TAROH HISTORY

A PUBLICATION

ON
THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
THE TAROK SOCIETY

GEN JOHN NANZIP SHAGAYA (RTD BRIG) OFR

2005
Published 2005
Copyright © BRIG. GEN JOHN SHAGAYA (Rtd) OFR

All Right Reserved:

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by

any mechanical or electronic means, including information storage and retrieval
systems, recording and photocopying without the prior permission of the
copyright owner.

ISBN: 978-33747-5-3

Printed and bound in Nigeria by:

Daybis Limited Jericho, Ibadan

ii
 Contents
Acknowledgment iv

Dedication vi

Preface vii

Foreword x

Chapter One: Introduction 1

Chapter Two: The Origins and Migrations of the Tarok 55

Chapter Three: Tarok Re-Colonial Political History and

Organization 122

Chapter Four: Tarok Pre-Colonial Economic and Social

Organization 183

Chapter Five: Tarok Traditional Religion 234

Chapter Six: Tarok Political Development from the

British Conquest to 15 January, 1966 268

Chapter Seven: The Colonial Economy in Taroki and

(1904- 1960) 364

Chapter Eight: The Emergence of the Tarok Churc 453

Chapter Nine: Development of Western Education in

Tarokland 554

Chapter Ten: Tarok in Nigeria’s Military 570

iii
 Acknowledgments

In researching this book, I heavily depend on oral sources.

Accordingly, I would like to thank His Royal Highness, Mr.
Edward C. Zyattau, The Ponzhi Taroh for his support and invaluable
contributions. Mr. J.J Lakai who acted as my facilitator, interpreter and
informant, was of invaluable assistance. As most interviews were
arranged at district levels, I want to thank HRH, Mr. Seichak S.
Sambo, Ponzhi Bwarat, HRH Mr. J.L. Goselle, Ponzhi Zini, HRH Mr.
Rindap Marnven Ponzhi Sa-a- and PonzhiJat.

The Ponzhi Mbin Ce, Ndam Baw and the Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat, Lakur
Vongtau, PonzhiMbiKun2bwangas well as the Ponzhi Mbins of other
clans were very helpful and were an invaluable store of information.
The numerous contributions from all the clans who attended interviews
and who patiently answered my questions deserve special appreciation.

In treating the more modern period, many individuals provided me

with useful information. Chief Ezekiel Yusufu provided information
about persons and events of the l940s and 1950s. The families of the
late Revs Bali and Damina Bawado were very helpful. Dr Rev. Selchan
Miner, Senator V.K. Dangin and late Mallarn Au Ndam Temlong
provided much useful information on the Yergam Union and politics.
Generals Bali and Dogonyaro provided useful insights into the role of
Tarok in the military and General Joe Garba covered the foreign affairs
aspect.

Wherever possible, oral sources should be checked against archival and

printed sources. I would, therefore, like to thank the staff of the
National Archives and Arewa House which are both in Kaduna for
their willing assistance over the years. It is to be regretted that lots of
Tarok materials have become missing over the years. I must not
iv
forget to thank the staff of the various Gindiri Schools for allowing me
access to school records and for their very friendly reception. The
President, Rev. Dr A. Lar, and staff of the Information Section of the
COCIN Headquarters, and T.C.N.N. Bukuru allowed me access to an
almost complete run of the Light bearer which is the vital source for
the S.U.M and S.I.M activities inTarokland.

I must acknowledge the work of the office staff, especially Mr. Joel B.
Mangud, in typing and retyping the many drafts of this work, Dr. B.
Lar and Mr. S. Longtau for cross-checking facts on our veteran
soldiers.

I will want to acknowledge the role of Prof. Anthony Asiwaju OON

who took time to vet the scripts, offered his advise and did not only
identify the publishers, but graciously accepted to do the foreword.
Finally, I will want to thank my father who fed me with so much
knowledge of Tarok History. The very many sessions I had with him in
his life-time helped immensely to stimulate my interest in the subject,
and this work.

V
 Dedication

This book is dedicated to the memory of Dr C.C. Jacobs, a

history graduate of the University of Birmingham. He went
on to earn a PhD in Latin American History from the same University.
He later studied Social Anthropology at University College, London,
and had various teaching experiences at the University of the West
Indies, Kingston, Jamaica, the New University of Ulster, Londonderry,
Northern Ireland, the University of Jos. He died while in the services of
Benue State Univeristy, Makurdi, Benue State. A well-known authority
on the history of the peoples of Central Nigeria, he wrote many papers
on Central Nigerian History, especially on the Berom, the Jukun and
the Tiv. The late Dr Jacobs encouraged and guided me throughout the
period of research until mid 2002 when he passed into eternity.

Vi
 Preface
In Nigerian historiography, the people of the Middle Belt,
especially those of the Jos, Plateau, have suffered from deliberate neglect. The
Hausa-Fulani school of history have
written as if only the Hausa Kingdom and their successors, the jihadists, had the
divine right to devastate and raid this sub-region. Their historians have also
manipulated the population documentation to suit their interest.

In their strange conception of history, Hausa elephant hunters or rubber tapers or

nomadic pastoralistis, with virtually nothing to offer, have become the bearers of
civilization and Islam. If one was to believe their fanciful accounts and equally
fanciful maps they conquered almost the whole of the Middle Belt. They forget to
note that to raid an area does not mean to conquer it. Historians seem to have
overlooked the Nok culture, the many thriving iron industries and other crafts of
the region.

The people of the Middle Belt did not fare well at the hands of colonial historians
who habitually referred to them as ‘pagans’, and sometimes as ‘raw pagans.’
They tended to think that those groups which started wearing flowing gowns and
using the Hausa language were somehow advancing in culture. This helped the
spread of Islam and the Hausa language in part of the Middle Belt, and has
helped to exacerbate the crisis of identity.

In history textbooks used in schools, the Middle Belt and the Jos Plateau are
scarcely mentioned, thereby attempting to create a national history without a
middle section comprising many ethnic groups. Such a venture is doomed to fail.
With the new interest in history arising from the soul-searching aroused by recent
inter-ethnic and religious clashes, it is perhaps time to produce a new national
history in which the minorities will be properly represented.

Writing the history of the Tarok has provided me a unique opportunity to present
the history of the Tarok who are a composite
group like many other Plateau peoples. These various elements have

vii
successfully amalgamated at least to the point where they speak a common
language and share many cultural characteristics. They were never conquered by
thejihadists, but rather they took the war to the enemy. However, they were
constricted in their settlement pattern by their need to have strong defensive
positions against the jihadists. Given the relatively small size of the population
and their level of technical development they were able to make a living from the
land, although from time to time there were droughts, or insect pests which
provoked famines. Though, not situated on a land of milk and honey, the Tarok
were able to wrest a well-balanced livelihood from the natural resources available
to them.

Following the coming of the British, there were some sharp skirmishes, and many
years of official misunderstanding; but the Tarok showed themselves responsive
to the challenges, and expanded their area of cultivation. While some responded
to Christianity and the education that came with it. a minority in PilGani district
became muslims.

The Second World War seemed to have been a great turning point as Tarok
soldiers were exposed to a wider perspective while the newly created class of
teachers and mission employees were anxious to bring about social political
changes. The Tarok succeeded in consolidating their rulership by 1956 under one
paramount ruler, the Ponzhi Tarok, and a separate Native Authority. They were
also active participants in the Middle Belt Movement through (Verga) Tarok
Union. At this time, although a sense of identity was emerging, the Tarok still
maintained a harmonious relationship with all major ethnic groups that constitute
former Northern Nigeria.

The Tarok have always had a well-developed military tradition, which was
enhanced by their service in the colonial army during the two world wars. The
coup and counter-coup of 1966, followed by the outbreak of the civil war, gave
many Tarok the opportunity to rise, on merit, in the Nigerian Army.
Subsequently, Tarok officers were to play significant roles in virtually every
military administration culminating in the coup of 25 August, 1985 which
overthrew the Buhari administration and brought General Babangida to power. In
the early Babangida years, there were three Tarok generals, General

Viii
Demkat Bali, at the Ministry of Defence, General Jeremiah Useni, at Transport
and Aviation, and Brig-General John Shagaya, as Minister of Internal Affairs.
While General Dogonyaro was General Officer Commanding at Ibadan and later
Chief of Defence Staff, General Joseph Garba was Ambassador at the United
Nations. After 1993, the political influence of the Tarok generals wained and
only General Useni survived into the Abacha era. This was a unique moment in
the history of the Tarok which enabled them to increase their exposure and
extend their influence in the political landscape of Nigeria. When the General
Abacha’s administration created six geo-political zones in Nigeria, the Middle
Belt region was one.

Unlike their military counterparts, Tarok civilian politicians seem to suffer from a
certain ideological instability. For instance, Governor Lar, who crossed over to
Northern Peoples Congress in 1959 and who became a ‘progressive’ in the
Second Republic was prepared to serve in the Abacha regime to give it
respectability only to be dropped when it suited the dictator. His timely turn
against the dictator enabled him to emerge later as the Chairman of the People’s
Democratic Party(PDP).

The Tarok have been remarkably successful in military, state and national politics
due, mainly to their early enthusiasm for education, their cohesiveness and their
love of adventure. However, a new world is coming where there is going to be
fierce competition on every front. In preparing for such challenge, it is good to
take stock of the history of the people, so as to understand their present situation
and prepare them to face the future with greater vigour. With this documentation,
it is my belief that Tarok academics will be challenged to go into more research
and produce more books to enrich our knowledge of the Tarok people.

John N Shagaya

2005

Ix
 Foreword

Politically decentralized indigenous societies, which dominated

much ofpre-colonial Africa’s socio-political landscape, are not
known to be preferred field of research interest for colonial and, post-colonial
historians. Decentralized societies, widely derided in colonialist anthropological
literature as ‘acephalous’ or ‘stateless’, are (at worst) ignored and (at best)
sidelined by pioneer African and Africanist researchers whose bias was mainly, if
not exclusively, for centralized states. Such States were believed to represent
higher levels of political development and often, even if erroneously, presented to
showcase African capacity for macro state formations comparable to
Metropolitan European states whose nationals came to colonizeAfrica.

The more centralized a traditional African State was, the more it was considered
as civilized, with the converse attitude holding for the so- called ‘acephalous’
societies, reasoning. The modern trend has also been for desires and policy drives
to be more centralized than decentralised. The result for the Tarok, as has been
for the Igbo of Central Eastern Nigeria and the Tiv of Nigeria’s Middle Belt, has
been the emergence of what Adeile Afigbo has, in his pioneer case study of lgbo
(Longman, 1966), aptly referred to as “The Warrant Chiefs” that is, head chiefs
of newly created centralized administrative territorial units, appointed by licenses
issued and delivered by European colonial authorities. Among the Tarok of
Nigeria’s Plateau State, these developments have been marked not only by the
revolutionary displacement of the Ponzhi Mbin, with Ponzhi Nasara or ‘political
chiefs’ of the era of British Indirect Rule. There was also a conscious effort on
the part of the British, with the active collaboration of the Yergam (Tarok)
Progressive Union, to increasingly federate the clan. The process was patiently
and steadily pursued to the ultimate end with the appointment of Garba Wuyep in
August 1956 as the First Paramount Ruler of the Tarok, much like the emergence
of the office ofTor Tiv among the Tiv in 1947.

X
Among the Tarok, and the Tiv, the fundamental qustion of identity is
central. The British Indirect rule policy and its drive for the creation of
new centralized ‘native authorities’ based on the operation of officially
sanctioned “executive chief’, were appropriated by the local people in
the Middle Belt, as elsewhere in the country, who, through the
activities of their Western-educated-elite organizations, used the
colonial institutional frameworks to boost group consciousness and
identity. The result today is the problematic situation that has led to the
mergence of Nigeria as a “Republic” of a million “kings”, virtually all
of them being off-shoots of the “warrant chief’ created by the British.
Brigadier-General John Nanzip Shagaya’s book, The Historical
Development ofthe Tarok, is appropriately presented as a case study of
the general decentralized traditional state societies of Nigeria’s Middle
Belt. In spite of their pecularities and specific situation, the Tarok
history is emphasized as a compelling example of the several
indigenous cultures and peoples in the Plateau State of Nigeria,
including the Ngas and the Pe, who, like the Tarok, are also organized
in clans with the older parts located in the Hills while the extended
communities are located in the surrounding Plains. This presentation of
the Tarok as a case history of the other groups on the Nigeria Plateau
region should challenge others, notably General (Dr) Yakubu Gowon,
former Head of State and seasoned academic in his own right, to
undertake a similar effort on the Ngas, the fascinating Plateau State’s
indigenous community awaiting its own equally well researched and
elegantly published history.
Brigadier General Shagaya’s motivations for undertaking this major
book project have been clearly articulated by the author. To fill a major
gap in the historial literature on Central Nigeria” and promote a sense
of collective consciousness”. As the author has correctly argued, while
a great deal has been written and published on the more politically
centralized major ethnic groups to the North and South of the country,
notably the Hausa -Fulani Emirates of the North and the
Xi
non-Islamic kingdoms and monarchies of the South, Nigeria’s minority
groups, exemplified by the Tarok and related decentralized people of
the Plateau State, have not received their due attention of Nigerian
historians. Yet, as the author has argued, the people of the present-day
Plateau State and the Middle Belt in general constitute a critical corner-
stone for Nigeria’s over-all political architecture. Apart from the
evidence, little noted in the book, that the Nok culture was the
foundation of Nigeria’s artistic history with an influence North and
South of its historic location in Southern Kaduna, there is the more
recent evidence provided by the balancing role and functions of Plateau
politicians such as the late Joseph Tarka and, to date, Chief Solomon
Lar, the first democratically elected Governor of Plateau State and the
foundation Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party.

The Tarok have been of unique significance for their prominence, out
of proportion to their numerical strength as a people, in Nigerian
politics, especially under military rule. Indeed, as Shagaya has
reminded us, the era, beginning with the rise of Yakubu Gowon, an
Ngas, as head of State in July, 1966 and reaching the peak with the
emergence of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida as Military President from
1985 to 1993, may well be viewed as one of the so-called ‘Langtang
Mafiay with high-ranking military officers of Tarok origin holding the
most important political offices and command positions in the Nigerian
Armed Forces. The mafia included Joseph Garba, Commander of the
Brigade of Guards under General Gowon, Commisioner of External
Affairs under Murtala Mohammed/Olusegun Obasanj o regime,
Nigeria’s Permanent Representative at the United Nations in New York
under Buhari/Idiagbon and the much longer regime of President
Babangida; Domkat Bali, Chief of Defence Staff of the Nigerian
Armed Forces, Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Minister of
Defence; Jeremiah Useni, Military Governor of Bendel State, Cabinet
Rank Minister of Transport and Aviation under General Babangida,
and minister of the Federal Capital Territory under
Xii
General Sani Abacha; Joshua Dongonyaro, GOC in Ibadan, ECOMOG
Commander in Liberia; and, finally, John N. Shagaya, the highly
influential Minister of Internal Affairs, prominent Member of the
Armed Forces Ruling Council under Babangida, and ECOMOG
Commander briefly under General Sani Abacha. Other prominent
Tarok sons include Brigadier-General Yakubu Rimdan and Brig-
General Jonathan Temlong, Task Force Commander on Anti-
Smuggling of Petrol in the IBB regime, Air Cdre Benard Bamfa,
Managing Director, Nigeria Airways.
This fact alone, makes the Tarok a major historical poser that made the
time and material resources put into the production of this book worth
their while. The Historical Development of the Tarok is a
comprehensively conceived and elegantly executed piece of work that
meets the yearning of both academics and the general reader in quest of
information about the peoples of Plateau State and the Tarok in
particular.
This admirably well researched book consists of nine chapters in all. In
the introductory Chapter One, which reads like a preface more to a
doctoral thesis than a local history undertaken by an amateur historian,
the author takes the reader through a scholarly view of the existing
literature, including some that are of a theoretical import. This chapter
serves the purpose set by the author: the identification of the gap that
the new book is out to bridge.
Chapter Two is focused on the intricate issues of the peoples ‘origins
and migration’. The reader is treated to captivating details which
emphasize the hard facts of diversity multi directionality. Though Ignor
Kopytoffs authoritative theory of ‘The African Frontier’ has both been
explicitly invoked, Shagaya’s well articulated dates concerning the
Tarok have tended to validate the consensus in modern anthropological
and ethno-historical literature to the effect ‘thatAfrican societies are
historical formations incorporating peoples of heterogeneous origins
rather than descent groups writ large.
Xiii
Shagaya’s book tends to support the over-all concerns and arguments in the first
chapter of Igor Hopyhtoff. The African Frontier: the Reproduction of Traditional
African Societies (Indiana Univeristy Press, Indianapolis, 1987). The arguments
are set to reverse the main tenor in older-fashioned “research interests
(which) have been directed at those constructed and political identities
are and social boundaries manipulated by actors who use the rhetoric of
descent, marriage alliances, priority of settlement and ritual office as
strategies for defining relating status”.

Shagaya explodes the myth of monogenesis of older anthropological

research and traditional history glued to values and beliefs in
centralized polities, when he states and explains in Chapter Two of his
book that, in terms of their origins and foundations, the Tarok are a
‘composite’ people, consisting of several components: Tal Tarok (e.g.
the Ce, Kumbwang, Gigan, Shamot and other related clans), claiming
Gunung or Virga as their culture hero from Tal; the Zinni, consisting of
sub-groups such as the Lagan and the Lohmak whose claimed origin
differed from that of the Tal Tarok; the Tehl group, also called the
Tarok who allegedly came from Tehl; the Tirnwat Gebang and Kankar,
regarded as off-shoots of the Pe, a neighbour to the east of the Tarok;
the Dibbar and the Dambar who claim origination from the Ngas
(Angas), who are neighbours to the North of Tarok; the Nachang, the
Laka and the Nyikat who were originally Jukun or Kwararafa; as well
as those, like the Mbap, Kwargam (Nimbar) Ga Wang (Gani) and the
Ndal who, having lost ‘memory of their originization’, believe that
they came from a cave and are, therefore, autochthonous.

In Chapters 3, 4, 5 the reader is treated to fascinating accounts of the

pre-modern or pre-colonial political history and organization,
economic and social organization, and the Tarok traditional religion in
that order. Chapter 3 is of particular attraction for reasons of exposure
of Tarok’s pre-contact culture characterized by features of federalism
or confederalism, loosely coordinated by the Ponzhi

Xiv
Mbin, e.g. of Langyi in the Hills, but ensuring that individual clans or
clan groups enjoyed significant measures of autonomy. Autocratic
tendencies were also held in check by the balance maintained within
each clan or clan grouping, between the ritual authority of the Ponzhi
Mbin as clan head and the council of elders. The Hill Tarok, made up
mainly of the Zinni, Kwallak and Gyang, and the Plain Tarok Clan
grouping, consisting of the Nimbar, Bwarat and Sa (Gani) all
descendants of Gunung maintained largely peaceful relationships and
resolved conflicts within and across clan and macro-clan boundaries.
These often included those of hunting grounds, farmlands and women.
Inter-clan cooperation was especially induced by shared environmental
challenges such as locust invasions and epidemic outbreaks that
affected human, animal and plant health. Relations with neighbours
were not always cordial as wars had to be fought alongside the Jukun
assisted by the Fulani jihadists especially when the latter created the
semi-emirate base in Wase in the early th Century.
The understandable overlapping in Chapters 6, 7 and 8 take the reader
through a captivating account of the post-contact phase of the Tarok
history. Chapter 6 is on Political Developments up to 1966. Chapter 7
is on the Colonial Economy, and 8 is focused on the coming of
Christianity, notably the Sudan United Mission, the resultant evolution
of a Tarok Church and Western-educated elites. Chapter 6 is a most
fascinating account of socio-political transformation under the British
colonial regime, beginning with the military decentralization and
confideralism which, when combined with superior knowledge of their
terrain, helped the chosen path of guerilla warfare and almost
permanent restiveness, far beyond the imagination of the British
invaders.

Conquest, euphemized as ‘pacification’, was followed by a prolonged

process of negotiated centralization via the doctrine and practice of
indirect rule, leading first to the separate amalgamations of the ‘native’
administrations of the Hill and Plain Tarok, and, ultimately, the
amalgamation of both the Hill and Plain Tarok ‘Native’
xv
Authorities in 1955.Thanks should be given to the active collaboration
and intervention of Pan-Tarok organizations, notably, the Yergam
(Tarok) Progressive Union, embracing active membership of educated
elites, products of the mission schools, and ex-soldiers recruited into
the British army for the First and, especially, the Second World Wars.
The successful upgrading of the Ponzhi Langtang as the Ponzhi Tarok,
on the model of the evolution of the Tor Tiv institution in 1946, was no
mean achievement of the period of transformation detailed in Chapter
6. The more recent parallels are efforts, spearheaded by the Yewa
(formerly Egbado) think tank, which, led to the emergence of the Olu.
Though not known to have been trained as a historian, General
Shagaya has admirably applied the ethnics of the profession to the
evaluation of the wide array of both the primary and secondary sources
he consulted. This includes the rich variety of the oral evidence he has
collected in the course of numerous face-to-face interviews with
knowledgeable individuals and groups, both literate yet most
especially, non-literate, and the intelligent use that he has made of
valuable field observations.

It has been, for me, both an honour and a privilege to have been asked
to provide this foreword for a worthy academic project. The book is
notjust well researched; it is also generally well written. Its contents, in
terms of both coverage and depth, should satisfy both the general
reader and the professional academics. It is a compulsory and
rewarding reading, not just for the Tarok and related peoples of the
Middle Belt, but also those interested in Nigerian and wider African
history. I must challenge men and women of the status bracket of
General Shagaya: that retirement can be gainfully employed beyond
involvement in partisan politics.
Anthony I. Asiwaju
Professor of History

University of Lagos, Yaba, Lagos

22” Marc h, 2004
Xvi
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

I. Purpose of Writing this Book

This book fills a major gap in the historical literature of Central

Nigeria. At the time of writing, there is no full-length history of any
ethnic group found in what is now Plateau State. It is hardly arguable
that the history and culture of the ethnic groups of the Plateau area
have distinctive features which make them different from those of
southern Nigeria or the far north. The Jos Plateau with its wide range
of languages, its decentralized political systems, its unique ecological
features, its distinctive marriage and kinship systems, is not only a
distinct geographical area, but also a unique historical and cultural
entity worthy of study in its own right. This study is intended to look at
the Tarok as a microcosm of the peoples of the Plateau, bring out the
common features of their history and highlight the unique features of
their history and culture.

The importance of a written history for any ethnic group is that it helps
to promote a sense of collective consciousness which in turn promotes
unity at a time of very rapid social change. In the case of the Tarok,
since they are a composite group which has successfully incorporated
clans originating from diverse ethnic groups such as the Pc, the Jukun,
Ngas, Tehi (Montol) and Goemai, as well as many milies belonging to
such groups, the process by which they have
“‘l into a self-conscious and integrated ethnic group is of great
t. Having a history is a very important aspect of this process of
a fully self-conscious group. Legends such as the story of andulong,
the ancestral cult which aids in remembering a people’s
shared festivals such as Nce Awap and a common
1
language with only minor dialectal differences have helped to promote
the social integration of the ethnic group as a whole.

Plateau area was placed, by the colonial rulers under Northern Nigeria
with a separate identity as part of what has come to be called the
‘Middle Belt’ of Nigeria. After the Second World War, the educated
elite of the various Plateau groups, including the Tarok, became
increasingly aware that even though they had acquired rudiments of
western education, they were still looked down upon by the ruling
Muslim Hausa-Fulani who dominated the Northern Region. In
consequence, they began to advocate the creation of a Middle Belt state
as a remedy for the lack of development in their area and as an
opportunity to gain control over their own geographical and political
area. As we shall see, this movement initially failed; but following the
military coup of 1966, Benue-Plateau State under the leadership of a
Plateau indigene, Governor J.D. Gomwalk, was created. This brought
together some of the groups which had most strongly advocated for a
Middle Belt State. During the Civil War which broke out in 1967 many
Tarok, whose forefathers had served in World War II in Burma and
India, joined the Federal Army. The strong representation of the Tarok
in the army has made them play a pivotal role in virtually every
Nigerian military regime, apart from the first, headed by General
Ironsi. This in itself would make them worthy of study. The
involvement of the Tarok in military and civilian politics has made
them one of the most outward-looking of the Plateau groups. This
history constitutes a means of informing the Tarok of today who may
well be living in Lagos orAbuja of the origin of the Tarok and the
factors that contributed to their socio-political development down to
the present time.
It is particularly important to write the history of ethnic groups such as
the Tarok to prevent the distortion or loss of the groups, traditions and
culture. Such fears are fuelled by the very rapid process of social
change that is taking place, and the steady demise of old men, the
absence of so many of the younger generation who have gone to
2
educational institutions and the drift to the cities in search of
employment. Therefore this history constitutes an attempt to collate
and analyze the various oral traditions and present them in a formal
manner acceptable to modern historical scholarship. Oral traditions are
notoriously malleable; but once embodied in a written form they
become much more difficult to alter. Thus an attempt has been made to
collect the oral traditions on a comprehensive basis and to compare
them with the archival sources available so as to produce an authentic
Tarok history.

II. Literature Review

Although the Tarok have never had a full-length written history before,
there is existing literature which either deals with various aspects of
Tarok history and culture or which mentions the Tarok in passing as
part of larger studies.
There are four older works by colonial writers which have had a great
influence on Tarok historiography; have serious limitations. The first
and earliest of these is C.L. and O.Ternple, Notes on the Tribes,
Emirates and States of The Northern Provinces of Nigeria.’ This
contains an entry on the Tarok called ‘Yergam’ based on the official
data at their disposal at that time which was relatively meagre.
The other two well-known colonial works which contain historical
material on the Tarok are J.M. Fremantle, Gazetteer oJMuri Province,2
and C.G. Ames Gazetteer of the Plateau Province.3 Both compilations
are based on documents in colonial archives. Although they contain
information which can be useful if interpreted with care and compared
with other sources, they contain much erroneous information coloured
by out-of-date interpretations.
C.K. Meek’s The Northern Tribes of Nigeria: an Ethnographical
Axount of the Northern Provinces ofNigeria (2 vols)4 contains some
Scattered ethnographic information on the Tarok, for example on their
marriage system. However, there is less information on the Tarok
3
than on other Plateau groups. This reflects the state of knowledge
available at that time.

The situation has improved in recent times with the publication of a

number of studies on the Tarok by Tarok authors. Thus Rev. Elias
Nankap Lamle’s Cultural Revival and Church Planting5 which is
primarily concerned with missiological issues has some useful
ethnographic data as well as an up-to-date discussion on some
historical issues such as the origins of the Tarok.

A recent study is that of Nansoh F. Lakai, An Introduction to Tarok

History.6 Though it does not deal systematically with the historical
development of Tarok people over time, it does contain much useful
ethnographic information concerning the traditional religion, customs
and many legendary episodes. The work was of great help to me in
dealing with the traditional religion.

An older work published in cyclostyled form in 1980 and republished

in 1999 is: Wilson V. Famwang’s The Tarok Culture7. It is particularly
useful in its description of Tarok crafts and traditional Tarok music on
which the author is an authority.

Nansoh L. Vongdip’s Exploration in Tarok Culture8, has some

historical information. I beg to differ from him in the use of
terminology, and in his references to certain clans. Gbak informed us
that they came with the Gunung to Lagan; but since they were not
happy there they moved to Gbak. They shared meat with Timwat,
Myer, Shamot and Piga. However, this work contains useful
information on Tarok house building, beer making and other crafts.8

Another recent work is a collection of essays edited by DrA. L. Lannap

and entitled The Tarok Woman9. The essays are short and of varied
qualities. Most of their themes are similar to those contained in the
works already mentioned.9
4
 The doctoral thesis of Dr. Stephen Banfa, ‘The Transformation of
a Plateau Community, the Tarok c1880 - 1954”, would have been of
great help if it had been available to me. Some idea of the content can
be obtained from Dr. I3anfa’s unpublished seminar paper ‘The
Development of Colonial Political Administrative Policy and
Organization in Tarokland, 1904 1964’ which follows the archival
sources very closely, it is relatively weak on oral sources. It also
contains a number of actual errors.” His published essay, ‘Towards
aYergam History: Some Explorations”2 in Prof. Elizabeth Isichei’s
(ed) Studies in the History of Plateau State, Nigeria is a preliminary
canter over well-known terrain.
During her tenure as Head of History, University of los, Professor
Elizabeth Isichei was a pioneer in promoting the writing of Plateau
History and in encouraging the collection of oral data on Plateau
peoples. Unfortunately, the Tarok did not feature in the two volumes of
the Jos Oral History and Literature Texts (JOHLT) which have so far
been published.’3 She also edited the collection of essays Studies in the
History of Plateau State’4 which contains the already mentioned essay
by Dr. Banfa. Professor Isichei’s History of Nigeria,’5 while being one
of the first attempts to integrate Plateau material into the general
history of Nigeria, nonetheless it fails to bring out the distinctiveness of
the Middle Belt as a historical and cultural region because of the
thematic structure of the book.
Nigerian history textbooks treat the history of Northern Nigeria as if
there was just one monolithic north without referring to the many small
groups of the Middle Belt. The exception is Obaro Ikime’s (ed)
Groundwork of Nigerian History which contains an essay by Sa’ad
Abubakar, ‘Peoples of the Upper Benue Basin and Bauchi Plateau
before 1800’ 6 That was an early attempt to produce a synthesis of the
pre-nineteenth century history of the area. In it, the author referred to
the ‘Torok (sic).’ Given the inadequate state of historical knowledge at
that time, the result cannot be described as
• y satisfactory. It is to be hoped that future historical syntheses give
the Middle Belt Region its proper place in history and not
5
treat it as a mere appendage of the history of the emirates; neither will
it accept, at face value, many of the erroneous claims made by emirs,
and reflected in colonial official records.
Given the importance of linguistic evidence in interpreting oral
tradition, there is, fortunately, a growing literature on the subject. J. A.
Ballard’s ‘Historical Inferences from the Linguistic Geography of the
Nigerian Middle Belt’7 was a pioneering study in historical linguistics.
Kay Williamson’s work on historical linguistics has been of great
importance as can be seen from her inaugural lecture at the University
of Port Harcourt, ‘The Pedigree of Nations: Historical Linguistics in
Nigeria’9 Williamson’s other major contributors to the study of the
Middle Belt people can be found in her articles ‘Niger- Congo
Overview’, and ‘Benue-Congo Overview9, published in J Bendor
Samuel et a!. The Niger-Congo Languages (New York, 1989). Other
related essays in the same volume are Ludwig Gerhardt’s, ‘Kainji and
Platoid’2° and J.R. Watters, ‘Bantoid Overview’2. Robin Horton’s
suggestive essay, ‘The Niger-Congo Diaspora, Language, Geography
and History’22 in Nolde Emenanjo and Ozo Mekuri Ndimeled, Issues
in African Languages and Linguistics is useful in presenting a
hypothesis concerning the dispersal of the Niger-Congo languages. The
article by Selbut R. Longtau, ‘Linguistic Evidence on the Origins of
Peoples: The case of the Tarok people of Plateau State, Nigeria’23
contains some interesting hypotheses which have greatly influenced
our interpretation ofTarok origins. V. Timku Lar’s M.Ed thesis, ‘A
Contrastive Analysis of Noun Phrases in English and Tarok’24,
contains an interesting contrast between the vocabulary of Tarok and
various Chadic languages, Tal, Ngas, and Goemai as well as Eggon, a
Plateau language. D.N. Crozier and R.M. Blench. An index of Nigerian
Languages25 which is a revision of K. Hansford, J. Bendor - Samuel
and R. Stanford (1970) is an invaluable reference aid. There is,
nevertheless, much work to be done on the lexicostatistics of both
Benue-Congo and Chadic languages to give us a better picture of
where and when the various languages in a particular language group
diverged from each other.
6
The diplomacy and commercial activities of the Royal Niger Company
in the period prior to 1900 are well-covered by such monographs as
J.E. Flint’s, Sir George Goldie and the Making of Nigeria2& and R.A.
Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria27. They show
RNC’s interests in the trade routes in the Wase area in the nineteenth
century.

It is unfortunate that a number of relevant works expected to

discuss the conquest of the Middle Belt did not do so. These include:
Johnson U.J. N. Asiegbu’s, Nigeria and its British Invaders, 1851 -
1920,29 D.J.M. Muffet’s, Concerning Brave Captains29 and Michael
Crowder’s (ed) West African Resistance.3° Obaro Ikime’s, The Fall of
Nigeria3 has an inaccurate account of the conquest of Tiviand but fails
to deal with the numerous expeditions which were required to subdue
the Jos Plateau peoples, including the Tarok. The most useful account
from the military point of view is Richard N. Dusgate’s The Conquest
of Northern Nigeria.32 There are, of course, some old fashioned
sources like J.M. Fremantle’s Gazetteer of Muri Province, although it
uses a rather old fashioned vocabulary.

Apart from the already mentioned unpublished paper by Dr. Banfa and
an article by J.A. Ballard, ‘Pagan Administration and Political
Development of Northern Nigeria,33 Tarok political development in
the colonial period is poorly covered. There are some undergraduate
projects on the issue. Amongst them are I. Daddy’s ‘The Development
of Political Chieftaincy among the Tarok’. The Creation of the Ponzhi
Tarok or Chief of Tarok’34 and Nimnan Langnim’s ‘A History of the
Development of Gazum Chiefdom in Tarokiand from the Precolonial
Era to 1 990’.

When it comes to modern politics and the Middle Belt

Movement, we are still largely dependent on James S. Coleman’s
Nigeria: Background to Nationalism36, Richard L Sklar’s Nigerian
i Political Parties,37 B.J. Dudley’s Parties and Politics in Northern

7
Nigeria38 as well as Sonni Gwanle Tyoden’s The Middle Belt in
Nigerian Politics.39 These provide good accounts of the Middle Belt
movement though they make just a few references to Tarok activities.
Monday Yabian Mangvwat’s doctoral thesis, ‘A History of Class
Formation in Plateau Province, 1902 -1 960’°, pays little attention to
the Tarok, although it provides a good example of the new mission-
educated elite on whom his thesis is a prolonged attack. Rev. Lamle’s
master’s thesis ‘The Influence of Mission on the Nigerian Political
Life: A Biographical Study of Mallam Ali Ndam Tyemlong4L is a
biographical study of one of the key figures in the Yergam Progressive
Union; but unfortunately his subject’s loss of memory meant that
incidents, as well as their chronology had become mixed up. John N.
Paden’s Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto42, is a masterpiece of
erudition, that is particularly useful on the Sardauna’s relationships
with other people such as Mallam Michael Audu Buba. It gives one a
good idea of what the supporters of the Middle Belt movement were up
against. Trevor Clark’s A Right Honourable Gentleman43 is a
biography of the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa which
gives a detailed narration of events leading to the 1966 coup.

Information on the economic history of the Tarok can be pieced up

from works on other fields. Both Nansoh K. Lakai’s Introduction to
Tarok History and Wilson V. Fwamwangs, The Tarok Culture contain
useful material on precolonial farming and crafts. The essential modem
works are Roger Blench and Selbut R. Longtau’s, ‘Agriculture within
the Cultural System of the Tarok People of East- Central Nigeria.’44
Useful accounts of housebuilding and compound layout are to be found
in Nansoh F. Lakai, Introduction to Tarok History, and in N.L. Vondip,
‘Technology of Tarok Settlement Patterns: An Anthropological Study’
and in an expanded form in his Exploration in Throk Culture.’8 The
crafts practised and the utensils used by women are also discussed in
A.L. Lannap (ed) The Tarok
Woman.

8
Not much attention has been paid to the economic history of the Tarok
during the colonial period since the Tarok area was not known for cash
crop production. Rather, economic historians tend to concentrate on the
Shendam plains and the lowlands. One of such studies is Bibiana Fungvel
Baw&s, Economy and Society in the Lowland Division of Plateau Province,
1900-1960; A study of the impact of colonialism’46. There is a growing interest
in the Shendam Resettlement Scheme and a tendency to portray Tarok migration
in a manner reflecting a desire to champion parochial causes. One example of
such a work is the recent pamphlet by B. Gambo,
Dorowa: The Genesis and its Destiny47 which appears to be championing Zinni
interests. Ponfa D. Kums, ‘Tarok Migration/mm Langtang North to the Plains of
Wase from the precolonial period to the present’tm has a rather limited research
base but it is still useful.

While there are scattered references to the Tarok marriage system in older
works as well as in the already mentioned modern works by Nansoh F. Lakai,
(1998) Wilson V. Famwang (1999), Nansoh L. Vongdip, (2000) and A.L. Lannap
(ed) (1999)1 have relied on a modem anthropological study by Prof. M.G. and
Mrs. Mary F. Smith, ‘Kyanship and Kinship among the Tarok’.49

Though the systematic study of Tarok folklore has not yet begun, there are
two collections of folktales translated into English by Mrs. Esther Bali, Tarok
Folktales, and More Tales from Tarokland,5° as well as undergraduate projects
on various aspects of Tarok folklore. If studied with other aspects ofTarok
culture, folklore should produce useful insight into Tarok history and social
development. Comparative studies with the folklore of various Plateau groups
would create a richer understanding of the interrelationship between the Tarok
and their neighbours.

There is little or no literature on traditional Tarok religion,

unless it is collecting dust in the form of unpublished theses. Sister
Marie de Paul Neiers, in The Peoples of the J05 Plateau Nigeria,51

9
deals with the general beliefs of certain Plateau cultures; it contains no evidence
of familiarity with Tarok traditional religion. Dr. Yusufu Turaki, Tribal Gods of
Africa and Christianity and African Gods52 contain many interesting ideas on
African traditional religion and its relation to Christianity. Some valuable
information is contained in Nansoh F. Lakai’s, Introduction to Tarok History and
Lamle’s Cultural Revival and Church Planting. And less dismissive. Comparative
studies are also needed to ascertain which elements of Tarok traditional religion
have been borrowed from the Tehl (Montol), the Ngas, or from elsewhere.

There is considerable literature. On the coming of Christianity to

Tarokland. Two essential background works are those of J.F.A. Ajayi, Christian
Missions in Nigeria, 1841 - 1891 and E.A. Ayandele, The Missionary Impact on
Northern Nigeria, 1842 - J9J454 They provide useful material on missionary
activities in Southern Nigeria in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and
attempts by the C.M.S. to penetrate Northern Nigeria. Another general work that
is more narrowly focused on Northern Nigeria is
E.P.T. Crampton’s Christianity in Northern Nigeria”. Jan Harm Boer’s,
Missionary Messengers ofLiberation in a Colonial Context56 provides
background information on the evangelical revival in the United States and
Europe, the ideas of Karl Kumm, the founder of the Sudan United Mission (S.
UM.) and other missionary pioneers. It also tries to relate missionary activity to
colonialism in Nigeria. Also very useful on the relations between the missions
and the colonial state is Dr Yusufu Turakis, The British Colonial Legacy in
Northern Nigeria.57 J. L. Maxwell’s Half a Century of Grace: A Jubilee History
of the SUM (London, 1954)58 is more than just an official history of the SUM. It
is an invaluable source book on the development of SUM, including its work in
Tarokland, by someone who actually participated in the events and kept a diary.
Mrs. Nanwul Gutip’s Church of Christ in Nigeria (COCIN): Birth and Growth.”
contains a history of COCIN and a chapter on the Tarok Church; but it is weak
where there are no good secondary sources. An older work by John B.

10
Grimley and Gordon E. Robinson, Church Growth in Central Nigeria,60 has
useful material on the ‘take off of SUM, and the setting up of the TEKAN
Churches. The latest study on the work of the SUM in Langtang and the
development of the Tarok church is the collection of essays edited by Rev. Elias
N. Lamle, The Light Shines in their Hearts61 This work contains information
concerning early converts. Strangely enough there is little information on the
contribution of SUM to the development of Western education in Tarokiand,
which has perhaps been its most lasting legacy. Other modern works are Rev.
Lamle’s Cultural Revival and Church Planting which discusses the missiological
implications of missionary work amongst the Tarok. Lakai, in Introduction to
Tarok History, has some information on the early Christian converts, though his
chapter on Christianity and Islam needs additional work. Valuable information on
SUM activities in Tarokiand is their housejournal, The Lightbearet’2 which
contains many useful articles on missionary activities and reflects the viewpoints
of the missionaries.

On the subject of conversion, there is considerable literature summarized

in the following works: Daniel N. Wambutda, A Study of Conversion among the
Angas of Plateau State of Nigeria with Emphasis on Christianity63, Prof. Ogbu
U. Kalu’s ‘The Gods in Retreat. Models for Interpreting Religious Change in
Africa’ and Prof. E. Ikenga Metuh ‘Conclusion. Critical Survey of Explanations
in Religious Change in Africa’ in the collection of essays titled The Gods in
Retreat60. Some of the principal theories on conversion are presented in J.S.
Trimingham, The Christian Church and Islam in West Africa65 or symbolized in
the ‘shattered microcosm, that is, that African traditional religion, being an ethnic
religion of relatively small societies, could not survive the blows to which such
societies were subjected, by colonialism and economic change. According to
Lobin Horton in ‘African Conversion’66 ,such economic changes led iicans to
reinterpret their cosmology and place more emphasis on od rather than local
spirits. The missionaries merely served as Italysts in bringing about this change.

11
 The historical approach represented by Humphrey Fisher’s ‘Conversion
Reconsidered: Some Historical Aspects of Religious Conversion in Black
Africa’67 is a reaction to Horton’s article. Horton had argued, with special
reference to Islam, that religious change is represented by three phases:
‘Quarantine’ when the new religion is represented by newcomers and since there
is relatively little mixing the religion remains relatively pure, ‘Mixing’ when a
number of local people adopt the new religion and there is some mixing with the
traditional beliefs; and, finally, that of’Reform’ when a movement for reform
sweeps away the syncretism and restores orthodoxy. Deprivation theory is
represented by C. Ifeka-Moller in his, ‘White Power: Social Structural Factors in
Conversion to Christianity, Eastern Nigeria, 1921 - 1966.6 He has argued that the
failure to obtain the expected benefits from adopting Western ways led to mass
conversion to Christianity in the Calabar and Owerri areas in the hope that they
could acquire the key to the power of the white man and the secret of his
technological superiority. Major theories of conversion are represented by F.K.
Ekechi, inMissionary Enterprise andRivairy in Igboland 1887 - J9J4(9 and
interestingly discussed by Prof. Udobata R. Onwunwa, ‘Christian Missionary
Methods and their Influence on Eastern Nigeria’70 in E. Ikenga - Metuh (ed) The
Gods in Retreat. Richard Bruce’s ‘Conversion amongst the Pyem’7 presents the
who-whom theory which suggests that the degree of acceptance of a new religion
depends on who brings it.

Also useful on this subject is the substantial literature on contextualization such

as B. H. Kato’s ‘Contextualization and Religious Syncretism in Africa’ in his
Biblical Christianity in Africa,72 Kwame Bediako’s Theology and Identity,73
Charles H. Kraft’s and Turaki’s Christianity in Culture74, Christianity and
African Gods. Although there is substantial theoretical literature on conversion,
there is still need for more research on conversion amongst the Tarok. An attempt
at contextualization would be a useful addition to the literature on Christianity in
Tarokiand.

12
The military also played a significant role in the history of Tarok. The Nigerian
army, developed from the Niger Company Constabulary, activities are described
in Sam C. Ukpabi’s Mercantile Soldiers in Nigerian History.75 This later evolved
into the West Africa Frontier Force (WAFF) and subsequently, the Royal West
African Frontier Force(RWAFF) with an old-fashioned regimental history. A.
Haywood and F.A.S. Clarke’s The History of the Royal West African
FrontierForce76 covers its exploits in Burma. The Nigerian Army has two
monographic studies: Robin Luckham’s The Nigerian Military,77 and Norman J.
Miners’ The Nigerian Arnzy. 1956 - 1966.78 The Nigerian Army Education
Corps has also produced a History of The Nigerian Army: 1963 - 1 992 which
gives a general history of the development of the army.

The events leading to the first coup are well-covered in Trevor Clerk’s A Right
Honourable Gentleman, and in the magnificent work edited by H.B. Momoh (ed)
titled The Nigerian Civil War. 1967 J97Q•8) Some of the principal actors in the
first coup of 15 January, 1966 have written their own accounts including A.
Adernoyega’s Why we struck and B. Gbulie’s Nigeria’s Five Majors.82 The
confusion felt by northern politicians and soldiers can be seen from the
interviews contained in H.B. Momoh’s (ed) The Nigerian Civil War Middle Belt
soldiers, including the Tarok, took a leading part in the counter coup of 29 July,
1966. Although many informants are themselves confused, a much clearer picture
emerges from the interviews in H. B.
Momoh’s (ed) The Nigerian Civil War as to what happened and how Gowon
emerged as Head of State. Older accounts which are
rpartially superseded are those in Lindsay Barret’s Danjuma: The
aking of a General,83 John D. Clerk’s Yakubu Gowon84 and Isawa
Eliagwu’s Gowon.85

The causes of the Biafran secession and subsequent civil war have ri widely
discussed. What was expected to be a relatively brief
police action turned into a bitter civil war of some thirty months. This
led to a tremendous expansion of the army resulting in an extensive

13
recruitment of Middle Belt soldiers, including the Tarok. Due to the shortage of
officers during the war, many non-commissioned officers obtained field
commissions. Many Tarok joined the army and served on all fronts; and since
there was no mass demobilization after the war, many remained in the army and
became significant elements in army politics. Until recently, the best accounts of
the civil war were Alexander A. Madiebo’s The Nigerian Revolution and the
Biafran War86 for the Biafran side, Olusegun Obasanjo’s My Command’7 for
the Federal side, and John de St Jorr&s The Nigerian Civil War88 which was the
most objective. But these have been superceded by H.B. Momoh’s The Nigerian
Civil War which gives an account of the civil war and also has interviews with
senior officers (including Tarok officers) such as General Domkat Bali, and
Lieutenant-General J. Dogonyaro.

The period from 1970 to 1975 is covered by a number of useful

collections of essays such as those edited by S.K. Panter-Brick’s
Soldiers and Oil: The Political Transformation of Nigeria89 0
Oyediran’s Nigerian Government and Politics under Military Rule:
1966- 197990 and Gavin Williams’ Nigeria Economy and Society.91

The situation leading to the coup of29 July, 1975, is well described by Ian
Campbell’s ‘Army Reorganization and Military Withdrawal’ in Panter-Brick’s
(ed) Soldiers and Oil.92 General Garba, the Tarok officer, who announced the
coip has left an account of the events leading up to the coup in his Diplomatic
Soldiering.93 Other accounts can be found in Femi Ahmed’s, Domkat,94
Lindsay Barrett’s Danjuma, and Onukaba A. Ojo’s Olusegun Obasanjo.95 The
coup of 1975 brought a younger generation of officers who had fought in the civil
war, to power. This includes General Joseph Garba, a Tarok, who became
Minister of External Affairs. He has discussed the major events of his tenure in
Diplomatic Soldiering. General Murtala Mohammed’s brief corrective regime
and the events leading to Dimka’s coup are well-analysed in Martin Dent’s
‘Corrective Government - Military Rule in Perspective’ in Panter-Brick’s (ed)

14
Soldiers and 011.96 For the actual attempted coup, Dimk&s Confession97
remains the major source, although we now have a number of accounts of its
suppression in Lindsay Barrett’s Danjurna, O.A. Ojo’s Olusegun Obasanjo,
Edward Dasah’s, Shagaya04 and in Gabriel Umoden’s The Babangida Years99.
Not many Tarok soldiers were involved in the attempted Dimka coup; but it
helped to reinforce the rift between the Ngas and the Tarok which begun with the
ouster of General Gowon.

There is very substantial literature on the Murtala/Obasano transition programme

culminating in the return to civil rule in 1979. Oyeleye Oyediran’s edited volume,
The Nigerian 1979 Elections, provides useful material on the events leading up to
the actual elections. A more general work covering a longer period from the first
coup to the early years of the Babangida regime is William Grafs The Nigerian
State’°’ which belongs to the political economy school. The Constituent
Assembly and the Sharia issue are well-covered in Matthew Hassan Kukah’s
Religion, Politics and Power in Northern Nigeria,’02 while the emergence of
political parties is covered in Oyeleye Oyediran’s’°3 ‘Political Parties - formation
and candidate selection’ in The Nigerian 1979 Elections written by him, and in
A.D. Yahaya ‘The Political Parties and the Crisis of Instability’ in T.A.
Imobighe’s(ed) ThePolitics oftheSecondRepublic.104

Useful coverage of the Second Republic can be found in William Grafs, The
Nigerian State, T.A. Imobigbe’s The Politics of the Second Republic, but neither
of these says much about Plateau State. In Plateau State, Solomon D. Lar of the
opposition, National Peoples Party, was elected governor with a decisive majority
and a comfortable majority in the house of assembly. He pursued his policy of
emancipation by creating chiefdoms and upgrading others, and sought to
distribute amenities especially clinics through out the state.
No secondary literature exists during this period of Plateau State history and
hence one has to rely on Plateau State Government

15
publications,105 and on magazines and newspapers, especially The Nigeria
Standard which, as a government owned newspaper, reflects the views of the
NPP government in the state.

Similar sources cover the ecomomic crisis which forced the Federal Government
to introduce an austerity programme before the elections of 1983. These elections
were conducted against a background of nonpayment of workers, strikes, political
violence and election rigging which produced results that were simply not
credible. Governor Lar, who had won in every single local government in 1979,
was barely able to win in 1983, and his defeated opponent, Mr. John Jatau
Kadiya, filed an election petition which was still pending before the Supreme
Court when the military struck. The military staged a coup on 31 December,
1983.

The Buhari/Idiagbon regime soon rendered itself very unpopular by the way it
enforced its stringent economic measures. Its apparent northern bias in
appointments and in the more rigorous treatment meted out to southern
politicians, its abuse of human rights, its refusal to announce a transition
programme, and its apparent intention to retire certain senior army officers
induced the latter to strike first. Consequently, the Buhari/Idiagbon regime was
overthrown in a military coup on 25 August, 1985. That brought General
Babangida to power.

The coup was announced by a Tarok officer, General Dogonyaro. The early years
of the Babangida administration witnessed such a heavy concentration of Tarok
officers in government that there was talk of a Langtang Mafia.’°6 There were
three Tarok generals: General Domkat Bali as Minister of Defence, Lt. -General
J. T. Useni as Minister of Transport and Aviation and Brigadier-General J. N.
Shagaya as Minister of Internal Affairs. General Dogonyaro was a G.O.C. and
Major-General Joe Garba was an ambassador on special duty. However, there
was nothing particularly secret about the rise to power of the Langtang generals
as they had merely played the game

16
of military politics through participation in successful military coups. Of those
mentioned, General Bali and Lieutenant General Dogonyaro were not even
politically minded.

The activities of the Tarok generals during this period are

reported in a number of biographies: P. Ahmed, Domkat; Edward
Dassah, Shagaya I. Okonkwo, et.al, Jeremiah Timbut Useni, 106 and N. Agetua,
Operation Liberty. 107 The political influence of the Tarok generals declined
after 1989. Some returned to military commands as GOCs or ECOMOG
Commanders before they were retired under General Abacha. Lt. -General J. T.
Useni (rtd) remained as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory under late
General Abacha.

Though the Babangida regime, which lasted from 1985 until 1993, remains
controversial, it has to be treated in this work because of the close association of
the Tarok generals with it. The motivation, and intentions of General Babangida
are subject to various interpretations, and the verdict of history is still to be out.
General accounts of the Babangida years are to be found in Gabriel Umoden’s
The Babangida Years and Chidi Amuta’s somewhat morejournalistic
Prince ofthe Niger - The Babangida Years.’°0 Both biographies were [written
before June 12, when the transition programme appeared still on course. The
Babangida regime also employed a number of ademics as publicists who
produced a series of well-written iologetics for the regime and who must have
been rather rassed by the cancellation of the June 12 elections. Although
academics primarily handled the political transition programme, they also
contributed to the Structural Adjustment Programme and other policies of the
regime. Some of their publications are Sam Oyovbaire, and Tunji Olagungu’s
Foundations of a New Nigeria: The IBB Era,°” Sam E Oyavbaire’s ‘The
Programme of ion to Civil Rule of the Babangida Administration’ in The
Handbook andReview 1988- 1989; “°Tunji Olagungu, Adele Jinadu, and Sam
Oyovbaire’s Transition to Democracy in Nigeria
(1985- 1993). The Babangida Regime Symposium held in

17
October, 2000 produced a wealth of papers on a number of topics which will be
referred to individually. However, no paper was submitted on June 12.

There is substantial literature on specialist topics such as the IMF Debate and the
Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) which served as economic backgrounds
to the political transition programme and caused much hardship resulting in
serious disturbances by students and workers. Official views of SAP can be
found in studies cited in the previous paragraph and in write ups by World Bank
officials such as Ishrat Husain and Reshid Farugee’s Adjustment in Africa -
Lessons from Country Case Studies.’112 A more critical view can be found in
the set of essays edited by Adebayo O. Olukoshi, The Politics of Structural
Adjustment in Nigeria. 113 While the World Bank!IMF blame the Babangida
regime for its poor timing and lack of rigour in implementing SAP, years of
cumulative austerity produced the most serious disturbances yet faced by the
regime in May, 1988, which led the government to virtually abandon SAP. While
still claiming to be implementing SAP, the Babangida government turned its
attention to its political transition programme. The increased revenue from higher
oil prices resulting from the Gulf War was devoted to major investment projects
and political transition programmes all outside budgetary procedures. Thus it can
safely be said that from 1990, SAP, despite continued lipservice, had been
abandoned, and Babangida had become preoccupied with the political succession
problem. Opinion is still very much divided about the consequences of SAP. This
is reflected in the divergent views expressed at the Babangida Regime
Symposium where AbdulGaniyu Garba in his paper, ‘The World Bank’s
Structural Adjustment Programme. What it adjusted in Nigeria and its
consequences,4 sees nothing good in SAP. Obida 0 Wafure’s ‘Structural
Adjustment Programme in Nigeria: an Economic Analysis presents a more
balanced view. 115

18
The political transition programme, with all its twists and turns, is another issue
that dominated the Babangida years. The official view is well represented in the
two biographies and the literature produced by government publicists. However,
with the benefit of hindsight, the scepticism expressed by two papers at the
Babangida symposium appear more convincing. They are U. Gabriel Moti’s
‘Political Manipulation - The Weapon and Legacy of the Babangida
Administration”6 and Adeolu Akande’s ‘Travails of Nigerian Federalism under
Military Rule: The Babangida case.’”7 Although June 12 has produced a large
periodical literature, it has not yet been the subject ofa major study.

Other specialist topics include the Organisational of Islamic

Conference (OIC) affair which did so much to undermine Christians’
confidence in the Babangida regime. This is well-covered in
Matthew Hassan Kukah’s Religion, Politics and Power in Northern
Nigeria.

The attempted Orkar coup of 22 April, 1990 came as a great shock to the
Babangida regime. The coup leader’s broadcast accused Babangida of wishing to
make himself life president and gave a long list of grievances which included

(i) The shabby treatment meted out on the longest serving Nigerian
general, General Domkat Bali, who in actual fact had given
credibility to the Babangida administration 118
(ii) The assault on the peoples of Plateau State, especially the
Langtang people who are a balancing force in the body politic of this
country.

Although it would appear that no Tarok soldiers were involved in the

Orkar coup, their leader’s broadcast reflects the unease in the Middle
Belt and amongst Christians that Babangida wanted to perpetuate

19
himself. To achieve this objective, he was leaning towards the North. This meant
that he was favouring muslims with appointments, especially in the army and the
police. Julius 0 Ihonvbere interpreted Orka’s coup from a social scientist’s point
of view. In ‘A Critical Evaluation of the Failed 1990 Coup in Nigeria,”9 the
author argued that the apparent radicalism of the coup manifesto frightened the
national bourgeoisie who were deeply involved in corruption. The Babangida
regime had shown traits of becoming increasingly autocratic, and the Orkar coup
aggravated these tendencies.

Surveys of Nigerian foreign policy under General Babangida can be found

in Gabriel E. Umoden, The Babangida Years and in Jide Osuntokun’s, ‘Nigeria’s
Foreign Policy During the Babangida Years.’2° One of the gains of his policy
was that General Joseph Garba served as President of the Forty-forth UN General
Assembly from September, 1989 to September, 1990. His achievements are
recorded in his book, The Honour to Serve.121

Within the West African sub-region, General Babangida became involved

in the affairs of Liberia which led to the creation of ECOMOG which was
commanded by Lieutenant General Dogonyaro from October, 1990 to February,
1991 and Brigadier General J.N. Shagaya from September to December, 1993.
Peace keeping and Nigeria’s involvement in ECOMGG has already produced a
vast literature including M.A. Vogt’s (ed) The Liberian Crisis and ECOMOG,’22
M.A. Vogt and A.E. Ekoko’s (ed) Nigeria in International Peacekeeping, 1960 -
1992,23 and M.A. Vogt and L.S. Aminu is (eds) Peace Keeping as a Security
Strategy in Africa,’24 and papers presented at the Abuja Conference, 1 - 4
December, 1997 edited by General J.N. Garba under the title Militaries,
Democracies and Security in Subsaharan Africa.’25 A special issue of Defence
Studies (1996) was devoted to ECOMOG.’26 Although this literature is
repetitive, and in some cases self-congratulatory, it provides a large body of
materials on which to base an assessment of the ECOMOG operation.

20
 Following the June 12 crisis, a caretaker regime was installed under Chief
Ernest Shonekan with Chief Ezekiel Yusufu as Secretary for Internal Affairs.
This government was overthrown by General SaniAbacha, on 18 November,
1993. Chief Solomon D. Lar served as Minister of Police Affairs until he was
dropped when the latter felt he had sufficiently, under Gen Abacha, consolidated
himself. The Abacha transition aimed at perpetuating himself in power by
building up the UNCP as the government party and by manipulating the other
parties to adopt him as their presidential candidate. However his sudden death
brought all these schemes to nought and made a genuine transition programme to
civil rule possible. There is as yet no satisfactory secondary literature on this
subject, although there is huge periodical literature, much of which is very
controversial.

Thus, the literature on the Tarok places greater emphasis on customs than on
political and economic development. There has been a dearth of studies on
national and Plateau State politics for the period 1970 to the present compared
with the very serious studies which existed between 1947 - 1966. The lack of
archival sources, the mass of press and periodical literature, the difficulty of
checking such press stories, and the risk of libel all go to make the writing of
contemporary Nigerian history a much more difficult venture than it ought to be.

III. Problems of Historical Reconstruction

One of the major problems facing historians attempting to reconstruct the history
of the preliterate societies of Plateau State is the absence of written records for
the pre-contact period. This is aggravated by the fact that few travellers or traders
traversed the Plateau area in the precolonial period. Such people could have left
accounts, however inaccurate, of the people they visited or heard of. In the
absence of written records, we are forccd to rely heavily on oral traditions which
Jan. Vansina described.

21
 as verbal messages which are reported statements from the past beyond the
present generation. The definition specifies that the message must be oral
statements spoken, sung, or called out on musical instruments only. This
distinguishes such sources not only from written messages, but also from
all other sources except oral history. The definition makes it clear that all
oral sources are not oral traditions. There must be transmission by word of
mouth over at least a generation.127

It does not seem necessary, as does Joseph C. Miller has done, to restrict
traditions only to conscious historical statements or to narratives since a lot can
be learnt about the past from sources which are unconscious contributions.128

Early colonial officials tried their hands at collecting oral traditions and
ethnographical data. The results of their efforts can be found in National
Archives, Kaduna. In collecting such oral traditions they were under a number of
disadvantages. They had not been trained to collect and interpret such data, hence
they brought a combination of naiveté and preconceptions to the task of
interpretation which often led to serious distortions. This is because of the nature
of the relationship between the colonial officials and the people themselves who
feared what the information might be used for. Consequently the latter
deliberately concealed or distorted information. Some of the interpreters they
relied on could not ascertain the correct meanings of words. This led to further
destortIons. Since the colonial officials were collecting information for a purpose,
usually to support some kind of reorganization scheme, they were also highly
selective in what they collected and recorded. This body of materials is in the
National Archives. While they can serve as invaluable sources, they should be
carefully cross-checked against current oral traditions for reliability. They may
reveal that a tradition has undergone a process of change during the colonial
period to meet newly perceived needs.

22
The days when precolonial African history was dismissed as out of hand because
of the absence of written records except in limited areas have long past29. It is
now recognized that pre-literate peoples have histories and that these are
recoverable within certain limits. Nonetheless, oral tradition has made great
strides since they were dismissed by American anthropologist George P.
Murdock who considered ‘that indigenous oral traditions are completely
undependable much beyond the personal recollections of living informants.’30
Historians such as Jan Vansina and many others have demonstrated the great
value of oral traditions in reconstructing the history of East and Central African
Kingdoms where there were well- developed historical genres such as narratives,
royal genealogies, praise songs and so on, which various groups in the society
such as royal families had an interest in preserving. Such traditions cannot always
be interpreted literally; for example a story about the heir to the throne who got
lost, and then returned might refer in fact to a change of dynasty. Stereotyped
stories might be told about certain kings to indicate that they were bad kings.
However, with careful interpretation and a good understanding of the culture,
much can be achieved in terms of historical reconstruction.131

Until recently, historians were less optimistic about the reconstruction of the
history of so-called, ‘stateless societies’. It is true that such decentralized small
societies like the Tarok and other Plateau peoples present special problems of
historical reconstruction. They did not possess highly developed monarchies and
griots whose duty it was to remember and preserve royal genealogies. One is
therefore left with clan or family histories and those of small communities which
have to be fitted together. In the case of the Tarok, the needs of the ancestral cult
and the rules of succession to the post of ponzhi mbin have tended to ensure the
preservation of the names of the ponzhi mbins of the respective clans, although
the lists appear relatively short. In a clan where perhaps four families provide
candidates for the position ofponzhi mbin in succession, each family is
responsible for remembering the names of previous holders from

23
their clan, and this appears to work quite well. It is, nevertheless, difficult to
relate the events reported by an informant with events in another clan living in
relatively close geographical proximity.

The oral traditions of small decentralized groups are shallow in time, and weak in
chronology. It is alleged by some writers that Africans use at least three different
types of time, the timelessness of creation, the cyclical time and the linear time
These correspond to the three components of oral tradition observed by
historians, namely a period of origins, a middle period and recent events. Thus in
the case of the Tarok, a considerable amount of information can be obtained from
the traditions of the various clans about their movements in the past but they all
have a timeless quality which makes it very difficult to create a chronological
framework. Traditions of origin and migration, have limits as to how far back
informants can remember. Recent intrusions presumably created by the educated
elite are having a feedback effect on the traditions. Virtually nothing is known of
the period after the migrations, until we get to relatively recent times. It is worth
noting that many old informants who make valuable contributions concerning the
origins and migrations of their clans seem to have difficulty remembering
relatively recent events such as those of the 193 0s.

It has been observed by Jan Vansina that if one looks at the corpus of historical
accounts, they yield only a relatively small number of topics: ‘They may deal
with origins, migrations, descent, wars (over land, women, other wealth), natural
catastrophes, and not much more!133 Practical experience bears out this
observation. The relatively limited repertory of oral traditions reflects the
interests of the people themselves; the tendency is for them to remember the
usable past. Thus they may remember matters concerning family history because
of their bearing on inheritance and on who one can marry and so on. As an event
recedes, all the unessential details are stripped away and forgotten, leaving only
the basic events in the tradition. In other cases a process of stereotyping sets in so
that chiefs

24
are classified as ‘good’ or ‘bad’ and stereotyped stories reflecting such qualities
are attached to them. The range of topics to be found in the traditions would vary
from culture to culture; but it is safe to say that they would be relatively limited
to reflect the dominant interests of that society, otherwise they would not have
seemed worth preserving. Thus oral traditions are skeletal. They lack the richness
and colour which one finds in oral accounts of relatively recent events.

Probably the greatest problem with official traditions are the distortions which
have been introduced to favour ruling families. The historian has to be on the
look out for these distortions, and to identify those groups in whose interest it is
to introduce them. Such distortions are often visible in genealogies where
attempts are made by one branch of a family or a particular clan to claim
seniority. In some cases the traditions have become so contaminated that it is
impossible to unravel the truth. In addition, the modern elite have fed distorted
information into the traditions so that they can no longer be relied upon. Apart
from official traditions, there are private traditions which may also be distorted;
but the distortions are less obvious. The individual who suggests to the historian
that his family ruled before the present one may be revealing an interesting piece
of information suppressed in the official tradition, or he may be putting forward a
spurious claim to satisfy his own ego. It remains for the historian to weigh the
evidence and decide on its validity.

When describing developments in precolonial times informants tend to see

institutions as having come into existence full-blown, and to have continued like
that ever since. Often, the creation of these institutions is attributed to a particular
hero or chief. Thus there is very little sense of development over time in the
traditions.34 In the case of Tarok traditional religion, which is clearly derived
from many sources, it is very difficult to escape from the rather static picture
provided by informants. Thus, for example, it seems very unlikely that
Gandulong instituted the ancestor cult although he may well have introduced
some new ritual features. Consequently, it is very difficult to write the history of
the development of Tarok traditional religion.

25
Another danger arising from the use of oral traditions in historical reconstruction
is that one tends to be told what should happen, that is the normative rule, and not
what actually happened. Thus, for example, one was often told that if the ritual
head of a clan, ponzhi mbin, misbehaved he would drop dead instantly; but no
instance of this could be provided. There might have been cases when ritual
sanctions were imposed on an errant ponzhi mbin or he might have been killed by
the ancestral (orim) cult which announced that he had been ‘swallowed by the
ancestors.’ Thus oral traditions tend to give a rather static picture of the workings
of traditional societies, which were at one time interpreted by anthropologists as
constituting a functional system. That change was taking place seems probable
and therefore it is essential to look for some kind of dynamics, internal or
external, which might have stimulated change. In the precolonial period, the
threat of the jihadists which stimulated the creation of political chiefs in the Sa or
Gani area to deal with the Fulani in Wase is one such factor making for political
change.

The greatest problem arising from the use of oral traditions is that of chronology.
In small scale decentralized societies like the Tarok, this is a virtually insoluble
problem because the genealogies do not help much with dating because of the
different rules of succession, and because the traditions of the different clans
scarcely agree. The main resort would, therefore, be to neighbouring groups the
majority of whom the Pe, [the Tehl (Montol), Youm (Gerkawa)] suffer from the
same problem.

One has to rely on external datings based on records of the Jukun of Wase Tofa
and later on the jihadists of Wase. These have only provided a skeletal
chronological framework. More investigation of comparative chronology in the
area might yield useful results.
In the collection of oral traditions, there continue to be ‘no go’ areas on which
informants are reluctant to supply information. This particularly applies to the
traditional religion. The more alive the traditional religion is in a particular area,
the more difficult it is to

26
collect data about it. Ritual specialists, who are usually the best informed persons
in the society on such subjects, are particularly unwilling to reveal such
information to the uninitiated or strangers who might broadcast esoteric
information to women and the world at large. Those who have abandoned the
traditional religion for Christianity either pretend they do not understand the
traditional religion, and are usually dismissive, or that they know only a little
about the religion since they were never initiated into its inner secrets.

In dealing with recent events, attempts were made to interview actual

participants. Where these were dead, persons who were likely to be reasonably
well-informed on such events provided the details. It was hoped that by doing so,
one could obtain indigenous viewpoints as a corrective to the colonial or official
view represented in colonial archives. In many cases, interesting stories were
collected but could usually not be authenticated. In some cases they helped to
contribute to our conception of the character of a particular historical personage,
and hence were useful. Many persons in private conversations gave us their
impressions of individuals whom they had known personally, and which, taking
into account the informant’s own viewpoints, were useful in building Ip a picture
of the individuals concerned. It should be noted that informants on relatively
recent events are often weak on dates and chronology; in most cases we have
checks provided by archival sources, publications and newspapers. We remain
optimistic that oral tradition and oral history will yield a fuller and more
authentic account of Tarok history than relying on official sources alone.

27
 IV. Methodology
To collect oral data we conducted structured interviews in each clan. For clans in
the Nimbar group, we interviewed small groups in the local clan centres, and for
the Ce clans, I went to Langyi and interviewed the PonzhiMbin Ce and some of
his advisers. Interviews for the Bwarat, Zinni and Gani clans were arranged at the
district offices by the district heads. Clans chose their own spokespersons who
usually numbered three or four including the ponzhi mbin of the clan. Though
Jan Vansina suggested that individual interviews are better than group interviews,
our experience was that in small group interviews, those interviewed helped to
remind one another of particular facts, and if one informant was giving wrong
information, the others would correct him. Some interviews were dominated by a
particular individual; but since the others did not disagree with him, it is to be
assumed that he was the most knowledgeable person in the group. Some clan
ponzhi mbins were very knowledgeable about their clans’ traditions, while a few
remained silent and allowed one or more of the elders to do all the talking.
However, the views expressed in such group interviews can be taken to represent
the consensus view of the clans concerned, though there were a few exceptions.
Kwallak was visited twice and representatives of all the clans were interviewed. I
was able to visit Gyang (Funyallang) only once due to the distance involved and
the acute petrol shortage at the time.

Interviews were structured in the sense that questions were asked on a repertory
of topics including origins, the families who could supply the ponzhi inbin, lists
of chiefs, rules of succession, taboos surrounding a ponzhi mbin, the installation
ceremony, insignia of office, powers of a ponzhi mbin, meat sharing
arrangements, principal festivals, inter-clan relations and so on. Where the initial
information did not appear to be satisfactory or new information was obtained
from an archival source or another oral source, another interview was arranged to
check the data. The response to interviews

28
was encouraging; and once people became aware of the purpose of the
interviews, representatives of clans or sections of clans volunteered to be
interviewed. Some clans from Bwarat which had sections in Gani asked to be
interviewed a second time but were told that they had already been interviewed.
Further interviews were arranged with individuals and small groups on specific
topics such as traditional agriculture, hunting, crafts, kinship and marriage,
Christianity (COC1N and RC), traditional religion, locust invasions, Yergam
Union, the Tarok in the Nigerian Army, the Shendam Resettlement Scheme,
party politics and so on. The individuals in question were chosen because of their
specialised knowledge of particular topics, and in the case of craftsmen, they
showed us their tools, and the products of their craft. In many cases such persons
provided us with information which could not have been obtained from any other
source. These were also structured interviews since questions were asked on
specific topics, and informants confined themselves to those topics.

Table I: Number of Group Interviews conducted with Clans

Clan Grouping No. of Interviews No. of Informants

Nimbar 11 28

Gazum 17 52

Bwarat 17 50

Gani 9 16

Total 54 146

29
Table 2: Number of Specialist Interviews

Type of Interview No. of Interviews No. of Informants

Group Interviews 7 24

Individual Interviews 29 29
Total 36 56

In addition, I were participant observers at the Nce Awap in Langyi courtesy of

the Ponzhi Mbin Ce and were privileged to witness the actual rituals. I have also
witnessed several iku inaknak for a number of eminent persons. As already
mentioned, I was able to observe a number of craftsmen at work and their
products.

Apart from oral sources, extensive use was made of the files in the
National Archives, Kaduna (NAK). As the Plain Tarok area was in Muri
Province until 1926, the Muri Provincial reports, which survive only in the
Secretariat of Northern Provinces (SNP) series, were the principal archival source
for the area from the British Conquest to 1925. Thereafter, the Plateau Provincial
reports in the Plateau Provincial series (Jos Prof) are the major source from 1926,
to 1965. More importantly, the Shendam divisional reports, of which only a few
survived before 1926, became regular from that date until 1955. Meanwhile the
Hill Tarok area was transferred to Pankshin Division of Bauchi Province in 1911
where it remained until 1932 when it was transferred to Shendam Division. Thus
material on Hill Tarok exists in the Pankshin \divisional reports, although it is
scanty. Apart from these regular series, there are specialist files in both SNP and
Jos Prof containing early assessment reports, the Native Sub Treasury file, the
Native Court files, a special report on the Hill Tarok District, numerous files on
the Shendam Resettlement Scheme and so on. These files provide an account of
British policies concerning the

30
political and economic development of the Tarok area. They are useful for
chronology and for statistics. They can be usefully supplemented by oral
interviews because as late as the 1930s the British had not yet fuily understood
the clan structure, and had collected much erroneous information which affected
their policy making. On the other hand, information in the archives sometimes
provides a useful check on stories collected from informants.

The activities of Christian missionaries in Tarokland constitute a topic in itself.

Apart from the Logbook held at RCC Langtang, the principal source on SUM
missionary activities is their house journal, The Light bearer which up to the 1
940s, contains a lot of material on the Tarok Church but thereafter there are very
few articles on the Tarok. The archives at COCIN Headquarters do not appear to
have much material for the early period, while the files for the later period were
still being sorted at the time of my research. There is some material on the work
of the Christian Missions in the National Archives Kaduna, chiefly missionary
returns, permits, applications to open schools, and Classes of Religious
Instructio?i (CRIs) and some useful files on mission schools. Gindiri schools
have registers of students who attended their various institutions. Oral interviews
provide useful local perspectives on missionary activities.

After 1966, no archival material was available except a few published reports;
therefore, reliance shifted to newspapers. The Daily Times used to have a good
coverage up to the 1 970s.

The New Nigerian represents the offical northern point of view, and The Nigeria
Standard contains much information on the events in Plateau from the 1970s. The
weekly magazines have now become a most valuable source of news and
comment. These have had to be consulted selectively as reading the files of a
daily newspaper is immensely time consuming. Information derived from
newspapers, magazines and biographies was supplemented by interviews with
Tarok generals, politicians and civil servants.

31
I approach to the use of the data has been essentially interdisciplinary. I have
used concepts from linguistics, social anthropology and political science to
analyse the development of the Tarok community from precolonial times to the
present. Many features of Tarok culture still influence Tarok behaviour yet they
have shown themselves to be a people ready to adopt new ideas, such as
Christianity and western education. This enabled them to seize the opportunities
which opened up with the creation of Benue-Plateau State and have a strong
representation in the army which enabled them to play a leading role in military
politics despite their numbers. This study tries to show how history has shaped
the development of the Tarok community, and how the Tarok by seizing their
opportunities, have made history.

V. Definitions of Concepts and Terms

The term ‘tribe’ is not used in this work since the negative meaning derived from
its colonial usage is no longer considered appropriate. An ethnic group is a self-
conscious group sharing a common language and culture. The Tarok is an ethnic
group.

Culture, in this study is the way of life of a people, their language, music,
art and world view. Culture is something that is learned and acquired right from
infancy in a particular society through a process known as enculturation. Culture
change can take place through the acquisition of new skills or a new religion; this
is the subject of historical study.134

Society is used to refer to a human group in which individuals have roles

and statuses. Since precolonial Tarok society was a smallscale society, that is,
one based on clans, the number of roles was limited, as was the degree of role
differentiation.135

Social organization refers to how such a society is organized

in terms of age, kinship and so on. ‘Political organization’ refers to the

32
Political aspects of social organization which, in such a smaLl-scale society, are
parallel and not clearly differentiated.

Social structure is defined as the pattern of social relationships which

characterized Tarok society in the precolonial period based upon kinship
relations, residential patterns, the process of production, and the ritual life of the
community. These social groupings and their relations to each other over time
constitute social structure.136

Clan is used to denote a group of families who claim descent from a

common ancestor. Among the Tarok, families who were not related to the
common ancestor, and who might even belong to other ethnic groups could be
affiliated to a clan, thus producing in some cases composite clans. Clans in the
past had clan territories, a common religious cult and practised exogamy.137

Within a clan there are lineages consisting of families claiming descent

from a known ancestor about three generations past. Among the Tarok, there are
lineages which traditionally produce the priest-chief (ponzhi mbin) ofthe clan.

In clan-based societies like the Tarok, clans are often grouped together
because they share certain things in common or engage in group activities. In this
study we refer to clan groupings such as the Zinni, Nimbar, Bwarat and Sa
groups. We also, try to establish the linkages between the clans in a clan grouping
and evaluate the claims of particular clans to seniority or ritual importance.

In discussing the origin of the Tarok, we are not referring either to the
Garden of Eden or the Kenya Rift Valley but to the place from which the Niger -
Congo family of languages dispersed in Nigeria. This, according to linguists, is
the Niger-Benue confluence area. In this connection we use the concept of
homeland which, according to linguists, refers to ‘the area where the languages
show

33
the greatest differentiation, the result of having had a long period in which to
diversify first into different dialects and then into different languages!138

The term, priest-chief is used to refer to the ponzhi mbin of a clan because
he was not simply a religious leader, and therefore not just the chief-priest, but
also a political leader even if he had very limited executive powers.

In this study authority is used to refer to the ability to direct the behaviour
of others in the absence of threat or use of sanctions. Power on the other hand is
the ability to direct the behaviour of others by threat or use of sanctions. Power
and authority may go together or appear separately. A demonstration of power
can be a source of authority.139

Sanctions are defined as those devices, rewards or punishments used by an

individual or group to control the behaviour
ofothers.’140

charter of a political organization or society are those claims based on

myths or genealogies which serve to legitimize the position of a particular group
or groups in that society or a particular institution.’4’ Legitimacy is one of the
most central concepts in political science. According to Morton H. Fried, the
principal functions of legitimacy are to explain and justify the existence of
concentrated social power wielded by a portion of the community and to offer
similar support to specific social orders.142

Custom is defined as any habitual or usual course of action, any

established practice. ‘Law’ on the other hand is defined as a n
of conduct enforced by sanctions administered by a determinate locus of power,
either by the sovereign or his representative.143

34
 I have used age set to refer to a group of people moving through a series of
age groupings though there are no organized age
grades in Tarok society.

Related to the coreept of culture is that of ‘world view’. According to

Robert Redfield, of all that is connoted by cuiture, world view attends especially
to the way an individual, in a particular society, sees himself or herself in relation
to all else. It is the properties of existence as distinguished from and related to
self. It is, in short, a person’s idea of the universe. It is that organization of ideas
that answers the questions: Where am I? Among what do I move? What are my
relations to these things.144

This concept is very important in understanding how certain Tarok cultural

concepts continue to influence people’s conduct because in spite of changing
their religion, they may not have changed their world view.

Much space is devoted to the concept of ‘conversion’ in Chapter VIII and

perhaps it should be made clear that the current view is that conversion is a
process during which a decision is made to become a Christian, rather than a
sharp break. It is not always clear when that decision was made, and there may be
quite a long preconversion stage. The models from communication studies do not
seem to have been applied to the process of conversion among Plateau
societies.145

VI. Land and People

Local Government Council Areas

The core of what is Tarokiand today consists of the two local

governments of Langtang North and Langtang South. Langtang
North Local Government Area corresponds to the former Hill and
Plain Yergam (Tarok) Districts of the colonial period. In 1956, the

35
two Tarok districts were merged to form a subordinate Native Authority under
the Shendam Federal Native Authority. In 1961, the Tarok area and the
Resettlement Scheme were excised from the Shendam Federal Native Authority
and madethe ‘Yergam/Resettlrnnt Native AutIority’ with its capital at Langtang
and with the provisior of joint services. In 1966, the term, ‘Native Authority’ was
changed to that of ‘Local Authority’. In 1976, Langtang Local Government
Councilwas created as part of the local government reforms. At the same time,
five districts were created, namely, Langtang, Gazum, Bwarat, Pil-Gani and the
Resettlement area. In 1991, Langtang LGA was subdivided, with the former
Block B Resettlement Area becoming a fully ‘fledged LGA, Langtang South
L.G.A, with Lashel formerly under Galadiman Langtang. Langtang North LGA is
bounded to the North by Kanke LGA, to the East by Wase LGA, to the West by
Mikang LGA, and to the South by Langtang South LGA.

Langtang South Local Government Area had its origin in Block ‘B’ of the
Shendam Resettlement Scheme. In 1952, because of the disputes over the
ownership of the land and the behaviour of the settlers, it was decided to establish
a new subordinate Native Authority for Block ‘B’. It was strongly resented by the
Plain Yergam (Tarok) and Shendam

36
Native Authorities who refused to cooperate or appoint their representatives on
the new sub-Native Authority. However, in 1953, the Plain Yergam (Tarok) and
Shendam Native Authorities abandoned their open opposition to the creation of a
separate native authority for the development area and appointed their
representatives to the Resettlement Native Authority Council. Then in 1961, the
Yergam (Tarok) Native Authority and the Resettlement thQüt’ became the
Yergam/Resettlement Native Authority. Apart from changes in nomenclature, in
1966 and 1976 when they became. ‘Local Authority’ and Langtang Local
Government Area ‘respectively,they remained together until 1991 when the
former Resettlement area became Langtang South LGA. Langtang South LGA
has only one district, Sabon Gida. Mabudi is the seat of the Local
GovemmentAdministration. It has ten political wards, namely, Sabon Gida,
Mabudi, Talgwang, Dadin Kowa, Fajul, Gamakai, Turaki, Timbol, Magama and
Lashel. Langtang South LGA shares a boundary with Langtang North LGA to the
north, with Wase LGA to the north east, Shendam LGA to the south west and
with Wukari LGA ofTaraba State to the south east.

37
Tarok are also found in considerable numbers in Wase LGA where they have
been migrating since the beginning of the colonial period. They were encouraged
by the colonial government to enter Block ‘C’ of the Resettlement Scheme which
was still under Wase LGC. Today, there are five major ethnic groups in Wase
LGA namely, the Tarok, the Bashar (who are linguistically related to the Tarok),
the Jukun, the Boghom and the Fulani. The Tarok are said to be the single largest
ethnic group. Other LGAs where the Tarok are to be found in considerable
numbers are Kanam, Mikang and Shendam. The Tarok originally went to these
places for farming and have now established permanent settlements there.

The Ponzhi Tarok is the overall paramount King of the Tarok. He is a first class
chief (effective froml983) and has his seat in Langtang. There is a graded chief at
Gazum, the Ponzhi Zinni, with second class status. Langtang South LGA, has no
graded chief at present. The ward heads of the area select the district head of
Langtang South, and therefore the position is not hereditary. He is, at present,
answerable to the Ponzhi Tarok. Although the Tarok are in the majority in
Langtang South LGA, other ethnic groups have their own ward heads to
supervise their affairs and represent them in their dealings with the district head.

Ecological Zones

Tarokiand can be said to be divided into two major ecological zones:

the Hills and the Plains. To the North-West of Tarokiand is the rocky and
mountainous terrain produced by the Murchison range and the escarpment of the
J05 Plateau rising in places to over 372 metres above sea level. In the past,
Igangul Hill in Kwallak, Langyi and Igyang in Langtang, the Gazum Hills in
Gazum, and Kurnok and Igwan in Bwarat provided safe settlement sites. The Hill
Tarok area, especially Gazum is very hilly and the soil is relatively thin and poor.
The area is disected by many streams and rivers; but few of these are perennial.
The area suffers badly from soil erosion, and there are deep gullies at the foot of
the hills caused by heavy runoff.

38
The climate of the Hill Tarok area is rather similar to the rest of the Jos Plateau
with a pattern of alternating wet and dry seasons. The rainy season begins in
April and lasts until November, while the dry season begins in November and
ends in March. The amount of rainfall received in this area ranges from 1143mm
(40”) to 1270mm (30”). The months from February to April are usually very hot,
while November to January are cooler as a result of the influence of the North
East trades, known as the harmattan. The average annual temperature in the area
ranges between 30°C (80°F) and 40° C (104°F). Due to the high temperature and
rate of evaporation, farming is only possible in the rainy season. The area is
prone to drought and other natural disasters which have contributed to the high
rate of migration 146

The Plain Tarok area which embraces the old Plain Yergam (Tarok)
District and the former Resettlement Area now Langtang South
L.G.A. consists of undulating plains constituting a continuation of
the Lower Benue Plains. There are also some hills in the Bwarat area.

The soils of the plains are of better quality than those in the hills, and where
water is available they can be very fertile. The relatively drier climate renders the
plains more suitable for grains such as guinea corn and millet than for other
crops. More extensive farming was possible on the plains, and so soil erosion
becomes a problem.

For the rest of Plateau State, there are two distinct seasons, a wet and a dry
season. The plains tend to have less rainfall than the hills; so there are frequent
droughts. Due to the high temperature and high rate of evaporation there is little
surface water, and ground water is found at considerable depths. This rendered
much of the lowlands unsuitable for agriculture until boreholes were sunk and
dams built under the auspices of the Resettlement Scheme. The dry season is
somewhat cooler due to the harmattan wind blowing from the Sahara.

39
Population

The two local government areas of Langtang North and South, have a combined
area of 2,476 square kilometres with a population of 149,350, not all of whom are
Tarok. According to the 1991 population census the population of Langtang
North LGA was 101,336 persons, of which 24,000 were in Gazum, while the
population of Langtang was some 48,024.

Table 3: The Population ofLangtang North and South

Year Population Area

1962 132, 146 2,476sqkms

1992 149, 350 “

Sources. Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, Jos, and

Population Bureau.

The relatively slow rate of growth may be accounted for by the fact that so many
Tarok are to be found in Wase and Kanam LGAs, and as far afield as Lafia while
many are in the Federal service.

VII. Questions of Nomenclature

In the past, The Tarok, were referred to as ‘Yergam’ which is a nickname given
to them by the Hausas who, when they were dissatisfied with a business deal,
would use the phrase ‘yar i ga’, meaning ‘Take/carry and let’s go’. This was then
corrupted to ‘Yergam.’ The origin of the name, Tarok is not clear. Mr. Mathews
suggested that at least as regards the Plain Tarok it was derived from tal bk
meaning ‘the overflow of Tal’; but this seems dubious. The meaning of the name
is derived from the name “Tarhdok” who first moved out ofTai to Gunung.
Gunung is the father ofVirga .147

40
 The Tarok were divided into loose groupings of clans which are generally
known by nicknames. Thus there is a group of clans in Gazum, (a Hausa
nickname for ‘a place where there are many hares’,) district called Zinni which is
supposed to have been coined from the phrase used by Virga when Gunung
decided to go off on his own ‘oga ka o remi ki I zinmi’ meaning ‘You can go and
leave me with my loneliness.’ In this work the term ‘Zinni clans’ is used to refer
to the clans which claim to have accompanied Lagan, or to have become ritually
connected with Lagan as discussed in Chapters II and III.

The loose grouping of clans in the present Langtang district are referred to
as Nimbar meaning ‘scattered.’ I have chosen to keep this name for the group of
Gunung-related clans and the other clans who have become associated with them
through participation in rituals while Timwat is ritually independent. The clan
which supplies the candidates for the senior priest-chief of the Nimbar group, Ce,
derives its name, according to the folk etymology, from the fact that they were
said to have once lived in a cave.

The clans comprising Bwarat and Sa are sometimes called ‘Zhizhi’ which
according to the folk etymology means ‘cannibals’ or ‘monsters’. It is asserted
that they called the other clans ‘Ngulyat’ a derogatory term meaning ‘prey.’ I
have decided not to use such terminology since it is derogatory and could easily
be misunderstood. Therefore, we have called the group concerned, Bwarat.

The founder of the Sa group is alleged to have been called Sa because he

first settled at ‘Pa Sa’ which is still their ritual site between Kau and Sa, and so
‘Sa’ became the nickname of the group. Gani is said to be the name of a chief in
the nineteenth century while Pu refers to a collection of ibil trees in the area. It
has been explained to us that ‘Sa’ is used when referring to the group of Gunung-
Tarok clans; but when the other clans in the area are included then ‘Gani’ is
preferred148.

41
The process ef giving nicknames goes further and in some cases displaces the
real name. For example, Banko, the grandson of Gandulong by his only daughter,
Kai, came to be called Mbap, referring to the fact that he settled in a low lying
area. Thus Ritak came to be called Kumbwang because he was the shield bearer
or war chief of the Nimbar group of clans. Thus, nicknames can be clues to
historical events or characteristics of the person or group concerned.

42
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29. D.J.M. Muffet, ConcerningBrave Captains London 1954).

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34. Joel Daddy, ‘The Development of Political Chieftaincy among the Tarok
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35. Nimnan Langnim, ‘A History of the Development of Gazum chiefdom in

Tarokiand from the Precolonial Era to 1990’ BA Hons History Project,
University Jos, 1992.

45
36. James S. Coleman, Nigeria: Background to Nationalism Publisher
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37. Richard Skiar, 1963 Nigerian Political Parties Princeton

38. B.J. Dudley, 1998 Parties and Politics in Northern Nigeria London.

39. Sonni Gwnle Tyoden, 1993 The Middle Belt in Nigerian Politics Jos.

40. Monday Yabian Mangvwat ‘A History of Class Formation in Plateau

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41. Rev. Elias Nankap Lamle ‘The Influence of Mission on the Nigerian Life:
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NdamTyemlong’ MTH, 1998 (TCNN).

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1986.

43. Trevor Clark, A Right Honourable Gentleman: the Lfe and Times ofAlhaji
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44 Roger Blench and Selbut R. Longtau, ‘Agriculture within the Cultural

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45. N.L. Vondip, ‘Technology of Tarok Settlement Patterns: An

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46. Bibiana Fungvel Bawa, ‘Economy and Society in the Lowland Division of
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47. B. Gambo, Dorowa: 2000 The Genesis and its Destiny J05.

48. Ponfa D. Kums, ‘Tarok migration from Langtang North to the Plains of
Wase from the Precolonial Period to the Present’ MA UniJos, 1999.

46
49. M.G. & Mary F. Smith, Kyanship and Kinship among the Tarok’ Africa
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50. Esther Bali, 1991 More Tales from Tarokland Lagos. Tarok Folktales 1990
Ibadan.

51. Marie de Paul Neiers, The Peoples of the Jos Plateau, Nigeria: Their
Philosophy, Manners and Customs (Frankfurt amMain, 1979).

52. Yusufu Turaki (1979): Tribal Gods of Africa - Ethnicity, Racism,

Tribalism and the Gospel of Christ,

53. J.F.A.Ajayi 1979: Christian and African Gods: A method in Theology,

Nairobi.

54. E.A. Ayandele, The Missionary impact on Northern Nigeria,

1842- 1914 (London, 1966).

55. E.P.T. Crampton, Christianity in Northern Nigeria 1975 Zaria, 1975.

56. Jan Harm Boer, Missionary Messengers of Liberation in a Colonial

Context (Amsterdam, 1979).

57. Yusufu Turaki; The British Colonial Legacy in Northern Nigeria: a Social
Ethical Analysis of the Colonial and Post- Colonial Society and Politics in
Nigeria (Jos, 1993).

58. J.C. Maxwell, Half a Century of Grace: A Jubilee History of the

SUM(London, 1954).

59. Nanwul Gutip, Church of Christ in Nigeria (COCIN) Birth and Growth
(Jos, 1996).

60. John B. Grimley and Gordon E. Robinson, Church Growth in

CentralNigeria (Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1966)

61. Rev. Elias N. Lamle (ed) The Light Shines in their Hearts:
COCIN& The Gospel in Throkiand (Jos, 2000).
47
62. Incomplete sets of The Lightbearer can be found in the TCNN library and
at COCIN Headquarters.

63. Daniel N. Wambudta, A Study of Conversion among theAngas of Plateau

State of Nigeria with Emphasis on Christianity
(Frankfort am Main, 1991).

64. U. Kalu, “The Gods in Retreat: Models for Interpreting Religious Change
in Africa” E. Ikenga - Metuh (ed) The Gods
in Retreat (Enugu, 1986).

65. J.S. Trimingham, The Christian Church and Islam in West Africa (London,
1955).

66. Robin Horton [1971 (a)j: African Conversion in Africa vol.41 No2.

67. Humphrey Fisher, ‘Conversion Reconsidered: Some Historical Aspects of

Religious Conversion in Black Africa’
Africa, Vol.43,No.1 (1978).

68. C. ifeka-Moller, “White Power: Social, Structural Factors in Conversion to

Christianity, Eastern Nigeria, 1921 - 1966
“Conadian Journal ofAfrican Studies, Vol.111, No.1(1974).

69. .K. Ekechi, Missionary Enterprise and rivalry in Igboland

1887- 1914 (London, 1972).

70. Udobata R. Onwunwa ‘Christian Missionary Methods and their influence

on Eastern Nigeria’ in E. Ikenga-Metuh (ed)
The Gods in Retreat (Enugu, 1980).

71. Richard Bruce, “Conversion amongst the Pyem” Savana No.6, No.2(1977).

72. B.H. Kato ‘Contextualization and Religious Syncretism in Africa’ in

Biblical Christianity in Africa (Achimota, 1985).

73. Kwame Bediako, Theology and Identity The Impact of Culture Upon
christian Thought in the Second century and in
Modern Africa (Oxford, 1992).
48
74. Charles H. Kraft, Christianity in Culture: A Study in Dynamic
Biblical Theologizing in Cross-Cultural Perspective (New
York 1979).
75. Sam C. Ukpabi (1987) Mercantile Soldiers in Nigerian
Histoty Zaria.
76. A. Haywood and F.A.S. Clarke, The History oftheRoyal West African
African Frontier Force (Aldershot, 1964).
77. Robin Luckham The Nigerian Military (Cambridge, 1971).
78. Norman J. Miners, The Nigerian Army. 1956- 1966 (London,
1971).
79. NAECS, History of the Nigerian Army: 1963 - 1992 (Lagos,
1992).
80. H.B. Momoh (ed) The Nigerian Civil War 1967 - 1970
(Ibadan, 2000).
81 A. Ademoyega, Why we struck: The Story of Nigeria’s FirstCoup (Ibadan,
1975).
82. B. Gbulie, Nigeria’s Five Majors: Coup d’etat of 15 January, 1966, First
InsideAccount (Onitsha, 1981).
83. Lindsay Barrett, Danjuma: The Making of a General (Enugu,
1979).
84. John D. Clarke, Yakubu Gowon: Faith in a United Nigeria
(London, 1987)

85. I. Isawa Elaigwu, Gowon: The Biography of a Soldier- Statesman (Ibadan,

1986).

86. Alexander A. Madiebo, The Nigerian Revolution and The

Biafran War(Enugu, 1980).
87. Olusegun Obasanjo, My Command (Ibadan, 1980).

88. JohnDe Stiorre, The Nigerian Civil War(London, 1972).

49
89. S.K. Panter-Brick (ed) Soldiers and Oil; the Political Transformation
ofNigeria (London, 1978).

90. Oyediran (ed) Nigerian Government and Politics under Military Rule,
1966- 1979 (London, 1989).

91. Gavin Williams, Nigeria; Economy and Society (London,

1976).

92. Ian Campbell Army Reorganization and Military WithdrawaP in Panter-

Brick (ed) Soldiers and Oil pp58 - 100.

93. Joe Garba, Diplomatic Soldiering (Ibadan, 1987).

94. F. Ahmed, Domkat; A Biography of General Domkat Bali (Jos, 1993).

95. Onukaba Adinoyi Ojo, Olusegun Obasanjo in The Eyes of Time (New
York, 1979).

96. Martin Dent, ‘Corrective Government - Military Rule in Perspectiv& in

Panter-Brick (ed) Soldiers and Oil (1978)
pp101 -137.

97. B.S. Dimka, Dimka’s confession; The Tragedy of a Nation (Benin, 1976).

98. Edward Dasah, Shagaya; The Will to Excel (Jos 1994).

99. Gabriel Umoden, The Babangida Years (Lagos, 1992).

100. .Oyeleye Oyediran (ed) The Nigerian 1979 Elections (London, 1981).

101. William Graf, The Nigerian State (London, 1988).

50
102. Mathew Hassan Kukah, Religion, Politics and Power in Northern Nigeria
(Ibadan, 1993).

103. Oyeleye Oyediran ‘Political Parties - Formation and Candidate Selection’

in Oyeleye Oyediran (ed) The Nigerian
1979 Elections pp43 - 66.

104. A.D. Yahaya, ‘The Political Parties and the Crisis of Instability’ in T.A.
Imobighe (ed) The Politics of the Second
Republic (Kuru, 1992).

105. These include speeches such as budget speech by Govemor

Lar, 21 December, 1981, Pamphlets such as that by Dogara
Macaulay Igube, Governor Daushep Lar: The Emancipation
Crusader (Jos, 1983?).

106. 1. Okonkwo, Elizabeth Jo Madugu Ikoli, Sennen Udoh,

Richard Nduul and Abuo Ojie Jeremiah Timbut Useni: A
Portrait of a Gentleman-General in Selfless Service (Lagos,
1995). Epilogue The Langtang Mafia Phenomenon pp122 -127.

107. N. Agetua, Operation Liberty: the Story of Major General IN. Dogonyaro
(Lagos, 1992).

108. Chidi Amuta, Prince of the Niger The Babangida Years (Lagos, 1992).

109. Sam Egite Oyovbaire, and Tunji Olagungu, Foundations of a NewNigeria:

The IBB Era (London, 1989).

110. Sam Egite Oyovbaire ‘The Programme of Transition to Civil Rule of the
Babangida Administration’ in The Nigeria
Handbook andReview, 1988- 1989 (Lagos, 1989).

111. Tunji Olagungu, Adele Jinadu and Sam Oyovbaire, Transition

- toDemocracy(Ibadan, 1993).

51
112. Ishrat Husain and Rashid Farugee, Adjustment in Africa:
Lessonsfrom Country Case Studies (Washington D.C., 1994).

113. Adebayo 0. Olukoshi (ed) The Politics of Structural Adjustment in Nigeria

(London, 1993).

114. Abdul-Ganiyu Garba, ‘The World Bank’s Structural Adjustment

Programme: What it adjusted in Nigeria and the consequences ‘. Paper
Presented at the Babangida Regime Symposium, October, 2000.

115. Obida G. Wafure, ‘Structural Adjustment Programme in

Nigeria: an Economic Analysis’ Paper Presented at the Babangida Regime
Symposium, October, 2000.

116. Ukertor Gabriel Moti, ‘Political Manipulation: A Weapon and Legacy of

the Babaginda Administration’ Paper Presented at
the Babaginda Regime Symposium, October, 2000.

117. Adeolu Akande, ‘Travails of Nigerian Federation under Military Rule: The
Babaginda Case,’ Paper Presented at the
Babaginda Regime symposium, October, 2000.

118. Gideon Orkar broadcast of22 April, 1990.

119. Julius 0. lhonvbere, ‘A Critical Evaluation of the Failed 1990

Coup in Nigeria’ Journal ofModern African Studies, Vol. 29,4
(l99l)pp6Ol -626.

120. Jide Osuntokun, ‘Nigeria’s Foreign Policy During the

Babangida Years’ Paper Presented at the Babangida Regime
Symposium, October, 2000.

121. Joseph Nanven Garba, The Honour to Serve: Reflections on

52
 Nigeria’s Presidency of the 44” UN General Assembly (Ibadan, 1993).

122. M.A. Vogt (ed) The Liberian Crisis and ECOMOG (Lagos, 1992).

123. M.A. Vogt and A.E. Ekolo (ed) Nigeria in International Peacekeeping,
1960- 1992 (Lagos, 1993).

124. M.A. Vogt and L.S. Aminu (eds) Peacekeeping as a Security

Strategy in Africa: Chad and Liberia as Case Studies 2Vols
(Enugu, 1996).

125. Joseph Nanven Garba (ed) Militaries, Democracies and Security in

Subsaha ran Africa (Abuja, 1997).

126. Defence Studies Vol. 6No. 2 September, 1991.

127. Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition as History (Oxford, 1985), pp27 –

28.

128. J.C. Miller ‘Listening for the African Past’ in J.C. Miller (ed) The African
Past Speaks (Folke stone, 1980) p2.

129. Thus A.P. Newton took the incredibly narrow view that
‘history only begins when men take to writing’ quoted in
Graham Connah, Three Thousand Years in Africa:
(Cambridge, 1981).

130. George Peter Murdock, Africa: its Peoples and Their Culture History (New
York, 1959) p43.

131. Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition (Chicago, 1965).

132. Vansina, Oral Tradition as Historypl28.

53
133. Ibid.,pp98- 100.

134. Ibid.,p131.

135. Abraham Rosman and Paula G. Rubel, The Tapestry of Culture (New
York, 1989) p6.

136. Ibid., pp7-8.

137. Ibid., p8; J.E. Goldthorpe, An Introduction to Sociology, (Cambridge,

1985) pp11 -12.

138. Kay Williamson, The Pedigree ofNations p20.

139. Morton H. Fried, The Evolution of Society: An Essay in

PoliticalAnthropology (New York, 1967), p13.

140. Ibid., ppl2- 14.

141. Ibid;p26.

142. Ibid.

143. Ibid;ppl4-20.

144. Robert Redfield, ‘The Primitive World View’ Proceedings of theAmeri can
Philosophical Society, 96(1952), pp30 - 36.

145. David J. Hesselgrave, Communicating Christ Cross- Culturally (Grand

Rapids Michigan, 1978), pp444 -457.

146. Nimnan Langnim ‘A History of the Development of Gazum Chiefdom’.

147. Selbut R. Longtau, ‘Tarok Language: its Basic Principles and Grammar’
unpublished manuscript, p6.
148. V. Timku Lar, Cabinet Office, Jos, 5 May, 2000.

54
 CHAPTER 2

The Origins and Migrations of

the Tarok

Introduction

Any discussion of the origins and migrations of the Tarok has to distinguish
between ultimate origins, and the relatively short range migrations from
neighbouring areas such as Tal, Pe, Ngasland, Tehi and Kwararafa, which are
still remembered in the oral traditions. The situation is complicated by the fact
that the Tarok people, as they exist today, are clearly a composite group
consisting, first of all, of various components such as the Ta! Tarok or groups
claiming to come from or through Ta!. We have divided this group into those
who came from Tal under the leadership of Gunung such as Ce, Kumbwang,
Gigan, Kau, Shamot and many others which we refer to as the Gunung Tarok.
The second group came from Tal under the leadership of Virga and consist of
sub-groups such as Lagan, Lohmak, whom we refer to as the Zinni Tarok, and
those who say they originated from Ta! like Warok. We refer to them as the Tehl
Group. There are also groups from Pe such as Timwat, Gebang, Kankur and
others; those from Ngasland such as Dibbar and Dambar; those from Kwararafa
such as Nachang, Laka, Nyikat and many others; some from Tehl (Montol) such
as Duval (Gyang); some from Goemai such as Kuswan and Kwanpe (Gyang);
those who do not know or cannot remember where their ancestors came from
such as Kwargam (Nimbar), Wang (Gani) and those who believe they came from
a cave like Ndal (Gani). In addition, there are families of Ngas and Boghum
descent settled all over Tarokiand attached to Tarok families, and clans. The
following discussion is therefore divided into two subsections; the first is on the
various hypotheses concerning the ultimate origins of the Tarok

55
people, and the second does a clan-by-clan analysis of the origins and
1t1Oll of Ilic vaPou clang.

I. Hypotheses concerning the Ultimate Origins of the

Tarok People
Hypotheses concerning the ultimate origins of the Tarok people must be
speculative because th oral traditions are not wholly reliable. The major source of
evidence, therefore, is linguistic. Both the Tarok language as it is known today,
and ‘Proto Tarok’, (the original language from which it is derived) must have
been of Benue-Congo. However, this only refers to the language, as the Tarok
people are a composite group made up of families and clans of varied origins.
Most theories of ultimate origin speak as if the Tarok were a monolithic group
proceeding from such places as South Africa or Ngasland. In reality they can
only be referring to a particular group such as the Tal Tarok or those of
Kwararafa origin. Taking that the Tarok are composed of many small groups of
varied origins who have blended together to create a distinct ethnic group with a
distinct culture, I wiil analyse the various theories which include, that the Tarok
are Bantu or semi-Bantu and are related to the Tiv, or that they are Jukun from
Kwararafa, or that they are an ‘overflow from Ta!,1 that is Ngas, or that they are
autochthonous to the area, or that they are part of the larger dispersal of the
Platoid and Tarokoid (linguistic terms) from their original homeland in the Niger-
Benue confluence area.

Bantu or Semi-Bantu Origins

This viewpoint is represented by Prof. Mrs. M. N. Lar who has written as

follows:

There are no written records about the origin of the Tarok (Yergam)
people of Nigeria but according to oral tradition they originated
from the Bantu tribe of

56
 Central and Southern Africa. This tradition arises from the fact that
the Tarok people have a lot of similarities with the Bantu tribes in
respect of their physical features, their language, their musical
instruments and their proud nature.

