demonstrat-
ing that economic policy choices are the result of imitating the policies of
successful others, of learning from the experience of others, and of strate-
gically adapting to the policy decisions of competitors. All contributions
are quantitative analyses that explore policy decisions in a large number
of countries over extended periods.
Kurt Weyland’s volume offers an interesting complement to Simmons
et al.’s project in both substance and method. Weyland’s book focuses
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 MESEGUER AND GILARDI: THE STUDY OF POLICY DIFFUSION

on the diffusion of social policies (pension reform and health reform) in

Latin America. The author is interested in learning as a mechanism of
policy diffusion, particularly learning in its bounded version. Using a
psychological approach to decision making, his is an in-depth, qualitative
study of a few cases that offers interesting information about the politics of
policy diffusion and about the welfare consequences of adopting policies
following a biased learning process.
The two books under review are important because, through a system-
atic discussion and testing of the mechanisms by which policies diffuse,
they seriously qualify some of the most important claims made in the
globalization debate, and conclude that policy convergence has been nei-
ther worldwide nor a race to the bottom. The ‘Diffusion of Liberalism’
project shows that the adoption of liberal economic policies has been con-
fined to a few world regions, with other regions still exhibiting high levels
of protection, except for a few isolated countries. Concerning the second
claim, the internationalization research agenda shows that policy diffu-
sion does not lead to a unique policy stance. Moreover, the race is not
inevitably to the bottom. Competition for scarce resources has certainly
been a strong motor of convergence; but competition happens among sim-
ilar countries (for example, countries similar in risk ratings or in their
export destinations) and thus, convergence is toward the policy stance
of one’s network of competitors, which is not necessarily the policy po-
sition of a different network. Thus, there are different races to different
bottoms.
Whereas the internationalization debate has indeed added theoretical
and empirical rigor to the discussion about how countries influence each
other in the international political economy, we in turn revise both books,
suggesting possible advances, improvements, and pending tasks for the
internationalization research agenda.

MECHANISMS OF POLICY DIFFUSION AND HOW TO

TEST THEM
Simmons et al.’s collection is a superb piece of work that takes policy dif-
fusion seriously, providing us with an impressive amount of new data and
results on the diffusion of a wide array of policy choices (bilateral invest-
ment treaties (BITs), public sector employment, tax policy, privatization,
financial liberalization, democratization, and the adoption of international
agreements). It also provides us with useful methodological techniques to
model policy choices and with insights about how to treat space for mod-
eling purposes. Contributions differ in the number of years and countries
covered; but they all share the same logic: an indicator of policy (generally
dichotomous) appears on the left-hand side of the equation and a battery
of independent and control variables appears on the right-hand side.3
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Simmons et al.’s project shows that competition has been central to the
diffusion of BITs (Elkins et al., 2008) and to the diffusion of tax policies
(Swank, 2008); emulation, demonstration effects, and prevailing discourses
were behind the adoption of democracy, the protection of human rights,
and the downsizing of the public sector (Gleditsch and Ward, 2008; Lee and
Strang, 2008; Wotipka and Ramı́rez, 2008); waves of pro- and anti-capitalist
sentiments and their electoral consequences were linked to the diffusion of
financial liberalization (Quinn and Toyoda, 2008); and the concentration of
authority in change teams with shared economic views significantly drove
the diffusion of privatization (Kogut and McPherson, 2008). In general,
the book amounts to an overwhelming rejection of the null hypothesis
of independent policy choices by independent units. In other words, all
policy and institutional choices explored in the book are proved to have
been the result of a diffusion process caused by one or several diffusion
mechanisms.
The opening essay by the editors is a discussion about the mechanisms
by which policy choices in one country may influence policy choices in
others. The authors distinguish between: (1) policy convergence promoted
by dominant actors, which falls into a realist account; (2) diffusion due to
social emulation, which falls into a constructivist view; (3) diffusion result-
ing from economic competition; and (4) diffusion caused by learning from
others. Cooperative, as opposed to competitive, explanations may lead
policies to diffuse through the creation of network externalities (Milner,
2006). To be brief, coercion is the imposition of policies on national gov-
ernments by powerful international organizations or powerful countries.
Emulation is a process whereby policies spread because they are socially
valued independently of the functions they perform. It is the search for
legitimacy and status that motivates emulation. Competition is a process
whereby governments that compete for the same resources adopt the pol-
icy stance of their competitors for fear of an economic loss in case they
deviate. Finally, learning is a process whereby the experience of others
supplies relevant information on the outcomes of a given policy. Learning
comes in two versions: bounded and rational. Both types of learning imply
that the acquisition of information is costly. Yet, a bounded learner faces
extra costs in the interpretation of information and uses several heuristics
to analyze available experience. In so doing, bounded learners incur in
different cognitive biases, such as over-representing the success of a close
policy experiment (Meseguer, 2005; Weyland, 2007).4
One important theoretical point with major empirical consequences is
that there is a strong degree of overlap among the different mechanisms of
policy diffusion considered in the literature. One version of the learning
channel – that of bounded learning – overlaps with the social emulation
approach: bounded learners are attracted to the experiences of prestigious

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 MESEGUER AND GILARDI: THE STUDY OF POLICY DIFFUSION

countries much as emulators are, although for different reasons. It is the

symbolic rather than the informative value of a particular experience that
attracts the attention of emulators (Finnemore, 1996). The social emulation
approach overlaps with the coercive account: both approaches recognize
that international institutions may cause policies to converge in one case
through persuasion and in the other through imposition.5 Lastly, the realist
approach overlaps with the economic competition channel if one conceives
of the market as a decentralized mechanism that proffers sanctions and
hence is coercive.6 This conceptual overlapping makes the specification
and the interpretation of empirical tests a fairly arduous exercise.
In testing diffusion mechanisms, three empirical issues are particularly
problematic. The first is the extended use of strong homogenizing as-
sumptions: there are reasons to believe that the empirical models that
researchers employ do not accurately reflect the complex nature of the
causal processes under inquiry.7 The second issue is the fact that scholars
have mostly studied explosive diffusion processes, which is a kind of selec-
tion bias. The third issue is that the current discussion about mechanisms
of diffusion has not been systematic in exploring the role of politics, both
as a motivation for adopting the policies of others and as an intervening
variable in the way economic policies diffuse. We discuss these issues in
turn and use three of the chapters of the book under review to illustrate
our points.
(1) Most of the analyses carried out in the book, and indeed in the
literature on policy diffusion, make strong homogenizing assumptions. For
instance, an homogenizing assumption is that any given mechanism is
equally relevant (or irrelevant) across all cases: it is assumed that all gov-
ernments are equally keen to engage in learning, are equally reactive to
competitive pressures, or are equally sensitive to emulative pressures. But
this need not be the case. It may very well be the case that some gov-
ernments adopt new policies because they learned from the experience of
others, while other governments simply emulate, and still others adapt to a
competitive context. In practice, more than one mechanism of policy diffu-
sion is likely to operate. Besides, the conceptualization of the mechanisms
depicted previously has not led to a theoretical model of diffusion (Braun
and Gilardi, 2006). The implicit model is one where each mechanism is a
sufficient condition for increasing the probability of policy adoption, and
in which the effect of each mechanism adds to that of the others. It is also a
model that does not account for the existence of feedback among the pro-
posed mechanisms of diffusion. All the contributions in the book (except
for Swank’s) assume that each of the diffusion mechanisms is a sufficient
condition for policy adoption. This assumption may be fairly realistic for
some mechanisms, such as competition, but it is not plausible for others,
such as learning. While competition accounts for both the motivation to

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change policies (competitive pressures) and the kind of policy selected