It is believed that on their journey from Southern Africa, they

stopped in the Cameroons (now known as Cameroon) and entered
Nigeria from the Northern Cameroons. Even now there is a
mountain near Bambur (Gongola State) which the people of
Cameroon call ‘Yergam’. This area is believed to be the first
Nigerian settlement of Tarok and his clan. From there they wandered
to Southern Zaria. It is assumed that they went back to the ‘Yergarn’
mountain near Bambur, before reentering in Plateau State Nigeria.
They settled in Tal for a while. The Tal people live in Pankshin
Division of Plateau State. Accordingly, one source has assented as
follows:

‘It is also believed that Tarok immigrated together with the Tiv . But
they parted near the River Benue, where the Tiv settled, while Tarok
and his people wandered for a while before they eventually reached
their present land’2

This theory of Bantu origins is partly derived from the colonial tendency to
classify all class languages as Bantu; but recently Bantu has been placed under
Bantoid, and its homeland from where the Bantu languages spread out some
where on the Cameroonian!Nigerian border and not in the Congo or in South
Africa as previously thought3 The reference to a mountain called ‘Yergam’ near
Bambur in present day Adamawa State as a marker on their route cannot be
connected in any way with the Tarok who only started being called ‘Yergam’ by
the Hausa traders in the relatively

57
recent past. The Tarok are no longer classified as Bantu speakers and so are
unlikely to have accompanied the Tiv on their migration into Nigeria from the
Cameroonian Hills.4 Thus the idea that the Tarok accompanied the Tiv on their
wanderings does not appear tenable.

Jukun Origins

Other writers associate the Tarok with the Jukun. Sa’ad Abubakar suggests that
there was strong Jukun influence in the area. He states:
‘certainly, the Jukun from the middle Benue valley had been spreading
westwards for long, and they may have intermarried with the Montol, Torok (sic)
and Ankwe’.5 However, he does not go so far as to suggest that Tarok were of
Jukun origin. Jukun cultural influence on the Tarok, although not as great as that
on sections of the Goemai, is compatible with contacts with the Jukun of Wase
Tofa and with the fact that there are several clans claiming to have originated
from Kwararafa. They appear to be chiefly riverine or hunting Jukun coming
from Kwararafa by three principal routes: The original group seems to have come
from the North and was pushed by the Zinni/Tarok to Garkawa where they were
joined by others coming from Kwararafa through Dampar. The third group came
from Wase. Garkawa was thus a place of convergence, and not of origin.6 Some
linguists, believe that Tarok is closer to Jukunoid than to Greenberg’s Plateau.
Based on this, Gerhard proposed the creation of a new linguistic, sub-group
called Benue, including both Tarok and Jukunoid, although he states that ‘more
in depth studies seems to be necessary’.7 The Jukun connection seems to have
been chiefly a cultural one and only accounts for a limited number of clans
concentrated in Bwarat. They were relatively late arrivals.8

58
Ngas Origins

Probably the most widely held theory of Tarok origins is that

expressed by C. G. Ames in the Gazetteer ofPlateau Province.

If those traditions are true (and traditions usually are true in the
main), the Yergams (Tarok) are a branch of the Tal who were a
branch of the Angas, and the fact that the Yergams (Tarok) have
cultural traits similar to the Angas bears this out.9

This theory is also supported in other colonial documents such as the

Intelligence Report by Mr. A.B. Mathews who states that:

Their tribal name is Tarok or Talok, at least so far as

the Plain Yergam are concerned. This word means The overflow
from TaP which is the ancient home of the tribe in the hills of
Pankshin Division to the North West.’10The essential weakness of
this theory is that if the Tarok who came from Tal were really Ngas
then

59
 the Tarok today would be speaking a dialect of Ngas which is a
Chadic language; but instead, they speak a Benue - Congo language.
It is also reported by S. R. Longtau that there are surprisingly few
Chadic loanwords in Tarok and that these are mainly borrowed from
Hausa and that therefore they must be recent introductions.’11 Tarok
culture is not the same as Ngas culture although there are some
cultural similarities such as that between the Ngas Mostar’12 and the
Tarok Kampye,’13 certain divination techniques14 and rituals. The
actual extent of these cultural similarities and whether they represent
cultural borrowings has yet to be analyzed in depth. In addition to
the language, the Tarok are significantly different from the Ngas in
terms of their kinship system which has certain matrilineal features
(Kyanship), and certain aspects of material culture such as the
design of hoes, pots and baskets.15 The cultural similarities between
the Tarok and the Ngas are adequately explained by the presence of
certain clans such as the Dibbar and the Dambar in Zinni.The So in
Kwallak, numerous Ngas families are attached to Tarok families all
over Tarokland.’16 This can be done without having to claim that the
Tal Tarok were actually Ngas. It would seem that the Tal Tarok
were in Tal before the expansion of the Chadic speaking peoples,
and that they were Benue-Congo speakers who were pushed out of
Tal by the incoming Chadic speakers and moved to Tarokland.

Autochthonous Origins

Only a few clans seem to have no traditions of coming from anywhere else. The
Kwargam’17 inNimbar say they came from Bauchi but, given the various
meanings of Bauchi, it is difficult to pinpoint their place

60
of origin. The Galli’8 in Nimbar do not appear to know where they came from
but, from their traditions, they seemed to have settled near Langyi before the
Gunung Tarok arrived. The Ndal’19 in Bwarat, say they came out of a cave and
the Wang in Pu Gani were found hunting in the area. On the basis of their name,
they may have been of Boghom origin.20 M.G. and Mary F. Smith in their article
on Kyanship suggest that there were a number of groups or families living in
Tarokiand who were the aborigenes of the area and who were a1. They
intermarried with the incoming patrilineal Tal to produce the Kyan system with
its matrilineal features. They mention the names of such groups as Yilling,
Gunwop I Gundop in Zinni; Nwung and Dopos in Langtang, Gas, Gat and Ic at
Timwat, Rock and Dokwas in P11 Gani, as well as clans such as vargam, Jat,
Gebang, Kankur, and Galli, which still exist.21 I have .been able to identify the
groups in their first category and they would appear to have been families or
groups of families which have n absorbed into other clans. It seems certain that
there were groups already living in the Tarok Hills and even on the Plains at the
time of coming of the Tal Tarok apart from the clans of Pe and Ngas gin, which
can be identified, there may also he other small groups in the area which have
either been absorbed into other clans or survived as small clans such as Galli or
Kwargam.22

Benue - Congo Homeland in the Niger-Benue Confluence Area

The most convincing of the theories of ultimate origin is that since the Tarok
speak a Benue-Congo language, they must share a common homeland with other
speakers of such languages currently believed to be situated in the Niger-Benue
confluence area.23 According to this hypothesis the speakers of Proto Tarok
dispersed from the NigerBenue confluence area and moved along the edges of the
Plateau as is suggested by the presence of related languages such as Turkwan and
Arum-Cesu in the Wamba LGA of Nassarawa State.24 It is suggested that they
may have skirted the Jos Plateau because of the presence of the Kulere; but
although the chronology of the movements of the

61
various Chadic groups awaits investigation, the current view is that the Kulere
were latecomers to the area.25 The Proto Tarok then proceeded to Tal which is
assumed to be the same as the present day district of Tal inhabited by Chadic
speakers related in language and culture to the Ngas. Tal figures prominently in
the traditions of the Goemai, Montol and Pyapun (Piarpun) and seems to have
served as a gateway to the Plains for many Chadic speaking groups.26 On
linguistic grounds, S.R. Longtau suggests that Goemoid speakers, that is the
group of Chadic languages with a high percentage of cognates namely Goemai,
Montol, Kwalla, Miship (Chip), Pyapun and Dimmuk, are relatively recent
settlers in their present areas and are an overspill ofNgas. Therefore,

it seems Tal was the southern most settlement of Ngas when

‘ProtoTarok” and Pai came from the west. ‘Proto-Tarok’ left Tal
behind to reach their present abode in the Tarok hills. The
overspread of Ngas resulting in the development of Goemoid
languages took place long after ‘Proto-Tarok’ had left. The
southward expansion of Ngas was in search of more farmland. Tal
served as a gateway.27

It therefore seems probable that the Proto-Tarok had already left Tal before the
major overspill of Ngas occurred. In such circumstances the Tarok group could
not have been seriously influenced linguistically by the Chadic speakers and if
one believes the Ce traditions, they were accompanied by some families from Tal
who came to constitute some of the Zinni Tarok. They were either similar in
language and culture to the Gunung Tarok, or if they were Chadic speakers, they
were not sufficiently numerous to effect a language change amongst the Tarok.
The major dialectal difference in Tarok is between Hill and Plain Tarok and this
difference in intonation may be due to the presence of these Ngas speaking
settlers from Tal as well as the clans of Dibbar and Dambar ofNgas origin.28

62
S.R. Longtau stresses the influnce of clans of Pe origin in the development of the
Tarok language. The Pe are speakers of a Benue - Congo language although it is
currently classified in the Southwestern Plateau sub-group of Platoid in Cluster.
Along with Ninzam, Mada, Kaningkon and Che (Rukuba); while Tarok is placed
in the Benue sub-group of Platoid under Tarokoid which includes Bashar,
Turkwan and Arum-Cesu.29 On the basis of the linguistic evidence, it is
reasonable to assume that the Pe also came originally from the Niger-Benue
confluence area and probably sojourned with the Mada, Ninzam, Rukuba and
other members of the sub-group in the Akwanga area. Some of these groups
remained there while the Pe moved to the Ngas area, presumably, not yet
occupied by Chadic speakers. Thus according to the Intelligence Report on the
Hill Angas:-

The first people to come to this area (Pai) were the Tipap
people who came from Gyangyan (Plain Angas). This is borne
out by Gwolong Gyangyan, who says that when his ancestors
came to Gyangyan they found living there people who
subsequently moved to Pai. The other villages in Pai followed
Tipap up to the hills and acknowledged Tipap’s religious
suzerainty.30

According to the traditions which have been recorded, some of the Pe clans came
from Gyangyan, others from Ampang, and others from Amper.3 It therefore
seems probable that they were pushed by the incoming Chadic speakers into
taking refuge in the Pe country which has been described as ‘situated on the top
of the Murchison Hills which slope steeply on every side and make this area an
upland world of its own.’32

On the basis of the linguistic evidence so far presented, it seems reasonable

to hypothesize that the Pe left the Niger-Benue
confluence area, sojourned in the Akwanga area and then moved to

63
what is now the Plain Ngas area and were pushed by the incoming Chadic
speakers into their mountain forest of Pe next to the Hill Tarok area. They arrived
before the Tal Tarok group of settlers. Thus it seems clear that before the arrival
of the Tarok from Tal at Lagan hill, the Dambar and the Dibbar clans of Ngas
origin and the Gebang, a clan of Pe origin, were already settled in the Zinni
hills.33 In Kwallak Gong, a clan of Pe origin is believed to be the first to arrive
although the So, a clan of Ngas origin who because of its stronger ‘medicine’
(amullak), has taken over the position of priest-chief.34 In Gyang (Funyallang),
the first clan to arrive was the Man, a clan of Pe origin. In Rowling’s opinion
‘Man is certainly the first Gyang section to settle and probably preceded Zinni.
The acknowledged senior of the four Gyang sections.’35 Ritual powers, however,
have been handed over to Kuswan, a clan of Goernai origin.36 There is thus
evidence of Pe influence in the Hill Tarok area even before the coming of Tal
Tarok and they were reputed to be people who possessed strong ‘medicine’ an
important source of power.

In the Plain Tarok area, the Timwat, a clan of Pe origin claims to have been the
first to settle at Ladu before the arrival of the Gunung Tarok. The story of their
selling their birthright for meat would appear to be legendary. They appear to
have been greatly outnumbered by the incoming Gunung Tarok descendants; but
they have never been absorbed. They have an important religious role to play as
they are in charge of the sowing rite, Imalkan, . The Myer, who acc
the Timwat during their migrations but eventually broke off anc settled in
Bwarat, are probably also of Pe origin.38

On the other hand, other clans of Pe origin such as the Pe Bwarat, the
Kankur in Nimbar, the Kullok in Zinni and part of the ii in Bwarat are probably
relatively late corners who would have i had much influence on the existing
cultural and linguistic set-up.39

64
The most likely hypothesis concerning ultimate Tarok origins is that Proto-
Tarok’ speakers originated in the Niger-Benue confluence area and migrated in
several groups through the Akwanga/Mama country. The Pe preceded the others
and reached the Plain Ngas area before being pushed, by the Chadic speakers,up
into the mountains of the Pe country from which the Gebang spilled over into the
Hill Tarok area, and, to a lesser extent, the Timwat went into Plain Tarok. The
Tal Tarok then arrived from the confluence area through the Mama country
before the Chadic speakers. They came through Ta! to the Plains and arrived in
the Tarok Hills to find small groups of Pe and Ngas origin already there. Both the
Pe and the Ta! Tarok were BenueCongo speakers who easily assimilated each
other . They were able to absorb the other groups of Ngas, Tehi (Montol),
Goernai and Jukun origins, especially, in terms of language although there was
considerable cultural interaction such as the adoption of each other’s religious
festivals and practices. The crucial feature of this hypothesis is that the Ta! Tarok
must have been part of a larger movement of Benue-Congo speakers including
Pe, Bashar and Tapshin because if they had been Chadic speakers of Ngas origin,
the Tarok would be speaking a Chadic language today.

II. The Origins of the Clans in the Major Clan Groupings

When the British arrived in Tarokiand in the early nineteenth century, they
decided to divide the Tarok into two broad geographical sections namely, the Hill
and the Plain or Lowland Tarok. Within each of these two sections, there were
loose groupings of clans associated in various ways. Thus within the Hill Tarok
area, there are groups of clans: the Zinni, the Gyang, incorrectly called
Funyallang and the Kwallak group of clans. In the Plain Tarok area, there were
three main clan groupings known by nicknames: the Nimbar, the Bwarat (Zhizhi)
and thirdly the Gani.

65
The Hill Tarok Clans

The Zinni Grouping of Clans

The Lagan, the senior clan in the Zinni group of clans, claim t come from Tal led
by Virga along with Gunung. According to Zinni version, Virga was the elder
brother of Gunung, who w hunter. He went in search of good hunting grounds,
and wi found some, he decided to move away with his people, while ‘ stayed on
Lagan hill.40 The Ce version suggests that while ancestors of Ce were just passing
through Tal, the ancestors of 7 were Tal people who were ill-treated by their
fellow Tal because th were accused of witchcraft and of cannibalistic practices.
They w protected by Gunung, and so when he decided to move, they deci to
move along with him.41

A variant version attributed to H.J. Burromvyat is that certain Nyam, son

of Verka (sic) from Vongrong clan in Tal became close friend of Gunung, the son
of Tarok, while they were livin Tal. As in the other version, Nyam was not happy
amongst his people due to continual accusations of witchcraft. He left Tal alon
with Gunung and settled in the Tarok hills and founded Lagan1 According to this
version, there was no blood relationship the two groups but only similarity of
culture as a result of living in close proximity. Gunung decided to move away
and Nyam who v nicknamed ‘Zinni’ or ‘loneliness’ decided to remain at LrZ
According to a third version put forward by sources in Gigan, tL Tarok came
through Tal and settled at Lagan. The founding father was’ called Tarok. He had
two sons, Virga and Nwett, the former older than the latter. Virga remained at
Lagan to look after his old father, while Nwett, who was a hunter went in search
of game and eventually settled at Tarok ga bam; when he gave birth to
Gunung.43 Probably the best known version is that contained in the Gazetteer of
Plateau Province:

66
 It is said that the leaders of the Hill (Gazum) and Plain (Gurniu) groups
were sons of a chief of Tal, who quarrelled and both left Tal. The former
went off to the hills, together with his followers and there they found some
people called Dubur (Dibbar) who gave them permission to settle in the
hills. These Dubur seem to have been very few in number and to have been
governed by a council of five who claimed the right to appoint the chiefs of
Gazum

The Gunnu (sic) section were led by Mbak who had two children, a
boy and a girl. These two married each other and their son Gadon
(Gandulong) became the chief to whose name most of their legends are
attached.44

A similar version is told in the older compilation by J.M. Fremantle Gazetteer of

Muri Province45 which has become the basis for most secondary accounts. Thus
we have several variants of the traditions with the Lagan version claiming that
their forefather was the elder brother of the ancestor of Ce, thus making a claim
to seniority. The Ce-inspired versions deny that there was any blood relationship
between the two and that Zinni was merely a fellow traveller. These Ce versions
may be designed to dismiss any claims to seniority by Lagan; but they do pose
the problem as to whether Lagan and its related clans are Tal-Tarok or simply Tal
and therefore of Ngas origin. Given the many cultural similarities between Lagan
and the other Zinni clans with the other Tarok clans, it seems likely that they
were related by marriage or in some other way with the Tal-Tarok led by
Gunung, and that they shared a similar cultural background. It is not clear
whether they spoke a Chadic language or a related BenueCongo language. The
difference between Hill and Plain Tarok today is merely dialectal.

A number of other clans in the Zinni group claim close relations with
Lagan in terms of origins and participation in rituals. For example:
Luktuk claims that they came in the same wave of migration as Lagan

67
and that their founding ancestors, Natzhe and Lan, were brothers
Lagan. According to Rowling, Luktuk share the main Lagan rites anc ‘have a
stone’ at the sacred grove.46

Gantang is divided into four sub-units: Timmot, Gantang, Kittim an Ban. The
first three claim that when Lagan left Tal, they Gantang first, then Kittim, (these
two claim to be descended from half-brothers) and then Timmot followed but he
is not related to the other two. Ban claims to have come from Ta! via Kwallak
and to have settled near the Timmot, the Gantang and the Kittim. The Ban plays
an important role in Zinni rituals since it initiates Nce awap (often called Ibyari) .
The other clans follow.47

The Warok claim to have originated from Tal and were r just passing through.
They appear to have been a very small group and to have settled in the western
valley. My sources in Warok emphasized their independence from Lagan in the
precolonial period. They enjoy a degree of ritual independence since they
perform Nce awap from November to December before the Ban make their cal!.
They are the only clan in the Zinni group who perform Imalkan, the sowing
rite.48

There are two clans of Ngas origin, the Dambar and the Dibbar, who Rowling
believes, are the first clans to settle in the area, even before Lagan. Although the
Dambar claim to have come from Tal before going to Ngugur in Ngas country
and moving to Pal Dan where they are now, they appear to be ofNgas origin and
are in charge of Kampye (‘Shooting at the moon’), a rite of Ngas origin in the
Zinni group of clans.49 According to Rowling, Dambar.

migrated from Gugur (Ngasland) as a result of a chieftaincy dispute, stole

one of two Gugur moon ceremony spears (paragraph 13) and fled to Zinni
hills and were said to have I been first settlers and to have preceded even
Dibar (qv). After Zinni’s arrival, they joined forces with Lagan, and now
accept

68
religious authority of Ponzhi rim Lagan (sic) at whose grove they have a stone.50

The dibar claim to have come from Tal and then went to Ngugur in
Ngasland.they remained there for ten years and moved to Dibbar in the Gazum
area. On arrival, they thought that nobody else was there, they made contact with
the Gebang (a clan of Pe origin). Rowling be1ieves that Dibbar who came later,
was of Ngas origin but was not related to Dambar. He wrote that Dibbar had been
ritually assimilated to Lagan, and had been given a special role in procuring
“amulak” for the installation of the Ponzhi Mbin Lagan .51

The Jwakbar believe that they came from the North and then went to pankwop in
Ngas country through which Lagan had already passed. They followed Lagan and
finally settled at Jwakbar. Although of Ngas origin, the wakbar, ritually very
close to Lagan and their positon parallel that of Luktuk. Rowling suggests that
this closeness may be due to the fact that the Jwakbar settled close to Lagan.52

The remaining two clans in the Zinni group, the Kullok and the Gebang, are of Pe
origin. According to the traditions of the Kullok, they came from a clan called the
Bill in Pe. They migrated with the Jat people. Since Kullok’s wife was in labour,
they remained in Zinni while Jat moved on to Bwarat. According to Rowling,
they arrived after Zinni and were accepted as dependents of Lagan. They have no
main rites of their own, they share Lagan’s, but do not have a stone there.’53

The Gebang are also originally Pe people; who occupied Gebang Hill at an early
date before the arrival of Zinni. According to Rowling, they arrived after the
Dambar and at about the same time as the Dibbar. The Gebang are ritually
independent of Lagan and the other Zinni clans. They perform the sowing rite,
Gwashik, on their own They perform Kampye in August whereas the Dambar
does it in October, and holds Nce awap from December to January on their
own.

69
 The origins of the clans in the Zinni group are summarize in the
Table:

Table 4: Origins ofthe Clans in Zinni Group

S/No. Name of Clan Place of Origin Ethnic Background

Still Remembered

1. Lagan Tal Zinni- Tarok

2. Luktuk Tal Zinni- Tarok
3. 1. Gantang )
2. Timmot ) Tal Zinni- Tarok
3. Kittim )
4. Bari
4. Warok Tal Tal Group
5. Dambar Ngasland Ngas
6. Dibbar Ngasland Ngas
7. Jwakbar Ngasland Ngas
8. Kullok Pe Pe
9. Gebang Pe Pe

Sources: Interviews in all clans concerned. NAK Jos F

3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist. Shendam Div., Notes by Mr Rowling,1
28/4/38.

70
Since fairly accurate data is available for Zinni on times of arrival of
The various clans, it is possible to summarize the data in Table 5

Table 5 : Relative Times ofArrival of Clans in the Zinni Group

S/No. Time of Arrival Ethnic Background

Clans which arrived before Lagan

1. Dambar Ngas
2. Dibbar Ngas
3. Gebang Pe
Clans that came with Lagan
4. Lagan Zinni Tarok
5. Luktuk Zinni Tarok
Clans that came after Lagan
6. Jwakbar Ngas
7. Gantang Zinni Tarok
8. Kullok Pe
Not known
9 Warok Tal Group

Sources: NAKJos Prof 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist., Shendam Div., Notes by
Mr Rowling, 28/4/38 Interviews: Mamzum Wazhi (Luktuk) Zinni, 25/11/1997,
Mangwun Wazhi, (Jwakbar) Gazum, 15/8/1997.

Thee distribution of rituals amongst the clans in the Zinni Group vides further
ethnographic evidence on the origins of clans. Thus eawap is performed by most
clans in the group, but not necessarily he same time. The Ban, a sub-clan within
the Gantang clan, would e the call to start Nce awap in December, and the
Timmot, ntang and Kittim would follow in January.55 According to my urces, the
Lagan, Luktuk and Jwakbar, would consult and hold theirs in January.56
The Dambar and the Kullok would wait for the Bari to make its call and then
perform Nce awap in January.57 The Dibbar perform in December, while the
Gebarg and the Langan do

71
theirs separately.58 Thus Nce awap aPpears to be the most wi performed ritual in
the Zinni group. The Ban gives the lead followed by most of the Zinni Tarok the
Jwakbar, the Dambar a Kullok, while the Warok, Dibbar and Gebang, who are
rituall relatively independent, observe theirs separately.

As regards sowing rites, only the Warok performs Imalkan in Zinni grou. This
may be due to its contacts with the Gyang (Funyallang) and the Kwallak. The
Lagan initiates Gwashik, then, Timmot in Gantang do theirs, before it is done.
The Gebang does independent of the other Zinni clans.59

Only, the Dambar, a clan of Ngas origin and the Gebang, a clan cf origin
performs Kampye. The Dambar does it in October, while Gebang has it in
August. Rowling claims that the Dibbar, a clan Ngas origin, performs Karnpye
later, but independently of Gebang. However, contemporary informants deny that
the D performs Kainpye.6° Thus Kampye in the Zinni group is performe
exclusively by clans ofNgas or Pe origin.

The sharing of meat also constitutes a way of expressing links between clans in a
clan grouping and even with other clans in Tarokland. As might be expected, the
clans which participate with the Lagan in rituals brought leopards to the Lagan to
be shared. include the Luktuk, the Jwakbar, the Kullok and the Gantang. The
Dibbar, according to informants, had done so in the past but had discontinued the
practice. The position of the Dambar is not certain, although they probably did so
at one time, while the Warok and the Gebang who are ritually independent did
not.61

The Lagan claim they are descendants of Virga who was said to have
accompanied Gunung from Tal; it is not clear from the traditions whether they
are Tal-Tarok or simply Tal. Grouped loosely round the Lagan are a number of
clans which also claim to come from namely the Luktuk and the Gantang.
However, sources in Warok,

72
Which also claim a Tal origin, allege that Warok was largely independent of
Lagan political and ritual in precolonial period. On the other hand, Lagan found
two clans of Ngas origin, the Dambar and the Dibbar, already living in the Lagan
hills. They participate in rituals with Lagan have special responsibilities for
Certain rituals and provide ‘amulak’. Two other clans, the Jwakbar of Ngas
origin and the Kullok, a relative late comer of Pe origin, also participate in rituals
along with the Lagan. The Gebang, a clan of Pe in which Lagan found already
living in the Lagan hills when they arrived, is ritually independent. These
relationships are also reflected in the particular rituals which are performed. (The
Lagan group performs Nce awap together after the call by the Bari, a sub-clan of
Gantang, while the Warok and the Gebang do theirs independently). The Lagan
first performs the sowing rite, Gwashik, and then the other clans do theirs. The
Gebang does theirs independently after the first rains, while the Warok is the only
clan to do imalkan. Only two clans, the Dambar and the Gebang, perform
Kampye although at different times, October and August respectively, and at
night. The Kumbwang’ and the Ce performs theirs during the day.

The Kwallak Group of Clans

The Kwallak group comprises five clans. They are: the Gong which was the first
clan to arrive, the So, which provides the priest-chief (ponzhi mbin), the Nan, the
Guzum and the Danyil. The first clan to settle in the area was the Gong. Although
they cannot remember their ultimate place of origin, they can remember living in
Pe. After they left Pe, they settled at a place called Salva, before moving to
Gong.62
The next two clans to arrive were the Guzurn and the Nan, who claim to have
arrived from Tal at about the same time.63 The So cannot remember exactly
where they came from but believe that they came from somewhere in Ngasland.
They were hunters, who kept moving from place to place in search of game. They
went to Kumfyel, Zanzat, Kurdong and eventually to So. These are all hills
except Zanzat.

73
When they first came, they did not see anyone but when they lit a fire, the Gong
and the Nan people came. They could not communicate as they did not speak the
same language. The Gong and the Nan decided not to drive the So away; but to
give them some land, the soil which was believed to be infertile. However, the
So’s crops were so good that others concluded that the So must possess strong
‘amulak’. They therefore, put them in charge of rituals. They also provide the
priest chief (ponzhi mbin) of Kwallak.70 The Danyil which was the last to derived
claims a Kwararafa origin.65 When asked about their supposed Tehi (Montol)
origins, my informants in Kwallak strongly denied any connection. They said
there is a group of Tehi (Montol) people called Ballang who have attached
themselves to Nan in recent times. It nevertheless seems possible that there is
Tehi (Montol) influence in Kwallak. The data on origins of the clans in Kwallak
is summarized in Table 6:-

Table 6: Origins ofthe Clans in Kwallak and their Order of Arrival

S/No. Name of Clan Place of Origin Ethnic Order of

Background Arival
1. Gong Pe Pe First
2. Guzum Tal Tal Group? Second
3. Nan Tal Tal Group? Srcond
4. So Ngasland Ngas Fourth
5. Dangyil Pe or Kwararafa Pe or Jukun Fifth

Sources: Interviews in all clans, NAK Jos Prof 3/11/1566, Hill Yergam Dist,
Shendam Div. Notes by Mr. Rowling, 28/4/38.

The Gong is in charge of Nec awap performed in November Kampye, is

performed in September. Instead of Imalkan, Kwallak have Nce Izun or ‘dry
season festival; the Guzum is in charge of this festival. They go to a distant hill
and on the way back the ancestral spirits (orim) will cry. There will be a hunt and
any animals killed will be cooked and offered in the shrine.67 They make noise
to register their presence. Data are summarized in Table 7:-

74
.
Table 7: The Kwallak Clan and their major Rituals

S/NO. Ethnic Background Ritual in Charge

Name of Clan
1. Gong Pe Nce awap
2. Guzum Tal Group Nce IIzun
3. Nan Tal Group -
4. So Ngas Kampye
5. Dangre Pe or Kwararafa -

Sources: Interviews in all Clans.

I have no data on the movement of the carcasses of leopards in Kwallak

or on the sharing of meat. It should be noted that the Kwallak is ritually
independent of the Zinni and it is reasonable to assume that they were
also politically independent of the Zinni in the precolonial period.68
It is significant that the Nimbar group of clans in the precolonial period
regarded the Kwallak as not being Tarok and that it was therefore
legitimate to take their heads in war.69 Kwallak seems to have been an
important gateway through which other clans passed on their way elsewhere
as is reflected in the traditions of many clans such as those of Kwargam
and Lohmak who had disagreements with them, and moved on.70

The Gyang (Fungyallang) Group of Clans

There are four major clans, among the Gyang (Funyallang). They
are: the Man, which is the senior in terms of time of arrival, the
Kuswan which supplies the priest-chief (ponzhi mbin), the Kwanpe
and the Duwal. The origins of the Man are in doubt as Mathews
attributed a local origin from Kulva Hill to them; but Rowling suggested
that a Pe origin was more likely. According to Rowling, the Man were
the first clan to settle in the area, probably even precedingthe Lagan,
though rituals are entrusted to the Kuswan. According toRowling, the
Kuswan migrated from Jalbang via the foot of the Pe

75
hills and found the Man already settled there. The Kwanpe are said to be from
Jalbang but of a later wave of migration than the Kuswan. These two clans are
said to be of Goemai origin; but probably they are actually TehI (Montol). The
Duwal is said to have migrated from near Pal in Lalin and seems to be of Tehi
(Montol) origin. It has been ritually assimilated with the other clans.71 The data
on the origins of clans in Gyang and their order of arrival is summarized in
Table 8.

Table 8: Origins of the Gyang Clans (Funyallang) and their Order

Of Settlement

S/No. Name of Clan Place of Origin Ethnic Background Order of

Arival
1. Man Kulva Hill or Pe Authochthounous but First
likely Pe

2. Kuswan Jalbang Geomai/Tehl (Montol)? Second

3. Kwanpe Jalbang Geomai/Tehl (Montol)? Third

4. Dwual Near Pal in Lalin Tehl (Montol) Fourth

Sources: Group Interview: Vennin Gonrnoh, Ponzhi Funyallang et al, all clans
represented Ghang, Gazum, 20/1/199 7, NAKJos Prof 3/1/1566 Hill Yergam
Dist, Shendam Div. Notes by Mt Rowling, 28/4/35paras 15,20, 21, 22.

In terms of major festivals, Kwanpe is in charge of Nce awap which is performed

quite independently of Zinni or Ce at their ritual site of Kubar. Kuswan is in
charge of the sowing rite, Imalkan, in March, as well as Kampye. According to
Rowling, both are carried out at the time before the Gebang.72

As regards the division of leopards, the data is incomplete; but in general

leopards seem to be sent to Kuswan for the necessary rituals and division.73

76
The Gyang (Funyallang) ritual system is quite independent of that of e Zinni or
the Plain Tarok groups. The only point of contact is that at ae time of the
installation of a new Ponzhi Mbin Lagan Dibbar, a clan In the Zinni group of
Ngas origin, would go to Kuswan (Man in Rowling’s Notes) to obtain’rnedicine’
in the bush (usually certain roots). In the past, this had to be accompanied by a
fresh human skull Otherwise, the Gyang (Funyallang) was ritually independent
““s an important source of Tehi (Montol) cultural influences on Tarok. We can
assume it was politically autonomous in the lonial period.

Plain or Lowland Tarok

TheNimbar Group of Clans

The Nimbar group (Nimbar is a nickname meaning ‘scattered’) of r dians

contains a number of clans who claim to be genealogically related through
Gunung, the leader of the migration from Tal. In addition, there are other clans of
diverse origins who have come to be associated with the Gunung. They are Tarok
clans in various ways, for instance the Kankur, Nani, Nyikat, Kwargam, Galli
and Timwat Which is largely separate. According to their traditions, the Tirnwat
me from Pe; but settled at Ladu in Plain Tarok before the arrival of the Gunung
Tarok group. My sources claim that:-

Their original home was a place between Pe and Tal. They decided to
move to Tarokland because their home was too crowded. They also came
as hunters in search of game. When they first came, they settled at Ladu,
and then at Pang Igu but their headquarters was still at Ladu.75

The same sources further state that:-

Timwat came first and settled at Ladu, and then Ce came in a

group. They came in large numbers and first settled at a place

77
called Agbak Ice where there is a cave which is now deserted.76

According to SR. Longtau:

The Tumwat section has an oral tradition that they came from
Pai, Pai is a Benue- Congo language like Tarok, therefore I identify
Tumwat as the group Tal-Tarok met in the Tarok hill when they came from
Ta!. This is further confirmed by the Tarok tradition that Tumwat
sold/exchanged their land for meat. This issue of meat is said to have been
responsible for the spread of the Tal-Tarok from Tal to the present
Tarokland and plains.77

Thus the Timwat were among a group of clans of Pe origin and therefore
Benue-Congo speakers which include the Gebang in Zinni, the Gong in Kwallak
and the Man in Gyang (Funyallang). It seems that important ritual roles were
taken over or created by later arrivals such as the Lagan in Zinni, the So in
Kwallak, the Kuswan in Gyang (Funyallang), and by the Gunung family (Ce)
who initiated the cult of the worship of Gandulong’s skull. This fact seems to
indicate that these clans must have had very powerful and promoted the ancestral
cult (orim) in their areas. The story of the Timwat’s sale of their birthright for
meat seems to be a legend rationalizing their loss of land to the incoming
migrants. Since I believe that the incoming Gunung Tarok must have been
BenueCongo speakers with many similarities in culture to the clans of Pe origin,
this must have helped to produce the present day Tarok culture. If the Tarok had
been Chadic speakers, their culture would merely be a variant of that of the Ngas.

According to tradition, the Gunung Tarok group migrated from Ta! to

Lagan accompanied by the progenitors of the Zinni clans. Since
Gunung was a great hunter he went in search of new hunting grounds
and moved first to Kuichum (present Ladu) and from there to Langyi

78
And to Tarok ga barn, the seat of the Ponzhi Mbin Ce.78 There are many ants of
the Gunung tradition illustrating the malleability of oral traditions; but that
contained in the Gazetteer of Plateau Province Seems highly unreliable. It states:

The Gunnu (sic) section were led by Mbak who had

two children, a boy and a girl. These two married each other and
their son Gadon (Gandulong) became the chief to whose name most
of their legends are attached.79

According to the Ce version of the tradition, Gunung had a number of sons. One
of them was Khen the father of Gandulong, and another Gan, the most senior of
the ancestors of Gigan Ritak (Kumbwang). The latter is the ancestor of the
Kumbwang clan. Khen the father of Gandulong and hence of Ce, while Kau
(Bwarat) is the ancestor of Kau. This explains the link to Sa (see Figure 1).

Figure 1: The Gunung Family Tree Showing the Relationships ofthe

progenitors ofsomeNimbar Clans.

Tadok or Tarok (ruled in Tal),

said to be father of Gunung

Gunung (moved from Lagan to Ladu

and then to Langyi)

Khen Ritak (Kumbwang) Gan (Gigan) Kau (Bwarat)

Nap
Gandulong Sa (Gani)

Marzwal Sinnap Lirfa (Nsim) Vongin Kalmot (Kettang) Kai (daughter)

Mbap

Source: Group Interview: Ndam, Ponzhi Mbin Ce et al. (Ce) Langtang, 9/5/1997.

79
When the priest-chiefs (ponzhi mbins) kept dying Ritak (Kumbwang) and Gan
(Gigan) were afraid to become priest-chiefs (ponzhi mbins). Therefore, it was
decided to give the position to Gandulong, the marvellous boy who was born to a
woman who was going to sold into slavery unless she had a son. Gandulong had
been with many remarkable deeds since his youth, and like a true Culture-hero, it
is claimed that he brought previously unknown red variety of guinea corn
(ikuririzang). Gandlong did not die , succeeded in entrenching himself as Ponzhi
Mbin Ce, and instead of the priest-’ chiefship rotating amongst the descendants
of the sons of Gunung, it came to rotate amongst the sons of Gandulong and their
descendants. He was the father of five sons in this order of seniority:- Marzwal,
Sinnap, Lirfa (Nsim), Vongen and Kalomt (Kettang) who are the ancestors of the
five lineages in Ce. These supply the Ponzhi Mbin Ce in rotation. Thus the royal
clan of Ce in Nimbar claims descent from Gunung; but because of the
prominence of Gandulong, their right to supply the priest-chief (Ponzhi Mbin Ce)
is based on their descent from Gandulong.° The implications of the Gandulong
legend will be discussed in more detail later, but here our concern is to show how
the Gunung - Gandulong legend serves as a charter which links the Gunung
Tarok clans together.

Kurnbwang, one of the most important clans in the Nimbar group, claims descent
from Ritak - one of the Sons of Gunung the suspicious deaths which seemed to
bedevil the holders of the office.This allowed Gandulong and his descendants the
right of succession. The Kumbwang clan, holds a number of important offices
such as that of the war chief for the Nimbar group. It was the spokesman for the
Ponzhi Mbin Ce at meetings witi the Bwarat and the Sa (Gani) and the Zinni. The
Kumbwang performs their own Nce awap at Padur for their ancestors. They
perform Kampye in the morning while the Nsim, on behalf of Ce, do theirs in the
evening of the same day. The Ce allow the spear which had been hurled at
Kampye to remain in the ground for twenty-eight days while the Kumbwang
retrieve theirs. They perform their rituals with the Ce.81

80
Then Gigan claim to be descendants of the most senior of the Sons of Gunung,
called Gan, but they abandoned their claim to supply the ponzhi mbin because of
the mysterious deaths of holders of the office and conceded the position to
Gandulong, though they have their own riti.ial place at Lincit, and are grouped
with the Ce in ritual matters. The Gigan also constitutes the link between the
Nyikat, a clan of Kwararafa origin, and part ofNachang in Bwarat.82

Before his death, Gandulong asked his sons to initiate a cult for the worship of
his skull but they did not. According to the traditions of the Mbap clan,
Gandulong had an only daughter called Kai who married Dinpar, a Kwallak man.
They had a son called Banko who was brought up in the Gandulong household.
Gandulong liked him so much that he instructed him to worship his skull after his
death. Banko obeyed and enjoyed good harvests. When Gandulong’s Sons
discovered what was happening, they becamejealous and tried to get someone to
poison him. However, Banko treated the would-be poisoner with so much
hospitality that he confessed to Banko what he had been asked to do. He advised
Banko to abandon the worship of Gandulong’s skull, otherwise they might find
some other means to kill him. Banko took his advice and went away for a time.
Later there was a reconciliation between Banko and the sons of Gandulong and
he was given the role of carrying the pots of beer and holding the necks of
sacrificial animals at Nce awap. They share this role with Kankur, who are not
related to Gafldulong.83

The group of clans that are related to the Ce, the descendants of Gandulong,
through genealogical ties, are the Kumbwang, Gigan and Mbap. The Kankur, the
Nyikat, the Kwargam and the Galli are ritually linked to the Ce by virtue of the
roles they are given in rituals.

The Kankur believe they came from the Ndong clan in Pe and moved to a place
called Dibbar in the Gazum area from where they moved again to a place called
Dap near Tarok where they divided into two. One section went to Bwarat where
they became the Pe clan, and the

81
second group settled at a place called Kankur in Ce. The Kan combine all their
rituals with Gandulong’s children. Kankur has a special role in Nce awap as they
provide the person who carries pots of beer and holds the necks of the chickens
which are sacrificed. The fact that they came with the Pe in Bwarat, suggests that
they cai relatively late.84

The Nyikat believt that they originated from Kwararafa and the went to Dampar
and then to Kumbur near Wase. They appear to hav been riverine Jukun. When
they reached the river Kanjili, they part company with the Nachang people, who
are now in Bwarai Meanwhile, the Nyikat proceeded to Pak, then to Wallang and
then to Bern. According to their traditions, Ce saw their fires and sent Gi to
investigate. They gave him some dried fish and when he retumed he told Ce, ‘nyi
nakat’ i.e, ‘I dontt know him.’ Ce then went to see them himself. They handed
over their ritual items, a big drum and a ritw spear to Gigan. Their link to Ce is
therefore through Gigan.85

The Kwargam, on the other hand say they migrated from Bauchi but don’t really
know their original home. When they came, they settled first in a place called
Giyang (Gyang?) and then moved to Kwallak from where they had to move again
because they had an argument over the sex of an unborn child. They killed both
the woman and the unborn child to settle the point. Since she was a Kwallak, her
people planned revenge which was revealed to the Kwargam people by one of
their women married in Kwallak. Consequently, they were able to ambush the
Kwallak people and inflict heavy casualties on them. After that, it was impossible
for Kwargam to remain there, so they moved and went to settle near their
maternal uncles. That is why Kwargam Ogadul settled near Gigan at Zungzum,
and Kwargam Oga Gbetar settled at Mankot near Galli. Thus they had a close
relationship with their respective maternal uncles with whom they shared meat,
and who represented them in disputes with other clans.86

82
According to Galli traditions, their forefather, Timpar, the father of was living
near Langyi when the Gunung-Tarok arrived. Since Galli group was very small,
the incoming migrants refused to pt their leadership in matters of rituals. They
therefore spoilt the ancestral worship by substituting water for local beer in the s
intended for worship and then alleged that the Galli were not fit to conduct the
worship of the ancestral spirits. The Galli moved away and other groups took
over the leadership. Because their leaders kept they decided to make Gandulong
the priest-chief (ponzhi mbi) since he appeared to possess strong ‘amulak’.
Gandulong decided that a wrong had been committed to have taken the ritual
from the Galli and so sent his sons to find them at Dual. He rought them back and
gave them certain ritual roles. They became caretakers of certain ritual objects at
Rwap, and were also given an Important ritual role in war. They joined Ce in
performing Nce awap. The Galli also had a close relationship with two of the
royal lineages fri Ce: the Sinnap and the Lirfa (Nsim) and they provide a link
between one section of Kwargam called Kwargam Oga Gbetar and Ce.87

Mwanso is another clan which claims a close connection to the Gigan.

According to the Mwanso traditions, their real name is Suwa. They originated
from Borno and moved to the Ngas country. From there, they went to Pe and
later migrated to a place called Kojai, near Tarok where they met the Gigan. They
did things together, shared meat together and performed Nce awap on the same
day at their respective ritual places. Thus the Gigan became the link between the
Mwanso and the Ce.88

The Nani, on the other hand, claim to have originated in Tal but their traditions
suggest that they are of Goemai or Tehl (Montol) origin. They say they moved
down to the Shendam area to Jalbang and from there, to a place called Ipang
Dangdong (‘pointed stone’) near Pyapun (Piarpun). Subsequently, they moved to
a hill in the Shendam area and proceeded to a hills in the Tarok hills called
Kumshiri. They

83
continued to be harassed by the Goemai and the Tehi (Montol), they moved from
there to Nani. Their connection with Ce is that Lirfa (Nsim) had a quarrel with
his father and decided to go away. He was passing through Nani territory when
Nani suggested to him that I stayed nearby should his father calm down and send
for him to retu Lirfa (Nsim) heeded this advice and settled at Pensong. Later,
predicted, a messenger from Gandulong came looking for him invite him to
return home. That was how Nani was able to inform him, of the whereabouts of
Lirfa (Nsim). That was the beginning oft! relationship between Nsim and Nani.
When Nsim had left home, h land was plagued by rats, and so Nani gave him a
special ritual spea made by their blacksmiths and told him that the rats would no
longer trouble his land. This spear is the one used by the Nsim at Kampy This
explains why the Nani perform Nce awap at the same time as ti Ce.89

A summary of the origins of the clans of the Nimbar grou

can be found in Table 9.

84
Table 9: Origins of the Clans in Nimbar Group who are believed to “embledin
Taroklandc.1700- 1800

S/NO. Place of Origin Ethnic Background

Name of Clan
1. Ce Tal Gunung-Tarok
2. Kumbwang Tal Gunung-Tarok
3. Gigan Tal Gunung-Tarok
4. Mbap Tal Gunung-Tarok &a Male
Child born of Kwalak
With Gandulong’Daughter
5. Kankur Pe Pe
6. Nyikat Kwararafa Jukun
7. Kwargam Not Known Not known
8. Galli Not Known Not Known
9. Mwason Ngas Country Ngas or pe
10. Nani Shendam Goemai or Tehl (Montol)
11 Timwat Pe Pe

Sources: Interviews in all Clans

It is difficult to work out the precise time of arrival of the clans in the
Nimbar group, but an attempt is made in Table 10.

85
Table 10: Relative Times ofArri vat of Clans in the Nimbar Group:
Clans which arri ved before Gunung. that is before ci 750

Clan Ethnic Group

1. T Pe
2. Galli Not Known
Gunung Tarok Group c 750
3. Ce Gunung Tarok
4. Kumbwang Gunung Traok
5. Gigan Gunung Tarok
6. Mbap Gunung Tarok & pe

Clans which cvame after Gunung Tarok Group were already established, c
1750-1800

Clan Ethnic Group

7. Kwargam Not Known
8. Kankur Pe
9. Mwanso Ngas or Pe
10. Nani Goemai or Tehl (Montol)
11. Nyikat Jukun

Source: Interviews in all clans

In accordance with the instructions of Gandulong, his s and those of his

successors as Ponzhi Mbin Ce are worshipped at th important festival of Nce
awap (Ibyart) at which sacrifices of a chicken and a ram are made and the people
are blessed. Among t Ce, it is performed at their principal ritual site of Tarok ga
barn i November. Although most clans in Tarokland perform some version of
Nce awap for their own ancestors, that of the Ce has acquired great significance
because it is the first to be held and because it is attend by representatives of
Tarok clans outside the Nimbar and other ethnic groups.

86
Table 11: The Clans in the Nimbar Group and their Participation in Nce awap
S/No. Name of Clan Ethnic Role in Nce awap (Ibyari)
Background
1 Ce Gunung Tarok Ponzhi Mbin Ce plays leading
role, carries ritual spear,
rebuilds tomb of Gandulong,
sacrifice a chiken, a ram and
blesses people. Performed in
November at ga bam above
langyi.
2 Gigan Gunung Tarok Do it with ce at Tarok ga bam
in November. Have two small
ritual centres of their own
3 Kumbwang Gunung Tarok Perform it separately in
December for their own
ancestors at padur.
4 Mbap Gunung Tarok Do it with Ce in November.
Carry pots of beer for rituals
and hold th necks of chickens
and rams for sacrifice.
5 Kankur Pe Do it Ce in November, rotate
with Mbap in carrying pots of
beer for rituals and holdings
necks of chickens and rams for
sacrifice
6 Nyikat Jukun Ritual assimilated with Gigan.
Performed Ibyankvyet dance
immediately after Nce awap
7 Kwargam Not Known Do it with Ce, and then for
their own ancestors.
8 Galli Not Known Do it November with Ce
9 Mwanso Ngas or Pe Do it on same day as Gigan
10 Nani Goemai Do it in November with Ce
11 Timwat Pe Do it on the day after Ce for
their own ancestors at own
ritual site.

Sources: Interviews with all clans.

87
 As regards sowing rites, Timwat is in charge of Imalkan behalf of the
Nimbar group.90 Karnpye is performed from Noven to December only by the
Kumbwang who do it in the morning andl the Nsim on behalf of the Ce in the
evening of the same day. The closes it. (See Chapter V for a detailed
description).91

The sharing of game in the Nimbar grouping was a sign of affinity” at least of
physical proximity. Although it would be impossible give details of all these
meat sharing arrangements, a few examples will suffice. If a hunter in Ce killed a
leopard, the meat would divided with the Timwat - neighbours. Then the meat
would be L.. to Langyi where it would be cooked and shared with the Kumbwang
and the Gigan. The Ce’s share was then shared with the Kankur, the Galli and the
Mbap.92

The Nimbar group contains a small number of genealogically related clans to

which most of the other clans in the group have links through roles in rituals and
meat sharing, while Timwat remain ritually detached. Only the Timwat and the
Galli can be said to have settled in the Plain Tarok area before the Gunung Tarok
group arrived. All the other clans must have come later because they attached
themselves to clans in the Gunung Tarok group who were already settled.

The Bwarat Group of Clans

I
According to some traditions, Kau (Bwarat), the clan which supplies the Ponzhi
Mbin Bwarat, claims to have descended from Kau, a son of Gunung and
therefore a half brother of Khen (the ancestor of Ce), of Ritak (Kumbwang) and
Gan (Gigan). According to Kau tradition, they came with Gunung and Virga
from Tal and first went to Lagan Hill. They accompanied Gunung when he left
Lagan, and since Kau (Bwarat) was a great hunter, he settled on Kau mountain.
The Sa group of clans are connected to the Gunung tradition through Kau
(Bwarat) This will be treated later.93

88
Another version of the tradition found in the Gazetteer of Plateau
Dvince says

Gadon (Gandulong) had several sons one of whom was

Langtang by which name the original part of the Gunnu
(Gunung) section is now known. Another of his sons was
Burat (sic) who was probably the founder of the present
section which bears his name.94

Others claim that Bwarat was the son of Kum, who ruled in Tal and bat he was
the younger brother of Gunung.95 The two most popular versions of the
traditions are that Bwarat was a younger brother of Gunung or one of his sons. It
is generally agreed that Bwarat was junior to Gunung and that they established
themselves on different mountains, but close to each other. It is put as follows by
Captain Izard.

When the Talok (Tarok) came to Langtang, Gunnu (Gunung)

established his tsafi at the South West end of Langtang Hill
and Burat (sic) established his at the North East end. These
two points are the ‘home’ of Langtang and Burat respectively,
and from which they spread and occupied their present
territory. 96

Among the other clans in the group, the Gbak claim to have come from Tal with
the Gunung group, and at first settled at Lagan. Since they were not happy there
they moved with the Gunung and the Kau. They broke away and settled at
Gbak.97

The Kamtak claim to come from Tal, from where they were about to set out with
Kau (Bwarat) but as Kamtak’s wife was about to deliver, they stayed behind.
They later followed Kau and settled with them at a place where they shared a
pond. When it became rather crowded, they moved down the hill to a place called
Kamtak meaning ‘the land is tight’ where they still have their ritual place.98

89
The Lohmak migrated from Tal to Lagan as part of the Zit people. They claim to
have left Lagan because of a chieftain dispute and then moved to Kwallak. They
annoyed the Kwa” people because they wouldn’t share the meat of a buffalo with
ther So they moved to Bukkum where they had another misunderstanding with
the local people over some drums which they had made ani which they found had
been sabotaged. They, therefore, moved to Jirmin. There, they stayed with the
Nachang people, who, w they killed a leopard, took it to Kau. Lohmak started to
imitate thea and that was how they became attached to Kau (Bwarat).99

On their part, Ghanghang say that they are Tal people who moved to place called
yang, which still serves as their ritual centre. They met Zhiwan, the father in-law
of Kau and hence became attached tel Bwarat (Kau). Some of their people are in
Kanam and some in Sal (Gani), but most of them are around Limun. According
to the Lyangjit version, Ghanghang, Zhiwan and Shamot were brothers and it was
the daughter of Zhiwan, Kanjing, who married Kau (Bwarat) and produced
Lyangj it, the elder brother, and Sa.100

Since the Myer claim to have set off with the Timwat, it is possible that both
clans are probably from Pe. They say that they settled for about ten years in
Pyapun (Piarpun). They then moved to a mountain called Nsham where they
stayed for five years, and then moved to Killak. While there, they had a
misunderstanding with Timwat with whom they had co-existed up to that time,
and so Myer moved to Ntukun and Timwat to Ladu. Later they made a short
movement to Myer. They shared water and meat with Kau (Bwarat) and ‘they
became like brothers.101

The Pe believe they came from a clan called the Jak in Pe and that they moved to
a place called Ilongong near Gyang (Funyallang) and then to Gabbang in Gazum
District where they stayed for a few years before moving to Darkan and later to
Dinjin Panjang. There, they met the Kamtak who invited them to come down to
the plain and

90
join thcm but they declined. The Kamtak were being molested by a leopard. The
Pe killed the leopard and Kamtak took it to Kau. When Pe killed more leopards,
Kamtak took them to Kau and claimed to have killed them. It was eventually
revealed that Pe, not Kamtak, killed the leopards. Consequently, he was initiated
as a Tarok man. Pe came down and lived at Adap. It should be noted that the
Kankur, in the Nimbar group, claim to be part of Pe, but say they came from the
Ndong clan, not the Jak, and their account of their wanderings differs somewhat.
It should also be noted that the Pe claim that they could communicate with the
Kamtak people because the Kamtak had once lived in Pe, a claim which the
Kamtak did not mention in their own account. Furthermore, another source
indicates that Pe supplies the war chiefs for the Bwarat group of clans.102

The Jat appears to be a composite clan consisting of Pe and Kwararafa

descendants. This is reflected in their traditions. They claim they came from
Kwararafa and went to Bashar, and then went to Nkat near Dengi. They then
moved to Tutwan in Pe and stayed with the Bwa clan of Pe. One day a child fell
into a hole and made a noise like an ancestral spirit. This caused much alarm, and
when it was discovered that it was a child from Kurnok!Gwan, the Jat decided to
migrate together with the Kullok to the Gazum area. When they got to Gazum,
Kullok’s wife was about to deliver and he decided to remain there, while the rest
migrated to a place called Adok Ajat. This gave the name Jat to the group. They
subsequently moved on and the largest section settled at Kurnok while the others
moved to Gwan. They have separate ritual places. Jat was to some extent under
the protection of Nachang who acted as their link to Kau (Bwarat).103 Thus, the
Jat appear to be a composite clan containing both Pe and Jukun elements.

The remaining clans in the Bwarat (Kau) group, except the Ndal, claim to come
from Kwararafa, and the suggestion seems to be that the clans were riverine or
hunting Jukun. They appear to have converged on Garkawa, having come
variously from the hills near

91
Lagan, Dampar and Wase before moving to Tarokland through Garkawa. Of
these clans, the two most important were the Nachang and the Laka who link the
remaining clans and sub-clans to Kau.

The Nachang were probably the first of the clans of Kwararafa origin to arrive in
the Bwarat area. They believe they originated f: Kwararafa, then went to Dampar
and from there to Wase. They moved to the Kanjili river where one section
stayed and became Nyikat in the Nimbar group of clans. The other settled on a
mountain with the Kau people and then moved down and created a new ritw’ site
at Nachang. Nachang plays a central role as the link between the Lohmak,
Dangre, Jat, Diyan, Ndal and Kau.104

The Dangre believe they originated from Kwararafa and then went to a place
called Dungunu in the Bauchi area. Then they moved to Gbamlar in the Kanarn
area, and from there they moved to a place called Gwar, before moving to
Dangre. When Laka people tried to poison them, they complained to Nachang,
who reported the matter to Kau. They associate with Nachang who links them to
Kau. As already mentioned, our sources in Dangre say that Danyil in Kwallak
broke away at the time of the poisoning but Danyil now claim they came from
Pe.105

Laka claim that they originated from Kwararafa and then moved to Garkawa
where they stayed for about five years. They form part of a group which includes
the Nyinnan and the Gham. They then went to Ndin Zhan before finally moving
to Laka. They saw the Kau on a hill and made contact with them.106

The Diyan believe they originated froin Kwararafa and moved to Rokta in
Garkawa, from there they moved to Ndin Zhan between the Kau and the Ce Later
they moved to Diyan. They learned about the Kau from the Nachang who became
their link to Kau107

The Nyinnan claim that they originated from Kwararafa and that they went to
live in Garkawa along with the Laka, the Gham and the

92
Zamgwar Ngarak; but that they were the first to move off and settle at place
called Gwar, near Langtang. Then they moved to Nyilgong, a part went to settle
near Amper, taking the ritual spear with them.108

The Zamgwar Ngarak believe that they originated from Kwararafa went to
Garkawa along with Laka, Gham and Nyinnan. They ‘were the last to move to
Ndin Zhan from where they went to Zamgwar.109

The Nghum believe that they originated from Kwararafa and moved there to
Garkawa. They were there before the Laka people and he Nyinnan. They stayed
there for five years and then left because of a fight with the Hausa. From
Garkawa they went to Nyinnan and then settled at Kakop and then moved to
Nghum. They came into contact with Kau through hunting. 110

The Singha believe that they originated from Kwararafa and then went to Bashar
They were hunters and only spent two years there before moving to Tal, and to
Pang in the Gazum area. They then moved on to Nawa, near Kwanpe, in Gyang
(Funyallang) country Where they met the Myer people who asked them to stay
with them. They refused because the Myer had an overwhelming population.
They then moved to a place called Singha, and the Gbak invited them to come
and stay with them. They decided to consult the Ce, who advised them to stay
where they were as they had a good place. They do virtually everything with Ce
especially Nsim (Lirfa). Their link to kau is through Gbak.111

The Ndal claim to have come out of a cave near Reak. Ndal’s son, Lamdan,
married a wife from the Nachang people. This established a
linkage between the Ndal, the Nachang, and with the Kau. 112

For a summary of the origins of the clans and sub-clans in Bwarat see
Table l2.

93
Table 12: Origins ofthe Clans in the Bwarat Group

S/NO. Place of Origin Ethnic Background

Name of Clan
1. Kau (Bwarat) Tal Gunung-Tarok
2. Gbak Tal Gunung-Tarok
3. Kamtak Tal Gunung-Tarok
4. Lohmak Tal Zinni-Tarok
5. Ghanghang Tal Tal-Tarok?
6. Myer Pe Pe
7. Pe Pe Pe
8. Jat Kwararafa/Pe Jukun/Pe
9. Nachang Kwararafa Jukun
10. Dangre Kwararafa Jukun
11. Laka Kwararafa Jukun
12. Diyan Kwararafa Jukun
13. Nyinnan Kwararafa Jukun
14. ZamgwarNgarak Kwararafa Jukun
15. Nghum Kwararafa Jukun
16. Singha Ce/Nimbar Nsim-ce
17. Ndal Authocthonous ?

Sources: Interviews in all clans and sub-clans.

Thus of the seventeen recognized clans and sub-clans only the Kau, the Gbak, the
Kamtak and possibly the Ghanghang belong to the Gunung-Tarok group, while
the Lohmak belongs to the Zinni Tarok group. Two clans (Myer and Pe) appear
to be of Pe origin while a large part of Jat seems to be Pe. Ndal claims to be
autochthonous, and the rest (the Nachang, Dangre, Laka, Diyan, Nyinnan,
Zamgwar Ngarak and Nghum) are all of Jukun stock. Given the diverse origins

94
Of the various clans in the Bwarat group, it is a surprise that such omogeneity of
language and culture has been achieved there.

It is difficult to work out which clans came first and which came later,
although it seems reasonable to hypothesize that apart from the rachang, all the
clans claiming a Kwararafa origin came later, as did Pe which attached itself to
the Kamtak. An attempt is made in the Table 13 to make a rough division
between the clans which came wIy and those which came later based on evidence
from tradition.

Table 13. Recency ofArrival of Clans in the Bwarat Group, c 1750 - 1800

S/No. Recenyof Arrival and Names of Clan Ethnic Background

Clans which came early
1. Kua Gunung Tarok
2. Gbak Gunung Tarok
3. Kamtak Gunung Tarok
4. Ghanghang Tal Tarok?
5. Myer Pe
6. Nachang Jukun
7. Ndal Autochthonous
Clans which came later
8. Jat(Kurnok/Gwan)
9. Lohmak Jukun/Tarok
10. Pe Pe
11. Dangre Jukun
12. Laka Jukun
13. Diyer Jukun
14. Nyinnan Jukun
15. Zamgwar Ngarak Jukun
16. Nghum Jukun
17. Singh Jukun

Sources: Interviews in all clans

95
Note: The two broad categories are not arranged in terms of or arrival.

Although most clans perform Nce awap ritual, they do necessarily do it at the
same time as the Kau. Table 14 summarizes ti data concerning participation in
Nce awap by the various clans.

Table 14. The Clans in the Bwarat Group and their Participation in ‘Nce a.wap’
S/No. Name of Clan Ethnic Role in Nce awap (Ibyari)
Background
1 Kua Gunung Tarok Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat call for
Nce awap in December or
January after Ce and is the
main officiator at their ritual
site.
2 Gbak Gunung Tarok Do it before kua at their own
ritual situal.
3 Kamatka Gunung Tarok Do it at their own ritual place at
the time as kau.
4 Lohmak Zinni Tarok Adopted it from Laka.
Do it o it May. Do not attend
other people’s Nce awap awap
5 Ghanghang Tal Tarok Do it in December afterkau at
their own ritual site at vang.
6 Myer pe Do it after Kau in January.
7 Pe Pe Ritually assimilated to Kau. Do
it with Kau. Also have their
own ritual place.
8 Jat Jukun/Pe Do it after Kau.
9 Nachang Jukun Invited to Kau to participate
with them; but also do it at
their ritual place on the same
day.

96
10. Dangre Jukun Do it after Ce.
11. Laka Jukun Do it in December at own ritual
site.
12. Diyan Jukun Do not do Nce awap.
13. Nyinnan Jukun Do it in December.
14. Zamgar Jukun Do it at their own ritual place.
15. Singhan Jukun Have close links to nsim
(Lirfa)Ce. Attend that of Kau;
but do not participate.
16. Ndal Authochthonous Do it in April..

Sources: Interviews in al/clans and sub-clans.

Only the Kamtack and the Pe do Nce awap at the same time as the imajorit’ of
clans do it after Kau at their own ritual sites for their own ancestors.

The sowing rite, Imalkan, is performed by the clans belonging to the Gunung-
Tarok group plus the Nachang and the Pe which have been ritually to Kau. The
Myer, a clan of Pc origin, the Timwat charge of the rite in Nimbar, and the
Dangre also perform it.113 the other claming a Kwararafa origin perform
Ngbanishi orim which appears to be of Jukun origin.114

Kau authorizes Gbak to perform Kampye, on behalf of the Gunung Tarok clans
in Bwarat. The Jat do it in September by going up the mountain and, unlike Zinni
and Ce, offer seeds as part of the sacrifices. Clans of Kwararafa origin do not
perform Kampye115

Thus in Bwarat shared rituals only appear to be a strong link between the clans of
Gunung Tarok origin and clans like the Pe, and Nachang which are ritually
assimilated. They constitute a less binding force for the other clans, especially
those who take themselves to Kwararafa.

97
In the Bwarat group of clans, meat sharing formed the basis establishing
relationships. Thus Myer, a clan of Pe origin is describe as sharing meat with Kau
and as a result ‘they became 1ike brothers’116 Pe, another clan of Pe origin,
became fully integrated intq the GunuiigTatok gtoup because of their powess in
killing leopards and this probably explains why they were given the office of
chief for the Bwarat group.117 Thus meat sharing arrangements between the
Nachang and other clans of Kwararafa origin such as Dangre and the Diyan
established links between them and the Kau.’ The Laka had meat sharing
arrangements with other clans Kwararafa origin such as the Nyinnan, Nghum,
Zamgwar Ngarak and Jat 119

The Sa or Gani Group of Clans

This is the smallest group of clans consisting of seven clans. The relationship of
Sa or Gani to the other two sections, Nimbar a Bwarat, differs in the various
traditions. According to an colonial writer, Captain Izard:

There is a 3rd group or section today, the Gani, who claim to have been a
separate tribe, and a younger brother of Burat (Bwarat) at the time of the
Exodus from Tal. However, Sarkin Tsafi of Langtang and of Burat (sic)
also both state that this is not so and that Gani is an offshoot of Burat (sic).
This contention is to my mind filly borne out by the relation of the Gani
tsafi to that of Burat (sic). The Langtang Tsafi is undoubtedly the senior,
but that of Burat (sic) is not to the same extent subservient to Langtang as
Gani is to Burat (sic).120

Another version is that Bwarat and Sa were brothers while Gbak

(Bwarat) was their cousin. It is alleged that both Bwarat and Sa were
descendants of a man called Per.’2’ According to my sources in P11
Gani:

98
 From Ta!, they went to Lagan in Gazum and from there they went to Ladu,
and from there they settled at a place called Sa, or ‘a white rock.’ By that
time they had become a separate unit. Their forefather and Bwarat came
together, and they were brothers.122

According to the version told by the Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat, Lakur Vongtau

Bwarat and Ce come from the same place. They are brothers. At that time
they had one leader, Gunung. Kau (Bwarat) Ritak (Kumbwang) Khen and
Nap were brothers. Kau who is a son of Gunung had a wife Kanjing, who
had a daughter Rabba, who had two sons, Shamot and Lyangjit. Shamot is
the father of Sa. When Shamot grew up he settled at Sa (white rock) and
when he killed an animal he sent a piece to his father.123

The Shamot claim to belong to the Gunung-Tarok group which went Lagan and
then moved to Pa Sa and finally to Gunung, their present quarters. They claim to
be descended from the younger brother Kau (Bwarat).124 According to the
Lyangjit version, Shamot was brother of Ziwan who was the father of Kanjing,
the wife of ‘arat and mother of Lyangj it and Sa.125

Lyangjit, in a complicated tradition, claim that they are descended from the
senior son of Kau (Bwarat) by his wife, Kanjing. He is supposed to have had a
younger brother, Sa, who was physically stronger and more dominant than him.
Lyangjit and Shamot were supposed Ito have been very close at one time, and to
have performed rituals together but they fell out and now they do their rituals
separately.126

The Piga believe that they came with the Gunung group from Ta! to
Lagan and then moved to Pa Sa where they met Shamot. They then
came together with Gwan who was said to be a younger brother and
Mwal moved to the Gani area,127

99
The Gwan believe they migrated as part of the Gunung Tarok from Tal to Lagan
and from there to Pa Sa where they met Shamot and went with Shamot, Piga and
Mwal to Billin. Piga is said to be Gwan elder brother and hence acts as
intermediary between Gwan a Shamot. 128

The Mwal believe they migrated from Tal to Lagan and then went Pa Sa, and
moved with Shamot, Piga and Gwan first to Billen a
then to Keller.129

The Binding claim to have come from Kwararafa before moving to Garkawa at a
place called Zhabshin. After a series of migrations in Ngasland, they ended up at
Nfyer in Bwarat, but when they were driven away from there, they were given a
place to stay by Shamc They fell out with Shamot over ritual matters and moved
Ngumgun, where they now have their chief ritual place 130

Finally, Wang was found in the area. When Shamot and the 0th. clans arrived
they invited him to join them. He refused because was a great hunter who
preferred to be on his own. S.R. Longtau s the name, Wang suggests a Boghum
origin131

All the clans in Sa claim to have come from Tal to Lagan and 1ater Sa where
they dispersed. Only the Binding claim to come frc Kwararafa through Garkawa.
After they were driven out off they were given refuge by the Shamot. However,
the Wang claim be autochthonous to the area. The relevant information
summarized in Table 15.

100
Table 15: Origins of the Clans in the Sa or Gani group

S.No Name of Clan Place Origin Still Ethnic Backgroud

remembered
1. Shamot Tal Gunung Tarok
2. Lyannijit Tal Gunung Tarok
3. Piga Tal Gunung Tarok
4. Gwan Tal Gunung Tarok
5. Mawal Tal Gunung Tarok
6. Binding Kwararafa Jukun/possibly some Pe
7. Wang East Possibly
Boghunm/Jukun

Source: Interviews in all clans

Wang appears to have already been there when the Gunurig- Tarok led by
Shamot arrived from Pa Sa. They seem to have moved arrived together before
dispersing to their various places of settlement. The Binding appear to be late-
corners having been driven out of Bwarat. The movement of the clans onto the
plains in Gani was probably because the hills were becoming too crowded and
there was need for additional farmland. According to Captain Izard:

Their move towards the plains seems to have been a very gradual one. The
clans of GANI, DANGAL, SINGA and SHUNT were the first to leave the
Hills. The first 3 at all events and probably SHUNT also were members of
Burat (sic) At first they lived in the hills, merely camping on their farms
and returning to the hills after harvest, exactly as KWALLAK people today
farm in Langtang. By 1760 when the Jukuns arrived at Wase Tofa they
seem to have been pretty well spread over the plains and more or less
settled down. Though none of the Langtang people had as yet extended to
the plains.132

Thus it would appear that the Tarok of Gani were on the Plains by the _le of the
eighteenth century.

101
In terms of rituals, the Shamot, the Piga, the Gwan and the MwaI h the three
major rituals of Nce awap, Imalkan and Kampye joint1 Lyangjit used to perform
their rituals with Shamot, but when Shamot would not wait for them, they
became angry and started to perform Nce awap after Ce at their own ritual site of
Inaza instead of Pa They perform Imalkan with the Bwarat in April. The Binding
perform Nce awap independently in October, and Kampye before Nce aw They
do not perform Imalkan but have their own special sowi ritual called Ngbanshi
Orim like other clans of Kwararafa origin. T Wang carry out Nce awap in
November at the same time as Sharnc and other clans. They don’t perform
Imalkan but have their version of Kanzpye.133

Clans belonging to the Gunung Tarok group took leopards to Pa where Shamot
would divide them. The Wang, although not a mei of the Gunung Tarok group,
also took any leopard they killed tc. Shamot. In addition to sharing them amongst
themselves, shares v given to the Ghanghang (Bwarat), the Kumbwang (Nimbar),
and ti Myer (Bwarat) because in the past, they had been neighbours playmates.
The Binding shared meat with Timwat because of p associations.134

III. Analysis of the Ethnic Components of the People

Of the various ethnic groups who have conributed to the emergence of the Tarok
as a distinct ethnic and cultural group, the role of the group has hitherto been
underplayed. They speak a Benue-Congo language and some of their clans were
found in Tarokland at a very early date. They include Gebang (Zinni), the Gong
(Kwallak), the Man (Gyang), the Timwat (Nimbar) and the Myer (Bwarat).
Others such as the Pe, the Kankur, the Kullok, part of the Jat and possibly a part
of the Binding came later to make a total of ten clans. This excludes the Danyil
(Kwallak) who are yet to be confirmed as really of Pe origin, although they are
found throughout all the sections. It

102
seems reasonable to assume that these Pe clans have had a considerable influence
on Tarok culture because of the similarity of their languages and their language
and their relatively strong and early representation in the Tarok area.

The Gunung Tarok are clans which came from Tal under the leadership of
Gunung and are believed to have spoken a Benue language. They came to
exercise a great influence on Tarok ritual life through the worship of the skulls
of their clan ancestors at ce awap. The Gunung Tarok have had a particularly
strong influence on the three sections of Plain Tarok where they produce the
senior clans: the Ce, Kau and Shamot. The Gunung Tarok clans Nimbar have
successfully forged ritual links with other clans of diverse origins such as the
Kankur of Pe, Nyikat of Jukun, as well as the Kwargam and the Galli of
unknown origins. In Bwarat, the Kau ; forged links with the Pe, a clan of Pe
origin, and the Nachang, a clan of Jukun origin. Especially in Nimbar, the Ce has
successfully ejected the worship of their ancestors through the festival of Nce
awap which has come to be of great ritual importance throughout the plain Tarok
area.

The Zinni Tarok group, such ast he Lagan, the Luktuk, the Gantang in Gazum,
the Lohmak in Bwarat and possibly some of the clans in Kwallak are of greatest
significance in the Zinni area. If this group had been Ngas speakers, they would
have reinforced the cultural inflence of the existing Ngas clans in Gazum such as
Dambar and Dibbar. Although dialects of the Zinni group differ in dialect from
the rest of Tarok, this would appear to be merely a local variation in what
iaremarkably homogeneous culture.

Clans of Ngas origin are not very numerous and are most strongly represented in
the Hill Tarok sections, notably Dambar and Dibbar who have important ritual
functions, as well as Jwakbar in Zinni. So, lan of Ngas origin supplies the priest-
chief (ponzhi mbin) of the Kwallak group because they are believed to possess
very strong

103
‘medicine’. In the Plain Tarok sections, clans of Ngas origin are very numerous
(possibly Manso) but there are numerous families of Ngas origin attached to
Tarok families and intermarriages a frequent. Kampye, except in the Nimbar
group, is always assoc with clans of Pe or Ngas origin. For example, in Zinni,
Kampye performed on behalf of the other clans in the group by the Dambaro
Ngas origin and the Gebang of Pe origin, while in Kwallak it performed by So, a
clan ofNgas origin, in Bwarat by the Gbak ar Jat with Pe connections. In Gyang
(Funyallang), it is performed b’ Kuswan which is said to be ofGoemai origin.

Clans of Goemai origin are relatively few. They are represe Kwanpe and Kuswan
in Gyang (Funyallang) and Nani in the Nimbar group of clans. The Jalbang figure
prominently in their traditions. Iti not clear whether they represent Tehl (Montol)
influence whi appears to have been very strong and is represented by the Ima”
sowing rite, but there is only the Duwal clan in Gyang (Funyallan Tehi (Montol)
origin. As the most feared of the hill peoples oft’ area, the Montol influence was
undoubtedly considerable with Tehi (Montol) being the greatest military threat to
the Nimbar clans prior to the rise ofWase.

The Jukun element is represented by the large number of clans of Jukun origin
who appear to have converged on Garkawa from varic directions and established
themselves in Bwarat notably the Laka, Nyinnan, Zamgwar Ngarak, Nghum and
Singha. Other clans of Jukun origin are: the Nachang, the Diyan and the Dangre
in Bwarat, the Nyikat in Nimbar and the Binding in Gani. They brought with
them many cultural influences ranging from rituals such as the sowing rite
Ngbanshi orim, to styles of decoration of pots and masquerades.

Other groups such as the Boghum of Kanam who may be represented by Wang in
Sa, and by many families, especially in Bwarat and Gani have also had a cultural
influence on Tarok. Many of the masquerades found in Bwarat and Gani areas
are said to be of Boghum origin.

104
The Tarok present an intriguing and at the same time interesting case of the
evolution of a separate cultural identity from a wide range of cultural
components. In some cases we can see through a glass darkly; but in others such
as the development of the kyanship system, there seems to be no solution in sight
since none of the component ethnic groups are to the best of our knowledge,
matrilineal. Much work has yet to be done in Pe, Tehi (Montol), Ta! and
Ngasland to determine the similarities and dissimilarities between their religious
practices, especially their ancestral cults and those of the Tarok. Much work also
beckons to give us an idea of how long ago Tarok language diverged from Arum
Cesu and Turkwan; and Pe from Mada, Ninzam, Che (Rukuba) and so on.
Crucial to the problem of origins and migrations is that of chronology. Until we
have some tentative chronological framework for the movements of the speakers
of the Benue-Congo, and the Chadic group of languages in the Plateau area, it
will be difficult, if not impossible, to discuss, with any confidence, the relative
dating of th e movements and interrelationships of the people of the Jos Plateau
and adjoining lowlands.

105
 References

1. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/861 Yergam Districts, Administration of Report on

Yergam (including Garkawa) of the Shendam Division by Mr. A.B.
Mathews para 2.

2. M.N. Lar, Re i Nyii Tarok ‘Let’s know Tarok’2nd ed(cnow Thro(Jos,

1980)

3. Selbut R. Longtau (1981): ‘Linguistic Evidence on the Origins of Peoples:

The case of the Tarok People of Plateau State (Nigeria)’ Afrika und Ubersee,
Bank 74, p196-197; Kay Williamson (1981). ‘The Pedigree of Nations:
Historical
Linguistics in Nigeria’ An Inaugural Lecture, University of Port Harcourt, pp
20-21; J.R. Watters, ‘Bantoid Overview’ in John Bendor - Samuel et al (ed)
(1989) The Niger- congo Languages New York, pp401 -20.

4 Longtau (1991): ‘Linguistic Evidence’Africa Ubersee 74 pp.196- 197.

5. Sa’ad Abubakar (1980) ‘Peoples of the Upper Benue Basin and the Bauchi
Plateau before 1800’ in Obaro Ikime (ed) Groundwork of Nigerian Histoty
Ibadan, p181.

6. See the detailed discussion of the origins of individual clans in section II

7. Ludwig Gerhardt, ‘Kainji and Platoid’ in Bendor Samuel et al (ed)

Niger CongoLanguages pp.361 -365.

8. Stephen Banfa (1982) ‘Towards a Yergam History; some explorations’ in

Elizabeth Isichei, (ed) (1982) Studies in the History of Plateau State, Nigeria
London pp.93 - 94.

106
9. C.G. Ames (1934): Gazetteer of Plateau Province, Jos, p.209.

10. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/861, Yergam Districts, Administration of, Report by
Mr. Matthews para 2.

11. Longtau (1991): ‘Linguistic Evidence’Afrika und Ubersee74 pp.200-201.

12. Daniel Nimcir Wambutda (1991): A Study of Conversion among the

Angas of Plateau State of Nigeria with Emphasis on Christianity (Frankfurt
am Main) pp.132 - 134.13. Interviews: Zingshep Mantur c60 Ponzhi Mbin
Nani, Labang Dapcir, c58 farmer, Vondul Songle c60, farmer (Nani)
Langtang 22/8/1997; Rirnkup Kurntur, c56, Ponzhi Mbin Dambar. Dashe
Zitta c40, farmer, Domak Nandang 35, teacher (Dambar) Gazum,
26/9/1997; N. F. Lakai. Introduction (Jos 1998) pp.1 75- 176.

13. Wambutda, Conversion among the Angas pp.115 - 124,

Group Interview Zinpyen Sanda,c70, Wombai
Langtang/farmer; Binzhi Labang, c75, farmer, and Lauya
Barangc60, farmer (Mbap) Nimbar 17/4/1997, N. F.
Lakai. Introduction pp.111 -13.

15. Banfa ‘Towards a Yergam History’ in Isichei, Plateau Studies pp.2.

16. Interviews: Ndam Lar, c75, farmer, Lagan Mwanbin, c60,

farmer, Dombin Gani, c5 Ponzhi Mbin Dibbar, (Dibbar)
Gazum, 15/8/1997; Rimkup Kuntor, c56, Ponzhi
MbinDambar,Dambar, et al. (Dambai) Gazum, 26/9/1997;
Nimbut Duwal Til, 60, farmer/blacksmith (So) Kwallak,
Gazum 7/5/1998. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist,
Shendam Div. 2 Appointment of Chief in Council as Native

107
 Authority. 1931- 1941.NotesbyMr. Rowling, Nansoh F Lakai Introduction
pp 72 -73.

17. Interview: Joshua Ndarn Wuyep, 67, farmer (Kwargarn) Langtang,

12/4/1997.

18. Interview: Gale Kudor, c75, farmer (Gaul) Langtang,

4/5/1997.

19. Group Interview: Rindap Dangtim, 42, Ponzhi mbin, I Ndal/farmer,

Zwalwap Wuyep, 73, farmer, Nimyel Wuyep, 78, farmer (Ndal) Bwarat,
12/8/ 1997.

20. Group Interview: KumgarZitta, 80, Ponzhi Mbin, wang, and Timwang
Timlong,85, farmer (Wang) Pil Gani 25/11/1997; also Rindap
Mamven, c67, Ponzhi Gani, Pil Gani (Grinkor) pil Gani, 5/5/1997.

21. M.G. and Mary F. Smith (1990): ‘Kyanship and Kinship among the Tarok’
Africa Vol. 60(2), pp.25 8 -260.

22. Their list of clans is a mixture of clans which may be autochthonus. Some
are early arrivals, such as the Gebang, while others are not. There is no
evidence available at present that they were once matrilineal.

23. For the arguments for the Niger - Benue confluence area being the
homeland of Benue Congo, see Longtau, ‘Linguistic Evidence.’ Afrika und
Ubersee 74, (1991), pp.192 - 193; Williamson, ‘The Pedigree of Nations’
p23; Robin Horton, ‘Niger - Congo Diaspora, Language, Geography and
History’ in E. ‘Nohe Emenanjo and Ozo-Mekuri Ndimele (eds) Issues in
African Languages and Linguistics Essays in Honour of Kay Williamson
(Aba, 1995).

108
24. Longtau (1991) ‘Linguistic Evidence’Afrika mid Ubersee 74, p.199;
Gerhardt, ‘Kainji and Platoid’ in l3endor Samuel etal (ed,.) The Niger -
Congo Languages p.365; P.N. Crozier and R.M Blench (eds) )(1992) An
Index of Niger Languages (Dallas, l992,pp.120- 121 and individual
language entries.

25. Longtau, ‘Linguistic Evidence’. Afrika Und Ubersee 74,

(l981)p.199.BarbaraFrank,Die Kulere-Bavern in Miltelinigeria
(Wiesbaden, 1981) and other articles.

26. Elizabeth Isichei ‘Introduction’ in Plateau Studies pp.8 - 11.

27. Longtau, ‘Linguistic Evidence,’ Afrika und Ubersee 74(1991)

p.200.

28. On dialectal differences, discussion with Rev. S.R. Longtau,

29/4/1999.

29. Gerhardt. ‘Kainji and Platoid’ in Bendor Samuel et al (ed)

Niger - Congo Language pp.361 -365.

30. NAK SNP 17/3/21/560, Hill Angas Dist, Pankshin Div, Plateau Province,
Reorganisation of 1934-39, p.52.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid

33. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergarn Dist, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr.
Rowling, 8/4/38, paras 13, 17, 18.

34. Interviews: Nimbut Duwal Tip, (So) Kwallak, 7/5/1998; Vontip

Cirman,80,farmer(Gong) Kwallak, Gazum, 7/5/1998.

35. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div,

109
 Notes by Mr. Rowling, 28/4/38, paras 15-21

36. Ibid

37. Group Interview: Daudu Yutvan, c70, farmer, and Jangdap, c70,
farmer(Timwat) Langtang, 18/4/1997; Longtau, ‘Linguistic Evidence’
Afrika und Ubersee 74(1991), p. 1 08. N. F. Lakai. Introduction pp.67 - 69.

38. Group Interview: Lamak Bali, c50, Ponzhi Myer, Nimkur

Dogo, c70, farmer, Dashe Dakat, c68, farmer and Salbol
Bali, 60, farmer (Myer) Bwarat 12/8/1997.

39. Interview: Kimyel Jangbut; 70, Ponzhi Mbin, Pe, Kumbin

Yarnap, c80, farmer, Yilnap Kargwak, c42, farmer (Pe)
Bwarat, 14/8/1997 and Namdan Tamte, c52, farmer
(Kankur),Langtang, 23/8/1997; Dambong Ramkaw, c60,
farmer, and Nimyel Dadi c60, farmer, (Kullok)
Gazum3O/7/1997, Nanfa Jangbut, Ponzhi Mbin Jat e al (Jat)
Bwarat 12/8/1997.

40. Group Interview: J.M. Gosselle, 56, Ponzhi Zinni; Bankur Dashe, 70,
farmer; J.O. Dadi, 64, District Head, Gazurn, 2/9/997.

41. Group Interview: Ndam, 60, Ponzhi Mbin Ce,/farmer,

Nimzing Tyem, c60, farmer, Rindap Miri, c70, farmer, Dulko
Kudor, c40, farmer, (Ce) Gale Kudor, c70, farmer (Galli)
Langtang, 9/5/1997.

42. N.F. Lakai, Introduction, p.1 7.

43. Interview: Emmanuel Lar, 65, retired school teacher, (Gigan) Langtang,
16/4/1997. Group Interview, Mallam Nden, c80, retired farmer, Domban
Nancak, 50, farmer; David Dashe

110
 Zamda, 54, retired soidier (Gigan), Langtang, 24/11/1997.

44. C.G. Ames, Gazetteer of Plateau Province p.207,

45. J.M. Fremantle (ed) Gazetteer of Muri Province (London 1922), p.50.

46. Interview: Mamzun Wazhi, 72, farmer/hamlet head,

(Luktuk),Gazum,28/11/1997,NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566,
Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr. Rowling,
28/4/38, para.7.

47. Group Interview: Turnkat Longbap, 56, Ponzhi Mbin,

Gantang, Dangbin Kyem (Kittim) 65, farmer; Bangkur
Dashe (Gantang), 76, farmer, Domyil Nirnyel (Timmot), 48,
farmer, Binfa Cirman, 60, farmer (Gantang), Gazum,
26/8/1997, NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist,
Shendam Div, Notes by Mr. Rowling, 28/4/3 8, para. 11.48
Group Interview: Lar Kwandong, c84, Ponzhi Warok,
Bingang Zingden, c57, farmer, Bongfat Miri, c65, farmer
(Warok) Gazurn, 30/8/1997; NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/566, Hill
Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr. Rowling, 28/4/38,
Para.10.

49. Group Interview: Rinkup Kumtur Ponzhi Mbin Dambar, et al (Dambar)

Gazum, 26/9/1997

50. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1 566, Hill Yergarn Dist, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr.
Rowling, 28/4/38, para. 17.

51. Group Interview: Ndam Lar Ponzhi Mbin Dibbar, et al (Dibbar) Gum,
15/8/1907. N\K Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Notes
by Mr. Rowling, 28/4/38, para 18

111
52. Group Interview: Mangwun Wazhi, 70, Ponzhi Mbin, Jwakbar; Zhenun
Tyern, 50, farmer; Londip Ramap, 75, farmer, all (Jwakbar) Gazum,
19/8/1997. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div,
Notes by Mr. Rowling, 28/4/3 8, para.8.

53. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div. Notes by Mr.
Rowling, 28/4/3 8, para. 12. Group Interview:
Dambong Ramkaw, eta! (Kullok) Gazum, 30/8/1997.

54. Ibid; para 13; Group Interview: Vongkat Takdok, c72, farmer, Fanup
Dirbang, 38, farmer (Gebang) Gazum,30/8/1997.

55. Group Interview: Tumat Longbap et al (Gantang) Gazum,

26/9/1997.

56. Interview: Job Dadi, 64, Ponzhi Gazum et al. Gazum,

8/6/1998, Mamzun Wazhi, (Luktuk), Gazum, 28/11/1997,
Mangwun Wazhi, Ponzhi Mbin, Jwakbar et at.
(Jwakbar)Gazum, 15/8/1997. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill
Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr. Rowling, 28/4/3 8.

57. Interview: Rimkup Kumtur Ponzhi Mbin Dambar, et al. (Dambar) Gazum,
6/9/1997, Dambang Ramkar (Kullok)
Gazum, 30/8/1997.

58. Interview: Ndam Lar Ponzhi Mbin Dibbar, et al (Dibbar)

Gazum, 15/8/1997; Lar Kwandang, Ponzhi Warok et at
(Warok) Gazum, 3 0/8/1997; Vongkut Kakdok Ponzhi:
MbinGebang, et a! (Gebang) Gazum, 30/8/1997.

59. Group Interview: Job Dadi Ponzhi Gazum et al. Gazum,

8/6/1998.

60. Group Interview: Rimkup Kumtur Ponzhi Mbin Dambar a!, (Dambar),
Gazum, 26/9/1997; Vongkat Takdok Ponz

112
 Mbin Gebang, eta!. (Gebang) Gazum, 30/8/1997; NAKJos
Prof. 3/1 / 1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr.
Rowling, 28/3/3 8, para. 13.

61 Ibid; paras 7, 12, 17. Interviews: Mangwam Wazhi Ponzhi

Mbin Jwakbar, et al. (Jwakbar) Gazum, 15/8/1997;
Dambong Rankaw et at. (Kullok) Gazurn, 30/8/1997; Tumkat
Longbap Ponzhi Mbin Gantang, et a!. (Gantang) Gazum,
26/9/1997; Rinkup Kumtur, Ponzhi Mbin Dambar, et a!.
(Dambar) Gazum, 26/9/1997; Ndam Lar Ponzhi Mbin
Dibbar, et at. (Dibbar) Gazum, 15/8/1997, Lar Kwandong
Ponzhi Warok, et a! WarokGazum, 30/8 1997.

62 Interview: Kurduk Tali, 60, Ponzhi Kwal!ak, Isa Kumzhi, 75, farmer,
Johnson Magaji,farmer, Yakubu Tali, 45, blacksmith and Nyap Myapit, 80,
farmer, representing clans in Kwallak, Gazum, 27/7/1996; Vontip Cirman,
80, farmer (Gong) Kwallak, Gazum 7/5/1998.

63 Interview: Nimkat Kunzhi, 80, farmer, (So) Kwallak, Gazurn, 7/5/1998.

Interview: Nimbut Duwaltip, 60, farmer, (Guzum) Kwallak, Gazum,
7/5/1998.

64 Interview: Nimbut Duwaltip, 60, farmer, (Guzum) Kwallak, Gazurn,

7/5/1998.

65. Interviews: Kartin Voncir, 50, farmer (Danyil) Kwallak,

Gazum, 7/5/1 998; Rambang Lagum, 78, farmer and Dajem
Dangnap, 63, farmer (Dangre) Bwarat 24/8/1997; NAK Jos
Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr.
Rowling, 28/4/3 8, para 14.

66 Group Interview: Kurduk Tali, 60, Ponzhi Kwallak; Vontip Cirman, 80,
farmer (Gong) Nimbut Duwaltip, 60, farmer/blacksmith (So); Nimkat
Kurnzhi, 80, farmer (Guzum); Martin Vonur, 50, farmer, (Danyil)
Kwallak,

113
 Gazum, 7/5/1998. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1 / 1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam
Div, Notes by Mr. Rowling, 28/4/38, para 19.

67. Group Interview: Kurduk Tali Ponzhi Kwallak et al, ‘representing all clans
in Kwallak,Gazum, 27/7/1996.

68. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr.
Rowling, 2/4/38, para 19.

69. Group Interview: Nimyil Ndam, c60, farmer, and Vongjen Kumlak, c80,
farmer, (Kumbwang) Langtang, 15/4/1997.

70. Interviews: Joshua Ndam Wuyep (Kwargam) Langtang,

12/4/1997, Labang Falang, c70, Ponzhi Mbin Lohmak, Kaifa
Tyem, c70, farmer and Dambang Binbut, c65 farmer
(Lohmak)Bwarat, 12/8/1997.

71. Group Interview: Vennim Gonmah, 60, Ponzhi Funyallang, Yildo

Bonvyap, 50, Ponzhi Mbin, Batur Zitta, 80, retired farmer; Zwalven Ndam,
70, retired farmer, all clans represented, Ghang (Funyallang) Gazum,
26/7/1997. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1 / 1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div,
Notes 1 Mr. Rowling, 2/4/38, paras 15,20,21,22.

72. Ibid.

73. Ibid.

74. Group Interview Dombin Gani Ponzhi Mbin Dibbar, et aL

(Dibbar) Gazum, 8/5/1998,NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, L..
Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr. Rowling, 2/4/3 8
paras 15- 18.

75. Grouplnterview : D auduYutven,etal. (Timwat) Langtang, 18/4/1997.

114
76. Ibid.

77. S.R. Longtau, ‘Linguistic Evidence’ Afrika und Ubersee, 74 (1991),

p. 198.

78 Group Interview: Ndam, 60, Ponzhi Mbin Ce; Nimzing

Teym, c60; Rindap Miri, c70; Dullio Kudor, c40, all farmers
(Ce) and Gale Kudor, c71, farmer, (Galli) Langtang,
9/5/1997

79. C.G. Ames, Gazetteer ofPlateau Province p.207.

80. Group Interview: Zintim Miri, c88, farmer/native doctor, Bankum, Ninzing
Tyem, c60, farmer, Rimdap Miri, c70, farmer, Dulko Kudor, c40, farmer,
(Ce) Langtang, 10/4/1997.

81. Group Interview: Nimyil Ndam, et al., (Kumbwang),

Langtang, 15/4/1997. N F. Lakai, Introduction p.66 - 67, 188 -
189

82. Interviews: Emmanuel Lar, (Gigan) Langtang, 10/4/1997;

Mallam Nden et al. (Gigan) Langtang, 24/11/1997;
Mamvyeng Nantur, 65, farmer, Zingfa Ninyal, 70, farmer
(Nyikat) Langtang, 23/8/199’7; Gador Dirbang, 76, ar(cti Kasw, ex-
setviceman/retired
civil servant, Lokdip Gambo, 58, trader (Mwanso)Langtang, 22/8/1997;
Joshua Ndam Wuyep (Kwargam) Langtang, 12/4/1997.

83. Group Interview: Zinpyen Sanda, c70, Wombai Langlang farmer; Binzhi
Lobang, c75, farmer, Lavya Barang, c60, farmer, (Mbap) Langtang,
17/4/1997. A similar version was told us by Gigan, Group Interview:
Mallam Nden, et al., (Gigan) Langtang, 24/11/1997.

115
84. Group Interview: Longbap Cirfa, et al farmer, (Kankur) Langtang,
23/8/1997.

85. Group Interview: Manvyen Nantur, et at. (Nyikat), Langtang, 23/8/1997

86. Interview: Joshua Ndam (Kwargam) Langtang, 12/4/1997.

87. Interview: Gale Kudor, (Galli), Langtang, 4/5/1997.

88. Group Interview: Gador Dirbang, et al. (Mwanso) Langtang, 22/8/1997

89. Group Interview: Zingshep Mantur, Ponzhi Mbin Nani et a!, Langtang,
22/8/1997.

90. Group Interview: Daudu Yutvan et at (Timwat) Langtang, 18/4/1997, N. F.

Lakai, Introduction pp. 192- I 93.

91. Interview: NimyilNdam, (Kumbwang) Langtang, 154/1997;

Zingshep Mantur et al (Nani) Langtang, 22/8/1997. N.F.
Lakai.Introduction.pp.175- 176; 188 189.

92. Interview: Zintin Miri, (Ce) Langtang, 2/4/1997.

93. Interview: Lakur Vongtau, c75, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat (Kau) Bwarat,
1/5/1997

94. C.G. Ames, Gazetteer ofPlateau Province, p.208; but to have ruled much
later. Langtang is not generally regarded as being a son of Gandulong.

95. Ibid. p.209; NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/684 1 Wase, Notes on History’ of the Talok
(Yergams) by Captain T.A. Izard.

96. Ibid; para 27

116
97. Group Interview: VentorVongdun, 57, caretaker Ponzhi Mbin Gbak,
Durcak Dadi, c76, farmer, Mallam Tyem, c70, farmer; Laksing Vongdip,
c75, Chief of Gbak (Gbak), Bwarat, 2/8/1997. It should be noted that they
seem to be trying to claim to be connected with Tirnwat, and therefore of
Pe origin; but this is not what they told us.

98. Group Interview: Mwanirn Dallang, 80, Ponzhi Mbin Kamtak, Nirndam
Nimkur, c75, farmer, Dapgan Bali, 48, L.G.C. employee (Kamtak) Bwarat,
14/8/1997

99. Group Interview: Labang Falang, c70,Ponzhi Mbin Lohmak, Tyem, c70,
farmer, Dambang Binbut, c65, farmer, (Lohmak) Bwarat, 12/8/1997.

100. Interviews: Nimdet Salmang, c70, Ponzhi Mbin Ghanghang, Mamyil Nden
Piya, c37, farmer, Butkur Nden - Piya, c60, farmer, (Ghanghang), Bwarat,
14/8/97;Rimbut Kyem, c65, Ponzhi Mbin Lyangjit, Jamgnap Miri, 75,
fanner, Vondun Lar, c80, farmer (Lyangjit), Pu Gani, 27/1 11997.

101. Group Interview: Lamak Bali, c50, Ponzhi Mbin Myer, Myer/farmer,
Nimkur Dogo, c70, farmer; Dashe Dakat, c68, farmer, Salbul Bali, c60,
farmer, (Myer), Bwarat, 12/8/1997.

102. Group Interview: Nimyel Zangbut, Ponzhi Mbin Pe et at., (Pe), Bwarat,
14/8/1997.

103. Group Interview: Nanfa Zangbut, Ponzhi Mbin Jat et al., (Jat), Bwarat,
12/8/1997.

104. Interviews: Kunzwam Ndam, c90, Ponzhi Mbin Nachang,

MallamBangtur, c80, farmer, Nimbang Labar, c83, farmer,
(Nachang), Bwarat, 13/8/1997.Labang Falang Ponzhi Mbin
Lohmak, et a! (Lohmak) Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Rambang

117
 Lagun, 78, farmer and Dajem Dangnap, 63; farmer (Dangre) Bwarat,
24/8/1997; Nanfa Zanbut Ponzhi Mbin Jat, et a! (Jat) Bwarat, 12/8/1997;
Nimyel Butko, c90 Ponzhi Mbin Diyan, Nimfyel Miri, c75, farmer,
Nimyel Miri, c70, farmer, Ladong Wuyep, 65, Ponzhi Diyan (Diyan)
Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Rindap Dangtim Ponzhi Mbin Ndal, et al (Ndal),
Bwarat, 12/8/1997.

105. Interviews: Rambang Lagun et al. (Dangre), Bwarat,

24/8/1997 Kartin Voncir (Danyil) Kwallak 7/5/1998; NAK
Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam District, Shendarn Division,
Notes by Mr. Rowling, 28/4/38 para 14.

106. Group Interview: Taksung Nanvyat, c70, Ponzhi Mbin Laka, Venmak
Yibai, 55, farmer, Vongjem Miri, 65, Ponzhi La/ca
(Laka), Bwarat, 12/8/1997.

107. Group Interview: Nimyel Butko Fonzhi Mbin Diyan, et at. (Diyan)
Bwarat, 12/8/1997.

108. Group Interview: Bali Dashe, 57, farmer, Kamven Mwanbang, 65, farmer,
Domven Lar, 70, ex-serviceman,
farmer (Niyinnan), Bwarat, 24/8/1997.

109. Group Interview: Rindip Kwarzip, 70, Ponzhi Mbin Zamgwar Ngarak,
Danladi Rimkon, 45, farmer, Fakun
Wuyep, 80, political chief (Zamgwar Ngarak) Bwarat,
23/8/1997.

110. Group Interview: Bako Washi, 46, farmer, Adamu Tyem, 56, farmer,
Lamkuk Laba, c90, farmer (Ngum), Bwarat,
25/9/1997.

111. Group Interview: Mamshal Mamdan, 87, Ponzhi Mbin Sin gha, Laktam
Gotau,70, farmer/political chief, Domdur
Kapchak, 67, farmer (Singha), Bwarat, 25/8/1997.

118
112. Group Interview: Rindap Dangtim Ponzhi Mbin Ndal, et a! (NdaI) Bwarat,
12/8/1997.

113. Interviews: Lakur Vongtau Ponzhi Mbin, Bwarat (Kau)

Bwarat, 1/5/1997; Ventor Vongdun Fonzhi Mbin Gbak, eta!.
(Gbak) Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Mwanim Dallang Ponzhi Mbin
Kamtak, et al (Kamtak) Bwarat, 14/8/1997; Labang Falang
Ponzhi Mbin Lohmak, et al (Lohmak) Bwarat, 12/8/1997;
Nimdet Salmang Ponzhi Mbin Ghanghang, et al
(Ghanghang) Bwarat, 14/8/1997; Nimyel Zangbut Ponzh
Mbin Fe, et a! (Pe) Bwarat, 14/8/1997; Kurnzwan Ndam
Fonzhi Mbin Nachang, et aL (Nachang) Bwarat, 13/8/1997;
Rambang Lagun et al. (Dangre) Bwarat, 24/8/1997, N. F.
Lakai, introduction, p.65.

114. Group Interview: Bali Dashe et al. (Nyinnan) Bwarat,

24/8/1997, N.F. Lakai Introduction p.65.

115. Interviews: Lakur Vongtau, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat (Kau),

Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Ventor Vongdon et a!. (Gbak) Bwarat,
12/8/1997 Nanfa Zangbut Ponzhi Mbin Jat, et a!. (Jat)
Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Bali Dashe et a!. (Niyinnan) Bwarat,
24/8/1997 N.F. Lakai. introduction, p.175

116. Group Interview: Lamak Bali Ponzhi Mbin Myer, ci al. (Myer) Bwarat,
12/8/1997.

117. Group Interview: Nirnyel ZangbutPonzhiMbin Pe, eta!. (Pe) Bwarat,

14/8/1997.

118. Interviews: Kurnzwam Ndam Fonzhi Mbin Nachang et al,

(Nachang) Bwarat, 13/8/1997; Rambang Lagun ci at.
(Dangre), Bwarat, 24/8/1997; Nirnyel Butko Ponzhi Mbin
Diyan, etal. (Diyan) Bwarat, 12/8/1997.

119
119. Interviews: Taksung Nanvyat Ponzhi Mbin Laka, eta!. (Laka)
Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Bali Dashe et a!. (Nyinnan) Bwarat,
24/8/1997; Bako Washi et al (Nghum); Bwarat, 23/8/1997,
Rindip Kwarzip et a!. (Zangwar Ngarah) Bwarat, 23/8/1997,
Nanfa Zangbut Ponzhi Mbin Jat, et a!. (Jat) Bwarat,
12/8/1997

120. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/6841, Wase Notes on, History of the Talok (Yergams)
by Capt. T.A. Izard, para. 27.

121. N F. Lakai, Introduction, pp.63 - 64.

122. Group Interview: Rindap Mamven, c67, Ponzhi Gani, Pu

Gani Adamu Van, c80, farmer; Amos Nansah Ladpap, 56,
Madaki Sule Rindap, c76, farmer, Gani Ezra Banfa,
67,Galad.ima, farmer, Pil Gani, 5/5/1996.

123. Interview: Lakur Vongtau, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat, (Kau), 1/5/1997

124. Group Interview: Zhirnah Tyem, c98, farmer, and Ramnap

Dashe, c80, farmer, (Piga), Pu Gani, 26/11/1997, also
Rindap Mamven, c67, Ponzhi Gani et al., Pil Gani, 5/5/1996.

125. Group Interview: Vyapgan, 50, farmer, Nimzing Wazhim, 4, farmer,

Nimlyat Selchum, 35, farmer, (Gwan), Pil Gani,, 26/11/1997.

126. Ibid.

127. Group Interview: Rindap Mamven Ponzhi Gani, et al. Pu

Gani, 5/5/1996; Ladip Fannak, 35, Ponzhi Ponzhi Mbin
Sa/farmer; Kurnap Dadi, 51, farmer/businessman, (Shamot)
Pu Gani, 25/11/1997

128. Group Interview: Rimbut Kyem, Ponzhi Mbin Lyangjit, et al. (Lyangjit),
P11 Gani, 27/11/1997.

121
129. Interview: Ndam Binzhi, c89, Ponzhi Mbin Mwal, farmer, (Mwal), Pu
Gani, 26/11/1997.

130. Group Inteview: Wuyep Longbap, c70, farmer, Nimcak Dashe, c80,
farmer, Fagwam Tangtur, 45, hamlet head,
(Binding),Pil Gani, 25/11/1997.

131. Group Interview: Kumgar Zitta, 80, Fonzhi Mbiii Wang, and
Timwang Timlong, 85, farmer, (Wang), Pit Gani, 25/11 / 1997;
alsoRindapMamven,Ponzhi Gani, etal., Pu Gani
5/5/1997.

132. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/6841, Wase Notes on, History of the Talok (Yergams)
by Captain Izard, para 28.

133. Interviews: Zhimah Tyern, et at (Piga), Gani, 26/11/1997;

Nyapgan, 50, farmer, (Gwan), Gani, 26/11/1997; Ndarn
Binzhi, c85, Ponzhi Mbin Mwal, farmer (Mwal),Gani,
26/11/1997. Rimbut Kyem, c65, Ponzhi Mbin Lyangjit,
farmer, et al. (Lyangjit),Gani, 27/11/1997, see also Rindap
Mamven, c67, Ponzhi Gani, et a!. Gani, 5/5/199 Wuyep
Langbap, c70, farmer, et at. (Binding),Gani, 25/11/1997.

134. Interviews: Kumgar Zitta Ponzhi Mbin Wang, et at.

(Wang) Gani, 25/11/1997; Zhimah Tyem et at. (Piga) Gani,
26/11/1997; Vyapgan, et a!. (Gwan) Gani, 27/11/1997;
Rimbut Kyem Ponzhi Mbin Lyangjit, et a!. (Lyangjit) Gani,
27/11/1997.

134. Interviews: Kumgar Zitta Ponzhi Mbin Wang, et a!.

(Wang) Gani, 25/11/1997; Zhimah Tyem ci’ at. (Piga) Gani,
26/11/1997; Vyapgan, et at. (Gwan) Gani, 27/11/1997;
Rimbut Kyem Ponzhi Mbin Lyang/it, et al. (Lyangjit) Gani,
27/11/1997.

121
 CHAPTER 3
Tarok Pre-Colonial Political History
and Organization

Introduction

Any reconstruction of the precolonial political history of the Tarok people must
be speculative because the oral traditions on which we must largely rely cover a
very limited time and present many problems of interpretation. Since the
traditions are weak chronology and there are just a few outside sources to serve
as a, check, it is difficult to arrive at an exact chronology of certain] particular
political developments. I have divided the precolon period into two: the period
before, and after the jihad. The perioc before the jihad is divided into two sub-
sections: a formative s’ when we assume that the highest unit of political
organization was th clan, and the stage when I assume that loose clan groupings 1
emerged.

The Tarok precolonial political organization was high decentralized with each
clan enjoying considerable autonomy its own priest-chief (ponzhi mbin). Like its
sociql organization, it’ based on clans whose members claimed descent from a
comir ancestor. In practice, the relationship was assumed and established, since
there were many unrelated families who had 1 assimilated under the rubric of
kinship in most clans. Within c clan, there were certain lineages which had a
much more pre knowledge of their kinship ties. Those claiming direct descent fi
the founding ancestors of their clans supplied the priest-Chiefs (ponzhi mbins).
The office of priest-chief (ponzhi mbin), altho hereditary in particular lineages,
was both religious and political. priest-chief was the head of the ancestor as cult
in his clan and was

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responsible for performing the necessary rites connected with the worship of the
clans ancestral spirits (orirn). Morever, the priest- chief (ponzhi mbin) had to
share most of his functions with the council of elders (onembak). So, he had
authority rather than power. He relied on members of the ancestral cult to enforce
his decisions as he had no organized force at his disposal.

At some stage, certain clans managed to persuade other clans because they were
genealogically related, or they participated in certain festivals together, or shared
meat (nfachir) together. Thus, there emerged loose clan groupings centred around
clans such as the Lagan, the Ce, the Kau and, the Sharnot. They used to hold
meetings of clan heads in their respective groupings to find solutions common to
problems such as drought, locust invasion and epidemics. Where the problem
transcended the individual clan grouping, the ponzhi mbins of the Plain Tarok
groupings: the Nimbar, the Bwarat and the Sa, would meet at the invitation of the
Ce. The Ce would invite the Kau who would in turn invite the Sa. It is further
stated that the Ce represented the Plain Tarok clans in any discussions, while the
Lagan represented the Zinni group of clans on issues affecting the whole of
Tarokiand. In the colonial period there was some discussion as to whether there
had been a ponzhi mbin who had been recognized as ritually superior to all the
other ponzhi mbins in Tarokiand and who could be described as the priest chief
(ponzhi nibin) of all the Tarok.

Attention will also be paid in the pre-jihad period to intergroup relations between
the Tarok and the Jukun, the Tehi (Montol), the Pc and the Ngas who are the
immediate neighbours of the Tarok.

In the second section, the impact of thejihad will be assessed. The need by the
Tarok clans in Gani to enter into diplomatic relations with Wase and Bauchi led
to the emergence of political chiefs (poiizlii gwoi) who were in charge of external
relations with Wase and Bauchi. Thus the beginning of the separation of the
priest chiefs (ponzhi mbins) from the political chiefs (ponzhi gwoi,) among the
Sa or the

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Gani was perhaps the most significant political development of the nineteenth
century in Tarokiand. In terms of intergroup relations in the post jihad period,
there was a varied response to the threat from Wase and Bauchi. The clans of Sa
or Gani entered into amana relations with Wase and in return for being left in
peace, paid tribute to Bauchi via Wase. The other clans in the Plains were raided
periodically by the jihadists, and they in turn attacked trading caravans along the
major trade route from Bauchi to Wase and Yelwa tolbi.

I. Pre-colonial Tarok Political History and

Organization till 1820
The Formative Stage

The various groups which make up the present day Tarok must have come at
various times in relatively small parties and settled in the Tarok hills. Later, they
spread to parts of the plains and reached the Gani area by 1760. Amongst the
earliest groups to settle in the hills were clans of Pe origin such as the Gebang
(Zinni), the Gong (Kwallak), the Man (Gyang), the Timwat (Nimbar) and the
Myer (Bwarat) in the Plains. There were also clans of Ngas origin in the Lagan
area at an early date, namely the Dambar and the Dibbar. Later the various
groups of Tal Tarok, which I have called the Zinni Tarok, and the Gunung-Tarok
from the names of their leaders, arrived and spread out in Zinni, Nimbar, Bwarat
and Sa. Later, clans of diverse origins but notably a number of groups of
Kwararafa origin came and joined them. A detailed analysis of clan origins has
been made in the preceding chapter.

It is assumed that these groups came in small parties possibly consisting of only a
few families. In the oral traditions, the princi motives given for their movements
were the search for better hunL. grounds, overcrowding, need for more farmlands
or the desire escape from attacks by other groups. It is assumed that they had a;

124
knowledge of agriculture and of how to work iron to make tools. They settled in
their respective hill settlements. lived a reasonably sedentary life and grew in
population. However, there were a few jostlings for positions amongst the
respective groups and some movements in search of fresh farmlands or as a result
of overcrowding. The process of subdivision is particularly apparent amongst the
Gunung Tarok where the descendants of Gunung split off and became the
progenitors of such clans as the Gigan, the Kumbwang and the Ce in the Nimbar
group, the Kau in Bwarat and the Sa in Gani.2 In addition, some groups have
expanded as a result of families attaching themselves to other ethnic groups. In
this way, a number of clans became composite groups. The Jat in Bwarat, which
is a mixture of Pe and Jukun is an example.3 In those days, it appears that there
was sufficient land but what was needed was to build up the numbers of a group
because there are a number of stories of incoming groups invited to settle with
already established groups. For example, the Pe was invited by the Kamtak in
Bwarat to come and settle with them,4 while the Singha was invited by the Gbak
in Bwarat to settle with them.5 Thus there emerged, clans claiming descent from
an original leader but composed of many families assumed to be related simply
because they lived together. Such clans might not be able to trace their descent
from the original founder, and might not even belong to the same stock.

With the increase in population, and with agriculture becoming their principal
economic activity, clans emerged claiming descent from a common ancestor
although most of the members of the clan could not trace, exactly, how they were
related to the original progenitor. Some clans belonged to families from other
ethnic groups who had attached themselves to the clan and were, therefore, not
descended from the common ancestor of the clan, The lineages which could
claim direct descent from the original progenitors usually supplied the clan head
in rotation. Thus, the original political organization of the Tarok must have
consisted of virtually autonomous clans headed by clan heads who owed their
positions to being descendants of the original

125
founders of their clans and who, at the same time, performed important ritual
roles in the cult of the clan’s ancestral spirits. They were also the prossessors of
knowledge concerning powerful ‘medicine’ (amulak) which could be used for
protection. Such clan heads (ponzhi mbins) possessed little executive powers and
had to consult with the lineage heads who constituted the council of elders
(onimbuk) before making any decision. The clan heads or ponzhi mbins
possessed no police force or bureaucracy. Therefore, they relied on the members
of the ancestor cult to enforce their decisions. There was a close interlocking of
the social, political, and religious structures.

Internal Clan Organization

As already mentioned, each clan had a elan head who is also a ritual leader
known as the ponzhi mbin. He was drawn from the lineages claiming direct
descent from the original founder or founders of the clan and who were entrusted
with maintaining the cult of the clan ancestral spirits. Usually such lineages
supplied the ponzhi inbin in rotation, although there was an element of flexibility.
If a lineage did not have a suitable candidate at the time that a vacancy existed, it
could forego its turn in favour of another lineage in the rotation. The number of
lineages which could supply the ponzhi mbin of a particular clan varied. There
was only one among the Dibbar in Zinni, namely the Manzat that descended from
Nimko who led their migration to Dibbar. The Warok,7 a clan in the Zinni group,
has eight lineages entitled to supply the ponzhi mbin. They are the Nimkur, the
Bali, the Nimyel, the Goyit, the Banchak, the Lanap, the Pangshin and the Long.
They are believed to be descended from Sha, the son of their original progenitor,
Zhong. Usually, the founding ancestors were related. In the case of the
Ghanghang8 in Bwarat, their forefather, Zhadu, was accompanied by a certain
Kakram, not a relation and the lineages of these two persons provide the ponzhi
mbin of the clan in rotation.

This system of rotation is reflected in the list of chiefs. Among the

Lohmak, in Bwarat, there are two lineages entitled to supply the

126
ponzhi mbin, namely; the Nshar, the senior and the Tali, the junior. They both
claim descent from the original founder, Battfat. (see Table16)

Table 16: List ofthe Ponzhi-Mbins ofLohmak to Illustrate the

System of Rotation

S/No Name of Priest-Chief Lineage

1. Battfat -
2. Tampa Tali
3. Daki Nshar
4. Kakpon Tali
5. Chedun Nshar
6. Titin Tali
7. GuyeGotau Nshar
8. Nazhi Gboko Tali
9. Ndam Kazin Nashar
10 Balah Tali
11. Jitu Nshar
12. Zuzul Tali
13. Wuyep Dashe Nshar
14. Bali Rindap Tali
15. Nansi Rindap Nshar
16. Wuyep Yeye Tali
17. Labang Falang Nshar-present holder

Sources: Group Interview: Labang Falang, ponzhi Mbin Lokmak et al. (Lohmak)
Bwarat, 12/8/1 997

Among the Gebang,10 a clan in the Zinni group, two lineages, the Gan, and the
Lamun supply the ponzhi mbin. They are descended from the
Sons of Fapang who led the migration from Pe to Gebang. See Table
17 for the rotation pattem.7
Fonzhi Mbin Lohmak, et al.

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Table 17: List of the Ponzhi Mbins of Gebang and the System of Rotation

S/No Name of Priest-Chief Lineage

1. Gant
2. Lamun
3. Miri Lodosksing Gan
4. Laber Datam Lanu
5. Kim Bali Gan
6. Miri Wuyep Lanu
7. Miri Tiye Gan
8. Zwanbin Wuyep Lanu-Presentation holder

Source: Group Interview: Von gkat Takdok et al. (Gebang) Gazum, 3 0/8/1997.

The Warok, were said to be the descendants of just one man called Nzhong and
his wife”. Their son was called Sha. The eight lineages in Warok who are entitled
to supply the ponzhi mbin are all descended from the sons of Sha, the son of
Nzhong. They are Nimkur, Bali, Nimyel, Goyit, Banchak, Lanap, Pangshin and
Long who are supposed to rotate in that order (see Table 18).

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Table 18: List of the Ponzhi Mbins of Warok to Illustrate the System
Rotation

S/No Name of Priest-Chief Lineage

1. Sha
2. Nimkur
3. Bali
4. Nimyel
5. Goyit
6. Banckak
7. Lanap
8. Pangshin
9. Long
10 Dadi Nimkur
11. Kumdur Bali
12. Dongcir Nimyel
13. Ndam Goyit
14. Wuyep Banchak
15. Vongjen Lanap-Present holder

Source. Group Interview: Lar Kwandang, Ponzhi Warok

et al.(Warok)
Gazum, 30/9/199 7

Some irregularities can be illustrated by the case of the Kau12 in warat which has
three lineages descended from the sons of Kau,
namely Naron, Ninfit and Jankur who rotate the ponzhi mbin
cording to their order of seniority. The Jankur missed their turn (see Table 18)
because their candidate was considered to be too young, while in the case of Lar -
Jembong (Ninfit) he contracted smallpox

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And so Vongjen – Mahan also from the Ninfit acted as caretaker. The people
found that he was good and retained him. (see Table 19).

Table 19: List of the Ponzhi Mbins Irregularities in the System of

Rotation
S/No Name of Priest-Chief Explanation
1. Nyangsali Naron
2. Gamci Ninfit
3. Bongkur Naron
4. Lati Jankur The candidate from Jankur
Was considered to be too
young and so was passed
over
5. Lar-Jembong Ninfit Contracted smallpox
6. Vongjen Ninfit Vongjen Mahan also from
Nift acted as caretaker
when Lar-Jembong had
smallpox. He was good and
the people retaied him.
7. Miri-Yikat Naron
8. Lar Shikon Jankur
9. Kikem Ninfit
10 Lakur Vontanu Naron Present holder. It will be
Jankur’sturn next.

Source: Lakur Vongtau, Po,zzhi Mbin Bwarat (Kau) Bwarat, 1/5/199 7.

Although descent from the original founder and membership of t.. lineage whose
turn it was to supply the ponzhi mbin were essentialj criteria for succession to the
office, there never developed prInciple of strict primogeniture. Where the rotation
was amongst a large number of lineages, it was probable that the succession wou[
not necessarily go to a son or close relative of the previous holder

130
supplied by that lineage. Within the lineage whose turn it was, the succession was
opened to competition amongst the eligible candidates. Major considerations in
the final selection were the candidate’s good character, his knowledge of the
traditions of the clan, his ability to perform the necessary rituals and his
knowledge of the clan’s special ‘medicine’ and that of his own lineage.13

The process of selecting a new ponzhi mbin for a clan is similar in most of the
clans. When a vacancy existed in the Nachang’4 in Bwarat, the elders would
decide that it was the turn of a particular lineage to supply a suitable candidate.
At present, there are three lineages who are recognized to supply the priest-chief,
the Kammak, the Dapro and the Wazhe. If lineage did not have a suitable
candidate it could be passed over. In recent times, someone from the next lineage
to supply the ponzhi mbin would assist the incumbent with the rituals so that in
±e event of his death his successor would have been known. In the case of the
Diyan’5 in Bwarat, the oldest man in the clan held the staff of office and other
regalia until the three lineages who were entitled to supply the ponzhi mbin met
together and decided on a suitable candidate. Thus in most clans, a caretaker held
the royal regalia while the lineage whose turn it was to present a candidate for the
office worked around for an acceptable choice. If the particular lineage could not
find a suitable candidate, then it would forfeit its turn.

The new ponzhi mbin had to be ritually installed before be could start
ning his functions. A number of accounts of the installation of
onzhi mbins of individual clans were collected. They have certain
similarities. Among the Gbak in Bwarat:

If it is the turn of Fasal (one of the three lineages entitled to supply the
ponzhi mbin), an elder from that lineage would get the people to assemble
and choose a candidate and he would present him to an elder from each of
the three lineages. If they agreed, he would be installed. When someone
was chosen, a day was fixed for the installation. Local beer was prepared.

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 They then went to the shrine (mandam), drank some local beer and was
given a cow tail (asual) and ‘medicine’ for protection. Then the new
ponzhi mbin was made to sit on a stone. If the late ponzhi mbin was from
Shikuli (one of the three lineages), then someone from that house
slaughtered a ram, and he was also the person to seat the new ponzhi mbin
on the stone.16

The Myer in Bwarat:

When elders have found a suitable person, they would inform his uncle. A
day would be fixed for the installation and local beer would be brewed. A
cow tail (asual), would be given to him. ‘Medicine’ would be prepared to
wash the stone. Before the new ritual leader sat on the stone, an elder
would pray that he would stay in peace and stay long. Then at the end, the
uncle would pray. He brought a ram and slaughtered it and the uncle would
say ‘If you do not really want my nephew, I will ask you questions in the
future.17

The account from the Nachang in Bwarat has features of interest:-

When an acceptable candidate has been brought, there would be a great

celebration. An elder would push him towards the stone, and make him sit
down. The candidate then recited the names of the past ponzhi mbins. If he
made a mistake, he would be quickly corrected. Once he sat down, he
offered a short prayer for success, and then he sacrificed a ram on the
stone. The candidate was given one thigh and he would also pray that the
new ponzhi mbin would be successful.18

The Lohmak in Bwarat:-

When the new ponzhi mbin was from Tali (one of the lin
entitled to supply the ponzhi mbin) his family sacrificed -
on the stone where the late priest-chief (ponzhi mbin) used to

132
 sit when he was alive, because while he was alive, nobody else could sit
there. The new ponzhi mbin would slaughter a ram to wash the stone, so he
could sit on the stone. Then lie was handed the insignia of office.19

The Dibbar in Zinni:-

The elders of the lineage whose turn it is, to produce the new ponzhi mbin
would meet and choose a candidate. The lineage would then inform the
people in the Wasam and a day would be fixed for the installation. A ram
would be brought and slaughtered, and its skin would be placed round the
waist of the new ponzhi mbin. He was then made to sit on the stone he
would be given ‘medicine’ to drink, and the stone was smeared with
medicine for protection. His uncle would be present and he would pray and
ask them to be careful with his nephew and let him live long so that he
could serve them.20

The JwakbarinZinni, show some similarities:-

When there is a vacancy, the elders of the other four lineages entitled to
supplyponzhi mbin would go to the lineage whose turn it is and ask their
elders to produce a candidate. If they are satisfied with the candidate, they
will fix a day for the installation and brew local beer. ‘The staff of office’
(a close friend or relative of the chief) would slaughter a ram, provided by
the person who was to be installed. The blood would be smeared on the
stone, and then the skin was tied round the candidate’s waist. He would be
given the staff of office at that point. Then he would be taken home.21

The Lyangjit in Sa or Gani also has many similarities in its installation rituals:

133
 If it is Tuwan’s turn, then the elders of Tuwan would present their choice
to Nkyem (the other lineage entitled to supply the ponzhi mbin) and then to
Mabak (brother of Nkyem) and Tau (brother of Tuwan) who are not
eligible to supply candidates. Then he will be taken to a mountain called
Inaza in Lyangjit where the stone would be washed with ‘medicine’. A
white ram provided by the candidate’s father, will be slaughtered by a
member of the other lineage. The uncle would get the thigh. The blood will
be sprinkled on the stone. The skin of a ram which had already been
prepared, and not that of the ram which had just been sacrificed will be tied
round his waist. The new priest-chief then goes to his own house and
produces three pots of local beer.22

From these accounts of the installation ceremonies, certain features are common;
the stone on which the new ponzhi mbin is to sit has to be first washed with
‘medicine’ before the new holder can sit on it; a ram has to be sacrificed and the
blood spinkled on the stone; the maternal uncle of the candidate has a central
role, and the celebration at which much local beer was consumed.

At the installation ceremony, certain items of insignia are given to the new priest-
chief (ponzhi mbin) throughout Tarokland. The most important of these is a staff
of office with metal rings round it.23 The new ponzhi mbin is also given a cow
tail which served as a fly whisk and which has certain magical powers. In times
of war, it would be pointed at the enemy to ensure victory.24 There is also a
special hat made of strings.25 There is a garment made of the skins of small
animals called a yamkpap while senior chiefs might have leopard skins.26 Some
ponzhi mbin and ritual leaders have ritual spears which are used in performing
Kampye or for other ritual purposes.27 Other items of the royal regalia include a
drum (ikang), a personal axe (agyata), a bag to hold his personal calabash and
other items, and a small flute like musical instrument (izur).28 When the ponzhi
mbin travelled, he was expected to leave his insignia behind, and not to stay away
from home for any great length of time.29

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Once chosen and installed, aponzhi mbin was surrounded by taboos which are
general in their application throughout Tarokiand. A ponzhi mbin cannot shake
hands with ordinary men but only with his fellow ponzhi mbins. This is because
of his ritual power. Sources in Warok suggested that this was because ‘he had the
secret of fertility in his hands. If he broke this taboo, the crops would
fail.’30Aponzhi mbin should not look at a sick person because the person would
die. According to informants in Jwakbar, ‘the ancestors are following him and
will quickly take the sick person away.’31 Aponzhi rnbin cannot eat in public,
but only with the elders; and not with hisjuniors, women and children.32 They
cannot mingle freely with people in public places such as markets. Ifaponzhi
mbin wants something from the market, he has to send someone called his ‘staff
of office’, so as to avoid being contaminated.33 A ponzhi mbin cannot eat food
prepared by menstruating women or one who has had a baby within the previous
three months.34 There are also restrictions on the eating of certain crops before
the necessary rites have been performed. According to sources in Mwal, Gani,
‘he could not eat new cow peas, millet and guinea corn before the necessary rites
had been performed.’35 Among the case of Kumbwang in Nimbar, he could not
eat small yams (turet), bambara nuts, beans and guinea corn before the necessary
rites are ‘rformed. In the case of Timwat, he could not eat certain new crops
as beans, sweet potatoes and yams; but could cat guinea corn and
etables.36 These taboos are found in various forms throughout
Tarokland.

Another widespread taboo was on the movement of the ponzhi mbin in

some clans it appeared to be stricter than in others.
Among the Dibbar in Zinni :-

He can travel but he has to leave his ritual objects at home. He should not
take them outside the clan area because it would mean that he had taken
the clan’s ancestors outside.37

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Among the Jwakbar in Zinni, ‘he cannot spend a night away from home because
of his ritual calabash.’38 In the case of the Gbak, and Ghanghang in Bwarat, he
can travel but he must leave his staff of office and other insignia at home. Among
the Kamtak, and the Jat in Bwarat, he cannot stay away overnight.39 With some
local variations, this taboo exists throughout Tarokiand. These taboos underline
the fact that the authority oftheponzhi mbin is derived from his religious roles
and therefore he must maintain a high standard of purity. He has to be careful to
observe these taboos. He must also be a well- disciplined individual. As
informants in Ce put it:

The ponzhi n2bin cannot commit adultery with another man’s wife; he
cannot point a finger at anyone, and he cannot fight. He has to be of good
behaviour to ensure fertility. If there is crop failure or drought, people will
come to him and say ‘Why, do you not care?40

If the Ponzhi Mbin Ce misbehaves, he can be fined to pay in a number of goats

by the elders of the five royal lineages. If he defies them, they will tell him ‘you
will be dead by tomorrow.’41

Having been installed, the ponzhi mbin’s most important duties were connected
with the observance of the rituals of the cult of the clan’s ancestral spirits (orim).
The ancestral cult operated at different levels from the lineage to the clan. As the
head of the ancestral cult at the clan level, the ponzhi mbin was expected to make
the necessary sacrifices in the shrine (mandam) and play a leading role in the
festivals and rituals connected with the ancestral spirits of the clan.42 Thus the
major festival of Nce awap is performed at their ritual sites. The ponzhi mbin
plays a leading role in rebuilding the mud pyramids over the skulls of his
previousponzhi mbins. He sacrifices a ram and a chicken to secure the
intercession of the ancestral spirits with God (man) and obtain blessings for the
new year. The ponzhi mbin, as the leader of the ancestor cult in his clan, is
expected to play a major role in the festivals, rituals and other religious activities
in the clan.

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Drought has always been a major problem in Tarokland. The ponzhi mbin and
the elders would investigate the possible causes. One of the possible causes was
that someone had deliberately withheld ram because he felt aggrieved at what he
considered to be an injustice done to him. It was therefore, a matter of finding out
who was aggrieved and for what reason, as well as persuading him to drop his
grievance and rain. Another alternative explanation was that someone had broken
a taboo by killing an inyalu bird, a bird associated with rain. Having discovered
the person responsible, he was expected to expiate his offence by performing
various rituals43 which will be more fully described in Chapter V.

A similar procedure is followed in the event of an outbrcak of an

epidemic. The priest-chief (ponzhi rnbin) of the clan would call a
meeting of the elders and pray that if anyone had a hand in causing
s epidemic, he should desist. If the person did not respond, let the
kill him. If someone was aggrieved, let him accept
compensation and call it off. The Jat would take small amounts of
different foodstuff, cook them and throw them away when an
broke out. Thus epidemics like, drought were considered tons those with
grievances, or as a result of breaches of taboo which had to be corrected 1oeore
he epidemic would go away.44

The judicial functions of the ponzhi mbin consisted of enforcing the customs of
the people in conjunction with the elders. In the precolonial period, the main
objective was not so much punitive; it was a
matter of making sacrifices to wash away offences, and to restore L social
harmony. Thus in the case of murder, ten rams would be
‘iced, some at the place where the murder had been committed md some at the
clan’s shrine. For theft, the compensatory principle as pre-eminent. Thus if
someone was caught stealing a sheep, he iould be fined three or more sheep
which would be given to the person whose sheep had been stolen. When a man is
guilty of ultery, the ponzhi mbin would summon the offender. Among the

137
Kamtak in Bwarat, he would be fined two rams and one hundred measures of
grains. One ram would be given to the maternal uncle of the woman while the
other would be slaughtered and eaten by those present. Thus the main principle
involved was one of compensation for the injury caused by the offender.45

When there are disputes over the ownership of lands or boundaries, the ponzhi
mbin would invite the parties to the dispute to produce witnesses who would try
to demonstrate the boundary on the ground or give the history of the piece of land
concerned. Where there is a difference of opinion as to the boundary, the ponzhi
mbin would draw a line down the middle. It should be noted that a ponzhi mbin
is not considered to be the owner of the clan’s lands; he is oniy the owner of his
own share of his lineage’s lands. Once portions of land are distributed, they
continue to belong to the lineage in a broad sense, though they are under the
personal control of lineage members.46

If disputes can not be reconciled, there is nkal nlifir by which the parties
concerned will drink kunu. If one of the parties is lying, he
will die within a short time.47

The ponzhi mbin has no means of enforcing his judgernents except the
force of custom. In some cases, members of the ancestral cult can enforce
decisions oftheponzhi rnbin and the elders.48

In such a decentralized political system, disputes between clans could lead to

fights. Inter-clan fighting might break out over women, land, and the sharing of
game. In such internal wars, hetds were not taken.This was only done when
fighting external enemies such as the Tehi (Montol). A ponzhi mbin did not go to
war in person but encouraged his own side and gave magical support. He was too
valuable and probably too old to risk his life on the battlefield. Many ponzhi
mbins had magical fly whisks which, when pointed at the ememy, induced them
to retreat. Although the Tarok had highly

138
developed military ethics, they strongly believed that certain persons had
supernatural powers (‘onimmaman,) and could perform marvellous feats on the
battlefield. They also believed in the efficacy of the protection provided by war
‘medicines’. The role oftheponzhi mbin was, thus, primarily to give
encouragement to his own side and to strengthen their belief that they had
powerful magic on their side.49

A ponzhi mbin did not have control over any substantial economic resources nor
was he able to mobilize significant amounts of labour through the use of his
office. Aponzhi mbin farmed like any other individual and controlled the labour
of his own family members and dependants. He could call on co-operative labour
just like any other individual but he could not call on community labour to work
on his farms.50

A ponzhi rnbin of a clan had authority, that is he enjoyed prestige which enabled
him to persuade or influence people to do what he wanted, but he lacked actual
power to enforce his will. He shared most of his functions with the council of
elders (onembak) so that most decisions represented a consensus determined by
custom or habitual practices. Political and religious functions were closely
irtttwined in the position of a ponzh i mbin who headed the ancestral cult in his
own clan and could use it to enforce his decisions. As a result of his religious
role, his person was surrounded by taboos which he had to observe for the sake of
the welfare of his people.

The Emergence of Clan Groupings (c17’ & 18” centuries)

At some point, the need for leadership and coordination among the clans in a
particular locality became apparent. Clans became bound together by a variety of
ties such as common origin, genealogical relationships, common participation in
certain rituals, meat sharing arrangements, and shared residence on particular
hills or localities. Thus a number of groupings emerged and were centred round
Lagan for the Zinni, So for the Kwallak, Kuswan for the Gyang

139
(Funyallang), Ce for the Nimbar, Kau for the Bwarat and Shamot for the Sa
(Gani). The clans in these groupings did certain things in common. The ponzhi
mbin of the senior clan coordinated the activities of some of the clans in his
grouping and played a representational role in dealing with other clan groupings.
It should be emphasized that such a senior ponzhi rnbin possessed limited
executive powers. It is far from clear that he really possessed much capacity for
coordinating the actions of the clans in his group even
when faced th external threats. However, shared participation in ommon festivals
my have contributed to a sense of solidarity, at J least amongst some of the clans
in a grouping. We now look at each of the clan groupings to see what links
existed between the component clans, and why certain clans emerged as the
senior clans.

The Hill Tarok Area

The Zinni Group of Clans

In the Hill Tarok area, there is a clan grouping collectively known. Zinni, for
which the Ponzhi Mbin Lagan has come to be recognized
the senior ponzhi mbin. He might have been a little more than al prim us inter
pares, who possessed authority but very little power, that is, the ability to
command. It is probable therefore that the limited power possessed by the Ponzhi
MbinLagan was restricted to his own clan, and as we have shown in the previous
section, even that would not have been very great.

141
 HRH JEREMIAH GOSSELE
PONZHI ZINNI

In the previous chapter, we showed that when the group of settlers led by Gunung
and Virga came to Lagan, there were already three clans:
the Dambar and the Dibbar ofNgas origin and the Gebang ofPe origin living in
the Lagan hills. The Zinni Tarok clans who remained in the Zinni area consisted
of the Luktuk, and the Gantang. If the Gantang is treated as one group, it consists
of four sub clans, one of the clans (the Timmot), might be of Pe origin. It appears
however that Lagan was able to associate with the Jwakbar, a clan of Ngas origin
and the Kullock, a clan ofPe origin, inüipe xaixc of community rituals. The
Dambar are associated ritually with Lagan; but they continue to perform
Kampye, a rituaX ofgas oñgin. The Dibbar were given an important role in
obtaining ‘medicine’ for the installation of the Ponzhi Mbin Lagan, and were
alleged to have played the role of kingmakers in the past.5 The Warok, who
claims to come from Tal, but to have come independently of the Zinni Tarok
group, is the only clan in the Zinni group to perform Imalkan and is relatively
independent of Lagan in the performance of rituals. The Gebang, a clan of Pe
origin, is even more ritually independent ofLagan.

141
The majority of clans sent leopards to Lagan for certain rituals and the division of
the meat except the Warok and the Gebang. While the evidence for the Dambar is
contradictory, the Dibbar say that they did so at one time; but have stopped. See
Table 20

Table 20. Clans in Zinni and Where they Sent the Carcasses of Leopards

S/NO. Ethnic Backgroud Where they sent Leopard

Name of Clan
1. Lagan Zinni-Tarok Divide them amongst Zinni
Group

2. Luktuk Zinni-Tarok Send Leopards to Lagan

1. Gantang )
3. 2. Timmot ) Zinni-Tarok Send Leopards to Lagan
3. Kittim )
4. Bari

4. Warok Tal Group Do not sent to Lagan but

divide the amongst
themselves.
5. Dambar Ngas Not known; as evidence is
contracdictory; but probably
did
6. Dibbar Ngas Used to sent Leopards to
Lagan; but discontinued the
practice and eat their own
leopards.
7. Jwakbar Ngas Send Leopards to Lagan
8. Kullok Pe Send Leopards to Lagan
9. Gebang Pe Do not send Leopards to
Lagan;but divide the meat
amongst themselves.

142
Source: Interviews in all clans, NAKJos Prof 3/1/1566, Hill Yergani Dist,
Shendam Div, Notes byMr Rowling, 28/4/38.

The emergence of Lagan as the clan with the senior ponzhi mbin cannot be based
on priority of settlement since, as I have shown, at least three other clans
preceded the Lagan in the Zinni area. The Lagan had close links with the Luktuk
and the Gantang which were clans of Zinni Tarok origin. Lagan seems to have
forged close ritual links with the three clans of Ngas origin: the Dambar, the
Dibbar, and the Jwakbar and with the Kullok of Pe origin.The Warok and the
Gebang remained relatively independent. It seems therefore that whateer
authority Lagan enjoyed in the Zinni group must be due to ritual connections and
to the belief that Lagan possessed very strong ‘medicine’.

Kwallak Group of Clans

The Kwallak group is composed of five clans: the Gong which were the first to
arrive, the So which provides the ponzhi mbin, the Nan, the Guzum and the
Danyil. The origins of these clans have been analyzed in the previous chapter
(see Table 6 in Chapter 11) showing the Gong and possibly, the Danyil as being
of Pe origin. The Guzum and the Nan say they caine from Tal; but do not
mention coming with or being connected with either the Gunung or the Zinni
Tarok, while the So is ofNgas origin. Though the Gong were the first to arrive,
the So, who were the fourth, supply the ponzhi rnbin of the group. The
explanation seems to be derived from the tradition that when So came, he was
given what was believed to be a barren ground to farm, but contrary to
expectations, his crops were very good. It was, therefore, concluded that he must
have very strong ‘medicine’, and he was made the ponzhi mbin of the group.52
This tends to confirm the theory that having strong ‘medicine’ is a very important
factor in the emergence of the senior ponzhi mbin and it is the source of his ritual
authority even though the other clans may be largely autonomous.

143
The Kwallak group was politically independent of the Zinni group in the
precolonial period, and at least by Nimbar, they were hardly considered to be
Tarok by tradition in the precolonial period.

The Gyang (Funyallang) Group of Clans

The Gyang (Funyallang) are four clans, namely the Man, which was the first to
arrive, the Kuswan, which supplies the ponzhi rnbin, the Kwanpe and the Duwal.
The origins of these clans have been analyzed in the previous chapter (see Table
8). The Man are probably of Pe origin, the Kuswan and the Kwanpe are said to be
of Goernai, origin which possibly means TehI (Montol), while the Duwal is also
of Tehi (Montol) origin. Kuswan are in charge of Irnalkan and Kampye. They
also help to supply the ‘medicine’ for the installation of the Ponzhi Mbin Lagan.
This might suggest that their having strong ‘medicines’ was again an important
factor. Evidence to the contrary is lacking to account for the emergence
ofKuswan as the supplier of the ponzhi mbin of the group.53 The Gyang
(Funyallang) was ritually and politically independent of the Zinni group of clans
in the precolonial period, and appears to have been a major source of Tehl
(Montol) influence in the area.

The Plain Tarok Area

The Nimbar Group of Clans

The Nimbar group consists of some eleven clans whose origins have been
summarized in the previous chapter (see Table 9 in Chapter II). The Tirnwat
seems to have been settled at Ladu and Galli in the Langyi area before the arrival
of the Gunung Tarok who came via Lagan. The Gunung Tarok increased in
numbers and by a process of subdivision, produced the Gigan, and the
Kumbwang while the Khen later produced the Ce, as well as the Kau (Bwarat)
which later produced the Sa or the Gani. They were more numerous than the
Timwat and the Galli and possibly other families and groups settled

144
in the area who have since disappeared. They therefore, spread out over the land.
They refused to take over the rituals of the earlier groups as reflected in the Galli
tradition which claimed that the Gunung Tarok deliberately spoilt their rituals by
substituting water for local beer in the pots, and then alleged that the Galli was
unfit to be in control of the rituals connected with the ancestral spirits
The Gunung Tarok led by Gunung, and then by his sons Gan (Gigan), Ritak
(Kumbwang) must originally have constituted one clan with a single ponzhi in
bin rotating amongst the sons of Gunung, while Kau (Bwarat) moved to Kau
mountain and came to constitute a separate clan.

The Gandulong legend seems to provide an explanation for a major upheaval

within the Gunung-Tarok. Further subdivision took place within the group and
the descendants of Gandulong, Ce, came to supply the senior ponzhi mbin.
Although there are a number of variants of the Gandulong legend, there seems to
be general agreement on the basic facts that a Garkawa woman called Hawon
was captured and taken as a slave by Ritak (Kumbwang) and was kept in the
chief’s (Gunung’s?) compound where she became pregnant. According to the Ce
version, the father of Gandulong was Khen, one of the sons of Gunung and,
according to another version it was Nap, the son of Gan. The ponzhi mbin at the
time who discovered that she was lazy and was a bad cook, so he decided to
dispose of her to the Hausa traders who were called ondullong (unknown). Since
she was I pregnant, the ponzhi nibin instructed Ritak (Kumbwang) that should
she give birth to a boy, she should be brought back; if she gave birth to a girl they
should both be sold. The woman gave birth to a boy on the way and Ritak
(Kumbwang) brought the woman and her son back. The boy was named
Gandulong which literally means ‘he went to the unknown before he came
back’.55

Gandulong was associated with many remarkable feats as a child. He ad great

success as a hunter, and like a true culture-hero, he was

145
reputed to have introduced the red variety of guinea corn (ikur irizang)He was
also famous for feeding his fellow herd boys (o van a bil).56

According to the traditions, the ponzhi mbins of the Gunung Tarok group kept
dying and so Gigan, the most senior of the sons of Gunung, and Ritak
(Kumbwang) were afraid to take the responsibility of becoming ponzhi mbin and
even suspected that Gandulong was killing the incumbents through his magical
powers. It was then decided to allow Gandulong, who was the son of a woman
who was supposed to have been sold, but who appeared to have strong
‘medicine’ to become ponzhi mbin and to see if he would survive. Gandulong did
not die, but succeeded in strengthening his hold on the position. It is reported that
on one occasion, Gandulong played a trick on people by placing rotten beans
under his traditional bed (igban) to produce the stench of death. He then, had his
death announced. When people gathered for his burial, he got out of bed and
denounced them for wanting him dead. They concluded that he had come back to
life. Thus it came to be believed that Gandulong had very strong ‘medicine’ with
which he could overcome even death.57

Gandulong had five sons who, in order of seniority, were Marzwal

meaning ‘born my suffering’; Sinnap (shetnap) meaning ‘History has been born’,
Lirfa (Nsim) meaning the ‘Lion is out’, Vongjen meaning ‘my strength is
exhausted’ in Youm, and Kalmot (Kettang) meaning ‘dregs of the wine’ in
Youm. Each of these Sons
the founder of a lineage which is entitled to supply the Ponzhi Mbin Ce in
rotation. Thus a process of subdivision of the Gunung clan took place by which
Ce emerged as the clan which supplied the senior ponzhi mbin of the Gunung
Tarok clans in Nimbar, while the Gigan, the descendants of a senior brother,
constituted a separate clan, as did the descendants of Ritak (Kumbwang).58

Within the Gunung Tarok group of clans, the descendants of

Gandulong, Ce, emerged as the suppliers of the seniorponzhi mbin in

146
the Nimbar group because of the belief that Gandulong possessed very strong
‘medicine, The other clans in the Gunung Tarok group associated with Ce were
the Kumbwang, the Gigan and the Mbap. Some other clans subsequently became
associated with them. The Galli, which has already been mentioned were
reconciled and given ritual roles connected with warfare. The Kankur, a clan of
Pe origin nowperforms all its rituals with Ce and has a ritual role similar to that
of Mbap. The kyika(, a c/en of Jukun origin, a section of the Kwargam, the
Mwanso, a clan of Ngas origin, are linked to the Gunung Tarok group through
Gigan. The Nani which may be of oernai orTehl (Montol) origin are linked to
Lirfa (Nsim) in Ce.’°The iwat, who were of Pe origin and were settled on the
Plains very eraly are in charge of Imalkan. They appear to have been politically ,i
hidependent of the Gunung Tarok group.61

As aheady mentioned, Gandulong instructed that his head should be

worship and so it was buried at the ritual site of Ce at Tarok ga barn and a mud
pyramid erecteô oer awap, the tombs of Gandulong and his successors as priest-
chiefs (ponzhi mbins) ofCe are rebuilt, and sacrifices of a ram and a chicken are
made to ensure their intercession with God for blessings. Within the Nimbar
group, there is a high degree of participation in Nce awap by the Gunung Tarok
clans and those ritually linked with them. The Timwat do their own separately for
their ancestors at their own ritual site on the day after the Ce. Although Nce awap
is performed in all the clan groupings, it is especially in Nimbar that it constitutes
an expression of solidarity amongst the genealogically related Gunung Tarok
clans, and those clans which have ritual roles to play in Nce awap. 62

Within the Nimbar group of clans, the sharing of game was a sign of affinity, or
neighbourliness. The Gunung Tarok clans and their associates sent leopards to
Langyi for various rituals; the meat was to be divided.63

147
As regards the Nimbar group, we also have the case of an incoming group, the
Gunung Tarok, displacing earlier settled groups and assuming important ritual
roles. However, when their leaders kept dying, they allowed Gandulong, who
was believed to have very powerful ‘medicine’ to become ponzhi mbin of the
Gunung Tarok clans. He survived and the lineages of his sons became entitled to
supply the ponzhi mbin ce in rotation. The descendants of the other Sons of
Gunung, Gan (Gigan) and Ritak (Kumbwang) broke off and formed separate
clans with important ritual roles, but which remain closely associated with Ce
and to which other clans later attached themselves.

The Bwarat Group of Clans

In the Bwarat group of clans, the Kau provides the senior ponzhi mbin bwarat.
Kau bases its claim to legitimacy on being descended from a son of Gunung,
although some traditions allege that he was a younger brother of Gunung. There
is general agreement that Kau belongs to a junior branch of the Gunung Tarok
stock which are found in the Nimbar group. Kau is said to have been a great
hunter who settled at Kau mountain.64

Kau enjoys support from the Gbak and the Kamtak, both from the Gunung
Tarok group Pe, a clan of Pe origin, through its close association with Kamtak,
has been initiated into the Gunung Tarok group and provides the war chief for the
Bwarat group. In ritual terms, and in terms of meat sharing, the Kau, Gbak,
Kamtak and Pe are the closest in the Bwarat group.65 The Lohmak belongs to the
Zinni Tarok group who left Lagan according to oral traditions because of a
chieftaincy dispute. They moved to Kwallak and from there they moved again
because of a dispute over the sharing of buffalo meat and were eventually
brought into contact with Kau through Nachang. They are not ritually close to
Kau; but share meat with them.66

148
The Ghanghang claim to come from Tal but do not appear to be connected with
either the Gunung or Zinni Tarok. They met Zhiwan, the father in-law ofKau, and
hence became attached to Bwarat (Kau). In the Lyangjit version, Ghanghang was
a brother of Zhiwan and Shamot and it was a daughter of Zhiwan, Kanjing, who
married Kau (Bwarat) and produced Lyangjit and Sa. This latter version would
make Ghanghang the paternal uncle of Kau’s wife, Kanjing.67

HRR SELCHAK SAMBO

PONZHI BWARAT

Given the Myer’s close relationship with the Timwat during their migrations,
they are also probably from Pe. While at Myer, they shared water, and meat with
Kau, ‘so they became like brothers.’68 Among the Jat, some seem to have come
from Pe and others that are of Kwararafa origin, are probably Jukun. Their link to
Kau appears to have been through Nachang.69

The remaining clans in the Bwarat group, except, which claims an autoethonous
origin, claim to come from Kwararafa and appear to have converged on Garkawa,
having come variously from the hills

149
near Lagan, Dampar and Wase. Of these clans, the two most important appear to
be the Nachang and the Laka. The Nachang was probably the first of the clans of
Kwararafa origin to arrive in the Bwarat area. They claim to have come from
Kwararafa, and to have proceeded through Dampar to Wase and then moved to
the Kanjili river where one section broke off to become Nyikat in Nimbar.
Nachang then went and settled on Kau mountain but later moved down to
establish a ritual site at Nachang. Nachang served as the link between Lohmak,
Dangre, Jat, Diyan, Ndal and Kau.7° The Laka claim to have come from
Kwararafa and to have moved to Garkawa. From there, they moved to Ndin Zhan
and then to Laka. They link Kau with a number of clans claiming a Kwararafa
origin who followed the same route. Some of them are the Nyinnan, the
Zamgwar, the Ngarak and the Nghum.71

The links to Kau are summarized in diagrammatic form: Fig 2.

Figure 2: Links to Kau

Gbak - Singha

Kamtak - Pe

( Bwarat’s

( father In-law Ghanghang

(Zhiwan

Kau Myer (Lohmak

Nachang (Dangre
(Jat
(Diyan
(Ndal

Laka (Nyinnan

( Zangwar
(Ngarak
(Nghum

150
Source: Interviews in all clans andsubclans.

In the Bwarat group of clans, apart from the Gunung Tarok clans and Pe, there is
little ritual unity among the clans. Various clans do Nce awap at various times as
can be seen from the evidence presented in the previous chapter. Only clans
belonging to the Gunung Tarok group, the Nachang, the Pe and the Myer perform
the Irnalkan sowing rite. The clans of Kwararafa origin perform an alternative
sowing rite, Ngbanshi orini.72 In the case of Karnpye, the Gbak do it on behalf of
the Gunung Tarok clans, and the Jat do a slightly different version in
September.73

In Bwarat, meat sharing arrangements seem to have been a common basis for
establishing relationships between clans. The classic example is Pe, whose
prowess in killing leopards led to his being integrated into the Gunung Tarok
group. Thus the Nachang had meat sharing arrangements with other clans of
Kwararafa origin as did the Laka; this links them to the Kau. (See Table 21
below)

151
Table 21 Clans in Bwarat and where they sert the carcasses of Leopards

S/No. Name of Clan Ethnic Background Meat sharing

1. Kau Gunung Tarok Reciev leopard and meat from
Other clans and divide it.
2. Gbak Gunung Tarok Take Leopards to Kau- one
thing to Kau, Gbak gets the
chest. They share meat with
Timwat (Nimbar), Myer
(Bwarat) and shamot and piga
(Gani) because they are very
3. Kamatak Zinni Tarok If they killed a leopard hey
took it to Kau, Pye, Myer
(Bwarat Killer gets the ches
4. Lohmak Tal Tarok? Follow the example of
Nachange and took meat to
Kau.
5. Ghanghang Pe Will divide Leopard at their
ritual place (Vang) and take it
to Kau. They take share to Sa
Saperately
6. Myer Pe Share meat with Kau and have
become like brothers.
7. Pe Jukun/Pe Take Leopard to Kau.
8. Jat Jukun Share meat with Nachang,
also Laka, Dangre, Lohmak,
Ndal, Kambur (Nimbar) and
Binding (Pil Gani)
9. Nachang Jukun Take Leopard to Kau and
divide them into two, Kau
keeps the Leopard skin.
10. Dangre Jukun Share meat with Nachang.
11. Laka Jukun Share meat with neibours,
Gwam and also with Sa
(Gani), Ce and Kwallak.

152
12 Diyan Jukun Share meat of Leopard with
Nachang (foreleg) Gwan
(foreleg), a thigh to Jat (thing)..
Nachang do not take forefoot to
Kau.
13 Niyinnan Jukun Share meat with Laka, Gwan,
Zamgwar Ngarak.
14 Zamgwar Ngarak Jukun One leg to Kau from which the
Nyinnan get a share. Hind leg to
Kumbwang and other clans of
Kwararafa origin.
15 Nghum Jukun Take Leopards to Kau. Give
thigh to Kau, keep a thigh for
themselves. Share meat with
Nyinnan, Laka, Zamgwar
Ngarak.
16 Singha Jukun In the case of Leopards, send
fore-lim to Gbak, back leg to
Myer, hind-limb to Ce.
17 Ndal Autochthonous If they kill a Leopard, they will
give a thigh to Gwan because of
early connections; but do not give
Nachang anything.

Sources: Interviews in all clans.

Thus, apart from the linkages amongst the Gunung Tarok, the links between the
other clans and Kau in the Bwarat group seem to have been loose since there was
considerable diversity of origin. Only a few rituals were performed together
while there were a variety of meat sharing relationships.

The Sa or Gani Group of Clans

This is the smallest group of clans. It consists of only seven clans. The oral
traditions differ as to the exact genealogical relationship between Sa and Bwarat;
as we have discussed in the previous chapter. At least, they seem to agree that Sa
was junior to Bwarat.

153
 HRH ISHAKU MAMVEN
PONZHI ‘SA

Within the Sa group, there is a group of Gunung Tarok clans, the Shamot, the
Piga, the Gwan and the Mwal who do things together in terms of rituals and
accept Pa Sa as their original place of dispersal. Of these, Shamot is accepted as
providing Ponzhi Mbin Sa74 but Lyangjit who is also of Gunung-Tarok origin
became disgruntled and started to do their rituals on their own.75 The Binding
claim to be of Kwararafa origin but after many wanderings they were pushed out
of Bwarat and given a place to stay by Shamot.76 At that time, Wang was found
hunting in the area and he is possibly of Boghom origin. They do Nce awap at the
same time as Shamot, but do not do Imalkan, and have their own version of
Kampye.77

As regards leopards, all the clans in the group take them to the ritual place at Pa
Sa to be divided, except for the Lyangjit and the Binding who eat theirs and give
apiece to Shamot.78

154
The Method of Selection and Powers of a Senior PonhiMbin

The clan which provided tl’e senior ponzhi mbin of a group of clans had several
lineages which supplied the ponzhi rnbin in rotation. In the case of the Ce, there
were five such lineages descended from the Sons of Gandulong which rotated the
chieftaincy amongst themselves according to birth order: the Marzwal, Sinnap,
Lirfa (Nsim), Vongen and Kalmot (Kettang). The rotation was not rigid. If a
lineage did not have a suitable candidate when it was its turn, it could be passed
over in favour of another lineage in the clan.79 The system of rotation is
illustrated by the chief list. See Table 22

Table 22: List ofPonzhiMbins Ce in the Pre-colonial Period

S/No. Name of Priest-Chief Lineage
1. Tarok or Tadok (ruled in Tal)
2. Gunung
3. Khen (son of Gunung)
4. Gandulong
5. Vongen (only surviving son of Gandulong to rule) Vongen
6. Kettang (son of Kalmot) Kettang
7. Biekat Lirfa/Nsim
8. Kunwap Marzwal
9. Wayir Sinnap
10. Langtang Kettang
11. Pkadur Vongen
12. Zuzul (ruling when the British came) Lirfa/Nsim

Source: Group Interview: Zintirn Miri et al. (Ce,) Langtang, 10/4/1997

Note: It would seem from the oral traditions that more than one son of Gunung
must have held the position of ponzhi rnbin if we are to believe that they kept
dying.
 155

The process of selection in the case of Ce was as follows:-

All the royal families selected a new priest-chief (ponzhi

mbin) from the house whose turn it was. They choose someone from that
house who knew about the traditions of the Tarok people and could handle
the people well. Potential candidates would normally be appointed to
understudy the priest-chief (ponzhi mbin) so as to learn the rituals.80

HRR PONZHI NDAM BAW

PONZIII MBIN-CE
1972-Till Date

A similar system of rotation existed among the Legan between the two lineages
of Guntul and Ghal, who seemed to derive their names from places rather than
persons. The legitimizing factor appeared to be that these two lineages claimed
descent from Virga.8’ See Table 23

156
Table 23: List ofPonzhi Mbins Lagan in the Pre-colonial Period
S/No. Name of Ponzhi Mbin Lineage
1. Virga
2. Tou
3. Nimbang Virga
4. Sanding Tou
5. Zurfa Virga
6. Vongga Virga
7. Gongwop Tou
8. Risa Virga
9. Nyinyan Tou
10. Vongdip (ruling when the British came) Virga

Sources: Group Interview: Dorga Ntyern Nirnram, et al. (Lagan) Gazum,

28/11/199 7

According to Matthews, a new ponzhi rnbin lagan is chosen by the Dibbar, a clan
of Ngas origin. He was given important functions connected with the installation
of a new ponzhi mbin lagan but even he said that this was falling into disuse, and
it was not mentioned initially by informants.82

Among the Kau, there are three lineages which derived their legitimacy from
being descended from the sons of Kau. They are, in the order of seniority, the
Naron, the Ninfit and the Jankur. They rotated the succession according to the
order of seniority.83
See Table 18.

The chiefs’ list for the Shamot for the pre-colonial period contained only three
names and therefore did not appear reliable. However, here also there are two
lineages. The Denden and the Bangel were entitled to supply the ponzhi rnbin.
The right of the Shamot to do so was based on their relationship to the Kau, and
their ritual position in the group.84
.

157
Th installatiOn of a senior ponzhi rnbin of a group of clans was similar to that of
any clan ponzhi mbin in that the stone on which the new ponzhi mbin sat had to
be washed with ‘medicine’and prayers. A ram was slaughtered and the blood
sprinkled on the stone. He was then handed the staff of office with rings round it,
a fly whisk, a special hat made of strings, and a leopard skin. Other items
included a drum (ikang) a ritual spear, a personal calabash and a musical
instrument (‘izur),85

Once installed, such a senior ponzhi nibin was subject to numerous taboos, such
as not being able to shake hands with anyone except with his fellow ponzhi
rnbins, he could not look at a sick person because the person would die; since it
was believed that the ancestral spirits are hovering over him. He could also, not
mingle freely with people in public places such as markets, or eat certain crops
before certain rites had been performed. He should not eat food prepared by a
menstruating woman, or one who had given birth in the last three months. In
most cases, he should not be away from home overnight, and whenever he
travelled, he had to leave his ritual objects at home.86

The most important duties of a senior ponzhi rnbin were connected with the
observance of the ancestral cult at the highest level. He was expected to make the
necessary sacrifices in the shrine and play a leading role in the festivals and
rituals connected with the cult of the skulls ofpastponzhi mbins. Thus the Ponzhi
Mbin Ce was especially concerned with rituals connected with the skull of
Gandulong and those of his successors at Nec awap. They were in charge of their
respective shrines and ritual sites.87

in the event of a serious drought he tried to find the cause. If the drought
persisted or was extensive, as in the case of the Bwarat, the Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat
would first call a meeting at Likizhim, a meeting place, and at a ritual place,
Nbingang. He would attempt to discover who had caused the drought and take
remedial action. If there was still no rain, the Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat would invite
the Sa people to a

158
meeting and then they would try to meet the Ce at KukwarAd&fllkot, after which
there ought to be rain. If there was still no rain after the metti at Kukwar
Adarnkot, Ce would meet Lagan at Ace Azeirn located between Zinni and the
Plain Tarok area. Thus oce f the important roles of senior ponzhi mbins was to
summon meetings to deal with problems such as droughts and epidemics. At such
meetings, a senior ponzhi mbin could not speak directly but through a
spokesman. Thus in meetings at Tarok ga bam over any problem the Bwarat and
the Sa were treated as one, while the Ce and the Kumbwang were always
together. The Piga used to speak on behalf of the Bwarat and the Sa while the
Kumbwang responded on behalf of the Nimbar.88

Meetings between the Plain Tarok represented by the Ce, and the Zinni,
represented by the Lagan would be held atAce-Azeim midway between the Plain
Tarok and Zinni. When the Lagan called meetings, it was the Jwakbar, a clan
ofNgas origin; but who was ritually close to Lagan, who carried the invitation. If
the Ce called meetings, the messengers were the Gigan, descendants of Gunung’s
eldest son. When the Lagan wanted to call a meeting, he would send the Jwakbar,
who in turn, would speak to the Gigan, who would speak to the Ce. At the
meetings, it was the Dibbar, another clan ofNgas origin who acted as spokesman
for the Lagan, while the Kumbwang, who were descendants of another son of
Gunung, Ritak, acted as spokesman for the Ce.89

In warfare, each clan grouping had its own war chief. The Kumbwang provided
the war chief of the Nimbar, although the Galli also had functions connected with
war. In Zinni the war chief was chosen from one of the sub-families, Guntul
chose him from Lagan, while in Bwarat it was supplied by Pc. These war chiefs
had important magical functions connected with warfare based on the assumption
that they had strong war mcdicin&. However, the senior ponzhi mbins continued
to have important ritual and magical functions such as pointing their fly whisks at
the enemy so that they would flee.90

159
Informants suggested that individual clans within a clan grouping were not
supposed to go to war without informing the senior ponzhi mbin. If a fight broke
out between clans within a clan grouping, the senior ponzhi mbin would attempt
to bring it to an end though he had little more than moral authority.91

HRH RAMKO WUYEP

PONZHI JAT

It should be emphasized that a senior ponzhi mbin had very little power but could
call meetings within his clan grouping to discuss problems. At the inter-clan
grouping level, he had a representational role at meetings at which attempts were
made to find solutions to problems through discussion. In addition, a senior
ponzhi mbin was believed to have powerful ‘medicine’ and magical objects such
as fly whisks which could be used in war, ritual spears and so on. Thus a senior
ponzhi mbin possessed authority; but since his very limited power probably did
not extend beyond his own clan, he had to rely on his prestige, the belief that he
had very powerful ‘medicine’, his important position in the ancestral cult, and the
consensus derived from his conforming with traditional customs.

160
Inter-Group Relations

Prior to the founding of Wase in 1820, the most important external thteat to the
‘Vatok came from the ‘Vehi (McrnioV who were reputed. as being ferocious at
war. The Nani in Nimbar reported having to move from Kumshiri to Nani
because of attacks from the Tehi (Montol). Both the clans in Kwallak and Gyang
(Funyallang) mentioned the threats posed by the Tehi (Montol). Prior to 1820, the
Tehi (Montol) posed a serious threat to the clans of the Nimbar group, and may
have contributed to the need for coordinated action which led to the emergence of
a senior ponzhi mbin and to the creation of war chiefs for the whole group.92

It is reported that when the Jukun came to the vicinity of what later became the
present town of Wase, ‘the only people on the Plain between the Pankshin hills
and Wase Rock were a few Yergams’ (Tarok).93 The Jukun arrived about 1760,
and by that date the Tarok were already spread out on the Plains (Pil Gani). There
are reports of some fighting between the Tarok and the Jukuns ofWase Tofa. On
the whole, their relationship seemed to have been peaceful, and the Jukuns
apparently had some cultural influence on the Tarok.94

Informants in Kwallak and Ghang (Funyallang) do not report any fighting with
the Pe but claim that they were their allies. Pe was an important source of
‘medicine’ and there was probably a strong Pe cultural influence in Kwallak.95

There were obviously important on-going cultural inter-changes between the hill
peoples of the area indicated by the adoption of each other’s festivals and rituals.
There were no reports of fighting with the Ngas. Kampye seemed to have been
borrowed from the Ngas and Imalkan came from the Tehi (Montol). There were
probably continuous movements between the various areas with families and
groups of Pe, Tehi (Montol) Jukun and Ngas origin continuing to come and settle
in what became Tarokland. They were welcomed and

161
even incorporated into the existing kinship structures. Ethnic boundaries were
probably still very fluid in this early period. Individuals and small groups could
cross over without much difficulty.96

Was there a SeniorPriest-Chief(Pozhi Mbin) for all the Tarok?

In the colonial period, the British were convinced that the Ponzhi
Mbin Lagan was the seniorponzhi mbin for the whole of Tarokiand.
4,, cJo1J of these vieivs can be foundin Wotes on Jill] Yergain”
(Tarok) History’ prepared in 1930 which states:-

Though each clan was independent and had its own ‘tsafi’ and burial
ground for its chiefs, yet all acknowledged Sarkin Lagan as the paramount
Sarkin Tsafi to whom all leopard skins and heads of bush-cow killed by the
clansmen were brought, and who presided over the big united tribal tsafi.
Sarkin Lagan could also unite the clans in a war against Montol orAngas or
Dallong (Pc) by a conference at which he would pull out from a quiver an
arrow symbolical of war. There were also wars between the clans
themselves, eg Gantang versus Burat, (Bwarat)97

In the same memorandum it is stated:-

To this day, the skins of leopards killed by Yergamawa (Tarok) are taken to
Lagan where ‘Tsafi’ meetings affecting the whole tribe are held and.arkin Tsafi
Langtang (sic) still does homage to Lagan.98

In a later set of notes prepared by Mr. Rowling, the following points

were made: -

The priest-chief (Ponzhi rim Chumchun or Ponzhi Mbin) (of

Lagan) is chief priest of the whole Yergam (Tarok) tribe - both
Zinni and Tarok divisions - and all sowing rites depend upon

162
 and follow performance of the main Lagan rites of Gwashik or Dizzang.
(This does not of course apply to rites of non-Tal sections). At their rites,
all the five Zinni and the two Angas sections are, or should be directly
represented by their priest who has a stone at the grove. The Plains Yergam
(Tarok) do not attend these rites and ‘have a stone’ only at the central
meeting place where represenaiVe of the whole tribe meet for special
consultations.99

Mr. Matthews in his Intelligence Report sought to correct this when he wrote:

He (Ponzhi Mbin Lagan) was the senior priest-chief of the tribe, but none
of the others followed him, and his authority ended at the confines of his
own village except for some
In traditional and decentralized societies, seniority, in ritual or political
terms, was often expressed in genealogical terms or in the kinship idiom
which then constitutes a charter for the existing arrangements. Thus the
relationship between the Lagan and the Ce is expressed in genealogical
terms as already discussed in the previous chapter. Consequently, sources
in Lagan say that Virga (Zinni) and Gunung were brothers, and that Virga
was the senior brother while sources in Ce say that they were not related at
all. Since there are so many versions of such traditions, and oral traditions
are so malleable and can be altered to fit political circumstances, it is
difficult to be certain what is the historical truth of the matter.101

Similarly, among the Plain Tarok clan groupings, the relationships between the
Nimbar, the Bwarat and the Sa or the Gani are also expressed in terms of
genealogical relations. Thus the Kau in Bwarat claims to be descended either
from a younger brother or a son of Gunung, while the Sa claims to be a son of
Kau or to be otherwise related.’02 In the same vein, within the Gunung Tarok
group, too, Kau

163
and Sa are generally accepted to be junior to Ce. The seniority of the Ce is
reflected in the fact that the Ce summons the Bwarat to meetings and the Bwarat
then invites the Sa. At meetings the Bwarat and the Sa are together while the Ce
and Kumbwang are also together. When it came to meetings with the Lagan
(Zinni), the Ce was the representative of all the Plain Tarok clan groupings.103

In warfare, each of the clan groupings had its own war chief. It is unlikely that
the ponzhi mbin lagan would have been able to coordinate military operations
which one suspects were largely ad hoc affairs by individual clans or by groups
of neighbouring clans.’104

There seems to be no ritual or festival observed all over Tarokland over

which the Ponzhi Mbin Lagan might have presided. The closest thing to a
national festival was Nce awap; but it was performed at different times by
different clans to their ancestors. Nce awap seems to be the closest there is to a
major festival in which most of the Gunung Tarok clans participate. This does not
extend beyond the Nimbar group of clans as the Kau and the Shamot performed
Nce awapb at their own ritual sites for their own ancestors. The principal
unifying factor amongst the Tarok in the pre-colonial period appears to have been
the ancestral cult.’105

As regards the claim made by Mr. Rowling that the ritual importance of Lagan
was based on the fact that Lagan first performed the Gashik sowing rite, and then
that it was followed by Gantang which was then followed by the clans of the
Plain Tarok area, we have already shown that although this rite was important in
the Zinni area, there is no evidence that other groups of clans waited for Lagan to
perform this sowing rite before starting their own sowing rites. In the Nimbar
group, the main sowing rite, Imalkan is controlled by the Timwat and in Bwarat
and the Sa or the Gani. Some clans performed imalkan, while those of Kwararafa
origin performed Ngbanshi orim.10ó

164
Meat sharing arrangements were and are very complex. They usually involve
those clans linked in various ways like the Nachang group and people with whom
they had been neighbours in the past, or the Kullok and the Jat; the Binding and
the Timwat.”7 As regards the argument that other Tarok groups sent leopards or
leopard skins to Lagan, our sources indicate no such practice ever existed.
Rather, each clan grouping seemed to have been a virtually self-contained
system. Even, within such clan groupings some clans ate their own. We have
shown that clans in the Zinni group, with some exceptions, tended to send their
leopards to Lagan. In other clan groupings, clans tended to send leopards to the
senior clan. Therefore, there has never been a flow of leopards to Lagan from
other areas. One can only conclude that the colonial anthropologists were
misinformed on this point.108

Meetings between the Plain Tarok represented by the Ce, and Zinni represented
by the Lagan, held at Ace Azeim located at an intermediate point between Zinni
and the Plain Tarok area. At this meeting place, it is stated that there were stones
arranged according to seniority, but in the 1930s the stones were moved and
placed in the shade of some trees. There appears to be nobody living who
attended such meetings who can reconstruct the arrangement of the seats. “i
Apart from the arrangement of seats, the other crucial issue is who summoned
such meetings. According to sources in Zinni:

If there was, for example, a dream by Ce and he believed that something

unpleasant would happen, he would inform Zinni. Ce would bring some
other people and Zinni would invite some people. At the actual meetings,
the Ponzhi Mhin Ce and the Ponzhi Mbin Lagan would not speak to each
other directly; but through spokesmen. The arrangement of the seats at the
meeting place was according to seniority with Ponzhi Mbin Lagan being
the senior. If Lagan is on home ground, his seat will be higher than that of
Ce. If Ce invites Lagan, Ce would sit on a higher seat. In general, at such
meetings, Ce and Lagan would sit on stone seats, while the rest would sit
anywhere.110

165
Further details were provided by other sources in Gazum. When the ponzhi mbin
lagan, called meetings, he would instruct Jwakbar, who although ofNgas origin
was very close to Lagan, to send Gigan a clan in Nimbar descended from the
eldest son of Gunung. At the actual meeting, it was Dibbar, another clan of Ngas
origin with certain important ritual functions which acted as the spokesman for
Lagan, while Kumbwang another clan in Ce descended from Ritak, another son
of Gunung, served as the spokesman for Ce. According to sources in Gazum,
Dibbar and Kumbwang would present the positions of thir principals, and if there
was a disagreement, Lagan would have the final say. This is denied by the Ce
who are not prepared to concede seniority or the final say to the Lagan.’TM The
surviving evidence concerning these meetings is thus, highly contradictory, and
so it has to be left as not proven. Although there is a strong tradition of the
seniority to the Lagan based supposedly on genealogy and ritual function which
was picked up by the British, it is virtually impossible to verify. However, what
is clear is that the kind of high priest for the whole of Tarok as conceived by the
British colonial officials never existed. Apart from the ancestral cult, there was
no unifying religious cult or festival. Since, in the nature of things, an ancestral
cult is localized, that is you worship your own lineage or clan ancestors, it tends
to be a reflection of a social structure largely based on kinship.

II. Pre-colonial Tarok Political History and Organization after the

Jihad 1820 – 1904

After the foundation of Wase in 1820 as an outpost of Bauchi, Tarok political

development was dominated by the differential response of the various Tarok
clans to the activities of the jihadists.

Clans that settled in the lowlands especially ii Gani found themselves exposed to
attacks by jihadists and had to enter into amana relationships with Bauchi through
Wase. Thus in return

166
for not being subjected to raids, they agreed to pay tribute to Bauchi through
Wase. ‘Since the incumbent ponzhi mbin was unable to undertake the conduct of
external relations with Wase and Bauchi because his office was surrounded by
taboos, he sent Chogo, a son of Denden, founder of one of two lineages in
Shamot, to Wase to represent the ponzhi mbin. Chogo was instructed not to
spend the hight anywhere but he disobeyed and caught some disease and died. In
consequence, Zhiwa, who appears to be the founding father of Mwal (Grinkor)
was chosen to act as the intermediary in relations with Bauchi and Wase. From
being a messenger, Zhiwa became a political chief (ponzhi gwoi), at least in the
eyes of the Fulanis of Wase. This responsibility was taken over by Zhiwa’s son
Rimam. Since he did not like going alone, he decided to take his brother
Kuromfat, usually abbreviated to Kofat, with him. Thus when the British came,
they found these two persons in charge of relations with Wase, and they
continued to recognize them as the families to supply political chiefs (ponzhi
nasara) in rotation. 112

PICTURE OF WASE ROCK

WHERE THE JIHADIST WERE STOPPED
IN THE 17TH CENTURY

167
A similar situation arose in Binding where Gorko, the son of the Ponzhi Mbin
Nankat went to Bauchi and was made the political chief (ponzhi gwoi) by the
Hausas. He collected tribute on behalf of Bauchi, usually two slaves per year.
This bought them immunity from attack. When the Hausa forces were passing by,
they would play a certain musical instrument and they would pass on and leave
them alone.3 This represented the most significant new development of this
period since it saw the beginning of the separation of the offices oftheponzhi
mbin and the political chief (ponzhi gwoi}, and the beginning of a concept of
executive chieftaincy. Such intermediaries had privileged access to certain exotic
items, and were given gowns, red caps and pieces of cloth by the Fulani. This
development was confined to the clans in Gani.

Tarok clans which were in strong defensive positions in the hills preferred to
resist the Fulani of Wase. Although subjected to continual raids, they were never
conquered by the Fulani. Such raids probably restricted the movement down the
plains because of the prevailing insecurity. Thus they continued to live in the hills
but farmed at the foot of the hills, always armed, ready to fight or flee in the
event of the appearance of Fulani raiders. They also engaged in raids against
Hausa traders on the trade routes between Wase and Ibi. Because of the highly
decentralized political system, certain clans might find it in their political interest
to side with the jihadists against their fellow Tarok. Thus according to C.G.
Ames, there was constant warfare with the Fulani up to the end of the
century.The three sections of the Yergam.The (Tarok), Gani and Burat (Bwarat)
each sided with the Fulani more than once.114

Thus in such a decentralised political system, each clan possessed a great deal of
autonomy. The ponzhi mbins at all levels possessed authority derived from their
role in the ancestral cult, their possession of magical objects, and knowledge
of’medicine’ but

168
virtually had no executive power. Aponzhi mbin had to engage in prolonged
discussions with his elders or his fellow ponzhi mbins before any course of
action. could be agreed u,oti. Even. then. he had to rely on the force of custom,
anLi consensus io ensuie’’ri his decisions were carried out. Ponzhi mbins did not
have access or control over any major source of wealth or economic power and
were unlikely to be richer than their fellows. Such was the state of political
organization on the eve of the British occupation of Tarokland.

HRM THE PONZHI TAROK

EDWARD CIRDAP ZHATTAU, OON

169
 References

1. Interviews: Zintim Miri et at (Ce) Nimbar, 10/4/1997; Daudu Yutven et al

(Timwat) Langtang, 18/4/1997, Larnak Bali, Ponzhi Myer et at. (Myer)
Bwarat, 12/8/1992; Venter Vongdun, caretaker Ponzhi Mbin Gbak et at.
(Gbak) Bwarat,
12/8/1997 - Mwanin Dallang, Ponzhi Mbin Kanitak et al. (Kamtak)
Bwarat, 14/8/1997.

2. See Chapter 11.

3. Group Interview: Nanfa Jangbut, Fonzhi Mbin, Jat, et a!. (Jat) Bwarat,
12/8/1997.

4. Group Interview: Nimyel Jangbut, Ponzhi Mbin Fe eta!. (Pc) Bwarat,

14/8/1997.

5. Group Interview: Mamshal Mamdan, Ponzhi Mbin, Singha eta!. (Singha)

Bwarat, 25/9/1997.

6. Group Interview: Ndam Lar; et a!. (Dibbar) Gazum, 15/8/1997

7. Group Interview: Lar Kwandong, Ponzhi Warok et a!. (Warok) Gazum,

30/8/1997

8. Group Interview: Nirndet Salman, Fonzhi Mbin Ghanghang eta!.

(Ghanghang), 14/8/1997

9. Group Interview: Labang Falang, Ponzhi Mbin Lohmak eta!. (Lohmak)

Bwarat, 12/8/1997.

10. Group Interview: Vongkat Takdok et a!. (Gebang) Gazurn, 30/8/1997.

11. Group Interview: Lar Kwanbong, Ponzhi Warok et at. (Warok) Gazurn,
30/8/1997

170
12. Interviews: LakurVongtau, PonzhiMbin Kau, (Kau) Bwarat,
11511997

13. Interview: Kumzwarn Ndarn, Ponzhi Mhin Nachang ci al. (Nachang)

Bwarat, 13//1997; Zintim Miri. et al. (Ce)
Langtang, 10/4/1997 and many other interviews. I owe the suggestion
concerning the importance of ‘medicine’ (aniullak,) to Rev. S.R. Longtau.

14. Group Interview: Kurnzwam Ndam, Ponzhi Mbin Nachang et al

(Nachang)Bwarat, 13/8/1997.

15. Group Interview: Nirnyel Butko, Ponzhi Mbin Diyan et a!. (Diyan)
Bwarat, 12/8/1997.

16. Group Interviews: Ventor Vongdun, caretaker Ponzhi Mhin, Ghak eta!.
(Gbak), I3warat,
12/8/1997.

17. Group Interviews: Larnak Bali, Ponzhi Mbin Myet; ci a!. (Myer) Bwarat,
12/8/1997.

18. Group Interviews: Kurnzwarn Ndam, Ponzhi IVJhin

Nachang, eta!. (Nachang) Bwarat,
13/8/ 1997.
19. Group Interview: Labang Falang, Ponzhi Mbin, Lohinak, et a!. (Lohrnak),
12/8/1997.
20. Group Interview: Ndam Lar et a!. (Dibbar) Gazum,
15/8/1997.
21. Group Interview: Mangwun Wazhi, Ponzhi Mbin Jwakhar et a!.
(Jwakbar)Gazum, 15/8/1997.

171
22. Group Interviews: Rimbut Kyem, Ponzhi Mbin Lyangjit, a!. (Lyangjit) Pu
Gani, 27/11/1997.
23. Group Interview: Zimtim Miri et a!. (Ce) L
10/4/1997.
24. Interviews: Lakur Vongtau, c75, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat (Kau)
Bwarat 1/5/1997 Rindap Mamven, Ponzhi Pu Gani et al., F
Gani, 5/5/1997; Vennim Gonmah, Ponzhi Funyallang et .
Gyang, Gazum, 26/7/1996 and many other interviews.

25. Interviews: J.M. Gosselle, Ponzhi Zinni et a!. G

25/7/1997; Kurdok Tali, Ponzhi Kwallak, et at., Kw
Gazum, 27/7/1997, Zintim Miri et a!. (Ce) Langt
10/4/1997; Rindap Mamven, Ponzhi Pu Gani et a!. Pu G,
5/5/1997 and many other interviews.

26. Interviews: Rindap Mamven, Ponzhi Pu Gani et a!.,

Gani, 5/5/1997; Lar Kwandang, Ponzhi Warok, et a! (V
Gazum, 30/4/1997; Nimdel Salmang, Ponzhi
Ghanghang et a!. (Ghanghang) Bwarat, 14/8/1997 and i.
other interviews.

27. Interviews: Zintim Miri, et at. (Ce) Langtang, 10/4/1. Nimyel Ndam, eta!.
(Kumbwang) Langtang, 15/4/1 and many others. Some clans do not appear
to have spears.

28. Interviews: Zintirn Miri, et al (Ce) Langtang, 10/4/1997

Ndam Lar et a!. (Dibbar) Gazurn, 15/8/1997; Mang
Wazhi, Ponzhi Mbin Jwakbar et a!. (Jwakbar) C
15/8/1997; Ventor Vongdun, caretaker Ponzhi Mbin
Et al. (Gbak) Bwarat, 12/8/1997 and many other interviews.

29. Interviews: Lar Kwandong, Ponzhi Warok et a!.

Gazum, 30/8/1997; Ndam Lar, et a!. (Dibbar)
15/8/1997; Rambang Lasum et a!. (Dangre)
24/8/1997 and many other interviews.

172
30. Interviews: J.M. Gosselle, Ponzhi Zinni et al. Gazum,
2/5/1997; Rindap Mamven, Ponzhi Gani et al Pu Gani,
5/5/1997; Mwanim Dallang, Ponzhi Mbin Kamtak et al. (Kamtak) Bwarat,
14/8/1997 Lar Kwandong, Ponzhi Warok et al. (Warok) Gazum,
30/8/1997; This taboo was found virtually everywhere in Tarokland.

31. Group Interview: Mangwun Wazhi Ponzhi Mbin, Jwakbar et a!. (Jwakbar)
Gazum, 15/8/1997. This taboo is found
virtually everywhere in Tarokiand.

32. Ibid., Ndam Lar et al(Dibbar) Gazum, 13/8/1997, Dambong Ramkaw, eta!.
(Kullok) Gazum, 30/8/1997; Wuyel Longbap et a!. (Binding) Pu Gani,
25/11/1997; Ndam Binzhi, Ponzhi Mbin Mwal (Mwal) Pil Gani,
26/11/1997; Zhimah Tyern eta!. (Piga) Pu Gani, 26/11/1997. This taboo
seems to be virtually universal in Tarokland

33. Interview: Ndam Binzhi, Ponzhi Mbin Mwal, (Mwal) Pil Gani, 26/11/1997
and many other interviews.

34. Ibid. and many others.

35. Ibid..

36. Interviews: Nimyel Ndam et a!. (Kurnbwang) Langtang,

15/4/1997; Daudu Yutvan et a!. (Timwat) Langtang,
18/4/1997.
.
37. Group Interview: Ndam Lar, et a!. (Dibbar) Gazurn, 15/8/1997.

38. Group Interview: Mangwun Wazhi, Ponzhi Mbin, Jwakhar eta!.

(Jwakbar)Gazum, 15/8/1997.

39. Interviews: Ventor Vongdon, caretaker Ponzhi Mbin Gbak et at. (Gbak)
Bwarat, 12/8/1997; NimdetSalmang, Ponzhi Mbin, Ghanghang et at.
(Ghanghang), Bwarat, 14/8/1997

173
 Mwanim Dallang Ponzhi Mbin Kamtak et a!. (Kamtak)
Bwarat, 14/8/1997; Nanfa Jangbut, Ponzhi Mbin, Jat et al.
(Jat) Bwarat, 12/8/1997

40. Group Interview: Zintim Miri et al. (Ce) Langtang, 10/4/1997

41. Ibid.

42. Ibid.

43. Interviews: Kumzwan Ndam Ponzhi Mbin Nachang et a!.

(Nachang) Bwarat, 13/8/1997; Lamak Bali, Ponzhi Mbin,
Myer et at. (Myer) Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Taksung Nanvyat
Ponzhi Mbin Laka et al, (Laka) Bwarat, 13/8/1997; Mwanim
Dallang, Ponzhi Mbin Kamtak et a!. (Kamtak) Bwarat,
14/8/1997; Nimdet Salmang, PonzhiMbin Ghanghang, eta!.
(Ghanghang) Bwarat, 14/8/1997; Nimyel Jangbut, Ponzhi
MbinPe, eta!. (Pe)Bwarat, 14/8/1997.

44. Interviews: Kumzwam Ndam, Ponzhi Mbin Nachang et al. (Nachang)

Bwarat, 13/8/1997; Nanfa Jangbut, Ponzhi Mbin
Jat eta!. (Jat) Bwarat, 12/8/1997.

45. Interviews: Nimyil Ndam, et a!. (Kumbwang) Langtang,

15/4/1997; Zintim Miri, et at. (Ce) Langtang, 10/4/1997;
Daudu Yutvan et at. (Timwat) Langtang, 18/4/1997; Lakur
Vongtau, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat (Kau) Bwarat, 1/5/1997;
Mwanin Dallang, Ponzhi Mbin Kamtak, et a!. (Kamtak)
Bwarat, 14/8/1997; Rindap Mamven, Ponzhil Gan4 eta!. Pu
Gani, 5/5/1997.

46. Group Interview: Ninyil Ndam eta!. (Kumbwang) Langtang,

15/4/1997.

47. Ibid., Vennim Gonmah, Ponzhi Funyallang et a!. Gyang (Funyallang)

Gazum, 26/7/1996.

174
48. Group Interview: Mwanim Dallang, Ponzhi Mbin Kanitak et al. (Kamtak)
Bwarat, 14/8/1997

49. Interviews: Nimyil Ndam et at. (Kumbwang) Langtang,

15/4/1997; Galle Kudor, (Galli) Langtang, 4/5/1997; Nimyci
Jangbut Ponzhi Mbin Pe et al. (Pe) Bwarat, 14/8/1997 Job
Dadi, District Head, Gazum, et at. Gazum, 8/5/1998.

50. Interview: Zintim Miri (Ce)Langtang, 1 - 2/4/1997

51. Group Interviews: Ndam Lar et al. (Dibbar) Gazum,

15/8/1997, NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566 Hill Yergam Dist,
Shendam Div, Notes by Mr. Rowling, 8/4/38, C.G, Ames,
Gazetteer ofPlateau Province p.207.

52. Interview: Nimbut Duwaltip (Guzum) Kwallak, Gazurn, 7/5/1998.

53. Group Interviews: Vennim Gonmah, Ponzhi Funyallang et

al. Gyang (Funyallang) Gazum, 26/7/1997, NAK Jos Prof.
3/1/1566 Hill Yergam District, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr.
Rowling, 2/4/3 8.

54. Interviews: Daudu Yutven, et at. (Timwat) Langtang, 18/4/1997. Gale

Kudor (Galli) Langtang, 9/5/1997.

55. Interviews: Ndam, Ponzhi Mbin Ce et a!. (Ce) Langtang,

9/5/1997; Emmanuel Lar (Gigan) Langtang, 16/4/1997;
Mallam Nden et a!. (Gigan) Langtang, 24/11/1997; N. F.
Lakai Introduction pp.66 -67, 89- 93.

56. Ibid.

57. Ibid

58. Group Interview: Ndarn, Ponzhi Mbin Ce, et at. (Ce) Langtang, 9/5/1997;
N. F. Lakai, Introduction pp.91 - 92.
.

175
59. Interview: Zimpyen Sanda, Wombai Langtang et a!. (Mbap) Langtang,
17/4/1997; Mallam Nden eta!. (Gigan) Langtang,
24/11/1997; N. F. Lakai, Introduction pp.97.

60. Interviews: Gale Kudor (Galli) Langtang, 4/5/1997.Longbap

Cirfa (Kankur) Langtang, 23/8/1997. Marnvyeng Nantur et
a!. (Nyikat) Langtang, 23/8/1997; Joshua Ndam Wuyep
(Kwargam) Langtang, 12/4/1997; Gador Dirbang et a!.
(Mwanso) Langtang, 22/8/1997. Zingshep Mantor, Fonzhi
Mbin Nani eta!. (Nani) Langtang, 22/8/1997.

61. Group Interviews: Daudu Yutvan, et al. (Timwat) Langtang,

18/4/1997; S.R. Lontau, ‘Linguistic Evidence’ Africa und Ubersee, 74
(1981), pp.197 - 199; N. F. Lakai, Introduction pp.67 -68 takes a different
view.

62. The distribution of Nce awap and the participation of the various clans is
discussed in Chapter II.

63. For meat sharing arrangements, see Chapter II.

64. Interview: Lakur Vongtau, Fonzhi Mbin Bwarat (Kau) Bwarat, 1/5/1997.

65. Interviews: Ventor Vongdun, caretaker Ponzhi Mbin, Gbak et a!. (Gbak)
Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Labang Falang, Fonzhi Mbin Lohmaketa!. (Lohmak)
Bwarat, 12/8/1997. Nimyel Jangbut, Fonzhi Mbin Fe, eta!. (Pe) Bwarat,
12/8/1997.

66. Group Interviews: Labang Falang, Ponzhi Mbin Lohmak et a!. (Lohrnak)
Bwarat, 12/8/1997.

67. Interview: Nindet Salmang, Ponzhi Mbin Ghanghang, eta!. (Ghanghang)

Bwarat, 13/3/1997; Rimbut Kyern, Ponzhi
Mbin, Lyangjit eta!. (Lyangjit) Pu Gani, 27/11/1997.

176
68. Group Interview: Lamak Bali, Ponzhi Mbin Myer/farmer, et a!. (Myer)
Bwarat, 12/8/1997

69. Group Interview: Nanfe Jangbut, Ponzhi Mbin Jat eta!. (JatKurnok-Gwan)
Bwarat,b 12/8/1997 Kumzwan Ndam, Ponzhi Mbin Nachang, et al.
(Nachang) Bwarat, 13/8/1997.

70. Group Interview: Kumzwan Ndam, PonzhiMbin Nachang et a!. (Nachang)

Bwarat, 13/8/1997

71. Group Interview: Taksung Nanvyat, Fonzhi Mbin Laka et al. (Laka)
Bwarat, 13/8/1997.

72. Interviews: Lakur Vongtau, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat, (Kau)

Bwarat, 1/5/1997, Ventor Vongdun, caretaker Ponzhi Mbin
Gbak et a!. (Gbak) Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Mwanim Dallang et
a!. (Kamtak) Bwarat, 14/8/1997; Labang Falang, Ponzhi
Mbin Lohmak et a!. (Lohmak) Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Nimdet
Salmang, Ponzhi Mbin Ghanghang et at. (Ghanghang)
Bwarat, 14/8/1997; Nimyel Zangbut, Ponzhi Mbin Pe et at.
(Pe) Bwarat, 14/8/1997; Kumzwan Ndam, Ponzhi Mbin
Nachang et al. (Nachang) Bwarat, 13/8/1997; Rambang
Lagum et at. (Dangre) Bwarat, 24/8/1997. Bali Dashe et at.
(Nyinnan) Bwarat, 24/8/1997

73. Interviews: Lakur Vongtau, Ponzhi Mbin Bwa rat, (Kau)

Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Ventor Vongdun, caretaker Ponzhi Mbin
Gbak, et at. (Gbak) Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Nanfa Zangbut,
Ponzhi Mbin, Jat et a!. (Jat) Bwarat, 12/8/1997 N. F. Lakai,
Introduction, p.175.

74. Interview: Ladip Fanmak, PonzhiMbin Sa et at. (Sharnot) Pu

Gani, 25/11/1997; Ndam Binzhi, Ponzhi Mbin MwaI (Mwal)
Pu Gani, 26/11/1997; Zhimah Tyem, eta!. (Piga) Pu Gani,
26/11/1997,Tyapyanetal., (Gwan),20/11/1997.
.
177.
75. Group Inteview: Rimbut Kyam, Ponzhi Mbin Lyangjit et al. (Lyangjit) Pil
Gani, 27/11/1997.

76. Group Interviews: Wuyep Longbap, et a!. (Binding) Pu Gani, 27/11/1997

77. Group Interview: Kumgar Zitta, Ponzhi Mbin Wang et al. (Wang) Pu Gani,
25/11/1997

78. Group Interview: Rimbut Kyem, Ponzhi Mbin Lyangjit et a!.

(Lyangjit) Pu Gani, 27/11/1997 Kumgar Zitta Ponzhi Mbin
Wang eta!. (Wang) Pu Gani, 25/11/1997

79. Group Interview: Zintim Miri et al. (Ce) Langtang, 10/4/1997

80. Ibid

81. Group Interview: Dorga Ntyem Ninram, et al (Lagan )Gazum, 28/11/1997.

82. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/86 Yergam Dists, Admin. of, note onp;
Jos Prof. 3/1/566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div., Notes
Mr. Rowling, 8/4/3 8, see also C.G. Ames, Gazetteer
Plateau Province p.207.

83. Interview: Lakur Yongtau, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat, Bwarat, 1/5/1997

84. Group Interview: Ladip Fanmak, Ponzhi Mbin Shamo4 (Shamot) Pil Gani,
25/11/1997

85. Group Interview: Zintim Miri, et a!. (Ce) La 10/4/1997

86. Ibid., Rindap Mamven, Ponzhi Gani etal. Pu Gani, 5.

178
 J.M. Gosselle, Ponzhi Zinni, et at. Gazum, 2/5/1997; Lakur Vongtau,
Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat, (Kau) Bwarat, 1/5/1997.

87. Group Interview: Zintim Miri et al. (Ce) Langtang,

10/4/1997;N.F.Lakai,Introductionpp.170- 173.

88. Interviews: Lamak Bali, Ponzhi Mbin Myer et a!. (Myer)

Bwarat, 12/8/1997; Kumzwam Ndam, Ponzhi Mbin
Nachang, et al, (Nachang) Bwarat, 13/8/1997; Mwanin
Dallang Ponzhi Mbin Kamtak et al. (Kamtak) Bwarat,
14/8/1997; N.F. Lakai, Introduction p.66

89. Group Interview: J Ob Dadi, District Head, Gazum et at., Gazum,

8/6/1998.

90. Interviews: Nimyil Ndam et al. (Kumbwang) Langtang,

15/4/1997; Job Dadi, District Head, Gazum et a!. Gazum,
8/5/1998; Nimyel Jangbut, Ponzhi Mbin Fe, et at. (Pe)
Bwarat, 14/8/1997. J.M. Gosselle, Ponzhi Zinni eta!. Gazum,
2/511997; Lakur VongtauPonzhiMbin Bwarat (Kau) Bwarat,
1/5/1997.

91. Interviews: Lakur Vongtau, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat (Kau)

Bwarat, 1/5/1997 says ‘He will send a message and will try to
solve the problem leading to the war if it is a small matter.
Rambang Lagum, et a!. (Dangre) Bwarat, 24/8/1997;
Zingshep Mantur, Ponzhi Mbin Nani et at (Nani) Langtang,
22/8/1997.

92. C.G. Ames, Gazetteer of Plateau Province pp.122 - 127;

Interviews: Zingshep Mantur, Ponzhi Mbin Nani et a!.,
(Nani) Langtang, 22/8/1997 report having to move away
because of attacks by the Tel (Montol); Vennim Gonmah
Ponzhi Funyallang, and all clans represented, Ghang
(Funyallang) Gazum, 26/7/1996; Kurduk Tali, Ponzhi
Kwallak eta!. Kwallak, Gazum, 27/7/1996.

179
93. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/684 1 Wase Notes on, Some Historical and
Ethnological Notes on the tribes of Wase Dist. of Muri Prov.
by Captain T.A. Izard, para 11.

94. Ibid., para 26 C.G. Ames, Gazetteer of the Plateau Province p.208. J.M.
Fremantle GazetteerofMuriProvincepp.5- 51.

95. Interviews: Vennim Gonmah, Ponzhi Funyallang and all clans represented,
Gyang. (Funyallang) Gazum, 26/7/1996;
Kurdun Tali, Ponzhi Kwallak et a!. Kwallak, Gazum,
27/7/1997.3

96. Daniel N. WambutdaA Study of Conversion among theAngas pp.132 -

134, N. F. Lakai Introduction pp.72 -73.

97. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/86 Yergam Dists. Admin. of, Hill Yergam History,
8/6/1 930.

98. Ibid..

99. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566 Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr.
Rowling, 8/4/3 8 para 6.

100. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/86 Yergam Dists, Admin of, Mathews Reportp.
9para 17.

101. Interviews: J.M. Gossele, Ponzhi Zinni et a!. Gazum,

2/5/1997; Zintim Miri et a!. (Ce) Langtang, 9/5/1997. See
Chapter II for a variety of views on this subject..

102. Interviews: Lakur Vongtau, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat (Kau) Bwarat, 1/5/ 1997;
Rindap Mamven, PonzhiPil Gani eta!. P11
Gani, 5/5/1997; Ladip Fannak PonzhiMbin Sa eta! (Shamot) Pu Gani,
25/11/1997 Rimbut Kyem, Ponzhi Mbin Lyangjit et a!. (Lyangjit) Pil Gani,
27/11/1997. See Chapter II for a discussion of these traditions.

180
.
103. Group Interview: J Ob Dadi, District Head, Gazum et al., Gazum,
8/6/1998;N. F. Lakai, Introduction p.66.

104. Interviews: Nimyil Ndam et al. (Kumbwang) Langtang,

15/4/1997; Gale Kudor (Galli) Langtang, 4/5/1997; Job Dadi,
District Head, Gazum et at., Gazum, 8/5/1998; Nirnyel
Jangbut, Ponzhi Mbin Fe, eta!. (Pe) Bwarat, 14/8/1997, J.M.
Gosselle, Ponzhi Zinni, eta!., Gazurn, 2/5/1997

105. The distribution of Nce awap and the participation of the various clans is
discussed extensively in Chapter II, while the actual rite is described in
Chapter V.

106. See analysis of sowing rites and their distribution in Chapter II

107. Interviews: Kumzwan Ndam, Ponzhi Mbin Nachang et al.

(Nachang) Bwarat, 13/8/1997; Dambong Rarnkaw, et at.
(Kullok) Gazum, 30/8/1997; Wuyep Longbap eta! (Binding)

108. See discussions and tables earlier in this chapter.

109. Interviews: Mwanim Dallang, Ponzhi Mbin et a!. (Karntak) Bwarat,

14/8/1997. Job Dadi, District Head, Gazurn et a!., Gazum, 8/6/1998.
Pil Gani, 25/11/1997. See Chapter II for earlier discussions.

110. Group Interview: J.M. Gosselle, Ponzhi Zinni et a!. Gazurn, 2/5/1997.

111. Group Interview: Job Dadi, District Head, Gazum, et a!.

Gazum, 8/6/1998. Ndam Ponzhi Mbin Ce et a!. (Ce)
Langtang, 9/5/1997.

181
112. Interviews: Rindap Mamven, Ponzhi Pit Gani eta!. Pu Gani,
5/5/1997; Ndam Binzhi, Ponzhi Mbin Mwal(Mwal/Grinkor) Pu Gani,
26/1/1997; Ladip Fannak, Ponzhi Mbin Sa et al. (Shamot) Pu Gani,
25/11/1997; N. F. Lakai, Introduction p.63
- 64 has a slightly different version of how Grinkor and Kofat came to
supply the political chiefs in Pil Gani.

113. Group Interview: Wuyep Longbap eta!. (Binding) Pu Gani,

25/11/1997.

114. C.G. Ames, Gazetteer ofPlateau Province p.209.

182
 CHAPTER 4

Tarok Pre-Colonial Economic

and Social Organization

Tarok Pre-Colonial Economy

the pre-colonial period, the Tarok were chiefly settled in the hills, “t had their
main farms on the plains. Such arrangements were dictated by the existing
insecurity which made it necessary to live in a defenseible location. At the same
time, lack of good farmlands in the hills made it necessary to farm on the plains.
During the nineteenth ritury, the Tarok were exposed to attacks from Wase.
Amongst the
, there was considerable jostling for position on their respective
and squabbles over women, land, water, and the sharing of the game.

The Tarok are organized in clans, and in the pre-colonial period, each
had a clan territory which it occupied, although there are certain
s which intermixed with others due to patterns of migration. Thus
clan consisted of a group of lineages subdivided into extended , the heads of such
extended families which formed the
ouncil of elders (onabak). They advised and assisted the ponzhi or priest-chief of
the clan. It is the senior man in the extended y who plays the most important role
in directing the activities of ctended family. For reasons of security, members of
an extended lived in close proximity. One of the early missionaries, Frank Aust
reported:

As I have before stated, the tribe is divided into clans - Gazum, Brot warat) & Ce.
These clans seem to be divided into houses, in some ::s, four generations may be
living in one ‘gidda’ (nzhi) or

183
collection of huts, at the same time. These houses seem to adopt different
surnames such as Vumbup, Miri & Co.

According to a contemporary informant:

Individual (nuclear) families live in their own compounds; but are grouped
together in close proximity. Once a boy marries or becomes an adult, an
effort is made to give him his own house. Each son would be given a
separate farm and allowed to farm for himself. Each individual house
would be named after the family head.2

The family lead made decisions about agriculture. He controlled the labour of his
wives, younger siblings, and children. The head of each household had a central
granary, while each wife had her own from which she drew foodstuffs, mainly
guinea corn. When it was exhausted, she would draw food from her husband’s
granary (amve). The head of the household provided guinea corn for the brewing
of local beer from his granary, and he also preserved the seed for the following
year’s farming season.3

In pre-colonial society, land was not conceived of as belonging to the ponzhi

mbin of a clan. His duties were concerned with ensuring the fertility of the land.
He did not divide the land amongst persons nor could he dispossess someone of
his land and give it to another person. In the event of a land dispute, the ponzhi
mbin of the clan acted as a kind of arbitrator and would divide the land down the
middle.4

Although each clan had parcels of land which constitute the clan territory,
the actual landholding unit was the extended family and it was the family head
who allocated land to adult sons when they reached the age for marriage. The
notion of selling family or clan land was unknown in the pre-colonial period.5

When a man died his land reverted to the control of the oldest man in

184
his patrilineage; it was divided equally amongst the sons. However. all the sons
of each wife were treated as a single unit. For example, if there were three wives,
all the children of each wife would be regarded as a single unit, and so the land
would be divided into three equal shares. If one wife had six sons, and another
had only three, the sons of the former would get less land than those of the latter.
If the deceased had not been redeemed from the juridical control of his maternal
uncle (kyan,), his property, except farmland and economic trees, would pass to
him; but usually the deceaseds agnatic relations would make great efforts to make
the kianship payment to regain control of the property7. Land could not be
inherited by women either from their fathers or from their husbands.8

Pre-colonial Agriculture

Farming Systems

While the Tarok lived primarily in the hills, they used to practice a form of
terracing which necessitated the building of stone walls to hold up the soil. This
practice was termed bench terracing by agricultural officials.’7 This served as a
check on soil erosion; but with the expansion onto the plains, this practice fell
into disuse.10

Even while living on the hills, the Tarok farmed at the foot of the hi I Is, and here
they practised bush fallowing. A piece of land was farmed for a number of years,
and then was allowed to remain fallow for a number of years. Land might be
cultivated for five to seven years, depending on its fertility, and would then be
allowed to lie fallow for six to eight years or, ifthe soil was very pooi for upto
twelve years.11

In the pre-colonial period the Tarok had two different kinds of farms:
those close to the house (nimbwang,) and those far from home or the main farms
(‘anyin,). According to an informant, he had three farms, one close to the house
(‘nimbwan& and two at a distance (anyin,), one upland farm for millet
(vennisetum americanuin), and one for guinea

185
corn (sorghum bicolor).12

The farms close to the house (nimbwang) varied in size according to the size of
the family, but tended to be much smaller than the distant farms (anyin). Such
home farms were occasionally hedged. The home farms were cultivated by the
women and children of the household. They were continually cultivated and
fertility maintained by the application of manure from domestic livestock such as
goats, and wood ash. The principal crops grown on the home farms consisted of
vegetables, and soup ingredients such as okro (abei moschus esculentas),
pumpkin (cucurbita pepo) and early varieties of crops such as early guinea corn
(ikwiyan). The principal function of the home farms, apart from providing fresh
vegetables and soup ingredients, was as a hedge against the ‘hungry season’
when the old crops were exhausted and the new crops were not yet ready to be
harvested. In Tarokland, this was between October and November. No significant
system of crop rotation was practiced on the home farms. 13

The distant farms (anyin) were located far away from the compound. It might
take one to three hours to walk there; but it was usual to cover the distance to and
fro on the same day. Farmers only lived on the distant or main farms during the
planting season when there was much work to be done and there was the need to
scare off birds and monkeys.14

The distant or main farms were quite large and their yields might be sufficient to
fill three to four granaries (ame). The principal crops grown on the bush farms
were guinea corn (sorghum bicolor) or ikur in Tarok and bulirush millet
(pennisetum americanum) or imar in Tarok. Of these two major crops, guinea
corn was of greater ritual importance than millet and was used extensively for
making local beer. However, millet was useful as a hunger-breaker and could be
harvested and eaten without ceremony.15

186
No rotation was practiced on the distant or main farms. The cropping system
consisted mainly of the continuous cropping of guinea corn, for five to seven
years after which the soil was allowed to rest. Manure was not applied to the bush
farms.’6 Given the relatively poor soil, the monotonous monoculture, and the
lack of manure, one would expect that productivity on the distant farms must
have been relatively low in the pre-colonial period.

Most of the labour on the farms was provided by members of the family unit
under the direction of the oldest man. It was impossible to estimate how large
such a labour force would have been in the precolonial period; but there were
various forms of co-operative labour by which the family labour force could be
supplemented at peak periods. The most extensive of these forms of co-operative
labour was that by which all the people of the village were invited, and those who
participated were rewarded with local beer and food. This was called achipir. A
suitor provided labour services for his prospective parents-in-law, and invited his
age mates to help him. This was called iram ngya. Harvesting or collecting
produce was regarded as less skilled work and therefore women and children
participated and were rewarded with a share of the produce. This was called
either iram nkpan or nnungbwan. The ponzhi mbin is not entitled to communal
labour on his farms; but could call for cooperative labour like any other
individual.17

Agricultural Technology and Farming Methods

The hoe (adir) was the principal tool used by the Tarok in the precolonial period.
It was used to turn the soil but not to make ridges for guinea corn. The same kind
of hoe (adir) was used for weeding. (Figure 3)

187
Figure 3: Hoes

(a) Adir (b)A Garma

There was also a large-bladed hoe (asham) mounds for root crops and tubers.’8
for raising ridges and mounds for root crops and tubers18

There were knives (ikpal) (see Figure 4) for harvesting guinea corn and millet.
There were also small iron sickles (ika) used for harvesting cereals such as rice
and apil (similar to acha,).19

Figure 4: Knives (ikpal)

There were also different kinds of axes ranging from the small axe (gabip), for
cutting branches of trees, to the big axe (iku) used for cutting down trees, carving
mortars, pestles and beds.20 An example is theAgyata (Figure 5)

188
Figure 5: Medium Axe (A gyata)

When clearing the land, the Tarok had two methods. Firstly they cut the branches
of the trees and the brushwood, and then they lit fires round the trees. Secondly,
they removed the bark of the trees to kill them before cutting them.22

Planting was done, in most cases, by planting seeds in holes made with a dibbling
stick (ikwar). Millet for example, was grown in nurseries and transplanted by
women.23 According to an informant, ‘we don’t do much weeding. Hoes are
used to keep the grass down.’24 On the other hand, Nansoh F. Lakai suggested
that the farms were weeded three times in the rainy season.22 Knives were used
to harvest cereals by both men and women. Guinea corn was cut close to the ear
while millet was cut further down. Guinea corn is left on the farms until March or
April before being brought home and put in granaries. It was threshed when
needed for consumption. Millet was brought home earlier and put in a place near
the compound. It is consumed before guinea corn.26

Cereals were placed in two types of granaries (see Figures 8 and 9) One (amye
ikpan) had its only entrance in the side, and the other (amye ikur), in the ceiling.
The granaries had no internal compartments and were built to make access by
rodents difficult. The leaves of a certain plant known as noulvar in Tarok and a
certain tree

189
much meat was consumed, as domestic animals were needed for ritual and other
purposes. Therefore, it was useful to have a successful hunter in the family.28
The assessment report for the year 1921 - 1922 gives the following statistics
(see Table 24):

Table 24 Livestock in Plain TarokArea in 1921 – 1922

142 Horses

294 Mares giving 150 foals

8983 Sheep, of which 6000 are breeding ewes giving 5000 lambs

7116 Goats, of which 5000 are breeding she-goats giving 4000 kids

Note: No mention is made of dwarf cattle.

Source: J05 Prof 3/1/684 1 Wase, Notes on Wase Reassessment Report.

Assuming that the proportions had not greatly changed since the precolonial
period, this shows the preponderance of small stock, sheep and goats, amongst
the livestock kept.

Goatskins were used to make leather garments, bags, shoes and so on. Wild
animal skins, especially those of dangerous animals such as lions, and leopards
were prestigious, but reserved for ponzhi mbins.29

Animals were kept in special huts during the rainy season lest they ate the crops,
but in the dry season they were allowed to roam and forage for themselves. They
are fed in the morning and in the evening. Livestock manure was placed on the
home farms but not on the distant farms.30

Thus, the Tarok practised a kind of mixed farming; but in the precolonial period
they did not possess sufficient number of large

191
7livestock such as cattle and horses to get the principal advantage of mixed
farming which would have been a good supply of natural fertilizer.

Economic Trees and Forest Products

In the pre-colonial period, the Tarok did not plant economic or fruit trees. They
preserved the ones they found when clearing the land. The usual convention was
that the owner of the land on which the trees were situated was entitled to harvest
the fruits of such trees.31

Trees served a variety of purposes in the pre-colonial society. Probably the most
useful, because of their fruits, were the baobab (Adansonia digitata) or itun (T),
the black plum (vitex domana) or icu(T), shea butter tree (Butyvospermum
parkii) or ikini (T), locust bean tree (parkia biglobosa) or ilur (T) and tamarind
(tamarindus indica) or itulum (T). The baobab tree had many uses as its leaves
were used to make draw soup. Its seeds were used to make a traditional seasoning
called iluanshi, while the fibres from its bark were used as thatch or to make
ropes. The seeds of the locust bean tree were used to make a traditional seasoning
known as dadawa.32

PICTURE FROM A-BAM E TAROH SHOWING

THE PLAINS BETWEEN THAT POINT AND
LANGTANG KWANO

192
Other kinds of trees were useful sources of building materials such as the various
palms, and the African mahogany (Khaya senegalensis) or iko (T). Other trees
and grasses provided the raw materials for weaving bags, baskets, and so on.
Wood is carved to make hoe handles, axe handles, spearshafts, mortars and
pestles, domestic furniture, especially the African mahogany. Many kinds of trees
were used as firewood, while hardwoods were preferred for making charcoal.33

Other products of the forest include honey which was obtained from colonies of
wild bees smoked out to enable the honey seeker remove the honey combs.3

Hunting

In the pre-colonial period, hunting was an important social and economic

activity; but it was second to agriculture in terms of food production which
produces the staple food crops of guinea corn and bullrush millet. There were a
few professional hunters but most persons engaged in hunting part time,
combining it with farming. In addition, most hunting took place in the dry
season.35 Hunting was endowed with great ritual and social significance, and
frequently figured in stories in the traditions. To kill a dangerous animal such as a
leopard endowed its killer with great prestige in his community. In the traditions
of migration, greater emphasis was laid on looking for new hunting grounds than
on looking for new farmlands.36

There were different kinds of hunting expeditions. Firstly, those by individuals

who were usually very skilled hunters and who might go into the bush alone for
up to ten days; secondly small group hunts (abar izhe) which consisted of three or
more hunters who went into the bush and stayed there for ten or more days;
thirdly communal hunts (abar nzam) in which all the adult men in a community
went to a particular hunting ground; fourthly, hunting at night with fire (abar
izwam); and fifthly the setting of traps. Of these, communal hunts (abar nzam)
were probably the most important.37

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In a communal hunt, someone would announce the hunt. He should be
knowledgeable about the area concerned and the game to be found there but
should not be regarded as ‘owning’ the hunting ground. Individual hunters
performed their ritual preparations and prepared their hunting ‘medicine’ which
would enable them to throw their spears straighter. There was a kind of flute
which could be played to draw animals to the hunters. At the assembly the person
who called the hunt would advise the hunters to obey the rules so as to ensure
safety and success. Only spears and sticks were used, during such communal
hunts, instead of bows and arrows, lest someone be killed by a stray arrow. The
bush was not set on fire nor the hunting ground surrounded. Instead, the hunters
formed a line and advanced into the bush. The animals most commonly killed on
such communal hunts were antelopes, monkeys, hares, porcupines and
grasscutters. The meat of small animals was divided amongst the participants
while the carcasses of large and dangerous animals, such as leopards and
buffaloes were taken to the ponzhi mbin who performed various rituals before the
meat was shared according to prescribed rules.38

For small group hunts (abar izhe), a few hunters, three to ten, under an
experienced hunter would go into the bush for about ten days to kill large animals
such as buffaloes, or big antelopes. The successful hunter would send a whole
carcass to his maternal uncle who would return a portion to the hunter’s parents
and give arrowheads to the hunter. The carcass of leopards, was not divided. It
was taken to the ponzhi mbin.39

When hunting at night (abar izwam), the hunter *ould fasten a burning torch to
his forehead to attract animals. It was claimed that by merely looking at the eyes,
a good hunter would be able to tell the type or name of an animal. Traps were set
where animals frequented. They could be pit traps, or entangling snares.
Another kind of hunting was the ran gan. It involved a few medium grade
hunters, and young people ‘wandering’, and killing anything they could find,
This was only a day’s hunting intended to obtain some experience, and some
meat,40

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 Hunting had great ritual and social importance apart from being a source of
meat. It constituted a training ground for warfare. It was the principal means
apart from warfare, by which an individual could become a hero and earn high
social status.41

Crafts

Various crafts which contributed to the relative self-sufficiency of Tarok

communities were practised in the pre-colonial period. Many of such crafts are
still practised today. They include blacksmithing, potmaking, woodcarving,
weaving, leather work and house building and so on. Blacksmithing was the most
important because it produced the tools and weapons without which the Tarok
would not have been able to survive in their hostile environment.