(that of competitors), learning implicitly assumes that actors constantly
scan the world in the search for alternatives.8 An immediate consequence
of the lack of a theory of diffusion is that the specification of empirical tests
is driven by the attempt to include as many diffusion mechanisms as the
data allow in a simple, additive fashion.9
In the volume under review, Duane Swank’s chapter is an excellent ex-
ample of how to tackle the complexity we have just mentioned. The author
focuses on the diffusion of ‘market-conforming’ tax policies, namely, cuts
in tax rates on capital in 16 Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) countries between 1981 and 1998. The main argu-
ment is about competition: neoliberal tax policies have spread largely as
a consequence of the 1986 US reform, which prompted similar responses
in other advanced countries in order to avoid perceived negative con-
sequences in terms of economic competitiveness. Competitive pressures
have followed mainly from policy change in the US, and not from inter-
national networks of trade and foreign direct investment. Furthermore,
policy learning and social emulation do not seem to have played a signifi-
cant role in this process.
These findings are important in themselves, but Swank’s broader con-
clusion is that diffusion mechanisms (in this case, competition) need not
affect all countries in a similar way. Specifically, the competitive pressures
stemming from the US reform have had stronger impacts in countries
with well-established right-wing governments as well as in liberal (as op-
posed to coordinated) market economies. Just as learning is enhanced if
it conforms to ideological predispositions, competitive pressures are more
strongly felt by governments which are ideologically predisposed to per-
ceive them, and which would arguably favor the reforms even without
those pressures. The second result also highlights the heterogeneity that
is likely to characterize many diffusion processes. While neoliberal tax re-
forms fit well into liberal political economies, they disrupt the coherence
of coordinated political economies, which are therefore less responsive to
the competitive pressures stemming from policy change in other countries.
Again, the same diffusion mechanism has different consequences in dif-
ferent countries. This point is highly relevant for empirical research, and
scholars should certainly be encouraged to explore the multiple ways in
which diffusion can play out in different contexts.
(2) The diffusion literature is marked by a strong selection bias in choos-
ing policies to investigate that have spread explosively.10 This problem is
especially serious for studies of policy innovations such as the internet,
independent central banks, and privatization. It is less so for policies with
a long history, such as trade and financial policies, where a careful scrutiny
does not reveal anything explosive but rather cycles and trends (Simmons
and Elkins, 2004; Guisinger, 2005; Quinn and Toyoda, 2008). This selection
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 MESEGUER AND GILARDI: THE STUDY OF POLICY DIFFUSION

bias can easily be eliminated by exploring whether some diffusion pattern

is also observed in policies that have not converged globally – as is in fact
the case. Arguably, the theories and methods employed in this literature
can be used to study any type of diffusion process, whether global or more
confined.
The contribution by Chang Kil Lee and David Strang is a good illustra-
tion of how it is possible to study diffusion without incurring a selection
bias. The authors show data on public sector employment in 26 OECD
countries for the period 1980–97. Although the chapter does not offer a
historical perspective of the evolution of public employment and has a
small geographic coverage, the work is interesting because this is a case of
diffusion that has not been explosive. According to the authors, there is not
an aggregate reversal when it comes to the size of the public sector mea-
sured by public employment. Yet, they point out that the rates of growth of
public employment decreased steadily in the sample, turning negative in
1994 for the first time.11 This is the phenomenon they seek to explain. Their
main hypothesis is that this slowdown had to do with the dominance of
the managerialist discourse embedded in the broader neoliberal paradigm
that prevailed in the 1990s. They prove it by taking a detour into testing for
learning. What the authors do is to relate the change in public employment
to various economic results of those that downsize and upsize the public
sector. The authors find that, while choices were responsive to the growth
results of those countries that reduced public employment, they ignored
the favorable results for those countries that increased their public sectors.
For Lee and Strang, this asymmetry suggests that rational learning does
not enter into the choice of policy. Interestingly, they consider not only the
policy that is supposed to have diffused (public sector downsizing) but
also the opposite one (public sector upsizing), hence reducing the selec-
tion bias mentioned previously and portraying policy choice as a choice
between alternative policies.12 A natural and desirable extension of Lee
and Strang’s work would be to relate policy choices with the political for-
tunes of those governments that chose one or the other option, thus adding
learning from political results to learning from economic results.
(3) Finally, of particular interest is to explore how domestic politics
condition policy diffusion. Variables such us the ideological preferences of
politicians, the political constraints they face in adopting or implementing
policies, and their expected popularity are likely to affect the speed with
which policies are adopted and spread. Thus, even if a particular policy
is showing good results elsewhere, it may not spread if it is found to be
ideologically alien, electorally risky and/or unlikely to be passed (Braun
and Gilardi, 2006).
Also, conspicuously absent from the theoretical discussion and the em-
pirical tests is the recognition that political actors may learn not only from
the economic results of policies but also from their electoral consequences.
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For instance, it is generally considered that the allure of privatization to