Blacksmithing

In the past, iron must had been a tetatively scarce rav material.
According to our sources, blacksmiths acquired their raw iron from Ibi. This
refers to the situation prevailing in the late nineteenth century when the Royal
Niger Company was marketing iron bars at Ibi. In earlier periods, the raw
material must have been obtained from elsewhere, or it might have been smelted
near Dengi, as suggested by one blacksmith.42 Our sources allege that
blacksmiths were relatively numerous in the past, numbering about thirty in
Zinni, according to one community leader, and about five in Reak, Bwarat,
according to another. Another evidence suggests that iron, and hence
blacksmiths, may have been scarce in the pre-colonial period. Being a blacksmith
was hereditary since a blacksmith tended to teach the craft to his sons.
Blacksmiths were not a pariah caste, but they enjoyed considerable prestige in the
society because of their considerable economic importance.43

Blacksmiths made the tools they needed to practise their trade such as the
hammer (ikam ala), file (azor tok); chisel (idansal), pincers (nkam alar), bellows
(izambar ala) as well as other tools. (Figure 7)

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Figure 8 Axe for personal protection (agyata)

Other items made by blacksmiths include items of decoration, such as finger

rings (akwai), necklaces and bangles worn by both men and women, earrings
worn by women and girls (nashin) and bells used when dancing to make various
sounds, foot bangles worn by women with rich husbands (nba/cap) and musical
instruments such as the ncangon.44

Figure 9: Musical InstrumentLike a Triangle (ncangon)

products of the blacksmith’s craft are still used extensively in ‘::itoday and
compete favourably with imported ones.

197
Potmaking

Another well-developed craft in Tarokiand was potmaking practised only by

women. They passed on the skills to their daughters. Some women combined
potmaking with farming but others became full- time potters. Since the potter’s
wheel was not known, pots had to be built up in layers. Women would fetch clay
from the river bank, dry it, and pound it in a mortar. They would, then mix it with
water until it was moist, and build up the pot in layers from the bottom, moulding
it into the shape they desired. Then, the pots would be lain sideways in rows on a
platform of firewood. More firewood and comstalks would be put on top. Then,
they would be fired. In the days before money, a potter was paid in baobab seeds.
Potters made three basic kinds of products: various types of ngbut pots which are
usually qualified by; their use, pitchers called ideri and plates called asu. The pots
in size according to their uses. Thus a large family would need a lai pot to cook
the basic food tuwo or nkpan (T)45

Figure 10: Various Kinds of TarokPots (ngbut)

(a) Mbet used for preparing commercial food

198
Pitchers were also made in different sizes and had different functions, such as
storing beer, kunu, water or beniseed. They were more delicate than pots and
could be richly decorated.

Figure 11: Various Kinds of TarokPitchers (ideri)

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Woodcarving

Another important Tarok craft was woodcarving which was practised exclusively
by men. The tools used were axes (iku) and other implements for making holes in
the wood (awar). The principal objects made were handles for tools and weapons,
mortars and pestles, clubs, walking sticks, musical instruments, spoons, beds, and
stools, bows, smoking pipes, idols (icir) and many other useflul items.46 (see fig.
13) The traditional beds were the most interesting of the items, they are fast
becoming collectors’ items. The first type (igban) was carved from the trunk of a
tree which was cut to the

200
There was a scond type of traditional bed (igari) which consisted of a number of
planks supported by four wooden stands with cross pieces to give it stability. This
type is now rare.47

Figure 13:

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Woodcarvers were responsible for making musical instruments. The most
common of these was the drum (iganggang), made in various sizes. The method
of making the different sizes was the same. A tree was felled, and cut to the
desired size. The inner part of the trunk was hollowed out, leaving a wall of about
half an inch or less. This was then smoothened, both inside and outside. Two
pieces of leather were put over the ends and held in place with strings made from
animal skins. The strings controlled the sound of the drum; when tightened, the
pitch is high. The surface of the drum had to be kept well- oiled.48

Figure 14: TarokDrum (Iganggang)

202
Making bows was not easy and not every woodcarver could make them. The
woodcarver had to find a fairly tall and straight shrub preferablyfirga or
nzumzum and cut a piece of wood usually not more than four or five feet long.
While still flexible, it had to be bent into the required shape and a specially strong
bow string made from animal skin was then strung across it.50

Figure 16.

Woodcarvers made quivers for arrows from a local cactus by

hollowing out the inner pulp leaving a hollow tube which was sealed at the lower
end with a piece of leather.51

Weaving
Weaving was one of the most widely practised crafts in Tarokland. 1 practised
weaving at the end of the harvest season. They produce a wide variety of items
including bags (azhal), sieves (akansat), large baskets (anap), the frames to carry
them (ajwar), hats (atagya), mats ,ropes and many other useful items.52

There was a round shaped bag (azhal) woven from twine or strings from local
trees. These were chiefly produced by herdboys gibe!) and they were used to
keep food and calabashes. Mature

203
men also used them, while older men used leather bags (igugor). In the olden
days, these were produced for use and not for sale. The production of these items
has declined in recent times.53

Figure 17: Woven Bag (azhal)

Sieves (akanshat) were woven from comstalks and used to sieve beer (nce), kunu,
and any other liquid which needed sieving. To make them required a specialized
skill. They are still made and used, especially to sieve local beer.54

The Tarok are famous for their large baskets (anap) used to measure grains, carry
grains and as bride price. An average anap might measure between two and three
feet in diameter, and had a depth of three feet or less. They were made from spear
grass (izhi). They were fragile difficult to make. An anap could not be used
without a frame (ajwar) because of its size and pliable nature.55 C.G. Ames
described them as follows:-

Their baskets are remarkable and made only by themselves, the Montols,
the Jukuns of Kona, and perhaps by one or two tribes in the adjoining
Adamawa Province. A wicker and wooden skeleton frame is made
(perhaps the word crate would describe it best) which is circular and three
feet or more in diameter. Into this is placed a lining of plaited or woven
fibre to prevent the contents from falling through the wide

204
 spaces of the frame. The whole weighs only two or three pounds and yet is
extremely strong and holds a very large quantity of corn etc. It is the most
ingenious and useful basket of all the various kinds that are made in the
province, the frame and the lining have different names and the making of
each is a separate industry which is not usually combined by the same
person, in spite of the fact that the one article is quite useless without the
other. 56

Figure: 18 Large TarokBasket (ajwar)

These large baskets (anap), made from the branches of a shrub called akar had to
be carried in a special carrier or holder called ajwar They were cut when green
and pliable, and bent into the required shapes. Though ‘akar ‘used to be seen
everywhere, it is now found only in the more traditional areas such as Gazum.57

Other woven items included hats (atagya) and the sort of wig like
hats worn by ponzhi mbin.

Leather work was widely practised throughout Tarokiand using the skins of both
domestic and wild animals to make special leather bags (see Figure 19) (igugor)
for old men, quivers, sheaths, dresses, leather backings (awa ayen) used by
women to carry babies, bellows, shields (ngwangvvan) and other useful and
decorative items.58

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The most significant leather items produced were the rectangular leather bags
(igugor) used chiefly by old men to carry their drinking calabashes, knives and
snuff containers. They were often richly decorated.

Figure 19: Leather Bag carried by Old Men (igugor)

The Tarok also used shields (ngwangwan) made from the hides of large animals
such as buffaloes, and horses. The wet hides were cut into the required shapes
and flexible twigs were sewn round the edges. The middle was pushed out to
create a protuberance. A strong piece of wood was sewn across the inside of the
protuberance so as to provide a handgrip. Such shields were carried in war and
when hunting for dangerous animals.60

House Building and Compound Layout

Tarok traditional houses were built from local raw materials: mud, grasses and
cornstalks. They were circular and of various sizes. Earth was mixed with water
to produce mud, which was then mixed by men stamping on it to produce a kind
of sticky substance used to make mud bricks. These were used by the local
masons to build the outer walls of the house, tier by tier, until they reached the
desired height. A simple division of labour was employed in which women
fetched the

206
water, children brought the soil to make the mud, young men mixed the mud, and
the men built the houses. Usually the hut was built without an entrance; a door
was created on the day after erection. Plastering and flooring were done by
women using clay to which the juices of locust bean pods were added to help
them harden and become impervious to water. A ceiling made of clay was put in
place to make the hut watertight. Most huts had circular windows put in after the
completion of the walls.61

Tarok huts were thatched with grass which was knitted round a framework made
of poles and guinea corn stalks. All the roofing work was done on the ground,
and then it was lifted and placed on top of the walls like a hat. (see Figure 20)62
Each Tarok compound consisted of an assemblage of huts of various kinds
arranged in a circle around an open yard or space (amulok). Each wife in the
compound had her own set of rooms, including a sleeping hut (mbak), a kitchen
(awuwol) a grinding hut (apeko)

Figure 20

A BEAUTIFUL THATCH HOUSE

“TRADITIONAL ARCHITECTURE”

207
Figure 21: Typical Traditional Tarok Hut (Nzhi)

A hut for storing beer (mbek garang) and her personal granary (amye). Each wife
had her own courtyard around which her huts were arranged, surrounded by a
wall. Since the Tarok were polygamous, the size of the compound depended on
the number of wives in the household. The husband also had his own set of
rooms near the main entrance of the compound which consisted of a two door
round hut called a nkelang nwong. This served as a reception hut and as a
sleeping hut for unmarried men and herd boys. Outside the entrance hut (nkelang
nwong) was a ritual hut or shrine (nkelong ndun), it was here that evade drums
and other ritual paraphenalia were kept. No woman was allowed to enter the
ritual hut (nkelong ndun). The head of the household had his own granary from
which his wives drew food when their own granaries were empty.63 (Figure
22)

Figure 22: Layout ofthe Compound ofa Man with Two Wives

2. Open Space
1. Entrance hut (nkelang nwong) 2. Ritual hut (nkelang nwong)
3. Husband’s sleeping hut (mbek) 4. Central Courtyard (amulok).
5. Wife’s kitchen and entrance hut (awuwol) 6. Wife’s sleeping hut (mbek)

208
7. Granaries (amye) 8 a & b Grinding and brewing huts
(apeko and mbekgarang)
9. Animals’ hut (Afolbil) 10. Women’s space (Awuwol)

11 Bridal hut (Ijini)

Sources. N.E Lakai, Introduction, N.L. Vondip, Exploration

Local Beering making

The beer (nche) played a very important role in Tarok social life. Large quantities
were consumed during rituals and festivals and at the meetings of elders, called
achipir, to settle disputes. It also provided an incentive for taking part in co-
operative labour.

Tarok local beer (nche) was made exclusively by women chiefly from guinea
corn and millet. The grain was soaked in water, and left to germinate for two to
three days. The sprouting grains were then ground, boiled and allowed to cool
gradually. The mixture was then filtered, boiled and filtered again. It was then
left to stand for twenty- four hours before it was ready for consumption. The
whole process usually took about five days.64

In pre-colonial Tarok, there were no formal markets. A colonial assessment

report of Bwarat in 1912 stated that the only markets were at Wase and Garkawa.
Through an oral source claim that between the intervals of fighting with Wase,
people would summon courage, and go to Wase to trade.65 It would have been
difficult for the Tarok to venture to go to Wase where they would have been in
danger of being enslaved as ‘pagans’, since they did not appear to have had
gobetweens to conduct trade for them as was the practice elsewhere. The
situation must have been somewhat different for Gani who had amana relations
with Wase.

209
In the absence of any currency and in the prevailing conditions of insecurity,
trade and exchange appeared to have been restricted to purely local exchanges on
a barter basis between families and communities. This was further aggravated by
the fact that most communities produced the same items so that there was little
scope for specialization and exchange. Craftsmen were also generally farmers, as
it was impossible to make a livelihood from craft alone.66

II. Tarok Pre-colonial Social Organization

Introduction

The basic building block of Tarok social organization in pre-coloi times, is the
family. The nuclear family consisting of a marr.. couple and their unmarried
children is the smallest kinship unit. Th typical Tarok household in the past
consisted of a patrilineal extenc family of two or three generations. Since the
extended family is exogamous unit, the male members are patrilineally related
wives are brought in from outside since virilocal residence is the The most
important peculiarity of Tarok kinship is that in s being patrilineal and virilocal, it
is the role of the mother’s t maternal uncle (kyan) to give a girl out in marriage.
This has similarities with practices in matrilineal systems subsequent paragraphs.
Since the family is the basic building I the society, it is the kind of kinship
relations which exists h different categories of kin which constitutes the stuff of
relations in pre-colonial Tarok society.

Kinship Terminology

When a person addresses or talks about one of his kinsfolk, he terms such as
mother, uncle, nephew which are specific to that relationship between them. The
variation in the terms used for the particular relations and those of the same
generation is a which greatly exercised the early anthropologists who came up
with a

210
series of classifications of kinship terminologies. According to Michael G. and
Mary F. Smith, ‘excluding the term kyan, at each succeeding generation, Tarok
kinship terminology is strictly generational or Hawaiian’.67 Thus excluding the
mother’s brother (kyan), male and female kins of the parents’ generation on
either sides are called dada (father) and nana (mother) respectively (Table 23). In
Ego’s own generation all consanguineal kin are ginang or sibling. Differences of
sex and birth order are indicated by adding such terms as nungwan (‘male’),
yenchar (‘female’) and numgbak (‘elder’) and gavong or gadong (‘younger’).
These terms are used to indicate precedence and authority within the sibling
group and are of little interest to outsiders. Members of a junior generation are
not allowed to use their parents’ or grandparents’ names when speaking or
making reference; but kins of the same generation (ginang) can use one another’s
names freely in address and reference. Although wives cannot call their husbands
by name, husbands can call their wives by names freely.68

Table 25: Tarok Kinship Terms

NNA M, MZ, FZ, FFBD, FFZD, FMBD, FMZD, MFBD,

MFZD, MMBD, MMZD etc

DADA F, FB, FFBS, FFZS, FMBS, FMZS, MFBS, MFZS, MMBS,

MMZS etc

KYAN MB, MMB, ZS, ZD, ZDS, ZDD, ZDDC

KIKA FF, FFB, FFZ, FM, FMB, FMZ, MF, MFB, MFZ, MM, MMB,
MMZ, SS, SD, DS, DD, BSS, BSD,
FBSSS, FBSSD, FBDSS, MFBSD, MFZSS, FZSD, MMBSD,
MMDSS, MMZSS, MMZSD, etc

YEN S, D, BS, BD, FBSS, FBSD, FZSS, FZSD, FZDS, FZDD, MZSS,
MZSD, MBSS, MBSD, MBDS,

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 MBDD etc.

M = mother; F = father; S = Son; D = daughter, B = brother; Z = sister;

C=child.

Source: MG. and Mwy F Smith, ‘Kyanship and Kinship’ Africa 60 (2) 1990
p246

Since it is one of the key features of Tarok kinship, it should be noted that in
Tarok usage, the term kyan applies reciprocally between mother’s brother (MB)
and sister’s children (ZC) and between mother’s mother’s brother (MMB) and
sister’s daughter’s children (ZDC). Ego’s sister’s daughter’s children (ZDC) are
his kyan; but his sister’s son’s children (ZSC) are simply ukuka (sing. kika) or
grandchildren. Though relations of kyqnship pass through women, women have
no kyan injunior generations, whereas men do.69

The Tarok have well-defined patrilineages called inal which constitute named,
localized groups with clear-cut boundaries, structures, leadership, communal
activities, resources and interests, while matrikins are dispersed and lack clearly
defined corporate groups. Furthermore, the Tarok do not appear to have double
descent as has been suggested by Mohr for the Ngas7° . They but appear to
combine corporate patrilineal groups which are well-defined in terms of
membership, boundaries and structure ‘with diffuse unnamed categories of
dispersed matrikin’.7’ The position of the mother’s brother (MB) and mother’s
maternal uncle (MMB) which has been often interpreted as a vestige of an earlier
matrilineal system distinguishing the Tarok kinship system from those of its
neighbours has naturally led to much speculation concerning its origins. The
solution offered by M.G. and Mary F. Smith does not seem to fit the known facts.

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The Tarok Marriage System

The Tarok do not practise infant betrothal. Thus when a girl reaches marriageable
age, she can have a number of suitors at the same time. If the girl responds
favourably, the boy would then go to the father and ask him how and when he
could perform the traditional labour service (nimgya) which consists of working
on the girl’s parents’ farms and in repairing buildings. Each suitor, is expected to
perform these services for two or three years. At the same time, the suitor is
expected to give the girl gifts of ornaments and so on. The suitors know that there
are several of them courting the same girl, and so as insurance against possible
failure, each boy would be courting several girls at the same time and providing
their parents with labour services, and giving the girls minor gifts. As the
courtships proceed, the girl would usually develop a preference for one of her
suitors, and she would inform him while binding him to secrecy until they elope
(yang kebar). The elopement takes place by arrangement with the suitor coming
at night with the traditional brideprice (idur) of about thirty hoe blades of the type
used for marriages and a long piece of cover cloth (agodo). The brideprice would
be left behind in the girl’s hut under her sleeping mat. The mother finds this in
the morning and gives her husband the piece of cloth and the news of their
daughter’s elopement then wait to be informed as to who she had eloped with.

While in the suitor’s compound, the girl, if she is still a virgin, will insist before
having sexual intercourse, that he gives her a defloration fee (adirjini) so that she
can give it to her mother as a thank offering for her care and upbringing. If the
girl has already lost her virginity, ‘ would have collected the fee from her first
lover, and kept it for r mother21 According to our research findings, bridal hoes
were ven to the mother because ‘fertility belongs to the mother.’73 The day t the
elopement, the successful suitor sends a messenger with a sent of tobacco to the
bride’s parents saying ‘your daughter who )st is with me and I have married her.’
The father would usually ept the accomplished fact.74 After about two weeks, the
bride

213
would return to her father’s house, and then the groom and his friends would
provide labour service for both the mother and the father of the bride on their
farms. He would do the same for his bride’s Ayan, mother of mother’s brother for
whom he is also expected to build a hut.75

The girl would remain at home for about a week before the actual wedding.76
During that period, the groom would visit the bride’s parents frequently, while
the rejected suitors would come and ask for the return of their presents; but any
labour services which they have put in are non-refundable. Then the groom and
his relations would assemble the necessary materials for a wedding feast (iyem
bar) at the bride’s father’s house. These should include a big ram, two large
Tarok calabashes or one large basket (anap) of guinea corn, and various Tarok
delicacies. The guinea corn would be used to brew the local beer, which is
inseparable from such festive occasions. It is only after this wedding feast
(iyernbar) has been celebrated at the bride’s father’s house that the bride moves
permanently to the groom’s house and her mother, kinswomen and friends would
bring the various domestic utensils, furnishings, foodstuffs and other items which
they had assembled as wedding presents to enable her set up her independent
household. The young couple would reside in the groom’s compound and he
would be expected to build a new hut for the bride.77

Once the girl’s mother knows with whom her daughter has eloped, she would
take the thirty bridal hoes to her own mother’s brother, that is to the bride’s uncle
to inform him of the impending marriage and her daughter’s choice. The
mother’s maternal uncle will know better who the various uterine kins are. If he
considers it necessary, he will make further enquiries concerning the groom
before approving the marriage. If there appears to be no impediment, the groom
will visit him to ask his wishes for the yem-dong rite and feast at which he would
notify the girl’s uterine kin and ancestors of the impending marriage. The groom
is expected to provide two large rams, other

214
foodstuffs and condiments, and two large baskets (anap) or four large Tarok
calabashes of guinea corn to make local beer, and kunu. Only when the yem-
dong rite has been performed at the bride’s mother’s kyan’s house and her
matrilineal ancestors have been notified is the marriage deemed to have been
properly concluded. During these proceedings, the bride’s mother’s maternal
uncle (her MMB) publicly blesses the union saying: ‘If anything happens to you,
it will not be because of me, I have eaten your food, I am content. Have many
children, and live in peace78

This blessing apparently validates the marriage and entitles the groom and his kin
to later ask the bride’s mother’s maternal uncle (MMB) for permission to
‘ransom’ or ‘redeem’ (karnshi) any sons the bride may bear so that they can be
incorporated into his patrilineage. Unless the groom has performed both the bride
service, yem dong, required by his bride’s mother’s maternal uncle and the don
g-yern feast, he cannot ‘redeem’ or ‘ransom’ his sons since the marriage would
not be complete. Thus the mother’s uncle’s public approval of the marriage is
necessary to give it legitimacy.79

Other kinds of marriages were more like marriage by capture or kidnapping.

Thus if one of the suitors thinks that the girl is deceiving him by making
appointments which she does not keep, then he could arrange to kidnap her.
Another possible situation is when it becomes known that the girl is planning to
marry out of the village, then the boys of the village would arrange to kidnap her.
In such situations, the girl could accept the accomplished fact and stay with the
boy who has kidnapped her or if she does not like him sufficiently, she can run
away and go to the boy she likes best. Having kidnapped the girl, the boy sends a
message to the parents that the girl is with him and thereafter he would legitimize
his activities by making the necessary payments. However, if the girl runs away,
the boy would report the fact to her parents, and would ask whether she has come
home. If she has not, he would know that she has gone to another boy whom she
loves better.80

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 The practice of Nzok gives a woman’s maternal uncle (kyan) control over
her daughters’ marriages and allows him to give such daughters out in marriage.
Requests for such marriages are usually made by senior men who want young
wives but who do not wish to risk rejection, and do not want to perform bride
service. Such a man would approach the girl’s kyan by sending him a goat split in
two and placed in a leather pouch made out of the skin of a monitor lizard (ajal).
This gift, which is never made under any other circumstances is called char ga
dong dii kyan. On receiving such a gift, the girl’s kyan or her mother’s maternal
uncle (MMB) starts to consider the proposal. Should he agree, he informs the
suitor as to how many animals he should pay as brideprice - generally, twelve
rams. No grain is given and no feasts are held for nzok marriages, nor is any
brideprice given to the girl’s parents to mark his transfer of all rights to the girl
and her offspring to the nzok husband. After receiving the brideprice, the girl’s
kyan or her mother’s maternal uncle (MMB) places a small metal bracelet on her
right forearm in the presence of her nzok husband. Since the girl has had no
previous knowledge of the arrangement, if she is old enough, she may object, in
which case the kyan advises the nzok husband to take her by force to his house.
A kyan may also arrange such an nzok marriage for an infant who will not know
of the commitment until she has grown up.81

The Tarok also inherit widows. After the traditional period of mourning, a widow
is expected to select an agnatic kinsman in her late husband’s lineage to replace
him. Such a marriage is established without any further payments or bride
service. However, this type of marriage is, to some extent, a new marriage
because the new husband is the only person who can redeem the sons she bears.
Such a marriage does not alter the rights of the woman’s kyan over herself or her
children.82

In pre-colonial Tarok society, divorce and remarriage were not possible, though
marriages did break down as a result of strained relationships between husbands
and wives, or between wives. In such

216
situations, the woman could either return to her father’s home to live with her
mother, or go to an elder brother, while her husband attempted to negotiate her
return. If she chose to remain with her father or patrikin, her abandoned husband
or his family had to accept the situation. It was not usual to expect the return of
the bride-price. If the woman went to live with another man as a concubine, the
deserted husband could demand compensation and the prompt return of his wife
through his patrikin. If the woman returned, that was the end of the matter.
However, should persuasion fail, after warning the woman’s lover and his
kinsmen, the husband and his kin could then attack their homesteads, burn their
crops, seize or kill their livestock, and attack everyone except women and
children. This was probably one of the major causes of local feuds between
families and clans. If having deserted her husband, a woman cohabited with a
lover and became pregnant or even bore children, the man could try to legitimize
the relationship by informing her kyan or mother’s maternal uncle (MMB) of
their relationship and by giving him one or two bridal hoes and some guinea corn
as a token gift known as 1eJor so that he and his kinsmen might, at some future
date, redeem the sons. However, even if the kyan accepted the gifts and in a
limited sense gave the relationship some legitimacy, it would be rejected by the
ex-husband, his patrilineage (mat), his clansmen (kunjeh) and other patrilineages
because it went against the Tarok norms of lifelong cohabitation and fidelity for
women.83

The Powers of the Mother’s Maternal Uncle (Kyan)

The Tarok distinguish between two kinds of kyans. There is the girl’s mother’s
maternal uncle (MBB) who is the senior kyan and is often known as the kyan ge
chumchum, or kyan ge bang, and the mother’s brother (MB) or junior kyan. It is
the former, according to M.G. and Mary Smith, who has juridical authority over
his sister’s children (ZG) and sister’s daughter’s children (ZDC).84

The strongest powers which a mother’s maternal uncle (kyan) possesses over his
sister’s daughter’s children are his absolute control

217
over her daughters and sons unless they are ‘ransomed’ or ‘redeemed.’ If the
proper procedures are followed by the husband at the time of the marriage by
performing labour service and providing the resources for the yem dong feast or
rite which is performed by the girl’s kyan, then he has the option of redeeming or
ransoming his sons and incorporating them into his patrilineage. Usually a father
delays redeeming his sons until after they have passed the years of highest
mortality and sometimes even until they are about to get married. This
‘redeeming’ or ‘ransoming’ is achieved by performing the yemoran rite and the
presenting of a kainshi gift of a large ram to the kyan. Although it is unusual, the
kyan can refuse a man’s request to redeem his son, and may retain exclusive
control over him. He could summon him to come and live in his home like a son
and look after his livestock, work on his farm and manage his possessions, if he
has nobody else to do so.85

Until a son has been redeemed by kamshi through the gift of a ram from his kyan
c control, whatever his age, he cannot participate fully in the affairs or rituals of
his father’s patrilineage. Even if he had been initiated into the ancestral cult at the
appropriate age, he cannot participate fully in lineage gatherings or events.86
According to M.G. and Mary Smith, some men are only redeemed after death so
that their patrilineages can retain their estate, including widows, and incorporate
their sons after redeeming them. If by that time the dead man’s kyan had already
died, his redemption could be negotiated with the kyan ‘s successor; but until
they are formally redeemed, the sons would also remain entirely in the power of
the heir of their mother’s kyan. Since unredeemed men are not full lineage
members, even if their Sons are redeemed, their patrilineages cannot incorporate
them.87.

Whereas a man, by performing the yem-dong rite at the time of his marriage, had
the option of redeeming his sons, he could never redeem his daughters, who
remained exclusively attached to their

218
mother’s kyan or maternal uncle and were incorporated into her uterine kin
(ovanbin). If the marriage was fertile and many children survived the wife’s
kyan, to whom her children belonged under Tarok customary law, he might give
one or more of them, usually the girls, as a gift (naikur) to the husband as a
‘return for planting the seed.’ In such a case, the woman’s kyan will usually
choose one of her middle daughters, but never the first or last born, and transfer
his power over her to her mother’s husband. Such transfers eliminate the kyan ‘s
rights to control the girl’s marriage and issue without reducing his responsibilities
for her spiritual and physical welfare. Thus, husbands and fathers only have
juridical rights on maternal daughters that the father’s kyan or their maternal
uncle had conceded to them as naikur The children of such girls will fall under
the power of their own mother’s maternal uncle who will preside as kyans over
their marriages and children. Such naikur gifts are rare and are only possible in
unions which have been made legitimate by the yem-dong feast. They represent
an act of generosity and appreciation towards
the child’s mother and father. Otherwise, girls remain in the power of their kyans
until they transfer uxorial rights and conditional claims to [ the girl’s husband at
yem-dong and, occasionally, power over the
marriage of daughters to their fathers by naikur88

The most vivid example of the power of a kyan over his sister’s Lighters is
demonstrated by the nzok marriage system by which he ould arrange a marriage
for such a girl without her consent and ithout the involvement of her parents.
Although such ristrations of power by a girl’s kyan are regarded as a sign of eed,
they are nevertheless legal under customary law.89

In the case of boys, they are expected to look to their mother’s her’s brother who
they think of as being in their grandfather’s
•ion for help in raising brideprice (idur) for their own tages. This is because their
mother’s mother’s brother has ved their mother’s brideprice (idur), labour service
(nirngya) and

219
redemption payments for her sons (kamshi) and not their mother’s
brother (MB) also known as kyan.90

Throughout the childhood and youth of their sister’s children and sister’s
daughter’s children, both the mother’s brother and the mother’s maternal uncle
enjoy affectionate relations with them. This allows each to take or eat the other’s
chickens or small stock freely, to appropriate pots or other domestic utensils and
so on since reciprocity prevails. Apart from the relations of a mother and her
children, relations between kyans and their wards are amongst the most
affectionate and informal in Tarok kinship relations in contrast to the j rather
formal and authoritarian relations between fathers and their children. Thus both
affection and juridical rights are found in relations between the wards and their
kyan (MB and MMB) while their relations with their fathers lack both affection
and jurid right.91

In Tarok society, when anyone is ill or injured, the household must immediately
notify that person’s kyan ge chumchum, that is - mother’s maternal uncle, and
ask him to visit his ward. The kyan w promptly do so in order to see for himself
the state of his relative to ascertain whether anyone in the household or family is
respo He will also ask what steps have been taken to identify the causej the injury
or illness, and secure his ward’s recovery. Unless he satisfied on both grounds,
should his ward die, the kyan may refuse to perform essential funeral rites the
spirit only some one delegated by him can perform. Such rites remove the dead
man’s spirit froi hut and compound of death, and send it on its way to the anc
world. If the kyan refuses toperform this rite, the head of the f obliged to go to
him to ask how he can make amends. Since the kyan is under a moral obligation
to allow the spirit of his death relative to go its way, he would usually impose a
fine (kadi kum) to bepaid by t ;,‘ a cpon.cz57e for the death, before he agreed to
attend the funeral. The fine usually consisted of a ram and a quantity of guinea
corn to make beer to inform the deceased’s ancestral spirits (orim) and kinsmen
of the

220
death. Thus, apart from his secular responsibilities, a kyan also has ritual
responsibilities, for his wards.92

A kyan also has other social responsibilities towards his wards. When a mother
died before weaning her child, such a child will be fostered by one of the
mother’s uterine kin. If the child is already weaned and is able to walk and talk,
the father may wish to keep it, and entrust it to one of his other wives. The kyan
could take the child to prevent its possible ill-treatment by the father’s other
wives. When the child is old enough, the father can reclaim it, if the kyan
agrees.93

In the event of the death of the kyan ge chumchum, his rights will pass to the
eldest uterine kinsman of that category and generation until all these are
exhausted. By that time, the rights and responsibilities of kyanship should have
passed to the junior kyan, the dead kyan sister’s son. He would act as kyan ge
chumchurn of his sister’s daughter’s daughter and her children until hisjunior
kyantakes over.94

In the event of the death of an unredeemed man, his property, including widows
and children belong to his kyan and cannot be claimed by anyone in their father’s
lineage until the redemption payment (kamshi) has been made. In practice, the
kyan will leave the management of the estate of an unredeemed ward in the hands
of those who already control it; but he must be consulted on the use and
disposition of such property. Usually, the dead man’s agnatic kin will attempt to
pay the overdue redemption payment (kiamshi) to regain the right to the property
including the widows.95

If it is a woman her possessions are divided and inherited by her sisters. The
youngest sister divides the property equally and it will be chosen by the others in
order of seniority. Since men can inherit nothing from women, a kyan has no
claim on her material assets even though he retains responsibilities for her
children. Since a woman cannot participate fully in patrilineage affairs, she will
look to her kyan and uterine kin (ovanbin) for support, and protection.96

221
Tarok Social Structure

In pre-colonial times, the most important elements in Tarok social structure, apart
from kinship relations, were seniority, gender, and the manipulation of ritual
power.

Thus pre-colonial Tarok society, men and boys were divided into four main age
sets. The most senior of these consisted of the elders comprising old men of fifty
years of age and above who played important roles as repositories of tradition, as
leading figures in the ancestral cult, and as the directors of the activities
oftheirjuniors. The second most senior age set consisted of mature men between
the ages of thirty and forty nine years. The third age set consisted of young men
between the ages of eighteen and thirty who had been initiated and could marry if
they chose to. They were the most active executives in terms of cooperative
labour, hunting, warfare and ancestral cult activities. The fourth age set consisted
of the herds boys (ovan gi bit) whose ages might range from five to eighteen
years. The boys were supposed to go through a period of hardening and training
for adult life by looking after sheep and goats in the bush. They had their own
internal organizations called ngare which mirrored that of adult society because
the older boys were the equivalent of the elders in adult society, while the
younger boys represented the mature, young men of adult society. The senior
boys exercised great authority over the junior ones who were supposed to show
them great respect. Above all, the boys were expected to keep silent about their
activities and in this way they learned to keep secrets. They were not allowed to
participate in the activities of the ancestral cult since they had not yet been
initiated.97

Every fifteen years, there would be an initiation ceremony into the ancestral cult.
After this the herds boys are promoted into the ranks of the young men. An
initiated man is expected to keep silent about the activities of the ancestral cult,
especially when dealing with women. After initiation, young men are free to
marry. They form associations

222
amongst themselves and respond to calls for co-operative labour. They help each
other to perform labour service as part of their brideprice payments.98

Women, on the other hand, are divided into only two groups: married and
unmarried. Unmarried girls are divided into seniors and juniors on the basis of
age.99

Pre-colonial Tarok society was largely organized on gerontocratic lines.

Although the elders could no longer do hard work, they were respected for their
age and wisdom since they had become repositories of Tarok tradition and were
active participants and even leaders of the ritual life of the community. Any
initiated could expect to progress through the age sets. If he lived long enough to
become an elder, he would be a member of the council of elders (‘onamgbak,)
and the director of the labour of the juniors in his family. Since the principle of
seniority was deeply embedded in the society when it came to the division of any
item such as bush meat, the elders were given the largest or best
In the pre-colonial period, women, whatever their ages, were excluded from the
political and ritual life of the community. Their marriages were controlled by
their kyans and their daughters could not be redeemed. One of the major
functions of the ancestral cult was to control and discipline women. Women were
expected to observe avoidance procedures in the presence ofmen. They were not
entirely in the power of their husbands since in the event of ill-treatment they
could seek the protection of their kyans and maternal kins. Thus women were
subordinate to men. Though they enjoyed a degree of power in the domestic
domain, they were excluded from the political and ritual life of their
communities. They were subjected to discipline by the ancestral cult if they broke
the norms of the society.101

Men were able to compete with each other through the manipulation
of ritual power. An individual could achieve higher status through

223
attaining leadership in the ancestral cult, for example, by being able to sing the
orim songs better than others during their outings in the bush. In addition some
individuals inherited or acquired the ability to make certain ‘medicines’ which
provided protection or enhanced their abilities as hunters, warriors or farmers.
Others acquired idols (icir) which became renowned for their powers to cure
certain kinds of illness and thus became the objects of a cult. Thus it was possible
for men to attain high social status because of their leadership roles in the
ancestral cult, their possession of powerful ‘medicines,’ or the possession of idols
renowned for their curative powers.’102

In pre-colonial Tarok, even the ponzhi mbins of clans were not able to use their
positions to gain control over labour and other material resources. The source of
their power in their communities was not based on wealth or control over scarce
economic resources. Within a clan, the distribution of land was in the hands of
the extended families. There appears to have been no deliberate attempt to delay
marriages by sons, and thereby delay their setting up independent households.
The power oftheponzhi mbins, and of other senior men seemed to have been
largely based on their ritual power acquired through participation in the ancestral
cult, and their knowledge of ‘medicines.’ These were acquired with age and
hence the gerontocratic element was prominent in the organization of
precolonialTarok society.’103

Conclusion

Pre-colonial Tarok economy was largely organized on kinship

with the senior man in a household directing farming operations, the utilization of
farm and other produce. Although adult sons Ii be given a piece of land to farm,
and build a compound, it is recognized as family land. Each household unit was
compelled to bi largely self-sufficient, producing whatever it needed for its own
With a poorly developed barter system of exchange, between households, the
existence of Wase and the trade routes traversing the

224
area do not seem to have had much impact on the pre-colonial Tarok economy as
it was largely external to its operation. A few more luxury goods, such as items
of clothing, may have come into circulation as a result of the amana relations
between Gani (Sa) and Wase, or as a result of raiding against trading caravans;
but it cannot be said that these had a significant impact on the pre-colonial Tarok
economy or that they contributed to the emergence of a sarauta class in the
precolonial period.

The Tarok kinship system has many unique features, especially the role of the
kyan, which makes it different from other Plateau kinship systems characterized
in some cases by sister exchange or various forms of secondary marriage, or
double descent. It would not appear to be useful at present to speculate as to the
origins of such a system until extensive comparative studies have been
undertaken. It would then become clearer, what processes of change produced
this unique system with its matrilineal features, and what the implications were
for pre-colonial Tarok origins and institutions.

We have further shown that pre-colonial Tarok society was gerontocratic in the
sense that high social status was accorded to seniority. Thus, in the course of a
man’s life, he would pass through a series of age sets, which after initiation,
would qualify him to become an elder. In that position he would become an
important adviser of the ponzhi mbin as a member of the council of elders, and a
ritual leader in the ancestral cult. Women, whatever their ages, were excluded
from political and ritual power. Apart from seniority, it was suggested that the
power and status of the elders were based on their ability to manipulate ritual
power through the ancestral cult, and their possession of knowledge of
‘medicines’ or ownership of idols, rather than their control over economic
resources. Even in warfare, despite the well-developed Tarok military ethos,
much emphasis was placed on ritul power or the possession of innate
supernatural power by certain individuals (nimmaman) which enabled them to
become heroes.

225
 References
1. Frank Aust, ‘Look of the Fields’ (1908) as quoted in Lamle, Cultural
Revival p.64

2. Interview: Joshua Ndam Wuyep (Kogam), Langtang, 12/4/1997

3. Interview: Zintim Miri (Ce) Langtang, 1/4/1997

4. Group Interview: Zintim Miri eta!. (Ce) Langtang, 10/4/1997

5. Interview: Joshua Ndam Wuyep (Kogam), Langtang, 12/4/1997

6. Group Interview: Nimyil Ndam et al. (Kumbwang), Langtang, 15/4/1997

7. M.G. and Mary F. Smith, ‘Kyanship and Kinship’ Africa 60 (2) (1990)
p256

8. Group Interview: Nimyil Ndam et al. (Kumbwang), Langtang, 15/4/1997

9. Interview: Zintim Miri (Ce) Langtang, 1/4/1997; NAK Kadminagric 2/1

3/NOT/6.Vol.7, Agricultural Notebook, Yergam Tribe, PlateauProvince,
1958 p1

10. Ibid

11. Ibid

12. Interview: ZintimMiri (Ce) Langtang, 1/4/1997

13. Ibid; Roger Blench and Selbut R. Longtau, ‘Agriculture within the cultural
system of the Tarok people of East-central Nigeria’ ODI Paper, 1998
226
14 Ibid.

15 Ibid.

16 Ibid. NAK Kadminagric 2/13/NOT/6.VOL.1, Agricultural

Notebook, Yergam Tribe

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid. Dashe Fallum, 65, farmer/blacksmith, Bwarat 6/5/1998. Ibid.

19 Ibid

20 Interviews: Zintim Miii (Ce) Langtang, 1/4/1997; Dashe Fallum, Bwarat,

6/5/1998

21 Blench and Longtau ‘Agriculture’; W.V. Famwang Tarok

Culture (Jos, 1999) pp!87 – 189

22 Interview: Zintim Miii (Ce) Langtang, 1/4/1997

23 Ibid.

24 Ibid.

25 N. F. Lakai,Introductionp.241

26 Interview: ZintimMiri(Ce) Langtang, 1/4/1997

27 Ibid, N. F. Lakai. Introduction p.48.

28 Interview: Miii Zintim (Ce) Langtang, 1/4/1997

29 Ibid.

30 Ibid.

227
31. Blench and Longtau, ‘Agriculture’

32. Ibid., NAK Kadminagric 2/13/NOT/6 VOL.1 Agricultural Notebook,

Yergam Tribe, ppl2 - 13; N.L. Vongdip,
Exploration pp65 -72

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid.

35. Interviews: Zintim Miri (Ce) Nimbar 2/4/1997; Voncah Mama, 58 farmer,
Bwarat and Dantata Labar, 75, evangelist,
Bwarat, 12/8/1998.

36. Interviews Lakur Vongtau Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat (Kau) Bwarat, 1/5/1997,
Zintim Miri, et a!. (Ce) Langtang,
10/4/1997; Nimyel Jangbut et al (Pe) Bwarat, 14/8/1997

37. Ibid, N. F. Lakai ,Introduction pp.235-239

38. Ibid.

39. Ibid.

40. Ibid.

41. Ibid.

42. Interviews: Dashe Fallum, Bwarat, 6/5/1998, Rantur Ndam,

43, blacksmith (Gantang), Gazum, 15/8/1998

43. Ibid.

44. Interview: Dashe Fallum, Bwarat 6/5/1998; WV. Famwang,

TarokCulturepp.61, 119- 120,197-198.

228
.
45. Interview: Bangmwang Nimkpar, 55, potter, (Ghanghang) Bwarat,
13/8/1998; W.V. Famwang, Tarok Culture pp.168 –

46. Interviews: Magaji Wuyep Jat (Jat), Bwarat, 6/5/1998; M. Mampal

(Lohmak) Bwarat, 6/5/1998 and personal observation.

47. Personal observation; W.V. Famwang, Tarok Culture pp.177 – 179

48. W.V. Famwang, Tarok Culture pp.116 - 118

49. Ibid;pp.120- 121

50. Ibid; pp.196 - 197 and personal observation.

51. Ibid; p.197 and personal observation

52. Ibid; pp.150 - 167; Interviews: Magaji Wuyep Jat, (Jat) Bwarta 6/5/1998;
M. Mampal (Lohmak) Bwarat 6/5/1998 and personal observation.

53. Ibid

54. Ibid. ppl5l - 152;

lnterviews: Magaji Wuyep Jat, 75, farmer/craftsman, (Jat)
Bwarat, 6/5/1998; M. Mampal, c80, farmer/craftsman
(Lohmak) Bwarat 6/5/1998 and personal observation; W.V.

55. Ibid pp.156- 157;Ibid.

56. C.G. Ames, GazetteerofPlateauProvincep.211.

57. W.V. Famwang, Tarok Culture pp.154 - 156; Interviews:

Magaji Wuyep Jat (Jat) Bwarat, 6/5/1998; M. Mampal
(Lohmak) Bv’arat, 6/5/1998 and personal observation.

229
58. W.V. Famwang, Tarok Culture ppl43 - 149; N.F. Lakai, Introduction
pp234 -235.

59. Ibid,pp.143- 144.

60. Ibid;pp.205

61. Interview: Domyil Nimyel, c40, housebuilder, (Gantang), Gazum,

14/8/1998; N. F. Lakai, Introduction pp.43 - 52; N.L.
Vondip ‘Technology of Tarok settlement patterns: An Anthropological
Study’ Planning Scope Vol.1 No.1 (1993) pp.20 - 22; and his Exploration
pp.47 - 52, and personal
observation.

62. Ibid.

63. Ibid.

64. N.L. Vondip, Exploration, pp.59 - 62.

65. NAK SNP 7/3/4902/1912 Muri Prov., Brodt (Bwarat) Section of the
Yergum (sic) tribe, Assessment Report Interview:
ZintimMiri,(Ce), Langtang, 12/4/1997

66. Most of what W.V. Famwang describes in Tarok Culture pp7O

-73 belongs to a later period. Although it is possible that the Gani clans
traded with the Hausas of Wase; we were not able
to follow up this point.

67. M.G. and Mary F. Smith ‘Kyanship and Kinship’ Africa 60(2) (1990)
p.247

68. Ibid.

69. Ibid

230
70. Ibid; Richard Mohr ‘Zur sozialen organisation der Angas in North-Nigeria
‘Anthropos Vol. 53(1958) pp.457 -472.

71. M.G. and Mary F. Smith ‘Kyanship and Kinship’ Africa 60(2)
(1990) p.247
.
72. Ibid. pp.247 -248

73. Ibid. pp.25 1-252, Interviews: Joshua Ndam Wuyep (Kwargam)Nimbar,

12/4/1997; Job Dadi, District Head, Gazum, 20/8/1997

74. Ibid.

75. M.G. and Mary F. Smith, ‘Kyanship and Kinship’ Africa 60 (2) (1990);
p.248

76. Interview: Joshua Ndam Wuyep Langtang, 12/4/1997

77. M.G. and Mary F. Smith, ‘Kyanship and Kinship’ Africa, 60 (2)
(199O)p248 -249

78. Ibid. pp.248 -249

79. Ibid.

80. Interview: Job Dadi, District Head, Gazum, 30/8/1997

81. M.G. and Mary F. Smith, ‘Kyanship and Kinship’ Africa, 60 (2) (1990)

82. Ibid. p.25

83. Ibid pp.250-251 Interview: Joshua Ndam Wuyep (Kwargam) Langtang,

(Kwargam) Nimbar, 12/4/1997; job Dadi, District Head, Gazum,
20/8/1997

231
84. M.G. and Mary F. Smith, ‘Kyanship and Kinship’ Africa, 6 (2) (1990)
p.252 -253

85. Ibid. p.249

86. Ibid.

87. Ibid.

88. Ibid. pp.249-250

89. Ibid. pp.251

90. Ibid. p.253 -254

91. Ibid. pp.253-255

92. Ibid. pp.254-255

93. Ibid.pp.255

94. Ibid. p.255

95. Ibid. p.256

96. Ibid.

97. W.V. Famwang, Tarok Culture pp.33 - 40. We have chosen to use the term
age set because they were not sufficiently
formalized to constitute age grades; but were merely
composed of males between certain ages who in some cases might have
gone through initiation together.

98. Interviews: Zintim Miri et a!. (Ce) Langtang 10/4/1997, Daudu Yutwan
et al. (Timwat) Langtang 18/4/1997, N.F.
Lakai Introduction p.117. See Chapter V for more details.

232
99. W.V. Famwang, TarokCulturep34.

100. Ibid. p.33, see discussions especially in Chapter III and V.

101. See discussion earlier in this chapter and Chapter V.

102. This is developed in Chapter V.

103. See discussion in Chapter III and the earlier part of this
chapter.

233
 CHAPTER 5

Tarok Traditional Religion

Introduction

West African Traditional Religion is usually seen in terms of a hierarchy of

spiritual beings arranged in a kind of pyramid or triangle with the Supreme Being
at the apex, the nature gods and ancestral spirits at the sides of the triangle, and
the lower magical powers at the base. Although this has come under criticism in
some quarters, it seems applicable, with some adaptations, to the Tarok
experience.’ Thus amongst the Tarok, there are no lesser deities as the good and
evil spirits (ayir) or the idols (icir) cannot be dignified with the name of deities
because they are not intermediaries between man and God (man); they can even
be manipulated.2 In Tarok belief, the ancestral spirits (orim) are those human
beings who have died at a ripe old age, lived a full-life, and left descendants.
These persons are believed to acquire supernatural powers after death which
enable them to interfere in the affairs of their descendants and the community at
large. The ancestral cult focusing on the worship of the skulls of the deceased
ancestors is central to Tarok traditional religion. The ancestral spirits have to be
appeased to ensure good harvests. They act as intermediaries between man and
God and as important instruments of social control. Then on the lower rung are
evil forces represented by witches (ishe) and other magical powers.3 (See Figure
33).

In Tarok traditional religion, man is acted upon and interacts with these
supernatural beings. The Tarok world view is anthropocentric,

This chapter has deliberately been written in the historic present to emphasize that the traditional religion is still a
living religion for some people.
234
that is, man is given a central position from which he attempts to manipulate the
physical and supernatural world around him to his own advantage.4

It would seem to be logical that a peopl&s world view should be related to and
conceived of in terms of the ecology of the area in which they are living. Thus
the Tarok in the pre-colonial period were chiefly dependent on agriculture to
provide the bulk of their subsistence, although hunting and animal husbandry
were secondary

Figure23: Diagram of the Tarok World View According to the

Traditional Religion

The Supreme Being (Inan)

Ponzhi mbin (Spiritual Leader)

Ponzhim orin (Custodian of the Practice of

Ancestral Spirits)

Sources: Adapted from E.W. Smith’s diagram in Ernefie Ikenga

Metuh, Comparative Studies of African Traditional Religions
(Onitsha, 1997) p&I.; and Sister Maria de Paul Neiers, The Peoples of
the J05 Plateau, Nigeria. their Philosophy, Manners and Customs
(Frankfurt am Main, 1979) p.1 15 Fig.5.

235
activities. Hunting, unlike animal husbandry, was a prestigious activity
patronized by just a few. Faced with the vagaries of the weather, the Tarok were
especially desirous to control the forces of nature, especially rain, and to ensure
good crops, good hunting, natural reproduction and good fortune generally. In
Tarok traditional religion, it appears to have been the ancestral spirits (orim) who
had to be appeased to obtain the good things of life rather than God (man). This
could be a reflection of the fact that the society was highly decentralized so that it
was the local clan ancestral spirits and especially those of the ponzhi mbins of the
clans who appeared to serve as the intermediaries between man and God (man),
and who had to be appeased in the clan shrines.5

The Hierarchy of Spiritual Beings

The Supreme Being God (Inan)
The Supreme Being or God is called man in Tarok. He is believed to have created
the world and everything in it. There is however, no creation myth. Although he
is believed to have power over everything, he is conceived as being very remote
and far away in the sky. He is regarded as the highest being but according to our
sources, traditional religionists believe that it is necessary to get in touch with
him through the ancestral spirits (orirn). Although the Supreme Being (man) is
conceived as having the power over everything, people look to the ancestral
spirits for practical assistance.6

The Ancestral Spirits (orim)

Tarok traditional religionists believe that deceased members of their families who
are sufficiently remote become ancestral spirits (orim).

According to long standing traditional beliefs, our

grandparents can become ancestral spirits, people who

236
 died long ago, who are so remote that their names cannot even be
remembered. Those who died more recently become oka .7

Ancestral spirits exist at different levels with those of the lineages which supply
the ponzhi mbins of the various clans. They are subjects of a special veneration at
each clan’s ritual site. Among the Ce, a special cult is maintained by the
decendants of Gandulong for him and those who succeeded him as ponzhi mbins
at Langyi. After the death of a priest-chief (ponzhi mbin), aperiod of about two
years might elapse before the deceased’s skull would be removed on the eve of
Nce awap. It would then be taken to the incumbent ponzhi mbin who would look
at it to determine whether the deceased had been a witch. This is determined by
looking to see if there are any unnatural holes in the skull through which water
would pour out. If there are such holes, the skull would be returned to the grave
as that of a witch and not worthy of worship. If he had not been a witch, the skull
would be buried and a mud pyramid would be raised over it. Each year, the mud
would be rebuilt, and raised a bit higher so that the oldest skull had the highest
mud pyramid over it. Sacrifices of a ram and a chicken were made to Gandulong
each year by the Ce at Nce awap and prayers offered to God (man) to bring
blessings to his people. On these occasions, a paste is made from ground guinea
corn mixed with water and placed on the forehead, the chest and the back of the
hands of participants to symbolize peace and blessings from the ancestral spirits.
Nce awap is carried out at clan level by all clans at their different ritual sites
where the skulls of their deceased ancestors are preserved.8

The ancestral spirits are believed to have power over their descendants, and so it
is important that they should not be offended. If they do, the spirits will visit
misfortunes and illness upon them or their livestock may die. In such a case, it is
necessary to placate them by offering sacrifices and asking for forgiveness.9

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The ancestral spirits are believed to appear on certain occasions. Thus what are
known as orim bin in Nimbar and Zinni and as Ndangmar in Bwarat, appear in
good years when there is plenty of food in the land, usually from June to July, but
not in bad years. These appearances, in the case of the Nimbar clan grouping, are
coordinated by the Ponzhi Mbin Ce. The ancestral spirits are believed to go on
regular circuits starting from Tarok to Wallang, Kuffen to Kantang until the
entire territory of the clan groupings has been covered. The ancestral spirits are
accompanied only by those already initiated. The women cook food, brew local
beer and take them to the shrine. The ancestral spirits bless the women who have
prepared the food and drink, and promise to solve their problems. Women and
the uninitiated are not allowed to see ancestral spirits.10

Ancestral spirits are also believed to appear in the form of masquerades called
orim sal. which appear to come out chiefly for the amusement of the people and
dance with young girls. According to our research, these have chiefly been
borrowed from neighbouring groups such as the Boghom. This practice is more
commonly found in Bwarat and Gani districts. One example of such a
masquerade is Kaura which is believed to be derived from the Boghom people in
Dengi, Kanam LGA, where it is called Sadulong. It is dressed like a woman and
makes funny noises. It can come out at any time and dances with girls. Women
have to bow down and show it respect; so it has a role as an instrument of social
control. Lagbasa is similar to Kaura, and is also derived from the Boghom in
Dengi. It is found chiefly in Gani. Sarauniya is similar to Kaura, and comes out
and dance with girls. It is found in Bwarat and Gani. Zhintah comes out in the
rainy season when the crops are ready to be harvested, and serves as a kind of
policeman who drives away thieves from the farms. Dudu was created by a Tarok
man called Kah Tim in a village inhabited by Tarok called Nduwi in Wase LGA
in 1946. It appears in the evening after the farming season and dances with girls.
Although these masquerades (orim sal) serve as a form of social control, they are
largely for amusement and can be seen by women and children.11

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In addition, there are orim kaka which are believed to be female ancestral spirits.
A woman who is entitled to become a kaka is called salyir This female ancestral
spirit appears to one of her descendants in a dream, or the descendant comes to
believe that she is possessed by the spirit of one of her female ancestral spirits
(mashin). The woman then institutes a cult for that particular female ancestral
spirit whom she believes has given her the supernatural power. Every year, the
descendants will hold a big feast and dance for three days. The cult of orim kaka
is found all over Tarokland.12

Another form of the ancestral spirit is that of Nzhin got. This ancestral spirit
helps its descendants, and is worshipped as an idol (icir) in a hut; but chiefly in
the ritual grove. This is a very exclusive cult in which only two or three worship
at the shrine. If a ram is offered as a sacrifice, it has to be consumed in the ritual
grove as it cannot be removed from there. It is believed that if a cult member is
threatened, he can call upon his ancestral spirit and disappear.13

In the pre-colonial period, the ancestral cult was one into which all boys were
initiated, and once this had taken place, they were not supposed to reveal the
secrets of the cult to the uninitiated or to women. They were also not supposed to
express scepticism or discontent with the workings of the cult or to break its
rules. Should anybody do so, such a person would be killed by the members of
the ancestral cult who would then report that the individual in question had been
‘swallowed by the ancestors’. The ancestral cult is headed by the ponzhi mbin at
clan level or in a particular locality. It constitutes a powerful instrument of social
control within the society which maintains discipline amongst its own members
as well as over women and children.14

It is believed that when a man dies at a ripe old age, his spirit goes to join the
ancestral spirits in the ritual grove of his clan. If he had achieved all that he
wanted in life, he would become an ancestral spirit. But if he still had things to
do, he can be reincarnated in one of his descendants who would have a similar
disposition and character

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as himself. If he is not happy with his former family, he can be reborn in another
family. This would continue until he was ready to become an ancestral spirit.15

Spirits (ayir)

It is a common belief amongst the Tarok that there are good and bad spirits (ayir).
According to some of our sources, the good spirits are the white ones (ayir lirJIr),
while other sources describe them as red (ayir razan). The bad spirits are said to
be black (ayir labar). Such spirits are believed to be present in groves of trees,
rocks and rivers, and they cannot be seen by ordinary people. They can only be
seen by people with supernatural powers (nimmaman) who can act as
intermediaries between ordinary men and such spirits.16

In the case of the good spirits the Tarok believe that hunters can meet them in the
bush and strike deals with them. Thus if a particular hunter does certain things,
the spirits (ayir) will allow him to hunt a particular kind of animal for so many
years and then die. Similar deals could be struck with them to ensure that
domestic animals multiplied or that there would be good harvests. When the
spirits (ayir) demand their gifts back, the recipient dies. Other persons are reputed
to put a sticky substance on the soles of their feet and step on the spirits’ seed
which will then stick to their feet. In this way, they will be able to take it away
with them without the spirits (ayir) knowing, and they will then become rich.
Thus in the case of the good spirits, those with supernatural powers (iniminaman)
can strike these Faustian bargains with them and prosper for so many years until
the spirits recall their gifts, whereupon they would die.17

It is believed that evil spirits can strike down people whom they meet by chance,
leaving them paralysed, dumb or mad. The person affected would have to go to a
nimmamam who would communicate with the spirit and find out what was the
matter. They would then sacrifice a black goat or a chicken, to make the patient
get better.18

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Idols (Icir)
There are carved figures called idols in the literature (icir). They are believed to
be infused by spirits that give them supernatural powers to heal (komtem) or cure
barrenness in women, ke-man and atau. Such idols could be either male or
female.’ Rev. W.L. Broadbent described a female idol bought by his colleague,
Mr. Aust as follows:

She had a slender waist. The idol seems to be suffering from that dreadful disease
which swells the legs and feet till they resemble elephants’ feet, and so is called
Elephantiasis. For the calf is six inches round, it is as big as the waist. The foot is
four inches long, and the toes are formed simply by four cuts, similarly four cuts
in the hand serve for the fingers. She stands twenty-two inches high and her face
is quite a study. Probably he did not intend it so, yet the mouth is all but two
inches long, as broad as the forehead. Holes are pierced for the eyes, nostrils, and
ears. The tribal marks, too, are faithfully shown, six cuts from the eye to the ear.
Also there is well depicted one of the fantastic modes of doing their hair. 20

Some idols are small like children. People are supposed to avert their eyes and
not look at them.2’ They can be bought or inherited. According to Wilson V.
Famwang in Tarok Culture, such an idol (icir) might cost from ten to twenty
goats which was considered to be very expensive in those days.22 They are kept
in small huts which serve as shrines, and periodic libations are poured to them. In
the shrine, there might also be stones and perhaps a ritual spear or other ritual
objects which, unlike the idol, are never removed from the shrine, The idol called
komicin, is brought out from time to time to dance; but people are not allowed to
look at it, It is carried from house to house, has marks made from white flour on
his chest, and stomach, Those idols are believed to have healing powers (komten)
and are supposed to be infused by a spirit which likes helping people. The
members of komten cult are persons who have been cured by its healing
powera.23

There are other kinds of idols called waldu, k=nwn and itau which

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are chiefly connected with healing, cures for baffenness and so on. There is an
idol made from stone called icir ipang which has an evil spirit. Some people take
it home thinking that it is good; but find that it is dangerous, and have to throw it
away. Another idol, is called agbeshi because it is made from the horn of an
antelope. If one is not available, then the horn is carved from wood. It is an idol
for women. It is also believed to have curative powers. An agbeshi is either
inherited, or if a woman falls ill, a diviner may inform her that she has been
chosen by the idol to serve it. The woman then acquires an agheshi and institutes
the cult by inviting other persons to the dedication of the idol.24

These idols, are believed to be infused with spirits who generally have healing
powers. Those who believe that they have been cured through the intervention of
the idols become members of the cult connected with the idol.

Witches (Ishe)

There is still a strong belief in witches (ishe) and witchcraft amongst the Tarok.
They believe that there are certain persons with supernatural powers who can
attack other human beings and consume them metaphysically so that the victims
become ill and eventually die. Apart from witches who only use their psychic
powers, the Tarok also believe there are sorcerers who use ‘medicines’ to kill
people by poisoning them25

The popular belief is that witches go out at night and leave their lifeless bodies
sleeping at home. They meet in riverine areas or perch on the branches of silk
cotton (icir) and baobab (itun) trees, It is believed that members of a group of
witches are expected to take turns in offering a relation for consumption. This is
expressed by saying that the victim’s shadow (alakan) has been caught, and tied
up in the bush. It is believed that when this happens) the victim would suffer
from a lingering illness and eventually die. Witches are

242
believed to be able to fly through the air, display a bright light or become certain
kinds of birds such as owls and iwor-ku, a harbinger of death. When such birds
are heard around a compound at night, it is feared that there are witches moving
about with sinister intentions against the people of the compound.26

it is generally believed that a victim under an attack suffers from the sensation of
having his or her chest pressed upon by a heavy weight and often sees his or her
attackers in a dream. On many such occasions, the victim would be able to
identify the person he believes is attacking him, through dreams. Where the
victim identifies a particular person as being the witch attacking him or her, the
accused witch would be forced to step over the body of the victim. It is believed
that this would produce a cure.27

It is widely believed that hunters and herbalists who have supernatural powers
(nimmaman) can identify witches, catch them at night, give them severe beatings
and even kill them. If a hunter or herbalist succeeds in capturing the soul of a
witch when he or she is outside the body, then the soilless body of the witch
would be like someone who is dead or in a coma. It is alleged that rather than risk
this, the witch would be forced to come to terms with the hunter or herbalist and
pay him a chicken or a ram.28

Witches are believed to attack their close relatives, especially children. Thus a
mother who is a witch might offer one of her own children as her individual
contribution to the other members of the coven of witches. Witches do not
operate over long distanoes29

It is believed that associations of witches are dominated by women They, in turn,

recruit their own children by giving them food mixed with human flesh to make
them become involuntary members of the witchcraft association30

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In the past, people were very watchful and would refuse food offered them by a
suspected witch, lest they be initiated into witchcraft. People also used
‘medicine’ to protect themselves, especially young children, and their houses.
There is also an evil smelling ‘medicine’ which is burned on a charcoal fire
believed to serve as a repellant against witches.31

Thus the belief in witches as evil forces which cause illness and death is very real
to the Tarok man; and he seeks protection for himself and his family through the
services of herbalists or diviners who detect witches and provide protective
‘medicine’.

II Religious Specialists

Priest-chiefs (ponzhi mbins)

The most iinpo#ant religious specialists are the pc,.u4f /,vtSl?zr at the clan or
village levels. They have to be of good behaviour and observe the various taboos
to be fit to perform the rituals. According to sources:

If there is a drought or crop failure, the people will go to him (ponzhi mbin) and
say ‘Why, do you not care?’ He would then have to call an investigation to find
out if someone has been treated unjustly and has made a curse, which has
affected the weather. The person concerned would be begged to lift his curse.32

The ponzhi mbins of clans and localities take leading roles in the Nce awap
festival at which the mud pyramids erected over the skulls of the clan and family
ancestors are rebuilt with mud after the rainy season. Sacrifices of chickens and
rams are offered to the ancestral spirits to ensure their goodwill and their
intercession with God (man). Thus the ponzhi mbins at the various levels have
very important roles to play in ensuring that necessary rituals are

244
performed to appease ancestral spirits to grant good health, good harvest and
good life in the land.33

A leading participant in the ancestral cult is the ponzhi rim who is chosen on the
basis of his personal achievements. He is someone who is proficient in singing
the several orim songs. His leadership is only concerned with the outings of the
members of the ancestral cult when they want to discipline or intimidate people.
He runs in front, carrying ‘medicine’ in a calabash and singing the orim songs to
ward off any danger. The position is not hereditary, and is based on merit. If
someone feels that he can sing the orim songs better, he could challenge the
ponzhi rim by taking the lead in singing, and if it is accepted that he performs
better, he would replace the incumbent.34

At family and clan levels, the person’ in charge of the shrine (mandam) is known
as the nimgbak anung orim. He knows the secrets for the making of’medicine’.
Each family and clan has its own special ‘medicine’, and the formula was known
only to the nimgbak anung orim. These are at different levels and it could be
combined with the position ofponzhi mbin; but not always. The position is
hereditary in certain families and the holder trains his successor in the secrets of
making the special ‘medicine.35

Persons with Supernatural Powers (Nimmamam)

Persons with supernatural powers (nimmamam) are of two types:

Firstly, there are those who used to go to war and become heroes. They are
believed to be able to make themselves invisible, and can go to the enemy’s camp
to learn their strategy, which they then bring to their own side. It is further
believed that they are very difficult to kill because, when hard-pressed, they can
turn themselves into birds or any other creature. Secondly, there are those who
use their supernatural powers to become great diviners (ivak). They diagnose
diseases and communicate with evil spirits (ayir). They are often regarded as
having ‘open heads’. They can foresee the future and warn people of coming
events.36

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Diviners (ivak)

Diviners (ivak) are of two types: firstly, there are those who learn their profession
on their own. They have supernatural powers and are referred to as nimmamam.
Secondly, there are others who learn the profession from other diviners. People
consult them about illnesses, and their possible causes. If the crops are not doing
well, people might think that someone is responsible, and hence consult a diviner.
Cases of barrenness in women might also be referred to a diviner. A diviner, in
some cases, combines divination with the work of a herbalist; he diagnoses and
prescribes herbal remedies. In other cases, he would refer the patient to a
herbalist who would treat the illness.37

Diviners practice a wide range of divination techniques. These include throwing

stones said to be obtained from crocodile stomachs, or the use of six guinea fowl
feathers which are put in a sticky substance and covered with a calabash and
asked questions. If the answer is positive, all the feathers will stand erect, if not,
the diviner will put another question. A third method is to ask a question of a
certain animal skin, and the skin will take the form of the animal and bite a
calabash. Some diviners use the horns of certain kinds of animals attached to a
string, and ask the horns questions.38

Herbalists orNative Doctors

There are herbalists who specialize in treating illnesses by prescribing herbs or by
invoking the power of a particular idol. Such persons might inherit their
profession and expertise from their parents. They may take up the profession as a
result of some religious experience such as spirit possession or a belief that
having been cured by the spiritual force embodied in an idol, one should become
a devotee of the cult associated with that idol. Such herbalists can either be men
or women.39

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 III. Rites of Passage

Van Gennep defines ‘rites de passage’ as ‘rites which accompany every change
of place, state, social position, and age’40. Rites of passage are groups of rituals
which mark transitions from one phase of life of an individual or community to
another, such as birth, initiation into adulthood, marriage rites, and funeral rites.
In this section, we are concerned with those which mark transitions in the life of
an individual in a community rather than rites of affliction which are performed
when someone is ill.4’ One of the principal insights of Van Gennep was to show
that the collection of rituals which make up a given rite of passage can be divided
into three major phases: one of separation, a liminal period or transition, and one
of incorporation. Thus in the case of initiation, there are usually three
recognizable phases, the first being one in which the boy is separated from his
old status and identifies as a boy, while the second or liminal phase is one in
which he exists in a state of limbo, and then in the third phase he is incorporated
into the community as an adult male who is able to marry.42

Initiation
Although the rite of initiation is one of the most significant of the rites of
passage, the data for Tarok is not as readily available as that for burials. This has
come about, because those initiated into the ancestral cult are sworn to secrecy on
pain of death. The first stage or circumcision takes place between about the ages
of ten to twelve years at the family level. It is carried out by a professional
circumcise. It is an essential preliminary to the rite of initiation.43 For example,
the ponzhi mbin of Timwat would announce about every fifteen years, that there
are enough boys to be initiated.4’ The process of initiation is described in the
terms of the idiom of the ancestral cult as being one in which the adolescent boy
is swallowed by the ancestral spirits and after much suffering, he would be
regurgitated. If a boy dies during the process of initiation, his parents are
informed that “the ancestral spirits have swallowed him.”44

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Tarok boys are isolated from their parents at a ritual place for four or more days
where they are subjected to much physical maltreatment in order to harden them
for their future roles as men and warriors. At the same time, they are initiated into
the secrets of the ancestral cult which they are ordered not to reveal to women or
the uninitiated on pain of death. At the same time, they are washed with medicine
which is believed to give them supernatural powers. Once initiation is over, the
boys are regarded as adults and are free to marry.45

Initiation serves as a rite of transition from boyhood to adulthood in which a boy

is hardened and tested for the rigours of adulthood which lie ahead. It separates
men from women, and engenders that sense of male superiority over women
which is such a prominent feature of pre-colonial Tarok society.46

Marriage

Marriage is an important rite of passage in which a girl is separated from her

father’s house and goes to live in that of her husband. The unique feature of
Tarok marriage is the continued importance of matrilineal relatives, and the
incomplete transfer of rights over his children to the husband and biological
father. As described in the previous chapter, a Tarok girl may have several suitors
who provide labour services and present her with gifts until she decides which of
her suitors she prefers. Then she and the boy arrange together to elope from her
father’s house. The girl will be taken from her father’s compound by the boy and
his friends late at night by carrying her over ajoining wall (abar) close to the
girl’s room.47

Having forcibly removed the girl, it is essential for the groom’s parents to send a
message to the girl’s parents informing them that their missing daughter is with
them. A middleman delivers their message and presents the father and mother of
the bride with tobacco separately. At first, they may express extreme annoyance
and refuse to accept the tobacco, but, they will eventually accept the fait
accomplish.48

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When a girl elops, about thirty bridal hoes (adir abwa) and a long piece of Hausa
cloth (agodo) are left behind in her hut for her mother and sisters. It is after the
elopement and the acceptance of tobacco by the parents, that serious negotiations
begin. The groom will be summoned by his father-in-law to inform him of the
various items paid by the other suitors which he is expected to repay
instalmentally over the nexWo to three months.49

There is a minimum period between the girl’s elopement and her return to her
father’s house (ntur ucar). It usually lasts seven days or more. During this period,
while the young woman stays in the groom’s house she is not expected to
consume any solid food but only to drink kunu. The bride does not do any
farmwork but lies down indoors. She sweeps the compound early in the morning
before anybody is up. She avoids being seen by her in-laws and thereby earns a
good name. During this period, the bride becomes emaciated, especially if the
period is prolonged for more than a week. This is regarded as a sign of merit.
When this period is over, she returns to her father’s house before coming back to
the groom’s house to resume her marriage(ntem cir). She is then fully
incorporated into the groom’s family except that her maternal uncle (kyan) still
has powers over her children. Only the males can be redeemed.50

The groom is expected to provide a large traditional Tarok basket (anap) of

guinea corn and a fully grown ram which are used to provide a feast (iyembar).
During this feast, the groom and his friends repair the damaged joining wall
(abar). At some stage, the bride will stand on the bridal hoes which had been
placed beneath the wall as the father’s kinsmen utter words of reconciliation and
forgiveness to the groom for damaging the wall. Then the ram is slaughtered and
cooked. The parts of the ram are divided amongst relatives and those present
according to a definite prescription.51

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In addition, the bride’s mother informs her maternal uncle (kyan) of the
prospective marriage. The groom is expected to visit him and ask his wishes for
the yemdong by which he would notify his uterine kin and ancestral spirits of the
impending marriage. Usually a large traditional Tarok basket (anap) of guinea
corn, and other foodstuffs are provided. At the feast, the bride’s kyan blesses the
marriage and this clears the way for the subsequent redemption of the male
children of the marriage by their father. 52

Meanwhile, the bride’s mother, her maternal kinsmen and others collect items
necessary to set up a viable household as well as large quantities of foodstuff.
These are conveyed to the husband’s house by the young girls and older women
of the bride’s village. They usually arrive at the husband’s house at night so that
the bride’s face would not be seen. Warm water is then given to the bride, the
bridal party, as well as the groom. The groom then slaughters a ram and the meat
is cooked and distributed amongst the bridal party. The feasting is accompanied
by dancing. The following day, the bridal party sweeps the groom’s compound,
collects and washes the calabashes used to serve them. After a day, the bridal
party returns home escorted by young women from the groom’s area. This
constitutes the rite of incorporation of the bride into her husband’s family subject
only to the rights of her kyan.53

Burial
The elaborateness of the deceased’s burial rites depends on the social status of
the individual concerned. For an ordinary person, the mourning lasts three days.
Mourning is differed for about a year for an important person, preferably during
the dry season, at which time there will be a great feasting. This is called iku-
naknak or ‘deferred mourning’ Mourning is differed to give the deceased an
appropriate sendoff to the other world.54

Normal mourning lasts three days when nobody goes to the farm. The
actual burial takes place on the first day. If death occurs during the

250
night or early in the morning, the body is buried early in the morning or in the
evening of the next day. Burials never take place in the afternoon because it is
said that a Tarokman does not start ajourney in the afternoon but in the morning
or in the evening. To preserve the body, guinea corn chaff (izuzul) is burned
overnight in the room of the deceased by elderly women and then the burial takes
place the following day.55

The news is spread to neighbours, relatives and other interested parties; but the
information is only given to men, as women are considered to be too emotional.
The news is usually conveyed in a euphemism. For example, when the head of a
family dies, the message would be “the big tree has fallen”.56

The site of the grave might have been chosen by the deceased person during his
lifetime, or more commonly by the elders of the deceased’s family after his
death. Where a new grave has to be dug, the eldest man in the family will break
the ground, and then the younger men do the actual digging. Given the rocky
nature of the ground, graves are relatively shallow. Having dug a well shaft for
about three to four feet, a burial chamber is excavated. It is often as long as the
height of the deceased, and then the body would be lowered into the grave. The
body is placed lying straight in the grave with the head facing sideways towards
Langyi in the case ofNimbar clans.57

The body is wrapped in a mat of cornstalks which are subsequently burned and
not buried with the body. After the body is taken out of the room, it is taken to
the door at the main entrance facing the path that leads out of the house. An elder
of the house says a prayer commenting on the inevitability of death and hoping
that the deceased will take the straight and narrow path and not linger and scare
his relations. The body is then carried by the young men to the grave and a
whistle (izur iku) blown to signal the departure of the spirit from the house. So
long as the body is within the compound, the women did not wail; but once it is
carried out, the women start

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wailing, drums are beaten, and whistles blown to drive the spirit of the deceased
away and prevent it from troubling the relations.58

At the graveside, the body is taken round the grave so that it can inspect its new
quarters. It is then placed on the ground beside the grave, on the left side for a
woman and on the right for a man. The head of the deceased faces towards
Langyi, the location of the major ritual site ofNimbar clans.59

After this, the men assemble at a particular place and demonstrate the evade
dance called nga nga or fight against death. In this dance, the male relatives of
the deceased use various weapons to fight against death; but are ultimately
unsuccessful. They then sit around with long faces since men not are allowed to
weep or to mourn ostentatiously.60

The second day is one of intense mourning. It i opthis day that the spirit of the
deceased which is believed to be still lingering in the house, is escorted out of the
house. This process is known as nkamorim. In the case of a man his bow and
arrows, and in the case of a woman, some of her domestic utensils, are taken
along the path leading out of the house towards the east. After this the mourners
return home and assume that the ghost has departed from the house.60

On the third day, the mourners shave their hair. This represents the final day of
mourning. The subsequent growth of the hair signifies that life goes on. The
sweeping out of the compound (iku wur - atak) also takes place on the third day,
and also signifies the departure of the spirit of the deceased from the compound.62

In the case of an important man, deferred mourning (iku inahnak) is held after
some months, usually during the dry season from January to March. On such an
occasion, all the relations are invited and those families which have joking
relations (onim jam) with the family of the deceased. The ponzhi mbin then leads
the evade dance by the various related family groups. A cow is killed and its head
placed high up in a tree. The families who maintain joking relations or are

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playmates of the deceased’s family are expected to climb the tree and remove the
head in the face of resistance from members of the family of the deceased. The
playmates will also attempt to penetrate the deceased’s compound to remove
items of their choice. They may even dance on the grave of the deceased. Later,
they would be served the local beer and their portion of meat. The rest of the
meat is divided according to set rules amongst relations. This ritual is a final send
off of the spirit of the deceased to the ritual grove of the particular family where
it is believed that the ancestral spirits live.63

After two years, the skulls of important persons, especially ponzhi mbins are
removed and examined to see if they had been witches. If they were not, mud
pyramids are erected over such skulls to be rebuilt each year at Nce awap and
sacrifices offered to the ancestral spirits 64

The rituals described thus far are rites of separation intended to detach the spirit
of the deceased from his living relatives. After a liminal period when he lived in
the forest, he becomes a fully fledged ancestral spirit who would be venerated by
his descendants in the ancestral shrine in the sacred grove. Those who have been
ponzhi mbins and important men had their skulls removed and placed in holes in
the ground over which mud pyramids are raised. Every year, at the time of Nce
awap, sacrifices are offered to them by their descendants. Thus> the spirit of the
deceased becomes incorporated in the ranks of the ancestral spirits but is still able
to influence the lives of his descendants.’65

From the foregoing discourse, it is apparent that the Tarok, like most human
communitIes, mark the various stages of the human life cycle with rites of
passage which, in most cases, correspond to the classical stages laid down by
Van Gennep.

253
 IV. Festivals and Rituals

In addition to rites of passage, the Tarok have a number of festivals and rituals,
some of which correspond to the periods of activity in the farming year. They are
connected with ancestral cults such as Nee awap and Kampye. The latter seems
to have warlike overtones. Not all clans perform the same festivals, as indicated
in Chapter II, and not all of the clans which perform a particular festival or ritual
perform it at the same time or in the same way.66

Sowing Rites

Rites which are performed before the sowing of crops are naturally very
important in a predominantly agricultural community. In this category, there are
four major sowing rites, Imalkan performed by the Timwat in the Plain Tarok
area, the Kuswan in Gyang the Warok in Zinni, some clans in Bwarat, and most
of the clans in Gani. The Gwashik is performed in the Zinni group of clans in the
Hill Tarok area; Nbanshi orim is performed by clans claiming to come from
Kwararafa, while clans in Kwallak perform the Nce Izun, (a dry season festival).
It has been suggested that Imalkan is of Montol origin and that it spread by way
of Gyang to Timwat and Bwarat; but this is not verifiable at present. There is a
preliminary ritual to Imalkan in Nimbar called Mpwak Nkantang. The ritual
begins at Nkantang stream, South-East of Kuf,en with a hunting expedition by
the Marzwal family (Ce) and Mbap since they settled there. Hunting is carried
out by setting fire to the bush and killing any animals. The first animal to be
killed is always given to the Marzwal (Ce) and Map clans for sacrifice. Any other
animals killed belongs to those who kill them. A part of the meat is taken to the
Ponzhi Mbin Ce at Langyi, This procedure is followed until all of the Langtang
area is covered.67

254
After the ritual of NpwakNkangtang has been performed, the Timwat begins
Imalkan proper. Abarlmalkan is a hunting expedition held on the eve of the main
festival. A section of the Timwat family meets at Mandam Ladu (hill) and departs
at Mmula (plain) on the first day. Their route is from the foot of Ladu Hill,
through Kuffen town to Nwolop. On the second day of the Imalkan ritual the
Timwat meet at Itu Lumbut near Nsemdap and run towards Ilefar. The Ce who
would have been beating their ritual drum (ikang) while waiting for the Timwat,
then set out for the Kanj iii river. They climb a hill to mark the climax of the
festival. Being a kind of fertility ritual, it is believed that anyone who plants crops
before performing this ritual, will have a poor harvest. It is at this time that the
ancestral spirits are believed to appear. Therefore women and uninitiated boys
have to hide . Imalkan is performed with local variations by the Gyang, the
Warok in Gazum and some clans of the Bwarat and the Pu Gani.68

In the Zinni group of clans, the principal sowing rite which has to be performed
before crops could be sown was called Gwashik. It is performed first by two
families in Lagan called the Gital and the Guntul. They decide who should
perform it. It is performed in March before the rains. Those who perform it go up
a week in advance, and bum the bush at a place called Nizang near Lagan. They
remain there for three days seeking the blessings of the ancestral spirits who are
supposed to come out at this time. Gwashik is then taken up by Timmot in
Gantang, and then the other clans do it in turns,69

Nbanshi orim is a sowing rite performed chiefly by clans claiming origin from
Kwararafa and found in Bwarat and Pu Gani.7° It seems to also involve a hunting
expedition during which the meat of all the animals is sacrificed. On the next day,
the ancestral spirits come out and bless the people, to make the rains come in
good time.70

In Kwallak, the Guzum are in charge of Nce Izum (a dry season festival). They
go to a distant hill and on their way back, the ancestral spirits will come behind
them, crying. Hunters will go hunting. The

255
game caught is then offered at the shrine by the participants, they believe that in
this way, they will obtain the blessings of the ancestral spirits for the coming
farming season.72

Rain Rites

It is commonly believed that the principal causes of the lack of rain are that
someone feels he had been unjustly treated and so in retaliation, he deliberately
withholds the rain, or that someone had killed a particular kind of bird associated
with rain, called inyalu.73 In the first case, the ponzhi mbin would call a meeting
of the people to find out who had caused the drought. If it is found that someone
has a legitimate grievance and has stopped the rain, they would beg him to forget
the matter and allow it to rain.74 When someone confesses to having killed an
inyalu bird, a black sheep is sacrificed and then the man responsible has a gourd
tied to his head. Mud is smeared on his forehead and on the back of his head and
he is forced to dance a humiliating dance symbolizing the humiliation that had
been inflicted on the bird.75 According to sources in Dangre, Bwarat, the person
who kills the bird has to provide a ram to be sacrificed. Amud model of the bird
is then made and people will sing a song in imitation of the bird. The guilty party
is made to carry the model of the bird.76 If nobody is found to be responsible, a
ritual, N-yin iku ivor is performed at a ritual place where the priest-chief (ponzhi
mbin) pours libation of guinea corn flour mixed with water and drinks some local
beer. The people perform various dances, and the men attack a tree as if it was
the enemy. Then they will walk in a stream until they come to a pool and bath
themselves, holding leaves. In the evening, they take local beer. It is believed that
rain will surely follow.” According to sources in Myor, Bwarat, they will go to a
particular ritual place associated with rain and make sacrifices and then they will
walk in a stream until they come to a pool where they will bathe, holding
lcaves.78 This serves as a kind of magic to bring down rain.

256
Nce awap

Nce awap is the annual festival held to venerate the skulls of past ponzhi rnbins
of a particular clan. The ritual is performed throughout Tarokland and has, over
time, acquired great importance amongst the Nimbar section of the Plain Tarok.
The Ce are the first to perform Nce awap. The occasion provides an opportunity
for discussions between clan leaders in the Lon gong or shrine. It is also marked
by great celebrations, dancing and consumption of local beer. The ritual aspect of
the festival seeks to obtain the blessings of the ancestral spirits on their
descendants, and intercede with God (man) who is too remote to be worshipped.79

Kampye (Shooting at the moon)

There are a number of variations in Kampye (shooting of the moon) between the
Ce, the Kumbwang, the Zinni and the clans in the Bwarat. In the Nimbar group of
clans, it is performed by the Kumbwang and the Ce (Nsim) who do it during the
day, while the Dambar (a clan of Ngas origin) who performs it on behalf of the
Zinni, does it at night like the Jat in Bwarat.80 The Ce and the Kumbwang
(Nimbar) usually perform it between October and November, the Gebang (Zinni)
in August, the Dambar (Zinni) and the Binding (Gani) in October, the Kuswan in
Gyang (Fungyallang), the Jat (Bwarat) in September, the Shamot in Sa, in
April.81 The Kumbwang does it in the morning while the Ce (Nsim) does it in the
evening on behalf of the other royal families in Ce.

According to Nansoh F. Lakai’s account of Kampye in Ce, the skulls of enemies

and of dangerous animals are taken out and the ritual spear is hurled at them and
left in the ground for twenty-eight days. After the hurling of the spear, whistles
(izur) are blown followed by the beating of the war drum (igangan-nga). Then the
Ce-related clans would demonstrate the war dance (evade) in the performance of
which they would be joined by Galli, Mbap and Kankur. If it rains

257
During the night after ritual, a chicken is sacrificed as it is believed that the rain
would have washed away the footprints of the enemy.82

This ritual seems to have implications for warfare because of the use of skulls
and because it takes place before the coming of the dry season which is the
principal time for warfare.83 It also appears to be a kind of first fruits festival
because after Kampye has been performed by the Ce and Kumbwang, certain
crops can be eaten. Such new crops, izhakan, are a kind of indigenous potatoes
(turet), bambara nuts, beans and guinea corn. As they put it, the ritual welcomes
in the new crop.84

The Dambar (a clan of Ngas origin) performs Kampye on behalf of all the Zinni
clans. It is done in October, at the time of the full moon. They go to a place called
Kpah Bok. Nobody is allowed to play flutes and whistles for thirty days on pain
of being fined a cock. The ritual is performed with a special spear which is kept
in a secret place and which women are not allowed to see. According to our
sources, the Ponzhi Mbin Dambar waits for the moon to rise and then points the
spear; but he does not throw it and then returns it to its secret place. This ritual is
intended to obtain good health, good harvests and success in warfare for the
community. The Gebang also does Kampye in the Zinni group, but in August.85

According to Nansoh F. Lakai, the Kampye of Jat in Bwarat differs from

those in Ce and Kumbwang and Dambar. Apart from putting out the skulls, all
kinds of seeds are presented as offerings. This underlines the importance of first
fruits in the festival.86

Thus, in Tarok, there are a number of major festivals and rituals, which
reflect the origins of the various clans. There are local’ variations of these
festivals and rituals. The symbolism involved in these festivals and rituals will be
a subject in itself; but clearly, at least within their clan groupings, festivals, such
as Nce awap, help to promote unity.

258
 V. Traditional Ideas Disease and Death

In the traditional belief system, disease and death are believed to be caused by ill-
disposed individuals, living or dead, who manipulate certain powers. There is
very little conception of natural causes except in the case of an old man who is in
poor health. In such a case, his death might be considered to be natural. What
were considered to be the premature deaths of persons in their prime or of
children are considered to be unnatural, and to be the fault of someone.87 It is
believed that if the ancestral spirits feel that they are being neglected by their
descendants, they can bring them illness and misfortune. In such a case, a diviner
would be consulted and he would usually recommend that a sacrifice should be
made to the ancestral spirits.88

Another possible cause of illness is evil spirits who could strike down rsons in the
forest or when crossing rivers so that they become insane, imbeciles or go into a
coma. In such cases, a diviner could be sulted; but such cases are difficult to
cure.89

also believed that witches could cause protracted illnesses and I death. Witches
were believed to attack individuals and to tie up shadows (souls) while they
metaphysically consume their thereby causing illness. Their victims have the
physical ation that they are being pressed down upon with heavy weights. It case
of witches, resort was to preventitive medicine to induce o go away or to protect
houses from invasion by them.90

In addition, there are sorcerers who use evil ‘medicine’ to harm and, people. It is
believed that some illnesses such as leprosy are cuased by some ill-disposed
persons putting the leprosy agent the nails of the victim or in his drink. Persons
inflicted with are isolated by his family because of the fear that others
ontract it.91

259
In the past, the Tarok believed that most illnesses and deaths were inflicted
through supernatural means by witches, sorcerers, ancestral or evil spirits.
Therefore, remedies lay essentially in the supernatural realm, by conciliating the
ancestral spirits through sacrifices, by participating in the cult of a particular idol
with healing powers or by using protective ‘medicine’. In such treatments, the
diagnostic procedures followed by the diviners were very important; but in other
cases herbalists prescribes remedies for headaches, fevers, and so on.

Conclusion

An appreciation of Tarok traditional religion and world view is very important in

trying to understand Tarok culture. Living in an ecologically unfavourable
environment with a relatively poor soil and unreliable rainfall, the Tarok sought
to control and manipulate their environment by conciliating the ancestral spirits
who they believed could ensure good fortune for their descendants. They tried to
manipulate idols which were believed to have the power to heal particular
illnesses. Tarok traditional religion also served as an important instrument of
social control because it was believed that any breach of the social norms would
be quickly followed by some illness or misfortune which had to be expiated by a
sacrifice to the ancestral spirits. Tarok traditional religion, despite local
variations, served as a unifying factor throughout the Tarok area. Unlike the
revealed religions such as Christianity and Islam, the traditional religion was
flexible and could incorporate rituals and cults from neigbouring groups if they
were considered to be ritually effective. This must have helped the process of
acculturation of many diverse groups into Tarok culture. However, the historical
development of Tarok traditional religion still remains a subject of great
complexity which has not yet been unravelled.

260
 References
1. E.W. Smith’s model as discussed in Emefie Ikenga-Metuh,
Comparative Studies of African Traditional Religions.
(Onitsha 1997), pp.63 - 67; Sister Marie de Paul Neiers, The
People of the J05 Plateau, Nigeria. Their philosophy,
Manners and Customs. (Frankfort am Main, 1979) pp33 - 62;
109- 123

2. Interviews: Zinpyen Sanda et al. (Mbap) Langtang,

17/4/1997; Zintim Miri et al. (Ce) Langtang, 10/4/1997

3. Ibid. Lamle, CulturalRevivalpp.84 -85; 89- 92.

4. Ikenga-Metuh, Comparative Studies pp.61 - 80.

5. Ibid. pp.67 - 71. Interviews: Zinpyen Sanda et a!. (Mbap) Langtang,

17/4/1997; Zintim Miri et al. (Ce) Langtang,
10/4/ 1997.

6. Interview: Zintim Miri eta!. (Ce) Langtang, 10/4/1997.

7. Ibid.

8. Ibid. N. F. Lakai, Introduction pp.170 - 171; W.V. Famwang,

TarokCulturepp95 -98.

9. Ibid; and Zinpyen Sanda et a!. (Mbap) Langtang, 17/4/1997.

10. Interview: J. I Lakai, (Ce) Langtang, 13/4/1999 Many clans have sowing
rites at which the ancestral spirits are believed to appear. Interviews:
Nimbut Duwaltip. (So) Kwallak, 7/5/1998; Job Dadi, District Head eta!.
Gazurn, 8/5/1998.

11. Interview: J. J Lakai, (Ce) Langtang, 13/4/1999; N. F. Lakai, Introduction

pp.104 - 105.

261
12. Ibid.

13. N.F. Lakai, Introduction p.114.

14. Lamle, CulturalRevival pp.89 -92, 100- 102 and inforr

who prefer to remain anonymous.

15. Interview: Zintim Miri, et al. (Ce) Langtang, 10/4/1997, NJ

Lakai Introduction, p.117

16. Interview: Zinpyen Sanda et al. (Mbap) Langtang, 17/4/1 Ibid.

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid.

19. Interview: J.J Lakai, (Ce) Langtang, 13/4/1999; N. F. La Introduction

pp.106 - 107; W.V. Famwang, Tarok Cu1 pp.98- 102,183-184.

20. Rev. WL. Broadbent, ‘Yergurn (sic) Idols’ The Lightbearer

October, 1907 pp.220 - 221. There is a drawing of an icir in
21. Interview: J. J. Lakai (Ce) Langtang, 13/4/1999. W.V. Famwang, Tarok
Culture p.1 84.

22. W.V. Famwang, Tarok Culture pp.183 - 184.

23. Interview: J.J. Lakai (Ce) Langtang, 13/4/1999, N. F. Lakai,

Introduction, pp.106 - 111.

24. Ibid, and Ibid; pp 106 - 111, 113; Lamle, Cultural Revival’
Pp.96 -98.

25. N.F. Lakai,lntroductionpp.117- 122.

.

262
26. Ibid.,pp.118-119.

27. Ibid.,p.119-120

28. Ibid.,p.121

29. Ibid.,p.118;pp.120- 121

30. Ibid., p.121 -122

31. Ibid., ppl2l-122

32. Interview: Zimtim Miri et a!. (Ce) Langtang, 17/4/1997 see also discussion
in Chapter III on the roles of the ponzhi mbins in the political organization
and the taboos which surround them.

33. lbid, N. F. Lakai, introduction 170 - 173, Lamle, Cultural Revival pp.89-91

34. Interview: Rev. S. R. Longtau (Tirnwat) Jos, 1/6/1999

35. Ibid..

36 Interview: Zimpyen Sanda Wombai Langtang et at, (Mbap)

Langtang, 17/4/199; N. F. Lakai, Introduction pp.11 1 - 112.

37. Ibid.

38. Ibid.

39. Group Interview: Zinpyen Sanda, (Mbap) Langtang,

17/4/1997.

40. Van Gennep as quoted in Victor W. Turner, The Forest of

Symbols (Ithaca 1967) p.94

263
41. Ibid. pp.9 - 11 and his magnificent book, The Drums of Affliction A Study
ofReligious Processes among the
Ndembu ofZambia (Oxford, 1968)

42. Ibid. pp.93- 111

43. Interview: Daudu Yutwan, et a!., (Timwat) Langtang,

18/4/1997

44. Ibid.

45. Lamle CulturaiRevival pp.76-77

46. Ibid. Group Interview: Daudu Yutwan, et al. (Timwat) Langtang,

18/4/1997

47. M.G. and Mary F. Smith, ‘Kyanship and Kinship’ Africa Vo.60 (2) (1990)
pp.247 - 249; N. F. Lakai, Introduction
pp.13O- 134.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid.

50. Ibid.

51. Ibid.

52. Ibid.

53. Ibid.

54. N.F.Lakai Introduction, pp.154- 155

55. Ibid. pp.16! - 162; pp.178 - 179; Lamle, Cultural Reviva’ pp.44 -45,
personal observation.

264
56. N. F. Lakai, Introduction, p.162. Ibid.p. 162.3

57. Ibid. p.162.3

58. Ibid. pp.163 - 165; Interview: J.J. Lakai, 78 (Ce) Langtang,

16/14/1999

59. Ibid. p.l64.

60. Ibid. p.l65.

61. Ibid. p.l65-167

62. Ibid. p.166- 167

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid. pp. 168, 178 - 180; Personal observation; Interview: J.J. Lakai, (Ce)
Langtang, 16/4/1999.

65. Ibid. pp.170 -173; Interviews: Zintim Miri, et a! (Ce)

Langtang, 10/4/1997

66. See Discussion and Tables in Chapters II and III.

67. N. F. Lakai, Introduction pp.189 - 190; Interview: J.J. Lakai, (Ce)

Langtang, 13/4/1999

68. Ibid. pp.192 - 194; Ibid. Interview: Daudu Yutvan, et a!.

(Timwat) Langtang, 18/4/1997; and interviews in all clans.

69. Group Interview: Job Dadi, District Head et al. (Gazurn)

Gazurn 8/6/1996.

70. See Chapters II and III for distribution

265
71. Interviews: Taksung Nanvyat, PonzhiMbin La/ca et al. (Laka)
Bwarat, 13/8/1997. Ramko Wuyep, 54, Ponzhi Jat. (Jat)
Bwarat, 14/4/1999.

72. Interviews: Nimkat Kumzhi, (Guzum) Kwallak, Gazum, 7/5/1998 and

Nimbut Duwaltip, (So) Kwallak, Gazum,
7/5/1998.

73. Interviews: Daudu Yutvan, et al. (Timwat) Langtang,

18/4/1997; Lakur Vongtau, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat (Kau)
Bwarat, 1/5/1997; Ndam Lar, el a!. (Dibbar) Gazum,
15/8/1997 and any other interviews.

74. Interview: Lakur Vongtau, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat, (Kau) Bwarat, 1/5/1997
and many other interviews.

75. N. F. Lakai, Introductionp. 174

76. Group Interview: Rambang Lagum, Ponzhi Mbin Dangre et at. (Dangre)
Bwarat, 24/8/1997.

77. N. F. Lakai, Introduction, p.173 174.

78. Group Interview: Lamah Bali, Ponzhi Myer et at. (Myer) Bwarat,
12/8/1997 and many other interviews.

79. Personal observation, Group Interview, Miri Zimtim, et al.

(Ce) Langtang, 10/4/1997; N. F. Lakai, Introductionpp. 170-
173; 181. W.V. Famwang, Tarok Culture, pp.95 - 98. See
discussions in Chapters II and III.

80. Interviews: Nimyil Ndam, et al. (Kumbwang), Langtang, 15/4/1997;

Rimkup Kumtur, Dambar et a!. (Dambar), Gazuni, 26/8/1997; Nanfa
Jangbut, Ponzhi Mbin Jat et al

266
 (Jat) Bwarat, 12/8/1997 and Chapters II and III for
distributions. N. F. Lakai, Introduction, pp.175 - 176; 188-189.

81. Ibid.

82. Interviews: Nimyil Ndam, et al. (Kumbwang) Langtang,

15/4/1997; Zinghsep Mantur, Ponzhi Mbin Nani et at. (Nani)
Langtang, 22/8/1997; N. F. Lakai, Introduction, pp.188 - 189.

83. This suggestion is based on the use of the skulls of dead enemies and the
apparent warlike symbolism.

84. Group Interview: Nimyil Ndam, et a!. (Kumbwang) Langtang, 15/4/1997.

85. Group Interview: Rimkup Kumtur, Ponzhi Mbin, Dambar

et al.(Dambar)Gazum, 26/8/1997; Nansoh F. Lakai,
Introduction, pp.175 - 176.

86. N. F. Lakai,Introduction, p.175-176.

87. Interview: J.J. Lakai, (Ce) Langtang, 16/4/1999.

88. Ibid. Interview, Gale Kudor, (Galli) Langtang, 4/5/1997.

89. Ibid. Group Interview: Zimpyen Sanda, Wombai Langtang et al.

(Mbap)Langtang, 17/4/1997.

90. Ibid. N. F. Lakai, Introduction, p.117 - 122.

91. Ibid

267
 CHAPTER 6

Tarok Political Development

from the British Occupation
15 January, 1966

Introduction
On the eve of the British occupation, the Tarok had a decentralized political
system based on loose clan groupings linked by genealogical charters, shared
religious festivals such as Nce awap and common cultural practices like, the
sharing of meat. These clan groupings consisted of those in the Hill Tarok area,
namely the Zinni, Kwallak and Gyang, and others in the Plain area Nimbar,
Bwarat and Sa (Gani). Each clan grouping was composed of autonomous clans
and was headed by a ponzhi mbin who had spiritual powers based on his position
in the ancestral cult, his ability to perform rituals and his knowledge
of’medicine’. In addition, each ponzhi mbin shared most of his powers with a
council of elders, while the members of the ancestral cult served as enforcers of
his decisions. Each clan grouping had a senior clan whose ponzhi mbin had very
strong ‘medicine’ and various ritual roles. In the event of natural disasters such as
drought or locust invasions which affected the whole of Tarokiand, or external
attack, the senior ponzhi mbins would coordinate action within their clan
groupings, and if necessary resolve such problems. Since it was such a
decentralized polit’ical system, friction between component parts has occurred
over the division of game, land or women. This could have led to fighting
between clans, and attempts to localize such conflicts and achieve a settlement.

It was only the Sa or Gani, under threat from the Fulani in Wase, that entered into
amana relations with Wase. Negotiations were carried out

268
by the Grinkor and the Kuromfat who were regarded as political chiefs by the
Hausas. Thus Sa or Gani, on the eve of the British conquest, was on the way to
achieving the separation of political and religious functions, and was in the
process of adopting certain Hausa customs.

Following the British occupation, certain changes were introduced into the
political system. Examples of such changes are: the creation of the political
chiefs or ponzhi nasara, taxation, and native courts which brought irreversible
changes to the traditional political system. The political chiefs, who were
supposed to be the nominees and deputies oftheponzhi rnbins, gradually took on
the powers and airs of actual chiefs. They began to acquire power and authority,
leaving the ponzhi mbins with authority only on religious matters.

The British attempted a series of political experiments by placing the Plain Tarok
under the Long Duut of Shendam and then under the Emir of Wase in accordance
with their conceptions of indirect rule. From the 1920s, colonial policy became
one of trying to unite the Hill and Plain Tarok under the same Native Authority.
The attempt failed in 1934, but was eventually achieved in 1956 with the creation
of the Ponzhi Tarok institution.

Following the Second World War, there emerged a mission-educated elite who,
along with the ex-soldiers, founded the Yergam Union in 1951. They
compaigned for the creation of the Ponzhi Tarok institution; and for Tarok rights
in the former Resettlement now Langtang-South LGA which was under Shendam
Federation Council. They were generally sympathetic to the Middle Belt
Movement and put up candidates in the elections of the late colonial and early
independence periods. However they were only successful in 1959 in securing
the election of Mr. Solomon Daushep Lar to the central house in Lagos.
Thereafter, the Middle Belt movement in Tarokiand suffered political eclipse as
the activists had to succumb to the superior might of the Northern Peoples
Congress (NPC).

269
I. The Political Development of the Tarok from 1904 -
1945

The Coming of the British and the Creation of Political Chiefs

(ponzhinasara) 1904 -1912

Even before the formal declaration of the British protectorate over Northern
Nigeria, the Royal Niger Company (RNC) had become involved in the politics of
the Wase area from its base at Ibi. In 1874, Sarkin Dutse (the title of the chief of
Wase), Sulaiman, was expelled and he took refuge in Dampar from where he
continued to resist his successor, Sarkin Dutse Mohammadu II usually known as
Kobri. Sulaiman was killed in Tarokland when attempting to attack Wase.
Fearing retribution, the Chief of Dampar fled to Ibi and placed himself under the
protection of the RNC. From its base at Ibi the company succeeded in imposing
its authority over the surrounding towns and settlements on the Benue. It
subjugated Jibu, Kachella, and Dankaro and established trading stations in many
areas. Such operations were mainly intended to make the trade routes secure from
attacks, and, in particular, secure the free passage of the ivory caravans from
Muri and
Adamawa.

In the 1 890s, a rivalry developed between Wase and the RNC over the ivory
trade. Amar and Dampar were rich in ivory, which had chiefly been marketed
through Wase, but with the presence of the British on the Benue, the ivory trade
began to be diverted to Ibi. To stop this trend, the Sarkin Dutse gave instructions
to the headman of Amar to put a stop to the trade; and when he failed to do so, he
was deemed to be guilty of insubordination. Therefore, Wase attacked Amar; but
was repulsed and had to withdraw. An RNC force from Ibi was despatched to
assist Amar but found, on arrival, that the Wase forces had already1 been
repulsed. However, it was decided to teach Wase a lesson. Aftet 4 receiving
reinforcements from Ibi, the RNC force attacked Wase, and after stiff resistance,
they stormed the town, killing the Sarkin Duts Kobri in the process, on 9
September, 1898.2 The RNC had a very

270
strong interest in keeping the major trade route from Bauchi to Wase, to Yelwa,
to Ibi and the subsidiary route from Wase to Dampar open. At this time, the
Tarok were frequently accused of attacking Hausa traders along these routes, and
that was how they first came to the attention of the British.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, there was a change in British policy.
Previously the British government had been content to pursue a policy of
negotiation and diplomacy through its imperial factor, the RNC. But when that
proved insufficient to ward off French and German intrusions into the British
sphere of influence, the British government decided to take effective control of
Northern Nigeria and revoked the charter of the RNC. On 1 January, 1900 it
declared a protectorate over Northern Nigeria. It was principally the fear of
French activities in the Lake Chad area which led Sir Frederick (later Lord)
Lugard, the first High Commissioner of Northern Nigeria, to authorize the Lower
Borno Expedition under Colonel Morland which led to the occupation of Bauchi
and Borno. The first British military encounter with the Tarok in 1902 was a by-
product of this expedition. The Tarok were reported to have been attacked and to
have retreated into the hills.3

Colonial sources report that the ethnic groups in the North West, by constant
outrages and murders of traders (culminating in the murder of a Government
agent sent to espostulate with them), had long rendered the main trade route to
Bauchi unsafe. The three main trade routes, viz, from the salt district of Awe,
from the Kola growing centres of Kentu and Bafum in the Kameruns and from
Gashaka via Amar (cattle) converge at Wase. Various expeditions had been sent
to protect these routes, but at the end of 1903 the Fulani settlement at Wase was
practically cut off from Yelwa (sic), and six traders had been robbed and
murdered.4

In consequence, a strong expedition was sent from Bauchi in March, 1904 under
Captain Shortt and accompanied by Assistant Resident,

271
Mr. Vischer against the Yuom (Garkawa), Tarok and Tehi (Montol). The
expedition lasted a month, the mountainous country was traversed, and a heavy
fine imposed. It was hoped that this would deter further raiding. This expedition
saw the end of armed resistance in the Plain Tarok area but resistance continued
in the Hill Tarok area.5 Nevertheless, the politically decentralized character of
the groups concerned and the mountainous nature of the terrain made it difficult
for the British to achieve full control. As Captain Ruxton admitted in 1907, many
military expeditions have entered the country of the Montols, Garkawa, and
Yerghumawa (Tarok), but have left no permanent good effects whatever behind
them. No sort of administration could be set up and maintained on the withdrawal
of the troops because of lack of staff. The British, therefore, were dependent on
village headmen who were largely unsupervised.

In dealing with a decentralized political group like the Tarok, the British found it
difficult to create an emirate system of administration based on districts headed
by political chiefs with executive powers. The multiplicity of political units and
the rivalries between the clan groupings made it difficult to find a chief who
would be a satisfactory district head from the British point of view in either the
Plain or Hill Tarok areas. The ponzhi mbins, because they were surrounded by
taboos and had their religious duties to perform, were not anxious to assume the
role of political chiefs. In any case, almost all of them had been either killed or
deposed during the pacification, except for the Ponzhi Gani, Zhakom, who was in
charge of diplomatic relations with Wase and Bauchi, and who was confirmed as
headman of Gani.7 It is reported that when the British approached the Fulani of
Wase, who referred them to Gani who took them to Zuzul Dadi who, as Ponzhi
Mbin Ce, was regarded as their ritual superior. It is reported that Zuzul Dadi ran
away. Later he was either invited to a meeting of chiefs by the British or was
taken to Ibi by force and subjected to so much ill-treatment that on his return he
died in 1904.8 Since the ponzhi mbins could not accompany the whites on tours
it was decided to appoint political chiefs who would officially be the deputies of
the

272
ponzhi mbins. Thus the first political chief appointed for Langtang was Fallan
Kalam of Kettang in 1903, one of the ruling houses in Ce, of whom Captain T.A.
Izard wrote in 1922:-

the fXrst chief of Langtang çFauan) appointed by the administration was

not a happy choice. The reason for his appointment being apparently
merely to supply a tax collector influenced by the fact perhaps that the
hereditary chief was unwilling to accept service under the British
administration.9

Miri Saldun who succeeded Zuzul Dadi as ponzhi mbin Ce although himself a
member of Marzwal house, nominated two political chiefs from Kettang house,
Likli, who only served for a short time from 1906 - 1907 and was removed by the
Europeans because they thought he had the signs of leprosy on his hands, and
Vonjen Dodo who ruled from 1907- 1916.10 On his death he was succeeded by
Yarling Toktau also from Kettang who ruled between 1916 and 1922 and who
was the first chief to rule over the whole of the Plain Yergam (Tarok) District. He
became involved in a dishonest cloth deal, was found guilty, gaoled and
dismissed.” Miri Saldun, who had all the time been the PonzhiMbin Ce, decided
that he would himself become the political chief and perform both political and
religious roles. However, after a short time, he decided he could not perform both
roles and preferred to revert to being only a ponzhi mbin. He nominated Ndam
Tyem Gung (Datyem) from Vongen ruling house who ruled from 1923 until his
death inAugust, 1954. (see Table 26).

273
Table 26. The Ponzhi Mbins Ce and the Political Chiefs (Ponzhi Nasaras) of Langtang during
the Colonial Period.

Ponzhi Mbin Ce Warrant Chiefs

Zuzul Dadi (Nsim) died 1904 Fallam Kalam (Kettang) 1904 - 1905
Miri Sadun (Marzwal) 1904 – 1943 Likli (Kettang) 1906 - 1907
Vongjen Dodo (Kettang) 1907 - 1916
Yarling Toktau (Kettang) 1916 - 1922
Miri Sadun (Marzwal) 1922 - 1923
Gadon (Sinnap) 1947 – 1971 Ndam Tyem Gung (Datyem) (Vongen)
1923 – 1954.
Ndam Bow 1972 – Till date Wuyep Garba Miri Wazhi (Nsim Lirfa)
1955 – 1974
Edward Cirdap, Zyattau, 1975 – Till date (Singnap Clan)

Sources: NAKJos Prof 3/1/6841 Wase Notes on, History ofthe Talok (Yergams) by Capt. TA.
Izard, J05 Prof 2/10/208/1918 Gazetteer, Plateau Province.

The Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat, Vongjen Mahang who was at the time of the
coming of the British, refused to shake hands WIL the white man because this
was a taboo. Subsequently he agreedt the appointment of a political chief, Gonda,
from his own hous Nimfat in 1904.’ He was succeeded by Dandam Mojen, w’
belonged to the Jankur house who ruled from 1907 to 1919. He v succeeded by a
caretaker, Mamven who did not belong to the ho of Kau and who ruled from
1919 to 1921 when he resigned. He succeeded by Kurnap Dangin, a son of
Dandan Mojen am member of the Jankur family, who ruled from 1922 - 194
Following his death, the Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat and the I - Authority (Ponzhi
Langtang, Datyem) could not agree or candidate. The office remained vacant
until 1947 when the Po Mbin Bwarat, Lar Shikong from Jankur, decided to
combine theA offices. He did this until 1958,’ when he was succeeded by Bako
Wuyep from Nimfat. Wuyep ruled from 1958 to 1992. present incumbent is
Seichak S. Sambo from Naron.’6 (See Table 27)

274
Table 27: The Ponzhi Mbins Bwarat and the Political Chiefs (Ponzhis Bwarat) of
Bwaratduringthe Colonial Period

Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat Political Chiefs

Vongjen Mahang (Nimfat) died 1908 Gonda (Nimfat), 1904 – 1907
Dandam Mojen (Jankur), 1907 – 1919
Mamven, a caretaker, non-royal, 1919
– 1921.
Lar Shikong (Jankur) Kurnap Dangin (Jankur) son of Dandan
Mojen, 1922 – 1945.
Interregnum
Lar Shikong (Jankur) 1947 – 1958.
Kikem (Nimfat) Seldip Bako Wuyep (Nimfat) 1958 –
1992
Lakur Vongtau (Naron) Selchak S. Sambo (Naron) 1996 -

It should be noted that while the British removed the ponzhi mbins of Ce and
Bwarat in 1904 they continued to be respected by their people who only obeyed
the political chiefs because they had the backing of the British. How the political
chief of the Hill Yergam (Tarok) District Goselle Napcwat came to be appointed
is described by Mr. Doelberg as follows:

About 1900, three Europeans of whom two are remembered as ‘Dogo’ and
‘Maikeke’, passed through the country and were received by Wuseli
(Goselle) of Gantang because he knew Angas and received the Turawa.
Goselle Napcwat was therefore made the Hill Yergam District Head but
Lagan refused to acknowledge this appointment.17

275
Sources: NAKJos Prof 3/1/6841 Wasle Notes on, History of the
Talok (Yergams) by Capt TA. Izard List of Political chiefs supplied
by District Head, Bwarat; J05 Prof 1/1/8859s6 Plain Yergam Native
Court Grade ‘C’, Interview: Lakur Von gtau, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat,
(Kau) Bwarat 1/5/1 99 7.

He continued to have problems of legitimacy and when in 1912 he was invited to

an assembly of chiefs in Kano, the men of Lagan fell on his party and took all the
food supplies intended for the journey. Therefore, Gosselle went alone without
the support of any other clan. A detachment of troops was sent to punish Lagan.
The Ponzhi Mbin Lagan, Vongdip, was killed in the fight. Although the spiritual
authority of Lagan continued to be recognized by the people, in time the temporal
power of Goselle Napcwat came to be acknowledged. In 1931, Mr. Oke wrote as
follows:- ‘Although Wuseli (Goselle) was not the correct appointee to the
sarauta, he had proved himself so able that even Lagan, the senior group in the
district, followed his leadership.”9 Following the death of Goselle in July, 1931,
the Ponzhi Mbin Logan, Wuyep Zhar decided to become the political chief and
delegated his religious duties to his nephew, Ndam Kpambin. Thus the political
chieftaincy reverted to Lagan from Gantang2° (see Table 28).

Table 28: The Ponzhi Mbins Lagan and, the Political Chiefs
(Ponzhis Zinni) of Gazum during the Colonial Period.

Ponzhi Mbin Lagan Political Chiefs

Vongdip (Virga) Goselle Napcwat (Gantang) 1900 – 1931
Wuyeb Zhar (Virga) Wuyep Zhar (Virga) 1931 - 1943
Ndam Kpambin (Tou) 1981 Miri Wuyep (Virga) known as the Magaji son
of Wuyep 1943 - 1964
Nimyel Le (Virga) A.G. Kum (Gebang) 1965 – 1984
Febut Du (Tou) J.L. Goselle (Gantang) 1986 – 1985

276
Sources: Morey Binbut Dalen ‘Gazum chiefdom’ unpublished address
28/12/1990, Group Interview Jorga Ntyem Nimran, 55, farm er, Sokdon Deil,
62,farmer and Von gcak.

Wazhi, 60, farmer (Lagan), Gazum, 28/11/1 99 7, NAK Jos

Prof 3/1/1566 Hill Yergam District, Shendam Division 2
Appointment of Chief in council as Native Authority, 1931 -
41; Jos Prof 1/1/1074 Hill Yergam Native Court Grade
D. 1936- 46.

Among the Gani, there was already the so-called ponzhi gwai who served
as an intermediary between the priest-chief (ponzhi mbin) and the authorities in
Wase. The priest-chief (ponzhi mbin) was drawn from Shamot, while the ponzhi
gwai was drawn from two families, Grimkor and Kuromfat (Kofat) who rotated
the office. When the British came they found Zahkom from Kofat in office and
recognized him as political chief. The succession continued to rotate between the
two families of Grimkor and Kuromfat (Kofat). The conception of the political
chiefs as being deputies of the ponzhi mbin was weak, since they had their own
rules of succession. See Table 29 for political chiefs of Gani.

277
Table 29: The Ponzhi Mbins Sa and the Political Chiefs of Gani during the
Colonial Period

1. Denden Zhakom (Kofat) Ruling when British

came)
2. Kamko (Bongel)
3. Wuyep (Dengel)
4. Shezhi (Bongel)
5. Letu (Denden)
6. Singvong (Bongel)
7. Rukshin (Denden)
8. Kwalmat (Bongel) Mamven (Riman) 1922 – 1966
9. Zitta (Denden) 1930s
10. Vongmam (Bongel)
11. Shedul (Denden) Jatau (Kofat) 1967 – 1974
12. Rimtop (Bongel)
13. Dadi (Denden) Katnap (Riman) 1975 -
14. Ladip (Bongel) (present holder)

Sources: Group Interview: Ladip Fannak, 35 Ponzhi Mbin

Sa/farme,; Kurnap Dadi 5] farmer/businessman, Lohnap Rindap,
65,farmer (Shamot) Pu Gani, 25/11/1997; Chieflist supplied byMt
VT La,; High Court, Jos 23/1 0/2000.

The most glaring example of a political chief appointed by the British was the
case of Bigun Malda in Gyang (Funyallang). When the white men came, the
people were afraid and so they pushed forward Bigun Malda who was living as a
slave amongst them and could speak some Hausa since it would not really matter
if he was

278
killed by the British.2’ According to British accounts, the Ponzhi Mbin Mbwak
refused to cooperate with them, and adopted a ‘nonchalant’ attitude towards the
white administration. He prevented the people, year after year, from paying tax
until it was collected with the assistance of soldiers’.22 Bigun’s tax collecting
activities and his abuse of the local shrine caused acute discontent in the
community and led to an uprising in 1921 by the family of the late ponzhi mbin
who was assassinated in the crisis. Bigun was succeeded by the son of the late
Ponzhi Mbin Mbwak, Gbagham; but Bigun’s family retained the title of
galadima, and his son collected tax in his ward, Kuntal.23

The main functions of these political chiefs were to collect tax, mobilize forced
labour for road building and serve as porters. Furthermore they also served as a
buffer between the people and the colonial administration and thus incurred the
full resentment of the people. Sir Frederick Lugard regarded the imposition of
taxation as being especially important because, in his view, it represented the
acceptance of British authority viz, ‘that until the native pays a direct tax, he does
not acknowledge the authority of government’.24 Sir Frederick Lugard also had
the more doubtful idea that the collection of taxes and the development of a
Native Treasury served as a kind of ‘political education.’ He declared:

Among unorganized communities, the tax affords a means of

creating and enforcing native authority, of curbing lawlessness and
assisting in tribal evolution, and hence it becomes a moral benefit
and is justified by the immunity from slave raids which the people
now enjoy.2

Although not without its critics, Lugard’s policy on taxation became the
cornerstone of British colonial administration. Thus tax was extracted before any
benefits whatever could be enjoyed by the colonized. The political chiefs
mobilized labourers to build rest houses, clear roads, and, transport the Europeans
and their baggage.

279
In Tarokiand, tax initially took the form of tributes in kind, (eggs, fowls, grains
and livestock) which were used to feed the colonial forces. In 1909 it was
reported’that theYergham (Tarok) tribe, though never administered, have been
paying a nominal tribute of about
£20.26

It was in 1909 that the first tax assessment tour by colonial officials took place in
Tarokland.27 Following this expedition of 1909 the Administrative District
which was described as containing ‘47, 668 primitive pagans divided into 13
distinct tribes speaking different languages all living in or at the foot of the
Murchison Hills’.28

The Resident, Muri Province, Captain Ruxton expressed the view that.

It will require the guidance of an Assistant Resident living amongst

hem for some years to come if anything is to be done in the way of
creating a Native Administration for the whole of these 13 tribes. It
is hoped that with this guidance, constantly and personally exercised
and with the introduction of the Hausa language, the tribes may
eventually be fused or rather will fuse themselves into one political
unit.29

Through colonial arrangement, tax had been paid by the Plain Tarok through
Wase emirate to Muri empire. This policy was strongly resisted by the Plain
Tarok who had spent much of the early nineteenth century fighting Wase. In
1908, military patrols had to be used by the British to enforce the payment of tax
in Bwarat and Tehi (Montol). The Long Duut, the senior chief of the Goemai,
also resented his subordination to Wase, no matter how nominal, and so on the
death of the Emit of Wase in 1909, he was freed from even this nominal
overlordship.30

With the redrawing of provincial boundaries in 1911, the Hill

Tarok area was placed in Bauchi province as the Hill Yergam (Tarok) District.

280
The hopes of British officials such as Captain Ruxton and the officers who had
served in Tiv Division that a policy of peaceful penetration into the North
Western part of Muri Province could be pursued, were largely dashed.3 This was
mainly because of the entrenched position of the advocates of indirect rule in the
Northern Nigerian colonial service and especially in the Northern secretariat in
Kaduna.32 The other major factor in frustrating such plans was the scarcity of
administrative staff on the ground. Thus there was never more than one political
officer available to tour the very extensive Kwalla Administrative District.33
This made direct rule virtually impossible and so the British started to look for a
strong man through whom they could administer the Tarok and the other small
ethnic groups in the lowlands.

The Search for a Strong Man to Rule the Tarok 1912- 1918

In 1913, Captain Churcher advocated that the Plain Tarok should be placed under
the Fulani-ruled state of Wase.34 This proposal was rejected by the resident,
Captain Ruxton: -

because although it appeared to be the simplest way of having the

tribal area supervised and taxes collected, it appeared to me to be a
solution contrary to memo 18 and one destructive of the
individuality of the tribe.35

Captain Ruxton decided to maintain the status quo for another year and then see
if the Plain Tarok would prefer to be placed under the Long Duut Donkwop
rather than under Wase. In 1913, the Plain Tarok were placed under the
jurisdiction of the Long Duut. This appeared to be acceptable to them, although it
had no historical or ethnographic justification. The British were enthusiastic over
the role of the Long Duut and Captain Churcher reported in 1914:-

281
 The sub-Districts of Yerghum (Tarok), Ankwe, Montol,
Kwalla, Ankwe Ngarass, Perpum, Miriam, Dimmuk, Bwol
and Gorem have only recently been incorporated into one
District under Sar. Ankwe and the control he has over these
Pagans is marvelous and I venture to suggest that any change at
present would be most disastrous and unsettling.36

The attempt to place the Tarok under the Long Duut suffered a serious setback
following the outbreak of the First World War. Repeated rumours that the British
were leaving the country weakened the position of the political chiefs who relied
on British support to collect taxes.37 The withdrawal of troops for the
Cameroons campaign and rumours of military defeats weakened the position of
the colonial authorities and their local agents. This state of uncertainty worsened
following the death of the Long Duut Donukwap in 1915. He was succeeded by
his younger brother Rapman, aged twenty-seven.38 The Tehl (Montol) who had
long had a reputation for resistance to colonial rule had always resented being
placed under the Long Duut and had refused to pay any taxes since 1912. In
1916, while on a tax collecting expedition in the Tehl (Montol) country, the Long
Duut Rapman, the District Officer, Mr. F.E. Maitby and most of their followers
were killed by the Tehi (Montols). Although severe retribution was exerted on
the Tehi (Montol), it discredited the idea of placing non-Goemai groups under the
Long Duut. The result was a serious re-appraisal of political and administrative
policies towards the Tarok.39

At the same time, the Hill Tarok were undergoing a rather similar process of
political development. Situated at the very edge of Pankshin Division which was
also very short of staff, the British looked for a strong man, and thought they had
found one in Lankuk, the chief of Pankshin. Consequently, he was given
extensive powers to collect taxes over a wide area including the Hill Tarok.40
During the First World War, he continued his tax collecting activities. He
narrowly escaped being killed by the people of Pe and was finally

282
killed by the Tal in response to his acts of extortion and abuse of power. Punitive
expeditions were mounted on both the Pankshin and Shendam sides of the
provincial border. After this episode, the British were careful to avoid attempts at
premature centralization based on a strong man without reference to historical
and ethnographical relationships.41

The continued lack of British control in the Hill Tarok area was demonstrated by
the killing ofBigun Malda, political chief of Gyang (Funyallang) by his own
people for abuses in tax collection and because he did not belong to the lineage
which supplied the priest- chief (ponzhi mbin). There continued to be an uneasy
relationship between the Zinni group of clans under Lagan, the Kwallak and the
Gyang (Funyallang) who made up the Hill Yergam (Tarok) District. This
underlies the rather artificial nature of the political unit.42

The Experiment with Indirect Rule: The Wase Period (1918 -1925)

Following the failure to find ‘a man of influence,’43 the British once more turned
to the possibility of indirect rule as being the most convenient solution to the
problem of the administration of the Plain Tarok. After the Tehl (Montol) killed
the Long Duut Rapman and Mr. Maltby in 1916, fresh proposals were made in
1917 to amalgamate the districts in the Ibi-Shendam Divisions. Mr. Boyd
proposed that the Tarok should be placed directly under the Emir of Wase. The
District Officer, Lieutenant Colonel Foulkes, deprecated this idea on the ground
that the Plain Tarok had strong objections to being placed under a Fulani ruler,
and appeared to acquiesce in the existing arrangement of being under the Long
Duut of Shendarn. The Acting Resident agreed with him.44

In 1918, the Resident, Mr. Duff, again took up the question of amalgamating the
districts North of the Benue, and presented a comprehensive scheme. He
subsequently held a meeting at Shendam

283
of the various tribal chiefs to ascertain their reactions to the proposed
centralization under Wase. The Long Duut of Shendam was opposed to the idea
of amalgamation with Wase as were the so-called foothill tribes, these are the
Tehl (Montol), Kofyar and so on; but the Plain Tarok were reported to have
expressed a wish to be detached from the Goemai and to follow Wase. Mr. Duff
attributed this to the poor relations between the Tarok and the Goemai, but he
thought

the main driving force that led to the desire of the Yergums (Tarok)
to follow Wase rather than Ankwe (Goemai), was the urgent need
for new farmlands. For some years there has been a steady easterly
and southeasterly emigration into Wase the only possible outlet for
the tribe45

In submitting his proposals, Mr. Duff proposed that all the sub- treasuries North
of the Benue should be abolished and that there should be a central treasury, a
central prison at Wase, that Plain Tarok and Garkawa should be formed into one
district under the political chief of Langtang with ‘Sarkin Wase as overlord.’47
Awe was to be a district under the Ernir ofWase, but Ankwe District was to
remain an independent unit although Wase was to serve as the central treasury.
Mr. Duff expressed the bel ief that while this was ‘only an incomplete measure of
amalgamation,’47 that in the near future it would become possible to obtain the
‘willing consent of the tribes concerned to link their destinies with Wase.’49
However, the Acting Lieutenant Governor, Mr. Gowers, did not agree to these
sweeping amalgamations and minuted.

As regards the tribes of the Benue there is no doubt that although the
centralisation of their finances and returns at Wase may in theory only make the
latterprimus inter pares it will in practice tend to put the pagans in a position of
political subordination which may easily lead to trouble.49

284
These proposals were again taken up by the Acting Resident, Muri Province, Mr.
Cator in his annual report, 1918 in which he wrote

The gist of the amalgamation proposals is as follows:Yergam

(Tarok) and Awe to form districts under Wase. The Ankwe District
(shorn of the Yergarn) (sic) to remain independent. But the treasury
to be amalgamated with Wase. In each case the tribal districts are to
have their own courts so as to preserve their own individuality as far
as possible,50

and he expressed the hope that following this small step that in the course of
years the tribes in the Shendam Division would one by one willingly follow
Wase of their own volition. However, although there was not much enthusiasm in
Kaduna for these proposals, the transfer of the Plain Tarok to Wase was
sanctioned in 191 9•51

During the period of indirect rule, certain significant political developments took
place in the Plain Tarok area. These included the creation of the Plain Yergarn
(Tarok) District headed by the warrant Chief of Langtang (Ponzhi Langtang).
Initially, the British had favoured the political Chief of Gani Zhakom because the
Gani people had long been in contact with Wase and had acquired certain Hausa
customs, and had achieved relative prosperity in the early colonial period through
growing cotton. However, the British came to recognize that Gani had
traditionally been considered junior to Ce and so in 1918 they concentrated their
efforts on getting Bwarat and Gani to accept the Ponzhi Lan gtang, Yarling
Toktau, as the District Head of the Plain Yergam (Tarok) District.57 A ‘D’ grade
Native Court was set up in 1918 with Yarling Toktau the Ponzhi Langtang, as
President, while the other priest-chiefs were represented by nominees. The
British would have liked the ponzhi mbins to play a more prominent role in the
administration and in the Native Court and in 1922 an opportunity seemed to
present itself with the removal of Yarling Toktau on a charge of speculation. The
Ponzhi Mbin Ce Miri Sadum agreed to combine his traditional religious duties
and the

285
administrative and judicial functions of a political chief. However, these proved
incompatible and he stepped down as political chief in favour of his nominee
Ndam Tyem Gung usually known as Datyem, who became the District Head of
the Plain Tarok in 1923. The court was raised to a grade ‘C’ Court at the same
time.22

Although these warrant chiefs were supposed to be the nominees of ponzhi mbins
and their spokesmen, they soon developed an independent authority of their own.
They could speak Hausa, and were in receipt of salaries which made these posts
increasingly desirable. In particular, Datyem made himself into a real chief who
was described by the Resident, Mr. Pembleton in 1934 as follows:

Here Datiem, the Ponzhi Langtang, has been a 3rd class chief for twelve years.
He is, comparatively sophisticated, his administration has been successful and he
has combined under his leadership the whole of Plain Yergam (Tarok) District.
He tours the whole District and, in fact, functions as a ‘chief.’ not as the president
or spokesman of a Council.53

In addition, Datyem was reported to have ‘surrounded himself, as a Fulani, with a

retinue54’ and to have been responsible for the introduction of numerous Hausa
titles.62 British officials were strangely blind to the changes which were taking
place. Thus Mr. Matthews, as late as 1934, believed that the ponzhi rnbins were
unlikely to be relegated to the background by their political nominees. However,
from the 1 920s, there has been a significant shift of political power from the
ponzhi mbins to the political chiefs who, although they are supposed to be the
nominees and spokesmen of the former, began to acquire real political power.55
They also tried to acquire titles and salaried positions for their relatives and
supporters with a view to perpetuating the sarauta in their own families.56

This regime of indirect rule in the Plains Tarok area came to be questioned when
the Governor Sir Hugh Clifford sent his Assistant

286
Secretary Native Affairs, G.J.F. Tomlinson on a tour of non-muslim areas in
Central Nigeria in 1924. He visited the Plain Tarok area and in his report, while
admitting that the Tarok enjoyed a considerable degree of independence,
expressed surprise that when they were removed from thejurisdiction of the Long
Duut of Shendam that

instead of being made independent, they were put under Wase. Nor
do I know whether this step, which may have been dictated by
administrative convenience, was intended merely to mark a stage on
the road to their ultimate independence.57

Mr. Tomlinson also strongly condemned the earlier proposals to put the whole of
Shendam Division (including the Goemai) under the Emir of Wase which he
regarded as ‘being at variance with every principle of sound and just This report
aroused many defensive reactions from colonial officials; but nevertheless, led to
the separation of the Plain Yergam (Tarok) District from Wase. The Plain
Yergam (Tarok) District was considered to be too small to stand alone and hence
a revival of proposals for amalgamation, this time, with the Hill Tarok. Soon
afterwards, the creation of Plateau Province in 1926 meant that for the first time,
the two Tarok areas were in the same province.

While the Plain Tarok had been placed under Wase, the Hill Tarok had remained
under Pankshin Division of Bauchi Province. Following the death of Lankuk,
they remained on the largely uncontrolled periphery of that division. In the early
1 920s, there continued to be reports of raiding and cattle theft by the Pe and the
Hill Tarok, mainly Kwallak and Gyang, against their southern neighbours in
Muri Province. The District Officer, Pankshin in 1920 accused Kwallak and
Gyang (Funyallang), who were still living in the hills, of having ‘in the past,
refused to pay tax or acknowledge any sort of authority. They steal cattle which
they drive up to their hill tops and hide in caves.’9 As already described, local
jealousies coupled with oppression by the political chief, Bigun of Gyang

287
(Funyallang), led to his assassination along with his inadaki in 1921 by the family
of the ponzhi mbin and other discontented elements. This incident underlined the
weakness and artificiality of the British imposed administration.

The District Head, Goselle, who remained in office until 1931 was old and weak
and had difficulty controlling his village heads. Thus in 1926 it was reported:

the Sarkin Kwallok (sic) continues to ignore the District Head and to try
and be a law unto himself. He has recently run off with one of the District
Head’s wives and this has accentuated the ill feeling between them.61

Although conditions appeared to quieten down, the Hill Yergam (Tarok) District
remained a relative backwater in Pankshin Division, as according to one District
Officer. ‘Lack of staff and its geographical position has accounted for the
infrequent visits to Yergam (Hill Tarok) by political officers.’62

Thus when the question of the unification of the Hill and Plain Tarok areas
became a serious political issue, Goselle as District Head of Hill Yergam (Tarok)
District was a fifth class chief while Datyem, as District Head of the Plain
Yergam (Tarok) District, was a third class chief. The Hill Yergam (Tarok)
District obtained a ‘D’ Grade Court only in 1930, while the Plain Yergam
(Tarok) District had had a ‘C’ Grade Court since 1923. The Hill Tarok were also
disadvantaged in terms of size, population and taxable capacity. This induced
them to rely on claims to ritual superiority which were more apparent than real.

288
Pagan Administration and the Attempt to Unify the Tarok,
1925-1930

Lugard’s policy on ‘pagan administration’ was based on the assumption that the
process of development was towards more centralized administrative systems
which would involve the transition from ‘mob law’ to courts, from communal to
individual property, and from the ‘clan system’ to territorial jurisdiction. Lugard
saw the non-muslims of Northern Nigeria as being at the lowest stage of political
development, without centralized institutions. The first step was to endeavour to
find ‘a man of influence as chief and to group under him as many villages and
districts as possible’,’3 to teach him how to delegate powers and to take an
interest in his Native Treasury. The ultimate aim of Lugard’s policy

was its insistence upon assimilating the administration of pagan areas to

the emirate, based as far as convenient on indigeneous local institutions
and using indigenous personnel.64

In practice, political officers were too preoccupied with collecting s and

supervising the native courts to have any time to study kdigenous political
institutions or to attempt to develop them. In the k area, due to lack of staff,
inadequate financial resources and the e of existing indigenous political
structures, direct rule proved zy difficult to implement and so indirect rule was
first applied r the LongDuut of Shendam, and then under the Ernir ofWase.65

Folllowing the final departure of Lugard from Nigeria in 1919 his successor, Sir
Hugh Clifford, was not well-disposed towards indirect He sought to break down
what he saw as the isolation of the Provinces and to abolish the position of
lieutenant vemors and replace them with system of provinces directly )nsible to
the central government. He was overruled by the 1 office which was still strongly
under the influence of pro-

289
indirect rule officials who sought to preserve the autonomy of Northern Nigeria
from Southern Nigeria.66 Clifford argued in a minute circulated to Northern
officers that

I think we should abandon once and for all the expectation of ever
converting primitive tribal systems (such as they are) into any sort of
semblance to the Native Administrations of the Muhammedon Emirates,
and should content ourselves with making of the former only such limited
use as experience may show to be at once safe and expedient.67

Clifford did succeed in establishing a Department of Native Affairs, and it was

the Assistant Secretary of Native Affairs, Mr. G.J.F. Tomlinson, who made a tour
of Central Nigeria and produced a report on Pagan Administration in the
Northern Provinces’ which, as already mentioned, expressed surprise that the
Plain Tarok had been placed under Wase. It was largely as a result of this report
that Plateau Province was created in 1926 to embrace as many non-muslim
groups as possible including the Tarok, the Goemai, Tehi (Montol), Youm
(Garkawa), and Kofyar, all taken from the defunct Muri Province.68

Clifford left Nigeria in April, 1926 without having achieved his objectives. In
Northern Nigeria, there was a significant change in 1925 with the appointment of
H.R. (afterwards Sir Richmond) Palmer as Lieutenant Governor. Palmer was
well-known for his strong views on the ‘Hamitic based’ ruling groups such as the
Jukun and Igala whom he believed should be given ‘a legitimate outlet for their
ascendancy’, and be used as a ‘contact with the lower grade races’69 This view
of the administration of independent non-muslims was that it should be based on
‘amalgamation, using any organization that exists, and developing it on the
pattern found among other African tribes.’70 Palmer’s search for spheres of
influence and historical and anthropological connections led him to encourage
historical and anthropological studies of the Jukun and other groups.71

290
Change was precipitated by the Warn tax riots of 1927 and the Aba riots of
December, 1929 which appeared to question the suitability of indirect rule to
non-muslims, and to decentralize political systems in general. The appointment
of warrant chiefs in South Eastern Nigeria who lacked legitimacy and who were
used by the British to collect taxes and sit on the Native Courts gave rise to
numerous abuses which provoked civil disturbances. This led to a realization by
the British colonial administration that it did not really understand the social and
political organization of the peoples it was supposed to be governing. This gave a
great impetus to anthropological studies of clans in order to work out how a
political organization could be developed from such indigenous bases.72

This new policy of anthropological studies was given further impetus by the
arrival of a new Governor, Sir Donald Cameron in 1933. He had been Sir High
Clifford’s Chief Secretary. He came to Nigeria from Tanganyika where he had
reformed the system of native administration. In practice, however, Cameron
could not make much impact on the North until he was able to appoint his own
man, G.S. Browne as Chief Commissioner (reduced from Lieutenant Governor).
Between 1934 and 1936, a series of’intelligence reports’ were prepared on ethnic
groups, clans and other sub units throughout the non-muslim areas, and these
formed the bases for proposals for political reorganization.73

Following the creation of Plateau Province in 1926, it became a matter of policy

to correct the anomaly which had been created in 1911 when the provincial
boundaries were drawn. That policy had placed the Hill Yergam (Tarok) District
in Pankshin Division of Bauchi Province and the Plain Yergam (Tarok) District
in the Shendam Division of Muri Province. From about 1928 it became a
of policy to get the two sections of the Tarok into the same division, and
ultimately under the same native administration.74

291
According to Mr. C.G Ames, then District Officer, Shendam in a letter dated 20
May, 1930 to the Resident, Plateau, acknowledged that it had originally been
proposed that the Plain Yergam (Tarok) District of Shendam Division, should be
transferred to Pankshin Division, but he adduced six reasons why he thought it
would be more practicable for the Hill Tarok to be transferred to Shendam
Division.

These were:
(i.) The whole of the Yergam (Tarok) tribe would then be in the same
Division (see also paras 3 and 4)
(ii) Many Hill Yergams (sic) farm in this Division

(iii) Hill and PlainYergams (sic) intermarry.

(iv) They frequent each others markets at Kuffyen and Gantang

(v) When the Hill Yergams (sic) eventually leave their Hills, they will
settle in this Division.

(vi) The area lost to Pankshin would be small. It would adjoin our
Yergam (Plain Tarok) District and would be very ‘get-atable’. from
this side, in fact perhaps more than from Pankshin.75

He expressed the view that even if they were in the same Division, the Hill
Yergam (Tarok) District would probably remain separate for several years but it
would facilitate mutual contacts which would lead to ‘their eventual
amalgamation as one administrative and tribal• unit’76 Mr . Ames went on to
suggest:

I take it that eventually the Hill Yergams (Tarok) will have to

amalgamate with someone, if they are to make any progress at all
along the economic and political road. If so small and poor,

292
 a unit as Hill Yergam (sic) remains on their own for ever, they will, I
suggest, merely stagnate and finally be snuffed out of existence.77

The District Officer, Pankshin raised no objection to the transfer of the Hill
Yergam (Tarok) District as it was relatively insignificant in size, population, and
tax income. Thus according to him:- ‘The area of the Hill Yergam (Tarok)
District is 27V2 square miles, the total population of 3,952 and the General Tax,
at 4/- per adult male, £286,16l.’ The salary bill including “ushera” paid to
unsalaried village heads was little more than a hundred pounds (100.00) per
annum.79

Accordingly, a meeting was held between the divisional officers,

Pankshin and Shendam, and the District Head, Goselle at Gantang on
24th September, 1930 at which the matter of the transfer of Hill Tarok
to Shendam Division was discussed. It was reported that the District
Head, Gose lie was not

able to comprehend why such a change as a transfer of his district to

the Shendam Division should take place and, I am sure he would
still continue to look to Pankshin for guidance rather than to
Shendam - a custom of years would be difficult to overcome.90

In view of the fact that the District Head, Goselle was an old man and had served
the colonial government loyally for many years it was ‘decided that the transfer
should not take place until after his death. The Resident, Plateau Province agreed
that

It would be impolitic to transfer the Hill Yergams (Tarok) from

Pankshin Division during the life-time of the present ponzhi and the
question should be brought up again when a suitable opportunity
occurs.80

293
Such an opportunity arose with the death of the District Head, Goselle on 27 July,
1931. The District Officer, Pankshin was quick

to suggest that the transfer of the Hill Yergam (Tarok) District to the
Shendam Division should be a ‘Tait accompli” before a new District Head
is appointed.82

The Resident, Plateau Province informed the Secretary, Northern Provinces, that
the Hill Yergam (Tarok) District had been formally incorporated in the Shendam
Division on 12 November, 1931. He also announced that contrary to expectations
the Ponzhi Mbin, Lagan Wuyep Zhar had agreed to become the District Head,
and would delegate his religious duties to his nephew, Ndam Kpambin, v would
become the Ponzhi Mbin Lagan. Thus the District Hea’
reverted to the senior clan in Zinni, Lagan, from where it had I taken because
Goselle of Gantang was the only person who did r run away when the British
came. On 6 December, 1931, Wuyep 7 was installed as a fifth Class Chief and
Sole Native Authority oft Hill Yergam (Tarok) District.83

The Secretary, Northern Provinces, when informing the Secretary on 3

September, 1931 of the steps being taken to ensure the two Tarok Districts were
in Shendam Division made following policy statement:

The ideal to be aimed at seems to be the administration off Yergams

(Tarok) as a tribe with a treasury of their own and a council of clan
heads presided over by the Chief of I - who it may be anticipated, in
the course of time, will recognised in accordance with tradition as
the head chief.

That ideal cannot be attained in the immediate pre

probably not during the lifetime of the present district head o
he Plain Yergam (Tarok). In the meantime the Yergams (sic)

294
 can be administered through a council on which all the clans be
represented.84

Following this policy statement, no action was taken for almost three years. The
first and most important reason for this was that the wind of ‘Pagan
Administration’ was not blowing sufficiently strongly until Sir Donald Cameron
succeeded in getting his own man, G.S. Browne, appointed as Chief
Commissioner in the North in 1934. Thereafter, there was a flurry of
investigations, and intelligence reports. In the Tarok case, the investigation was
not authorized until 1934 when it became official policy that ways and means
should be found to unite the members of the same ethnic group. Where it was not
immediately possible to find a paramount chief at least to create a chief-in-
council of clan heads or village heads should be created.

In most cases, the administrative officers assigned to prepare such intelligence

reports looked for some ritual centre around which to group the ethnic groups, or
to revive some long dead or imaginary centralized institutions. The difficulty in
the Tarok case was that it had become orthodoxy in official circles that the
Ponzhi Mbin Lcigan was the senior ponzhi mbin of the Tarok. This created a
number of problems for the colonial officials. Thus it was actually accepted by
the Tarok themselves, or was it merely accepted wisdom passed down from
memorandum to memorandum that Lagan was the priest-chief of all the
Tarok?85 An attempt has been made to answer some of these questions in
Chapter III. So, we merely like to point out that the seniority of Lagan does not
seem to be proven. It seems probable that the colonial officials were fed the
wrong information on a number of points which induced them to take up the
position they held. Even if Lagan was ritually senior, it was not likely that this
could be translated into executive political power in a situation where the
PonzhiLangtang, Datyem was already well on the way to becoming a real chief
with the necessary trappings. The difficulty was how to persuade the more
politically sophisticated Plain Tarok, with their .greater wealth and population, to
accept the leadership of Lagan in

295
 the disadvantaged Hill Tarok area. This seemed to be a virtually
insurmountable obstacle to any unification scheme. (see Table30)

Total 30: Comparative Statistics of Hill and plain Tarok

S/No. District Area in Sq.miles Population Tax Revenue Expenditure
1. Hill Tarok 28 5,475 £151 £250
2. Plain Tarok 135 24,576 £865 £836

Source: NAKJos Prof 3/1/1807, Yergam Dists Sub- TreasuryforMr

MilroyShendam Div to Resdt, Plateau, 13 Sept, 1935, No.
67/1934/66.

Thus the Resident, Plateau expressed the view in June, 1934 that although the
ultimate objective remained to unite the two Tarok Districts under a single Native
Authority with a shared treasury, he thought that it was

hardly likely to be attained “during the life time of the present district head
of the Plain Yergams (Tarok)” and it would, in my opinion, be inadvisable
to try and hasten events. The Yergarns (Tarok) of the Plains are far more
sophisticated and cultured than their cousins in the hills and I’m afraid a
long time must elapse before they would willingly accept the executive
authority of Lagan whose influence over the tribe as a whole is purely
religious 86

At the same time, he said that if Mr. Mathews was, a district officer with a
training in anthropology who prepared many intelligence reports on several
ethnic groups in Plateau Province, had time, he would go to the Tarok area and
submit notes.87 In undertaking this investigation, Mr. Mathews was well aware
that ‘It has been the policy of the Administration to amalgamate the Yergams
(Tarok) under one Yergam (Tarok) Authority in due course’88 and that ‘it was
hoped that in time they would federate or amalgamate under one Native
Authority, though there seemed little prospect of this in the

296
immediate future As Mr. Mathews subsequently admitted, he went to Gazum

with the feeling that if they could reasonably be persuaded to see the
advantages of federation or amalgamation it would be for their own good
in the future. If not, no harm would be done, they are all of one tribe and
have similar religious cults, the Ponzhi Zinni (Hill Yergam) (sic) is the
religious head of the whole tribe, but as is pointed out in paragraph 17 of
my report, his authority ends at the confines of his own village.90

At the initial meeting with the Hill Tarok at Gazum, Mr. Mathews found them
somewhat suspicious and reluctant to go down to Langtang for a conference with
the Plain Tarok on 2 August, 1934. He reassured them that the invitation was his
own initiative and did not come from the Fonzhi Lan gtang, Datyem and, in any
case, there was insufficient accommodation or food for abig gathering at
Gazum.91
On the same day, Mr. Mathews met the Plain Tarok Council with Mr. Cooper of
the Sudan United Mission (S.U.M.) in attendance and briefed them on the
proposed meeting. It is alleged by Dr. S. Banfa that Datyem, the District Head of
the Plain Tarok went round seeking the support of the clan heads of the Plain
Tarok for amalgamation and arguing that as long as all the central institutions,
native treasury, and native court and so on were in Langtang, he was the native
authority and chairman ofthe court/council. He is said to have emphasized how
inconvenient it would be to be under Ponzhi Zinni, and to have to go to Gazum
for meetings and court sittings.92

The combined conference of the two Tarok councils took place at Langtang from
2 to 5 August, 1934. Also present at this meeting were all the ritual leaders,
village heads, and elders representing all the clans. Although Mr. Mathews
subsequently denied that the Hill Tarok were pressurized into agreeing to the
amalgamation or that they were

297
‘kept’ in Langtang when they were anxious to return home until they agreed to
the proposals out of weariness,93 it would appear that while in Langtang, the Hill
Tarok were peculiarly susceptible to suggestion, and agreed to proposals which
they on second thoughts decided were not in their best interests.

Mr. Mathews thought that he had secured the agreement of all parties to a set of
proposals, which as he himself admitted, ‘seem too good to be true’.94 He
believed that he had obtained the acceptance by the Ponzhi Zinni to the
amalgamation of the two districts with a joint court, and treasury at Langtang
presided over by the Ponzhi Langtang, Datyem, whom he regarded as hisjunior
both in age and in status. Because of their historical importance these proposals
are worth quoting in full:

(1) incorporation of Hill and Plain Yergam (Tarok)

Districts into one District called Yergam (Tarok)
District.

(2) incorporation of the Hill Yergam (Tarok) “D” grade court in

the Plain Yergam (Tarok) ‘C’ court, meeting at Langtang as the
most convenient centre on Saturdays (market day). This means
the abolition of the Hill Yergam (Tarok) court and the release of
the scribe. All members of the Hill Yergam (Tarok) court to be
members of the new Yergam (Tarok) Court.
(3) Datiem (sic) to remain President of the Court and to retain his
salary. After his death,the council composed of the members of
the court (who are the proper body) will select a successor from
among themselves. There is no guarantee - and indeed it is
possible that there is no likelihood - that the successor will be
from Langtang, if the Zinni representatives develop as they
should.

298
 (4) Datiem (sic) does all he can to train the Zinni members
of the court in their work, as he has greater experience
than they. Special respect is to be given to the Ponzhi
Zinni or his representative in view of his ancient
position in the tribe. But Wuyep is much older than
Datiem, (sic) and therefore it is desirable that the latter
should preside, as an entirely mutual and friendly
arrangement, more particularly as he is used to that
work, and Wuyep at his age would find it difficult to
learn.

(5) Wuyep, arising out of this, will decide whether he

wishes to retain his “Rim” duties and deputise the rest,
on the analogy of the rest of Yergam. If he does, it will
be as well in the end for a younger man would learn
under Datiem more easily, and be of more use as
possible successor. Moreover, it would be less
embarrassing to Datiem (sic) than having Wuyep on his
court.

(6) each Village Head of the federation will be

independent. Thus Burat (Bwarat) and Gani will not be
made to ‘follow’ Langtang as hitherto. They rightly
look on Ponzhi Langtang as senior to them, and will
send their tax to him as to their President, or agent-in-
chief. Thus the Native Authority will be the Ponzhi
Yergam (whoever it may be) and the council of the
Yergam (Tarok) tribe. It will be the same as the Native
Court.

(7) Establishment of a Native Treasury at Langtang as soon

as possible.95

However, shortly after Mr. Mathews’ departure, the Hill Tarok

repudiated the agreement on the ground that they had not fully

299
understood it. The Resident, Mr. Hale Middleton visited the Hill Tarok area in
October, 1935 and reported that

there had been decided opposition to the federation proposal at the outset,
but that (on the third day in Langtang) there had been unanimous approval.
It does not require much imagination to reconstruct the whole scene viz.
Mr. Mathews carried away by his own enthusiasm, on the one hand; and
the Hill Yergam (Tarok) led by the aged Ponzhi Zinni longing to get back
to their homes, on the other. I do not suggest that they were actively
intimidated into agreeing to the proposals, but I am quite certain that they
were anxious to terminate a discussion of which they were heartily weary
and of which, they had made up their minds, there could only be one
outcome.96

When the Resident told the Hill Tarok that it was very difficult to
know what they wanted

if they agreed to a thing one day and opposed it the next, the Ponzhi Zinni,
with greater vehemence and eloquence than I have ever seen him display
asked me whether I seriously thought that he, the recognized “father” of
the tribe, would willingly give up his own court, established in his own
town, to sit on that presided over elsewhere by one of his sons.97

The sudden voile face by the Hill Tarok led to considerable bad feeling all round.
Mr. Mathew took offence at what he considered to be the criticisms of his
methods of investigation by Resident Middleton and asked the High
Commissioner of the Northern Provinces that if he was not satisfied that his
investigations had been conducted in a proper manner, he should be relieved of
his job of preparing intelligence reports.9K In an effort to smoothen things over,
the Secretary, Northern Provinces, wrote to the Resident, Plateau Province,
suggesting that it was not unusual for people to offer

300
different views towards the same suggestions at different times to different
officers, and that the High Commissioner thought that this did much to explain
what had occurred. He went on to state that it was presumed that it had not been
Mr. Middleton’s intention to reflect upon the manner in which Mr. Mathews had
conducted his inquiries. few months later Mr. Middleton left Plateau Province
and was succeeded as Resident by Mr. Pembleton. In addition, Ponzhi Zinni’c
sudden voile face to the Resident in October, 1935 had not improved relations
between him and Ponzhi Lan gtang because according to Mr. Milroy, DO i/c
Shendam Division,

the latter not unreasonably feels he was let down rather unexpectedly after
the apparently friendly and conciliatory way in which the proposed
reorganization had been discussed with Mr. Mathews and myself. 100

A conciliatory visit by the Ponzhi Langtang to the Ponzhi Zinni

apparently ended in mutual recriminations about the reorganisation.
Before his departure the Resident, Mr. Middleton recommended that
Mr. Mathews’ proposals

should not be adopted, or at any rate, that they should be indefinitely

postponed. The constitution of the Yergam (Tarok) Districts remains,
therefore, precisely as it was and I am not seeking approval for any form of
reorganization.101

Subsequently, the new Resident, Mr. Pembleton, recommended the postponement

of most of Mr. Mathews’ proposals because although he felt they might embody
the ideal which should be aimed at, to implement them in the face of the
opposition of the Hill Tarok would be ‘utterly impolitic.102 There were two
areas where some progress seemed possible. These were to expand the
membership of the Native Courts so as to make them more representative and if
possible to include the ponzhi mbins, and the establishment of a Tarok
subtreasury.

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The Expansion of the Membership of the Native Courts/Councils,
1935- 1945

Although the idea of amalgamation of the Hill and Plain Yergam

(Tarok) Districts was shelved for the time being, the new Resident,
Mr. Pembleton, did not believe that the existing

system of administration through autocratic District Heads should continue

indefinitely. That system is alien to tribal custom and it seems to me that
the principles underlying Mr. Mathew recommendations can be applied
forthwith to the administration of each district separately by the
establishment of a Native Authority consisting of the heads of the
component units, with, to start with, the Ponzhi Zinni and PonzhiLangtang
as the respective presidents.103

The idea was to return to a more conciliar type of government which would
involve increased representation for the component units and a greater role for
the ritual leaders. In the case of the Hill Tarok ftirther investigation showed that

the Ponzhi Zinni, though shown in official documents as the Native

Authority, is not an autocratic District Head. He never leaves his own area
and does not interfere with the affairs of the other units. Court cases are
brought in by village heads at the same time. The appointment of a Native
Authority consisting of the heads of the component units with Ponzhi Zinni
as president would therefore not alter the existing administration at all.104

In the case of the Hill Tarok, it was decided that the Native Authority should be
the Chief of Zinni and council consisting of the religious and executive heads of
the Gantang, Warok, Kwallak and Gyang (Funyallang) clans.’105 Subsequently it
was decided that it was necessary that the Lagan and Dibbar clans should also be
accorded

320
representation. 106 After these additions, the council/court consisted of twelve
members made up of two representatives, the ritual leader and his nominee for
each of the following clans, or groups of clans:Lagan, Warok, Gantang, Dibbar,
Kwallak, Gyang (Funyellang)’107

Subsequently representation was given to Ponzhi Dambar and Ponzhi

Gebang.’108 But that of Luktuk was rejected on the ground that they were
represented by Lagan.109 These moves were directed at ensuring that clans of
various origins were adequately represented on the court/council. Thus from
1936 ‘the constitution was changed to a federation of equal villages which
however acknowledged the seniority ofLagan and accepted the Ponzhi Zinnias
their leader etc.110

During this period, the ponzhi mbins were losing ground to the political chiefs in
terms of political power and administrative role. In February, 1943, Ponzhi Zinni
Wuyep died, thus creating a vacancy. In 1931, Wuyep Zhar contrary to normal
practice, had stepped down as PonzhiMbin Lagan to become the political chief
with the title Ponzhi Zinni and had delegated his religious functions to his
nephew, Ndam Kpambin, who became the new Ponzhi Mbin Lagan. On Wuyep’s
death in 1943, Ndam Kpambin claimed the right to nominate his successor in
accordance with tradition. He nominated a certain Dadi, a member of his family
with no administrative experience who received the support of the ponzhi mbins.
On the other hand, the political chiefs supported Miri, known as Magaji, the son
of the late Wuyep Zhar. He had acted for his father and was a member of the
council. The colonial authorities favoured Miri because

he has exercised the functions, such as they are, of District Head for
some time now in view of the chronic debility of Wuyep and
appears to be capable of some intelligence, I believe that public
opinion has for some time now expected him to succeed his father.111

303
There were two other candidates, a nominee of the Ponzhi Mbin Dambar and the
Ponzhi Mbin Dibbar who proposed himself. Following a directive from the
Resident, Mr. Pembleton, the ponzhi mbins were informed that in 1936, the
constitution had been changed from that of a sole Native Authority to one of a
chief-in-council which meant that the political chiefs, as councillors, had a say in
the election of the District Head. After some discussion, Miri was elected District
Head.112 However, in his view and in those of his subjects, he suffered a
humiliation because the colonial government, having decided that chiefs below
the rank of third class should not be given a staff of office, declined to give him
his father’s staff of office which had been collected at the time of his death as he
was only a fifth class chief.113 It was reported in 1948 that Ponzhi Zinni was still
trying to get his staff of office restored in the following terms:

Ponzhi Zinni is notorious for his swollen head and inefficiency, and
previous District Officers have had trouble with him. His father used
to have a small staff but on his death it was decided that the District
did not merit it (it is only 28 square miles with 1529 taxpayers) and
the present Head has tried with each new District Officer to make
himself on a level with the 3rd class chiefs of the Division while
doing nothing to justify it. Both Mr. Logan and Mr. Bell had
occasion to remind him that he was on a level with the other minor
District heads of the Division and unless he paid more attention to
his duties he might not even remain at that height.114

This incident helped to emphasize that as a fifth class chief he was much lower in
rank than the Ponzhi Langtang, who was a third class chief. It was these minor
humiliations which continued to sour relations between the two chiefs and helped
to make attempts at amalgamation between Hill and Plain Tarok virtually
impossible in the 1930s and 1940s

304
The situation in the Plain Tarok area was somewhat different since, in the view of
the District Officer, the Ponzhi Langtang was

more of an autocratic District Head in that he tours the whole districts

during the assessment and collection of tax and at other times; in fact in
many ways he functions as a “chief” and not as a president or
spokesman.115

In accordance with Mr. Pembleton’s suggestion that something should be done to

bring the organization of each District separately more into line with tribal
custom and with the accepted principles of administration,16 further
investigations were made by Mr. Milroy as to the possibility of expanding the
membership of the Langtang Native Court. The executive chiefs and ponzhi
mbins expressed satisfaction with the existing state of affairs and said that the
Ponzhi Langtang Datyem did not interfere in their internal affairs or disobey
tribal custom. If the two sections had agreed to amalgamate then the composition
of the council would have had to be altered, ‘but at present, they prefer to remain
as they are’.117 Hence the Resident, Mr. Pembleton recommended:

In the meantime, Datiem (sic) is performing a valuable service in guiding

and training the village heads and court members. Hence I recommend that
for the present, he continues to be the Native Authority.118

Nevertheless, the District Officer continued his investigations with a view to

expanding the membership of the Plain Yergam (Tarok) Court to include the
PonzhiMbin Ce, Miri Sadun, Ponzhi Mbin Bwarat, Lar Shikon, Ponzhi Mbin
Gani, Zitta and of Ponzhi Mbin Timwat, Lalong. In the course of his
investigations, he uncovered a number of additional clans, namely Gigan,
Kumbwang, Jat, Gbak, Ghanghang, Laka, Nani, Binding, and Lyangjit who he
considered should also have representation.119 The District Officer also thought
that he had made a significant discovery in that in the course of some discussions,

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the Ponzhi Mbin Timwat, Lalong made a claim to.a salary on the basis that he
was in charge of Imalkan, the sowing rite. Further investigations revealed the
information that Timwat was of Pe origin with connections to Gyang
(Funyallang), and claimed to have settled in the Plain Tarok area before the
arrival of the clans which had come via Lagan under Gunung or from other
places. Timwat made a claim to ritual seniority on the basis of their performing
the sowing rite, Imalkan, which was vital for good crops. In these claims, the
Ponzhi Mbin Ce, Miri Sadun appeared to acquiesce, thus leading the British to
conclude that although Timwat had been swamped by the greater numbers of the
subsequent immigrants it still retained a ritual superiority, which was still
acknowledged by the Ponzhi Mbin Ce, Miri Sadun. This led the British to
conclude that the position of Ce was not quite as ritually powerful as they had
previously assumed in the Plain Tarok area.120 The British ideal remained to
involve the ponzhi mbins in the work of the administration. In response to these
reports, the Resident, Mr. Pembleton, discussed the matter of court membership
at a meeting on 12 August, 1936 with the Ponzhi Langtang and a broad range of
political chiefs as well as the most important ponzhi mbins. After some
discussion, the ponzhi mbins stated,

that they were satisfied to leave the court work to their representatives to
whom they had long deputed executive duties i.e. to the village and hamlet
heads, but that Miri Sadun should continue as a court member. They
themselves could only undertake judicial work to the detriment of their
religious duties, which took up all their time. If court judgements deviated
from tribal custom, they would protest and they would always advise their
representatives in
doubtful cases.121

Thus, the ponzhi mbins virtually abdicated power to the political chiefs because
their religious duties were incompatible with their political and judicial
responsibilities. Also, because of their lack of

306
exposure, they found it difficult to cope with such duties. In the meantime, the
political chiefs were also moving away from the idea of being nominees of the
ponzhi mbin and as the Resident put it,

the executive officials have acquired the idea of a hereditary ‘sarauta’ and
wished to appoint a son or other relative as court member and to give him a
Hausa title (e.g. Ubandoma) as there is no tribal title. I stressed that
selection of successors to the executive officials was the prerogative of the
priests whose deputies they are (or should be). 122

The Ponzhi Langtang Datyem, a man of autocratic tendencies, succeeded in

alienating the other two principal political chiefs Ponzhi Gani and Ponzhi Bwarat
so that they refused to attend court meetings. This only left the Ponzhi Tirnwat
who spent most of the rainy season on his hill farm away from Langtang, and a
cluster of Langtang titleholders, so that in practice Datyem ruled virtually
alone.123

The Proposal for a Joint Native Treasury 1935- 1945

The Mathews’ report had recommended the establishment of a separate Tarok

sub-treasury; but with the failure of the federation proposals, Mr. Milroy, the
District Officer, Shendam Division, recommended the postponement of the
setting up of a joint sub- treasury for all the Tarok until the federation took effect,
or until it was possible to judge whether it was likely to be long delayed. The
elders of the two districts had agreed to meet at intervals of two months to
discuss matters of general interest which might lead to better understanding and
ultimate federation but ‘if it does not, the establishment ofajoint treasury might
be an additional help.’124 At the time, he expressed the opinion that he did not
consider that either the Hill or the Plain Tarok would be much disappointed at the
postponement of the joint treasury. These recommendations were embodied
virtually verbatim in the Resident’s covering report on Mr. Mathews’‘Report on
the Yergam Tribe’, except that Mr. Pembleton

307
arletered Mr. Milroy’s comment that the setting up of a Native Treasury might
help the cause of Federation to one that the postponement of a Native Treasury
might promote it. 125 Mr. Pembleton’s recommendation where approved by the
official ministering the government, and it became government policy to use the
formation of a joint treasury as a lever to promote federaltion. In the meawhile,
both the Hill and Plain Tarok continued to share the Native Treasury in
Shendam.126

The Resident, Mr. Pembleton reported in September, 1936 that there was as yet
no sign that the Hill Tarok wished to federate with the Plain Tarok either
administratively or financially. The Hill Tarok wanted the Native Treasury to be
sited at Lagan, which would be inconvenient for the Plain Tarok who would
never agree to its being anywhere else except Langtang. The Plain Tarok
believed that once the Native Treasury was located in Langtang, the Hill Tarok
would patronise it rather than go to Shendam.127

In May, 1938, the Plain Tarok continued to press for the establishment of the
promised Tarok Native Treasury and were informed that when they could
persuade the Hill Tarok to federate with them, the proposal to establish a
combined treasury would be submitted to the Resident for consideration.128 In
November, 1938, the Ponzhi Langtang again raised the issue of the Native
Treasury with the Resident and urged that it should be located at Langtang. He
stressed that once the advantages of a native treasury at Langtang, became
apparent to the Hill Tarok they would patronise it. Ponzhi Langtang believed that
the Ponzhi Zinni was under intense pressure by some of the village units but he
agreed that his attitude might also be influenced by his dislike for being
subordinate to an autocratic Native Authority, that is Datyèm. According to the
Resident, Mr. Pembleton, when Datyem was asked for the principal arguments in
favour of the location of a separate Native Treasury in Langtang, the only
arguments he could put forward were:

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 (i) the Yergam (Tarok) would be saved the inconvenience of sending
their tax to Shendam (45 miles)

(ii). A Yergam (Tarok) treasury would be concrete evidence of the

tribe’s independence of the Long Kemai (Long Goemai).129

Mr. Pembleton considered that the creation of a Tarok Native

Treasury should be tied to the political federation of the Hill and Plain
Tarok. He did not foresee this happening in the lifetime of the then
Ponzhi Langtang, Datyem. He believed that on the death of the
PonzhiLangtang

the constitution of the Plain Yergam (Tarok) native authority may have to be
changed to a council representative of the various elements in the tribe, with a
president bound by a majority decision of the council rather than a chief.’130

The Resident, therefore, considered that ‘hasty action is not

desirable.”131

The Resident considered that building a separate Native Treasury in Langtang

would be unnecessarily costly and would divert funds which could be used to
build two dispensaries or a court house which were badly needed in various parts
of the Division. The salary of an accountant, about thirty-seven pounds (₤37),
was equal to that of two dispensary attendants. He therefore concluded that a
combined Native Treasury in Shendam could continue to serve the whole
division and that the creation of a separate Tarok Treasury ‘would inevitably
slow up material development.”132

The District Officer, Shendam reported in January, 1939 that the Hill and Plain
Tarok sections had held a conference to discuss the proposed Native Treasury but
were not able to reach any conclusion. The discussions merely showed how’ far
apart their positions were.
309
The Hill section alone appeared to be willing to offer a compromise when they
suggested a midway site on the boundary between the two sections. The Ponzhi
Langtang refused to consider any alternative to Langtang with the result that the
conference broke down amidst mutual recrimination. In the District Officer’s
view, no reasoned arguments one way or the other could be obtained from the
Ponzhi Langtang or his council ‘who merely reiterated ad nauseam that they want
a treasury, whether it be with or without Zinni.”133 The District Officer
recommended that the original line of policy ‘that establishment of a treasury
should be postponed until the two sections of the tribe agree to federate”134 should
be adhered to. He believed that there was a certain amount of internal discord
within the Plain Tarok area and that they should be made to realize that the Hill
Tarok whom they tended to look down upon as ‘bush cousins’ whose views were
not of much importance should be persuaded to agree. The District Officer
concluded that it would do them no harm to realize definitively that they would
not get a Native Treasury until:

(a) they can compose their internal differences

(b) they can persuade their Hill cousins to want it on the same terms as
themselves.’135

He believed that nobody except the Ponzhi Langlang Datyem had any sustained
interest in the Native Treasury, and therefore he believed that the conditions for
success did not exist at that time.’36

By the outbreak of the Second World War, the British had concluded that
no progress was possible in the lifetimes of the two major protagonists Fonzhi
Langtang, Datyem and Ponzhi Zinni, Wuyep who had taken up entrenched
positions. The Ponzhi Zinni believed that he was the seniorponzhi mbin of all the
Tarok and had no intention of subordinating himself to someone who was the
nominee of his junior in ritual terms even though Ponzhi Langtang was third
class chief while the Ponzhi Zini was only a fifth class chief.

310
The autocratic style of the Ponzhi Langtang, Datyem, not only alienated the
Ponzhi Zinni, Wuyep Zhar and his supporters; but also caused dissension within
the Plain Yergam (Tarok) District. The Ponzhi Langtang, Datyem, feeling that he
had the support of the colonial administration and the SUM considered that there
was no need to compromise on any of the major issues such as who should be
chairman of the combined council, the location of the combined Native Treasury
and so on. The death of the Ponzhi Zinni, Wuyep Zhar in 1943 did not make
much difference as his successor, Miri Wuyep was obsessed with the loss of his
father’s staff of office and was therefore even less likely to accept subordination
to Langtang.

The major change in the situation was produced by outside factors,

namely: the impact of the Second World War with its emphasis on self-
determination and the emergence of the new educated elite of school teachers,
mission employees, Native Authority employees and returned soldiers rendered
restless by their experiences in the war. They felt a greater sense of ethnic
identity, and pushed the rather parochial minded Tarok chiefs towards the
achievement of a union between Hill and Plain Tarok, thereby signalling the new
dawn ofTarok Federation.

II. The ‘Political Awakening’ of the Tarok and Modern Politics, 1941 -
1966

The Emergence of the Yergam Union

The Second World War brought about profound changes in attitudes in Nigeria
because allied propaganda during the war had stressed that the allies were
fighting to promote democracy and self-determination and this naturally aroused
expectations that these would be applied to Nigeria after the war. Britain had
emerged from the Second World War virtually financially bankrupt, and it soon
became apparent, that she no longer had the means to maintain her former great
power status. She was increasingly dependent on the United States for

311
economic support, and the latter made it clear that it had not fought the Second
World War to prop up the British empire. In Britain, a Labour government took
office in 1945 and its Secretary of State for the Colonies, Sir Arthur Creech
Jones, who had previously championed the cause of colonial peoples, took a
relatively progressive view towards political development in British colonies and
he speeded up the process which was to ultimately lead to the independence of
Nigeria.

Amongst the politically conscious groups in Nigeria, there were high

expectations of political change after the war, and therefore the first step in that
direction, the so called Richards’ Constitution of 1947 was something of a
disappointment. It provided for the creation of three regions, Northern, Eastern
and Western, each of which was to have its own Assembly which could merely
discuss general legislation; but which could pass their own regional budgets. The
new constitution was not democratic in the sense that the members of these
regional assemblies would be nominated by the Native Authorities in each
region, and each House of Assembly would in turn nominate five representatives
to the Legislative Council in Lagos. There was supposed to be an “unofficial”
majority of one in each House of Assembly; but as chiefs and emirs, and
representatives of expatriate business interests were included amongst the
“unofficial” members, there was in practice a built-in government majority.

The Richards’ Constitution was attacked by the nationalists on the ground that it
had been imposed on the people without adequate consultation, and they widened
their protest campaign to include the so-called ‘four obnoxious bills,’ the
Minerals Ordinance, the Public Lands Acquisition Ordinance, the Crown Lands
(Amendment) Ordinance, and the Appointment and Deposition of Chiefs
(Amendment) Ordinance passed at the same time. The campaign by the National
Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) to raise funds to send a
delegation to London to persuade the Secretary of State to abrogate the Richards’
Constitution by showing

312
the relative indifference of Northerners helped to widen the gap between the
North and the South. By 1948 it was recognized that the Richards’ Constitution
had been overtaken by events, and the new Governor, Sir John Macpherson,
announced that it would be revised earlier than had been planned.137

The new Governor, Sir John Macpherson, organized an elaborate process

of consultation with discussions at various levels from the village to the province,
thence to the region and finally to a ‘general conference’ of representatives of the
three regions; The resolutions of this general conference would then be debated
in the Regional Houses and by the Legislative Council before being submitted to
the Governor and the Secretary of State.’138 It was reported that not much interest
was aroused at the divisional level in Shendam by the “Review of the
Constitution’ except that

The educated members of the N.A. Staff also held several discussions, but
the missions remained unaffected, apart from sending Representatives to
the Divisional Conference at my request.139

At the provincial conference held at Jos in August, 1949 fears were expressed at
the inadequate representation of non-muslims in the Northern House of Assembly
and the lack of non-muslim first and second class chiefs in the province who
would be entitled to sit in the House of Chiefs in Kaduna.’140 The results of this
complicated process of consultation were embodied in the Macpherson
Constitution of 1951 which gave considerable powers to the Regions while
retaining a Central Legislature in Lagos in which the North and the South had
equal representation. It also provided for a House of Chiefs in the North in which
all first class chiefs would sit of right, while some second and third class chiefs
would be nominated by government. It provided for the first time in the North for
a system of election of members to the Regional and Federal Legislatures.
Although the system of election was indirect, it cleared the way for the
emergence

313
of political parties who could compete for the votes of a relatively broad
electorate based on a taxpayers’ sufferage.141

In response to these constitutional provisions, political parties with ethnic and

regional bases began to emerge and to compete for power. In Northern Nigeria,
the Northern People’s Congress (NPC) emerged from a cultural organization and
became the party of the conservative elements and Native Authorities, while the
Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) was more populist in its appeal. In
addition, a number of progressive unions which had originally been ethnic
cultural associations began to take on a much more political complexion and as in
the case of the Berom Progressive Union and Tiv Progressive Union they
successfully agitated for the creation of paramount chiefs, and later became
strong supporters of the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC). The creation of
the Northern House of Chiefs for first class chiefs and a limited number of
representative chiefs provided hitherto decentralized groups with an incentive to
agitate for the creation of paramount chiefs.142

During the Second World War, many Tarok joined the army and served in Burma
and India and this had exposed them to a range of experiences which they would
never have had if they had remained at home. Some learned trades which were
potentially valuable in civilian life. Many (some two hundred) of them returned
home with new ideas, and did not fit back easily into the traditional way of life of
their communities. It was reported in 1946 that

There is a particularly dense focus of exsoldiers around Langtang where trouble

may arise when most have expended their gratuities. The Ponzhi Langtang has
already had difficult moments in connection with ex-soldiers which he has
handled well; being reasonable but firm.143

In the following year, 1947, the District Officer reported that

314
 Resettlement may well prove to be the solution to the problem of
what to do with the numerous ex-soldiers who are mainly centred
round Langtang. Many of these, having seen and tasted of better
things during their service, are loth to return to their old ways of
life.144

Since these ex-soldiers were becoming a troublesome element to the traditional

political authorities, the colonial government created a Resettlement Scheme at
Sabon Gida in 1948 for discharged WWII soldiers. Many other Tarok followed
so that the Tarok in diaspora became an important element in the political game
within Tarokland.145

Another important element in the political awakening of the Tarok was the
emergence of a new elite, consisting chiefly of mission educated Christians,
mission school teachers, N.A. employees and others. By the 1940s, the mission
schools had produced a considerable number of primary school leavers who
taught in the mission schools for a time, and then proceeded to other mission
controlled institutions such as the Teachers’ College, Gindiri or Vom Christian
Hospital, to pursue various courses. The effect of mission education was to
breakdown traditional loyalties, and as the students were drawn from all parts of
Tarokland they tended to have a broader outlook which inclined them to support
ethnic solidarity.146

It was the group which became the backbone of the Yergam Union (sic),
sometimes referred to as the Yergam Progressive Union founded in December,
1951. It is generally agreed by informants that the idea was first mooted by the
late Canon V.G. Sanda, who at that time was at the College of Arts and Science
in Zaria. On his return for Christmas, 1951 he canvassed the idea and this led to
the founding of the Yergam Union (sic).’147 From the very beginning its
objectives were pan Tarok, and therefore it sought to be representative of all the
various sections of the Tarok. Its president, Ali Ndam Tyernlong, was from Pil
Gani (Plain). He had been the first headmaster at the SUM

315
Primary School at Gazum in 1936, but soon afterwards he went to Gindiri to
study and later became warden of students. In 1950 he resigned from Gindiri
following differences with the white missionaries, and took up an appointment
with the NA School at Wase as deputy headmaster where he remained until 1957,
and then in 1960 he became adult education organizer in Langtang.148

The Vice President was Nimyel Kum from Gazum, brother of Ayuba G. Kum,
long time portfolio councillor in the Lowland Federation Council, and
subsequently Ponzhi Zinni (1965 - 1984). He was a road supervisor with the
Shendam Native Authority. He was later selected for training as a pastor at
Gindiri but was killed in a motor accident in 1952.’’149 Later C. Lakan, son of an
early Christian convert, who had trained as a dispenser at Ibi, and was later a
portfolio councillor became Vice President.150 Wuyep Zitta from Bwarat who had
been a very successful S.U.M. evangelist in Kulere, on his retirement became
field Secretary. He used the techniques he had learned as an evangelist to go
round organizing groups, and proved to be very effective.151 Mr. V.G. Sanda was
the secretary and was later succeeded by Mr. Voncir. Other active supporters
were the Rev. Damina Bawado, at that time, the pastor, S.U.M. Langtang, and
Ezekiel Yusufu, headmaster of the S.U.M. Primary School in Langtang.’152
Another young man, then who was treasurer of the Yergam Union in 1958 was
Selcan Miner, later to be commissioner for Education and later Secretary to the
Government in the former Benue/Plateau State.153 The Yergam Union represented
a well-organized group of the new educated elite who showed themselves, as is
evident from their surviving minutes, to be capable of running their own affairs,
raising funds, and conducting campaigns in pursuit of their stated objectives. The
Yergam Union and the Birom Progressive Union were the only successful
progressive unions in Plateau Province although other groups from time to time
sought to emulate them; but these proved short lived. The Yergam Union was
reported to have more than 2000 members in 1958, and had a continuous
existence until 1966.154

316
Initially the Yergam Union presented itself as a cultural organization seeking to
promote Tarok unity, later, it became a political organization and like other
progressive unions affiliated itself first to the Middle Zone League and later to
the UMBC. The Yergam Union campaigned vigorously amongst all the Tarok
including those farming in the bush in Shendam and Wase in favour of Tarok
unity. The Yergam Union emphasized that people were paying tax and yet they
were getting very little for it, and that if they were going to get the colonial
government to listen to them they must speak with one vbice through a
recognized national organization, otherwise they would be dismissed as isolated
malcontents who did not represent any solid body of opinion.’155

The Yergam Union, and especially the Field Secretary, Wuyep Zitta, campaigned
strongly in favour of children being sent to school. He proved very successful at
this, and this helped to reduce the interest of maternal uncles (kyans) on their
nephews because they were of less use to them as herd boys.’156 They also helped
to promote adult literacy; the scheme supervised by Mr. NdarnAli was one of the
most successful in Plateau Province.’157 Other campaigns included those against
snakes, and against women wearing leaves.’158

The Yergam Union’s principal method was to put pressure on the somewhat
conservative political chiefs from behind the scene, rather than through petition
writing. This has meant that their activities were less well-recorded in the
colonial archives than they might have been; but the colonial officials often
complained of seeing the hand of the Yergam Union behind the agitation over the
ResettlementArea.’159

The Gerkawa Boundary Question, 1949- 1950

Even before the establishment of the Yergam Union, the exservicemen and the
mission educated products had an opportunity to make their presence felt over the
Garkawa boundary question. In 1949 the Youm (Garkawa) had renewed their
request for the demarcation of the boundary.

317
When Garkawa was separated from the Plain Yergam (Tarok) District in 1935 no
boundary was drawn. An arrangement was made by which hamlets where the
Tarok predominated paid tax to Langtang and those where the Youm
predominated would pay tax to Gerkawa. However, the Tarok were increasing
annually and it was becoming probable that the Youm would soon not
predominate anywhere. Thus the Youm were anxious for a settlement of the
boundary question, while the Tarok procrastinated. The British believed that a
boundary had to be drawn if Gerkawa was to survive as a Native Authority.’160
While these negotiations were going on the Ponzhi Langtang engaged in a
campaign of noncooperation over tax assessments in the disputed areas, and over
the resettlement areas which were, in the view of the colonial authorities,

designed to force the hand of the Administration over the Gerkawa

boundary. The continual difficulties at Sabon Gida which made the Acting
Resident speak very severely to Ponzhi Langtang, all the infuriating
noncooperation in spite of agreement with the “Ten Year Plan,” the neglect
of Sabon Gida village seen by Mr. Scott and Mr. Johnston, and even the
failure to prepare Langtang rest house for my visits have all been directed
to the same end.’161’

The colonial administration therefore decided to impose a boundary

because Gerkawa district should have its boundary and the existing
boundary in the south and the Gerkawa hills in the north were established.
The Resident drew a line on the map indicating where the eastern boundary
would run, and this, perhaps varied slightly to suit local circumstances
should be demarcated as soon as
possible.’162

While holding the Ponzhi Lczngtang, Datyem ultimately responsible the District
Officer, Mr. Hunt believed that

318
 The mission products and the exsoldier element have made their presence
felt, and the Ponzhi Lan gtang, partly through ill-health has not been able
adequately to cope with them. The result has been that he has adopted one
attitude to the DO and another to the people, trying to please both, and
ended up popular with neither. The resurrection by Gerkawa of their
request for a boundary with Langtang gave the Yergam “progressives” a
platform from which to preach and they have made the most of it.163

In a confidential letter of 12 November, 1949, Maj or Hunt reported

The Plain Yergum (Tarok) are the most progressive in this division, and a
combination of S.U.M. products and of exsoldiers have started holding
meetings at which they discuss local affiars. After their discussions, two or
three of them go to the Ponzhi Langtang and more or less tell him he has to
carry out their wishes. Hence a good deal of Ponzhi Langtang’s
awkwardness, because he is being pressed by us on one side and by them
on the other. The spokesmen are said to be Domven and Falum of the
S.U.M. and Likita Lipdo, an exsoldier.164

Thus as early as 1949 the new elements were beginning to assert

themselves and according to the District Officer,

Their behaviour during the Gerkawa - Langtang boundary dispute is an

instance of their growing impatience with a feudal regime; the emancipated
products of the S.U.M. and the ex-servicemen element are equally inclined
to regard themselves as more enlightened than their Chiefs.’165

319
The Crisis over the ResettlementArea 1951 - 1953

The second major crisis which engulfed the Plain Tarok area was that over the
Shendam Resettlement Scheme in 1951. When the scheme had been set up, the
colonial government recognized the Long Goemai as the paramount chief of the
area and arranged that taxes should be paid to Shendam. The Tarok settlers in the
Resettlement Scheme, who included many exservicemen, refused to pay taxes to
Shendam. They insisted on paying taxes to the chiefs in the areas from which
they had come as they would in a nomajiddi arrangement, when in fact they had
moved their families to the Resettlement Area. The Tarok settlers in the
Resettlement Area interpreted this move to make them pay taxes to Shendam as
an attempt to hand them over to the authority of the Long Goemai which was
something they had not bargained for.

The agitation became so serious that the District Officer, Major Hunt reported
that ‘the Plain Yergam (Tarok) District has been completely consumed by the
wrangle over the Development Area. All else has been subjugated to this.”166 The
crisis over the ownership of the land on which the Resettlement Scheme was
situated reached in the words of Resident, Mr. (afterwards Sir) Rex Niven ‘Such
a pitch during the year that the only possible solution was the creation of a new
Native Authority to run the resettlement area independently of the other NAs’.’167
This only affected Block ‘B’. The Shendam and Plain Tarok Native Authorities
continued to show their displeasure at the creation of the resettlement native
authority by refusing to appoint their representatives on the new Native Authority
until 1953 and by refusing to co-operate on other issues.168 It would appear that
the exservicemen and mission educated elements were behind this agitation to
excise Resettlement Area from the jurisdiction of the Long Goemai, and through
their intransigence forced the colonial authorities to go back on their earlier
undertaking to the Long Goemai, and to excise the resettlement area from his
jurisdiction. As early as 1951 the District Officer, Shendam, expressed the hope
that

320
“if the Yergam Progressive Union will accept advice.’ It might be possible to
direct the energies of ‘these intelligent, able but difficult group, into useful
channels’.’169 At the time of the crisis over Resettlement group Area, there
seemed to have been a breakdown in communication between the colonial
authorities and the settlers with the result that conspiracy theories seemed to have
prevailed and exacerbated the crisis.’170

The Creation of the Ponzhi Tarok Institution

The colonial authorities were anxious to co-opt this new educated group into the
political system so as to give a new life to the Native Administration in the Plain
Tarok area. It was reported in 1952 that the Ponzhi Langtang had been induced to
include several literate members in his council, including the S.U.M. Pastor
Damina Bawado. It was hoped that this ‘may assist the N.A. to keep in touch
with the more revolutionary trends noticeable among the young men of the tribe,
most of whom are products of the mission’.171 It was reported in the following
year that

The lingering illness of the Chief of Langtang and the inability of the
Native Authority Council to conduct affairs satisfactorily without his
direction had greatly hampered the administration of Plain Yergam (Tarok)
District. Several of the members of the council and native Court are also
aged and frequently sick.’172

The younger and more progressive elements found an outlet in the new district
councils set up in 1953. Thus the District Officer Mr. Broadbent reported in 1953
that:

Amongst the Yergams (Tarok), generally the younger and more

progressive element has found a much needed forum in the new district
council. The great majority of them are adherents of the Sudan United
Mission and reveal a distinct

321
 interest in what may be described as ‘middle belt’ aspirations. The same
group of individuals also constitute the backbone of the Plain Yergam
Progressive Union. So far, however, their concern has been mainly with
local affairs and they appear to exert a healthy influence on the whole. In
matters touching farming and education, the Plain Yergams (Tarok) are
outstanding for their industry.’173

Progress in the Hill Yergam (Tarok) District was handicapped by the lack of
central direction owing to the physical immobility of the Ponzhi Zinni, Miri
Wuyep, and attempts to delegate special responsibilities to councillors, where
hamlet heads failed. Even here, however, it was reported in 1953 that

At a recent meeting of the Hill Yergam (Tarok) District Council in which,

here also, the younger and more progressive members of the community
are well represented, it was proposed that the two districts, i.e. Hill Yergam
and Plain Yergam (Tarok) should amalgamate. Such a step is almost
certainly inevitable sooner or later but for a year or two there will be
considerable difficulty in overcoming the objections of the Hill Yergam
(Tarok) hamlet heads and councillors.’174

The main thrust of the activities of the Yergam Progressive Union was to
mobilize support for a combined Tarok Native Authority with a paramount chief
which would be independent of Shendam. It used the new districts as a vehicle to
press its demands, and behind the scene, pushed the more conservative village
and hamlet heads into action. They succeeded in creating a growing awareness of
the advantages of a united Tarok Native Authority.’175

The colonial administration having tried unsuccessfully for over three decades to
amalgamate the Hill and Plain Tarok under a paramount chief now found that the
pressure was coming from the people

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themselves for a united Tarok Native Authority. It was not that the old jealousies
and fears had disappeared; but

the proposal has been thoroughly discussed by all sections of both

communities and there is no doubt that it receives strong support from the
younger and more educated elements. If the older men do not in their
hearts agree to it, they have not said so and have probably bowed to the
inevitable; the younger men see in it an opportunity for increasing the
strength of the Yergam (Tarok) tribe as a whole. 176

In 1954 it was agreed to set up a combined Native Administration with a

Treasury at Langtang and a Native Authority Council comprising:

(i) Joint Presidents: Ponzhi ‘s Langtang and Zinni

(ii) Traditional Councillors

Madakin Langtang ) Langtang District

Ubandoma Langtang )
Ponzhi Bwarat ) Bwarat Area
Madakin Bwarat )
Ponzhi Gani ) Gani Area
Madakin Gani )
Ponzhi Dibbar ) Gazum District
Ponzhi Dambar )

(iii) Elected Councillors were taken each from Langtang, Gazum, Bwarat
and Gani Districts.177

As originally conceived, the Ponzhis Langtang and Zinni, who were both ageing
would be joint presidents during their lifetimes, and then future presidents should
be elected by the council
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which represented the political chiefs and titleholders and through th elected
councillors, representing the educated elements in society. It January, 1955 when
the question as to which chief should be paramount arose, the Ponzhi Langtang,
Datyem who had been ailing for some years died and was replaced by Mallam
Garba Wuyep. The aged Ponzhi Zinni, Miri Wuyep summoned a meeting at Ryak
in August, 1955 which culminated in an agreement by which the Ponzhi Zinni
agreed to stand down in favour of Ponzhi Langtang, Garba Wuyep who then
became the first Ponzhi Tarok 178.

The agreement reached is worth reproducing in full as follows:

‘Shawarar Yergam Kasa Da Yergam Dutse Ran “ 22nd August, 1955

i. Yergam Kasa da Yergarn Dutse sun kulla shawaran su a/can cewa

sun hada kansu gaba daya. Gama da su ba su gane da hada kai ba.
Amma a yanzu sun zama abu daya. Ponzhi Langtang da Ponzhi
Zinni sun yarda da dukan abinda an shii’ya a gaban mai girma S.D.
0. na Lowland Division, da tabattarwa da ba/cm sa cewa wannan
shirin tayi masa kyau kwarai da gaske.

ii. Manyan Tsafi watau Ponzhi Rim na Langtang da Ponzhi Rim Zinni
da wakilin sa, sun sake karfafawa akan wannan zance.

iii. Sun ce yau sun tabbata M Garba shine Ponzhi Tarok’, watau Sarkin
Yergam duka kenan. Amma bayan da bashi ba, mutanen Ce a
Langtang”, da mutanen Lagan sune masu neman gadon sa.

iv. Dukan mashawarta sun yarda da wannan, kuma mai girma S.D.0.
na Lowland Division yayaba da wannan shirin kwarai da gaske.

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 v. Su wakilan mu, Mr C. Lakan da Mr. Ayuba Gazum sun goyi bayan
wannan al’amarin kasarsu

(Sgd) M. GarbaWuyep

DH Yergham N.A.

Ponzhi Langtang

Taro Right Thumb Impression(RTI) Ponzhi Zinni (Miri Wuyep)’79

The agreement was ratified twelve days after it was signed at a ceremony held at
Reak which was regarded locally as being of great symbolic significance. The
rites performed included the sacrifice of a ram in which the Ponzhi Zinni held the
head and the Ponzhi Langtang held the tail. According to the report of the
commission appointed by the Plateau State Military Government to look into
chieftaincy affairs in the state inAugust, 1976:

The Ponzhi Nbiins (sic) have also confirmed the validity of the 1955
Agreement except those of Ce, Tummwat (sic) and Kumbwang who claim
ignorance of it. But all of them are reported to have accepted that Gadung
(Ponzhi Nbiin Ce - deceased) and Lashukon (Bwarat - deceased) attended
and were responsible for informing their surrogates. It is therefore obvious
that at the time of this agreement, the totality of Yergam (Tarok) must have
been pleased with it. It would appear, however, that in 1955 and thereafter
prospective future difficulties were not in any way envisaged and
examined, nor were chieftaincy procedures laid down in anticipation of
these. 180

The creation of the Ponzhi Tarok institution was the single most important
achievement of the ex-servicemen and mission-educated young men organized in
the Yergam Progressive Union.

325
Lowland Federation Politics 1953- 1966

In November, 1947 the first meeting of the Shendam sub committee of the
Provincial Development Board took place at Wase attended by all the district
heads and by most of the Village Area Heads to discuss development proposals.
It was decided that it would provide a useful forum at which to discuss matters of
common interest to all the districts. Meetings would be held at intervals of say six
months, and would rotate between Wase, Shendam and Langtang.’181 Over the
next few years, combined meetings of all the native authorities in Shendam
Division were held to discuss development plans and to enable the District Heads
to learn what is being done in other districts besides their own and thereby
acquire a less parochial outlook.”182 The colonial government had long wanted a
Central Native Authority for the whole of Lowland Division, and in May 1953 a
Federal Council was established consisting of some twenty members who elected
Mallam Michael Audu Buba, MHA, as its first Chairman. As it would have been
difficult for such a large and amorphous body to control the day to day details of
the Native Administration, a standing Executive Committee of four members was
set up. At this stage of its development, it was difficult to find suitable persons to
staff the executive committee which was the key to the effective operation of the
new system.183

Prior to 1955, the Tarok had two supervisory councillors, Cirtau Lakan for the
Plain Tarok area and Ayuba Kum representing Gazum. Cirtau Lakan was the son
of an early Christian convert, a dispenser. He was made the supervisory
councillor for education. Ayuba Kum, from Gazum, had been a Native Authority
policeman (yandaka) in Jos and then he decided to take up farming on the
Shendam plains when he was elected councillor; supervisory councillor for
works. After the unification of the two Tarok sections, the Tarok only had one
supervisory councillor. The Ponzhi Zinni asked that the supervisory councillor
should be chosen from Gazum and so Ayuba Kum remained as supervisory
councillor for works and later for finance for

326
some eighteen years. By all accounts he was an upright man who as supervisory
councillor for finance made many enemies in the corrupt Lowland Native
Authority. He was an opponent of Michael Audu Buba, the leading figure in
Shendam politics who had the ear of the Sardauna, who was naturally anxious to
have Kum removed. Ayuba Kum, using his inside knowledge of the workings of
the Lowland Native Authority, did much to promote the creation of a separate
combined Native Authority for the Tarok and Resettlement Areas in 1959. He
eventually became Ponzhi Zinni, (1965 - 1984).” 184

At about the same time, that is 1953, an outer council was organized for Lowland
Division of Plateau Province which met quarterly. It was a large body of nearly
seventy members including all the members of the Federal Council. Although it
was reported that ‘the tendency is to think no further than the parish pump and
work the handle of this long after the bucket is full,185 and that speakers were too
verbose, it nevertheless provided an effective check on the Executive Committee
so that ‘if anyone thinks his area is being neglected the committee is certain to
hear of it, at least four times a year.186

However things did not go smoothly with the Lowland Federation Council and
especially its Executive Committee. Thus the Resident, A.T. Weatherhead
reported in 1957 that

the Lowland Federation Council met monthly and has proved an effective
forum of debate. The Executive Committee has been less happy. One
member was imprisoned for embezzlement and the others were
handicapped by the lack of effective heads of department under them.

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 It is a problem with which all the Native Authorities o Plateau Province are
faced that the maximum salary they ca offer to an Executive Committee
member is never more thai 300 and therefore anyone with secondary or
higher educatioji inevitably seeks employment with government or in
commerce. Native Authorities are left with self-educated and senior
primary candidates, and it is difficult to see how this can be changed)187

There was thus a shortage of educated manpower because of the colonial

government’s pa4st neglect of education in Lowland Division which it had
handed over to the missions, and as Nigeria moved towards independence there
were increasing job opportunities for secondary school leavers in the Regional
and Federal Service to the detriment of the Native Authorities.

The second major factor which made the workings of the Lowland Federal
Council and the Executive Council difficult were the continual inter-ethnic
rivalries, especially between the Goemai and the Tarok. These inter-ethnic
rivalries were also reflected in personality clashes between members of the
Federal Council and Executive Committee. The Goemai had long had a sense of
superiority over other groups in the area which the British had encouraged by
making the Long Goemai the paramount ruler of much of Shendam Division. The
Tarok had long resented such paramountcy as evinced by their decision to opt for
Wase rather than to be placed under the Long Goernai as treated earlier in this
chapter. Although it is not easy to set an exact date when the Tarok set
themselves the goal of emancipating themselves from the control of the Long
Goemai and have an independent Native Authority of their own, it seems
legitimate to assume that the bad feeling generated by the dispute over the
onwership of the Resettlement scheme and the rivalries within the Lowland
Federation council helped to crystalize this feeling. The Tarok also became
convinced that the Goemai were deliberately blocking projects such as the Lafia
to Shendam road, which would be useful to the Tarok. The more articulate Tarok
leaders

328
fed with information by Ayuba Kum concerning the internal corruption of the
Lowland Native Authority began to formulate the idea of obtaining a separate
Native Authority for the Tarok.

On the other hand, the behaviour of the Tarok over the ownership of the
Resettlement Area had not endeared them to the Goemai who continued to
attempt to reopen the issue from time to time. The Goemai also appeared to have
more influence with the Regional Government because of the close relationship
between Mailam Michael Audu Buba and the Sardauna, and the decision of the
Long Goemai to become a muslim. The Tarok when they felt “they were being
forced into something they did not like or were losing something they might have
gained,’188 became very intransigent in their pursuit of their self-interest. The
Goemai, on the other hand, saw themselves as a ruling group who were entitled
to positions of power, and resented the initiative and enterprise of the Tarok.

In 1956, Wase became a separate native authority with its own treasury, and this
served to create an imbalance within the Lowland Federation as it

left the Ankwe (Goemai) of Shendarn predominant in the new federation

and anxious to exploit their advantage. It was clear from the first that any
federation which handed all the power to the Ankwe (Goemai) at the
expense of the Yergam (Tarok) and other smaller Native Authorities was
foredoomed to failure. The whole year was spent in trying to get an
agreement on a balanced representation in the Federal Council and
Executive Committee. It was at last achieved. 189

In 1959, a complete reorganization of the Lowland Federation Council took place

which, as reconstituted, was to be composed of the chiefs of Shendam, Tarok,
Montol, Gerkawa, The Long Dimmuk, the Gbau Kwa of Kofyar Federation and
the Long Jan Namu, the persons representing Lowland Division in the House of
Assembly and House of Representatives at the time as ex officio; and twenty one

329
members to be elected. This was an attempt to democratize the council by
introducing an elective element. It had difficulty choosing a Chairman of the
Council. The Executive Committee and the District Officer had to be asked to act
as Chairman of the Executive committee so that ordinary administration could
continue.’190 Finally, the Long Kwo of Kwande, Shendam Native Authority, was
elected President of the Native Authority and Longtoe Nyelong of Shendam
Town, Shendam sub N.A. son of the Long Goemai and portfolio executive
councillor for finance, was elected Chairman of the Executive Council. The
portfolios in the Executive Committee were reshuffled so that Shendam, which
had 54% of the population, controlled the more important portfolios, the
chairmanship, finance, police, prisons, and works, while three others held natural
resources, education and health. “183 Matters came to a head in April, 1960
because of the unhappiness of the Yergam (Tarok) Subordinate Native Authority
at the removal of Mallam Ayuba Kum, the member elected by them to serve on
the Executive Committee. As already mentioned, Ayuba Kum had made many
powerful enemies including Michael Audu Buba and so they ganged up to secure
his removal. The Tarok Sub-Native Authority passed a resolution in favour of
leaving the Lowland Federation but they held it in abeyance until the response of
the Minister of Local Government to their resolution concerning the removal of
Mr. Kum was known.’192 The Yergam (Tarok) Subordinate Native Authority
were also far from happy with the glossing over of the extravagant overpayments
by some members of the Executive Committee for stores and works to the value
of approximately one thousand pounds (1,000).’ 193 It was also being suggested
that the Resettlement Subordinate Native Authority should be placed under the
jurisdiction of Shendam Subordinate Native Authority which naturally alarmed
the Tarok who saw this as another attempt to assert Shendam hegemony.’194

Relations between the Tarok and the Goemai became so bad that the Minister of
Local Government, Aihaji Maikano Dutse, spent three days in Shendam at the
beginning of July, 1960 so that he could assess

330
the situation for himself. He met the Lowland Federation Native Authority twice
and the Yergam (Tarok) Subordinate Native Authority once. At that time ‘the
Yergam (Tarok) Subordinate N.A. wished to break away from the Federation and
the Ankwe (Shendam Subordinate N.A.) wished to see them go.”195 During his
visit the future of the Resettlement Subordinate Native Authority was raised, and
all the subordinate native authorities, except Tarok and Resettlement,
recommended that it should be placed under the Long Goemai. The Minister
appeared to have settled none of these problems at the time;’196 but what he
reported to the Sardauna must have been very important for the decision making
process because, if Professor Paden is to be believed, ‘whoever was holding the
post (Minister of Local Government) was acting directly on behalf of the
Sardauna.”197 The decision of the Regional Government in 1961 was to excise the
Yergam (Tarok) and Resettlement subordinate native authorities from the
Lowland Federation because ‘tribal and personal differences had made it
impossible for these units to work together in concord.”198 With the help of a loan
from the regional government, new offices were built at the administrative
headquarters in Langtang.’199 Services in the two native authorities were run by
ajoint services committee based on Langtang. The excision of Yergam (Tarok)
and Resettlement Subordinate Native Authorities from the Lowland Federation
has accumulated a considerable amount of folklore.200 That it happened is,
nevertheless, surprising given the influence of Michael Audu Buba with the
Sardauna201 and the importance of the Long Goemai as a paramount chief and an
NPC supporter. The Ponzhi Tarok, Garba Wuyep, was on very bad terms with his
council, and was being accused of financial malpractices at the time.202

It had originally seemed that the Ponzhi Tarok Garba Wuyep’s decision to
become a muslim might have been the decisive factor in the Tarok obtaining their
own native authority but the chronology does not fit as most informants seem to
agree that the Ponzhi Tarok, Garba Wuyep, did not become a muslim until about
1964 when the Sardauna made one of his mass conversion tours of the
Lowlands.203

331
The Ponzhi Tarok, Garba Wuyep, survived the attempt to remove him in 1959
but he remained unpopular with the educated elements, and there was no love lost
between him and Ayuba Kum. A further attempt was made in the 1 960s to
remove him by writing a petition against him but the Sardauna dismissed the
charges as being too frivolous to justify the removal of a paramount chief. He
told them to go home and settle their differences among themselves. It is possible
that it was after this incident that the Ponzhi Tarok, Garba Wuyep, that is in about
1964, out of gratitude for the strong support given to him by the Sardauna,
became a muslim.204

In 1966 following the military coup, all elected members of native authority
councils, and subordinate councils were removed and replaced by nominated
members. There was also a change in nomenclature as “Native Authority” was
replaced by “Local Authority.”205

The Tarok and the Middle Belt Movement 1949- 1966

The origins of Middle Belt sentiment lies in the fact that in what constituted the
Northern Region of Nigeria in the colonial period, there was a division between
the Hausa-Fulani emirates and Borno which possessed some kind of centralized
administration and had embraced Islam and a belt of small decentralized polities
who, at the time of the British conquest, were traditional religionists. Prior to the
coming of colonial rule, this ‘pagan’ (arna) belt had been considered to be a
legitimate area for slave raiding by marauding parties from the emirates and
hence Islam had become associated with slave raiding and oppression. British
colonial rule further aggravated these divisions because they found the emirates
convenient instruments through which to rule and so they encouraged the Hausa-
Fulani in their belief that they were a natural ruling class over subject peoples. As
extension of this attitude, the British sought to protect the emirates from Christian
proselytization, the intrusion of Southern Nigerian commercial groups, and the
disturbing effects of western education on the conservative and deferential social
fabric of the emirates. In

332
this, the British were only partially successful but nevertheless the gap widened
between Southern and Northern Nigeria in terms of trained manpower, the
emergence of an entrepreneurial class and economic development. On the other
hand, in the case of the Middle Belt of Nigeria with its hundreds of small ethnic
and language groups, the British allowed Christian missions to operate in this
area and they brought with them the rudiments of western education.206

By the 1 940s, as we have seen, the Christian Missions had produced a small self-
conscious group who were anxious to obtain some of the fruits of modernity for
their ethnic groups, and at the same time promote careers for themselves in the
new Nigeria which was emerging after the Second World War. Their initial step
was to form ethnic unions such as the Birom Progressive Union founded in 1945
and the Yergam Union in 1951. Initially such unions made approaches to the
NCNC which seemed to be the most progressive nationalist party at the time.207

Middle Belt separatism began to take organizational form in 1949 following a

private member’s motion in the Northern House of Assembly which called upon
the Regional Government to restrict the activities of Christian missionaries in the
North. A small group of mission-educated leaders in which the Berom and
Southern Kaduna groups predominated formed the Northern Nigerian Non-
Muslim League with Pastor Lot as President. In 1950, it changed its name to
Middle Zone League (M.Z.L.) in order to emphasize its separatist objectives and
to de-emphasize religious confrontation. Although they remained in the
background, the Christian missionaries encouraged these political developments.
Rev. Lamle seems to make a good case for the European missionary, Rev. Potter,
having influenced Au Ndam and Rev. Damina Bawado in their support for the
Yergam Union and the M.Z.L. Like other progressive unions, the Yergarn Union
deems to have been affiliated to the M.Z.L, at a date no longer known. It also
affiliated with the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) in 1956.208

333
Following the introduction of the Macpherson Constitution, there were non-party
indirect elections to the Northern House of Assembly in 1951. No Tarok
proceeded beyond the divisional level. Chief Ezekiel Yusufu having the highest
number ó,f votes among them was still below the cut off point. The single seat
allocated to Lowland Division was won by Mallam Michael Audu Buba
campaigning on an ethnic ticket. When elected, he joined the NPC and became a
close supporter of the Sardauna and eventually a Minister of Social Welfare and
Cooperatives.209

In 1953 the M.Z.L. split between the socalled Pastor Lot and Patrick Dokotri
wings which sought cooperation with the Northern Regional government and
formed an alliance with the NPC. Moses Nyam Rwang and Bello Ijumu opposed
such cooperation and formed the Middle Belt Peoples’ Party (MBPP) which
affiliated to the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC). There
is no evidence as to which wing of the MZL was supported by the Yergam Union
at this time.210

Following the crisis of 1953 over the resolution in favour of self government in
1956, and the subsequent Kano riots, the Macpherson Constitution was replaced
by the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954 which gave greater powers to the regions
and provided for separate elections for the Federal House of Representatives, but
no uniformity of electoral procedures among the regions was required. The
Northern delegates stuck to their policy of self-government “as soon as
practicable” and the conference decided that those regions who were ready for
self-government in 1956 could have it. It was provided that the constitution
would be reviewed within three years so that the pace towards full independence
began gathering momentum.211’ In the ensuing elections to the Federal House of
Representatives both wings of the MZL contested as separate parties. In the
Federal elections of 1954 in Lowland Division, Mallam Emmanuel Damulak
from Kwa was elected and in December, 1955 he was still describing himself as
an “independent.”212

334
Following the Federal election of 1954, the two wings of the MZL came together
at Kafanchan and inaugurated the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC).
However the same divisive tendencies which had troubled the MZL, led Pastor
Lot, the President of the UMBC to accept an appointment as a minister without
portfolio in the Northern Regional Government while Patrick Dokotri, MHR,
became Parliamentary Secretary to the Federal Minister of Mines and Power. The
Moses Nyam Rwang wing objected to any alliance with the NPC; and instead
favoured an alliance with one of the Southern political parties. Prior to the
regional election of 1956 Lot and Dokotri resigned their posts with government,
while the Tiv Progressive Union broke off their alliance with the NCNC. Eleven
candidates who were affiliated to one or other faction ofUMBC were elected to
the Northern House of Assembly. However, Mallam Michael Audu Buba was
successfully returned in the Lowland constituency for the NPC213 Thus the Tarok
continued to find themselves in the opposition party in the Lowland Division
even though support seemed to be growing elsewhere for the Middle Belt
Movement, despite its tendency to split into factions. Thus a unity conference at
Lafia in January, 1957 at which the Tiv leader, Joseph Tarka, emerged as
President led to further defections by those who feared Tiv domination. There
were further disagreements over whether to ally with NCNC or AG (Action
Group). The leaders of UMBC decided on an alliance with AG in 1957 which
was formally ratified at the Minna Conference of 1958. AG agreed to support the
idea of a Middle Belt State and gave the UMBC a valuable infusion of funds,
provided vehicles, and AG lawyers to defend party members, and membership of
the AG delegation to the London Conference. In return UMBC agreed that Ilorin
and Kabba states should be excluded from the proposed Middle Belt State, and be
allowed to join the Western Region.214 The other price which the UMBC had to
pay was that the alliance with AG enabled the NPC to claim that the demand for
a Middle Belt State had been engineered by outsiders with the political motive of
dismembering the Northern Region.215

335
At the London Constitutional Conference in 1957, a considerable number of
claims by minorities for separate states were presented. It was decided to ask the
British Government to appoint a commission of enquiry to look into the fears of
these minorities and any boundary adjustments that might be necessary. Such a
commission was appointed in September, 1957 under the Chairmanship of Henry
Willink, and is hence known as the Willink Commission on Minorities. Its terms
of reference were:

(i) To ascertain the facts about the fears of minorities in any part of
Nigeria and to propose means of allaying those fears, whether well
or ill founded.

(ii) To advise what safeguards should be included for this purpose in the
constitution of Nigeria

(iii) If, but only if, no other solution seems to the commission to meet the
case then, as a last resort to make detailed recommendations for the
creation of one or more new states xx x216

The UMBC was able to make a strong showing bafore the Commission. Apart
from the well-known figures of the Middle Belt Movement Ali Ndam and Selcan
Miner for the Tarok and Mr. Paul Shalgwen and Mr. George Yilgwen for the
Goemai gave evidence before the Commission expressing anxiety that after
independence that their peoples would come under acute muslim pressure just as
their chiefs were being intimidated into becoming muslims unless a Middle Belt
State was created.217 The Northern Regional Government through its
presentations did its best to discredit the Middle Belt witnesses, and to argue that
the creation of a Middle Belt State was excessively expensive and impractical.218
Although the Commission found that the fears of Northern minorities were to
some extent justified it considered that it was not necessary to create a Middle
Belt State to protect their interests. It believed that the need to win the

336
votes of the minorities could ensure their fair treatment.219 Following the
publication of the report in late 1958 it was asserted by the Acting Resident,
Plateau that

There has been general disappointment with the report amongst the
professing U.M.B.C. supporters but not to a point of panic or despair. The
ordinary mass of people of course - particularly in Lowland, Akwanga and
Pankshin know little of the report and care less.220

Meanwhile preparations were set in motion for the federal elections of 1959
which would be the last before independence. Previously the UMBC in the Tarok
area had fought the elections with funds raised locally by the Yergam Union. In
1959 AG was prepared to assist U.M.B.C. with funds, vehicles and legal
assistance on an unprecedented scale. According to Chief Ezekiel Yusufu, he
received a Skoda car, sixty pounds to run it, and eight hundred pounds as
expenses which, at that time, was a considerable amount of money. The
candidate chosen by the U.M.B.C. to contest Lowland East was Mr. Solomon
Daushep Lar, from Kwallak, a teacher in the S.U.M. Primary School in Langtang,
and who seemed humble and modest. He was supported by Rev. Damina
Bawado, and the present Ponzhi Tarok, Mr. Edward Cirdap Zhattau, then the
Ubandoma. Solomon Lar was not particularly prominent in the Yergam Union
but his backers thought that he would prove amenable if elected. With the
assistance fromA.G. the U.M.B.C. was able to make its best showing to date. In
Plateau Province the UMBC - AG alliance won five out of the nine seats, losing
only in Akwanga, the Jos area constituencies and Kanam. In the two Lowland
Federal Constituencies, Mr. Solomon D. Lar won in Lowland East and Mr.
George Yilgwan won in Lowland West. Thus in spite of the pressure exerted by
the regional government, and the suspected NPC sympathies of the Ponzhi Tarok,
Garba Wuyep, the Yergam Union was able to mobilize the voters in the Tarok
area to support the UMBC.221 However, despite U.M.B.C’s local victories in
Plateau, the N.P.C. in alliance with the N.C.N,C.