other governments had more to do with the political success it brought
to Margaret Thatcher than with the economic outcomes of privatization
(Meseguer, 2004). Indeed, as we have mentioned previously, a theoretical
discussion of the politics of policy diffusion is a major gap in the most
recent contributions. By this we mean that politics should be brought into
the picture not only as an intervening variable to understand how diffu-
sion takes place. Indeed, political results may be a major motivation to
learn from and/or to imitate the policies of others.
The chapter by Dennis Quinn and Anna Maria Toyoda on financial
liberalization is a very creative way of bringing politics into the diffusion
debate. Their chapter covers the change in capital account regulation of 82
countries during the period 1955–99. One positive thing about this chapter
is that it does not confine itself to the most recent period of liberalization
but in fact acknowledges the existence of previous periods of openness
and closure. As the authors describe, the late-1940s to 1960 was a period of
liberalization. The 1960s to the mid-1970s was characterized by closure and
a retreat from international financial openness. The early-1970s to the 1990s
was a period of stasis: global means and medians changed little during
that time. The 1990s were a period of liberalization. Thus, the chapter
takes into account the existence of several diffusions. Apart from putting
this last wave of financial liberalization in historical perspective, we find
their main argument particularly appealing in that it takes politics as a
central explanation of policy diffusion. They show that financial openness
is negatively correlated with the global fate of communist parties (CPs) in
those countries without home CPs and with the fate of home CPs in those
countries in which CPs have been able to compete in elections throughout
the period. The authors take the electoral support for CPs to be a proxy
for anti-capitalist sentiments and hence, they argue, it is the evolution
of those sentiments that causes the cycles of more or less liberalization.
None of the other mechanisms of diffusion they entertained (imposition
and competition) yielded predicted power, or they did so in unexpected
ways.13 Hence, according to the authors, financial policy was responsive
to local and global anti-capitalism as reflected in the polls. There is of
course the question as to why these cycles of pro- or anti-capitalism occur,
which they do not survey; but at least one element of the feedback we
urge – the one from political results to policy diffusion – is explored by the
authors.
Despite the points we have just raised, the volume edited by Simmons
et al. is a path-breaking book in the study of policy diffusion. It will un-
doubtedly be taken as point of departure and as a necessary reference
in any future research about the international diffusion of policies and
institutions.

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BOUNDED LEARNING AND THE DIFFUSION OF POLICY

INNOVATIONS
Kurt Weyland explains the diffusion of policy innovations using a psycho-
logical approach that emphasizes bounded learning. His examples are the
diffusion of the radical Chilean model of pension privatization and the
moderate spread of health reforms in Latin America in the 1990s. The dif-
fusion of health reforms was less impressive given the non-existence of
a clear-cut model. Thus, generic principles rather than a concrete model
diffused.
According to the author, the diffusion of policy innovations is character-
ized by: (1) an ‘S’ shape in time, that is, a pioneer takes the lead and many
other countries jump rapidly on the bandwagon until this trend eventually
tapers off; (2) geographical clustering; and (3) commonality amid diversity,
that is, the same policy framework is adopted in varied national settings
(see chapters 1 and 2). Weyland contends that these features of the diffu-
sion of innovations are better explained in terms of particular cognitive
heuristics that policymakers use to process the information. First, the dif-
fusion of policy innovations evolves in an ‘S’ shape because policymakers
overemphasize initial success. Based on a minimal track record, policy-
makers jumped to the conclusion that the Chilean pension model had
been a success with much promise elsewhere. This is due to the representa-
tiveness heuristic. Second, the diffusion of innovations shows a geographic
pattern because policy diffusion seems to require a close and successful
example. This is the availability heuristic. And third, the same policy inno-
vation is adopted in countries with very different functional needs due to
the heuristic of anchoring. This heuristic limits the adaptation of the policy
innovation to the particular context, producing the fundamental feature of
diffusion, namely, commonality in diversity.
For Weyland, this mode of proceeding makes it evident that policy-
makers are far from being rational: rather than carefully evaluating the
results of the Chilean pension privatization after enough evidence was
available, politicians rapidly drew (wrong) conclusions. Rather than scan-
ning all available worldwide evidence about pension privatization, poli-
cymakers turned to the experience that was close and relevant to them.
Rather than adopting the pension privatization model that could have fit
best the characteristics of their national economies, politicians copied the
Chilean model in toto, making adjustments at the margin. Thus, the author
concludes, learning from the Chilean experience proceeded in a clearly
non-rational fashion. The author also holds that the fact that governments
implementing pension reforms were seeking solutions to real problems
rules out ‘symbolic emulation’ as an explanation for social reform. Fi-
nally, Weyland extensively documents that reformers were not respond-
ing to outside pressures of International Financial Institutions (IFIs). IFIs