337
formed the post independence national government with Sir Abubakar Tafawa
Balewa as Prime Minister, since the N.P.C. leader the Sardauna, Sir Ahmadu
Bello had refused to move to the centre. The A.G. remained in opposition.
However, after his election on the platform of the U.M.B.C., Mr. Solomon D. Lar
cross-carpeted after due consultations with Tarok elders, and joined the NPC. He
stood again for elections in 1964 on the NPC ticket and was re-elected. He was
appointed Parliamentary Secretary in the Federal Ministry of Establishment, a
post which he held until the 14 -15 January, 1966 coup.222

The 1959 federal elections were the high point of UMBC electoral successes. In
the 1961 Regional elections, the UMBC was only able to win one (Jos North
West) of the nine seats in Plateau Province. The elections were particularly bitter
and gave rise to the so called Ikum a Malamu or’ battle of Malamu’ in Wase. On
the day of election, 3 April, 1961, Chief Ezekiel Yusufu the U.M.B.C. - A.G
candidate went on tour of the polling stations but when he got to Kumbur, the
Native Authority policeman told him that he should not go to the polling booth.
When he did, he was arrested for trespass and locked in a round hut for some
hours. Meanwhile those who had accompanied Chief Yusufu returned to
Langtang and mobilized people who proceeded along the Langtang-Wase road
armed with traditional weapons. A rumour circulated that Chief Ezekiel Yusufu
had been killed. However, the arrival of the police, the arrival of Chief Ikoku, the
A.G. supervisor for Lowland East, and news that Chief Yusufu was not dead
prevented a major confrontation on the Langtang-Wase road at Malamu bridge.
Meanwhile, skirmishes were taking place inside Wase town between the Hausas
and the Tarok. The election had taken on ethnic and religious overtones with the
Hausas and muslims supporting NPC and the Tarok and Christians supporting
U.M.B.C. - A.G. Despite using village heads and N.A. police to intimidate voters
when the election seemed to be going against them, the Hausas resorted to
violence. The N.P.C. candidate, Salihu Gonto, was declared elected, but he never
took his

338
seat and he was later appointed commissioner in Katsina Province.
ChiefYusufu’s election petition was struck out on a technicality. 223

In the post independence period, the N.P.C. in its efforts to maintain a solid North
used the carrot and the stick. It used political patronage, loans and other
incentives to attract the young educated group away from the U.M.B.C. to N.P.C.
At the same time, it intimidated chiefs into becoming muslims and supporting the
N.P.C. Thus the Native Authorities and N.P.C. thugs were used to intimidate
voters, especially in U.M.B.C. strongholds. The decline in the fortunes of
U.M.B.C. have also been attributed to the fact that the UMBC had become a Tiv
dominated party which led to the defection of many of the other smaller ethnic
tribal unions. The UMBC also lacked national leadership and organization as
most of the local leaders were virtually unknown outside their own localities.
Thus after 1961, except in Benue Province, the U.M.B.C. had become a spent
force politically.224

At the centre, the N.P.C. joined forces with the N.C.N.C. to form a government
leaving A.G. in opposition. Deprived of a share of federal patronage, A.G. began
to disintegrate internally. Thus at the A.G. Congress in Jos the party split into two
factions, that led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo which chose to remain in
opposition, and that led by Chief Akintola, the premier of the the Western Region
who favoured accommodation with the NPC/NCNC government and was
prepared to refrain from extra-regional adventures. The NPC/NCNC government
at the centre naturally favoured Akintola’s faction, and using the May 1962
Western Region parliamentary crisis as a pretext, the Federal Government
suspended the western region government and appointed Dr Moses A.
Majekodumi, the Minister of Health, as Sole Administrator with wide ranging
powers. In a series of ranging probes large scale corruption was found in
government corporations which had been used to finance party activities. Chief
Awolowo was arrested and tried along with some of his supporters for plotting to
overthrow the Federal Government. He

339
was found guilty and sentenced to ten years in prison and his supporters were
given various gaol terms. When the state of emergency was lifted in the West,
Akintola became premier at the head of his new party, the New Nigerian
Democratic Party (NNDP) inApril, 1963.225

The 1963 census provoked a fresh crisis between the regions. The census had
been marked by many irregularities in all the regions as each region sought to
inflate its population so as to obtain political advantage through the allocation of
additional federal seats and resources. According to the original figures the East’s
population had apparently increased by 71% since the 1952/3 census, the West’s
by about 70% and the North’s by 30%. The Federal Government considered that
the Western and Eastern Region figures had been seriously inflated and a new
count was ordered. The results were similar although this time the North’s
population had increased by 67%, the East by 65% and the West by almost
100%. The Eastern Regional government flatly rejected these figures, and this
was the beginning of the estrangement between the NCNC and the NPC. The
NCNC was beginning to be afraid of Northern domination and was not happy
about the Northernization policy being pursued in the Northern Region at the
expense of the Igbo.226

The stage was thus set for major political realignments at the time of the
December, 1964 elections. The NCNC, the rump AG, NEPU and UMBC formed
the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA) while the NPC the Akintola-led
NNDP, the Nigeria Delta Congress. (NDC) and the Dynamic Party formed the
Nigerian Nationalt Alliance (NNA). The political campaign was characterised -
widespread violence and thuggery and when, at the close of part nominations,
eighty-eight out of a hundred and seventy four I candidates in the North were
declared elected unopposed and also several NDPP candidates in the West,
UPGA decided to boycott tV elections; but the boycott came too late to be
effective in the Nor and West. In the East the NCNC-controlled regional
government

340
ensured that it was effective. The President, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, was reluctant
to reappoint Sir Tafawa Balewa on the ground that the elections had been
manifestly unfair, but an agreement was brokered by which fresh elections were
held in the East. The final results gave NNA 197 seats, UPGA 108, Independents
5. The NPC thus had strengthened its hold on the North where UPGA won only
four seats in the Tiv area, thus creating what Graf has called a ‘one party sub-
state.’227

In the North the major resistance to NPC domination had come from the Tiv who
had become the main supporters of the UMBC. The first Tiv riots followed the
1959 federal election becoming widespread after August, 1960. The principal
targets were NPC supporters and Native Authority employees who were believed
to be tools of the NPC. There was virtually a complete breakdown of effective
administration in Tiv Division. The situation was got under control and some
reforms were introduced. Fresh and more intense riots broke out in Tiviand after
August 1964. As the Tiv NA police (about 300) and the Nigeria police riot
squads could not contain the violence some 240 troops of the Nigerian Army
were sent in under the late Lt. Col. Pam, Commander of the 3 Battalion in
Kaduna. The presence of the army, who the Tiv preferred to the police, brought
the killings and violence to an end. The exposure of the army to the Tiv riots led
to a loss of the political innocence of the army who found themselves suppressing
the opposition ofa minority to a one party state.

The November, 1965 regional elections in the West saw the final collapse
of parliamentary democracy in Nigeria. Although Akintola was highly unpopular,
he used the power of incumbency to rig the elections. This led to widespread
disturbances. The Federal government was unable to take decisive action because
if it declared a state of emergency it would involve removing its political ally,
Akintola. The Federal Prime Minister, Sir Tafawa Balewa was further
embarrassed by the fact that Nigeria was hosting the Commonwealth Prime
Ministers’ Conference in January, 1966 while the West was

341
burning.229 Thus in the words of Walter Schwarz the 1965 regional elections
‘proved literally as well as metaphorically as far as the First Republic was
concerned to be an election to end all elections.”230 The Western Region electoral
disturbances had served to politicize the better educated elements in the officer
corps which contributed directly to the first military coup of 14- 15 January,
1966.231

342
Conclusion

During the period extending from the colonial conquest to the first military coup
of 14 - 15 January, 1966, the Tarok political system was tranformed from one
based on virtually autonomous clans led by ponzhi mbins who had religious
authority but almost no executive powers, to one where the people were
organized in districts under political chiefs and grouped in a Native Authority
headed by a paramount chief, the Ponzhi Tarok. The British tried unsuccessfully
in 1934 to unite the two sections of the Tarok. It was not until the end of the
Second World War that a group of mission-educated persons and ex-servicemen
combined to form the Yergam Union that sufficient pressure was brought to bear
on the conservative village heads to bring about the creation of a combined
Native Authority under a paramount chief, the Ponzhi Tarok. This same group
also participated in the politics of the Lowland Federation Council and initiated
the campaign which eventually led to the Tarok and Resettlement Subordinate
Native Authorities being combined and made independent of the Lowland Native
Authority in 1961 This group, through the Yergam Union, participated in Middle
Belt politics. They had just a little success because of the influence of Michael
Audu Buba, a confidante of the Sardauna and Minister of Social Welfare. When
they succeeded in getting their candidate, Mr. Solomon Lar, elected in 1959 to
the Federal House of Representatives in Lagos, he promptly cross carpeted to the
NPC. Thus, by 1966 the NPC, by coercion, bribery and cajolery had largely
consolidated its hold on the North. However, the military coup of January 1966
changed the course ofNigerian political history, and the Tarok participation and
involvement.

343
References

1. (i) Abubakar Yaya Aliyu: ‘The Establishment of Emirate Government in

Bauchi, 1805- 1903 PhD ABU, 1974 pp741 -743. (ii) Fremantle, Gazetteer
p14; (iii) Bibiana Fungvel Bawa ‘Economy and Society in the Lowland
Division of Plateau Province, 1900 - 1960. A study of the impact of
colonialism’ PhD Unijos, 1996 pp 146- 151

2. Fremantle, Gazetteerpp8 -9..

3. NAK SNP 15/1/29, Lower Borno Expedition, Aliyu, ‘Establishment’

pp744 - 746; R.A. Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria
(London 1971) pp 238 -240, Bawa ‘Economy and Society’ p191; Richard
H. Dusgate, The ConquestofNorthernNigeria(London 1985)ppl45 – 146

4. Fremantle, Gazetteer, Appendix p7, Dusgate. Conquest ofNN pp. 225-2 6

5. Ibid.

6. NAK SNP 7/8/2087/1907, Muri Prov. Report No. 48 for half year ending
30 June, 1907 by Resdt Ruxton

7. Fremantle Gazetteer Appendix p.7

8. Interview: J.J. Lakai (Ce) Nimbar. 16/4/99; N. F. Lakai, Introduction

pp.53-

9. NAK SNP 10/585P/1913 Muri Prov. Report No. 83 for quarter ending 30
June, 1913 by Resdt Ruxton.

10. Ibid., N. F. Lakai, Introduction pp.54 - 55.

11. Ibid; pp5 5,59

344
12. Ibid.

13. Interview: Selchak S. Sambo, Ponzhi Bwarat (Kau) Bwarat 14/4/1999;

NAKJos Prof. 3/1/684, WaseNotes on, History of the Talok by Izard; Jos
Prof. 2/10/208/1918 Gazetteer, Plateau Prov. Notes for, Genealogical
Table and Extract from NN Report, 1904.

14. Interview: Selchak S. Sambo, Ponzhi Bwarat (Kau) Bwarat 14/4/1999;

NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/684, Wase Notes for, History of the Talok by Izard.

15. NAK Jos Prof. 1 / 1/885956 Plain Yergam Native Court Grade C; DO
Shendam to Resdt, Plateau. 30/1/1945 No. 7 16/52/86, ADO
ShendamtoResdt, Plateau, 19/11/1947 No. 236/87. For another version of
this episode, see N.F. Lakai, Introduction p.61.

16. List of Political Chiefs supplied by Ponzhi Bwarat. Seichak S. Sambo.

17. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/86 1, Yergam Dists, Admin. of History of Hill Yergams
by A Doelberg, 8/6/1930 Para 3.

18. Ibid; paras 4 and 5.

19. NAK Jos Prof. 2/23/514/1931, Pankshin Div, Plateau Prov, Report on the
quarter ending 30 Sept., 1931 by Mr. Oke DO Pankshin Div. para. 24.

20. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div. Resdt, Plateau
to SNP, 30/11/1931 No. 266/1930/25.

21. Interviews: Vennin Gonmah, Ponzhi Funyallang et a! Gyang

(Funyallang) 26/7/1996; J.M. Goselle, Ponzhi Zinni et al
Gazum 2/5/1997; J.J. Lakai, (Ce) Nimbar 3/7/1996; NAK Jos

345
 Prof. 2/13/420/1921 Sarkin Funyellang, Pankshin Div, Murder of, Jos Prof.
3/1/1566 Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div. N. F. Lakai, Introduction pp.74-
75.

22. NAK SNP 7/13/72/245/1912 Central Province, Report No. 53 for quarter
ended December, 1912 by Resdt Gall, Report by Mr. Frewen Assist. Resdt
Pankshin Div.

23. NAK SNP Prof. 2/13/420/192 1 Sarkin Funyellang, Pankshin Div, Murder
of, 1921; Jos Prof. 13/2/210/1921 Tour in Yergam, Pai and Tal by Mr.
Lawrence, Report on, 1920; Jos Prof. 3/1/1566 Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam
Div.

24. Sir Frederick Lugard, Dual Mandate, p.233.3

25. For some criticisms made by Capt. Ruxton when Resdt, Muri Prov. see
NAK SNP1O/1/583P/1913, Muri Prov, Report No. 83 for quarter ending
30 June, 1913 & also J.A. Ballard, “Pagan Administration” and ‘Political
Development in Northern Nigeria’ Savana, Vol.!, No.1, (June, 1972) pp 1-
82.

26. NAK SNP 7/10/2917/1909 Muri Prov, Report No. 62 for quarter ending 31
March, 1909 by Actg Resdt Rowe.

27. Ibid.

28. NAK SNP 7/2/5708/19 11, Muri Prov, Report No. 74 for quarter ending
Sept., 1911 by Resdt Ruxton. para 20; Fremantle Gazetteer pp445.

29. NAKSNP 7/13/970/1912 Muri Prov,A. R. No. 75, 1911 by Resdt Capt.
Ruxton. para 42

30. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1907 Yergam Dists, Sub-treasury for, Resdt
Pembleton’s Report on Mr. Mathews’ Report.

346
31. NAK SNP 7/10/2517/1909, Muri Prov, Report No. 62 for quarter ending
31 March, 1909 by Actg Resdt Rowe who described one of the aims of the
expedition as ‘chiefly, to see what I could do without force, towards
opening up th tract of country inhabited by those tribes so long designated
in our returns as the “unknown Pagan tribes of the NW”

32. For the struggle between the advocates of ‘indirect rule’ and ‘Pagan
administration’ see J.A.Ballard,’Pagan Administation’ SavanaVoLl (June,
1972) pp1 -82.

33. NAK SNP l0/l/583P/1913 Muri Prov, Report No. 83 for the quarter ending
30 June, 1913 by Resdt. Ruxton. The complaints about the lack of staff
appear on an annual basis and the situation was made worse by the
outbreak of the First World War.

34. Ibid.

35. NAK SNP 10/2/15P/1914 Muri Prov, A. R., No.86, 1913 by Resdt Ruxton.

36. NAK SNP l0/2/527P/1914 Muri Prov, Report on the ibi Div. for the
quarter ending 30 June, 1914 by Capt. Churcher

37. NAK SNP 10/4/365P/1916 Muri Prov. A. R., 1915 by Resdt. Fremantle
and many others. These rumours were inspired by seeing dead bodies
floating down the Benue from Garua following the fighting there.

38. Fremantle, Gazetteet pp45 - 46.

39. NAK SNP 10/6/1 98P/1 918, Muri Prov, A. R., 1917 by Resdt. Fremantle.
para 31

347
40. NAK SNP 10/2/243P/1914 Central Prov, Report No. 58 for quarter ending
31 March, 1914.

41. NAK SNP 10/5/41P/1917, Sarkin Pankshin and thirty others killed by men
ofTal (2) Military Patrol.

42. NAK Jos Prof. 2/13/420/192 1, Sarkin Funyellang, Pankshin Div, Murder
of, Jos Prof. 2/13/210/1921 Tour in Yergam, Pai and Tal by Mr. Lawrence,
Report on 1920; Jos Prof. 3/1 / 1966 Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div.

43. Lugard, Dual Mandate p208

44. NAK SNP 9/11/1407/1924 Muri Prov. Amalgamation of certain Dists

under Wase and Wukari, Resdt, Muri Prov, Mr. Dupigny to SNP, 4 July,
1924 No.
62/1924/6.

45. Ibid. Report on the proposed amalgamation of the seven sub- treasuries of
the Ibi Native Admin. by Mr. Duff, Resdt, Muri Prov, 12/12/18.

46. Ibid. para 19

47. Ibid. para 20

48. Ibid. para20

49. Ibid. SNP to Resdt, Muri Prov, 21 Jan., 1919

50. Ibid. extracts from Mr. Cator’s report

51. NAK SNP 9/12/636/1925 Muri Prov, A. R. 1924 by Resdt. Dupigny.

348
52. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/861, Yergam Dists, Admin. of, Report on the Yergam
Districts (including Gerkawa) of Shendam Div. by Mr. A.B. Mathews
ADD para 4; SNP 1 0/585P/ 1913, Muri Prov, Report No. 83 for the
quarter ending 30 June, 1913 by Resdt Ruxton.Jos Prof. 2/10/208/1918,
Gazetteer, Plateau Prov, Notes for

53. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1807, Yergam Dists Sub-Treasury for, Report by Mr.
Pembleton on Mr. Mathews’ report, 1934.

54. Ibid.

55. NAK Jos Prof. 1 / 1/8859 s6 Plain Yergam Native Court Grade ‘C,.

56. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/861, Yergam Dist, Admin. of Report on the Yergam
Dists by Mr. Mathews. para 11

57. NAK SNP 17/11325 Vol. 1 European Officers of the Nigerian Secretariat
Visits to Northern Provinces.

58. Ibid.

59 NAK Jos Prof. 2/13/210/1921 Sarkin Funyelang, Pankshin Div, Murder of,
Extract from DO Pankshin’s report for Dec., 1920.

60. Ibid. especially DO Pankshin to Resdt, Bauchi, 26 Oct, 1921

No.1218/1921.

61. NAK Jos Prof. 2/18/487/192 1, Pankshin Div, Report for Quarter ending
30 Sept,, 1926 by Capt. Ames, para 16.

62. NAK Jos Prof. 2/13/420/1921, Sarkin Funyellang, Pankshin Div, Murder
of, Extract from DO Pankshin’s report for Dec., 1920 para 41.

349
63. ‘PaganAdministration’ Savana Vol.2 No.1, June, 1972 p6.

64. Ibid. p7.

65. See earlier discussion of the decision to place the Plain Tarok under Wase,
and Mr. Tomlinson’s reaction. Especially NAK SNP 9/11/1407/1924, Muri
Province, Amalgamation of certain Dists under Wase and Wukari.

66. Ballard,”Pagan Administration” Savana, Vol.2, No.1 (1972) p.8.

67. Ibid..

68. Ibid. NAK SNP 9/1/1407/1924, Muri Province Amalgamation of certain

dists under Wase and Wukari; SNP 17/. 11325 Vol. I European officers of
the Nigerian Secretariat visits to Northern Provinces.

69. Ballard, ‘PaganAdministration’Savana. (1972) pp8 - 10.

70. Ibid. p9.

71. Ibid..

72. Ibid..

73. Ibid.pp l0-12.

74. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/861, Yergam Dists, Admin. of, Resdt, Plateau to SNP
6/8/1931 No.203/1928/65, SNP to Chief Secretary, Lagos 3 Sept, 1931,
No. 15750/202.

75. Ibid; Mr. Ames, Shendam Div. to Resdt, Plateau, 20 May, 1920,No.
30/1926. lOpara. 276. Ibid. para3

350
77. Ibid. para4

78. Ibid. ADO Pankshin Div. to Resdt, Plateau, 31 May, 1930 No.44/1928/15

79. Ibid. Resdt, Plateau to SNP 6 Aug., 1931 No. 263/1928/65.

80. Ibid. Mr. Oke, Pankshin Div. to the Resdt, Plateau, 3 1930 No.
44/1928/l7para3

81. Ibid. Resdt, Plateau to D.O., Pankshin, 6 Oct, 1930 No. 208/1923/61.

82. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566 Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam, Mr. Oke, Pankshin
Div. to Resdt, Plateau. 28 July 1931, No. 266/1930/25/2 1 p1.

83. Ibid. Resdt. Middleton, Plateau to SNP 30 Nov., 1931 No. 266/1930/25,
p6.

84. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/861, Yergam Dists, Admin. of, SNP to Chief Secretary,
3 Sept, 1931 No. 15750/202.

85. See Mr. Doelberg’s Memorandurn on Hill Yergam History 8 June, 1930 in
NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/86 1, Yergam Dists, Admin. of; and Notes by Mr.
Rowling 28 April, 1938 in NAK ) Jos Prof. 3/1 / 1566, Hill Yergam Dist,
Shendam Div.

86. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/861, Yergam Dists, Admin. of, Resdt, Plateau to
SNP,21 June, 1934 No. 236/1934/33.

87. Ibid..

88. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1 / 1807, Yergam Dists, Sub-Treasury for, Mr. Mathews
to SNP 5 Dec, 1934.

351
89. Ibid. para 2

90. Ibid. para 3

91. Ibid. para 4

92. Banfa, ‘Political Development’ pp.26 - 27. This is not confirmed by any
other source although it seems probable.

93. The denial is in NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1807, Yergam Dists, Sub- Treasury for,
Mr. Mathews to SNP 5 Dec., 1934. The accusations are in Mr. Middleton,
Resdt, Plateau to SNP 10 Sept, 1934.

94. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/861, Yergam Dists, Admin. of, Report by Mr.
Mathews, para 20.

95. Ibid. para 19

96. NAK Jos Prof. 3 1/1/1807, Yergam Dists, Sub-Treasury for, Mr. Resdt.
Middleton, Plateau to SNP, 10 Sept, 1934, para 3.

97. Ibid. para5

98. Ibid; Mr. Mathews to SNP 5 Dec., 1934.

99. Ibid; Acting SNP to Resdt, Plateau, 27 Dec., 1934, No. 2 1833/67.

100. Ibid; Mr. Milroy, Shendam to Resdt, Plateau, 4 July, 1935, No.67/1934/51

101. Ibid. Resdt Middleton, Plateau, to SNP, 10 June, 1935, No. 236/1934/86.

352
102. Ibid. Resdt Pembleton, Plateau, to SNP. 26 Sept., 1935, No. 136/1934/111.

103. Ibid. Resdt Pembleton, Plateau, to DO. Shendam 28 July, 1935,No.

36/1934/94.

104. Ibid. Mr. Milroy, Shendam Div. to Resdt, Plateau, 15 Sept., 1935 No.
67/1954/66.

105. Ibid..

106. NAKJos Prof. 1/1/1074, Hill Yergam Native Court, Grade D, 1936 - 46,
Mr. Rowling Shendam Div. to Resdt, Plateau, 18 March, 1936, No. 232/5
1.

107. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div. Notes by Mr.
Rowling, 28/4/3 8

108. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/1074, Hill Yergam Native Court Grade D, Mr. Rowling
Shendam Div. to Resdt, Plateau, 26 Oct, 1938, No.235/65.

109. Ibid Mr. Findlay, Shendam Div. to Resdt, Plateau, 29 Sept, 1940, No.
232/99.

110. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Mr. Logan,
Shendam Div. to Resdt Plateau, 10 March 1943, No. 235/S.3/5 enclosing
directive from Senior Resdt.

111. Ibid; Mr. Logan, Shendam Div. to Resdt, Plateau, 3 Feb, 1943, No.
235/53/3 para.6(1).

112. Ibid..

113. Ibid. Mr. Logan, Shendam Div. to Resdt, Plateau, 14 April, 1943.

353
114. Ibid. ADO Shendam Div. to Resdt, Plateau, 21 Feb., 1948, No. 452/64.

115. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1807, Yergam Dists. Sub-Treasury for, Resdt.
Pembleton, Plateau to SNP, 13 Aug., 1935.

116. Ibid. Mr. Milroy Shendam Div. to Resdt, Plateau, 13 Sept, 1935
No.67/1934/66.

117. Ibid Resdt, Plateau to SNP, 26 Sept, 1935, Resdts covering Report on Mr.
Mathews report.

118. Ibid..

119. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8859, s6 PlainYergam Native Court Grade ‘C’ ADO
Shendam to Resdt. Plateau, 18 March, 1936 No. 23 1/1

120. Ibid. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1807 Yergam Dists Sub-Treasury for, DO
Shendam to Resdt, Plateau, 25 March, 1936 No. 162/140.

121. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8859 56, Plain Yergam Native Court Grade ‘C’. Resdt,
Plateau to DO, Shendam, 18 Aug., 1936 No. 10775/47

122. Ibid.

123. Ibid...

124. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1807, Yergam Dists, Sub-Treasury for, Mr. Milroy
Shendam Division to Resdt, Plateau, 13 Sept, 1935, No. 67/1936/66

125. Ibid. Resdt Pembleton’s covering report on Mr. Mathews’ Report.

354
126. Ibid. Acting Chief Secretary to the Government to SNP, 29 Oct, 1935, No.
30566/15.
127. Ibid. Resdt Pembleton, Plateau, to SNP 20 Sept, 1936, No. 861 / 144

128. Ibid. Resdt Pembleton, , Plateau to SNP, 20 June, 1938, No. 261/146

129. Ibid.

130. Ibid. Resdt Pembleton, Plateau to DO. Shendam 14 Nov., 1938, No.
862/148.

131. Ibid..

132. Ibid..

133. Ibid. DO, Shendam Div. to Resdt, Plateau, 2 Jan, 1939, No. 234/44

134. Ibid..

135. Ibid..

136. Ibid

137. James S. Coleman, Nigeria Background to Nationalism (Berkeley, 1958)

pp230 - 318; B.J. Dudley, Parties and Politics in Northern Nigeria
(London, 1968) pp2 1 -22.

138. Ibid. pp3ll -3l2Ibid. pp.22-24

139. NAK Jos Prof. 5/4/S 138 A Vol.11 Future Political Development of
Nigeria, 1949 - 1953. ADO, Shendam to Resdt. Plateau, 4 Aug., 1949 c
96/20 confidential.

355
140. Ibid; Acting Resdt. Maddocks to SNP, 19 Aug., 1949 No. C 138/80 Secret.

141. Dudley, Parties and Politics p24.

142. Coleman, Nigeria pp353 - 368, Richard L. Skiar, Nigerian Political Parties
(Princeton, 1963) pp87 - 140.

143. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/645 1, Lowland Div, A. R., 1946 by M:.1 Logan para
18.

144. Ibid Shendam Div. A. R. 1947 para.35.

145. Ibid; Lowland Div, A. R, 1949 by Mr. Hunt paras 11 & 20; Jos Prof.
3/1/8259/52, Shendam Resettlement Scheme Block ‘C’, 1952;Jos Prof.
2/23/NAC/26, Shendam Resettlement NA General Correspondence 1952-
1960.

146. See Chapter VIII for the emergence of this group.

147. Interviews: Dr. Rev. Selcan Miner, Jos, 21 July, 2000; Chief Ezekiel
YusufuJos, l0 Aug., 2000.

148. Biographical details are taken from Rev. Elias Nankap Lamle, ‘The
Influence of Mission on the Nigerian Political Life: A Biographical Study of
Mallam Ali Ndam Tyemlong.’ MTH(TCNN), 1993.

149. Interviews: JJ Lakai (Ce) Langtang, 4 May, 1998, Au Ndam, c82, former
President, Yergam Union Pil Gani, 5 May, 1998) Chief Ezekiel Yusufu Jos, 10
Aug. & 22 Aug. 2000.

150. Interview: Chief Ezekiel Yusufu Jos, 10 Aug., 2000.

151. See Chapter VIII for details of his career as an evangelist. Ibid.

356
152. Ibid; Minutes ofYergarn Progressive Union.

153. Ibid; Ibid.

154. NAK Premier’s office, 2/4/PM.17/S3, Minorities Commission, minutes, 17

Feb. 1958, Au Ndam & Selcan Miner, p131; Interview: Chief Ezekiel
Yusufu, Jos, 10 Aug., 2000.

155. Ibid; Interviews: JJ Lakai (Ce) Langtang, 4 May, 1998; Au Ndam, Pu

Gani, 5 May, 1998.

156. Interview: Chief Ezekiel Yusufu, Jos 10 Aug., 2000. See for example the
hostility of General Useni’s uncle to his education in Ikoku Okonkwo,
Elizabeth Jo Madugu Ikoli, Sennen Ugoh, Richard Nduul, and Abuo Ojie
(1995), Jeremiah Tim but Useni Portrait of a Genetleman General in
Selfless ServiceLagos, 1995 ppl8- 19

157. Ibid..

158. Ibid..

159. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/645 1 Lowland Div., A.R. 1951 by Mr. Huntpara 11.

160. For the background to these negotiations, see NAK Jos Prof.
1/1/603 Gerkawa, Shendam Div. 1928- 1950.

161. Ibid; Mr. Hunt, Shendam to Rsdt, Plateau 21 July, 1950, No.
1135/25.

162. Ibid.; Memo by Mr. Hunt, 6/7/50.

163. Ibid. Mr. Hunt to Resdt Plateau, 21 July, 1950, No. 1135/25, para 27, Jos
Prof. 1 / 1/6451, Lowland Div. A.R. 1949, para 10.

357
164. Ibid, Mr. Hunt, Resdt Plateau, 12 Nov. 1949, No. C 32, para 1. The
Domven referred to was Rindam Domven, headmaster of the S.U.M.
Primary School at Pu Gani, who was active in Tarok affairs at this time but
died in 1950. He is the father of Brigadier Rindam and Barrister Rindam.
Falum was an innoculator based on Langtang who went all over the Plain
Tarok area in the course of his work. Likita Lipdo was an exserviceman
from Timwat in Langtang; but not according to Chief Ezekiel Yusufu, one
of the firebrands. Interview: Chief Ezekiel Yusufu, Jos l0 Aug; 2000.

165. NAKJos Prof. 1/1/6451, Lowland Div,A. R., 1950, para.9

166. Ibid;A.R. 1951,byMr. Hunt.

167. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8248, Plateau Prov. A.R. 1951, by Resdt Niven,para 12.

168. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/645 1, Lowland Div., A.R., 1953 by Mr. Broadbent,
para 7.

169. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/6451, Lowland Div, A. R, 1951 by Mr. Hunt, para 11.

170. These conspiracy theories appear to be reflected in the literature. See N.F.
Lakai, Intrduction, pp34 - 38; B Gambo (2000), Dorowa - The Genesis and
its Destiny, Jos, 2000 pp9 - 10, Lamle, ‘Mallam Ali Ndam Tyemlona’ pp
108 - 109 with their stories of conspiracies between the chiefs of Shendam
and Langtang to divide the Resettlement Area between them. It is unlikely
that the Long Goemai would have agreed to the division of an area which
is regarded as his own, and he only gave way to superior force.

171. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/6451, Lowland Div, AR 1952 by Mr. Boradbent, para
5.

358
172. Ibid; A.R. 1953, by Mr. Broadbent, para 5.

173. Ibid.

174. Ibid.

175. Interview: Au Ndam, Pu Gani, 5 May, 1998.

176. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/6451, Lowland Div, A. R, 1954, Mr. Lloyd - Morgan,
para 4.

177. Report of the Panel Appointed by the Plateau State Military Government to
look into Chi eftaincy Affairs in Plateau State, Aug. l9’76, pp 45 -47.

178. Ibid; pp46-47

179. Ibid; pp48

180. Ibid..

181. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/6451, Lowland Div,A. R, 1947 para62.

182. Ibid; A.R, 1950, para 30 also A.R., 1949, para 33.

183. Ibid; A.R, 1947, para 66: A.R., 1953; Jos Prof. 1/1/8379 Plateau
Prov.,A.R., 1953 by Resdt Niven, paras 5 and 9.

184. Interview: Chief Ezekiel Yusufu, Jos, 10 Aug; 2000.

185. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8379/S2, Plateau Prov., A.R., 1955 by Resdt.
Weatherhead, para 8.

186. Ibid; Jos Prof. 1/1/6451, Lowland Div. A.R., 1955 by Mr. Lloyd - Morgan.

359
187. NAK Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/20, Vol.1 Plateau Prov; A.R., 1957 by Resdt
Weatherhead, paras 14 - 16.

188. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/645 1, Lowland Div. A.R., 1951 by Hunt, para 11.

189. NAK Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/20 Vol 1, Plateau Prov; A.R., ic. by Resdt
Weatherhead, para 8.

190. NAK Jos Prof. 2/7/AS1/311, Plateau Prov. A.R. 1959 by Resdt Purdy; Jos
Prof. 5/4/S162 Vol. VIII Div. Intelligence Reports 1959-60 Lowland Div.
Intelligence Report; March- April, 1959 c961/144.

191. NAK Jos Prof. 5/4/S/62 Vol. III Div. Intelligence Reports, Lowland Div.
Intelligence Report, July - August, 1959, c/96/ 149.

192. Ibid; 18 April, 1960, No. L531/158 15 May, 1960 No. 4S3 1/160.

193. Ibid; Sept. - Oct. 1959, No. c96/l52, 18 April, 1960, NO. LS31/158

194. Ibid..

195. Ibid. 18 July, 1960, No. LS3 1/166, Jos Prof. 2/7/ASII3 11, Plateau Prov.,
A.R., 1960 by Resdt. Purdy, para 23.

196. Ibid..

197. John N. Paden, Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto (Zaria, 1986), p.185.

198. NAK Jos Prof. 2/7/ASI/3 11, Plateau Province, A.R., 1961 by Resdt.
Nelson, paras 1, 15 & 16.

360
199. Ibid.

200. See Lamle, ‘Au Ndam Tyemlong’ pp 110 - 112 and also stories concerning
the role of Ponzhi Tarok, Wuyep Garba from various sources.

201. Paden,AhmaduBellopp345 -346.

202. NAK Jos Prof. 5/4/5162, Vol. VIII Div. Intelligence Reports, Lowland
Div. 15 Jan, 1959, c96/139; Oct - Nov. 1959, No. c96/153; Jan - Feb,
1960, No. lS3l/156; 18 April, 1960, No. LS3I/158; 15 May, 1960, No.
4S31/160; 16 June, 1960, No. LS311163; l6August, 1960, No. LS3 11169.

203. Interview: Chief Ezekiel Yusufu, Jos, 4Aug; 2000.

204. Ibid..

205. NAK Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/1 9, Vol.111 Plateau Prov. A.R., 1966, para 4;
N.F. Lakai, Introduction p.25.

206. For this general background, see Coleman, Nigeria Sklar, Nigerian
Political Parties; Dudley, Parties and Politics and Paden, A hmadu Bello.

207. Skiar, Nigerian Political Parties pp.345 - 346. In reporting the existence of
the nucleus of what became the Yergam Union the D.O. stated that
representatives had been sent to Jos to contact representatives of the
NCNC. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/603 Gerkawa, Shendam Div; Mr. Hunt,
Shendam to Resdt, Plateau l2Nov. 1949, No. C32.

208. Ibid; p346; Lamle ‘All Ndam Tyernlong’ ppl2l - 126; Premier’s office,
2/4/PM. 17/53 Minorities Commission Minutes, 17 Feb, 1958 Ali Ndam &
Selcan Miner, p131.

361
209. NAK Jos Prof. 4/2/RO/S79 Ministers and Special Members of the House
of Representatives and House ofAssembly 1951- 1966 Resdt, Plateau to
SNP, 20 Dec. 1951, No. c1389/186, Paden, A hmadu Bello pp344 -5.

210. Sklar, Nigerian Political Parties p346.

211. Ibidpp133 -134.

212. Ibid; pp346 -7; NAK Jos Prof. 4/2/RO/S 141 Public Opinion in the Middle
Belt Provinces, 1952- 1960, D.O. Lowland Div. To Resdt, Plateau, 3 Dec.
1955, Top Secret.

213. Ibid; pp346 - 347, NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8787, Northern Regional Elections,
1956; Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/20 Vol. I, Plateau Prov., A.R., 1956 by Resdt
Weatherhead, paras 13 -15.

214. Ibid; pp347 -355

215. Sonni Gwamle Tyoden, The Middle Belt in Nigerian Politics (Jos,
l993),p.40.

216. Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into the fears ofminorities
and means ofallaying them, July, 1958, pp 1-2.

217. NAK Premier’s Office, 2/4/PM. 1 7/S3, Minorities Commission, Minutes,

17 Feb; 1958, Ali Ndam, Mr. Selcan Miner, Mr. Paul Shalgwan and Mr.
George Yilwen, pp.130 -

218. Ibid. Colonial officials attached to the commission were very biased and
kept the Sardauna supplied with a running commentary on proceedings and
tactical advice. Muffett to Permanent Secretary, Premier’s office, 9 Feb.
1958, Top Secret.

362
291. Report of Minorities Commission, pp88 -89

220. NAK Jos Prof. 4/2/RO/S 139, Minorities Commission, 1957 - 8, Ag Resdt,
Plateau to Dep. Govr, 5 Sept, 1958, S450/45, Secret.

221. NAK Jos Prof. 5/4/5162 Vol. VIII Div. Intelligence Reports, Lowland Div.
Oct - Nov. 1959, No. c96/1 53 secret; Interview: Chief Ezekiel Yusufu,
Jos, 4 Aug; 2000.

222. William Graf, The Nigerian State (London, 1988) pp33- 35; Major General
H.B. Momoh, The Nigerian Civil Wa, 1967 - 1970. History
andReminisences (Ibadan, 2000) pp 15 – 16

223. Interview: Chief Ezekiel Yusufu, Jos, 22 Aug; 2000 see also Ponfa D.
Kums, ‘Taroh Migration from Langtang North to the Plains’ pp149- 153

224. Dudley, Parties and Polities ppl64 - 190, Tyoden, The MiddleBeltpp40 -
44.

225. Graf, The Nigerian State pp33 - 36; Momoh (ed) The Nigerian Civil War
p15 - 16.

226. Ibid;pp36-37;Ibid;ppl6- 17

227. Ibid;pp32-38;Ibid; 17- 18.

228. Remi Anifowose, Violence and Politics in Nigeria (Enugu, 1982)

especially Chapter 4.

229. Graf, The Nigerian State pp38 - 39; Momoh (ed) The Nigerian Civil War
pp 18-20.

230. Walter Schwarz, Nigeria (New York, 1968), p178.

231. Momoh (ed)The Nigerian Civil War p20

363
 CHAPTER 7

Tarok Colonial Economy

Introduction

The pre-colonial Tarok economy was largely characterized by family production

in which the family head directed the labour of family members. Such labour
could occasionally be supplemented by soliciting cooperative labour which was
rewarded with food and drink. Tarok farmers had farms in the hills or in secluded
valleys but they had much larger farms at the foot of the hills. Due to the
prevailing conditions of insecurity produced by threats of Fulani raids, and, to
some extent, intercian warfare, it was not possible to go very far into the plains.
Farming technology was relatively simple. Farmers used iron and wood tools
made by local blacksmiths and wood carvers. There was little room for
specialization, and everyone bad to be a farmer, so that any additional skills, such
as a craft or hunting were merely supplementary. With such a high degree of self
sufficiency, most local transactions were by barter; there was no general
currency. Though the existence of the Fulani town of Wase seems to have had
some influence on the Gani section of Tarok; Wase and the major trade route
from Bauchi to Wase and Ibi did not seem to have had much social or economic
impact; but to have earned them the reputation of being caravan raiders.

With the coming of the British who were intent on stopping what they regarded
as the ‘lawlessness’ of the hill tribes, there were a number of military expeditions
which caused so much loss of life and destruction of property; that by 1909, the
Plain Tarok could be said to have been brought under control. The Hill Tarok,
especially the Kwallak and the Gyang (Funyallang), continued to engage in raids
and to refuse to pay taxes until the 1 920s.

364
With the establishment of colonial rule, the British were anxious to set up a
framework of administration based on districts. The Plain Tarok districts,
Langtang, Bwarat and Gani, were merged to form the Plain Yergam (sic) District,
while the Hill Tarok (Yergam) of Gazum, Kwallak and Gyang (Funyallang)
became the Hill Yergam (sic) District. The British were anxious to impose
taxation, originally called tribute, on conquered areas because they believed that
it represented an acceptance of colonial authority and also provided the revenue
for the maintenance of the colonial government. Apart from some of the clans in
Gani which had paid tribute to the Fulani of Wase in return for being left alone,
taxation was an innovation which the Tarok bitterly resented, but were,
eventually forced to pay. Since Tarokland was not an export crop producing area,
the Tarok had to earn money to pay tax by selling their labour on public works
projects, or on the minefield or by selling foodstuffs at the rninesfied. They were
increasingly drawn into the cash economy and frequented the markets which
developed at Wase town, Pil Gani, Kufyen, and Garkawa.

The establishment of colonial rule made it possible for Tarok farmers to expand
freely onto the plains. Thus the Hill Tarok expanded into Kanam, the Tarok of
Bwarat and Gani into Wase, while those of Langtang moved beyond Garkawa to
Dadin Kowa and Zambang. Thus migration led to the establishment of many
Tarok settlements in these areas containing a mixture of clans. It also led to
frequent boundary and land disputes with their neighbours in Kanarn, Wase and
Garkawa. The final phase of this movement, was the establishment of the
Resettlement Scheme in the Shendarn bush and in Wase.

The 1930s were times of great hardship for the Tarok because the advent of the
great depression, from 1929, led to massive layoffs and unemployment on the
minefields. It became increasingly difficult for them to sell their foodstuffs or
their labour on the fields. The situation was made worse by intermittent invasion
of locusts throughout the

365
1930s and by drought especially in the Hill Tarok area. The economic depression
started to wane from about 1935, especially when the European rearmament
began to gain momentum prior to World War II.

The outbreak of the Second World War created a new opportunity because there
was a tremendous demand for labour on the minefields and also in the armed
forces. There was a considerable amount of money in circulation but few
European goods to buy. The Tarok contributed their quota to the war effort both
as labourers on the minefields and as servicemen in Burma and other theatres of
war.

After the war, the colonial government adopted a more positive attitude towards
economic development in Nigeria. It made development funds available. The
Lowland Division which had previously been totally neglected became the centre
of interest for agricultural development. In accordance with post-World War II
development doctrine it was believed that the creation of resettlement schemes
for hill farmers or mechanized farming could lead to substantial gains in
productivity. The idea was to channel the various hill peoples, who by the I 940s
were beginning to come down from the hills in substantial numbers, into these
resettlement schemes where they would be taught new farming methods. The
Shendam Resettlement Scheme was one of such schemes. Compared to most of
the others, it can be rated as a relative success in that large numbers of settlers,
with government assistance, were able to overcome such problems as lack of
water and inadequate communications. They were also able to bring considerable
acreage under cultivation, expand the production of cash and food crops, and
improve their standard of living.

Apart from the resettlement scheme, the government sought to promote soil
conservation in the worn out lands of the Tarok homeland, and in the absence of
artificial fertilizers to promote mixed farming.

366
The main problems of the Lowland Division, including Tarokland, was that it
was remote from market, and lacked effective communications network. Hence
in the post - Second World War period, a serious effort was made to provide all-
season motorable roads. Fresh attempts were made by the marketing boards to
promote the growth of cash crops such as cotton in Wase and Kanam, and
groundnuts in Kanam and the Lowlands. They succeeded best in the production
of foodstuffs. The Lowlands became a major source of grains, and yams for the
minefields. The colonial period ended on a note of prosperity, even if the bulk of
the profit went to non- indigenous buying agents, middlemen and transporters.

I. The Colonial Economy in Tarokiand, 1904 - 1945

The Imposition of Colonial Taxation

Therefore, Lugard considered the payment of tax by conquered peoples as a sign

of acceptance that British authority taxes were imposed as early as possible even
when they were minimal. Although the British claimed that the idea of tribute ‘is
not foreign to them,’1 it would seem that apart from the Gani section of the Tarok
who had paid tribute to the Fulani of Wase in return for being left alone,the Tarok
were not used to paying tribute or tax to their ponzhi mbins. Therefore, the
imposition of taxes by the British constituted an innovation. It should not be
thought that the Tarok accepted taxation by foreigners without resistance; force
had to be used on a number of occasions to secure compliance. Initial contact was
made by the British with the Tarok in 1902 at the time of the Lower Borno
expedition. Also in 1904, in response to Tarok raids against the major trade route
from Bauchi to Wase and Ibi a major expedition was mounted against the Youm
(Garkawa), Tarok and Tehl (Montol).2 Although the Tarok were scarcely
administered at this time, they paid a nominal tribute of about twenty pounds
(₤20).3

367
It was decided to bring this state of affairs to an end and so an expedition was
mounted by the Acting Resident, C.F. Rowe, with the aim of collecting tribute
from Wase, the Goemai, and the Tarok and to open up the area to the North
West. Following this expedition, the Kwolla administrative district was created
under which the Tarok were placed.4 Thereafter, the first assessments were made
by British officials; the records for Bwarat and Gani have survived in the
National Archives, Kaduna.5 With the consolidation of the district head system
the Ponzhi Langtang became responsible for touring his district and ensuring the
efficient collection of tax. Thus Datyem, the Ponzhi Langtang (1923 - 1954), was
frequently praised by colonial officials for the energetic way he toured his district
and engaged in tax collection.”6 The efficiency of a district head was largely
judged by his ability to collect his district’s tax on time and in full.

The principal form of tax collected amongst the Tarok was a capitation tax. Thus
the Resident of Muri Province, Mr. Dupigny, in reply to a circular issued in 1921,
stated that ‘with the exception of one or two towns, the tax for the whole of the
Province is in reality a capitation tax on a graduated scale’.7 However, Resident
Captain F.H. Ruxton in a thoughtful Memorandum entitled ‘General lines of
policy with regard to Pagan tribes’ attached to his Annual Report No. 78 for
1911, stated:

The system of taxation to be introduced into Pagan areas must

always be one that in its assessment on the individual and in its
collection, tends towards the political organization of the tribe under
their own natural leaders. Thus the taxes that we levy on even the
most primitive tribes are neither hut taxes nor capitation taxes pure
and simple, but a tax calculated on an incidence per adult of the
population and imposed as a gross amount on the largest unit that at
the moment can be used for the purpose.8

368
It is instructive to note the methods of assessment actually employed by Mr.
Auchinleck in 1913 in the cases of Bwarat and Gani. In both cases Mr.
Auchinleck stated, ‘the tax is a capitation one collected on a roportional basis’9

About 33% of the Bwarat population was counted while the figure for Fani was
40%; the rest was estimated. The total wealth of the community was taken into
account, and then the tax per adult was worked out at one shilling (1/-) for
Bwarat and one shilling and three pence (1/3d) for Gani.’10 The amount was
related to the community’s F ability to pay based on the availability of facilities
for marketing
duce and of wage labour. There was a tendency for the incidence of taxation to
increase over time with the growth of the cash economy. ‘10 Thus in 1905 it was
stated:

the present rates of assessment, the incidence of which varies from

4d (among the Yergums (Tarok) to 3/ 2d (in the rich Taraba Valley
states) per adult, are not high, at the same time they are considerably
higher than those previously paid, and the limited circulation of
currency greatly increases the difficulty ofpayment.’11

Thus according to Captain Izard in his Reassessment Report of 1922:

Langtang Yergams (Tarok) were first assessed by Captain

Fitzpatrick at lOd per adult in 1909. Mr. Auchinleck reassessed them
in 1912 at 1/- and the Gani section at 1/3 per adult.’12

369
According to his own assessment:

The incidence works out as follows:

Adult male : 4/8

Male: 2/-

Adult female : 1/3.4d

Gerkawa, included in the Yergam area, where there is a flourishing market,

has been assessed at a slightly higher rate, namely
5/- per adult male, on account of extra income derived from trade.13

It is not always possible to obtain figures for the total amount of tax
collected from the Hill and Plain Yergam (Tarok) Districts as these are usually
subsumed under the tax collected for the whole Shendam Division; but the
figures available are given in tables 31 and 32.

Table 31: Tax Paid by Plain Tarok for Various Years

Year Population Tax Paid

Year l92l-1922 18,333 £1,156:12

Year 1932- 1933 £1,517:80

Year 1933- 1934 24,576 £865:00

Note * Excludes Gerkawa

Sources: NAK Jos Prof 3/1/6841 Wase, Notes on Reassessment Report by

Captain Izard; Jos Prof 2/25/1 7/1933 Shendam Div, A. R.,1932,’ Jos Prof
3/1/1807 Yergam Dists, Sub Treasury for Mr. Milroy, Shendam Div. to Resdt,
Plateau Prov., 13 Sept., 1935 No. 6 7/1934/66.

370
Table 32: Tax Paid by Hill Tarok for- Various Years

Year Population Tax Paid

1930 3,952 £286: 16.0

1932 - 1933 £269:11.0

1933 - 1934 5,478 £15 1:00.0

1938 6,246 £302: 18.0

Sources: NAK Jos Prof 3/1/801 Yergam Dists, Admin. of Mr. Doelberg, ADO i/c
Pankshin Div. to Resdt, Plateau Prov. 21 May, 1930; Jos Prof 2/25/17/1933
Shendam Div.. A. R., 1932, Jos Prof. 3/1/180 7 Yergam Dists, Sub Treasuryfor,
Mr Milroy, Shendam Div. to Resdt, Plateau Prov., 13 Sept, 1935 No. 67/1934/66;
Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Notes by Mr. Rowling,
28/4/38.

Having made the assessment according to Captain Ruxton in his memorandum:

The distribution of the assessment among the individuals and the

collection of the tax from within the unit is then indirectly made by
the headman of the unit assisted by the elders, i.e. the village council
who pays over to the Resident.’14

Thus it was supposed to be the duty of the village head to apportion the tax
amongst households according to their wealth; but Mr. Dupigny, Resident, Muri
Province, suggested in 1921 that not much progress was made towards that ideal.
He wrote as follows:-

in this Province (Muri) the endeavour has been for some years, to explain to
District Heads the principle that the tax should be apportioned according to the
wealth of the individual.

371
 2. In actual practice however, very little progress has a yet been made
in carrying out this principle while amongst t numerous primitive Pagans
of the province, the capitation has been, and will doubtless remain for
some time to coi the only possible form of taxation.’15

Captain Izard, in describing the method of collection in 1922 statea

34. In the case of Yergam (Plain Tarok) the tax is pai the
individual to his village head who hands it to the chief Gani, Burat
(sic) or Langtang section as the case may be. They: are responsible
to Sarkin Langtang for the collection of the tax under their charge.’16

Initially, chiefs and their agents were given a percentage of taxes collected as an
incentive for them to be vigorous tax collectors; but even after they were placed
on a fixed stipend their efficiency continued to be measured by their ability to
collect tax. Their salaries also depended on the collection of taxes as their salaries
were paid out of the Native Administration share of taxes. In small units, such
stipends consumed the greater proportion of the Native Administration share of
tax. Thus in the Hill Tarok area the financial situation in 1936 was as follows:-

372
 Native Administration share of taxes £140.

Present Salaries:

Ponzhi Zinni £24

Scribe £12

Messenger £4

Village Heads of Gantang, Warok,

Kwallak Funyallang, Lagan £36

Percentages £7

2YanDoka ₤18

Total = £101

Thus 73.6 per cent of the tax revenue is paid back in emoluments. There is no
doubt that there were many abuses connected with tax collection. In some cases,
overaged or underaged persons were included on the tax rolls to swell the number
of taxpayers. Thus it was reportedin 1932:

The annual recount showed a considerable decrease in adult males.

The reason is that the previous year many boys below the age were
included by overzealous mallamai among the tax payers.18

Where there was a lower rate of taxation in a neighbouring district or

province, there was always the possibility that this would trigger off a
wave of migration. Thus in 1935 it was reported that a rumour started
that tax was to be reduced in Wase the following year which led to a
crtain amount of migration there. 19

373
Economic Impact of the Introduction of Taxation

Initially when taxation was introduced in the Tarok area, pay were made in kind,
usually in form of foodstuffs and liv because there was no general currency
available. Thus A’ Resident, Captain A.E. Churcher, reporting on his work of ii
collection in Kwolla District in 1910 wrote:

Apart from the YERGHUM (sic) and GURKAWA sections, from whom a little
specie was received, the t was paid in kind, the realisation of such a large amount
revenue in kind occasioned some difficulty owing to ti distance from large
markets.20

This difficulty was overcome to some extent by the nickel currency in low
denominations. Thus by 1913, it was reportel that the cowrie had virtually
disappeared from circulation and only used as counters or largess.” It was also
reported that popular nickel coin is undoubtedly the tenth, the penny is not now
demand and the halfpenny is not wanted at all’.’2 Silver coins tend to be hoarded
or melted down to make jewellery and were re as ‘a commodity only required for
the purpose of taxpayin Gradually the proportion of taxation paid in money began
to i as is testified by Mr. Aucklnieck in his assessment report on Bwara, when he
stated that

In 1909-l9l0 all the tax was paid in kind

1911-1912 85% was paid in cash.

1910-1911 85% was paid in cash24

Thus although the amount of currency in circulation increased, t! problem for the
Tarok was still how they could get hold of t currency which was chiefly in the
hands of the trading companies, the

374
mining companies, and the government. To earn the required currency to pay tax,
they had to either sell produce or their labour.

During the early colonial period, a number of markets either expanded or sprang
up. The most important market in the area was probably the Wase market, which
was a daily market. It was reported in 1904 that

Yergam (Tarok) women now frequent the market of Wase, which

had up to now been regarded as a centre of Fulani oppression, where
Pagans would be certain to be seized as slaves.25

There was also a daily market at Garkawa where traders from Ibi, Awe, Wase
and Bauchi stopped to trade as they were passing through.26 There was a weekly
market at Pil Gani every Wednesday which according to Captain Izard

as a rule attracts 130 to 200 people. It is well-attended by people

from Kanam in Bauch Division and by Pankshin Yergams (Tarok)
from Gazum. It is practically entirely a Pagan market and chiefly
deals with foodstuffs.27

Another popular market was that at Kufyen, held weekly on Saturdays.

According to Captain Izard in 1922, ‘I have counted over 800 people there at one
time. This is also entirely a Pagan market; Montols, Angas and Pankshin
Yergams (Tarok) all attend regularly’.28 The Kufyen market benefitted from
being on the Jos-Ibi road which was the major route for traffic destined for the
Plateau minefield. This road was open for the first time during the rainy season of
1930.29 Thus by 1927, Kufyen and Pil Gani markets became important market
centres from which grain was taken to the mining camps on the Jos Plateau. It
was also reported that ducks and poultry were taken to the Plateau minefield in
large quantities by Tarok and other African traders. It was claimed that ‘A
chicken bought in Yergum (sic) for 6d

375
will, I am told, fetch as much as 2/- in a mining camp’.30 Thus in period before
the great depression, there was a brisk trade in foodstuffs and livestock in local
markets, and also, to the PlateaiJ minefields.

Another way of earning currency was by growing cash crops wi could then be
marketed through the Niger Company, John Holts other European firms. The
British Cotton Growing Associatioi (BCGA) whose function was to promote the
production of c within the British empire with a view to reducing dependence
American supplies of cotton endeavoured to promote the growing OL cotton in
Nigeria. The B.C.G.A. did not attempt to introduce the H staple Aliens American
cotton in Wase and Tarokiand but purchased1 the local variety. The Acting
Manager of B.C.G.A, Mr. R.A.C. Grabans wrote in 1919:

The cotton grown in Muri Province is of the native variety, exotic

cotton not having been experimented with in this province owing to
the lack of trained mallams to teach native farmers how to plant and
pick this kind of cotton.31

The principal obstacles to the expansion of cotton production were the relatively
small areas which were suited to the growth of cotton. These were situated
chiefly along the banks of the Wase river.32 The prices offered by the BCGA were
not particularly attractive and growers were tempted to sell their cotton to local
traders who were buying cotton for the indigenous cloth industry and who were
prepared to pay higher prices than the BCGA.33 In addition, there was a lack of
adequate roads linking the cotton areas with the ginnery at Ibi and export outlets
along, the Benue.34 As a result of these difficulties, cotton never became a cash
crop except to a limited extent in Wase as farmers found that other crops such as
groundnuts and beniseed yielded either better profits or involved the expenditure
of less labour.35 Thus cotton growing only provided a solution for a minority of
Tarok farmers in the Wase area and with the collapse

376
commodity prices during the depression in 1929, it became irrelevant.

After cotton, groundnuts and beniseed were the most popular cash crops. In 1919
the Resident reported that:

Groundnuts and cotton may now be considered the principal crops

cultivated in the province, (Muri) and are likely to continue to be so
for some time. Good prices paid for groundnuts have induced the
natives to pay more attention to the cultivation of the product and
the trade this year has been brisk.36

On this occasion, demand by African traders as well as the expatriate firms, led to
a rise in prices from six pounds (6) to eight pounds (8) per ton.37

Beniseed was another popular cash crop especially amongst the Tiv and amongst
the Tehi (Montol) and Goemai, but there is no evidence that it was important
amongst the Tarok before 1929.38

Attempts by political officers to encourage the growth of cash crops such as

cotton, groundnuts and beniseed met with only limited success because of the
low prices offered by the expatriate firms and because the area was ‘badly served
as regards facilities for the export of agricultural and sylvan products and there is
a need for more buying stations.’39 In any case, prices for commodities collapsed
in the 1930s and thus the production of cash crops ceased to be a viable option
for earning tax money by Tarok farmers.

Prior to the coming of the great depression in 1929, Tarok farmers had partly
earned their tax money by selling foodstuffs to traders from the Plateau who
attended local markets or by taking foodstuffs and livestock to the Plateau
minefields for sale. With the coming of the great depression in 1929, massive
layoffs on the minefields led to a

377
drastic reduction in demand. Thus it was reported that in the last quarter of 1930,
‘when people began to go to the minefields with produce for sale etc they found a
very reduced mining population and frequently failed to find a market for their
produce’.40 This naturally caused great hardship.

Apart from selling foodstuffs or cash crops, the other principal means by which
the Tarok obtained currency to pay taxes was to sell their labour. In some
instances road work might be available; but often work on the roads was a
penalty for not paying tax as in the case of the Hill Tarok.41’ It is reported that
some Hill Tarok went to Awe to work in the salt mines, and even as far as
Lafia.42 However, the best source of currency became the Plateau minefield
which was booming in the 1920s, and where it was possible for the Tarok to go
for relatively short periods of time and earn their tax money.43 With the coming
of the great depression in 1929, the situation became very difficult, because the
Tarok and other groups who had been ‘accustomed for many years to find a ready
and at times an urgent demand for their labour and surplus products, are now at a
loss to find a market for either’44

Thus it was the need to earn tax money which forced the Tarok to become
migrant labourers on the Plateau minefields. Although at first the disruptive
effects of such a trend were probably limited since the labourers were away for
relatively short periods of time, it did help to encourage individualism, to disrupt
family life and to introduce the migrants to new ways of life in the mining camps.

Tarok Migration to the Plains at the End of the Second World War

As we noted in an earlier chapter, the Tarok were already on the Plains in the
precolonial period especially in the Gani area while Plain Tarok farmers were
already farming at the foot of the hills. However unless the Tarok entered into an
amana relationship with the Fulani

378
jihadists, in Wase and paid tribute in return for being left alone, they were liable
to be attacked by Fulani slave raiders. This served as an inhibiting factor which
prevented the Tarok from spreading out over the plains.

Once the British conquest occurred and the Tarok were convinced that the threat
from Fulani j ihadists had been removed, they started spreading out over the
plains. They were already aware that the agricultural land on the plains was much
more fertile than that to be found in the hills, and in addition the pressure of
population on the relatively restricted sites on the hills was a major incentive to
expand onto the plains. Thus even before the burden of colonial taxation began to
be seriously felt,the Tarok had begun to expand onto the Plains so that, initially,
the most important push factor was the desire for land. Thus Captain Ruxton
reported in late 1907 that

The free and independent tribes in the North and North West of the
province are beginning to overflow onto the Plain lands, nominally
under the jurisdiction of the Sar. Wase. This process must continue
and will be greatly accelerated when these tribes are brought under
administrative control. it is moreover in the interests of the
Administration that such a move should be fostered, thus reclaiming
vast areas of bush at present unutilised.45

In the following year, 1908, he again reported that ‘the Yergarn (Tarok) and
Gurkawa (sic) tribes are moving south and every encouragement is afforded
them’.46 Thus it is apparent that by as early as 1820, the Tarok had started to
move off the hills and to spread out over the plains to the South and East. This
was accomplished on their own initiative even before effective control was
instituted by the colonial authorities. These migratory movements by the Tarok
were in at least three directions: into Kanam, into Wase and southward into
Gerkawa and Shendam.

379
Migrants from the Hill Tarok area, tended during the 1 920s and 1930s, to move
into the Kanam area. The Tarok Hill was the least favoured part of Tarokland in
terms of agricultural resources because it was hilly and had limited areas of flat
land. In 1935, it was reported that there was a chronic ill-feeling between the
chiefs of Kanam and Plain Tarok over court matters. ‘A great many Yergam are
settled in Kanam and there is consequently a lot of coming and going of
peasantry between the Districts’.47 By 1939, the situation had seriously
deteriorated and it was reported that

there is a deplorable shortage of farmland in the Hill Yergam

(Tarok) District and what there is of poor quality, appears to have
been overworked and is patently suffering from the effects of
erosion. The tendency is to seek fresh land northwards in Kanam
Emirate, but the Sarkin Kanam continues to preserve a dog-in-the-
manger attitude on the question of nomajidde, with the result that
more and more Hill Yergam people are emigrating there in order to
settle where they farm.48

Hill Tarok farmers merely farmed in Kanam and considered the Hill Tarok area
to be their home; but the emir ‘wanted to force them to move their villages across
en bloc and had refused the grant of the mere farming rights. They had therefore
to choose between poor crops and migration’.49 The problem of the farming rights
of the Tarok in Kanam continued to cause trouble till the 1940s.50 Thereafter the
resettlement scheme became the favoured destination for Hill Tarok migrants.

Though Tarok had started moving into Wase in the precolonial period, the
migration increased during the colonial era. This was a natural area of expansion
for Tarok clans in Bwarat and Gani. Also, the fertile lands along the Wase river
were a source of attraction. Thus, the Resident Mr. Middleton, commented in
1929 that, ‘although there is room for expansion toward the South, the people

380
from Gani and Burat (Bwarat) prefer to move east to be nearer home’.51 The fact
that the Plain Tarok area was placed under Wase from 1919 to 1926 probably
facilitated migration into Wase. During this period, according to the colonial
authorities, Tarok settlers were welcomed by the Emir of Wase.52 However, this
was not always to be the case as considerable friction developed between the
Emir of Wase and the Ponzhi Langtang over Tarok settlers in Wase. Thus in
1935 it was reported that:

various Yergam (Tarok) farmers had been turned out of their farms
over the boundary in Wase. The practice of nomjiddi in this area has
always given trouble but for the past few years it has been agreed
that since they are so many. Wase people farming in Yergam (sic)
and vice versa, it would not be worth the trouble of trying to confine
farmers to their own side ofthe boundary which would result in
considerable hardship.53

However, negotiations arranged by the district officers in Shendarn and Muri

seem to have paved the way for better relations reported that: In 1939 the District
Officer, Shendam,

In Plains Yergam, (Tarok) where for long a similar need for

expansion was hindered by vindictive nomajidde squabbles with
Wase, all has been peaceful. Yergamawa (sic) now appear to be
accepted with open arms across the boundary and are given
unlimited opportunities for free farming in country where there is
admittedly more than enough land for everybody.54

Thus the pressure of rising population, the system of inheritance, and in some
instances, crop failures caused by drought or locust invasion forced people to
migrate.59 In some cases, they did not intend to settle permanently; but when they
discovered that the land on the Plains was more productive than that in the hills
they decided to settle permanently, and invited their fellow clansmen to join
them.

381
However, the Plain Tarok of Gani, Bwarat and Langtang predominated in the
Tarok settlements in Wase while the Hill Tarok from Gazum constituted a
minority. In addition, they were often intermixed with Ngas, Bashar, Boghom,
Tehl, Dimmuk and others. The exact dates of founding of these Tarok settlements
are not known but the early settlements appear to have been Ganua. It was
founded by people from Gani and Lohmak in Bwarat; Gombalak founded by
people from Lyangjit in Gani, Gbak in Bwarat and Kumbwang and Timwat in
Langtang. Kadarko appeared originally founded by people from Gbak in Bwarat.
They were subsequentlyjoined by people from Lyangjit in Gani, Kumbwang in
Langtang, and Zinni people from Gazum as well as Tal, Ngas and Boghom
people, and Lamba Wase. The founders of Wase were people from Gani; they
were laterjoined by Jat and Laka people from Bwarat as well as Boghom.55

In the pre-Second World War period, Tarok migration was also directed towards
the South into Garkawa. In the pre-colonial period, the Youm (Garkawa) also
lived in the hills and farmed on the plains. Although a relatively small group, in
terms of numbers, they had successfully defended their independence against the
Fulani jihadists. Denounced by the colonialists as bandits, they were subjected,
like the Tarok, to punitive expeditions.56 With the coming of colonial rule they
also began to descend from their hills and spread across the plains. As early as
1908, the British reported that they were moving rapidly into the uninhabited
bush.57 In the following year, the Acting Resident C.F. Rowe reported ‘the
Gerkawa (Youm) although a small tribe, are very vigorous and good farmers.
They have lately reclaimed a large area of bush and will be the first to move out
south towards the Binue.’58

In 1913, both the Tarok and the Youm (Garkawa) were added to the Ankwe
(Goemai) District but, at that time, the two groups were independent of each
other administratively though their relations were quite friendly. Then in 1919
they were both placed under Wase but the Garkawa (Youm) chief was made
subordinate to the Ponzhi

382
Langtang. When the Plain Tarok were separated from Wase in 1926, the Youm
(Garkawa) remained part of the Plain Yergam (Tarok) Djstrict.59 At that time, it
was reported that the Youm (Garkawa) ‘are surrounded by Yergum (Tarok)
hamlets, a number of Yergams are settled in the Gerkawa tribal area and the two
tribes are now beginning to intermarry.’60 By 1928, the Tarok and Youm
(Garkawa) found themselves in competition for farmland on the Wase plains.
According to Mr. Doelberg

The Yergamawa (Tarok) are an exceptionally prolific tribe as their rapid spread
southward and eastward from the hills during the past half century testifies and
they are now colonising bushland that has hitherto been considered by the
Garkawa (Youm) to be their special preserve.61

He went on to recommend that it was time to demarcate the boundary between

the Tarok and the Youm (Garkawa).62 However, nothing was done about the
matter and the Tarok continued to migrate into the area chiefly from Langtang.
Thus it was reported in 1934.

There are eight villages in Gerkawa in which there are Yergam (Tarok) people
but only one of these in which they are in a majority - Yer (Nyer)

There are four villages in Yergam (Tarok) in which there are Gerkawa people,
but in all cases, the Yergams (sic) are in a majority. One of these, Wur, lies in
what used admittedly to be Gerkawa territory, but since the coming of the British,
the Yergams (sic) have peacefully penetrated a large tract of what was empty
bush, and there are now numbers of them paying allegiance to Ponzhi Langtang.
Wur has been recognised as a Yergam village for years.63

Thus when it was decided, in 1934, to create a separate independent Garkawa

District, it proved impossible to

383
 damarcatc a bcundary which would be acceptable to both parties as

The two tribes are so intermingled and the claims so conflicting that
both chiefs agree it would be useless to try to go further with the
attempt to reconcile the various claims. An agreement was reached
that the Gerkawa in Yergam (Plain Tarok) should pay tax to
Gerkawa and should have access to and be amenable to the
jurisdiction of their own court.64

The boundary question was allowed to fester for the next fifteen years whilethe
British colonial authorities procrastinated. The arrangement outlined above
worked for a time but by 1950, it was clear that

the Yergam (Tarok) were increasing yearly and it was becoming

probable that soon the Garkawa (Youm) would no longer
predominate anywhere, which is what the Yergam (sic) wanted for
they never liked Garkawa taken away from them.65

The situation was summed up by the Resident, Plateau Province 29 January, 1950
as follows:

when Gerkawa was removed from Plain Yergam, no boundary was

drawn. Since then Yergams (Tarok) have expanded a great deal and
almost surround Gerkawas, Gerkawa now want a boundary and
Yergams (sic) do not - latter because they are afraid they will lose
land. Gerkawa because they are afraid of being swamped.66

It was therefore decided to draw a boundary which

follows existing facts and does not take note of historical and now
obsolete complications. Gerkawa loses on the deal but this was
inevitable, On the other hand it safeguards their tsafi titles. If they
wish to expand, they can do so in development areas,67

384
Thus the Plain Tarok succeeded in acquiring much of the land to their south, and
confining Youm (Garkawa) to a relatively small area on the bases of contiguity
and effective occupation.

The Impact of the Great Depression on Tarokland, 1929- 1939

In 1929, the American stock market in Wall street collapsed when

there were no longer sufficient funds to fuel the speculative boom. Since the
United States had come to play a dominant role in the world’s financial system,
the collapse was followed by similar falls in stock markets globally and the
collapse of banks first in Europe and then around the world. The resultant effect
was a gross reduction in the volume of world trade. The high tariff barriers
imposed by many countries worsened the situation as there was a much reduced
demand for manufactured goods and consequently mass unemployment.

The Plateau minefield was seriously affected because it sold almost all its
products to its major buyers who were British smelters. The mining companies
laid off all the unskilled and semi-skilled semi-unskilled labourers, and retained
only a cadre of skilled artisans, since these be difficult to reassemble. Under the
tin restriction
mining companies were given quotas on the basis of heir pre-depression
production. A company might work for a few and once it had fulfilled its tin
quota, it would close down mining operations for that year.68

The Tarok had been in the habit of taking their foodstuffs to the aefield for sale;
but in 1930 the District Officer, Mr. Ames reported that:

In the last quarter of the year, however, when people began to go to

the minefield with produce for sale, they found a very reduced
mining population and frequently failed to find a market for their
produce.69

385
In addition, they had been accustomed to a situation where employment had been
readily available on the Plateau minefield at a weekly average wage of six to
seven shillings (6/- to 7/-) in 1 927.70 The Resident, Mr. Hale Middleton,
described the situation in 1931:

there is now an abundance of cheap food supplies and a smaller non-

farming population to maintain; the difficulty with which farmers
are faced, is to find a market for their produce. Such casual labour,
moreover, as is fortunate enough to obtain employment on the
minefield, is now paid at the rate of 4d per day as compared with 1/3
in 1928- 29.’71

The Resident, Plateau Province, wrote in 1932 that in the past,

The farmer could then always find a market for his surplus stocks of
corn while at the same time there was an almost unlimited market
for his labour which he could sell in a week or ten days for a sum
sufficient to cover his annual tax demand.72

Farmers responded to falls in prices by increasing production so that when not

devastated by locusts or affected by bad weather conditions, there were bumper
harvests which helped to keep food prices down. Thus in 1931, 1932 and 1939,
there were bumper harvests in Plateau Province. In 1931, it was reported that,

A bumper harvest in 1931 and general shortage of ready money sent

the cost of living down with a rush and, at the end of the year,
guinea corn would be purchased locally (i.e. in Jos and Bukuru
markets) at a little more than £4 per ton.73

It should be noted by way of comparison that the price of guinea corn in the same
markets had been fourteen pounds (14) per ton in April, 1931 74

386
Attempts to encourage farmers in Shendam Division, and Tarokiand i particular
to grow cash crops such as groundnuts failed because of the alleged conservatism
of farmers. Other reasons adduced were the unattractive prices offered, lack of
technical advice from agricultural officers, the relative remoteness of the area
from market centres, poor communications,and the failure of expatriate
companies to establish buying centres in the area.75 In addition, there was the
problem of repeated locust invasion and infestation of hoppers during the 1 930s.
Thus it can be said that there was little progress in the 1 930s towards the
development of cash crops as a source of cash income and a hedge against
dependence on the minefield as a market for foodstuffs and labour.

The great depression created an acute shortage of currency in Tarokland as it was

very difficult to earn the necessary currency to pay tax. There was thus a net
outflow of currency from the area. The official reports comment repeatedly on
the slowness and difficulty of tax collection, and in some cases the necessity of
writing off tax.76’ The colonial government in the 1930s became even more
dependent on the general tax because of the decline in revenue from the customs
duties and mining royalties.

The economic situation began to improve after 1935 with increases in the tin
quota. More employment became available on the minefield but the mining
companies reduced daily wages to threepence (3d) which even the colonial
authorities admitted ‘was inadequate for those with dependent families to buy
sufficient food at enhanced prices’.77 Thus in 1936,

The economic position has continued to improve. Prices of

agricultural and sylvan produce have risen. The tin quota has been
increased and consequent demand for labour is almost unlimited.
Tax collection is proceeding smoothly and rapidly in all areas.78

387
environment for breeding in Nigeria or elsewhere in West Africa, started
multiplying.83

Locust swarms usually fly during the day and settle at night, remainijlg largely
inert until warmed by the early morning sun. The invasions’ could be in form of
towering cumuliform swarms characterized by locusts flying at different heights
as a result of air movements, or they could fly close to the ground in plate-like
swarms.84

Long distance movements are largely determined by the direction of the wind,
and locusts are known to glide while travelling in swarms. This also has an
important survival value because in the case of Nigeria the winds are carrying
them into conducive zones of convergence where the rains tend to fall. Here, they
will be assured of food, and moist ground conducive for egg laying with suitable
fresh vegetation to nurture the immature nymphs or hoppers.

Therefore the course of the locust invasions of the 1930s was largely determined
by the prevailing wind pattern. Eggs were laid in the bare ground with sufficient
moisture and close to fresh vegetation, but not in dry or waterlogged soil. The
eggs are laid in holes about fifteen centimetres deep prepared by the females; a
clutch may contain up to a hundred eggs which is then sealed by a fluffy white
substance. During her lifetime, a female locust may lay ten such clutches.
Although locusts are attacked by many natural predators their high rate of
reproduction ensures that they keep swarming.85

Given sufficient moisture, the eggs hatch after about eleven days, and the nymphs
or hoppers, that is, the immature locusts which cannot yet fly, will emerge, These
undergo four or five stages (instars) of development, becoming larger and heavier
until their wings are fully developed and they can fly. Until they reach that stage,
the nymphs or hoppers march about in bands consuming whatever vegetation
they encounter in their paths. Sexual maturity does not usually occur until

388
after the locust is able to fly. The food intake of nymphs or hoppers naturally
increases in the final stages (instars) when it is building up body fat in
preparation for flight.86

Locusts are a devastating pest because of the amount of vegetation they can
consume and because of the size of the swarms. Food intake varies according to
the stage of development in its life cycle. As already mentioned nymphs or
hoppers during their final stages (instars) consume a great deal of food. Adults
eat less, except females at the stage of egg production. According to Chapman, a
female desert locust might devour 1.5 grammes of vegetation per day, and a
swarm covering an area of probably ten kilometres could consume about 2,000
tons of vegetation daily.87 Thus, locusts are voracious eaters and should a swarm
of locusts descend on a farm, it could strip it bare within a very short period. If
they came early in the farming season there might be time to replant or for
regeneration but when the invasion takes place late in the farming season and
destroys crops ready for harvesting, famine is likely to occur. 88

The African migratory locust prefers to consume grass and cereals, and with a
few exceptions, rarely feed on broad leaved plants. They a special taste for acha,
millet, guinea corn and other cereals.This makes t ma tioxis menace to the staple
crops of the Tarok. The desert locust, on the other hand, is much more catholic in
its eating habits, and will even consume the leaves of trees.

Locust Invasions and Hopper Infestations in Tarokiand in the 1930s

It is not easy to compile a chronological record of the locust invasions in

Tarokiand because there is a tendency for them to be merged together in the folk
memory. The colonial authorities would often be unaware of the movements of
locusts or of nymph or hopper infestations if they took place out of sight in the
bush and so went unreported. However, the locust invasions and hopper
infestations

389
Despite this official optimism and an undoubted improvement at the macro level,
economic conditions at the local level in Taroklan especially in Hill Tarok,
remained depressed. Thus in 1936 when almost everywhere in Plateau Province
enjoyed a bumper grain harvest; Hill Tarok suffered a poor harvest:

The Hill Yergams (Tarok) on the other hand had no luck wit their crops, as the
guinea corn harvest was almost a complete failure, a state of affairs which is
attributed by the people failure on the part of the priests to protect the tribes’
welfare.79

Furthermore, a drought in the middle of the rainy season in 1938 hada serious
effect on crops so that districts such as Plain Tarok, Garkawa and Montol were
‘denuded of their reserves of cash as a result of the food shortage early in the
year’.80 Thus, although

The harvest last year (1938) was not particularly good and yet tax came in with
the use of persuasion, it is true - not much behind the record of 1937/38. Prices
were poor and such indications as a slight drop in court work-and revenue - show
that things are a little tighter than usual.81

The 1930s was a period of depression when the people of Tarokland suffered
considerable hardship made worse by the periodic invasions of locusts and
infestation of hoppers. Little or no social or economic development took place
during this period as the response of the colonial government to the depression
was to cut government expenditure, retrench workers and reduce salaries.

390
The Effects of Locust Invasion and Hopper Infestations on Food Production
in Tarokiand in the 1930s

The Biology of Locust Swarming

Tarokland had almost certainly suffered from locust invasions in the precolonial
period, but those of the 1930s are most vivid in folk memory. In addition, I have
considerable archival documentation, derived from both colonial and missionary
sources, which enable us to have a relatively full picture of the scale and impact
of these locust invasions. They contributed considerably to the economic miseries
of the Tarok since they coincided with the economic depression of the 1930s.

The species of locust which attacked crops in Nigeria in the 1930s was the
African Migratory Locust (locusta migratoria). They are different from the desert
locust (schistocera gregaria) species of the 1940s. The similarity between the
locust and the grasshopper makes it difficult sometimes to distinguish between
them. However, locusts tend to aggregate and become gregarious under
conditions of overcrowding. They migrate in swarms.82

Locusts, like grasshoppers, can hibernate for years. Then, as a result of a process
of concentration and multiplication in a favourable environment where there is
abundant food supply such as in the Middle Niger region, they can begin to
spontaneously aggregate, become gregarious and go over to the swarming phase.
When their numbers are drastically reduced, they revert to their previous solitary
condition. The locust invasion of the 1930s began with a build up of its numbers
in the Middle Niger flood plain. However, when this area began to dry up, they
migrated in search of suitable breeding grounds to Nigeria. These they got in the
banks of the Niger and the Benue rivers, and around Lake Chad. The locusts
relocated from the original outbreak area, and so the second generation, having
found a suitable

391
were traumatic experiences for the people and have become fi lodged in the
Tarok folk memory.

All sources agree that the locust invasions of 1930 were the worst because of
their unexpectedness and the inability of the colonial authorities to take
preventive measures. It was reported that Shendam Division

has like most others, suffered from locusts and hoppers. During April, May and
the beginning of June, all parts were infested with hoppers. At first in Yergam
(Tarok) district the population were unwilling to kill them, preferring to let them
grow until they are big enough to eat.3’

Since they came early in the year, there was still time to replant damaged farms.
Hoppers reappeared in October; but many were burnt in bush fires, and by
December Shendam Division was reported to be free of hoppers. Locust swarms
reappeared in December and did serious damage to ripening guinea corn9’
According to the Resident, Plateau Province, prices of foodstuffs at the end of the
year ‘were little if anything above normal92 probably partly due to the decline in
the minefield population. Though shortages of grain were localised, they served
to compound the other problems of the rural population.93

Due to the poor harvest in the previous year, 1931 started with food shortages in
certain parts of Plateau Province. The price of guinea corn skyrocketed to
fourteen pounds (14) per ton in the Jos and Bukuru markets in April. The
administration tried to implement the lessons learned from the locust and hopper
infestation of 1930 by setting up a poison bait factory in Shendarn, and a large
stock was built up. In addition, the people were taught the trenching method
which was carried out with great success under the supervision of European staff
and their chiefs.94 However, the Ponzhi Mbin Lagan refused to allow the use of
poison bait and so the crops in his area were seriously affected.95 Flying swarms
were observed throughout

392
the year, but were most numerous during the first quarter. There was a heavy
infestation of hopper bands in May, June and July; it was estimated that in
Shendam Division as a whole, over 1,000 hopper bands had been dealt with on an
average of two acres. Afew further locust swarms appeared in November, 1931
but they came too late to seriously affect the harvests of millet and guinea corn.
As a result, the food position in the area was minimal. Thus the locust invasions
and hopper infestations of 1931, although probably more severe than those of
1930, did less damage than the latter because the anti locust campaign was better
organized. Also, since the locusts came early, damage could be counterbalanced
by a second sowing of an increased acreage.96

In 1932, a further heavy hopper infestation was experienced. Over 3,000 bands of
hoppers was dealt with either by poison bait or trenching. The campaign was
well-organized, and the local population showed great enthusiasm. Bumper
harvests were reported except in Hill Tarok where the Fonzhi Mbin Lagan
forbade planting after the first rains, and so the people were a month late in
planting. When there was a drought in June, the crops were not sufficiently
advanced to fully withstand it. The result was poor and backward crops. 97

In 1933, there was a heavy infestation of hoppers in the bush extending down to
the Benue between May and mid-July. Surprisingly, the Tarok area was relatively
free ofinfestation 98

In 1934, vigorous preparations were made for a large scale anti-locust campaign
but the danger did not materialize during the early part of the year. In October,
locusts appeared from the North and did some damage but the harvest was
reported to have been good.99

In 1935, there was serious food shortage in the Tarok districts during the months
of April, May and June. The good harvest of 1934 tempted many farmers to sell
large amounts of guinea corn

393
 Early in 1935 particularly in the Yergurn (Tarok) districts
traders from Jos and elsewhere. The result was that
early crops were killed by drought or locusts there was
little grain left which could be used for second (and i
numerous cases third) sowings without touching the reserv required to feed
the family until the ripening of the first crop I00

It was further reported that

The people of this district (Plain Tarok) with their kinsmen ii Hill Yergam
(Tarok), suffered more than others from ti’ shortage of food. The early
crops were almost all destroyed hoppers and many of the second sowings
by drought locusts.101

Thus, 1935 was probably the worst year in terms of actual hunger in Tarokiand
during the 1930s.

In 1936, there was only a small number of flying swarms, and they did not leave
any hoppers. While the Plain Tarok had a good year
from the point of view of crops

The Hill Yergams (Tarok) on the other hand had no luck with their crops, as the
guinea corn harvest was almost a complete failure, a state of affairs which is
attributed by the people to failure, on the part of the priests, to protect the tribes
welfare. 102

There were more locust swarms in 1937 than in 1936, and they remained between
September and December. More adult swarms were reported in July, 1938 than in
any year since 1932. However, damage to crops did not appear to have been
severe.103

394
According to official sources, the locust infestation of 1939 was mild. Bands of
hoppers made their appearance in many areas especially in Shendam and
Garkawa but did very little damage. Villagers turned out to deal with the hoppers
when their farms were threatened using either trenching or poison bait. No flying
locusts were reported after August. The damage done by the locusts was
negligible, and there was a bumper harvest of both millet and guinea corn.’104

Although folk traditions assert that locusts returned in the 1940s there is no
evidence from the annual reports of the Department of Agriculture that the
locusts actually returned, although the authorities continued to remain on the
alert, and to make contingency plans 105.

The locusts had a considerable impact on Tarokiand in the 1930s causing much
damage and compounding the problems caused by the great depression and the
vicissitudes of the weather.

Locust Control

As already mentioned, locusts were not unknown to the Tarok who had devised
their own methods of dealing with such pests before the invasions of the 1930s.
They had observed that locusts were inert during the night and before the sun
warmed them up. People would go with sacks and gather them up and dry them.
Even before the colonial authorities promoted the trenching method the people
would surround a band of nymphs or hoppers and beat them to death with
branches. It is also reported that if the crops had been safely brought home, the
youths would set fire to the bush, burning the nymphs and hoppers, and at the
same time providing an opportunity for hunting the small game which ran out106

The colonial authorities tried to organize the anti-locust campaign to be more

effective, but it cannot be said that their methods in the 1 930s were markedly
more successful than the traditional ones. The

395
colonial authorities realized that there was not much that they coi do about the
flying locusts, and so they concentrated their efforts c the large bands of nymphs
or hoppers which were marching along the ground. They hoped that if they could
kill sufficiently large numbei of hoppers, that the number of locusts would be so
much reduced thai they would revert from the swarming to the solitary stage. The
weakness of this strategy, especially in Shendam Division, was thai the locusts
could lay their eggs in the inaccessible bush, hatch out an fly off without the
colonial authorities being aware of their existence, The number of locust swarms
appeared to have been fewer in the iatel 1930s, but whether this was as the result
of the efforts of the authorities or to other factors is impossible to determine107.

The two principal methods used by the colonial authorities to control the locusts,
were the use of poison bait and trenching. A poison bait factory established in
Shendam produced a poison that was mixed with ‘kai kai’ fodder grass and cow
dung to attract the locusts. The district officer coordinated large scale campaigns
to apply poison, sodium arsenite, to the bands of nymphs or hoppers, or to dig
trenches in front of advancing hoppers and filled them with straw. When the
hoppers entered the trench, the straw was ignited or the hoppers were beaten to
death. The District Officer was assisted by European officers seconded from
other departments such as education, agriculture, survey, forestry, public works.
Even the West Africa Frontier Force (WAFF) supervised large amounts of
communal labour with the assistance of district and village heads.108

Although the cooperation of the Plain Tarok was praised by the authorities, the
Hill Tarok, who tended to suffer most from the locust invasion, were sometimes
induced by their ponzhi mbins to refuse the use of poison (sodium arsenite)109.

In the event of acute food shortage as a result of locust invasion or other natural
disasters, people who had food helped those whose crops were destroyed.
Women appealed to their parents or maternal uncles, or the men that migrated to
areas which had not been affected, to sell their labour in exchange for food. They
relied on root crops

396
such as risga, cocoyams and sweet potatoes.110 The colonial authorities
encouraged the cultivation of new root crops such as cassava by distributing
cuttings as increasing the acreage of cocoyams, risga, sweet potatoes and other
local root crops. However, the Tarok preferred the cereals, and once they felt that
the immediate danger had passed, they abandoned the growing of cassava and
reverted to dependence on cereals such as guinea corn and millet.111

InTarokiand, there were a few attempts at relief through public works

programmes, or through subsidized foodstuffs from outside the area. The attitude
of the colonial government was largely one of laissez faire; people were expected
to tighten their belts and wait for better times112. The upward turn of the Nigerian
economy in the 1940s was not due to internal factors but to external factors
resulting from the war in Europe which created a tremendous demand for
Nigerian tin. Thus the Tarok, once more, became a significant supplier of
foodstuffs and labour to the Plateau minefield in the 1940s.

The Impact of the Second World War on Tarokiand, 1939- 1945

The Second World War impinged on Tarokiand chiefly through the demand for
foodstuffs to feed the labourers on the minefield, and for manpower for the armed
forces. There were also other significant but intangible affects on the Tarok
people produced by their exposure to new experiences and new places which led
to a feeling of discontent with the existing state of things.

With the outbreak of the Second World War there was an expansion in tin
production accompanied by a build-up in the size of the labour force on the
Plateau minefields. This led to an increased demand for foodstuffs. By 1942 it
was reported that prices of guinea corn in some parts of Shendam Division were
approximately six times their prewar levels113 The government moved to control
prices of guinea corn and millet and to ensure that grain supplies from areas like
Shendarn Division were directed to the Plateau minefields114 The colonial
authorities had little difficulty in collecting taxes in Shendam Division in 1942:

397
 in the economic sphere, the peasants of the Division F’ probably
experienced the most prosperous year they I ever known. The prices of
agricultural products have remained on a high level and a great deal of
money has been put into circulation by the minefields.115

This meant that there was a good deal of money chasing too few imported goods.
This generated inflation, which mainly affected the non-agricultural population.
In addition, it was suggested that the ready availability of money made it difficult
to recruit labour for local projects, and that there was a tendency towards
extravagance and increased beer drinking. 116

Although prices of foodstuffs were high during the wartime period, the Tarok
area, and especially the Hill Tarok area, was not particularly fortunate with the
weather and pests. In 1939, although the year’s rainfall was exceptionally low, it
came at the right time to suit both millet and guinea corn crops so that there were
bumper harvests. The locust infestation of that year was relatively mild.117

In 1940 Shendam Division; and in particular the Hill Tarok area, suffered from
an infestation of caterpillars combined with an early drought which destroyed the
millet, and damaged the guinea corn. The northern districts of Shendam Division
with ‘Hill Yergam (Tarok), as usual, being the main victims, are facing the
prospect of a difficult, though not by any means a serious situation before next
year’s crops are in118

In the following year, 1941, the total rainfall was exceptionally high in
most parts of Shendam Division; but unevenly distributed. There were
temporary droughts in some areas and prospects of an exceptional guinea
corn harvest vanished when the rains virtually ceased early in October, a
month before their time, but throughout most of the Northern half of the
Division the

398
 position was partially retrieved by two heavy f a 11 s I n November, long
after the dry season appeared to have firmly established itself; in some
areas,however, these falls caine too late and did more harm than good.119

In spite of the vicissitudes of the weather the District Officer did not think it
likely that there would be any serious food shortage anywhere “not even in Hill
Yergarn. 20 Thus the 1941 harvest was only average and farmers were induced
by attractive prices to sell their grains so that later in the year, they found
themselves short of grain.121

It was reported in 1942, that ‘although the rains were late, crops in general turned
out well so that food supplies should be assured and there should be a surplus for
export by the head load’. 122

Little is known about the weather and crop conditions in 1943 and 1944. In 1945,
millet was described as ‘phenomenal’ although guinea corn was not much better
than the moderate crop of 1944. There had also been an appreciable increase in
the amount of groundnuts grown in the area.123

During the war, the agricultural officer appointed for Plateau Province in 1940
was so preoccupied with wartime fruit and vegetable production, especially of
Irish potatoes on the High Plateau, that he was not free to devote much attention
to the lowlands.124 this was in spite of repeated expressions of hope that he would
visit Shendam Division and provide technical advice. The Tarok continued to be
conservative in terms of the kinds of crops they grew with guinea corn being their
principal crop followed by millet. Attempts made by district officers to promote
the growing ofcassava, groundnuts and cotton met with very limited success.125
Thus Mr. Findlay expressed the view in 1940 that although people in the northern
part of the division depend mainly for their supply of cash upon the sale of food
to the minefields, and their lack of enthusiasm for this crop (rice) of relatively
high money value per weight, in a

399
country which has many areas suitable for its cultivation is not without
significance. A plentiful supply of grain is what matters; r is a luxury, and the
money for which it can be exchanged is little r than an unfortunate necessity for
the payment of tax.126

Little agricultural development took place in Shendam Division, including

Tarokland, between 1939 and 1947 due to the absence of a Department of
Agriculture, inadequate communication system, cutbacks during the war on road
maintenance, and lack of interest by I the marketing boards.

The Tarok area contributed a considerable number of recruits to the armed

services. The Plain Tarok area ‘is the only one (in Shendam Division) from
which there has been any noticeable response to the call for recruits’127 It would
appear that the Sudan United Mission (SUM) encouraged some of their adherents
to join the West Africa Frontier Force (WAFF). Out of the twenty-three who
volunteered, “one is a sergeant, three are corporals and five lance corporals 128
That a considerable number of Tarok joined the army is butressed by the large
concentration of ex-servicemen in Langtang estimated at about 300 by Mr. Hunt
in 1947.129 The exposure these young men received during their service in Burma
was to have a significant effect on Tarok politics and economic development
after the war.

The other major contribution to the Allied war effort by the Tarok was in
providing labour for the Plateau minefields. With the loss of Malaya in 1942, the
expansion of tin production in Nigeria became essential to the Allied war effort.
The Tarok already had considerable experience in working on the Plateau
minefields where they went ‘once in the year only with the sole object of earning
enough money to pay their tax, and return as soon as this objective has been
achieved’.130 The colonial administration wished to raise the production of tin to
unprecedented high levels to meet the greatly increased wartime demand. Since it
was not possible to acquire additional earth moving equipment, it was decided
that the only solution was to expand the

400
number of manual labourers. Since the indigenous labour of Plateau Province
primarily worked on the minefields to earn their tax money and were not
prepared to work in the rainy season, it was deemed necessary to resort to labour
conscription. The British Government had signed the International Convention on
Forced Labour in 1933 by which forced labour was prohibited except for such
work as tsetse control and anti-locust operations. In the past the British
government had always resisted the idea of providing forced labour for private
companies such as mining companies; but the exigencies of the wartime situation
induced the British government to abandon its obligations under the international
convention, and to authorize the recruitment and supply of conscript labour to the
mining companies. The colonial government in 1942 approved the recruitment of
some 30,000 conscript labourers to supplement the 45,000 already working on
the minefields. This figure could not be met. Out of the 19,200 conscript
labourers requested between February and July 1942 only 8,500 were actually
provided, and of these only 1,500 remained in July, 1942. Another 1,000 worked
for two months and 6,000 absconded in less than two months. This first attempt
at labour conscription proved a disaster because the conscripts were paid
miserable wages. The food was not suitable, housing and clothing were
inadequate and the conscripts were unaccustomed to the harsh weather. These
adverse conditions resulted in a high rate of disease and mortality which led to
desertion by the conscripted labourers, especially the Tiv.131

It was therefore decided to put labour conscription for the minefields on a more
organized basis. In a memorandum on the subject, the options were stated as:

(i) compulsion without any real attempt to redress labour

grievances.

(ii) redress of labour grievances without recourse to compulsory

measures and

401
 (iii) a compromise between (i) and (ii)

7. As regards (i), would it be possible even weredesirable?European

staff is not available to c - something in the nature of concentration
camps which wou be required to force labour to work under
conditions whol unacceptable to it. Efficiency of forced labour is
notorious low.

8. As regards (ii), a great deal can be done to r grievances and so

reduce inclination to desert but not all, climate, dislike of regular
work, etc. We still have to contem with the natural irresponsibility of
this type of labour.

9. Compromise, undoubtedly offers the best solution.

Thus while retaining the element of compulsion, the government imposed a

minimum wage of four shillings and six pence (4/ 6d) a week for pick and shovel
men and four shillings (4/-) a week for headpanners. This was the first minimum
wage ever imposed in Nigeria. It was largely subverted by the employers through
their use of the task system; though there was a tendency for wages to increase.
In addition, the conscripted labourers were to be exempted from taxation. They
would be supplied with rations to the value of two shillings and six pence (2/6),
firewood for heating, to the value of six pence (6d) a week, and a free blanket on
arrival. It was calculated that this would amount to eight shillings (8/-) a week.
The labourer would get four shillings (4/-) in cash depending on the category.
The government undertook to ensure an adequate supply of foodstuffs by setting
up a purchasing board which would give out contracts to buy and store grains.
The government also undertook to maintain labour discipline, and bring back
those who abandoned the work. Attempts were also to be made to provide
adequate supply of housing, and improved medical facilities.33

402
The Administrative Director of Minerals Production, Mr. Emberton, informed the
residents affected on 18 August, 1942 that it had been decided that to achieve
maximum output of tin, it was essential that the normal labour force of between
40-45,000 should be expanded by a further 30,000. Most of them would be
required during the dry season. This labour was to be obtained from locally
recruited voluntary labour within Plateau Province, outside voluntary labour and
outside forced labour.34

The first category was one the most desired by the mining companies because it
would provide labourers who were accustomed to the type of work required, used
to the climate, and who could provide their own housing and food supplies. This
type of labour was dependent on farming for part of its subsistence. Therefore,

after a careful consideration, it has been decided that the

introduction of compulsion in this area might jeopardise the
delicately balanced economy and by interfering with the existing
steady flow of labour to the mines, have the opposite effect to that
desired. Nevertheless, administrative action is being taken to induce
as many as possible to volunteer for work, and for this purpose
additional administrative staff is being provided.’35

As regards the second category of outside voluntary labourers, some labourers

were recruited and it was hoped that the residents would encourage more of this
kind of labour to come forward. ‘‘

The above sources would not be sufficient to supply the urgent need for labour.
Therefore, labour would have to be conscripted from the other northern provinces
except Ilorin and Adamawa. The former was excluded because of the fear of the
intensity of local resistance and the latter because it lacked the requisite type of
labour and because of the difficulty of communication. The first schedule of
conscripted labourers by the end of 1942 is indicated in the table below.

403
Table 33: Origin of Conscripted Labourers for the Minefields

September. 1942 November - December. 1942 ‘

Province First Percentage Actual Workforce Percentage

Schedule

Bauchi 3,500 11.7% 3,184 22.6%

Benue 8,000 26.7% 2,227 19.8%

Bornu 3,000 10.0% 882 6.3%

Kano 2,000 6.7% 500 3.5%

Katsina 2,000 6.7% 1,700 12.1%

Niger 1,500 5.0% - 3.9%

Plateau 2,500 8.3% - -

Sokoto 3,500 11.7% 2,272 16.1%

Zaria 4.000 13.3% 2,784 19.7%

30.000 14,100

Source NAKJos Prof 3/l/2018/52Minefields Labour Reports, 1942 - l943first

Schedule; Bill Freund, Capital andLabourp. 143
It was estimated that the labour force engaged in mining activities in Nigeria, not
exclusively on the Plateau Minefield (including gold mining), averaged 45,000 in
1939, while following the introduction of conscript labour, it rose to 55,000. In
1943, the number of men employed rose still further to an average of 71,000 per
month, with a peak of 80,358 in February, 1943. At the end of December, 1942,
the total minefield labour force had reached 70,800, of which 14,000 were
compulsorily recruited from other provinces and 15,000 voluntarily recruited
within Plateau Province. The balance of 4 1,000 represented permanent
employees, and voluntary labour from other provincest38. For a breakdown of
the different types of labour in 1943, see the table below:
404
Table 34: Breakdown of Types ofLabouron the MineJIelds, 1943

Number Type of Labour

16,000 Conscripts
6,000 Local Volunteers
8,000 Artizans & Semi Skilled workers
37,000 Unskilled Voluntary Labour of more permanent character
8,000 Unskilled migrant labour chiefly from NP.

Source: NAKSNP 17/4/33018 Labour Reports, Plateau Prov, 1943 para 3.

The mining companies would have preferred to see an expansion in the number
of voluntary labourers from the Plateau Province. The colonial government
assigned two administrative officers to propagate the idea in the Jos, Pankshin
and Shendarn divisions.’3> Recruitment was most successful in Jos Division and
the northern portion of Pankshin Division from which there were almost 11,000
persons at work, (including women), at the end of December, 1942. In the
southern portion of Pankshin and Shendam Divisions, a special recruitment drive
was undertaken by another administrative officer.’ The situation was described as
follows:

This area differs from Jos Division in that it contains practically no mines.
Any labour it supplies is therefore bound to be employed some distance
away from home, which involves the provision of food and housing. For
this reason it has been necessary to organise recruiting much more closely
in this area than in the Jos Division. Quotas have been allocated to village
areas and organised parties sent by the Native Authorities, who have co-
operated enthusiastically throughout, to particular mines, where they
remain for one month before being relieved by another party from the same
area. Though this organization, which is designed to supply

405
 Some 7,500 labourers to the minefields, has only recently been set
up, there were almost 4,000 labourers at work by the end of
December, but here again a considerable falling off in numbers is to
be expected during the farming season. ‘°

It was reported that this kind of labour was more in demand than imported
conscript labour which required greater supervision.

The District Officer, Shendam, Mr. L.J. Logan reported that during the second
half of 1942, the Administrative Director of Minerals Production, Mr. Emberton,
had called on Shendam Division to contribute to the labour force on the
minefields and that

No compulsory order has been made in regard to the division and

labour has been supplied by moral persuasion. The first draft of
2,500 men was obtained without difficulty possibly because it
coincided with the demands of tax-collection. The second draft
which was considerably larger, was only filled after delays and
difficulties, and it should shortly be apparent whether the labour
remains on the minefields for the period required.

He expressed the view that during 1943, a greater degree of compulsion might
have to be used.’42

Thus in the first half of 1943, it was reported that

In consequence of several fatal cases of cerebro-spinal meningitis,
the supply of mines labour from the division was discontinued at the
end of January. By this juncture, it has become increasingly evident
that the system of persuation could no longer be satisfactorily
operated and any future provision of mines labour from this division
will have to be effected on a compulsory basis.’43

406
It was also noted that the Tarok could ‘work as well as any of the tribes more
habituated to mines employment’.44 Given the reluctance of the Goemai to go to
work on the Plateau minefields it is reasonable to assume that much of the
Shendam quota was supplied by the Tarok, especially the Hill Tarok, who as we
have shown earlier suffered from repeated bad harvests during the 1 940s.

The death rates on the Plateau minefield were exceedingly high due to poor
living and working conditions and inadequate diet. The Tiv of Benue Province
found the climate of the Plateau particularly difficult to endure, and it was
therefore particularly unfortunate that so many of them were allocated to the
construction of a new NESCO dam at Tenti. The project was badly planned and
because the administration was anxious that the dam be finished before the 1943
rains, the work was done hurriedly with consequent mishaps. It was not yet
completed when the rains came and so the Tiv labourers suffered from extreme
exposure and one hundred and thirty-four died of pneumonia and related
diseases. This scandal led to the withdrawal of the Tiv labourers in August, 1943,
the decision to end conscription in Tivland, the principal source of recruits from
Benue Province. This meant that an additional 2,000 conscripts had to be
reallocated.’45

Considerable debate then followed whether the Benue quota should be

reallocated to Southern Pankshin, that is to Kanam and to Shendam Division. The
proposal to allocate a quota of 2,200 on a conscription basis to Shendam and
Kanarn met with considerable opposition from labour officers and mining
representatives. They argued that it would jeopardize voluntary recruitment from
these areas which were already running at a higher rate than the proposed quota.
Conscripts working under different conditions would inevitably, end up
discontented. Although the labour officer, Mr. Michie, pointed out that
conscription would further increase existing labour costs. The mining companies
decided to get as much conscript labour close at hand as possible and so
conscription was introduced into Shendam Division.’46

407
The intention was to send the first batch of 1,500 conscript labourers at the
beginning of October, 1943 and the second at the end of 1943. However, the first
batch was delayed due to lack of accommodation on the minefield. Only half
went in October; the second half went in the middle of December, 1943. The
District Officer observed that since it was possible to obtain local jobs at three
shillings (3/-) a week1 labour on the minefield at two shillings and six pence (2/-
6d) was ‘intensely unpopular.”47 However, it was reported that by the end of
1943, there had not been many desertions except amongst the Hill Tarok.’4”

By 1943, there was increasing scepticism about the efficiency of conscript

labour. The high death rates and poor working and living conditions aroused
criticism in Britain. There was also a growing conflict of interest between the tin
and groundnut campaigns which had been given equal priority in 1943. The
Resident Minister, Lord Swinton, after weighing the pros and cons,
recommended that conscript labour should end in April, 1944. This would
guarantee adequate labour during the dry season and ensure that nc,t i-rrnch last
in tin production. It would also give companies the opportunity to adjust. In
December, 1943, orders were given to suspend conscription entirely by April,
1944.

During the early part of 1944, some “administrative pressure” was brought to
bear on Tarokland to induce voluntary labour on the minefields. However, once
the farming season began, such pressure was withdrawn. It was later decided that
in future, such pressure should not be applied at any time and that exclusive
reliance should be placed on propaganda to recruit local voluntary labour.
Despite the withdrawal of 16,000 conscripts, the average monthly labour force
till the end of November, 1944 was maintained at the high level of 65,739 as
compared with 71,000 in 1943. The gap created by the withdrawal of conscript
labour was largely filled by voluntary Plateau labour which must have included
many Tarok, especially Hill Tarok

408
Labour on the minefields helped the Tarok pay their taxes which were increased
steadily during the Second World War. Thus in 1942, the Plain Tarok area was
the first unit in Shendam division to complete its tax collection.’5 In 1943,
despite the fact that the tax had been increased for two years running by six pence
(6d) per adult male, and the total increases were from 20% to 67% of the pre-war
rates, the tax was paid ‘with unprecedented ease.”52 Although going to the
minefields was a disagreeable necessity forced upon the Tarok people by the
need to earn money for tax and their lack of a cash crop, it did help to broaden
their outlook and break down parochialism. It therefore, contributed to the
political awakening which took place in Tarokiand after the Second World War.