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disseminated models and principles and made other experiences available

to policymakers. Yet, they did not dictate the content of the reforms.
We find strong and weak points in Weyland’s work. The strong points
flow from the author’s incursion in the realm of social policies. Unlike more
technical policy fields, social policies are bound to be both technically and
politically controversial. Thus, if we are to gain an understanding of the
politics of diffusion, focusing on social policies seems an appropriate way
to go. In this respect, the conclusion that Weyland reaches is that learning
is more bounded where the technical capabilities of the agencies involved,
and polities in general, are less sophisticated. In Costa Rica and Brazil,
where the social sector bureaucracies had a high level of expertise, the
Chilean model went through amendments that made it more suitable to
the local context. But in countries such as Bolivia or El Salvador, where ex-
pertise was lacking and the discussion process was led by generalists in the
finance ministries, adaptations were less frequent.14 This is connected to
the second strong point in Weyland’s work: the exploration of the welfare
consequences of policy diffusion. When policies do not undergo the neces-
sary adaptations, they can lead to suboptimal outcomes. In fact, bounded
learning in El Salvador and Bolivia led to the reproduction of models that
were ill-designed given the characteristics of these countries.
On the weak side, Weyland’s work is not a convincing rebuttal of rational
learning, nor is it a convincing defense of bounded learning beyond the
policy domain that the author studies (pension and health privatization)
and his geographic focus (Latin America). In particular, the exploration of
a policy that spread explosively (the Chilean pension privatization model)
suffers from the selection problem mentioned previously. But, would the
psychological approach be useful in explaining the diffusion of innovations
globally and not regionally? Why do some policy innovations transcend
the regional setting and diffuse worldwide? Moreover, is the psychological
approach useful in explaining the diffusion of policies that are not policy
innovations? Consider, for instance, some of the policies included in the
‘Diffusion of Liberalism’ project, such as financial openness and the size
of the public sector. Changes in these policies toward more liberal stances
do not constitute policy innovations. What does the cognitive approach
contribute to explaining changes in these (non-innovative) policies? Are
they also driven by bounded learning?
Also, Weyland’s defense of bounded learning poses some doubts. For
instance, the author contends that the reason why the pace of the adoption
of the policy innovations eventually tapers off is that the initial upsurge in
enthusiasm is followed by a sober evaluation ‘as more evidence about the
reform’s costs and benefits becomes available’ (p. 50). What we read here
is that policymakers may be temporarily bounded, but eventually they
carefully evaluate the results of policies much as rational learners would.
In the same vein, the author minimizes the relevance of the subsequent
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 MESEGUER AND GILARDI: THE STUDY OF POLICY DIFFUSION

adaptations that several countries incorporated in their reforms in response

to other policy experiences (interestingly, Latvia and Sweden) and to solve
the shortcomings of the Chilean model as more came to be known about its
performance. Again, what we read here are not irrelevant adjustments but
deviations that demonstrate that, after a while, policymakers look at other
experiences beyond their geographic area of ‘availability’, and closely scru-
tinize the results of policies. All in all, bounded learning may be a good tool
for explaining the regional diffusion of policy innovations, but it has not
been demonstrated that this approach can explain the global convergence
of policies that are not strictly new. Policy stances are eventually adjusted
in the light of the evidence. Thus, bounded learning may be an adequate
characterization of short-term behavior. Finally, the idea of exploring the
significant variation among regions when it comes to adopting policies is
certainly attractive. As the editors of the ‘Diffusion of Liberalism’ project
show in the introductory chapter, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and
south Asia have consistently lagged behind Latin America and east Asia
on the road to liberalism. Indeed, some regions have made little progress.
Thus, the most interesting question may not be why a successful policy
innovation that originated in Latin America spread in Latin America, but
why a successful policy innovation that originated in Africa has not spread
in Africa. The point is that much is to be gained in our understanding of
diffusion from exploiting not only intra-regional comparisons but also
inter-regional ones.
In summary, Kurt Weyland’s work is an enlightening study. Carefully
documented research on policy diffusion of the type Weyland carries out
is, without doubt, essential for scholars to make progress in improving our
understanding of policy diffusion.

CONCLUSIONS
Recent research on the internationalization of policies has explored why
countries rapidly adopted liberal politics and market policies. The novel
hypothesis tested is that convergence in choices might have been neither
the outcome of an independent discovery of best practice nor the outcome
of unilateral imposition. Rather, the hypothesis entertained in these works
is that policies spread horizontally, that is, that policy choices in one coun-
try influenced policy choices in other countries, resulting in the adoption
of the same policy. How and why would this happen?
A government may adopt the same policy stance as a competitor to
prevent the loss from not following suit. Alternatively, the logic of conver-
gence may be cooperative in the sense that mutual benefits may result from
shared policies. Also, a government confronted with uncertainty about
what to do may learn from the policy choices of others or may simply
imitate what peers perceived as successful do, without further reasoning
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about the causes of success. In any case, demonstration effects are likely
to be not only about economic results but also about political outcomes.
From a substantive point of view, there is little innovation in the inter-
nationalization research agenda: especially in the sociological literature,
diffusion has been well explored. At the theoretical level, the mechanisms
put forward to explain the channels through which policies may diffuse
are well known to the discipline, and some of them are misplaced in the
discussion. Moreover, although it is acknowledged that there is a high
degree of overlap among mechanisms little emphasis is given to feedback
among them and to the interaction between diffusion mechanisms and
domestic conditions.
From an empirical point of view, there are some methodological in-
novations and an impressive amount of new data and results. Without
underestimating the value of having new empirical evidence about old
mechanisms, we think there is room for potential improvements in the
empirical tests. First, contributions have focused on policies that diffused
rapidly, even though a second look revealed that, for some of them, dif-
fusion needed to be qualified. Second, most empirical tests have been
confined in time to the latest wave of marketization and democratization,
overlooking for the most part the fact that periods of diffusion existed
before. Hence, one is left with the question as to whether the mechanisms
and results obtained would be applicable to other ‘diffusions’. Third, more
effort should be devoted to integrating heterogeneity into our models.
On the positive side, however, the results of the empirical tests are an in-
vitation to think about some issues: for instance, why some policies spread
faster than others or why policies cluster rather than converge globally. It
is surprising to find that countries influence each other even when policies
do not converge and that clusters of policies may appear conditional on
some factor – geographic proximity, competition, institutional affiliations,
shared ideologies etc. Expanding the empirical research to new policy do-
mains and/or regions that seem resistant to the latest wave of liberalization
may throw some light respectively on the factors that cause policy clusters
and on the robustness of the results found so far.
We also think that the literature on diffusion should make a crucial move
from invoking mechanisms broadly related to schools of thought in inter-
national relations or public policy to state much more refined and unified
hypotheses about what type of mechanisms are expected to be relevant
and when. Letting the data speak has been useful to unfold quite unex-
pected patterns; but this strategy may not be the best way to proceed from
this point on. Without being exhaustive, we propose that further research
should establish theoretically informed hypotheses on issues such as: (1)
why some policies diffuse faster than others; (2) why regional patterns
of policy diffusion vary so much; (3) why partisan politics retains pre-
dictive power to explain some policy adoptions but not others; (4) what
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mechanisms of diffusion are likely to be influential in early as opposed to

late phases of policy diffusion; and (5) how patterns of policy diffusion
are affected by political variables such as the proximity of elections, expec-
tations about incumbents’ survival, the distributive impact of the policy
under consideration, and the impact of particular institutional settings on
the diffusion of policies (see the discussion in Swank, 2008).
In our opinion, the most interesting avenue of research will be one ca-
pable of explaining policy change and any policy diffusion. Some of the
mechanisms proposed in the literature can explain why the adoption of
some policies accelerates over time, but cannot explain which policies dif-
fuse in the first place. It is one thing to argue that some policies diffuse
because at some point they are taken for granted; it is another to provide an
explanation as to how and why a policy comes to be taken for granted. We
posit that learning (whether rational or bounded) from economic outcomes
and/or electoral outcomes and the impact of that learning on how alter-
native policies are perceived should provide a good prediction of which
policies diffuse.
To conclude, research on the internationalization of liberal policies and
institutions poses many new questions. While answering them depends
crucially on better theory and better methods, the endeavor is worthwhile
as it may provide the true political economy of diffusion that is yet to be
developed.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Previous drafts of this article were discussed at seminars and workshops
at the University Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona; the University of Hamburg;
CIDE, Mexico City; and the 2005 Annual Convention of the International
Studies Association (ISA). We thank participants in these forums, and
especially, Gabriel Negretto and RIPE editor Leonard Seabrooke, for excel-
lent suggestions. Fabrizio Gilardi would like to thank the Swiss National
Science Foundation for financial support (grants no. 100012-105763/1 and
PA001-115307/1).