Postwar Economic Development in Tarokland, 1946- 1966

Prior to the Second World War, Shendarn Division had been largely neglected as
regards economic development. It suffered from poor communications and was
far removed from marketing centres and as late as the 1940s, no expatriate
company had established a buying station in the area. The Department
ofAgriculture had largely ignored the agricultural potentials. In addition, the hill
groups including the Tarok were descending to the lowlands and abandoning
their traditional soil conservation techniques, and were devastating the land on
the plains. Thus a district officer, Mr. W.H. Paul, remarked in 1945: ‘As yet
Development in its modern meaning, when spelt with a capitalD, has hardly
reached Shendam’.’53

Prior to 1940, Plateau Province had no resident Agricultural Officer and was
merely visited occasionally by agricultural officers based at Samaru. In 1937, an
interesting report was made on the possible Ii nes of agricultural development by
a visiting agricultural officer. His principal recommendations for Shendam
Division were: -

409
 As regards promoting an increase in general wealth, consider that
general encouragement should be given t o the cultivation of the
groundnut crop. There is no doubting the suitability of the soil over
large areas of the Division. Some of
the farmers grow them really well already.

He also thought that Cotton could be boosted although farmers had not welcomed
offers of cotton seeds. His final recommendation was

That a mixed farming venture might be tried in the vicinity

Langtang, in the country of the Yergam (Tarok) people. local chief,
Ponzhi Langtang, looks the type of man would take a keen interest.
If mixed farming is to succee anywhere in Shendam Division this is
the region.155

In November 1940, the Agricultural Officer visited Shendam Division and was
impressed by the possibilities of expanding rice cultivation while he thought the
tobacco grown at Kalum had distinct possibilities, and that its cultivation might
be extended to other areas. It was proposed to establish an experimental farm in
the Shendam area.156 Nothing came of these proposals and for the rest of the
Second World War, no assistance was received from the Department of
Agriculture. 157

LANGTANG OLD MARKET SQUARE

410
In June 1946 as a result of an inspection visit to Shendam Division by Resident
Mr. F.M. Noad, he asked the Agricultural Officer to visit Shendam to look into
the possibility of encouraging rice production, well as the introduction and/or
encouragement of cash crops such tobacco, cotton, sugar cane and potatoes in
Namu. He was also to y the varieties of guinea corn grown in the Division.’58

A subsequent review of agricultural policy in Plateau Province [vided it into two

well-defined areas; first the Upland Plateau of Jos and part of Pankshin and
second the Lowland area,
ng Shendam, Wamba, Jem&a and the rest of Pankshin. {owever, it was decided
to give priority to the High Plateau while ecognizing that the Lowland areas of
Shendam and Pankshin were

full of possibilities, but ideally would require an A.O of their own to

develop them fully. A start is being made in training one assistant
from Kanam, and one from the Yergam (Tarok) area, but the tribes
in this area seem particularly conservative,
and it is possible that little can be done until each tribe has its own
trained assistant. Agricultural customs and methods differ
surprisingly over small distances - Thus the Montol are excellent
farmers and so are the Dimmuk, whereas the Yergam (Tarok), only
15 miles from the former, are not so good.159

It was not until 1948 that the Shendam Resettlement Scheme began to take shape
as a way of channelling immigration from the hills, and at the same time
improving farming methods and promoting soil conservation. In the following
sections, we propose to discuss the agricultural aspects of the Shendam
Resettlement Scheme, the Langtang Soil Conservation Scheme, the experiment
with mixed farming, and the encouragement of cash crops such as groundnuts
and cotton.

411
The Shendam Resettlement Scheme, 1948- 1966

As early as 1943, a District Officer remarked in his annual report

Shendam Division that there was a significant trend, which was so gradual that it
had largely gone unremarked, but which would be very important for future
policy,

This is the tendency of the more crowded tribes, particularly those in the densely
populated north western corner of the Division, to abandon their former practice
of intensive farming and to move further and further afield in search of new land
- usually building farm settlements in the first place, from which they return in
the dry season, but later often moving permanently from their original homes.
Whatever the ecological results of this movement, undesirable from many points
of view, it will present administrative problems in the years to come as the tribes
become more and more scattered and
intermingled. 60

The idea of controlled immigration was put forward in 1947 when attention was
drawn to

the gradual shift of the population from the foothills of the Murchison Range
southwards into the fertile and hitherto uncultivated bush. These migratory
farmers abandon sound methods of agriculture, including the use of manure,
which in the past they were forced to develop by the land shortage in their
traditional homes, and on taking up farms in the bush adopt the easier shifting
cultivation. By this means, they are rapidly destroying the fertility of these
areas.6

The District Officer believed that the solution was ‘control of migration and the
permanent reettlement of migrants in the new area.”62 This would be an
expensive operation that was beyond the resources of the Native Treasury.
External finance would be required for the scheme.’63

412
Although the Groundnut Mission did not visit Shendam, they xpressed an interest
in the area as being one in which large scale groundnut, cotton, beniseed and rice
production could be undertaken with the evacuation of the produce down to the
Benue. Guinea corn growing for the Plateau minefields could be carried out in
the North of the division. The possibility of expanding cash crop production and
the need to channel and control the movement of bill farmers combined with the
need to do something about the ex-servicemen in Langtang provided the motives
for the Shendam Resettlement which was first mooted as a pilot resettlement
project in 1948.164

The original proposal as outlined by the Resident, Plateau Province, s that the
Shendam Resettlement Scheme should be a Native
r )rity Farm in the first instance. After a few years, it should be divided into
individual holdings organized into cooperatives to attract group tractor
ploughing, marketing, etc. The project should be started by a Development
Officer and an Assistant Agricultural Officer under the supervision of a visiting
Agricultural Officer.’’5 However, when it came to implementation, the idea that
it should remain a Native Authority farm for three years was abandoned, and
each settler was allocated his own holding at the end of the year.166

After a reconnaissances of the area lying between the Ibi road and the Wase river
south of the Inshar - Gerkawa road, it was decided to select a site within this area
for settlement. It was some ten miles from Inshar which came to be called Sabon
Gida. About fifty ex-soldiers and their families were chosen to be the pioneer
settlers because it was thought that they “would have benefitted from their
overseas and would represent a malleable type of pioneer.167 In they were
becoming a nuisance to the political authorities especially in Langtang, and so it
was considered desirable to divert of them to the Resettlement Scheme.168 Of
these original forty ex-servicemen, thirty were Plain Tarok, ten Hill Tarok, and
ten Goemai.169 By mid April, 1948, this group had moved into the area.

413
By September 1948, the Pilot Scheme was considered to bel sufficiently
successful to justify embarking upon the second phase.’170

In the second phase, it was decided to reproduce the original settlement at three
further sites involving the settlement of a hundred and twenty-four families. The
first of these failed because of the inability to obtain water at eighty feet. A
second village was established at Mabudi and some seventy Hill Tarok families
moved in early 1949. The Ponzhi Zinni was disappointed when he was informed
that he would not be allowed to move his chieftaincy en bloc to the Resettlement
Area. Difficulties in finding a suitable water supply at Mabudi prompted a more
cautious policy in selecting further sites. Two suitable sites were found at
Dorowa and Mahanga, south of Sabon Gida near perennial lakes.171

By late 1950, the success of this second phase prompted the planned expansion of
the scheme and a grant of 99,440 was obtained from the Northern Region
Production Development Board since it was believed that a scheme of this sort
would be of considerable importance in increasing the standard of living of the
people and producing large quantities of export crops.172

The assistance provided the settlers involved clearing the land, demarcating
compound boundaries, provision of water supplies, and roads, subsistence for the
months preceding the first harvest, and advice to technical officers. As a
government report expressed it: ‘In short, the skeleton of the settlement is
provided and the settlers are expected to animate it’.173 Elsewhere it was
emphasized that the Resettlement Scheme was ‘based entirely on self-help.174

In 1951 the progress of the Resettlement Scheme was held up by political

difficulties. According to the District Officer, Mr. Hunt
who has earlier been quoted in Chapter 6:

414
 ‘the Plain Yergam (Tarok) District has been completely consumed
by the wrangle over the Development Area. All else has been
subjugated to this, and while the Yergams (Tarok) felt they were
being forced into something, they did not like or were losing
something they might have gained, their inferiority complex took
absolute command and on no other matter could any interest be
aroused.’

The argument over the ownership of the land in Block ‘B’ was eventually settled
by the establishment of Subordinate Native Authority for this Block of the
Resettlement Scheme. A Grade ‘D’ Native Court was also created for the
area.’76 However, in order to express their displeasure at the creation of the
Native Authority for the Resettlement Area the two native authorities most
closely concerned, Shendam and Langtang, refused to cooperate with the new
body or appoint representatives to the Board of the Resettlement Sub-Native
Authority. However, by the end of 1952, the Long Goemal and the Ponzhi
Langtang decided to abandon their opposition to the Resettlement Sub Native
Authority and appointed their representatives.77 Later in 1961, the Resettlement
Sub Native Authority was excised from the Lowland Federation and a joint
services committee was set up with the Yergam (Tarok) Native Authority with its
headquarters at Langtang to provide joint services.’78

Having solved the political difficulties, the main problem facing the Resettlement
Scheme was adequate water supply. The failure to find water at a reasonable
depth at Mabudi meant that the water supply problem could only be solved by the
provision of dams. The same applied to the new settlements at Milfudu and
Gamakai.’79

The Resettlement Scheme had originally been envisaged as one which would be
based on mixed farming; but due to the presence of tsetse flies and the danger of
trypanosomiasis which required that cattle be given prophylactic treatment which
was still at the experimental stage, only a relatively small herd of oxen could be

415
maintained at Sabon Gida. Therefore in 1955 - 1956 it was reported
that there were only seven mixed farmers in two villages.”°

It was considered very important that farmers within the should maintain good
farming practices and be ‘prevented from exploiting and ruining the fertile virgin
bush in the same way as they had ruined the land from which they were being
resettled’. 8 Farmers were allocated thirty-two acres and for the first four years,
they could farm as much land as they liked. In the fifth year the first four acres
had to be allowed to lie fallow under grass and pigeon peas, and in the following
year another four acres. They followed this pattern until the ninth year when the
first four acres would come back into cultivation again. This system gave a
maximum of four years cropping and a minimum of four years fallow.’82

The cropping system was fundamentally beniseed - guinea corn - millet and
guinea corn, and then four years fallow. Cassava was growing in popularity and
upland rice was also coming on in the wet areas. Groundnuts were becoming
more important; but initially they were wiped out by wild animals. In the 1950s,
maize did not yield well on upland soils, cotton was riddled with diseases, yams
were attacked by yam beetles while sweet potatoes and soya beans were attacked
by bush animals.’83

The enforcement of these rules was not always easy. It was reported in 1954-5:

At Sabon Gida, the second four acre block went down to fallow, and
at Mabudi the first went down. In both these places four settlers
either left or were evicted and replacements came in.’84

It was subsequently alleged that

The settlers are becoming more fallow conscious and it will be

evident during the next few years as more come back to

416
their original plots after the four year fallow cycle whether or not they will accept
this as routine practice.

In terms of the number of settlers, and the acreages under cultivation,

Resettlement Scheme steadily expanded. The original settlement at Sabon Gida
where the aforementioned fifty ex-servicemen where settled in 1948. In 1949,
Mabudi was opened with seventy fami1ies from the Hill Tarok area who proved
to be better farmers than the ex-servicemen. In 1950, Dorowa was opened with
forty families’ chief from Zinni. Thus, in 1950, there were forty-four farmers in
Sabon Gida, seventy-one at Mabudi, forty at Dorowa, and forty at Lahanga.86
For the expansion of the Resettlement Scheme see the following tables

Table 35: Exvansion ofBlock B’of the Resettlement Scheme

Year No. of Total No.of Villages Acreageunder
Families Population Cultivation

1951 284 1420 7 2272

1952 330 1850 8 -
1955 480 - - -
1961 978 - - -
1962 1500 - 25 -
Sources: NAKJos Prof 1/1/6451 Lowland Div, A. R, 1951; Jos Prof 1/1/6451
Lowland DivA. R, 1952 by Mr. Broadbent; Jos Prof 1/1/6451 Lowland Div, A.
R, 1995 by Mr. Lloyd-Morgan Jos Prof 2/70/STA/19 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1961
(Deptal) ProjectReport 15/12/1961.

Table 36: Expansion ofBlok ‘C’(Wase) oftheResettlementScheme

Year No of Total No. of Acreage under
Families Population Villages Cultivation

1955 27
1957 75
1961 180
1962 196 5
NAK Jos Prof 1/1/6451 Lowland Div, A. R, 1955 by Mr Lloydran; Jos Prof
2/70/STA/20 Vol.1 Plateau Prov A. R, 1957 by Mr A. T. Weatherheadpara 34,
Jos Prof 2/70/STA/1 9 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1961 (Deptal) Project Report,
5/12/1961 Jos Prof 2/70/STA/1 9 Vol.1 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1962 (Deptal) A. R,
Shendam Resettlement Scheme, 1962 by the Project Manager.
417
Table 37: Sources of Settlers in Villages in Block ‘B’

S/No. Settlement Year of Groups Most Important

Establishement Represented Group
1. Sabon Gida 1948 Tarok/Goemai Zinni/Bwarat/Ce
2. Mabudi 1949 Tarok /Ngas Zinni
3. Dorowa 1950 Tarok Zinni/Bwarat
4. Mahanga 1950 Tarok,Ngas Ce/Nimbar/Bwara-
Jukun,Tiv Zinni
5. Gangum 1952 Tarok/Ngas Bwarat
(Rim)
6. Gamakai 1952 Tarok Ngas Nimbar/Zinni
7. Takdun 1953 Tarok Bwarat/Zinni
8. Gannim 1953 Tarok Ce/Zinni
9. Talalaiya 1953/1954 Tarok Ce/Zinni
10. Mile Five 1954 Tarok Zinni
(now Mile
Four)
11. Kanana 1954 Tarok/Boghom Bwarat
12. Karkushi 1954 Tarok/Tiv/Ngas Ce/Timwat
13. Lokkang 1958 Tal/Tarok Zinni

418
Takalafiya for forty to fifty settlers.’189 In 1954, two new settlements e opened
at Kanana and Karkushi and a hundred and fifty settlers oved in, bringing the
total to 480 settlers.190 The Resettlement Scheme continued to expand but the
figures in the official reports are for all three blocks combined and so it is no
longer possible to differentiate the population of Block ‘B’.

Block ‘C’ in Wase District got off to a slow start because of difficulties over
water supply. In 1952, a settlement to accommodate twenty families was laid out
at Wadata and a dam was constructed nearby; but the rains were inadequate to fill
the dam. In 1953, it was reported:

In Block ‘C’ (Wase District), the few settlers admitted last season
after a gruelling time owing to inadequate supplies of water and
food, are now building permanent homes and encouraging others to
move in. The successful completion of
the dam at Wadata affords them an assured water supply.191

Difficulties continued and in 1954 it was reported that

Progress in Block ‘C’ which is in Wase District has been slow, due
partly to the difficulty of communications with the area, and only
seven new settlers were introduced during the year (1954). 192

In 1955, it was reported that the situation in Block ‘C’ of the Resettlement Area
was not very satisfactory due to local interference by the District Head
concerned; but it was hoped that visits by the Emir, the Divisional Officer and the
Project Manager had removed the causes of complaint and that development
would henceforth proceed smoothly.’93

The Eastern block, that is Block ‘C’, which had started slowly had seventy-five
families in 1957. And by 1961 it had one hundred and eighty families compared
with 978 families in Block ‘B”94

419
The Westem block or Block ‘A’ to the south near Namu chiefly inhabited by Tiv
who had moved up froj the South] the Population of Block ‘A’ Consisted of some
ninetythree In 1962 settlers from KwoJja began to move into this area as well as
195

The announced intention of the Resettlement Scheme was:

The ‘Canal isation’ of the infiltrating tribesmen from the over congested northern
parts of the Division in to the resettlement area where sound methods
ofcultivation can be taught.196

In practice, the overwheliin majority of settlers who came fo to settle in Blocks

‘B’ and ‘C’ during the I 950s were Taro and especially Hill Tarok, Thus in 1954
it was reported that in ‘Block B’ the main demand for farms still comes from the
Yergam (Taro) Whom there is a Steady flow’.197 In the following year it was
Stated that

The demand for settlement farms in Blocks ‘B’ and continued to

come almost entirely from the Yergams (ia although enqujj5 have
been recently received from An in Pankshin Division198

In 1957 the trend Continued When it Was Stated that ‘the Yergam (Tarok)
Continue to move down from their rocky hills and prove enthusiastic settlers’199

In 1958 it was proposed that the Whole of the Gazum people inc1ud the Ponzhj
Zifl sho move down to the Resettlement Area stages Understandably the older
people did not like the idea everyone moving from Gazum in one year and so it
Was decided surncient villages Should be Opened in the settlement area in 1958,
1959 to take a certain number of householders from each of Gam villages Who
would act as a kind of advance guard for the others. The most important points
which were agreed on in principle were:

420
 Ponzhi Zinni should take up residence in Takalafiya, a village
situated in the centre of the settlement area.

All village heads in Gazum, approx. eleven in number, will assume

the same positions of authority in the new villages provided in the
settlement area. This should be easy to arrange as it is likely that
approx. 15 villages will be required to be established to absorb the
immigrants.

As near as is humanly possible, all communities will be kept

together in the same settlement villages as on the hills.

That Gazum District should be closed to further settlement and

should be demarcated as a forest reserve in due course.

The Resettlement N.A. Council will continue as at present, as an

independent N.A. with its own elected president and members.200

However, this proposal by the people of Gazum to move en bloc to Block ‘W

provided that the Ponzhi Zinni moved down was never carried out. One can only
surmise that funds were insufficient because ‘at the end of the year (1958)
finance for the scheme was severely cut’20 or that the Ponzhi Tarok, Garba
Wuyep, did not like the idea of the Ponzhi Zinni moving from his impoverished
domain to the Resettlement Area, where he might become a rival political
authority.

The Resettlement Scheme continued to grow in popularity in 1960 even though

funds were not forthcoming to facilitate expansion and to provide infrastructure.
By 1962 the demand by hill and other marginal farmers of Lowland and Pankshin
divisions to move into the scheme was so great that they had to be asked to wait
because of lack of adequate water supply. The Tarok in the past had ‘provided
the bulk of the new settlers’202 but by 1962 there was a much greater diversity in
the sources of new settlers including Kwolla, Ngas and others.
421
However, by that time the Tarok had already built up substantial numbers
especially in Block ‘B’, which was later to become Langtal South L.G.A
203

Although, in 1961, the Resident Plateau stated that the resettleme scheme
‘continues to be one of the most useful of its kind and n than justifies its
existence,’204 by 1963 expansion of the scheme been halted. It was placed on a
care and maintenance I Nevertheless another 200 families moved into the
Resettlement1 of their own accord bringing to a total of 1,953 the number off
settled throughout the 1,100 square miles of the scheme in wL. there were,
twenty dams and one hundred and fifty-five miles c roads to be maintained.205

In terms of its own objectives, did the Shendam Resettlement Schem provide new
homes for hill farmers living on exhausted l improve their standard of living,
improve their methods of fa and at the same time increase the output of
foodstuffs and cash cro As far as the Tarok were concerned the Resettlement
Scheme c provide them with access to land which probably could not have1- -
successfully farmed without the infrastructure of roads and provided by the
Scheme. Although adequate statistical data is r available; there seems to be
reason to believe that farmers in t. Resettlement Scheme were able to improve
their standard of living.A Dutch economist, Mr. Luning estimated that the move
from the l had increased the gross income of families by 50%.206 Elsewhere1
Luning has estimated that a hill farmer could not have produced c:: - worth more
than about fifty pounds (f50) while the average gross value at farm produce per
settler in the resettlement scheme was between seventy five (75) and eighty-five
pounds (85).207 i official source calculated the gross income of farmers in the
scheme at two hundred pounds (f200) per annum.200 Other evidence of
improved standard of living was ‘The increasing number rectangular houses in
mud brick that are going up and the improved standard of clothing’.209 A sign of
increased wealth, and of the facV they increasingly regarded the plains as their
home was

422
 The way in which the people in the new villages, who often
come from different areas and usually from primitive hamlets
in the hills, have realised the importance of a social corporate
life, and the advantages to be found in their new environment
if they help themselves. So they start their schools and
churches and reading rooms, and are, in some cases, making
commendable efforts to tidy and beautify their villages.210

Much of the improvement in amenities was due to the settlers themselves through
self help projects.211 In spite of their improved incomes, Tarok settlers remained
hard headed peasants who did not indulge in flights of fancy but invested in
utilitarian things such as imarrying many wives to increase their labour force,
buying bicycles to ease the transportation of farm produce, and later motorcycles
and 1pickup vans. They also invested in livestock, especially cattle, and in
educating their numerous children.212

One of the major objectives of the scheme was to encourage improved methods
of farming which would conserve the soil and reduce the danger of soil erosion.
Given the nonavailability of chemical fertilizers, there was a plan to base the
Resettlement Scheme on mixed farming but that proved impossible because of
the presence of tsetse flies and the risk of trypanosomiasis (sleeping ickness). The
Department of Agriculture had great difficulty in enforcing the four year
fallowing system, and in 1952 it was stated hat,

There is a tendency for settlers to reject the technical advice given

by the Agricultural Staff. The matter is one of some complexity but
on the whole it is a pity that they have not been more enthusiastic in
this direction.213

The Agricultural Officer in his handing over notes, 8 August, 1952 stated that the
Shendam Development Scheme was the most important agricultural project in the
province

423
 but through one thing and another, we still haven’t sorte the
fundamental part of the scheme which is the f rotation in Block ‘B’.
This had to remain in abeyance o political unrest in the area but
steps must be taken this c. dry season now that the new NA is
functioning.214

Progress was made in introducing the four year fallowing syster Sabon Gida and
subsequently at Mabudi but in both places settlers either had to be evicted or left
because of their refu comply with the farming rules.215

An experimental farm was set up in 1954 at Gannim in Block which it was hoped
that basic research could be done to dis which areas were suitable for particular
crops. This represented significant shift of emphasis on the part of the
Department Agriculture from the problems of the Upper Plateau to possibilities
of developing the Lowlands. When the Resettleme Scheme was placed on a
maintenance basis, extension worke continued to carry out demonstrations and to
hold farmer meetings.216

However, the improved farming methods in the project may failed because of the
introduction of chemical fertilizers, the collapsc of extension services, and the
natural conservatism of peasan farmers.The Resettlement Scheme not only led to
the production i’ increased quantities of foodstuffs but also stimulated increased
production of rice and groundnuts. However, much of the prosperity of the
scheme was due to the strong demand for foodstuffs on the Plateau minefield.
Some idea of the scale of the trade in foodstuffs can be seen from the table:-

42
Table 38: Foodstuffs Exported to the North from Shendam through Langtang

Crop 1950 1952 1953

Nov. - Dec.

Guinea Corn 980 bags 330 tons 150 tons

Millet 110 bags 340 tons 500 tons
Rice 280 bags - 75 tons
Groundnuts 550 bags - 50 tons
Peppers 140 bags - 180 tons
Maize 153 bags - 200 tons
Beans - 250 tons
Yams -

Sources: NAK Jos Prof 1/1/6451 Lowland Div. A. R, 1950; Jos Prof 1/1/6451,
Lowland Div, A. R, 1952 by Mr E. Broadhent. Jos Prof 1/1/645 Lowland Div, A.
R, 1953 byMi E. Broadbent.

Most of these foodstuffs were coming from the Lowlands, including the
Resettlement Area, which provided a boost to food production.

As regards cash crops, it was reported in 1952:

The resettlement and rice scheme are acting like yeast on the life of
the division and this is especially true from the agricultural point of
view. Widespread interest is being taken in new crops, particularly
cotton, groundnuts and rice.217

There was considerable expansion in the cultivation of groundnuts and the

Department of Agriculture reported that the cultivation of this crop had quite
definitely increased especially in Pankshin (Kanam) and the Lowlands.218 An
index of the increase in groundnut production can be seen from the purchases at
the principal buying stations in the area. See Table below:

425
Table 39: Purchases of Groundnuts at Buying Stations in the Lowlana 1951-1956

BuyingStation 1951-52 1952-53 1953-54 1954 – 54 1955 - 56

Dengi 250 tons 353tones 350tones 401tones

Wase 80tons 63tones 137tones 168tones 83tones

Langtang 280 tons 421tones 340tones 534tones 475tones

Gerkawa - 43tones 93tones 72tones
Yelwa - 73tones 53tones 39tones 91tons
Shendan 314 tons 128tones 177tones 245tones 353tones

Sources:Kadminagric 1/1/7906(T) Vol. Agric, 1952-3, 1954-5, 1 955-56

1 A. Rs, Riyom, Plateau A. Rs:

There was a growing interest in cotton, principally in Wase and Langtang where
it was estimated that the acreage under cultivation in 1953 had trebled.29 In
1955, the cotton harvest was expected to be a record.22° In the Resettlement
Scheme, cotton suffered badly from attacks of diseases. Experiments with cotton
were carried out under the supervision of the staff of the experimental farm at
Gannin, and at Talgwan with apparently good results in 1960. By the following
year, farmers in the Resettlement Scheme devoted 1,523 acres out of a total of
16,415 acres of crop land to cotton.22
Although rice production was expanding, it was mainly grown around
Shemankar and exported to Jos and to the East Pepper constituted a significant
sideline in the Resettlement Area, and was grown under trees. Most of it was
shipped to Jos and sold at quite profitable prices.222

The Resettlement Scheme led to increased production of foodstuffs especially

guinea corn, and millet, and cash crops especially groundnuts, cotton, rice,
peppers and beniseed. Although much of the profits from the sale of such
products was creamed off by middlemen, Tarok farmers in the Resettlement Area
almost
426
certainly were better off than those who continued to farm their worn out lands in
Gazum and elsewhere.

The Langtang Soil Conservation Scheme

Immediately after the Second World War, the Department of Agriculture was
much interested in soil conservation programmes to check soil erosion and
maintain the fertility of the soil. Originally their attention was focused on the
High Plateau where their schemes at Gyel and elsewhere met with little success.
Then in 1951, the Tarok themselves requested a soil conservation scheme
because they realized that through bad fanning methods they had ruined large
areas of land which looked as if they would never be able to be brought back into
cultivation. A pilot scheme was, therefore initiated to cover some eighty to one
hundred acres with graded terraces, graded and contour bunds and gulley
checks.223

With the successful completion of the Pilot Scheme of one hundred acres, the
work was extended to a much wider area of some 750 acres. Local farmers
provided a great deal of voluntary labour which worked well under the guidance
of a soil conservation surveyor.224

As the plan developed, it was decided to extend the conservation scheme beyond
the Langtang area to Bwarat and Gani. In the Langtang area, the work chiefly
revolved round the construction of storm drains in the foothills and bunding with
a tractor. In Bwarat all the bunding was done by communal labour, while in Gani
all the bunding was done by hand.225 The Agricultural Officer praised the
quality of the work and emphasized, ‘The theme at Langtang is self-help and
most of the work has been done by communal effort, the Department Staff
marking out the bunds and the farmers building them’.226 The massive water
diversion ditches of thirty-one feet with stone outlets built in at the foot of the
escarpment hills were built by paid labour.227

427
In any soil conservation project, the earthworks are only a part of the soil
rehabilitation process which has to be accompanied by g - farming practices.
Thus for example bush burning after Dec was discouraged and a native authority
order was issued to that effect However, the Agricultural Officer complained that
under the excuse of hunting for snakes, bush burning had taken place, and some
damage had occurred to bunds while digging into them in search c animals.
These had to be subsequently repaired. Propaganda was undertaken to discourage
people from farming in the hills, though it was likely to be a slow business’ P228

It was also deemed essential that the land between the bunds be contour ridged to
improve the permeability of the soil and prevent the concentration of water in
waterlogged areas. It was necessary to introduce a law making it compulsory to
ridge within the conservation area. This was important because it was the
customary Tarok farming practice ‘to plant all crops on the flat122

An attempt was also made to encourage greater diversification of cropping. Thus

the recommended cropping system was cotton - guinea, corn - millet and guinea
corn groundnuts followed by four years fallow. The fallows should be sown with
grass and pigeon peas. In order to encourage the growth of cotton and
groundnuts, Langtang was gazetted as a purchasing point to provide an outlet for
the produce.230

Mixed Farming

The Department of Agriculture was particularly anxious to promote mixed

farming in the Langtang area which was free of tsetse flies. The normal definition
of mixed farming is the combination of animal husbandry with arable farming. It
allows the use of animal manure to fertilize the fields, and at the same time,
permit a system of rotation by which fields could be placed under pasture for a
time. The definition of mixed farming propounded by the Department of
Agriculture in

428
the Langtang case seemed to be a much more limited one. It merely referred to
the acquisition of oxen for ploughing, the training of farmers to plough and the
provision . This was part of the follow-up to the soil conservation scheme. The
situation from 1955
- 56 was ‘That a farmer must supply the bulls, we (Agricultural Department)
assist in training, and the only advance given is for the plough’.23 It was reported
that there were about thirty mixed farmers in the Langtang area and in Wase with
other prospective farmers in the Division.232 In 1961, it was reported that mixed
fanning remained popular, and at Langtang thirty farmers purchased ploughs,
bringing the total number of mixed farmers to over 200.233 The scheme steadily
increased with the availability of government loans and of ploughs. See the table
below for comparative figures for 1966.

Table 40: Numbers of Mixed Farmers, 1966

Native Authority No. of Mixed No. of Bulls No. Ploughs

Farmers
Yergam (Tarok) 416 1,401 441
226 113
Wase 110
128 64
Kanam 64 24 12
Pankshin 12
Shendam 10 20 10

612 1,799 640

Source: Jos Prof 2/70/STA/]9 Vol. 111 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1966 (DeptaO Half
yearly Report, 1966- 1967.

Like many other attempts to introduce improved farming practices, this one also
foundered as a result of the introduction of chemical fertilizers and inadequate
finance.

429
Conclusion
During the colonial period, the Tarok had expanded from the hills to the plains,
and although this enabled them to bring new land under cultivation, the demands
of the colonial state for taxes, the vicissitudes of the weather, the locust invasions
and soil erosion created conditions of rural poverty in parts of the Tarok area,
especially Hill Tarok. Government projects in the post World War II period such
as the Shendam Resettlement Scheme resettled large numbers of Tarok on the
plains enabling them to improve their material standard of living. Other attempts
such as the Langtang Soil Conservation Scheme and mixed farming were made to
conserve the devastated land in the Tarok homeland and to improve farming
methods. Much of this activity proved futile in the long run because of the new
conditions created by the Nigerian Civil War. The advent of chemical fertilizers
led to the neglect of infrastructures and the abandonment of improved farming
methods.

430
 References
1. NAK SNP 7/8/3087/1907, Muri Prov. Half Yearly Report NO.48 to June,
1907 by Resdt Ruxton. para 3.

2. J.M. Fremantle, Gazetteer Appendix p.’7, Dusgate, The Conquest of NN.

Pp.225-26

3. NAK SNP 7/10/25 17/1909, Muri Prov, Report No. 62 for quarter ending
31 March, 1909 by Acting Resdt Rowe.

4. Ibid.

5. NAK SNP 7/13/4902/1912, Muri Prov Brodt Section of Yergam Tribe

Assessment Report; SNP 10/1 /346p/ 1913, Muri Prov, Ibi Div Gani
Section ofYergum Tribe, Assessment Report by Mr. Auchinleck. That for
Langtang is missing.

6. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1807, Yergam Dists, Sub-Treasury for, Report by Mr.
Pembleton on Mr. Mathews’report, 1934.

7. NAK SNP 10/8/369 P/1920, Capitation Tax in Pagan Areas,

1921, Resdt Mr. Dupigny, Muri Prov to SNP, 24 Feb, 1921
No. 180/1012, See also Jos prof. 2/12/242/1920 Taxation in
Pagan Areas.

8. NAK SNP 7/13/970/19 12, Muri Prov, A.R. No 75, 1911 by Resdt Ruxton,
enclos. “General Lines of Policy with Regard to Pagan Tribes”

9. The same phrase is used in both cases. NAK SNP

7/13/4902/19 12, Muri Prov, Brodt (Bwarat) Section of
Yergam Tribe, Assessment Report; SNP 10/1/346 p/I913,
Muri Prov, Ibi Div, Gani Section. Yerghum (sic) tribe,
Assessment Report.

10. Ibid.
431
11. NAK SNP 15/1/AcclO6, Muri Prov, A.R, 1905 by Resdt Gowers

12. NAK los Prof. 3/1/684 1, Wase, Notes on, Reassessment Report on Wase
Dist., Muri Prov by Capt Izard. Para 21

13. Ibid.

14. NAK SNP 7/13/970/1912, Muri Prov, A. R, No. 75, 1911 by Resdt
Ruxton, enclos “General Lines of Policy with Regard to
Pagan Tribes”.

15. NAK SNP 10/8369 P/1920 Capitation Tax in Pagan Areas, Resdt Dupigny,
Muri Prov to SNP, 24 Feb, 1921 No.
180/1012.

16. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/6841, Wase, Notes on, Reassessment Report on Wase
Dist, Muri Prov. By Capt Izard. para 34

17. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1566, Hill Yergam Dist, Shendam Div, Resdt
Pembleton, Plateau to SNP, 14 Aug, 1936 1506/27.

18. NAK Jos Prof. 2/25/17/1933, Shendam Div, A. R, 1932.

19. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/147, Shendam Div, Report for quarter ending 31
March, 1935 by Mr. Milroy D.O. para 17

20. NAK SNP 7/11/2260/1910, Muri Prov, Report No. 67 for quarter ending
31 March, 1910 by Resdt Ruxton, para 7.

21. NAK SNP 10/1/583P/1913, Muri Prov, Report No. 83 for quarter ending
30 June, 1913 by Resdt Ruxton, para 132.

22. Ibid. para 135.

432
23. NAK SNP 7/10/1343/1909, Muri Prov, A. R, No. 61, 1908 by Resdt
Ruxton.

24. NAI( SNP 7/13/4902/19 12, Muri Prov, Brodt (sic) Section of Yergum
Tribe Assessment Report by Mr. Auchinleck, para 7.

25. H.C.Accounts and Papers, LX XIV, A. R, Northern Nigeria for

1904p.56para 130

26. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/6841 Wase, Notes on, Reassessment Report on Wase
Dist, Muri Prov by Capt Izard, para 17.

27 Ibid.

28 Ibid.

29. NAK Jos Prof. 2/23/5/193 1, Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 5 for

1930 by Resdt Monsell, paras 203 & 204. See also Jos Prof.
2/21/45 1/1929, Plateau Prov, A. R, No.4, 1929 by Resdt
Middleton, para 121; Jos Prof. 2/20/470/1928, Plateau Prov,
A. R, No.3, 1928 by Resdt Middleton, paras 160 - 162; SNP
17/8/1/6628 Vol.2, Plateau Prov, A. R, No.2, 1927 by Resdt
Middleton, para 199.

30. NAK Jos Prof. 2/28/1928 Shendam Div, A. R. for 1927 by Mr. Doelberg.

31. NAK SNP 10/87P/l920, Muri Prov, ReportNo. 104, 1919 by Resdt
Dupigny, para 117.

32. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/684 1 Wase, Notes on, Reassessment Report, Wase
Dist, Muri Prov by Capt Izard, para 12.

33, NAK SNP 15/1/Acc.106, Muri Prov, A. R, 1905 by Resdt

Gowers; SNP 10/8/717/1920, Muri Prov A. R. No. 104 by
Resdt Dupigny. SNP 9/10/68/1923, Muri Prov, A. R, 1922; by
Resdt. Dupigny.

433
34. NAK SNP 7/13/970/1912, Muri Prov, A. R, No. 75, 1911 b
Resdt Ruxton; SNP 1 0/2/57P/ 1914, Muri Prov, Report No.85
for the quarter ending 31 Dec., 1913 by Acting Resdt Rowe;
SNP 10/l/717P/1913, Muri Prov, Report No. 84 for Sept.
Quarter, 1913; SNP 10/1/583P/1913 Muri Province, Report
No. 83 for the quarter ending 30 June, 1913 by Resdt Ruxton.

35. NAK SNP 10/2/57P/1914, Muri Prov, Report No. 85 for the
quarter ending 31 Dee, 1913 by Acting Resdt Rowe, para 141.

36. NAK SNP 10/8/7P/1920 Muri Prov, A. R, No. 104, 1919 by Resdt
Dupigny,paras 114& 115.

37. Ibid; SNP 9/10/68/1923, Muri Prov, A. R, No. 110, 1922 by Resdt
Dupigny, para 63.

38. NAK Jos Prof. 2/21/316/1929, Shendam Div, A. R, the year,

1928 by Doelberg. Jos Prof. 4/17/M43/1924 Shendam Div,
Muri Prov, Quarterly Report for the quarter ending 31 March,
1924 by Mr. Whiteley

39. NAKJos Prof. 2/21/451/1929 Plateau Prov,A. R, No. 4, 1929

by Resdt Middleton, para 195.

40. NAK Jos Prof. 2/23/41/1931 Shendam Div, Plateau Prov, A.

R, 1930 by Mr. Ames.

41. B.F. Bawa, ‘Economy and Society’, pp 191 – 192

42. Ibid p.191

43. Bill Freund, Capital and Labour in the Nigerian Tin Mines (London, 198
I)pp.75 -99.

44. NAK Jos Prof. 2/23/5/193 1, Plateau Prov, A. R, No.5, 1930

by Resdt Monson, para 201.

434
45. NAK SNP 7/8/4228, Muri Prov, Report No. 49 for the quarter ending 30
Sept, 1907 by Resdt Ruxton, para 16(a).

46. NAK SNP 7/1343/1909 Muri Prov, A. R, 1908 by Resdt Ruxton,

para 5.

47. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/147 Shendam Div, Plateau Prov, Report 1 for the
quarter ending 31 March, 1935 by Mr. Milroy, para 4.

48. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/3417 Shendam Div, Half Yearly Report to 30 June,
1939 by Mr. Hall, ADO, para 41.

49. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/2884 1 Hill Yergam Request for farmland )jfl Kanam
Dist, 1938 - 42 Extract from Inspection Notes of
Resdt’s visit to Shendam Div, May 17 - 24, 1938.

50. Ibid. There are numerous references in the archival sources to these
nomajidde problems with Kanam and Wase. See NAK Sos Prof. 1/1/147
Shendam Div, Report for the quarter ending
3lMarch,1935,paras4&5;JosProf. 1/l/l47ShendamDiv,
‘ Report for the quarter ending 30 June, 1935 para 6; Jos Prof.
3/1/2890 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1938 by Resdt Pembleton, para
39. Jos Prof. 1/1/3417 Shendam Div, Plateau Prov, Half
Yearly Report to 30 June, 1939 by Mr. Hall; Jos Prof.
3/1/2884 Hill Yergam Request for farmland in Kanam Dist,
1938 -43.

51. NAK Jos Prof. 2/21/451/1929 Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 4 for 1929 by Resdt
Middleton, para 89.

52. NAK SNP l0/7/290P/1919, Muri Prov, Report No. 194, 30 June, 1919,
para35.

53. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/147 Shendam Div, Report for the quarter ending 30
June, 1935 by Mr. Hall, para 6.

435
54. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/3417 Shendarn Div, Plateau Prov, Yearly Report to 30
June, 1939.

55. Ponfa D. Kurns ‘Taroh Migration from Langtang North tt

Plains of Wase from the precolonial period to the presei
HistoryUnijos 1999, pp 118- 139

56 NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/603 Gerkawa, Shendam Div, 1928- Notes on the
Gerkawa by Mr. Monckton, 1931.

57. NAK SNP 7/10/1343/1909 Muri Prov, A. R, No. 61, Resdt Ruxton.

58. NAK SNP 7/10/25 17/1909 Muri Prov, Report No. 62 for.. quarter ending
31 March, 1909 by Acting Resdt Rowe.

59. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/603 Gerkawa, Shendam Div, 1928 - 1 -

Mr. Milroy, Shendam Div to Resdt, Plateau Prov, 8 June, L
No. 30/1934/8, Extract from Mr. Mathews’. Report, 1934.

60. NAK Jos Prof. 2/18/497/1926 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1926 Resdt Lonsdale,
para 96.

61. NAK Jos Prof. 2/21/36/1929 Shendam Div, Plateau, A. P

1928 by Mr. Doelberg.

62. Ibid.

63. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/603 Gerkawa, Shendam Div, Mr. Milroy, I
Shendam Div to Resdt, Plateau Prov, 31 July, 1935 No.
36/1934/50

64. Ibid. Mr. Milroy, Shendam Div to Resdt, Plateau, 6 Feb, 1935 No. 6
1/1934/42.

65. Ibid., Mr. Hunt, Shendam Div to Resdt, Plateau, 21 July, 1950, No.
1135/25.

436
66. Ibid; Minute by Resdt, Plateau Prov, 29 Jan, 1950.

67. Ibid. Resdt, Plateau to Shendam Div, 19 Oct, 1952, No.

603/10.

68. Bill Freund, Capital andLabour especially chapters 3 and 4.

69. NAK Jos Prof. 2/23/41/193/Shendarn Div, Plateau, A. R.

l93ObyMr.Ames.

70. Bill Freund, Capital and Labour p.82; NAK Jos Prof.
2/25/3/1933, Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 7, 1932 by Resdt
Middleton, para 4.

71. NAK Jos Prof. 2/24/11/1932 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1931 by

Resdt Middleton.

72. NAKJos Prof. 2/25/3/1933 Plateau Prov, A. R,No.7, 1932 by

Resdt Middleton, para 4.

73. NAK Jos Prof. 2/24/11/1932 Plateau Prov, A. R, No.7, 1932 by Resdt
Middleton, Jos Prof. 2/25/30/193 3 Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 8, 1933 by
Resdt Middleton, Jos Prof. 1/1/3417, Shendam Div, Plateau Prov, A. R,
1939 by Mr. Maddocks.

74. Ibid.

75. NAK Jos Prof. 2/25/3/1933 Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 7, 1932 by

Resdt Middleton, para 7; Jos Prof. 2/25/301/1933 Plateau
Prov, A. R, No. 8, 1933 by Resdt Middleton. para 1. NAK Jos
Prof. 3/1/2890 Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 13, 1938 by Resdt
Pembleton, paras 9, 82 & 104; Jos Prof. 1/1/3417 Shendam
Div,A.R, l939byMr. Maddocks,para8l,Jos Prof. 1/1/364!
Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 14, 1939 by Resdt Pembleton, paras
11 & 67. J.S. Hogendorn, ‘The Origin of the Groundnuts
Trade in Northern Nigeri& in C. K. Eicher and Carl Liedhoirn

437
 eds) The Growth and Development of the Nigerian E
(Michigan, 1970) B.F. Bawa, ‘Economy and Society’
199.

76. In 1931, it was anticipated that economic conditions ‘‘lead to considerable

difficulty and delay in tax cc” NAK Jos Prof. 2/23/5/1931 Plateau Prov, A.
R. No. 5, iS Resident Monsen; Jos Prof. 2/24/11/1932 Plateau Prov No. 6,
1931 by Resident Middleton; Jos Prof. 2/25/; Plateau Prov, A. R. No. 7,
1932 by Resdt Middleton; in 1 was reported the shortage of cash was
reflected in1 dificulties experienced in the collection of General Tax that
some 200 of the 1932 - 33 tax demand would have t written off. Jos Prof.
2/25/301/1933 Plateau Prov A. R,N 1933 by Resdt Middleton, para 3.

77. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/204 Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 10, 1935 Resdt Pembleton.

78. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1696 Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 11, 1936 I Resdt Noad,
para 8.

79. Ibid

80. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/3417 Shendam Div, Plateau Prov, A. 1939 by Mr.
Maddocks.

81. Ibid.

82. C.C. Jacobs, ‘Inshei da chen lava! are Bimat” (The years which the locust
spirit ate people). The locust invasiorcc_ 1 930s and their impact on the
Berom). History Departme!. seminar paper 8/4/87 forthcoming in Prof.
J.O. Ojoade (ed) The Berom People: Their History and Culture Ministry of
Arts and Culture.

438
83. Ibid.

84. C.G. Johnson, Migration and Dispersal of Locusts by Flight

(London 1969) pp.208 - 209. A.K. Chapman, A Biology ofthe
Locust (London, 1970) pp 32- 33.

85. C.C. Jacobs, ‘Inshei da chen laval are bimat’pp.6 -7.

86. Ibid..

87. Ibid, and A.F. Chapman, A Biology ofLocusts pp2O - 24.

88. Ibid. and NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/147 Shendam Div, Report for quarter ending
30 June, 1935 para 18; Jos Prof. 3/1/204 Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 10, 1935
by Resdt Pembleton.

89. C.C. Jacobs, ‘Inshei da chen laval are bimat’p 6.

90. NAK Jos Prof. 2/23/41/1931 Shendam Div, A. R, 1930 by Mr.

Ames.

91. Ibid.

92. NAK Jos Prof. 2/23/5/1931 Plateau Prov, A. R, No.5, 1930 by Resdt.
Monsen, paras 208 -9.

93. Ibid.

94. NAK Jos Prof. 2/24/11/1932 Plateau Prov, A. R, No.6, 1931 by Resdt
Middleton, para 46.

95. NAKJos Prof. 2/24/25/1932 Shendam Div, A. R, 1931.

96. Ibid. Jos Prof. 2/24/11/1932 Plateau Prov. A. R, No.6, 1931 by Resdt
Middleton.

439
97. NAK Jos Prof. 2/25/17/1933 Shendam Div, A. R, 1. Prof. 2/25/3/1933
Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 7 1932 by
Middleton, para 92.

98. NAKJos Prof. 2/25/17/1933 ShendamDiv,A. R, 1933 Underwood; Jos

Prof. 2/25/30 1/1933 Plateau Prov,
No.8, 1933 by Resdt Middleton, para 15.

99. NAKJos Prof. 1/1/13 Shendam Div,A. R, 1934.

100. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/147 Shendam Div, Report for

ending 30 June, 1935, by Mr. Milroy, para 2.

101. Ibid.,paral8

102. NAKJos Prof. 3/1/1696 Plateau Prov,A. R,No. 11, 193 Resdt Noad.

103. B.F. Bawa, ‘Economy and Society’ p.212.

104. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/34 17 Shendam Div, A. R, 1939 by l’ Maddocks, paras
12 & 22.

105. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/7718/51 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1947 (Deptal)

A. R, Agric. Dept, Plateau Prov, 1947.

106. Group Interview: J.M. Gosselle Fonzhi Zinni, et a! Gazum,

14/8/1998.
107. C.C. Jacobs, ‘Inshei da chen laval are binat. ‘NAK Jos Prof.
2/23/23141/1931 Shendam Div,A. R, 1930 by Mr. Ames.

108. NAK Jos Prof. 2/7/59/1915 Vol. IV - Plagues of Locusts Notes on the
migratory locust and its control; SNP 17/2/1270 Vol. 1 Locusts,
Movements of, Summary of anti-locust campaign to 23 May, 1930.

440
109. NAK Jos Prof. 2/24/11/1932 Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 6, 1931
by Resdt Middleton, para 214; Jos Prof. 2/23/41/193 1
Shendam Div, A. R, 1930 by Mr. Ames, Jos Prof. 2/25/3/1933
v Plateau Prov, A. R, No. 7, 1932 by Resdt Middleton, para 92.

110. B.F. Bawa, ‘Economy and Society’ p.218, NAK los Prof.
2/24/11/1932 Plateau Prov, A. R, No.6, 1931 Group
Interview: J.M. Gosselle, Ponzhi Zinni, et al Gazum,
14/8/1998.

111. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/147 Shendam Div, A. R, 1935 by Mr. Becher.
Such relief work is discussed in NAK los Prof. 3/1/204 Plateau Prov, A. R,
No. 10, 1935 by Resident Pembleton; but the only specific relief project
which is mentioned is the Ganawuri road, and it appears that the relief
supplies were chiefly intended to stabilize prices in the J05 and Bukuru
markets.

112. NAK los Prof. 1/1/4824 Shendam Div, A. R, 1942, Mr. Logan,
para 65.

113. NAK J05 Prof. 1/1/1938 Vol. II Food Supply for Minefields
2. Export of Guinea Corn 3 Control of 1942 - 1954 Acting
Resdt, Plateau Prov. to DOs, all divisions 14 Aug, 1942 No.
1938/279.

114. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/4824 Shendam Div, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1942 by Mr.
Logan, para 16.

115. Ibid. paras 67 to 70.

116. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/3417 Shendam Div, A. R, 1939 by Mr. Maddocks,
paras 22 & 82.

441
118. NAK los Prof. 3/1/3874 Shendam Div, A. R, 1940 by Findlay.

119. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/4289 Shendam Div, A. R, 1941, byl Findley,
para 71.

120. Ibid.

121. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/4824 Shendam Div, Half yearly repo Shendam Div,
1942 by Mr. Findley, para 23.

122. Ibid. A. R, 1942 by Mr. Logan, para 59.

123. NAK los Prof. 1/1/6451 Shendam Div, A. R, 1945 by Mr. Paul, paral&2.

124, NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/3417 Shendam Div, Half Yearly Report
1939 by Mr. Hall, para 75; A. R, 1939 by Mr. Maddocks, para
81; Jos Prof. 1/1/3641 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1939 by Resdt
Pembleton para 67; los Prof. 1/1/4824 Shendam Div, Half
Yearly Report, 1942 by Mr. Findley. KadminAgric. 1/1/7903
Vol. 1 Plateau Prov, Policy and Minutes of Discussions (1940
- 54) contains discussions of the problems of the Shendam
Div, 1939- 1945

125. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/6451 Shendam Div, A. R, 1945 by Mr.

Paul, paras 1 & 2; los Prof. 1/1/4289 Shendam Div, Plateau
Prov, A. R, 1941 by Mr. Findley, para 72.

126. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/3874 Shendam Div, A. R, 1940 by Mr. Findley, para 77

127. Ibid. para 37

128. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/4824 Logan, para 28.

442
129. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/645 1 Shendam Div, A. R, 1941 by Mr.
Logan, para 18, A. R, 1947 by Mr. Hunt, para 2.

130. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/4289 Shendam Div. A.R, 1941 para 82.131.Freund,
Capital and Labour_pp 136- 139. For the
miserable conditions of the Tiv, see NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/2018/52 Minefield
Labour Reports, 1942 - 1943.

132. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/2018/52 Minefields Labour Reports, 1942 - 1943,
Memorandum, Minefields Labour Regulation
ofwages and conditions of service.

133. Freund, Capital and Labour pp 140 - 141; NAK Jos Prof.
3/1/2018/S2 Minefields Labour Reports, 1942 - 1943
Resume of minutes of a meeting held in the C.I.M’s Office in
Jos o n the 29 July, 1942

134. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/2018/52 Mineflelds Labour Reports,

1942 - 1943 Admin. Director of Minerals Production, Mr.
Emberton to Resdts, NP, 18 August 1942 Confidential No.
DM1/139

135. Ibid.

136. Ibid.

137. NAK SNP 17/4/33018 Labour Reports (1940- 1947) Report, Plateau Prov,
1943 para 2

138. Ibid. Report, Plateau Prov, 1942 para4.

139. Ibid. Report, Plateau Prov, 1942 para 6.

140. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/2018/52 Minefields Labour Reports, 1942

- 1943 Report on Minefields Labour Strictly Confidential paras4&5.

443
141. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/4824 Shendam Div, A. R, 1942 by Mr. Logan, para 71.

142. Ibid. para 72.

143. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/5421 Shendam Div, Half Yearly Reportb’j Mr Logan,
para 19.

144. Ibid.

145. Freund, Capital and Labour pp 146 - 148; NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1709/54
Labour Dept, A. Rs, 1943 onwards, A. R, Plateau Prov, 1943 paral3.

146. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/2018 Vol.3 Mines Labour Supply 2 Repatriation, 1943
- 1947.

147. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/5421 Shendam Div, A. R, 1943 by Mr. Findlay, para 75

148. Ibid. para 78

149. Freund, Capital and Labour pp 148 - 149; PRO CO 583/263/30569 1943
Compulsory Labour Mines Memorandum by Resident Minister on
conscript Labour on the Tin Mines, 11 October, 1943 Secret; Confidential
Memorandum on Tin Production by Mr. Emberton. Secretary of State to
OAG Nigeria, 3 January, 1944 Telegram.

150. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1709/54 Labour Dept, A. R, Plateau Prov, 1944 para4.

151. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/4824 Shendam Div, A. R, 1942 by Mr. Logan, para 12.

152. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/5421 Shendam Div, A. R, 1943 by Mr. Findlay, para
74.

444
153. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/6451 Shendam Div, A. R, 1945 by Mr. Paul, para 19.

154. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/24 10, Agric. Survey, Reports on Plateau Prov, 1937.

155. Ibid.

156. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/3874 Shendam Div, A. R, 1940 by Mr. Findlay, para 80

157. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/4289 Shendam Div, A. R, 1941 by Mr. Findlay, para
73; Jos Prof. 1/1/4824 Shendam Div, A. R, 1942 by Resdt Mr. Logan, para
60; Jos Prof. 1/1/542 1 Shendarn Div, A. R, 1943 by Mr. Findlay, para 61;
Jos Prof. 1/1/6451 Shendam Div A. R, 1945 by Mr. Paul, para 52.

158. Ibid. Visit of the Resdt Plateau to Shendam Div, 3 - 5 June, 1946.

159. Ibid. Agric. Officer, Plateau to Assist Director of Agric, 20 February, 1947
No. 91/249,para4.

160. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/5421 Shendam Div, A. R, 1943 by Mr. Findlay, para 2.

161. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/6451 Shendam Div, A. R. 1947, para 16.

162. Ibid..

163. Ibid..

164. My account differs from that in B Gambo, Dorowa: The Genesis and its
Destiny (Jos, 2000) in that I have found no evidence of frantic pleas by the
Ponzhi Zinni for land, while resettlement schemes were part of the British
colonial

445
development policy after the Second World War by wi was hoped to boost cash
crop production. It was orgina intended to decongest Langtang of ex-servicemen;
but it was opened to a wider range of settlers it was not intendedt be the exclusive
preserve of the Hill Tarok or the Tarok general but of all the hill groups; but as it
happened, the responded with the greatest enthusiasm especially in Block ‘B’.

165. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/77 18 Plateau Prov. A. R, 1947 by Resc Noad, para 10.

166. NAKJos Prof. 2/19/P 15 Agric. Policy and Proposals, 1946- 1950, Minutes
of Discussion: Agric, Plateau Prov, Jos, 9/1/48.

167. NAKJos Prof. 1/1/7935/51 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1948 (Deptal) A.R,

1948,Agric.

168. Ibid; Jos Prof. 3/1/3807/5 1, Food Production, Campaign (2) Plateau
Marketing Board 1946 - 51 (3) Resettlement Schemes, 1950 - 52, C. 0. -
Notes on some Agricultural Development Schemes in Africa, 1951.

169. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/645 1, Lowland Div, A. R, 1947, para 35; Jos Prof. 1 /
1/8050 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1949, para 14.

170. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/7935/Si, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1948 (Deptal), A. R, 1948
Agric, para 23.

171. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/3807/5 1 Food Production Campaign, C. 0,: Notes on
some Agric. Development Schemes; Jos Prof. 3/1/3807/5 1 Plateau Prov,
A. R, 1948 (Deptal) A. R, 1948, Agric, para 23; Jos Prof. 1/1/6451,
Shendam Dlv, A. R, 1948, para 7.

446
172. NAK Jos Prof. 1 / 1/8050/51 Plateau Prov, A. R, 1949 (Deptal) Agric.
1949, para 15; Jos Prof. 3/1/3807/51 Food Production Campaign, C. 0.:
Notes on some Agric. Development F Schemes.

173. Ibid.

174. Ibid.

175. NAK. XcacxmrnagTic 1)1)7906(T) VoL 1, A. Rs, Riyom, Plateau, A. R:

Agric, 1955-56.

176. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/6451 Lowland Div, A. R, 1951 by Mr. Hunt, para 11.

177. Ibid. para 13; Jos Prof. 4/6/D25/sl, Shendam Development, Agric. and
Resettlement Scheme.

178. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8379, Plateau Prov, A, K, 952 by Kesth Niven, paras 20
& 21; Jos Prof. 1/1/645 1 Lowland Div,A. R, 1952 by Mr. Broadbent.

179. NAK Jos Prof. 2/7/A51/311, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1961 by Resdt Wilson,
para 15.

180. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/6451, Lowland Div, A. R. 1953 by Mr. Broadbent,
Kadminagric, 1/1/7906 (T) Vol. 1 & 2 A. Rs, Riyom, Plateau A. Rs,Agric,
1952-3; 1955- 1956; Jos Prof. 1/1/6451, Lowland Div,A. R, 1955 by Mr.
Lloyd-Morgan.

181. NAK Kadminagric, 1/1/7906 (T) Vol. 1, A. Rs, Riyom, Plateau, A.

R:Agric. 1955-56.

182. Ibid;A.R:Agric. 1951 -52.

183. Ibid; A. R: Agric, 1955 -56.

447
184. Ibid.

185. Ibid. A. R:Agric, 1954-5.

186. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8050, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1949 by Resdt Farley Smith,
para 21; Jos Prof. 3/1/3807/si, Food Production Campaign, C. 0, Notes on
some Agric. Development Schemes.

187. NAK Jos Prof. 4/6/D25/9 1, Shendam Development Agric. and

Resettlement Scheme, Report.

188. NAK Kadminagric, 1/1/7406 (T) Vol. 1, A. Rs, Riyom, Plateau, A.

R,:Agric, 1951 -2.

189. NAK Jos Prof. 1/16451, Lowland Div, A. R, 1952 by Mr. Emberton, para
22.

190. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/6451, Lowland Div, A. R, 1953 by Mr. Broadbent, para
19.

191. NAK Kadminagric 1 / 17996 (T) Vol.1, A. Rs, Riyom, Plateau, A.

R,Agric. 1952-3.

192. NAK Kadminagric, 1/1/7908, Handing over Notes, Riyom, 1941 - 1955,
Notes by Mr. Mulholland, 8 August, 1952; Kadminagric, 1/1/7906 (T) vol.
1, A. Rs, Riyom, Plateau Prov, A. R; Agric. 1952 - 3, Jos Prof. 1/1/6451,
Lowland Div,A .Rs. 1952& 1953 byMr. Broadbent.

193. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8379, Plateau Prov, A. R. 1954 by Resdt Counsell, para
ii.

194. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8379/52, Plateau Prov, A. R. 1955 by Resdt

Weatherhead. Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/320 Vol. 1, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1957 by
Resdt Weatherhead, para 34.

448
195. Ibid. Jos Prof. 1/1/645 1 Lowland Div, A. R, 1955, by Mr. Lloyd Morgan.
Jos Prof. 1/1/8379, Plateau Prov; A. R, 1954 by Resdt Counsell, para 16;
Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/20 Vol. 1, Plateau Province, A. R, 1957, by Resdt
Weatherhead, para 34.

196. Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/19, Plateau Prov., A. R, 1961 (Deptal) Project Report,
5/1/2/1961.

196. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/3807/si, Food Production Campaign, C. 0, Notes on

some Agricultural Development Schemes.

197 NAK J05 Prof. 1/1/8379, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1954 by Resdt Counsell, para
16 and for similar remarks see Jos Prof. 1 / 1/6451, Lowland Div, A. R,,
1955 by Mr. Lloyd-Morgan.

198. NAK los Prof. 1/1/645 1, Lowland Div, A. R, 1955 by Mr. Lloyd-Morgan.

199. NAK Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/20 Vol.1, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1957 by Resdt
Weatherhead, para 34.

200. NAK los Prof. 2/23/NAC/26, Shendam Resettlement NA, Gen. Corres,
1952 - 1960, Preliminary Report. Hill Yergam move to Block B.

201. NAK Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/20 Vol. 1, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1958 by Resdt
Warren, para 40.

202. Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/19 Vol. 1, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1962 (Deptal)A. R,

Shendam Resettlement Scheme.

203. Ibid.

204. NAK Jos Prof. 2/7/AS1/311, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1961 by Resdt Wilson.

205. NAK Jos Prof. 2/7/AS 1/311, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1963.

449
206. NAK Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/20 Vol. I, Plateau Prov, A. R, by Resdt
Weatherhead.

207. H.A. Luning ‘The Shendam Resettlement Scheme’ (Z l957)p.120.

208. NAK Jos Prof. 2/7/ASI/3 11, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1966 by - Purdy, para 52.

209. NAK Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/20 Vol.!, Plateau Prov, A.R, by Resdt
Weatherhead, para 25.

210. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8379, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1954 by Resdt Counsell, para
15.

211. B Gambo, Dorowa pp 13 - 16 for such activities at Dorowa.

212. Ponfa D. Kums ‘Taroh Migration from Langtang North’ ppl42- 143.

213. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8379, Plateau Prov. A. R, 1952 by Resdt Niven, para
20.

214. NAK Kadminagric, 1/1/7908, Handing over Notes, Riyom, Notes by Mr.
F. Mulholland, 8Aug, 1952.

215. NAK Kadminagric, 1/1/7906 (T) Vol.!, A. Rs, Riyom, Plateau, A. R:

Agric, 1952-3.

216. NAK Kadminagric, 1/1/7908, Handing over Notes, Riyom, 1941 - 1955,
Handing over Notes by Mr. Ricketts, 20 May, 1954. Jos Prof.
2/70/STAJ19 Vol. III, Plateau Prov,A. R, 1966 (Deptal) Half Yearly
Report, Agric. 1 April, -30 Sept, 1966.

217. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/6451, Lowland Div, A. R, 1952 by Mr. Broadbent, para
15.

450
218. NAK Kadminagric, 1/1/7906 (T) Vol. I A. Rs, Riyom, Plateau A, R, Agric,
1952 - 3

219. NAK Jos Prod. 1/1/6451, Lowland Div, A, R, 1953 by Mr. Broadbent.

220. NAK los Prof. 1/1/645 1, Lowland Div, A. R, 1955 by Mr. Morgan.

221. NAK Kadminagric, 1/1/7906 (T) Vol. I, A. Rs, Riyom, Plateau, A. R:

Agric, 1955 - 6. Jos Prof. 2/70/26 Vol. III, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1960
(Deptal), A. R: Agric. Jos Prof. 2/70/STA/19, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1961
(Deptal) Project Report.

222. NAK Kadminagric, 1/1/7906 (T) Vol.1, A. Rs, Riyom,

Plateau,A.Rs,Agric, 1952-3,1954-5,1955-56.

223. NAK los Prof. 1/1/8248/5 1, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1951 (Deptal)A. R: Agric,
1951; Jos Prof. 1/1/8248, Plateau Prov, A.R, 1951 byResdtNiven,para 14.

224. NAK los Prof. 1/1/645 1, Lowland Div, A. Rs, 1952 & 1953 by Mr.
Broadbent.

225. NAK Kadminagric 1/1/7906 (T) Vol.1, A. Rs, Riyom, Plateau A. R:Agric,
1954-5.

226. lbid;A.R:Agric, 1955-6.

227. Ibid.

228. Ibid;A. R.:Agric, 1954-5.

229. Ibid;A.R.:Agric, 1955-6

451
230. Ibid

231. Ibid

232. NAK Jos Prof 1/1/645 1, Lowland Dii’, A. R, 1955 by” Lloyd-Morgan.

233. NAKJo Prof 2/7/ASI/311, Plateau Prov, A. R, 1961 Resdt Nelson.

452.
 CHAPTER 8

The emergence of Tarok Church

1. Background of Missionary Activity, and the Coming of the S.U.M. to

Langtang

Protestant missionary activities in Northern Nigeria were, in large measure, a

product of the enthusiasm generated by the American Revival of 1858 which
triggered off similar revivals in the British Isles. The British revival had its
greatest influence on the middle classes; E.R. Norman claims that it was
essentially a ‘middle – class boom’1 “ that infused the commercial and industrial
classes with
reliigious enthusiasm. Although the evangelicals were most strongly represented
in the free churches, that is Protestant churches outside the Church of England,
they were also well-represented in the Church of EngIand itself. Evangelism can
be described as a tendency whichtranscended denominational boundaries and lent
itself to ecumenical activities. The evangelicals co-operated on a wide range of
social reform activities aimed at improving working class conditions in Britain
and the United States. Although the two great missionary organizations which
operated in Northern Nigeria, the Sudan United Mission (S.U.M) and Sudan
Interior Mission (S.I.M), were non- denominational. Both were strongly
influenced by the free churches. The evangelicals reflected the social values of
their constituency which emphasized the virtues of hard work, temperance.
individualism and self-improvement. It was this kind of religious and social
milieu which produced the S.U.M. missionaries who came to Tarokland.2

Initial Christian missionary activities in Northern Nigeria were directed at

trying to convert muslims. Bowen and the Southern
Baptist Mission sought to establish a base in the muslim town of

453
Ilorin in 1855 and in the 1890s, they considered transfering all their efforts to
Northern Nigeria but concluded that the time was not yet ripe The Church
Missionary Society (C.M.S.) establishedai a station at Lokoja and was interested
in expanding further north. An attempt by the Sudan Party of 1890 did not get
beyond Lokoja, as it only succeeded in arousing the suspicion of the muslim
emirs who took them to be spies.3 The Sudan Party was made up of eleven
missionarieS, all graduates of Oxford and Cambridge and led by G.W. Brooke.
The belief of G.W. Brooke that Northern Nigerian Muslims would be easily
converted to Christians was rudely dispelled by the disastrous outcome of this
expedition.4 In 1900, Bishop Tugw missionary party made a misguided
expedition to Zaria and K from which they were ignominiously expelled.5 In
1893, Canadian R.V. Bingham, with two others went to Northern with Kano as
their ultimate base, but two of the party died at Girku,i town about forty miles
from Zaria. Bingham was lucky to survive6 Bingham tried again in 1900 and
failed, and it was only after his the missionary journey that he set up the S.I.M.
which was to grow i the largest missionary society in Northern Nigeria.7 The
result oft failure of these missionary expeditions directed at emirates was
convince the missions that muslims would not be easy to convert, an that it would
be better to turn their attention to the conversion of t traditional religionists who
had not yet been converted to Islam. These disastrous and ill-timed missionary
expeditions contributed to LugarcPs decision not to allow missionaries to operate
freely in the emirates. There was also a growing feeling in missionary circles that
time was running out if they wished to check further southern expansion of Islam.
Hence there was a great sense of urgency to work amongst the traditional
religionists who had not yet been converted to
serve as a barrier to the further expansion of Islam.8

In 1902, the Sudan Pioneer Mission was founded. 1904, it changed its name to
the Sudan United Mission (S.U.M.). Its founder was a German called Karl
Kumrn (later Dr.) who had originally intended to engage in a mission to North
Africa but while studying Arabic in

454
Egypt, he met and later married Lucy Guinness, the daughter of the Evangelical
leader, Grattan Guinness. Kumm’s father-in-law had long been interested in
missionary work in the Sudan and had published a periodical entitled “The Sudan
and the Regions Beyond” since 1890 in an effort to arouse interest in the area.
The ‘Sudan’ to which they refferred was not just the territory of the present
Republic of the Sudan; but to all the territory across the continent, south of the
Sahara. Kumm’s interest in the region grew into ‘a veritable obsession from
which he was never able to release himself Originally,9 Dr. Karl Kumm intended
his new organization to encourage existing missionary bodies to enter the field;
but when these efforts failed, he decided to set up his own independent non-
denominational mission. The focus of the organization was to check the further
expansion of Islam and as expressed by Dr. Karl Kumm.

The whole raison d’etre of the Mission is to counteract the Moslem

advance among the Pagan tribes in the Benue region. This cannot be
done by going to the Mohammedans, and therefore our work will lie
among the pagan tribes.10

To get the resources to carry out his grand design, Kumm engaged in an
international publicity campaign to arouse support. This led to branches being
formed in many countries: the United States, 1906; South Africa, 1907;
Denmark, 1911; Norway, 1922; Canada, 1924; and so on. Each of these branches
was autonomous, appointing. supporting and controlling its own missionaries,
and to some extent, occupying its own mission field. The British branch acted as
a coordinator of the various branches, because of its seniority and because it was
considered to be in a better position to deal with the British government.”11

In 1904, Dr. Karl Kumm went with two friends to Tripoli to learn Hausa in
preparation for going to the Sudan. While there, he met the Hon. Charles Temple,
the Resident of Bauchi Province who painted a rosy picture of the Jos Plateau as
a comparatively healthy place with

455
many hill peoples who were still traditional religionists and provide a fruitful
mission field. He invited Dr. Kumm to coim work among the hill peoples of
Bauchi Province.12

In July, 1904, the S.U.M. sent out its original missionary men consisting of Dr.
Karl Kumm as leader, Dr. Ambrose E John C. Burt, and J. Lowry Maxwell. Dr.
Kumm intended reconnoitre the mission field and return home to report while
other three were to remain and set up a station. Dr. Bateman fell ill a was taken
home in November, 1904. The party arrived at Lc’ August, 1904 from where Dr.
Karl Kumm went to Zungeru to his idea of working amongst the hill peoples of
the Jos Plateau.. the High Commissioner, Sir Frederick Lugard, who suggested t
they should start work at Wase, a small muslim town which - way between Ibi
and the Jos Plateau. This may have been due to tL. fact that the Jos Plateau was
still suffering from the aftermath o British expeditions, and Sir Frederick Lugard
feared that the securit of the missionaries could not be guaranteed. Although
work in ‘ Town itself proved unproductive, it provided the missionaries with a
base from which to reconnoitre neighbouring ethnic groups such a the Tarok,
Youm (Garkawa), Jukun, Goemai, Jahr and the Boghom.13 Mr. Lowry Maxwell
later commented:

I have sometimes thought that it was a pity that we did not, right at first, settle it
in our minds, that we would not dig ourselves in anywhere until we had done a
good deal more investigation. We were too easily brought to follow the
suggestion of the High Commissioner, and stay at Wase. If we had looked round
us more we might have done better for ourselves and for the work which was the
reason for our coming to the country at all.’14

A second mission party arrived from England in 1905 consisting of Messrs.

Frank Aust, Horatio W. Ghey and John M. Young. Although not much progress
could be made in the Wase area, the missionaries
456
commenced to explore other possible fields of activity such as Wukari, Donga,
Wurkum and so on. In 1907, the mission house at Wase was burned down under
suspicious circumstances. It was rebuilt but subbsequently destroyed in a storm.
The destruction of the mission house provided a catalyst for the dispersal of the
missionaries. In February, 1907, a station was opened by Mr. Frank Aust and
Rev. W.L. Broadbent among the Tarok who were virtually all traditional
religionists.15 A little later, Mr. Young left with Dr. Emlyn to work amongst
Berom at Bukuru; they were later joined by Mr. ed to the village of Gyel. Thus
by 1907, the mission
had at last commenced its work amongst the hill peoples of the Jos Plateau from
which it had been sidetracked by being diverted to Wase.16

Langtang was reg.rded as a vent promising field for missionary operations

because it was hittarto untouched by the wave of Islam, untrammenled by old
systems save its own, presenting an almost unique opportunity for missionary
effort. A comfortable home, a healthy climate, and awaiting people.17

Mr. Tulloch, a newcomer to the area, wrote in 1913

This tribe offers peculiar advantages for mission work, being pagan
and in the vicinity of the mission station, are not directly influenced
by the Moslems. They are strong, industrious, independent, moral,
intelligent and love and attend their children carefully.

Despite these apparently promising circumstances missionary work at Langtang

did not initially prove easy. Mr. Lowry Maxwell admits that work in the Tarok
area was slow in getting started as there were many temporary staff who did not
have time to master a new ethnic group with its own language and cultural
characteristics. Although Rev. Herbert J. Cooper came to Langtang in February,
1909, the station was closed for two years due to staff shortages and reopened

457
commenced to explore other possible fields of activity such as Wukari, Donga,
Wurkum and so on. In 1907, the mission house at Wase was burned down under
suspicious circumstances. It was rebuilt but subbsequently destroyed in a storm.
The destruction of the mission house provided a catalyst for the dispersal of the
missionaries. In February, 1907, a station was opened by Mr. Frank Aust and
Rev. W.L. Broadbent among the Tarok who were virtually all traditional
religionists.15 A little later, Mr. Young left with Dr. Emlyn to work amongst
Berom at Bukuru; they were later joined by Mr. ed to the village of Gyel. Thus
by 1907, the mission
had at last commenced its work amongst the hill peoples of the Jos Plateau from
which it had been sidetracked by being diverted to Wase.16

Langtang was reg.rded as a vent promising field for missionary operations

because it was hittarto untouched by the wave of Islam, untrammenled by old
systems save its own, presenting an almost unique opportunity for missionary
effort. A comfortable home, a healthy climate, and awaiting people.17

Mr. Tulloch, a newcomer to the area, wrote in 1913

This tribe offers peculiar advantages for mission work, being pagan
and in the vicinity of the mission station, are not directly influenced
by the Moslems. They are strong, industrious, independent, moral,
intelligent and love and attend their children carefully.

Despite these apparently promising circumstances missionary work at Langtang

did not initially prove easy. Mr. Lowry Maxwell admits that work in the Tarok
area was slow in getting started as there were many temporary staff who did not
have time to master a new ethnic group with its own language and cultural
characteristics. Although Rev. Herbert J. Cooper came to Langtang in February,
1909, the station was closed for two years due to staff shortages and reopened

457
on a regular basis by Rev, and Mrs. Cooper remained in Lantang until 1936 and
at various times, missionaries such as the Rev, and Mrs. Tulloch (1912 - 191?)
Australian Branch, Mr. Williams, Captain Wilkie, Rev, and Richmond and Mr.
and Mrs. H.G. Potter served at Langtang.2° white missionaries formed the
nucleus around whom the developed and was subsequently spread by indigenous
converts.
The first and most basic problem which the missionaries had to in Tarokland was
winning the confidence of the people. It difficult for the indigenes to distinguish
the missionaries from political officers who were usually accompanied by a
military and who came to collect tax. The colonial officials ii missionaries to
local chiefs. Mr. Frank Aust, was introduced to . ‘King’ (presumably the Ponzhi
Langtang) by an assistant resident who was touring Tarokiand ‘in order to see
whether the people had settled down.’2’ Dr. Arthur Emlyn one of the missionary
pioneers in Langtang described the situation as follows:

Ten years go, these Yergum (Tarok) were so suspicious and timid that when they
saw Mr. Aust and me coming, even the men would walk away while the women
and children ran for their lives. The reason was simple. A year or two previously
our Government had sent an expedition through the tribe, They objected as
savages do, and fighting took place, in which of course the native with his
primitive weapons was worsted. Memories of these events were recalled when
they saw me coming. This fear and dislike of the whiternan has had to be slowly
lived down by the missionaries22

458
Mrs. Cooper wrote ofher experiences as follows:

Outside a compound, a group of little children would be seen

playingmerrilyinthe sunshine near their homes. On catching the first
glimpse of the white folk, however, they would utter a yell of fear
and rush helter skelter into the house. The women would throw
down whatever they were working with and seek hiding with their
children. Even when we met on the open road escorted by the men,
they would make a detour into the bush, never daring to look at the
conquerors.,23

According to Mrs. Cooper, the missionaries sought to break this hostility by

attending funerals, weddings and moonlight dances so that the people would
become accustomed to their presence, and regard them as harmless.24 According
to an informant, the missionaries gave people salt, tobacco, oranges and later
secondhand clothes to help break barriers.25 Medical work was also an important
means of breaking barriers as the missionaries from the very outset dressed
wounds and gave simple treatments. News of the efficacy of western medicine
spread widely and so people brought those who were terminally ill as a last resort
to the missionaries.26 That the missionaries did succeed in breaking barriers
between themselves and the Tarok is evident from the friendly reception Mr. and
Mrs. Cooper came to receive while itinerating in contrast to the early days when
they had great difficulty in getting carriers or even food.27

The other great initial problem was communication. Before any effective
evangelism could take place, the problem of language had to be solved. Thus the
pioneer missionaries who opened Langtang knew hardly any Tarok. Therefore,
according to Dr. Emlyn

we took with us aYergum (Yohanna Sanda) who knew a little Hausa. We also
knew a little. Thus Mr. Aust was able to get our business accomplished, though
with difficulty.28

459
According to Mrs. Cooper

The most difficult problem was the problem of the unwritten

language. No Yergum (Tarok) could read or write his own tongue.
There were no pens or pencils and no word in the language for
‘read’ or ‘write’. So my husband and I set ourselves the task of
reducing the Yergum (sic) Language into writing.29

Although it was not an easy task, the Coopers proved to be linguists and became
quite proficient in the language and a translated or wrote a number of books in
Tarok. By 1932 St Mark St John’s gospels, the life of Christ, Old Testament
stories, Revis Catechism, a hymn book and primer were available in Tarok30
Missionaries who were in Tarokland on a more short-term basis had to rely on
Hausa and on interpreters.31

The missionaries faced many practical problems when they first came to
Tarokiand and undertook many tasks which might appear to have nothing to do
with evangelism. The initial problem was building a suitable house to live in.
Thus, house building took priori.. at Langtang or at any new station before the
work of evangelism could start. The missionaries built their original mission
house in 1907 at Apek; but later with the movement of population to the plains
they decided to move to Kuffen in 1908.32 In the annual report for 1923, it was
stated that the buildings in mission stations were I relatively cheap to construct
but did not last long, and were in constant need of repair or reconstruction.
Usually the missionary was the only person who could supervise the repair work,
and this might take up half the dry season when he would have liked to be
itinerating.33 In the case of Langtang the missionaries appear to have got the bulk
of their supplies from Ibi, although when itinerating they would buy food or be
given gifts of fowls, eggs and so on.34 Movement at first proved difficult
especially given the mountainous nature of much of the terrain and the dispersed
nature of the

460
Settlements. In the early days it was difficult to get carriers but by
1918, the situation had greatly improved. According to Mr. Cooper:

Before setting out of old there used to be the difficulty of getting the
necessary number of carriers, and when they were secured perhaps a
dispute would arise amongst them as to how much money they were to
earn per load. This time, three of the men inquirers carried my loads from
village to village free of charge.35

With the improvements in the roads and paths, Rev. Cooper was equipped with a
motorcycle. This reduced much of the difficulty inanswering calls and in making
itinerations.36

Although there was growing friendliness on the part of the Tarok towards the
missionaries, this did not mean that the Tarok abandoned their traditional world
view overnight. In practice, there was considerable, overt opposition which made
many of those who were interested in Christianity afraid to commit themselves,
especially women. The principal opposition to the spread of Christianity came
from the older men who were leading figures in the ancestral (orim) cult. They
wanted to prevent the young men from defecting as it would not only weaken the
cult but open the way for its secrets to be revealed.

II. Evangelical Methods and their Relative Effectiveness

Attempts to Convert the Chiefs

Initially the missionaries attempted to convert the chiefs in the expectation that
the people would follow their lead; but this was not successful. Dr. Emlyn
described the Ponzhi Langtang at the time of their arrival in 1907, as the person
who allowed them to settle and ‘remained a life friend of the mission till he died,
though he never

461
became a convert and seemed too old and dull to take in Christian truth.’37 The
ponzhi mbins and other leaders of the ancestor cult in their localities were
unlikely to be converted, although Miri Kakkat Pastor Bali and Pastor Damina
Bawado who became prominent christians all belonged to families who had
important roles in the ancestral cult. This made their conversion all the more
remarkable.38

Itineration

Itineration was that form of evangelism practiced by the early white missionaries
who journeyed from village to village, accompanied by their house boys or early
inquirers, preaching in public places, holding meetings at night and visiting
compounds. Itineration enabled the missionaries to visit many parts ofTarokLand
to assess the possibilities for future work in a given area, and to meet a wide
range of persons. According to the S.U.M. definition, itineration involvéd staying
overnight away from the main station where the missionaries were based.
Subsequently the Tarok inquirers took up the work of itineration and touched
every Tarok settlement to make as many people as possible hear the Christian
message and subsequently attend church services, for further instructions. Thus,
itinerating was the essential missionary technique for bringing the missionaries
into contact with the people, arousing their interest, in Christianity and
persuading them to attend the church where they could learn more.39

Compound Visitation

Another major missionary technique was to go from compound to compound

visiting, usually those in the vicinity of a mission station or one of the outstations.
Such visits enabled the missionaries to know the families concerned, and if
anyone needed medical treatment, it was an opportunity to provide medicines and
show solidarity. If there were sufficient numbers of people, the missionary might
preach or say some prayers and invite them to attend the services at the church.
Thus in 1915, Mr. Tulloch described his work at Langtang as follows:

462
 The visitation work was most enjoyable. About an hour and a half
was devoted to this work each evening during the dry season. The
compounds of the natives were systematically visited and in this
way one got to know the natives and vice versa. Thus their fears
vanished, their wrong thoughts concerning our work were corrected
and their confidence gained.40

Subsequently in 1917, Mr. Tulloch reported from Pil Gani:

Visitation is carried on regularly, and each compound within

walking distance is visited monthly or oftener as time permits.
Services are sometimes secured when visiting, but it is moonlit
nights that the best meetings are secured. At these the attendance is
generally good.41

House to house visiting was regarded by our informants as the most effective
way of making contact since the Tarok tradition of hospitality generally ensured
that the missionaries received a hearing. They could then invite those who
showed interest to attend church services.42

Medical Treatment

One of the major instruments in breaking the fear of the Tarok for the white
missionaries was the provision of medical care. Thus, Mrs. Cooper put it as
follows:

During these early days, our medical work did much to break down
prejudice. We opened a little dispensary where we gave out simple
drugs, and soon the news of the white man’s medicine spread far and
wide. People would come from a distance of more than twenty miles
with the most malignant diseases asking to be healed. After a time,
we opened a little hospital, but only for men at first. In these early
days we had to

463
be very careful whom we admitted. If we lost a case,1 people would immediately
have said that we had killed eaten our patient.43

Fortunately they did not lose a case, and one man after two years sickness went
home cured. This enhanced the reputation of the’ white mans medicine.44 There
are numerous references in the Light beare to persons brought from great
distances or the missionaries called upon to visit and treat persons who were
already blind, or terminally ill so that nothing could be done for them. The Light
bearer is a Christian Magazine founded by Dr. Kar Kumn and first published in
1904. Mr. Cooper reported in 1921 that

In the early days of the work amongst the Yergum, the missionary in
charge was often sent for to visit some sick persons whose case had
baffled the native medicine men and as a last resort the white man
was called in; for the people still. remember the pioneer party and
especially the wonderful things accomplished by the mission doctor
(Dr. Emlyn) who had visited them from time to time. After a long
and weary journey the missionary arrived to find that the patient had
died or during the interval the relatives of the sick one had changed
their minds xx (and) the patient had been removed to the house of a
witch doctor in the hills. Again it would prove to be a case of a man
who had been blind for a number of years, and hearing that a wonder
had been performed for some other sufferer, he thought the foreigner
would give him back his sight. Again, it was the case of a man who
had lain for some months with a wounded foot, the result of an
intertribal fight. All local remedies having failed, his friends advised
him to send for the white medicine man.45

464
However, the Coopers won much goodwill by their caring attitude, and
according to the Resident of Muri Province, Mr. Dupigny, ‘they have an
enthusiastic following and are themselves willing to go any distancd at any time
of the night or day to attend to anybody who may need them.’46 Such medical
treatments enabled the missionaries to pray over the patients and to convince
them that their cures were due not only to the medicine they administered but
also came from God.47 Although traditionalists might recognize that the white
man’s Medicine was efficacious in curing toothaches, headaches, fever and so on,
when it came to really important cases, they still relied on traditional healers. In
moments of crisis Tarok converts were very likely to backslide because of family
pressure or because the new religion did not appear to adequately explain the
frequent deaths of
children or an apparently inexplicable series of misfortunes.48

The missionaries were also helpful in a number of areas of public health such as
the treatment of snake bites which, Mr. Cooper estimated, caused some two
hundred deaths in a bad year.53 Mrs. Cooper also did valuable work with regard to
the care of children and adult literacy. It was estimated

that out of over a hundred children born under the auspices of the
mission, only ten had not survived infancy. Left to themselves the
Yergam (Tarok) women, though they often give birth to ten
children, seldom manage to bring up more than four or five.50

The missionaries did valuable propaganda in favour of vaccination against

smallpox. In 1928, the Divisional Officer, Lieutenant Commander Doelberg
acknowledged that as a result of the Vaccination campaign against smallpox b’
the SUM, the Tarok area s comparatively free from smallpox. In 1935 the
Divisional icer contrasted the active opposition to vaccination in most parts
Shendam Division to the attitude of the Tehl (Montol) round Lalin where the
S.U.M. had a station) and that of the Plain Tarok who weren factually demanding
vaccination.52 Thus in these three areas, the J S.U.M. made significant
contributions to public health in Tarokiand.

465
The general comments of the Field Secretary of S.U.M., Mr. H Farrant would
appear to be applicable to Langtang when he wrote

All our stations can, no doubt, show innumerable of la X tTt’iy mealcal treatment
has devoid of any result even of ordinary thanks. x x L over the district reports,
one finds in nearly all, that work has made friends, has brought people from a
sometimes out of the unsettled areas,’ to which we are nq allowed to go, has
brought men under the sound of Gospel, and has brought men and women to
Christ.53

A table showing the fluctuating number of patients and treatme given at Langtang
from 1919 to 1933 is given below.

Table 41: Medical Treatments Given atLangtang 1919- 1932

Year No. of Patients No. of Treatments

1919 513 1,978

1920 Not available data Not available data
1921 633 2,790
1922 379 1,556
1923 529 2,424
1924 693 2,746
1925 418 2,495
1926 Not available data No available data
1927 1,358 2,249
1929 458 1,825
1930 218 1,302
1931 231 1,472
1932 183 1,145

Note: Statistics are no longer available/ar individualstations after 1932.

Sources: Field Report, N1 Nigeria, for the above years to be found in the Light
bearer

466
Education

In this section, the place of education in the evangelical work of S.U.M. will be
discussed while the development of the school system will be reserved for a
subsequent section. The involvement of the S.U.M and other protestant missions
in education arose primarily from their their need to instruct their converts in the
rudiments of reading and writing so that they could read the Bible and deepen
their knowledge of Christianity. Thus before an inquirer could become an
inquirer could become a full member, S.U.M. required

as a condition of baptism that the candidate shall be able to read the criptures in
the vernacular. This results in classes for, religious instruction and reading and
writing attended by men, women and children. The object being solely to provide
the instruction necessary before baptism.54

Usually several years elapsed between a convert making a profession of faith and
his/her baptism. During this period the convert was expected to attend church
services and classes regularly, to observe the rules of the church and to learn to
read the Bible in the local language and the rudiments of writing. The process
was described as follows:

When some are converted, they are formed into an enquirers’ class for systematic
instruction and when sufficiently instructed, they enter a catechumen’s class for
definite preparation for baptism.55

Thus in the inquirers’ class, those who had professed the faith, burned their idols,
and renounced their old ways of life received regular teaching of the Bible and
Christianity. When they had been found satisfactory in their character and
knowledge, they moved to the catechumen’s class where they were instructed on
the obligations of church membership. Such a class at Langtang was described by
a
visitor in 1920 as follows:

467
 The congregation divides into small groups and overflows to the
shade of the old tree, one in each book, and questions the others,
and all seem to enjoy1 exercise very much. There are grey-haired
fathers, strc young men and maidens, and little children, all storii
minds with the word.56

The policy of the S.U.M. was for the enquirer to undergo several years of
preparation before he or she was baptized to beconi member of the church.

The table below gives the number of classes and the attachment at these various
kinds of classes at the main station at Langtan for t he years 1921 to 1932.

Table 42: Statistical Returns for Attendance at the Various Classes at the Main
Station, Langtang, 1921 - 1932
Year Enquirers’ Class Catechumen’s Class Sunday School

No. Held Attendance No. Held Attendance No.Held Attendance

1921 66 2,070 67 599 96 7,522

1922 64 2,579 69 621 66 6,567
1923 65 2,597 69 815 52 2,262
1924 67 1,900 69 1,007 44 6,878
1925 53 1,790 54 882 53 No available
1926 No available No available No available No No available data
data data data available data 6,605
1927 51 1,607 51 data 50 7,023
1928 52 1,613 52 994 52 No available
1929 No available No available No available 1,027 No available data
data data data available data 5,252
1930 52 1,320 52 data 52 5,001
1931 50 1,573 50 617 51 6,057
1932 52 2,207 52 518 52
522

Sources: A. Rs, in the Lightbearerfor the appropriate years.

468
Apart from the work which was going on at the Main Station, Langtang, and the
outstation at Pu Gani, much teaching was done at Preaching centres by local
leaders. Thus by 1922, there were seven such preaching centres where instruction
was given by local leaders.70 Such leaders would come into the main centres on
Sundays to receive instruction so that they could literally keep one step ahead of
their classes. These preaching centres became major growth points for the
mission in the 1 930s but with the more exacting standards set by the Department
of Education for schools, most of these out-schools were turned into classes of
religious instruction (CRIs). The great avantage of the CRIs was that the teacher
could be relatively unschooled, and simply the best educated local Christian.
Virtually every preaching centre had its CRIs and it was in such informal classes
That most of the basic instructions in literacy in preparation for baptism took
place.58The number of CRIS in the Tarok area supervised by the Rev. Cooper in
1934 is given in the table below:

43. Classes in Religious Instructionfor YearEnding3O June, 1934

Mission Supervisor Place

SUM Rev. Cooper Gunun (Gunung)

“ “ Kantan (Kantang)
“ “ Nacan(Nachang)
“ “ Ngun
“ “ Tippun (Tippang)

Source: NAK Jos Prof 2/21/284/1929 Mission Schools in Plateau Prov, 1931 -
1935.

Right from the beginning, the missionaries appreciated the importance of schools
for the work of evangelism. In the field report of 1922, it was stated that,

469
 These schools are potent agencies in bringing children a young
people to Christ. School and worship are not f separated in the native
mind, so that the fact of being school signifies, in degree at least,
assent to the truth of tI ‘new way’. There remains the changing of
the assent of ti mind into surrender of the heart as the teaching of the
GospeL opens up the teachings of Christ to them.59

As early as 1907, a mission primary school was set up at the mair station and
Langtang, and later another was set up at Pu Gani i 1916. Initially it was difficult
to convince the parents and the children that education was really necessary. Mr.
Jasper writing in 1915, stated that ‘It is hard to convince a pagan boy of i
advantages of education. He has never heard one read in his ow tongue, and finds
no need for learning in his daily life’.60 One of 1 major problems was irregular
attendance during the rainy seasoni Mr. Cooper reported for the nine months
ending 31 December, 191 that

during the dry season, children come in large numbers, with the
return of the rains, attendance drops, and right onL the harvest is
gathered in very few attend with any regularity. School under these
conditions is very unsatisfactory. However, it will probably work
itself right as the inquirers increase and as they see to it that their
children attend regularly. Some of the inquirers who are anxious to
learn to read find it difficult to attend with any regularity but ask
fora lot of attention when they can come. In some instances, they
spend several days at the station so as to get a little teaching and
then go off again, and it is often weeks before they can return again
to be taught. This is also very unsatisfactory. Educational work can
hardly be said to have commenced here yet.61

470
By the 1930s, CRIs and schools had become important agencies for thr
consolidation of the work achieved by direct evangelism.
Although curiosity about the new religion was probably the dominant motive for
attending these classes there was also a subsidiary desire to learn to read and
write. Thus it was reported in 1928, ‘some go in order to learn to read, and as the
desire for education is spreading, these village schools will have an everwing
growing influence through the neighbourhood’62 Thus in 1932, it was cliamed
that the school had become ‘the most productive method of getting into touch
with heathen families’.63 It is safe to say that by the 1940s, the mission schools
had become the most important means of instrumental’ conversion amongst the
Tarok.

Church Services and Prayers

Rev. Cooper, in his famous address to the Wukari conference in December, 1923,
stressed that, ‘while anxious for their growth in knowledge, our main concern
must be the cultivation of the spiritualvLife leading to greater holiness and fuller
abandonment to the spirit of God.64 The Church at Langtang became the centre
of the spiritual life of the converts. In the early days, Rev, and Mrs. Cooper
would go
round visiting compounds and inviting people to come to the Sunday services. It
was an uphill task in the early days and those who chiefly attended these services
were the servants of the missionaries; but in time they began to win over a
number of adult men who became the backbone of the Tarok church. Thus in
1913, the situation had significantly improved so that they could report:

Up till the end of August, the Sunday services were the most poorly
attended of any held on the station. We made a special effort by
visitation and other means, of making known the Lord’s Day, and
inviting the people to attend service. The first Sunday in September
marked the beginning of better things. Since then the numbers have
increased until we have had congregations of close on two hundred
people. When we built

471
 the school, which serves as church, meantime, s neighbours laughed
and asked when we expected to see a building filled. Today it is
crowded out with many outside, while we scarcely had room to
stand.65

Attendance at church services, like the school, tended to be somewhat seasonal.

During the rainy season, the inquirers would be busy on their farms at a
considerable distance from the church. As Mr. Cooper put it in 1917

The wet season is always a test for the enquirers. Often hevy rain falls on
Saturday and the temptation is to go of to Sunday as do their neighbours. Some
are compelled to .. by their parents. Then several live at a distance or have farms
twelve to fifteen miles away. This means a long wi each week and time lost on
the road. However, in spite ofi they have been most regular. Some arrive back on
S night in time for the prayer meeting, stay over Sunday, a early Monday
morning return to their farms for another’ Others come four to six miles each
Sunday for service.

Soon attendance had outgrown the existing church, and duringav in 1924 Mr.
Dawson reported

The church building is not nearly big enough to hold ti Sunday afternoon
congregation. A number of the pear assemble in unroofed classrooms along one
of the wal outside and listen through the big window spaces. It was inspiring
sight to see the building packed with people, tL men and boys on one side, the
women and girls on the other, all sitting still and quiet, during the speaking and
reading, and joining heartily in the singing and prayers.67

The Christians at Langtang built a new church which was completed in 1926,
while the old church continued to be used as a school.68

472
An outpost was established at Pil Gani by Mr. and Mrs. Tulloch, assisted by
Yakub, a Tarok who was undergoing training as an evangelist at the Institute at
Wukari. The rationale behind this move was to forestall muslim influences from
Wase.6 In 1920 when the Station would have been left vacant because of the
departure of the Tullochs, and Yakub’s return to school at Wukari, one of the
pioneer converts, Miri Kakkat volunteered to go to Pil Gani as a self farmer
evangelist. Under the able leadership of successive Tarok evangelists, Miri
Kakkat, Pyennap and Bali, attendance at the main services at Pu grew to sizeable
numbers, and there was also a successful school. The table below, shows the
attendance at the principal Sunday service in Langtang and Pil Gani from 1919-
1932.

Table 44. Average Attendance at the Principal Sunday Service at Langtang

andPil Gani

Year Langtang PilGani

1919 112 13
1920 - 1921 No available data 19
1922 No available data 30 +
1923 140 No available data
1924 146 No available data
1925-1926 No available data
1927 155
1928 159 100
1929 No available data
1930 148 71
1931 139 74
1932 159 150

*Langtang Outstations including Pil

+ Not an average but a figure given by Mr. Cooper in an account of a visit

to Pu The Lightbearer vol. XVIII No.2 February, 1922, p.22.
Sources:A. Rsfor the appropriateyearspublished in The Lighthearer.

473
 Where there were groups of Christians who were too far away’ to attend
the daily services on the station, they were encouraged

to gather for worship at least morning and evening. We have urged

the Yergum (Tarok) to make much of prayer and counselled them to
set apart definite times for prayer thrice each day, morning, noon
and night, and some have done this with profit.70

While recognizing the value of services and meetings, Rev. Cooper believed that
‘they cannot take the place of private meditation and family worship; these must
be emphasized.’71

Where small Christian communities became established in villages remote from

the mission station, preaching centres developed where the people ‘gather daily
for worship and instruction. The man most suitable in each centre is chosen as
leader. He gives his services freely, supporting himself like his neighbours by
farming.’72 The leaders of such preaching centres were expected to attend
services and classes at the mission station to increase their knowledge, and render
them more effective. These voluntary leaders had the advantage of being men of
the people, who lived and worked like their fellows. They came to exert great
personal influence in their districts and converted many of their friends and
neighbours.

In 1927, apart from Pu Gani which was classified as an outstation although it was
manned by a Tarok evangelist, the preaching centres were Ngon, Wur, (Gunung),
Mban, Tippan (Tippang) Keler, Nacan (Nachang), and Kantan (Kantang).73 As
the 1930s progressed there was a tendency for the number of preaching centres to
increase while the main stations remained static. Therefore in 1937, while there
was still only one main station, Langtang, and one outstation at Pu Gani, the
number of preaching centres had grown to at least ten.74

474
The spread of Christianity was also promoted through revivals and conventions.
Given the scattered nature of the various Tarok peaching centres, a few days or a
week of services helped to promote a greater spiritual awareness and a greater
sense of solidarity amongst Christians. Dr. Jackson, from Vom Hospital,
conducted services for The nine days in the Langtang district in November, 1931.
He spoke on what was involved in following Christ wholly. It had a good effect.
Many confessed to telling lies, stealing, drinking and other sins. In spite of the
results achieved, Rev. Richmond described the meetings at Langtang as
‘desperately hard - it was like breaking up rock.’75 But in Pil Gani, the people
responded better. It was reported that the spiritual life of the Langtang church
was in a much healthier condition than it had been a year before Dr. Jackson’s
nine days’ ‘mission’.76 By the 1 940s such revivals or conventions had become

a popular means of stimulating fellowship, deepening the spiritual

life, and adding converts. They are of different sorts. A few attract
from other mission fields, and so strengthen the link between
mission and mission. Others attract people from several districts of
the SUM. Some are local to a single SUM district and unite the little
congregations in it. An advantage of having several local
conventions as against a big one is that the women benefit. They are
seldom able to travel distances in large numbers to a central
convention.77

Such conventions helped to revive the spiritual life of well-developed districts

which might have become complacent and routine.

Translation

When the missionaries first came, the Tarok language had neither been reduced
to writing nor was there any Tarok who could read and write. Initially the
missionaries had to rely on Yohanna Sanda, a Tarok who had travelled with some
Hausa traders and knew some Hausa, as an interpreter.78 However, the Coopers
were very anxious

475
that the Bible and other books of Christian literature should b available to
inquirers. As part of preparation for baptism, they learn to read and write. They
devised a Tarok orthography an the help of early converts such as Miri Titai and
Lakan, they prepared a primer for use in the school, a hymn book, and a
catechism. Life of Our Lord, Old Testament Stories, St Mark’s Gospel and First
John. Thereafter, the drive to translate the scriptures seems to have lessened. By
1932, the complete Bible had been translated into Hausa and it was reported in
1937 that

African preachers who have a fair knowledge of Hausa prefer to

study in the Hausa Bible, though their sermons are delivered in their
own tongue. The result is that in tribes in which the church is well-
established and there is a competent body ofAfrican preachers, the
urge to translate the scripture is lessene

The provision of literature, whether translations of parts of the Bible in the

vernacular or of the Bible in Hausa, helped Old and New converts to deepen their
knowledge of the Bible and Christian teachings.

Evangelism by Tarok Evangelists and Christians

Rev. Cooper of Langtang was one of the principal advocates of a self-

propagating church. He argued that while direct evangelism by European
missionaries was necessary until the first converts had been won, the indigenous
church should be self-propagating. In the case of the Tarok Church, the Coopers
succeeded in winning a number of mature men who, after enduring considerable
persecution and years of preparation, were finally baptized. These included
Lakan, Miri Kakkat, Miri Titai, Pyennap and Wuyep Zitta. It would have been
easy to simply put these persons on the pay roll as agents; but Rev. Cooper
emphasized that Christians had been saved to serve; it was their duty to spread
the gospel, and win their own people. He went onto emphasize that,

476
 they should be made to feel that it is their work, and I think that at
the initial stages of this work at least, all service should be entirely
free from monetary inducements. They must evangelise their own
people.81

This is the origin of the emphasis, in the Tarok Church, on the voluntary self-
supporting evangelist. Miri Kakkat, Pyennap and Wuyep Zitta left their homes
and went to live in other Tarok areas or amongst other ethnic groups and
supported themselves by farming, while preaching the gospel, part-time. A few of
them abandoned their work or sought better paid employment. They constituted
the backbone of the Tarok Church in terms of self government, evangelism
amongst their fellow Tarok, and outreach to other ethnic groups.82 The S.U.M,
opposed to the use of paid agents. Thus Mr. Bristow wrote that

a man who visits a town only to preach may make little impression.
His hearers probably have a suspicion that he is getting some
material gain by preaching, especially if they think there is a white
man at the back of it all. This may account for the influence of paid
native evangelists being so disappointingly small in some cases. An
evangelist may be both efficient and zealous, and really give his soul
in preaching and yet see little result. He is also well-received and
meets with little persecution. The attitude of the traditionalists is that
he has found a soft option and we wish him well.83

However if a man comes and builds his house in their midst and earns his living
in the same manner as they do, they cannot argue in the same way. 84

Apart from the self-supporting evangelists who worked in various parts

ofTarokiand and beyond, the other important personalities were the local leaders
of prayer and teaching groups which, in many cases,

477
grew into preaching centres. If the inquirers in a given area couldt attend services
or school on the main station except on Sundays,

they assemble and help one another, the most outstan man in each
group becoming leader. There are at least f such centres in the
Yergum (Tarok) country. These ce must be frequently visited for
instruction and encourageme The Christians have built their own
meeting huts ai purchased their own books and slates; but they need
all ti help in the way of instruction that can be given them.85

In addition, the Tarok Christians would go out itinerating ar

engaging in evangelistic work. In 1934 itwasreportedthat

during the first week of the month, a number of Ci. went out in two,
preaching the Gospel in the districts On the Sundays following their
return, they gave an account of their efforts and of the large numbers
who heard the Gospel.86

It was these campaigns of evangelism by Tarok Christians which created growth

points for the church by converting individuals in various villages. The process
was analyzed as follows:

A man or a group of people are converted in a village. They meet for

prayer in a house or build a hut for the purpose. They invite others to
join. In time the central church appoints one of the converts to be in
responsible charge of the new centre and to teach the others to read
and write. The believers meet daily for prayer and such instruction
in the faith as the leader can give. At this stage, the converts are
expected to attend a more highly developed centre on Sundays so as
to benefit from a more skilled teaching. In small villages, the work
may never go beyond the stage described, but in large villages and

478
populous districts it may grow until there is an important congregation of a
hundred or more with a well-trained man in charge and a good day school.87

Thus after the very solid groundwork laid by the Coopers and other
European missionaries, it was the Tarok Christians who took up the task of
thoroughly evangelizing Tarokland and reaching out to neighbor groups.

Tarok Outreach

Apart fron his belief in the self extension of the Tarok Church, the rev. Cooper
also believed that it should take responsibility for the outreach to neighbouring
ethnic groups such as the Boghum, the Jahr, the Youm (Garkawa), the Tehi
(Montol), and the Pe88. Thus in the Annual Report for 1923, it was stated:

The Church at Langtang is being inculcated with the idea that the work started
amongst the Bokiyum (Boghum) people, and the work projected amongst the Jan
(Jahr) people is an ,extension of their church, for which they are to consider
themselves in a certain measure responsible. While the mission will furnish
European staff and the money for houses for Europeans, the Langtang Church
will be expected to supply the native staff and their support.89

The response of the Tarok Church to these requests was impressive. Miri Kakkat
had earlier volunteered to leave his home in Bwarat and Go to Pil Gani and
become a self supporting evangelist. He d yet again in 1924 to go and work
amongst the Jahr of Duguri. However, his health gave way from overwork and he
was forced to return home; but he succeeded in creating a nucleus of Christian
who held together fairly well until the leadership could be taken over by an
indigene.90

479
Among the Boghum, Wuyep Zitta and his wife volunteered in l be self-
supporting workers at the preaching centre at Kampara, a mission station was
established at Tutung by Captain and Wilkie. Subsequently Wuyep Zitta went on
course to Gindiri. r the missionaries, Mr. and Mrs. Spencer, were transferred to
the leper colony he volunteered to take over their station at Toff in K along with
Moses Nerle of Panyam. They served for some years.