NOTES
1 Studies on the diffusion of political institutions are still rare. See Gleditsch and
Ward (2008) on the diffusion of democracy, and Wotipka and Ramirez (2008)
on the diffusion of international treaties.
2 A well-established literature concentrates on the diffusion of policies in the US
states (for example, see Berry and Berry (1990, 1999), Berry et al. (2003), Mintrom
(1997), Mintrom and Vergari (1998), Shipan and Volden (2006), Volden (2002,
2006)).
3 Event history analysis (EHA) has been the standard (although not unique) tool
to obtain estimates of the probability of adopting a particular policy (Berry and

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Berry, 1990, 1999; Strang and Tuma, 1993; Strang and Soule, 1998; Hedström,
1994; Hedström et al., 2000). More and more frequently, a spatial dimension
is added, which takes diffusion mechanisms into account through variously
specified ‘spatial lags’ (see, for instance, Simmons and Elkins (2004), Elkins et
al. (2008) and Swank (2008)). This is an appropriate approach for modeling rel-
atively simple spatial dependencies, which can also account for more complex
network dependencies (see, for example, Polillo and Guillén (2005)).
4 Note that in the constructivist literature, there is an added problem to infor-
mation acquisition, which is information interpretation or not knowing how
to know (Blyth, 1997). The distinction between mechanisms of diffusion is not
only relevant for analytical purposes. As some authors argue, the fact that
policies diffuse because a specific mechanism of diffusion operates may have
important welfare consequences. For instance, Weyland (2007) argues that dif-
fusion that is based on simple emulation is likely to result in the adoption of
models that are not adequately adapted to the special conditions existing in
one country. Thus, blind copying of international policy models may result in
suboptimal outcomes at home.
5 In the sociological jargon, this is called coercive isomorphism.
6 Arguably, the mechanisms should not all be placed horizontally. Whereas
competition seems to be confined to issue areas, the sociological perspective
deals with more systemic issues of the sort of world views, world values and
the like.
7 To be sure, our own work on diffusion does not escape these criticisms.
8 For alternative but substantially similar classifications of mechanisms of diffu-
sion, see Gilardi (2005) and Weyland (2007). The distinction between mecha-
nisms that alter ‘incentives’ and those that alter ‘information’ can be found in
Simmons and Elkins (2004).
9 Ideally, scholars should consider recent advances in the quantitative analysis of
causal complexity such as the Boolean probit and logit techniques developed
by Braumoeller (2003), which allow the statistical investigation of multiple
causal paths.
10 A similar concern was raised a few years ago by Strang and Soule (1998).
11 Nonetheless, the authors acknowledge important variation in choices. For in-
stance, some developing states with small public sectors like Greece and Por-
tugal, and others like Norway and Austria with already large public sectors,
increased public employment (p. 3).
12 It is has been quite frequent to model learning only from success (Simmons
and Elkins, 2004). Yet, it seems obvious that policy-making is usually a choice
among alternative policies and that policymakers learn both from failure and
from success.
13 An important finding of this chapter is that the capital account policies of
leading economies in no way compelled emerging markets to liberalize.
14 This point that poor polities imitate more than learn is also raised, for instance,
in Sharman’s (2006) work on tax havens.

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Covadonga Meseguer is a member of the Juan March Institute for Advanced Study
in the Social Sciences (Madrid, Spain). She has held research positions at New
York University, the European University Institute, the Helen Kellogg Institute
for International Studies, University Pompeu Fabra, and UT Austin. Her work
has appeared in Journal of Public Policy, Rationality and Society, European Journal of
Political Economy, Annals of the American Academy of Social and Political Sciences, and

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others.Her book manuscript Learning, Policy Making and Market Reforms is due to be
published by Cambridge University Press in 2009. She is currently researcher at the
Center for Research and Teaching in Economics (CIDE), Mexico City, and affiliated
faculty of the Barcelona Institute for International Studies (IBEI), Barcelona.
Fabrizio Gilardi is Associate Professor of public policy at the Institute of Political
Science and at the Center for Comparative and International Studies, University
of Zurich, Switzerland. His research interests include regulation, comparative po-
litical economy, political delegation, methodology, and policy diffusion. His work
has been published in several international journals, including Comparative Po-
litical Studies, Journal of European Public Policy, and Journal of Theoretical Politics,
among others. He is also the author of a book on independent regulatory agencies
in Europe (Edward Elgar, 2008), and the co-editor of a volume on delegation in
contemporary democracies (Routledge, 2006).

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