The Coopers themselves opened a new station at Lalin in amongst the Tehi
(Montol). Pyennap and his wife, who had rep. Miri Kakkat at Pu Gani,
volunteered to move to Lalin as• s supporting evangelists. At first they could not
make a I among the Tehl (Montol) but aroused some interest in Chri amongst the
Pe and the neighbouring group of Tarok clans, G,.. (Funyallang).93 Later,
Nansep, a senior student who was f appointed as a travelling teacher, opened the
work at Garkawa. - school was built there by the people and opened in March
l931. Garkawa had been frequently itinerated by the missionaries. The first Youm
(Garkawa) Christian, Cenbup, was baptized in October, l932.

In 1946, permission was granted to undertake missionary work in Kwalla. In that

year, Mr. Potter and his wife, a Tarok evangelist, Baba Yusufu Kwalla and his
wife, Wayep, took up residence there. Baba Yusufu, who had been baptized in
1921, had previously set up a church at Mban and later went to Baltip before
volunteering to serve in Kwalla. Since it was a new area and he had to learn a
new language, progress was slow at first. Some medical work was also started,
and a leper clinic established with funds from the Native Administration. Potters
and Baba Yusufu were joined by another Tarok evangelist, Audu Nimyel
Shendam, who had been working in Shendam. They invited the blind evangelist
AdamuTwycross, from Chip to join them in a visitation campaign. The area was
thoroughly itinerated and by the end of 1947, three Kwalla men had become
Christians and some one hundred people were attending church services. In 1948
the first CR1 was opened at Nder, followed by others at Jalbang and Nyap. The

480
first baptisms occurred in December, 1952 when eight persons, including seven
from Kwalla were baptized. The Kwalla church was then formally instituted.
Tarok evangelists played a leading role in the christian outreach in Kwalla.95

Obstacles to the Spread of Christianity in Tarokiand

The most important obstacle to the spread of Christianity was the influence
exercised by ritual masqueraders and the related ancestral cult in Tarok
traditional society. It was difficult for those who had been initiated into the
ancestral cult or who exercised authority because of their roles in the ancestral
cult to become Christians. The missionaries had no success in converting the
ponzhi n’zbins, or even the political chiefs though members of their extended
families became converts. Likli became a Christian convert after he had been
removed from office but later relapsed. The most difficult time for those who had
committed themselves to Christianity was when they suffered personal
misfortunes such as deaths of their children. Many members of their families and
others were prepared to say that this was due to the neglect of the ancestral
spirits. The Lighibearer gives many such cases. For example in 1917 it was
reported that amongst the inquirers in the hamlet of Kuntung,

one of their members lost a baby, another two children, another

bought a horse and it died shortly afterwards. Their neighbours
immediately said that these calamities fell upon them because they
were attending the services and it seemed as though their faith might
waiver96

On occasion, the opposition took an even more overt form. When Lar Mbamzhi
in Zinni decided to become a Christian and burned his idols, his life was
threatened by the traditional religionists who set fire to his compound.
Fortunately, none of the family perished. He then moved away from Gazum to
Tippang where his new neighbours proved unhelpful. He eventually took ill and
died on 19 April, 1917.97

481
 In another instance, the son of a convert in Pu Gani w himself
professed Christianity was left to drive the 1 the millet crop near his
home while the other members of tI family went to the fields at a
distance. During the day, some the idol worshippers who were
having a play at a I nearby, tried to intimidate him, but he said he
had nothing do with them now as he was a follower of God. They
got an and cha ed him into the house and then carried him by forci
where the play was going on. There, they blindfolded him frightened
and abused him before letting him go. In tlil evening, his father
found him ill and in great excitement an in ten days he djed.98

The principal opposition came from the older men who did what the could to
prevent the younger men and women under their control from espousing
Christianity. They used their control over labour, andi women to make life
uncomfortable for the Christian convert5• Nobody would help the converts with
farmwork or building, and sometimes their wives were be withdrawn by their
families.99

Another major obstacle to the spread of Christianity in Tarokiand was the

question of alcohol. The protestant missionaries of S.U.M, the catholics who
came later, objected strongly to the drinking of alcohol, and required that their
members abstain completely. As brewing and drinking local beer played a
leading role in Tarok social life, it was very difficult for inquirers to give up
drinking alcohol or the women to stop making it. This was one of the most
important factors in the high rate of backsliding amongst inquirers.100

Other major obstacles to conversion were problems connected with marriage.

The S.U.M. were opposed to polygamy. If a man had two wives before being
converted, he would be advised to put one away; but not, he would not be
admitted to full membership. He could attend services; but could not take
communion. In many cases when a man announced his intention to become a
Christian, his wives became hostile, and in some cases they left him.’°’ Other
Christians got into

482
Trouble with the mission either because they did not go through a church
marñage, oecstinna1wives and were suspended. The issue polygamy was one
which discouraged many inquirers and led to much backslithng.’102

Women who found themselves in polygamous marriages were advised to remain

in their marital homes, and continue to attend services. Such women had difficult
times, especially if their husbands remained traditional religionists. In such cases,
the women were expected to stop making the local beer, which was one of the
duties of married women, or attending moonlight dances and traditional festivals.
Some appear as to have been battered by their husbands, some was deeply
affected by their inability to control their children and the marriages of their
daughters. Thus Mary Cooper, in a moving obituary of Motiyem, the first Tarok
woman to accept Christianity, stated that the worst thing for her

was the fact that although Motiyem had three children, none of them
belonged to her husband, and she was still a young woman. She put
her trust in God, while living a life of personal tragedy.103

Therefore, it was difficult for women to become Christian converts.

However, after the first two, Motiyern, and Momyel, wife of Miri
were baptized in December, 1919,104 others became converted. Mrs.
Cooper write in l32:

During the years that followed, women converts increased. Some of

them walking two to seventeen miles, with babies strapped on their
backs, to church each Sunday, Ignorant? Yes, but staunch an4 true to
their new found faith. Suffering persecution, being beaten by their
husbands, boycotted by their relatives, having their children taken
from them. Their farms desecrated, their only refuge was prayer and
communion with their Father God.105

483
 The mission also objected to the prospect of maternal uncle who were
traditional religionists giving Christian girls in marriaget fellow traditional
religionists. Thus the S.U.M. in Langtang favoured marriage rules similar to the
kind of traditional marriage called ti by which a somewhat larger payment was
made to the girl’s mothe?sI uncle, usually twelve sheep, so that the girl’s husband
would control the children, especially daughters. According to Church of
Christian Nigeria, these rules have been in practice since l924.’’Accordingtoi an
archival source,

It is undoubtedly due to the influence of the Langtang mission that

the Yergarnawa (Tarok) voluntarily decided after thrashing the
problem out amongst themselves in 1929, to modify their laws with
regard to the custody of children and to adopt a system which should
do much to foster the development of family life as we understand it.

However, matters of marriage were not easily settled. Maternal uncles (kyans)
were reluctant to surrender their rights over their sister’s children. This made
marriage issues to continue to be a problem.

In the early days, Christian converts who were not yet married found it difficult
to get wives because unmarried girls were controlled by their maternal uncles
(icyans) who would be reluctant to see them marry Christians, or to allow them to
go to church. Thus there was a dearth of Christian women who could become the
wives of the Christian converts. As the Christian community grew in size, this
problem was alleviated.°’One of the principal obstacles to the expansion of
Christianity was that the S.U.M. laid down a list of prohibitions which their
converts must adhere to. Apart from the ban on drinking, they were not to attend
festivals or rituals associated with the traditional religion. They should not resort
to traditional healers or believe in witches and witchcraft. They should not work
on Sundays, but attend church services. Such demands were too stringent for

484
many Christian converts, and hence there was much backsliding. They left,
feeling vulnerable since they were still mere neophytes in their new religion. The
traditional belief system, which regarded illness and death as the work of
ancestral spirits and witches, was still a very powerful influence in their outlook
on life. Hence, in the event of illness or repeated deaths in the family, they felt
inclined to consult traditional healers or make sacrifices to ancestral spirits.’”
Rev. Cooper described the vulnerability of Christian converts scattered, as they
were, amongst the traditional religionists as:

These Christians often find themselves cast off by their relatives and are thrown
upon their fellow believers for help. Under these circumstances they have a very
special claim upon the missionary. As they can no longer trust the witch doctqr,
the missionary must become their doctor, lawyer, schoi astçL, general adviser
and helper.”

Thus the small group o! Christians was forced to become a distinct community
which looked to each other for mutual aid as they had cut themselves off from the
traditional forms of mutual assistance.

The determination of S.U.M. that their converts should make a sharp break with
the past and their fear of syncretism meant that many fell by the wayside while
preparing for baptism. This made the number of full church members to remain
small as late as the I 940s.

III. Church Growth among the Tarok

In this section, we are going to be concerned with the growth of the Christian
community, chiefly of the S.U.M. from being a beleaguered minority to a well
organized body which has successfully imposed its values on Tarok society. We
will examine the way the Tarok Church grew from nineteen members, when it
was established at Langtang on the 17 December, 1922,’’ to one which, in 1952,
had ‘over 600 baptized church members in the Langtang area, with four
constituted

485
churches, two African pastors, and a large band of farmer e’ and other voluntary
workers.”12 Mr. Potter reported in 1952 t united communion service was held at
which one hundred and f new church members were received, after having spent
two yea, learning to read the Bible.”3 Given this impressive record a expansion
in church membership and church planting, the questlo arises as to why the Tarok
proved so responsive to Christianity.

2nd COCIN (SUM) CHURCH BUILDING (OLD) 1917

486
Early Tarok Converts and the Establishment of the Tarok Church, 1907-
1922

At the initial phase of evangelism in Langtang, between 1907 and 1912, little
progress was made in winning converts. This was due to the relatively unsettled
state of the country with its intermittent wars, the need to reassure the Tarok that
the white missionaries were not soldiers or tax collectors but people on a
different mission, the difficulties of language, and the frequency of staff changes.
Rev. H.J. Cooper first came to Langtang in 1909 but due to shortage of staff, the
station had to be closed for two years until he reopened it with his wife in 1912.
As he put it, ‘This closing had a bad effect on the work, for the natives conceived
the idea that the missionaries were only birds of passage, and so why should they
heed our strange teaching?”4 Thus it was not until he returned with his wife to
Langtang in 1912 that they were able to engage in extensive itineration in the
Tarok area to break down barriers. The Coopers came to appreciate that there was
more to missionary work than just direct evangelism. As Cooper himself put it:

Very early in our experience in this work, we found that the old idea
of the missionary under a palm tree with his Bible, preaching all day
to naked savages who were eager to listen, was far from actual facts.
For, while evangelism is the first duty of the missionary, it includes
education, medical work, language study, preparation of books,
visitation and many other pressing claims.115

In the early days, itineration and compound visitation were the most important
methods employed but the Coopers were clever enough to appreciate that the
missionary must understand the people amongst whom he is working and know
how best to make the Christian message relevant to them. Rev. Cooper expressed
it very well when he wrote:-

487
Our great commission is to ‘Go,’‘Tell’‘Preach: but we m have some
understanding of the people to whom we go, a their language and mode of
thought, as well as a tr knowledge of the message we have to proclaim. The
peoplel whom we are sent may have very little use for us or tl but if the message
is presented in such a way as to make the feel that it is of the utmost importance
to them, and real serv - in their daily life, there is some hope that their curiosity
rnay1 aroused, and thus prejudice may be overcome and a hearini obtained.

In the early days when the missionaries had not yet mastered the language,
Yohanna Sanda, a Tarok from Pu Gani who had service with a Hausa trader, and
had learned a certain amoun Hausa, was invaluable as an interpreter. He made a
profession of faith in 1910 and he was sent for training at Wukari. Although he
appeared to backslide from time to time he was finally baptized in March, 1919,
He seemed to backslide again later.

However Yohanna Sanda was instrumental in teaching Lakan Kotok,1 farmer

from Tirnwat clan in Langtang who was to become one of ti pillars of the church.
According to Lakan’s own account, ‘Even befon the Gospel came to the land of
Yergum (Tarok), God had prepared heart to receive His Word. I had a vision, but
knew not the r thereof until the gospel came - then I understood.”8 When he saw
thi European missionaries building their houses at Langtang approached them,
and almost immediately made a profession of 1_ in 1914. He was baptized in
March, 1919 after several years of preparation. He was one of the first four elders
of the newly founded Tarok church.

The other key convert in the early days was Miri Kakkat from Ngun in Bwarat
who was also a farmer. His father had told him that there w some wisdom in the
world and that he should seek it. His father added that a stranger would come and
bring this knowledge and he should

488
Follow the stranger. Thus, when the Coopers came itinerating to his house in
1916 he assumed that that was the fulfilment of his father’s advice. From that
time he did not depart from his newly adopted religion. He was baptized in
March, 1919, and later his wife, Momyel 120 When the new outstation at Pu
Gani became vacant, he volunteered to leave his own area and go to Pil Gani with
his wife as a self ‘supporting evangelistic in 1920. There he did valuable
evangelistic work, breaking new grounds and also organizing a school. He was
described by the Rev. Guinter as ‘a strong character, and has been the greatest
single agency in bringing his fellows to Christ.”2’ He was also one of the first
four elders appointed when the Langtang Church was established in December,
1922. As mentioned elsewhere, he and his wife volunteered to go as self-
supporting evangelists to Dugun, in 1926, where they stayed for four years.

Another key convert was Yakub or Yakubu Kurum from Ce in Langtang. He was
Mr. D Forbes’ servant who was sent to the Wukari
Training Institute to train as a teacher/evangelist. In 1922 he left the institute and
returned to Langtang with his wife Briskilla. She was of one of the girls trained at
the Freed Slaves Home. He engaged in
evangelism and became the pillar of the school at the main station in Langtang
where he was virtually the only trained teacher. However in 1924 he went to
serve as the scribe of the Ponzhi Langtang; but was disgraced for appropriating
tax money. He went to live at Garkawa and became a polygamist.’22

Also converted early was Miri Titai, a farmer from Kantang who became an
enquirer in August, 1916 and was baptized in December, 1 1919. He was
amongst the first four elders of the Langtang Church. He was good at settling
disputes and was someone to be trusted. He did his share of evangelism; but his
greatest contribution was in translation. He died young on 12 September, 1933.’
23

One would not fail to mention Pyennap from Timwat clan in Langtang. He
became an enquirer at about January, 1917 and was

489
baptized. When Miri Kakkat volunteered to go to Duguri IY 1924, Pyennap
replaced him at Pu as a self-supporting evangel was highly praised for his
evangelical work there. Mr. Gray F described himself as once a man of violent
temper and a leader of the traditional religion who had a vision of God and
decided to beø Christian. He said that he was aware of the change that had come
over him making him much milder in temperament. Mr. Gray wrol when one got
to know him, he was ‘most likeable. On first impressions he seems rough and
uncouth, but on later acquaintance he is rich and mellow.”24

In the first phase of church growth, the Coopers succeec.. converting a small
number of men and women who were to prove to the growth of the church in
Tarokiand and beyond. These men usually farmers of modest means, often with
responsibilities L ancestral cult but, significantly not old men or mere youths.
They mature men who already had wives and who set about sprea Christianity. It
is difficult to tell why these men, and the two women converts made their
decisions, except for Yohanna - Yakub who started as houseboys of the
missionaries. Goir individual testimonies of the others, they give the impre were
dissatisfied with the existing state of things and that v missionaries arrived with
their new religion, they seemed to need, and hence their ready acceptance of
Christianity. It is noteworthy that many refer to having dreams which coming of
the missionaries. Yohanna Sanda presents the classic ca a man dissatisfied with
the existing state of things because of his ti with a Hausa merchant, his visits to
the minefield, and his service; the Coopers. These early converts were drawn
from three of principal sections of Lowland Tarok, Langtang, Bwarat and Gam
that time, Gazum proved unresponsive and, as already described, I Mbamzhi, the
only important convert in the Zinni group of clans, F his compound burned down
and was forced to move to T Bwarat where he died in April, 1917 after much
hardship and i should be emphasized that with the traditional social structur
religion, especially the cult of ancestal masquerades and the social controls
virtually intact, the task of converting the T scarcely begun. The small group of
converts won in the period

490
1922 presented a window of opportunities.

On 17 December, 1922, the Tarok Church was established at Langtan with

nineteen members. The previous week Rev. Cooper had baptized four men and
three women. The names appended to the original covenant founding the Church
of Christ in Langtang are listed in Table 45.

Table 45: The Original Baptized Members of the Langtang Church who signed
the Original Covenant, 17Dec, 1922
S/No. Names
1. Yakubu
2. Lakan
3. Miri Kakkat
4. Miri Titai
5. Pyennap
6. Mokem (wife of Dashe)
7. Momyel (wife ofMiri Kakkat)
8. Pyenya (wife ofWuyep Zitta)
9. Yin
10. Moder
11. Mbai (wife of Lar Mbauwa (Bo’o)
12. Ball Falang (First Ordained -1935)
13. Wuyep Komi
14. Wuyep Zitta Bissah
15. Bissah
16. Lar Mbauwa (Boo)
17. Miri Bibai (a leper, died in 1925)
18. Mokem (wife ofVongjen)
19. Bonedak (wife of Pvennan

Source: Lamle, The Lightbearer pp 113 - 114, Langtang Logbook; Gutip.

Shortly afterwards, he baptised another three, making the roll twenty two. Out of
these, he ordained four elders, Lakan Kotok, Miri Kakkat, Yakubu and Miri Titai.
They all justified their appointments on the basis of their steadfast services to the
mission. The running of the Church was largely entrusted into their hands.125

491
The Church as Self-governing,Self-Extendiug,SeIf-Support and 1922- 1939

From the onset, the ideal of the Coopers:- ‘was to plant an idegenous church,
which should be self-governing, self-extending, and self- supporting from the
beginning; able to propagate itself freely by the procreative power of the Holy
Ghost.126 Rev. Cooper emphasized that,

These principles must be put into operation from the very earliest stage of the
work. The missionaries must so work to become more and more dispensable,
giving to the r” church all the responsibility and work which it is capable
undertaking. The mission is transitory, the church must permanent. Our work
must be more and more to help the growth of the indigenous church rather than
do everything ourselves. We must not seek to keep all power in our hands, but we
must share responsibility.’27

The practical application of these principles at Langtang was such that,

as soon as the first enquirers had been admitted, no new names were added to the
roll until those already enrolled had been consulted. Thus very early in the work
we had elders appointed. Problems were discussed with them, and they had
always a voice in all matters affecting the Christian comnunity.’28

Thus before introducing any new method, the idea was first sold to the elders and
then if the proposals had their support it was not difficult to bring the matter
before the members of the church and convince them. The elders were of great
help to the missionaries especially in matters of native law and custom, All
matters of discipline were referred to the elders, and any matter of sufficient

492
seriousness was brought before the whole church. The elders had to be carefully
supervised to avoid vindictiveness. Much time had to be spent by the
missionaries in explaining, and patiently reasoning rather than giving orders. As
the elders grew in experience, they were able to take over the responsibility of
disciplining church members who had fallen from grace, and thereby saved the
missionaries a lot of time. At the same time they were able to get to the root of
matters which might have eluded the white missionaries, who were outsiders.’29

The responsibilities given to the elders had a valuable educative function. Should
the missionaries be removed, there would be a body of indigenous Christians
who would be able to carry on with the work. Thus a visitor to Langtang in 1925
reported:

The work in the church is carried on to a great extent by the people

themselves. The missionary has as his aim, the complete independence of
the native church, and so makes himself as dispensable as possible. It is a
good sight to see the large Sunday School staffed by native teachers who
do the work far better than the white man could do it knowing the language
and the customs and thought of the people. In the big service about 250 are
present, some of them from great distances each Sunday. In this, natives
have a share, and sometimes the missionary absents himself purposely on
Sunday so that the people shall get accustomed to taking hold of things
themselves.130

The Coopers, instead of clinging to power in Langtang, decided to open up a new

mission field amongst the Tehi (Montol) and moved to Lalin in 1930. However,
they continued to play a supervisory role at Langtang until they finally left in
1936.

The second objective of the Coopers was to produce a truly missionary church
whose members would consider it a duty to take

493
up the work of extending the church. Not everyone needed to serve in the same
capacity; but according to their abilities. Rev. Cooper emphasized that

They should be made to feel that it is their work and I think that in the initial
stages of this work at least, all service should be entirely free from monetary
inducements. They must evangelise their own people.131

In the light of this, Rev. Cooper and the S.U.M., were stongly opposed to paid
agents, but favoured voluntary workers who lived among the people and were
self-supporting. Consequently, either by design or because of the lack of
European missionaries, outstations were increasingly put under the charge of
indigenous self-supporting evangelists. Pil Gani therefore had three outstanding
Tarok evangelists in succession namely Miri Kakkat, Pyennap and Bali, later to
be the first Tarok pastor and the work thrived.’132 Similarly, the Tarok Church
was encouraged to consider that outreach to neighbouring groups such as the
Jahr, the Boghum, the Tehl (Montol), the Youm (Garkawa) and even further
afield to the Kulere and the Lafia area was their responsibility. The Tarok Church
responded well to these challenges. They sent self-supporting evangelists and
teachers to these areas. Outstanding examples, were Miri Kakkat to Duguri,
Wuyep Zitta who first worked amongst the Boghum, and after a period of
training at Gindiri volunteered to work amongst the Kulere of Toff, and Baba
Yusufu, who worked at Kwolla.’33

Apart from those manning the outstations, there were numerous voluntary leaders
of outcentres who were chosen by fellow members of their Christian
communities. They gave their services freely. The small Christian community
met daily for prayers and there were classes for religious instructions (CR1)
where converts would learn to read and write and receive instructions in the Bible
in preparation for baptism. It was these outcentres which constituted the real
growth

494
point of the Tarok Church. As Rev. Cooper in 1928, put it,

These out-centres are truly indigenous and have a marked influence

on the whole district. Some of the strongest and most reliable
Christians are found in these villages far removed from the mission
station.134

The work of the preaching centres and classes for religious instruction became so
important that by the 193 Os, although there was no expansion in the number of
main stations or out-stations which remained confined to Langtang and Pil Gani,
there was a rapid growth in preaching centres. The former out-schools became
Classes for Religious Instruction (CRIs) to avoid the stricter standards set by the
Education Department for schools.

Thus in the Annual Report for 1939, it was stated that in the older
church districts, evangelism is now nearly the monopoly of the
African. By far the greater number of converts come to Christ
through the personal dealing of friends. The missionary’s chief work
is the helping of evangelists, the provision of thorough scripture
teaching, the guiding of church councils, the watching for openings
and the men to fill them.135

In addition, the Coopers argued that the teachers should be voluntary, self-
supporting workers, or if they were paid, it should be the responsibility of the
local church and not the mission. Thus according to Rev. Cooper

The principle is that the local church must maintain its own work. When they
want whole time native teachers or pastors who need support, they, not the
Europeans, must pay them. The church will then settle its own terms with the
worker, who in turn will be responsible to the church.136

495
Yakub appears to have been the only trained teacher at the Laii school paid by
the local church in the 1 920s.

The Christian converts had an important role in the work of extension of the
Tarok Church through itineration, visitation above all through contacts with
friends, relatives and neighboui. According to the annual report of 1935, there
was ‘seed sowing secret”38 where groups of believers were springing up and
unobtrusively to convert others. Usually, their origin ‘is pers testimony and
personal dealing”3 of one man who had converted and who sought to win others.
It was only when such group approached the missionary for a teacher so that they
coul. learn more that he became aware of their existence. 140

By the late 1930s, Christianity was beginning to spread to those p’” of Tarokland
which had previously been resistant. The Chief Gyang (Funyallang) begged the
Coopers to send a teacher there 1933.141 In the same year, Mr. Potter reported a
growth in interest ml Christianity in the North-East around Kunkwam and Jat,
and so it was decided to send a voluntary worker there.142 In 1934, a new centre
was started at Gazum at the invitation of the Madaki and a farmer/evangelist,
Rammap, was sent there.’143 By the late 1930s and 1 940s this work was
beginning to bear fruit. In 1941 the Christians in Gyang (Funyallang) had built a
larger hut for Sunday worship. At Gazum, the Christians, in 1941, built a
permanent church and selected four elders to run its affairs. They also chose a
teacher who they agreed to support.144 The work of the Tarok Church was
consolidated during the 1920s and 1930s. The church spread to all sections of
Tarokland largely as a result of the work of the Tarok Christians. The third tenet
of the Coopers was that the church should be self-supporting:

The ideal should be nothing less than the complete financial

independence of the church. It should include the erection, upkeep
and current expenses connected with all buildings

496
 Used for church purposes. In short, the support of all branches of
work needful for the building up of the church and the spread of the
kingdom of God.’45

consequently, from the very beginning in Langtang, the Christians were taught
tithing. At first when money was scarce, they brought farm produce, millet,
groundnuts, eggs, and sometimes a fowl. Later when a market was established,
money became more readily available. Then a free will offering system was
introduced by which members of the congregation pledged sums ranging from a
half penny (l/2d) to three pence (3d) a week. In 1924, over one hundred and thirty
persons had pledged and the total pledges amounted to over ten shillings (10/-)
per week. Thus, converts were encouraged to give their services voluntarily,
without payment, whether as evangelists, teachers, sunday school teachers or
church builders. The church in Langtang was the most advanced of the self-
supporting churches as it took financial responsibility for the school and for
paying the teacher, Yakub.’46 Although it was probably a good principle to be
independent and to avoid becoming dependent on handouts from the mission, it
imposed limits on the kinds of work which could be undertaken, and on the
degree of professionalism which could be attained. It should perhaps be noted
here how hostile SUM was to wealth or secular employment. SUM missionaries
believed that it was very hard for the wealthy to attain salvation, and the faithful
should devote their services to the spread of the gospel without remuneration. It
also held that to be tempted to seek other employment with say the Native
Administration was to depart from the straight and narrow path. These attitudes
had important psychological effects on the Tarok.

Education and Church Growth 1930- 1950s

The S.U.M. became involved in educational work because of the need for
inquirers to learn to read the scriptures in the vernacular in preparation for
baptism. This led to the setting up of classes where

497
both young and old could learn to read and, as already discussec involved the
production of a primer and other religious literature t the converts. Although
curiosity about the new religion was proba the dominant motive for attending
these classes, there was subsidiary desire to learn to read and write. School
attendance - often irregular due to the demands of farm work especially am:. non-
Christian parents. It was difficult to convince them of’ importance of literacy in
an agricultural community.

Although the S.U.M. originally went into education to serve reli ends, it created a
school system which became a major instrument social change in Tarokland.
Starting with a largely informal sector out-schools catering for persons of all
ages, which eventually bee classes for religious instruction, it graduated into
formal pri
schools at Langtang and Pu Gani, and later to teacher training and pastoral
training institutions at Gindiri. Although the S.U.M. did not set out to use
education as bait to win converts, by the 1 940s access to education had become a
major source of attraction for would be converts.

The out-schools and various kinds of classes were important for promoting basic
literacy and for bringing people into touch with the mission. The mission
regarded them as a vital preparation for the training of indigenous evangelists.
The 1931 annual report of S.U.M. has this to say.

The out-schools are of a simple character, but do good work. Some of our
evangelists have come from out-schools where they had no instruction from
Europeans until they came into training.

However in 1932, a tightening up of the rules concerning schools and the

introduction of supervision and inspection by the Department of Education meant
that the SU.M. began to place greater emphasis on CRIs since they did not have
to have trained teachers. An agreement

498
was reached with government as to the amount of teaching which could take
place in CRIs. It was agreed that the following subjects could be taught to certain
levels:

(a) Religious teaching

(b) Reading

(c) Writing , as an accompaniment of reading, but stopping short of

advanced composition

(d) notation of figures to 100, but not including any arithmetical

processes. This was to enable people under instruction to find
chapters and verses in the Bible.148

Although CRIs continued to proliferate in the 1 930s, and provide much

Education in basic literacy and Bible studies, the need for a somewhat higher
level of manpower forced the S.U.M. to introduce the primary school system.

S.U.M. opened a primary school at its main station at Langtang in 1907

supervised by the resident missionary, and another at Pu Gani in 1916. Statistics
of attendance at the schools in Langtang and Pil Gani can be seen in the
following table:

499
Table 46: Statistics of Attendance of the Mission Schools in Langtang and Pil
Gani 1919 – 1932

Langtang Pil Gani

Sessions Pupils Aggregate Sessions Pupils Aggregate

on roll Attendance On roll Attendance

1919 219 23 3,744 110 4 390

1920 - - - - - -
1921 201 29 4,432 - - -
1922 347 32 7,478 - - -
1923 446 36 11,673 - - -
1924 433 31 13,732 - - -
1925 - - - - - -
1926 - - - - - -
1927 187 - 7,480 - - -
1928 211 47 8,138 - - -
1929 - - - - - -
1930 197 34 7,028 - - -
1931 268 28 4,855 215 22 8,083
Langtang Outstations
1932 210 47 7974 231 50 12,011

Sources: A. Rs, SUM for the years concerned in the Lightbearer

In the 193 Os, apart from shortage of funds, the S .U.M. laboured 1 the
disadvantage of not having sufficient trained S.U.M. sought to remedy the
deficiency by setting up the Gin schools to train vernacular teachers.’5° Many
residents in Platea Province repeatedly complained about the low standards
education provided by mission schools. Thus in 1938, the Mr. Pembleton, wrote
that none of the mission schools

500
 goes beyond Elementary II, a standard below that required in every
branch of Native Administration activity. From every Division
comes the same ccmplairit that prgrecc and development are
grievously hampered or rendered impossible by the low educational
standard of the staff, which must be local if the confidence and
cooperation of these primitive tribes is to be obtained.151

However in the early 1930s the Provincial Superintendent of Education praised

the S.U.M. schools:

Those at Kabwir, Langtang and Panyam are particularly well-

organised and efficient. The whole work is elementary in grade and
is kept closely in contact with village life and needs x x the language
of instruction is usually Hausa with the vernacular in thejunior
classes.152

The Resident, Mr. Pembleton, had the grace to acknowledge in 1939 that:

The people of this province, and the Administration - owe the

missions a great debt for their past and present educational and
medical services; in the indigenous tribes most of the literate staff
are mission trained and in general encourage cooperation with them.
There are large areas in which there are none but mission schools,
for example, the whole of Shendam Division.153

The education of women and girls was still relatively backward compared with
that of men and boys. Older women attending CRIs were attaining basic literacy
while indigenous evangelists were seeking to educate their daughters.’54 The
relatively small number of girls in the schools in the 1930s can be gauged from
the school statistics for 1933-34 in Table 47:

501
Table 47: SUM Schools in the Tarok Area 1933 - 34 Enrolment by S

Proprietor Manager Place Boys Girls Total

S.U.M. Rev. Cooper Langtang 68 6 74

S.U.M. Rev. Cooper Mban 23 3 26
S.U.M. Rev. Cooper Pil 20 5 25
Total = 111 14 125
Enrolment on 30/6/34 a

Source: NAK Jos Prof 2/21/284/1 929 Mission Schools in Plateau Prove, 1931 -
1935 AnnualReturn ofMission Schools 1933 -34.

However by the 1940s, it was apparent that products of the missi schools and
those who had gone for further training at Gindiri obtaining paid positions with
the Native Administration or with mission so that education could be considered
a worthwhil investment. Therefore parents, even when they were themselves noi
believers, wanted to send their children to school although they werel well-aware
that their children might become Christians in
process.

The period of the Second World War was one of waiting and planning. Both
government and the SUM were planning to set up post primary institutions after
the war. The government had set up a central school at Pankshin in 1939 which
was intended to take a few pupils from the local primary schools. After the war
this was moved to Kuru and upgraded to middle school status and eventually to
that of a secondary school.4 The SUM also started their middle school at Gindiri
in 1944. Most of the pupils were the sons of evangelists from the four church
districts of Langtang, Kabwir, Panyam and Foron. Such was the demand for
secondary education that it was expanded into the Boys’ Secondary School in
1950 with an initial enrollment of sixteen students. From that initial enrollment it
grew to a double stream in 1964 and by 1977, it had five streams with a
population of over seven hundred pupils. The curriculum was broad based,
including arts, science, and practical subjects including agriculture,

502
woodwork, fine art. It was intended to educate the whole person. Secondary
education for girls was lacking in Plateau Province in the 1950s. Gilrs seeking
secondary education were forced to go to other provinces. The challenge was met
by S.U.M. which established the Girls’ High School at Gindiri in February, 1958.
The Gindiri cSecondary School was to have a tremendous influence on Tarok
society as it provided the gateway for many future Tarok professionals. Some
Tarok also went to Kuru, like General Domkat Bali, or to Military School, Zaria,
like Major General Joseph Garba and Brigadier-General John N. Shagaya.’

After the Second World War and as part of the Tarok awakening, there was a
growing interest in education. The District Officer, Mr. Broadbent, reported in
1953 that: ‘In matters touching farming and education the Plain Yergams (Tarok)
are outstanding for their industry and desire for improvement.”57 The SUM
responded to the increased demand for education by upgrading its junior primary
school at Langtang into a senior primary school. This was part of the plan to have
a Senior Primary School at the main station fed by the JuniorPrimary Schools
inBwarat, Pil andGazum.’58Thus, in 1951, it was stated that ‘Langtang continues
to be the most “education minded” district, and Yergum (Tarok) boys had
conspicuous success in the Middle School entrance examination.”59 There was
growing competition to enter the S.U.M. Senior Primary School at Langtang as
this became the chief mode of entry into the Boys’ Secondary School, Gindiri.

From 1940-1959, the provision of educational facilities became the main source
of attraction for converts. Since the S.U.M. had a virtual monopoly of primary
education in the Tarok area, ambitious parents became Christians so that their
children could obtain an education, and hence ehance their prospects of
employment in the government service or mission. In addition, it was felt that the
headmaster of the S.U.M. Senior Primary School in Langtang would be unlikely
to recommend a boy for admission to Gindiri, unless he came from a

503
strong Christian family. The 1950s, thus, witnessed a rapid expansion of
Christian community in Tarokiand. The work by this tim had largely been taken
over by the indigenes; white missionaries had only a supervisory role. As Rev.
Potter put it in 1954,

Gone is the day when each church member was known personally to the
missionary. The district will be served by several established churches and
attached to them will be numerous congregations led by African evangelists.
Only on rare occasions will these folk come to the main station.160

Thus by the 1950s Christianity had ‘taken off in Tarokiand andt pastors and the
mission-educated elite had become a force to : reckoned with in community
affairs.

IV. Theories of Conversion and the Tarok Case

The decision to change from one religion to another is natura.. accorded great
importance. This is especially the case when requires a change from a traditional
religion which is an ethn.. cultural religion closely integrated with the fabric of
society to thel kind of evangelical protestantism brought by the S.U.M. with its
emphasis on the importance of a personal saviour, its rather austere code of
personal morality and its emphasis on rewards in the afterlife. Although the
S.U.M. found itself engaged in educational, medical and translation work, as well
as other activities, its main aim was to produce ‘good men’, and of course ‘good
women. There seems to be no doubt that the Tarok proved to be responsive to the
teachings of the missionaries, and the Langtang experience was considered to be
a model of how to nurture an African Church. In this section, we will attempt to
review some of the principal theories of conversion in relation to the Tarok case.
161

504
The Biblical View of Conversion

According to the biblical view of conversion, it is the Holy Spirit which is the
principal actor, and which induces men to repent of their sins and become
Christians. The S.U.M. missionaries in Tarokland subscribed to the biblical view
of conversion. They believed that if the Christian message was truly proclaimed
through the power of the Holy Spirit, the hearts of sinners would be changed for
the better. As theApostle Paul wrote to the Corinthians,

For we do not preach ourselves, but Jesus Christ as Lord, and

ourselves as your servants for Jesus’ sake. For God, who said, ‘Let
light shine out of darkness,’ made his light shine in our hearts to
give us the light of knowledge of the glory of God in the face of
Christ. (II Corinthians 4: 5-6).

Thus, the missionaries relied heavily on direct evangelism with the belief that
through the power of the Holy Spirit, their listeners would be moved to confess,
abandon their old ways and become true believers. However the Coopers were
intelligent enough to realise that apart from preaching, education, medical work
and translation were all opportunities to enable people hear the message and then
Christianity would be ‘able to propagate itself freely by the procreative power of
the Holy Ghost.”62Although the biblical approach may have served as a guide to
action and sufficient explanation of the results they achieved, for others it does
not seem to be a sufficient explanation and hence the search for other
explanations.

Who-Whom Theories

heories of this type suggest that the reception of new religious ideas depends on
who brings them and on what the recipient thinks and feels about the carrier of
the new religion. A good example of this process occurred amongst the Pyem
where the muslims came to

505
dominate certain crafts such as blacksmithing and tailoring. P”in search of a more
rewarding livelihood not only learned the from their masters, but also adopted
their religious well.163

There is no doubt that initially the Tarok must have found it difficult to
distinguish between the white political officers soldiers who could call up deadly
military force and the missionaries who went about preaching. It appears,
however, that missionaries succeeded in convincing some of the Tarok that they’
come to offer a message of peace based on the Bible. This was acceptable
alternative to Islam which the muslims had attempted impose by force. It is
possible that the Tarok, having suffered milit defeat at the hands of the British,
thought that they could learn s of the secrets of their success by becoming
Christians. Given prestige attached to the white men at that time, to be close to
was a source of prestige, Therefore, it was possible that some ‘ta.. became
Christians because white men were the bearers Christianity.

Deprivation and Fulfillment Theories

According to thes theories, some people came to accept Chritian because it

appeared to offer fulfillment for unfulfilled desires, or’ because it appeared to
offer comfort and relief to those who were frustrated and oppressed in their
societies.164

According these theories, Christianity should have been particularly attractive to

those who felt rejected, oppressed or otherwise disadvantaged, such as slaves,
lepers, poor farmers, or those suffering from some kind of spiritual unease.
Whereas in South-Eastern Nigeria Christianity proved attractive to slaves and
ritual slaves (osu), in Tarokiand most of the early converts appear to have been
poor freeborns farmers who were neither very rich nor very poor. Miri Titai, one
of the early converts, was described as being a

506
‘comparatively poor man.”65 Our sources suggest that those attracted to
Christianity were only of moderate wealth.”' A leper, Miri Bibai, who was a
member of the church was reported to have died in 1925; but there is no evidence
to suggest that lepers or other outcasts constituted a large proportion of the early
converts.’67 Though for obvious reasons,ponzhi mbins, political chiefs and
leading members of the ancestral cult were attracted to Christianity because of
their high social status, there were some exceptions, such as, Miri Kakkat who
was described as having been ‘a leading man in the Yergum (Tarok) cult of spirit
worship, feared and respected.’6” Also, the families of Rev. Bali, and Rev.
Damina Bawado had important roles to play in the ancestral cult in their
localities. It would be mistaken to describe the early Tarok converts as outcasts,
or the very poor, for the reality seems to have been that they were mature men
who had good social and economic standing in their communities. Some families
who were relatively insignificant in the precolonial society have become
important by embracing Christianity and through gaining access to Western
education.169

Significantly many of the early converts appear to have been persons who were
suffering from a kind of spiritual unease which led them to embrace Christianity.
Lakan Kotok, who stood first on the baptismal list, said, ‘Even before the Gospel
came to the land ofYergum (Tarok) God had prepared my heart to receive the
word. I had a vision, but knew not the meaning until the Gospel came - then I
understood.170 Similarly, Miri Kakkat was told by his father that there was
wisdom in the world which he did not yet know of, and that when someone came
bringing that wisdom he should attach himself to him. When the missionaries
came, he assumed that this advice referred to them.171

There was a feeling of unhappiness or restlessness reflected in the dreams and

visions that served to induce the conversion of some early Tarok converts. Yet, it
would be incorrect to say that Christianity among the Tarok was the religion of
the oppressed, the very poor and of outcasts.

507
Instrumental Theories of Conversion

According to these theories, Christianity was something which adopted in order

to obtain something else. As many of the s, the spread of Christianity in South
Eastern Nigeria have sho people became converts not so much because they were
interested Christianity itself but because they wanted access to education which
went with it. This would enhance their status society and enable them to acquire
income and a life style a with the Europeans. This particular method of
conversion practiced with great success by the Roman Catholic Mission ( in
South Eastern Nigeria.172

The S.U.M. in Tarokiand, especially in the initial period, did not u education as a
bait. They saw literacy as a means of deepening t religious life of the converts
through their ability to read the Bible With the emphasis of the S.U.M. on self-
supporting mdi evangelists/teachers, there were no paid indigenous agents as was
case with the Church Missionary Society (C.M.S.). The Coopers placed
tremendous emphasis on the fact that work for the church should not be for
monetary gain, and hence the early evangelists were expected to sacrifice
themselves and their families by going to new places as self-supporting
evangelists to spread the Gospel. Thus, there were few profitable ‘careers’ to be
had with the Mission at that time(1920s and 1930s).

As time went on, there was need to train indigenous staff. Those who had served
the church faithfully for many years were given the opportunity to go to Gindiri
to attend courses for evangelists and vernacular teachers and a few became
pastors. Although the first generation of Christian converts did not benefit
materially, the access to education which they obtained for their children helped
to produce a small elite of primary school teachers, dispensers, nurses and other
medical personnel, district scribes and Native Authority personnel. Thus, people
became increasingly aware that even the very limited

508
education provided by the S.U.M. in Langtang opened up job pportunities which
could provide cash incomes. They were anxious at their children should enjoy
such benefits even if it meant that they ould become Christians in the process.
While the S.U.M. would ave liked to continue to emphasise the notion of selfless
service, and ffer on-the-job training rather than give certificates, pressures from
utside made this impossible. The tremendous expansion of educational and
medical services after the Second World War and the jemand by government that
teachers should be certificated if mission schools were to qualify for grants meant
that S.U.M. had to train more personnel as teachers, and pay them good salaries.
It was reported in 1949 that ‘the new salary scales have made it necessary for the
missions to raise the salaries not only of their teachers in unassisted schools but
also of their pastors and evangelists.”173

As education, medical services and evangelism became professional, there were

opportunities for careers in these fields. This led to a greater demand for
education which only the S.U.M. could provide, in the 1950s and 1960s in the
Tarok area. Many must have become Christians in the I 950s in order to gain
access to education, either for themselves or their children.

Intellectualist Theories

According to Robin Horton, an advocate of the intellectualist approach,

conversion to one of the world religions becomes pronounced when rapid social
changes obliterate many of the fields of experience with which the traditional
cults concern themselves. This causes people to seek new explanations and leads
to the remote God (deus rem otus) of the traditional religion moving to the centre
stage as a personal saviour and the underpinner of morality in the macrocosm.
This theory is based on the assumption that social change will be followed by
changes in a people’s religious

509
According to Horton, African cosmology is divided into two the first tier are the
lesser spirits who are chiefly concerned ‘ affairs of the local community, good
harvests and so on, and which describes as the microcosm. In the second tier is
the Supreme who is concerned with the world as a whole, that is the macroco:
The spirits of the microcosm are concerned with social control . the community
while the Supreme Being is concerned with macrocosm, or the universe as a
whole. Thus in small decentrali agricultural communities most rituals and
worship are C spirits as they are believed to affect everyday life, while directed to
God tend to be less elaborate.

Applying this theory to social groups, Horton suggests t agricultural communities

are very likely to be confined to the microcosm, and hence concentrate their
worship on that of the lesser spirits, and were not much concerned with God who
belonged to the macrocosm. Horton argues that if a given society undergoe
widespread social and economic change such as a shift to trading, political
change, the members of that society would develop a n complex concept of the
cult of the Supreme Being to underpin new moral code.

As regards conversion to Christianity or Islam or any of the other world religions,

Horton considers that it will not take place among traditional religionists simply
as a result of preaching at them but only if there has been significant economic
and social development which would make them responsive, and which could
give rise to a more sophisticated concept of the Supreme Being. Thus the work of
missionaries serves as a catalyst where the process of social change is already in
progress.192

Horton’s views have provoked a lively debate. Humphrey Fisher, a leading

scholar of Islam, argues that there is no historical reason for expecting adherents
of African traditional religions to behave as Horton suggests in response to
changes in society, and that they will

510
not necessarily evolve a monotheistic moral code. Fisher also cites a numbers of
African societies which were exposed to the macrocosm, and which did not
develop monotheistic religions by themselves without the influence of
Christianity.75 In the same vein, Ifeka‘ Muller contends that Horton argued that
monotheistic religions woul have developed without Christianity because of what
we know happened historically under the influence of Christianity. 76 Horton’s
replied do not answer these criticisms satisfactorily as he fails to find a
satisfactory example of the development of monotheism in a society without the
influence of Christianity. The example he cites of the Aros, the famous
middlemen of the slave trade era, cannot hold. Although the Aro did develop an
elaborate cult of the Supreme Being (Chukwu), they did not abandon their lesser
gods.117

Horton’s theory appears to fit the Tarok case better than most of the rs because it
explains their responsiveness to Christianity, and shows why the Plain Tarok
were more positive than the Hill Tarok to f the message of Christianity. A
number of factors explain this: the plain Tarok received much more exposure
through the presence of the main road, many of their young men went to the
minefields to work, many of them were exposed to new experiences in the army
during the Second World War and the missionaries worked steadily in the Plains
in the field of education and in the training of a local elite. Thus S.U.M.
Christians became a key element in articulating the demands of the Tarok for
improved social amenities, political unity and self- government and Middle Belt
nationalism. These developments contributed to the rapid expansion of the Tarok
Church in the 1950s, and made it a force to be reckoned with in local politics.

Though the Hortonian hypothesis appears to us to be the one that has the greatest
explanatory power, any satisfactory explanation of the process of conversion
amongst the Tarok must be multi-causal. Social factors were clearly important,
such as the change in the social and economic environment. Relatively
unimportant families became influential as a result of their adoption of
Christianity. There was also

511
an element of instrumentality as non-Christians saw wei education as the means
of acquiring paid employment and the’ way of obtaining it was through the
mission schools. Christianity gained a massive influx of adherents; but whetheri
were true Christians remains an outstanding issue to be discussed

The Creation of an Indigenous Church

The ultimate aim of S.U.M. was to create an indigenous churchs ‘the Mission is
transitory, the Church must be permanent’.’78 As part this process it set out to
build what were virtually autonomous churches and in December, 1922 the Tarok
Church was forma. established. Rev. Cooper set out to found a church which
wou1d ‘self-governing, self-supporting and self-propagating’. In the coun of
implementing these principles, he sought to place as mu responsibility as possible
on the local church. The responsibility f vetting new members, disciplinary
matters, and even the conduct L. church services was placed in the hands of the
elders. The work o evangelism, to a large extent, fell on the self-supporting
evangelists a, the outstations and preaching centres. Given the relatively low
levels of literacy and education of these evangelists/teachers, their ti was a matter
of the utmost importance. From amongst the best c these evangelists/teachers a
few were selected to be trained as pastc to further the objective of creating an
indigenous church.

The Training of Indigenous Evangelists/Teachers and Pastors

The first experiment by the S.U.M. in training evangelists was the I settingup
ofaTraining Institute atWukari. It started in January, 1915 with fourteen students
followed by twelve and eight in 1916 and 1917 respectively. The institute was
formally closed in 1919 because of lack of educationally qualified candidates due
to the fact that the missionary work was not sufficiently developed to produce an
adequate flow of candidates. Yohanna Sanda and Yakub were products of the
institute. Yakub went on to undergo teacher training.

512
He served as a teacher for many years at the Langtang School.179 Thereafter the
only training available for evangelists took place at main stations.

To carry out its programme of educational development, the S.U.M. required an

adequate supply of trained teachers, and teacher trainers. At the Wukari Freed
Slaves Home, a training class for local pupil Teachers was started in 1919. Yakub
was one of the first group of pupil teachers admitted in the training class. Though
he did not obtain a teachine certificate, he became an effetive teacher at
Langtang. Eventually two pupils took the examination and became government
certified certificate Grade III teachers. In 1925 the Freed Slaves Home and
School was closed down because of lack of intakes the S.U.M, then, found itself
without a training institution.180

At the S.U.M. conference in Numan from 4 - 9 April, 1931, educational

policy was discussed. It was felt that in every Christian community, there should
be, first, a large number of people with a simple education who could read the
Bible, and secondly, leaders who had had a more specialised training. To achieve
this end, the conference adopted a policy which called for four kinds of schools:

(i) Vernacular schools in villages conducted by voluntary (Christian) teachers

teaching reading, writing and simple arithmetic.

(ii) Registered schools taught by teachers supported by the native church.

(iii) Schools on Mission Stations taught by missionary to fourth standard only,
(iv) Schools for advanced training for teachers and evangelists who served the
mission.”

513
In the following year, it was reported that of a common tral centre would start in
1934, ‘where the best men from the di would receive the trainning they require.’
82 In 1933 ,Mr. Farranta Mr. Bristow toured the Plateau looking for a suitable
site. i.. chose Gindiri amongst the Pyem in the present Mangu L.G.C. Plateau
State. After much preliminary work, Gindiri opened doors under the leadership of
Mr. Bristow in 1934. Initially, Gi concentrated on training evangelists.83 It’s
admission policy described in 1935 as follows:

The students are drawn from those who have been i responsible
charge of out-stations, or active workers in the church,and are
recommended by their district superintendents. Several younger men
were admitted whose character was vouched for, though they had
not had so much experience.184

The students were accompanied by their wives and children. The students were
not paid (unlike the Wukari Institute) andhad to support themselves with their
own farming.

Gindiri had three types of classes. Those for the evangelists. It which was the
largest group consisting of fifteen students in 1934 and taught by Mr. Bristow.
Those for elementary teacher training, with only three students, taught by Miss
Rimmer, and those for the wives of students taught by Mrs. Bristow and Miss
Bartrop SRN. Students in the evangelist classes studied the Hausa Bible and
acquired a basic education, and at the same time practised teaching and
evangelism. The teacher training programme was aimed at preparing teachers for
the vernacular schools under the control of the local church councils. The three
Tarok student teachers were Damina Bawado, Domven Rimdam and Munan
Dadi. This initial course was for one year only until 1944 when the Grade III
Teachers’ course was introduced.’ See Table 48 for the Tarok men attending the
evangelists’ classes, 1934 to 1945.

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Table 48: Tarok Students who attended the Evangelists’ Course at Gindiri, 1934
- 1945
S/No. Names of Student Wife Other Information
1 Yusuf Wainjep (Wayep) Evangelist at Biltip
2. Shedul Wainjep (Wayep) Evangelist at Jat and then
Left
3. Nansok Majen (Mojen) Evangelist at pil
4. Zikur Nishe Evangelist at Agwatashi

1935
1 Wuyep Zitta Pyenya Evangelist of Kulere
2. Bali Rwamicit Evangelist at Pil
3. Nange Diple Evangelist at Duwi
4. Shikji (Shagaya) Momyel(Zwancit) Evangelist at Gagdi
5. Ramnat (Ramnap) Mamshe Evangelist at Gazum
6. Izembin (Zembin) Shinmiate (Shinmicit) Worker near Lafia
7. Yiyupgan Man Evangelist at Wase Tofa

1936
1. Kumjwam Bamcit (Bamit) Evangelist at Danken
2. Bali Maya Did not take up any special
work

1937
1. Rinkap Kali Evangelist at Agwatashi,
Lafiya District
2. Gowhbun Mullakam Evangelist at pyapun,
(Goahkbun Killed by lighting

1938
1. Fankum Momyel Evangelist at Gunung

2. Miri Lemuwan Not working

3. Dapsal Wopburi Evangelist at Gunung

515
 1939
1. Kumgan Moya Evangelist at Bwarat, died
1941
2. Lukwancan Mancel Taught at Ngun
1940
3 Wiyup (Funyallang) Bunyit No information
Wuyep

1941
Nil
1942
1. Dohbun Yikyet No information given

1941
Nil
1944
1. Wiyup Zitta (Wuyep) Pyencit No information
2. Wiyup (Bagya)(Wuyep) Yenmicit “
3. Sohna Fare “
4. Nimyel Domicit “

Source: Gindiri Registers. It should be noted that there are no records

available for VTC and ETC Teachers trained before 1950.

In 1944, the Teacher Grade III course started and was followed, in 1951, by the
Teacher Grade II Course. Then in 1961, the first set of students started the five
year HETC Course. The aim of these courses was to produce certificated teachers
for S.U.M. primary schools so as to meet the requirements for grants. They were
supposed to remain as teachers and not develop any other ambitions. Although
the work of teacher training continued to expand, there were complaints
throughout the 1950s that the real bottleneck in the development of primary
education was the shortage of trained teachers.86

516
The Training of Indigenous Pastors

Since the self-proclaimed objective of the S.U.M. was to create an indigenous

church an important step in that direction was the training and ordination of the
first three indigenous pastors, Bali from the Tarok District, David Lot from the
Mwaghavul District and Torna Tok Bot from the Berom District. They were
selected for a two year course, 1937 - 1938, and after being examined both orally
and by written examination, they were accepted and duly licensed. Services of
recognition were held in their own churches. On Sunday, 18 December, 1939,
Pastor Bali was ordained at Langtang.187

Rev. Bali Falang is said to have been born in 1864, one of a set of male twins. He
was the son of the first political chief of Langtang, Kalan Kalam, from the
Kettang house of Ce. He came from a large family, many of whom, including his
twin brother, Tali, remained traditional religionists until they died. However, Bali
was converted early and waited to marry a Christian girl, Rwamicit. He became
the selfsupporting evangelist at Pu Gani in succession to Pyenna. Bali was part of
an outstanding team at Pit Gan described in 1932:

Bali, the voluntary worker in charge, is growing in grace in a very marked

way, and he is ably helped by Setur the teacher and Nimram the dispenser.
With its three competent and devoted workers, each in his own department,
the men in- charge all being unpaid. Pu could be taken as a model to aim at
in our bigger out-stations.’188

It was therefore natural that Bali should be chosen for the evangelists’ course at
Gindiri in 1935, and that when churches were asked to make nominations for the
pastor’s course, Bali should be chosen. He thus became the first Tarok pastor. He
returned to serve at Pu Gani where he gained a great reputation for his goodness
and kindness. He retired in 1974, and died in March, 1984.189

517
As the Tarok church grew, the need for more pastors became ev and so when a
second group started training at Gindiri, it Damina Bawado who was ordained in
l946.’° Pastor Rindap Darn Bawado was born in 1918 into the family which
supplied the mbins in Lyangjit in Gani District. He was the second son ofthet
children of his parents. His father, a polygamist, had five wivi Between the ages
of seven and sixteen, he served the wI missionaries at Langtang, especially Rev.
Cooper and Mr. Richmoii as a cook in other capacities. This gave him the
opportunity attend the mission school in Langtang where he learned to read anc
write in Tarok and Hausa. He then returned to Lyangjit where father taught him
to become a cobbler. He was then recommendedby the mission to be in the first
class of student teachers at Gindiri in 1934. After training at Gindiri, he taught in
the mission school atl Langtang. He was chosen for the second pastor’s course in
1945- 1946, and on its completion, he was ordained. A man of strong character,
he came to head his District Church Council (DCC) and was chosen the first
Chairman/President of COCIN from 1951 to 1981, and later chairman of
TEKAN, 1962 - 1969. He died on 19 February, 1993.’191

In 1954, the Church decided to train another group of fifteen men as pastors. One
of them was Nehemiah Nimcak of Pil Gani who was ordained in 1957.192

Further classes were held from 1966 - 68 consisting twenty men and their wives,
and from 1969 71 with twenty-three men and their wives. The sixth pastors’
course started in 1974 and ended in 1978. The seventh pastor’s course, which
began in 1978, was the largest, up to that time. It had thirty-one men and their
wives. It was the first course in which the students were divided according to
their command of English; nineteen of them in a separate class had about half
their classes in English, while every student had one period of English every day.
In 1982 it was decided to set up a pastors’ course at Gindiri completely in
English, while the Hausa course would be

518
transferred to the college at Kabwir. Of the over two hundred men put forward by
the churches thirty-five men and their wives were accepted for training in Hausa
at Kabwir and twenty-two for training in English at Gindiri.’193

The training of Nigerian pastors was taken a step further when, in 1955, Taraya
EkklesiyarKristi a Sudan (Nigeria) (TEKAS) decided to set up a theological
college which would serve all the TEKAS churches. These were churches which
had originally been nurtured by SUM which although had become independent,
continued to cooperate with each other through TEKAS, later TEKAN. The
Plateau Church known as Ekklesiyar Kristi a Sudan (EKAS), later EKAN and
COCIN, from 1975 is one of these churches. Thus KAS planned a course of
theological training in English of a higher standard than had been avalaible. The
theological College of Northern Nigerian (TCNN) opened in February 1959 with
twenty-one students at its temporary site at Gihdiri. Then in 1962 TC77 moved
to its permanent site at Bukuru. Rev. Damina Bawado, as the chairman of
TEKAS, delivered the opening address. Thus, a new chapter opened in the
training of Nigerian pastors who would be well-educated and professional in their
outlook. There was a changing emphasis from a self supporting; but relatively
poorly educated group of evangelists to a much more professional and well-
educated clergy who would be able to meet the challenges provided by a much
better educated laity. Rev. Alexander Lar, the current
President of COCIN is a product of TCNN.’194

Administrative Structures

The S.U.M. was a federation of missions, each raising its own staff and funds;
but cooperating in the field. Each mission had its own sphere of influence. The
originating group known as the British branch was given responsibility for
dealings with the British government and colonial authorities. The British Branch
of S.U.M. was non-denominational in that it accepted missionaries from every

519
main protestant denomination whether Anglican, Baptist, MethG
Congregationalist or whatever; all had a strong evangelical f’ The intention of the
S.U.M. was not to create yet another denomination; but to create an African
church.195

A series of inter-mission conferences were held, notably at Lokoja, Lokoja in

1913 and Miango, in 1926 at which the S.U.M. presented a draft of a church
constitution hoping for a United Church ofAfrica. Howeveri the next conference
in 1929, attended by fifteen delegatei representing five mission societies, it was
decided that it would not be possible to go ahead to create a United Church, but
that efforts shoi - be directed towards bringing about a ‘Federation of the
Missions in Northern Provinces’ which were officialy represented at the
conference.196 The Northern Mission Council grew out of this decision
representing at least ten mission societies, which was made up of European
missionaries, that met to discuss common problems.197

The British branch of the S.U.M. organised churches when and where there was a
sufficient number of Christians. The first to be organised was the church at
Donga in 1917 consisting of six men and six women, followed by that at
Langtang in 1922 with nineteen members that became twenty-two. The idea was
that each church should be self-governing, self-supporting and self-propagating.
Langtang developed into a main church with a resident missionary while Pu Gani
was a large outstation with an indigenous pastor (Bali) surrounded by daughter
churches and preaching centres subordinate to the main church. There were some
divergencies in practice between the District Churches resulting from the
different national branches operating in particular areas, and even within the
British branch there were differences between the areas taken over from CMS
such as Panyam and Kabwir and the original Berom and Tarok areas, over such
issues as infant baptism and church organization.198

520
The churches which had grown up under the aegis of SUM decided that they
wished to be autonomous and so the former SUM branch Churches became
known as Churches of Christ in the Sudan or Ekklisiyoyin Kristi a Sudan (EKAS)
only being differentiated for example as EKAS Dutsen Mada or Church of the
Mada Hills or EKAS - Plateau and Bauchi. When the Republic of the Sudan
became independent it was decided to change the Sudan in the title to Nigeria
I so they became EKAN chuches. Then the final transformation took place when
the Hausa name was translated into English to become Church of Christ in
Nigeria (COCIN). Thus the Plateau District Churches, established by the British
branch of S.U.M. came to constitute COCIN.199

EKAS, later COCIN, brought together what were more or less autonomous
district churches known as the Lantang, Amper, Panyam and Foron churches. In
1948, the Regional Church Council (RCC) was formed with representatives of
the four churches under the Chairmanship of Mr. Bristow while Rev. Arthur
Burrough was the General Secretary. Then in 1951, Rev. Damina Bawado of the
Tarok Church took over as Chairman, and Mr. Bitrus Pam of the Berom Church
became part time General Secretary in 1960. He combined the post with being
Bursar at Gindiri. Therefore, the leadership of the RCC (the name was changed to
General Church Council, in 1976) was indigenized. Mr. Bitrus Pam became full-
time Secretary in 1974 and then General Secretary of COCIN until 1980 200

After the Second World War, when Christians in the North felt themselves
threatened. There was a meeting in t 954 in Langtang at which it was decided that
each cluster of congregations established by a branch of the S.U.M. should
establish an autonomous church. These, together with the Church of the Brethren
Mission, should group themselves into a fellowship known as the Tarayya
Ekklesiyoyin Kristi a Sudan (TEKAS). The formal articles of the Constitution of
the fellowship were signed at Randa in 1955.

521
Originally six churches, it was joined, in 1959, by the Tiv Church and by the
Kaduna Church. All the separate churches have similar constitutions and their
statements of faith are alike. The constitution provided for an advisory council
composed of representatives of all member churches which should meet annually
and discuss matters of general interest. TEKAS, renamed TEKAN, for the same
reason that EKAS became EKAN, has expanded to eleven churches and controls
the Theological College of Northern Nigeria (TCNN). Rev. Damina Bawado was
Chairman of TEKAN from 1962- 1969.201

With the growing maturity of the indigenous churches and with ti increasing
awareness of the sensitivities of some Northeri politicians, the SUM started the
process of withdrawing ai redefining its relationship with the African Churches
which it hadi produced. In 1960, six members of COCIN were invited to become
full members of the previously expatriate Field Committee. A few years later,
two Nigerian members were admitted to the mission’s personnel and finance
committee. When specialist committees were set up on Bible schools, faith, farm
and medicals, they were responsible to either the Field Council of the Mission or
to the RCC of the Church depending on whether it was the Mission or the Church
which was in charge of the activity concerned. The mission administration was
reorganised and the Field Council, the Personnel and Finance Committees were
replaced by an SUM committee composed of six missionaries and three church
representatives. Therefore, the mission did not have any committee on which
Nigerians were not represented. Between 1974 and 1977, SUM handed over its
mission stations, Gindiri and Vom Christian Hospital (1976), and other properties
to COCIN. The running of these activities was taken over by Nigerians.202 Mr.
Bitrus Pam summed up the position as follows:

As from 1st January, 1977, the Church of Christ in Nigeria takes

over all responsibilities of the Sudan United Mission (British
Branch) in Nigeria. Henceforth there will be no

522
 separate mission organisation, no mission committees, no mission
appointments. All aspects of the work are under the church.203

In future, expatriate missionaries would be expected to be church workers under

COCIN. SUM itself changed its name to SUM fellowship in 1979 and then in
1989 to Action Partners. The latter did not consider themselves to be a mission,
or that their aim was to establish churches or other establishments; they were to
share in the work of indigenous agencies. Action Partners sought to provide
training in management skills to indigenous employees, and to provide inter
church workers.204

Pastor Damina Bawado as Chairman/President of COCIN, 1951 -1981

It was Pastor Damina Bawado who presided over this transformation which saw
the emergence of COCIN as an autonomous church incorporating the four district
churches of Langtang, Foron, Panyam, and Kabwir. He also presided over the
withdrawal of the mission from being the active agent of evangelism to that of
partner with the indigenous church in the work of evangelism. Rev. Damina
Bawado was presumably chosen as the first President of COCIN because of the
goodwill he enjoyed amongst the European missionaries as a result of his strong
character and executive ability. He was a man of considerable intellectual powers
who, if he had had the opportunity of a broader education, would have been a
towering intellectual figure. He was a man of narrow and rigid views with whom
few were prepared to argue. He was evidently chosen president in preference to
his seniors, Pastors Bali and Torna Bot, who were acknowledged as having
saintly qualities but lacked the executive drive and forcefulness required to
manage and expand a large ecclesiastical organization, which was in the process
of becoming the dominant church on the Plateau. The Tarok Church, by

523
the 1950s, was regarded as a model for others to follow, and hence provided him
with a strong power base.205

When Rev. Damina Bawado took over as Chairman in 1951, it was a part-time
appointment and he merely acted as spokesman and coordinator for the church as
a whole. Real power still lay with the missionary committees, and the mission
still controlled the purse. He remained chairman of D.C.C. Langtang (later
R.C.C.) supervising Kwalla, Sabongida, Piapung, Mban, and Shendam areas. As
already described, S.U.M. gradually invited Nigerians to serve on their
missionary committees including the formerly exclusively expatriate Field
Committee of which six Nigerians became full members in 1960. S.U.M. also
began to hand over its mission stations, Gindiri and Vom Christian Hospital
(1976) and other properties through various training programmes Nigerians were
trained to take over positions at Gindiri, and to manage clinics, hospitals and
mission fields, such as Borno. However, because of the decentralised system of
administration and finance which continued until 1985, COCIN continued to be
dependent on the financial contributions from S.U.M. It was not until 1986 that a
systematic internal reorganization was carried out which made COCIN
financially self-supporting.206

Given the inadequate documentation, it is not possible to list all the achievements
of Rev. Damina Bawado during his long period as President of COCIN, 1961 -
1981. One could highlight a few of them.

It was during his tenure that the Christian Training Centre at Zamko was set up to
serve the Plateau Church. It emphasized agriculture, English Language and Bible
studies. The first class, consisting of ten students, was admitted in 1970. It was
intended for primary school leavers and was to produce personnel for Faith and
Farm projects which would combine good farming methods with missionary
work..207

524
Faith and Farm which was originally begun in 1957 in Bwonpe in Panyam
District, was moved to Vom in 1963. Its major objective was to promote
improved farming methods in Plateau, Bauchi, Borno and the states in which
S.U.M. might become interested. It combined training in improved methods of
agriculture with Bible study and methods of rural evangelism. Faith and Farm
and the Christian training Centre at Zamko tried to combine improving the lot of
people with evangelistic work. It proved to be very successful in Wase.208

Rev. Damina Bawado presided over COCIN at a time of unprecedented

expansion. This was reflected in the expansion of the number of District Church
Councils (DCCs) renamed Regional church Councils (RCCs) in 1982 from the
original four to ten during his tenure. It was also a period which witnessed the
founding of many
churches within local church councils, for example, in the Resettlement area
where Tarok migrants set up new churches.209

Rev. Damina Bawado was forward looking in that he was interested in political
and social reforms. At the instance of the District Officer, he was appointed to the
chief’s council in Langtang on which he served from 1950 to 1961. He was
sympathetic with the aims of the Yergam Union which he sought to promote. He
favoured the creation of the Ponzhi Tarok institution although he later had
disagreements with Garba Wuyep over the introduction of the Catholic Church
into Langtang and over political matters. In the Second Republic, he was clearly
partisan in his support for Chief Solomon Lar and the NPP. He helped to set the
precedence that any successful politician in Plateau must court the support of
COCIN. In accordance with the aims of the Yergam Union, Rev. Bawado
encouraged the setting up of the Langtang Community Secondary School and
was the chairman of its governing council from, 1972 to 1976. He thus sought to
promote

* This chapter has deliberately been written in the historic present to emphasise
that the traditional religion is still a living religion for some people.

525
secondary education within the Tarok area to meet demands.211

Pastor Damina Bawado as Chairman of TEKAS, later TEKAI

1962- 1969

Rev. Damina Bawado was elected Chairnan of TEKAS at three successive

elections in January 1962 at Waka near Biu in Borno State in January 1965 at
Lupwe in Benue State and finally, in January, 1968 at Gindiri in Plateau State. As
explained earlier TEKAS later TEKAN consisted of the eleven churches which
had emerged from the missions under the umbrella of S.U.M. The role of the
chairman is principally to iron out differences which developed between member
churches, and to coordinate the running of their joint institutions such as
T.C.N.N. TEKAN also represented the component churches in many
international fora and on foreign trips such as Rev. Bawado’s’visit with Rev.
Istifanus Deshi to England for five months in 1965.

Rev. Bawado happened to be President of TEKAN at a time of unprecedented

expanison of the component churches. He had an initial problem. Due to the
influx of Christians from TEKAN churches into the towns, many wished to build
churches in the towns, especially Jos. However, this was seen as a contravention
of a resolution by TEKAN which stated that each Regional Church Council was
solely responsible for the spiritual well-being of all TEKANmembers within its
territory. In spite of much correspondence, the component churches went ahead
and built churches in Jos.

Rev. Bawado presided over the opening and dedication of T.C.N.N at its
permanent site, in Bukuru on 6 April, 1963. However, he was unsuccessful in
dissuading the Tiv Church (NKST) from opening a seminary at Mkar which
would inevitably divert funds and candidates from T.C.N,N.

526
As already mentioned, his role as chairman of TEKAN, was chiefly
representational as component churches were autonomous.212 He carried on the
work which the S.U.M. had started but lacked the education or the vision to make
the necessary reforms to meet the challenges provided by social change and an
increasingly well-educated laity.

In January, 2000, a second Tarok man, Rev. Alexander Mandip Lar was s
inducted as the fourth Executive President of COCIN. He came from Tilam in
Langtang North L.G.A. Having been through the S.U.M. school system, he
attended TCNN Bukuru where he obtained a Diploma in Theology, 1962 - 65. He
also attended Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, Illinois, U.S.A. where he had a
Master’s Degree in Christian Education, 1981 - 83. He served the Church
extensively in Langtang South. He became Chairman, RCC Langtang, 1991 -
1996, and of the Provincial Church Council, Langtang 1997 - 98 and was elected
COCIN Vice-President in
1998.213

VI. The Role of the Catholic Church in Tarokiand

So far, we have confined our discussion almost exclusively to SUM and its
successor COCIN because of the commanding position which COCIN enjoys in
Tarokiand. The Catholic Church, which came very much later, had begun to have
some impact in the area. The Roman Catholic Mission (RCM) started work in
Shendam in 1907 amongst the Goemai. The RCM did not observe any spheres of
influence agreements as did the Protestants, and so they had no inhibitions about
moving into the Tarok area where there was already a substantial SUM presence.
However, until after the Second World War they were too busy in the Shendam
area to make more than occasional forays into Tarokland.214 There seems to be
some doubt as to when the RCM actually arrived to establish a base in Langtang.
Emmanuel Lar, a retired headmaster, suggested that the Catholics arrived in
January, 1953 when Datyem was the District Head in

527
Langtang and that they encountered strong opposition from S.U.M. who were
already well-entrenched, and who denounced Catholics as worshippers of the
Virgin Mary and drunkar According to this version, the opposition of the S.U.M.
overridden by Datyem who gave permission to the Catholics establish a church.
According to the second version, it was the F Tarok, Garba Wuyep (1955 -
1975), who was distinctly ecciectic regards religion, that encouraged them to
settle in Langtang becau he believed that competition would be good for S.U.M.
since the Catholic Church intended to build a school. Thus there is range of
possible dates for the coming of the Catholics from 1953 to about 1956.215

Once they had been given permission to establish themselvei Emmanuel Lar, a
Tarok who had been converted to Catholicism the Shendam Plains, Gabriel
Rumgvan, a Goemai and John Lumsur went round doing propaganda work for
the proposed Class i Religious Instruction (CR1). When it was started, there were
onlyi about thirty persons; but by 1959, they were able to start a school with Mr.
Lar as headmaster and John Gofut (a Tal man) teacher. This school, later St
Augustine’s, had four classes and pupils 1 had to finish at Shendarn and go on to
Teacher’s College. At first church services were held in the school, then the
Catholics built a church for themselves. Later General Joe Garba sponsored the
third church building, St Augustine’s.216 The Catholics soon won a following
partly because of official patronage from the Ponzhi Tarok, Garba Wuyep, partly
because the SUM had broken the ground and partly because they did not object to
the drinking of alcohol and were more tolerant of local customs than the S.U.M.
The RCM’s chief agency of conversion was the school; they were prepared to
leave the preaching until later. Once in the school, the pupils would usually be
converted. Moreover those who had disagreements with S.U.M. over their
puritanical code of conduct found refuge in the Catholic Church. The Catholics
have thus succeeded in becoming quite numerous although they are not as
influential as COCIN.217

528
VII. The Impact of Islam on the Tarok

The early Protestant missionaries feared that the muslims in Wase and Muslim
traders would soon convert a substantial number of Tarok. However, this did not
happen.218 Possible explanations for the lack of peal of Islam are that having
fought wars with Wase and having been raided by the Hausa Fulani, the Tarok
became hostile to Islam, and might even have adopted Christianity as a form of
protest. In addition, there is no evidence that substantial numbers of Tarok
became porters for Hausa traders and adopted Islam in imitation of their masters.
In addition Islam was brought by itinerant Hausa traders and muslim mallams
who had little to offer in terms of education or medical services as did the
Christian missionaries. Therefore, they were less likely to get a hearing. By the
time the Sardauna, Sir Ahmadu Bello, started going on his mass conversion
tours, Christianity was already well-entrenched. Apart from a few individuals,
Islam had little impact on the Tarok people.219 Unlike many other areas where
Islam and Hausa culture went hand in hand to the detriment of the indigenous
culture, the Tarok had some fears of settler elements in their midst. There were
some anti-muslim disturbances in Langtang in the early 1 990s provoked by
quarrels over girls, and the accidental killing of an old Tarok man. This led to the
destruction of much muslim property and the flight of many muslims to Wase,
Dengi and other places.220

VIII. The Impact of Christianity on the Tarok People

Christianity was not merely a religion. It brought along certain elements of

European culture which had become inextricably linked with it and which were
either different or antithetical to the traditional culture. The kind of Protestantism
represented by S.U.M. tended to be uncompromising on a range of issues relating
to marriage, drinking alcohol, attending what they considered to be ‘pagan’ rites
and festivals, consulting diviners when ill or in trouble, traditional

529
rites of passage and so on. Thus, to become a Christian meant to cut oneself off
from a wide variety of traditional customs supports. This was naturally very
difficult and there was muc backsliding. Some of the early Christians managed to
conform to these new rules, and as the Christian community grew, it promoted its
own rituals and ceremonies such as the dedication of children, Christian
marriages and burials, and Christian festivals such as Christmas and Easter. As
Christianity became more attractive, there were many who sought at least an
outward conformity in order to secure certain benefits since Christianity and
certain western cultural values which went with it were regarded as modern and
respectable. They became a yardstick for measuring a person’s social standing;
but in practice many people coud not live up to these standards.

The impact of Christianity is greatly felt in marriage because of its support for
monogamy and the attempt to reduce the power of maternal uncles (kyan) over
the marriages of their sisters daughters’. The mission sought to do this by
promoting nzok marriages which require higher brideprice at the time of
marriage to enable couples have control of the children in the marriage.221 This
prevented Christian girls from being married off to traditional religionists by their
unconverted maternal uncles. The Christians were not entirely successful in this
and kyans continued to exercise great influence. Although a church wedding may
be socially more desirable, COCIN has had to compromise on many issues
relating to marriage. In the case of polygamy, the church can and does impose
sanctions; but it has not succeeded in eliminating it.

The SUM failed in its attempt to outlaw the drinking of alcohol. Social drinking
is still going on. The Catholics and the Anglicans do not oppose drinking; but
there is an attitude in Northern Nigeria, perhaps influenced by Islam, that a
religion that does not oppose drinking cannot be a serious one.

Even amongst persons who are supposed to be Christians there are still
widespread beliefs in the supernatural and witches. These

530
frequently come to the fore in times of illness or death. This shows that the
process of conversion has been incomplete and the old ways of life have not been
wiped out. There is still a lack of confidence in the protection offered by
Christianity.

The greatest impact of Christianity has been through its promotion of Western
education. Originally intended as a means of teaching Christian converts to read
the Bible, it became a major instrument of conversion as the children of non-
Christians were very likely to become Christians in the course of their education.
The school created a further divide in society between literates and illiterates. By
the 1950s, and increasingly thereafter, acquisition of education, at first primary
education, then secondary education, and finally university or professional
training became measures of social status. This led to the upsetting of the
traditional pecking order because those who kept to the old ways tended to lose
out socially and economically to those who embraced Christianity and Western
education. This was already very apparent in the 1 950s when mission educated
school teachers, dispensers and other mission employees along with Native
Administration employees constituted themselves into a political pressure group
to agitate for improved amenities, political unity and their own Native
Administration. They also put pressure on the more conservative and less
exposedponzhi mbins and their nominees from behind the scenes. Thus,
Christianity brought about major social changes which led to the emergence of a
new elite that was different from the traditional elite represented by the ponzhi
mbins and elders.

The pastors of COCIN have come to exercise great social and political influence
as opinion makers and they have, to a large extent, replaced the traditional rulers
in this respect. It is therefore incumbent for any political aspirant to stand well
with COCIN, and to give generously to church causes in Tarokland. This was
well-understood by former Governor Lar in the Second Republic when he could
count on the support of Rev. Bawado, President ofCOCIN and Chairman of

531
the Langtang RCC. The role of COCIN in Langtang and Plateau politics has
become a crucial one, and has made COC1N, to a faq extent, the Establishment
Church.

Although Christianity ui Ttirokland was not able to sweep away ti traditional

religion, it has, to a large extent, pushed the traditional religion to the sideline.
This makes practitioners complain that their views are not sought and that they
are largely disregarded. Amongst the youth, however, there appears to be a
certain curiosity about the traditional religion. This may simply be the product of
alienation from COCIN dominated by elders, and COCIN’s emphasis on rules.

532
 References

1. E.R. Norman (1976), Church and Society in England, 1770 1970:A

Historical Study, Oxfordpp. 10,50,99.

2. John Harm Boer (1979), Missionary Messengers of Liberation in a

Colonial Context, Amsterdam pp.18 - 37.

3. E.P.T. Crampton (1975), Christianity in Northern Nigeria London, p30;

E.A. Ayandele (1966), The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria 1842-
1914, London, p.17.

4. Ibid. pp26-31;Ibidppll8- 123.

5. Ibid,pp37-40; Ibid. pp128-135

6. Ibid.pp36,41; Ibid,p122

7. Ibid. p41

8. Ibid. pp36-41 -42.

9. Boer, missionary Messengers p114

10. Ibid.p115

11. Ibid. ppl 15 - 118; Nanwul Gutip Church of Christ in Nigeria (COCIN)
Birth and Growth (Jos, 1998) pp21 -23.

12. J.L. Maxwell, Haifa Century of Grace (London, 1954) pp26

13. Ibid. pp36-46, 66-67, 84

14. Ibid. p54

15. Ibid; ‘New Station at Langtang’ The Lightbearer, July, 1907

533
16. Ibid p67

17. A. R., S.U.M. 1908 - 1909 Ibid., Vol. V No. 6, June - July, I909 p13 1

18. ‘Letter from Mr. Jasper F. Tulloch; Langtang’ Ibid., Vol. X No. 4,April,
19l4p7’7

19. Maxwell, Haifa Century pp73 -74

20. Langtang Logbook; The Lightbearer contains the postings of missionaries,

and sometimes brief biographies and photographs eg. biographical notes
on Rev. Cooper. Lightbearer Vol. IV No.9 Oct., 1909 p.215; Rev.
Broadbent, Lightbearer Jan., 1907; Capt Wilkie Lightbearer Vol. XIX No.2
Mar. -Apr., 1923.p20

21. Boer, Missionary Messengersp.190.

22. ‘The Leaven of God’ by Dr. EmlynLightbearerVol.XIII No.2 Mar. -Apr.,

1917. p25

23. ‘Women of Yergumland’ by Mrs. Cooper Ibid., Vol.XXVIII No.2 Mar.

and Apr., 1932. p24 see also ‘Langtang 1912 -1924’ by Mrs. Cooper Ibid.,
Vol.XX No.4, July. - Aug., 1924 p57

24. Ibid.

25. Interview: Dimyar Velle, ci 00, retired farmer/housewife, Langtang

12/81997.

26. ‘Mr. Cooper Itinerating’ Ibid., Vol. VII No.5, May, 1911 p.82; ‘F. R.
S.U.M. N. P., Nigeria, for nine months ended 31 Dec., 1916,’ Ibid., Vol.
XIII No.3, May - June, 1917, p50; ‘The King’s Business requireth Haste’
by Rev. Cooper. Ibid.,

534
 Vol.XVIL No.5, May, 1921, pp69 - 70; ‘Winning the Cannibal Yergum’ at
the Annual Meeting by Mrs. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.X VII No.6, June 1921,
p.89.

27. ‘Gazum and Pye’ by R.G. Potter. Ibid., Vol.XI No.3 July, 1944
p.58

28. ‘Leaven of God’ by Dr. Emlyn Ibid., Vol.XIII No.2 Mar - Apr,
1917, p26.

29. ‘Winning the cannibal Yergum’ by Mrs. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.X VII No.6,
June, 1921, pp.89 -90

30. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1932’ by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol.XXIX
No.4 July - Aug’, 1933 p.62.

31. ‘The Record of a visit to Langtang and Gani by the Field Sec.’ Ibid.,
Vol.XII No.5 Sept. -Oct., 1916, p.99; Interview: DomyarVelle, Langtang,
12/8 1997.

32. ‘New Station at Langtang’; ‘Foundation Laying’; ‘Scene at Morning

Prayers’ Lightbearer July., 1907 pp.173 - 175, ‘Extension work in the
Yergum country’ by Mr. Tulloch, Ibid., Vol.XII No.4, July - Aug., 1916;
Rev. Elias Lamle (ed) The Light Shines in theirHearts (Jos, 2000) pp75 -76

33. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria 1922, by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol.XIXNo.8,
July-Aug., 1923. p.61

34. Interview Domyar Velle, Langtang, 12/8 1997. ‘From Ibi to Du’ by Mr.
Roome Ibid., Vol.VII No.7, July - Aug., 1911, p.121. ‘From Liverpool to
Langtang, Ibid., Vol.VIII No.7. Aug. - Sept., 19l2,p.135

35. ‘Changed Days’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid.,Vol.XIV No.9, Sept. 1918,p.14.8

535
36. ‘The King’s Business’ by Rev. Cooper Ibid., Vol.XVII No.5, May, 1921,
pp.69 - 71 Rev. Cooper met with an accident on his motorcycle which
compelled his retirmenet

37. ‘Leaven of God’ by Dr. Emlyn Ibid., Vol.XIII No.2, Mar- Apr., 1917, p.24

38. ‘Our Old Friend Lar’ by Mrs. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XXVII No.3 May-June,
193 “pp.39 40. ‘The Record of a Visit’. Ibid., Vol.XIINo.5, Sept. - Oct.,
1916

39. ‘Mr. Cooper Itinerating’ Ibid., Vol. VII No.5, May, 1911, p52.

40. ‘Station work’ by Mr. Tulloch, Ibid., Vol.XI No.4, June - July, 1915, p.75

41. ‘Station Report: Pu’ by Mr. Tulloch, ibid., Vol.XIII No.3, May -June,
19l7,p50.

42. Group Interview: Bali Kassam et a!, Langtang 10/6/1998’s Tom Famwang,
70, farmer; Voncah Mama, 58, farmer, Bindam Shaldong, 38, Teacher,
Pastor Ponzhing 30 COCIN Pastor, Bwarat, 12/6/1998.

43. ‘Winning the cannibal Yergum’ by Mrs. Cooper, Lightbearer Vol.XVII

No.6, June, 1921 p.89.

44. Ibid.

45. ‘The King’s Business’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XVII No.5, May, 1921
pp.69-70.

46. NAK SNP 9/10/68/1923, Muri Prov., A. R., No.110, 1922 by Resdt
Dupigny, para 99

47. Group Interview: Bali Kassam eta!, Langtang, 10/6/1998.

536
48. ‘Our Old Friend Lar’ by Mrs. Cooper Lightbearer Vol.XXVII No.3, May-
June, l93l,pp.39-4.l.

49. NAK Jos Prof. 2/20/41/1928, Shendam Div., Reort for Quarter ending 30
Sept., 1928 by Lt. Comcir Doelberg, para 120

50. Ibid. para 138

51. NAK Jos Prof. 2/28/1928, Shendam Div., A. R., 1927 by Lt.
ComdrDoelberg, para 107.

52. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/147, Shendam Div., A. R., 1935 by Mr. Rowling,
para84.

53. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1927’ by Mr. Farrant

LightbearerVol.XXIV No.4, July - Aug., 1928, p.69

54. NAK Jos Prof. 2/21/284/1929, Mission Schools, Plateau Prov., 1929 - 31,
Mr. Farrant, Field Secry, S.U.M. to Resdt, Plateau Prov., 24/6/1931.

55. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1923 by Mr. Farrant, Light bearer Vol.
XX No.4, July - Aug., 1924 p.63.

56. ‘SundaywiththeYergum’Ibid., Vol. XVIINo. 2, Fed., 1921.

57. Field Report, S.U.M. NP, Nigeria, 1922 by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol. XXII
No.4, July -Aug., 1923 p59.

58. Field Report, S.U.M., NP, Nigeria, 1937, by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol.
XXXIVNo. 4, July-Aug., 1938, p61.

59. Field Report, S.U.M. NP, Nigeria, 1922 by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol. XIX
No.4, July -Aug. 1923.

537
60. ‘Station Work’ by Mr. Tulloeb, Ibid.,Vol.XI No.4, June - July 1915, p.74

61. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1916, Ibid., Vol.XIII, No.3,
May.. June, 1917. Pp48-50

62. ‘Fostering an indigenous church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol. XXIV No.4,
July -Aug., 1928, p86.

63. Field Report S.U.M., NP, Nigeria, 1932 by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol. XXIX,
No.4, July-Aug., 1933, p59.

64. ‘Caring for a Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol. XX No. 5, Sept., - Oct.,
1924, p89.

65. ‘News from the Field’ ibid., Vol.X No.3, Mar., 1914, p.47.

66. ‘Among the Yergum’ by Rev. Cooper Ibid., Vol. XIII, No.1 Jan. - Feb.,
l917,pl0.

67. ‘Langtang Revisited’ by Mr. Dawson Ibid. Vo1XX No.1, Jan.

-Feb., 1924p.5.

68. Gutip, COCIN p39, ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church in Nigeria’ by Rev.

Cooper Ibid., Vol.XXIV, No.4, July - Aug., 1928, p.85.

69. Yergumland The Record of a visit’ by Mr. Dawson. Ibid.4, Vol.XII No.5,
Sept. - Oct., 1916 p.99, also ‘How Islam Spreads’ by Mr. Tulloch, Ibid;
‘Extension work’ by Mr. Tulloch ibid., Vol.XII, July-Aug., 1916 No.4.
pp.74-75

70. ‘Caring for a Church’ by Rev. Cooper, lbid., Vol.XX No.5, Sept. -Oct.,
1924, p.90.

71. Ibid.

538
72. ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev. CooperLightbearer Vo.XXIV
No. 4, July-Aug., 1928 p.86

73. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria’ 1927, by Mr. Fat-rant, Ibid.Vol.XXIV
No.4, July -Aug., 1928, p.60.

74. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1937’, by Mr. Farrant, Ibid.,
Vol.XXXIVNo.4, July - Aug., 1938, pp.59 - 60.

75. ‘A Work of Grace in Langtang District’ by Mr. Richmond, / Ibid.,

Vol.XXVIIINo. 1, Jan. - Feb., 1932, pp.9 -10.

76. Ibid.; Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria’ 1931, by Mr. Fat-rant, Ibid.,
Vol.XXVIII No.4, July - Aug., 1932, p.72.

77. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol.XXXIII No.3,
July, 1942, p.42.

78. ‘Winning the Cannibal Yergum’ by Mrs. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XVII No.6,
June, 1921, p.90. ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid.,
Vol.XXIV No.4, July - Aug., 1928, p.83.

79. Ibid., ‘Miri Titai, A Tribute and Appreciation’ by Mrs. Cooper, The Ibid.,
Vol.XXX No.1, Jan. - Feb., 1934, Field Report, SUM, NP., 1931, by Mr.
Farrant, Ibid., Vol.XXVIII No.4, July -Aug., 1932. pp.67-68.
Gotip,COCINp.36,

80. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1937, by Mr. Farrant, Ibid.,
Vol.XXXIVNo.4, July - Aug., 1938. p.62

81. ‘Caring for Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XX No.5, Sept., - Oct.,
1924 pp89 -93; ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid.,
Vol.XXIV No.4, July - Aug., 1928. pp82-88

539
82. A Visit to the SUM Stations’, Ibid., VoLXXI No.1, Jan. - Feb.,
1925.P15-16
83. Missionary Principles in Practice’ by Mr. Bristow, Ibid.,
Vol.XXINo.1,Jan.-Feb., l925,p.ll.
84. Ibid

85. ‘The King’s Business’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XVII, No.5, May,
l92l,pp.70-71

86. ‘From Langtang’ Ibid., Vol.XXX No.4, Jul. - Aug., 1934

87. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1935 by Mr. Farrant,’ Ibid.,
Vol.XXIINo.4, July-Aug., 1937, p61.

88. ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev. Cooper, ibid., Vol.XXIVNo.4,

July -Aug., 1928, p.86.
89. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1923, by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vo.XXNo.4,
July-Aug., 1926, pp.63 -64.

90. Gutip, COCIN, pp.37 - 38; S.U.M. Newsletter Aug., 1926;

Off to School’ Lightbearer Vol. XXIX No.1, Jan. - Feb.,
1933, p. 14.

91. ‘Breaking New Ground; ibid., Vol.XX No.2, Mar. - Apr., 1924, pp.27 - 28;
‘Progress at Tutung’ ibid., Vol.XXI No.! Jan. - Feb., 1925, pp.4 - 5; ‘News
from Tutung’ Ibid., No.2, Mar. -Apr., 1925, p.27; ibid; No.3, May - June,
1925, p.43.

92. Gutip, COCIN, pp.38, 119 - 120; ‘Kulere’, Ibid., Vol.XXXVII No.2, Mar.
- Apr., 1941, p.18. ‘The Kulere, A Successful Experiment’ ibid.,
Vol.XXXVII No.5, Sept. - Oct., 1941, pp.85-87.

540
93. Gutip, COCIN, p.39, ‘The Church at Pu and what it Stands for’ Ibid.,
Vol.XXIV No.3, May - June, 1928, pp.43 - 41, ‘The Work at Langtang’ S.
U.M Newsletter Apr., 1939, F.R., S.U.M. NP, Nigeria, 1930, by
Mr Farrant, Lightbearer, Vol.XXVIL No.4, Jul. - Aug., 1931, p.65. ‘A
Ready Response’ by Mrs. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XXIX No.3 May - June, 1933
pp34 -35; Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1932, by Mr. Farrant,
Ibid.,VoI.XXVIII No.4, July - Aug., 1932, pp62 & 73.

94. Gutip, COCIN, p.39; ‘The Work of Grace’ Ibid., Vol. XXVIII
No.1, Jan. - Feb., 1932, p.10; ‘The Place of Prayer’ by Mr.
Potter, Ibid., Vo.XXXII No.6, Nov. - Dec., 1936, p.1 24.

95. Gutip, COCIN, pp 37 - 38, 42 - 44; ‘Kwolla’ by Mr. & Mrs. Potter, Ibid.,
Vol.XIII No.4, Oct. - Dec., 1940 p.68; Field
Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1946, by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol.
XLIII No. 3, July - Sept., 1947 p.40; ‘Progress’ by Mr. Potter,
Ibid., Vol. XLV No.2, April - June, 1949, pp.26 -27.

96. ‘Leaven of God’ by Dr. Emlyn, Ibid., Vol. XIII No.3, Mar. - Apr., 1917,
p.26.

97. Ibid., Langtang Logbook espily 30 Dec., 1916, Jan., 1917; 19 April, 1917
Mary Lar, Ambassador for Christ, (London, 1997). Pp16- 17

98. ‘Leaves from a Missionaries Diary’ Lightbearer, Vol.XXI No.1,Jan. -Feb.,

1925, ppl8- 19.

99. ‘How I found God’ by Lakan, Ibid., Vol.XXXIII No.3, May - June, 1937,
p.38.

100. Group Interview: Bali Kasam etalLangtang, 10/8/1998; Tom Famwang

etalBwarat, 12/8/1998.

541
101. Ibid., According to Mrs. Gutip, COCIN, p.36 Lakan’s t wives left him and
he was forced to do his own cooking, & water and so on. According to an
article written by La himself, when he became a Christian one of his wives
‘ back to her people, and they refused to allow her to return, he stayed with
his remaining wife. ‘How I found God’
Lakan Lightbearer Vol.XXXIII No.3, May and June, 1937p.38.

102. N. F. Lakai, introduction, pp.215 - 216, Miri Moden, son’1 Likli, became
an enquirer but was suspended for taking a
second wife.

103. ‘No peace, but a Sword’ by Mrs. Cooper, S. U.M. Newsletter, Feb., 1929.

104. Langtang Logbook.

105. ‘Women of Yergumland’ by Mrs. Cooper, Lightbearer Vol.XX VIII No.2,

Mar. -Apr., 1932, p.25.

106. N. F. Lakai, Introduction, p.212.

107. NAK Jos Prof. 2/24/11/1932, Plateau Prov., A. R. No.6, 1931 by Mr.
Middleton, para 17; also J05 Prof. 2/21/451/1929, Plateau Prov., A. R.
No.4, 1929 by Mr. Middleton, para 96; ‘Christian marriage among Tarok
people’.

108. Group Interview: Bali Kasam et al, Langtang, 10/8/1998; Tom Famwang,
etal, Bwarat, 12/8/1998.

109. Ibid.

110. ‘ The King’s Business’ by Rev. Cooper, Lightbearei Vol.XVII No.5, May,
1921.P.70

542
111. ‘Langtang’S. UM Newsletter Feb., 1923.

112. ‘Progress at Langtang’ by Rev. Potter, The Lightbearer Vol.XLVIII No.5,

Sept. - Oct., 1952, p.74.

113. Ibid.

114. ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XXIVNo.4,

July -Aug., 1928, p.83.

115. ‘Caring for Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XX No.5, Sept.
-Oct., 1924, p.89.

116. ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XXIV No.4,

July - Aug., 1928, p.84.

117. Ibid., p.83. Gutip, COCIN p.34; Langtang Logbook, ‘News from the Field:
Wukari’, Lightbearer Vol.XII No.2, Jan. -
Feb., 1916, pp.12 - 13. Interview: Chief Ezekiel Yusufu, Jos, 22/8/2000.

118. ‘Howl found God’ by Lakan, Lightbearer, Vol.XXXIII No.3, May-June,

1937, p.38.

119. Ibid., ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XXIV

No.4, July - Aug., 1928; Langtang Logbook Gutip, COCJNp.36.

120. ‘Winning the Cannibal Yergum’ by Mrs. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.X VII No.6,
June, 1921, p.91 Langtang Logbook.

121 ’ A Yergum Christian’ Ibid., Vol.XVI No.5, May, 1920. ‘A

Visit to the Yergum tribe’ by Rev. Guinter, Ibid., Vol.XVII
No.11,Nov., l92l,p.l64

543
122. ‘Yakub’ Ibid., Vol.XVIII No.9, Sept., 1922 p14.1; ‘Langtang
Revisited’ by Mr. Dawson, Ibid., Vol.XX No.1, Jan. - Feb.,
1924, p5 in which he greatly praises Yakub’s work; Langtang
Logbook, ‘Langtang’ S. tiM NewsIetter June, 1923; Rev.
Seth Nden ‘Pillars of the Church in Tarokiand’ in Lamle (ed)
TheLightppl44- 145.

123. Langtang Logbook; ‘Miri Titai:’ by Mrs. Cooper, Lightbearer, Vol.XXX

No.1, Jan. - Feb., 1934, pp7 - 9; N. F. Lakan Introduction, p216; Seth
Nden, ‘Pillars’ in Lamle (ed) The Light pp 142 - 144. His son Samson Miri
thinks that he was probably fifty-five to sixty at the time of his death rather
than forty as Rev. Cooper thought.

124. ‘The Church at Pil’ by A Gray, The Lightbearer, Vol.XXIV No.3, May -
June, 1928 pp44 - 46; N.F. Lakai, Introduction p215.

125. ‘Langtang’, S.UM News1etter Feb., 1923; ‘Langtang, 1912-

1924’ by Mrs. Cooper, Lightbearer Vol.XX No.43, Jul. -
Aug., 1924, pp57 -60.

126. ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XXIV No.4,

July - Aug., 1928, p84. See also ‘Caring for Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid.,
Vol.XX No.5, Sept. - Oct., 1924, pp89- 93.

127. Ibid.

128. Ibid.

129. Ibid, pp9O - 92; ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid.,
Vol.XXIVNo.4, July -Aug., 1928, pp84 -85. See also ‘Miri Titai’, by Mrs.
Cooper. Ibid., Vol.XXX No.1, Jan. - Feb., 1934 pp7 -9 in which his skill in
settling ‘palavers’

544
 is mentioned, and that he had saved them from many blunders by his sound
advice. See also ‘A Sunday with the Yergum’ by
Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol.XVIINo.2, Feb., 1921, pp2l -23.

130. “A Visitor’s Impressions’, Ibid., Vol.XXI No.6, Nov., - Dec.,

,pp110- 111.

131. ‘Caring for Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XX No.5, Sept.
-Oct., 1924, p92.

132. ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’, by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XXIV No.4,

July - Aug., 1928, p85 for the Rev. Cooper’s
attack on paid agents. For praise of the work at Pu. See ‘A Visit to the
Yergum Tribe’ by Rev. Guinter, Ibid., Vol.X VII No. 11, Nov., 1921, p164
which praises Miri Kakket. ‘The Church at Pu’ by A Gray Ibid., Vo1XXIV
No.3, May and June, 1928, pp43 - 46 which praises Pyennap, Field Report,
SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1932 by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol.XIX No.4, July - Aug.,
1933. p66 which says ‘Pu outstation is thriving, Bali, the voluntary worker
in charge, is growing in grace in a very marked way’.

133. See earlier section on Outreach.

134. ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’, by Rev. Cooper, Lightbearer

Vol.XXIVNo.4, p86.

135. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1938’ by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol.XXXV,
No.4, July -Aug., 1939, p60.

136. ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev, Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XXIVNo.4,

July -Aug., 1928, p85.

137. ‘Langtang Revisited’ by Mr. Dawson, Ibid., Vol,XX No.1, Jan. - Feb.,
1924, p5, also ‘SUM Conference in Nigeria’ by
Rev. McBride, Ibid., Vol.XXVII No.3, Sept. - Oct., 1931,

545
 p104.

138. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1935’ by Mr. Farrant. Ibid.,
Vol.XXIINo.4, Jul. -Aug., 1936, p61.

139. Ibid.

140. Ibid. See case of Duwi reported in ‘Langtang Notes’ Ibid., Vol.XXII No.2,
Mar. -Apr., 1936,pl9

141. ‘A Ready Response’ by Mrs. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XXIX No.3, May - June,
1933, pp34 -35. It should be noted that Bigun had expressed a smillar
interest in 1921 shortly before he was killed. ‘Langtang’,Ibid; Vol.
XVIIINo. 2Feb. 1932pp22 -23.

142. ‘Good News from Langtang’ by Mr. Potter, Ibid. p35.

143. ‘From Langtang’ Ibid., Vol.XXX No.4, July - Aug., 1934.

144. ‘Christians in Action’ and ‘Growth at Gazum’ Ibid., Vol.XXX VII No.2,
Mar. -Apr., 1941, p.34.

145. ‘Caring for a Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid., Vol.XX No.5, Sept. -Oct.,
1924, p92.

146. Ibid; ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Ibid.,

Vol.XXIVNo.4, July-Aug., 1928, pp85 -86.

147. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1931’ by Mr. Farrant, Ibid.,
Vol.XXIXNo.4, July-Aug., 1932, p.66.

148. NAK Jos Prof. 2/24/434/1932 Provincial Schools in bauchi and Plateau
Province, AR by the Provincial Sperintendent of Schools, 1932.

149. Field Report, S,U.M. NP, Nigeria, 1936 by Mr. Farrant

546
 L.ightbearer Vol. XXXIII No.4< July -Aug. 1937, pp6l -62. bjd 1937,
Ibid., Vol. XXXIV, No.4, July - Aug., 1938, p60.

150. Gindiri Golden Jubilee Magazine, 1934- 1984, p4

151. NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/2890, Plateau Prov., A.R. No. 13, 1938 by Resdt,
Pembleton, para 78.

152. NAK Jos Prof. 2/24/434/1932 Provincial Schools in Bauchi and Plateau
Provinces, AR by Provincial Superintendent of Schools, 1932, para68.

153. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/3641, Plateau Prov., A.R. No.14, 1939 by Resdt.
Pembleton, para 83.

154. The Women ofYergumland by Mrs. Cooper, Lightbearer vol. XXVIII

No.2, March -April, 1932, pp22 -27.

155. . NAK Jos Prof. 2/1/1809, Vol.1, Plateau Prov., A. R.; Educ., 1942 -43; Jos
Prof. 1/1/3133, Central School, Pankshin, now Middle School,
Kuru 1938-56.

156. Gindiri Golden Jubilee Magazine, 1934- 1984, p4; pp12 - 13,
27-31; Mary LarAmbassadorfor Christ pp23 - 35.

157. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/645 1, Lowland Div., A. R., 1953 by Mr. Broadbent,
para 4.

158. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8050 (s 1), Plateau Prov., A. R. (Deptal) A.

R., Education, 1949.

159. NAKJos Prof. 1/1/6451, LowlandDiv., A. R. 1951, para 22.

160. ‘Life on a Main Station’ by Rev. Potter, Lightbearer Vol.1

J No.3, May - June, 1954, p67. Group Interview: Bali Kassam
et al Langtang, 10/6/1998.

547.
161. Useful reviews of such theories of conversion can be found in
Daniel N. Wambutda, Conversion among the Angas pp.191 -
232 and Ogbu V. Kalu. ‘The Gods in Retreat: Models for
Interpreting Religions Change in Africa’ in E. Ikenga Metuh
(ed) The Gods in Retreat and Change in African Religions
(Enugu 1988), ppl-2O.

162. ‘Fostering an Indigenous Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Lightbearer, Vol.XXIV

No.4, Jul. - Aug., 1928, p84.

163. Richard Bruce, ‘Conversion amongst the Pyem’, Savana Vol.6 No.2,
(1977).

164. Wambutda, Conversion amongst the Ngas pp 199 - 205. This category of
theories owe much to Karl Marx and Sigmund Freud in various
combinations and mixtures.

165. ‘Miri Titai’ by Mrs. Cooper, Lightbearer Vol.XXX No.1, p8.

166. Group Interview: Bali Kasam, etal, Langtang, 10/6/1998.

167. ‘Among the Yergum’ Light bearer, Vol.XXI No.6, Nov. - Dec.,
1925,plO6.

168. ‘Langtang Revisited’ by Mr. Dawson, Ibid., Vol.XX No.1, Jan. -Feb.,
1924, p6.

169. Group Interview: Bali Kasam eta!, Langtang, 10/6/1998.

170. ‘How I found God’ by Lakan, Light bearer. Vol.XXXIII No.3, May-June,
1937, p38.

171. ‘Winning the Cannibal Yergum’ by Mrs. Cooper, Ibid., XVII No.6, June,
192l,p9l

548
172. R.U. Ekechi, Missionary Enterprise and Rivalry in Igboland,
1957-1914 (London, 1972).

173. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/8050 (Si), Plateau Prov., A. R., 1949 (Deptal)A. R.:
Educ., 1949.

174. Robin Horton, ‘African Conversion’ Africa vol.XLI No.2, (1971), ‘On the
Rationality of Conversion’ Parts I and II
Africa Vol.XLV Nos 3 and 4(1975). For useful discussions of Robin
Horton’s views, see J. Humphrey Fisher, ‘Conversion
Reconsidered Some Historical Aspects of Religious Conversion in Black
Africa,’ Africa Vol.XVIII Ogbu U. Kalu, ‘The Gods in Retreat’ & E. I.
Metuh, ‘Critique of Explanations of Conversions in Black Africa’, in E.
Ikenga Metuh(ed), The Gods in Retreat ppl -20 and 257-276.

175. J. Humphrey Fisher, ‘Conversion Reconsidered’ Africa Vol.XVIII No.1(1

973(, p27.

176. C. Ifeka - Moller, ‘White Power: Social Structural Factors in Conversion to

Christianity, Eastern Nigeria, 1921 - 1966’
Canadian Journal ofAfrican Studies, Vol.111 No.1, 1974, pp55 -72.

177. R.C. Horton, ‘On the Rationality of Conversion’ Parts I and II Africa
Vol.XLVN0.3 &4.

178. ‘Caring for a Church’ by Rev. Cooper, Lightbearet Vol.XX No.5,Sept.-

Oct., l924,p89.

179. ‘Notes from the Field: Wukari’ Ibid., Vol.XII No.1, Jan. - Feb.,
1916, pp12 - 13; ‘Yakub’ by Miss Rimmer, Ibid., Vol.XVIII
No.9, Sept., 1922, p141; ‘Langtang Revisited’ by Mr.
Dawson, Ibid., Vol.XX No.1, Jan. - Feb., 1924, p5; Field
Repor, SUM, NP, Nigeria, by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol.XXII
No.4, July -Aug., 1926, pp59 -60.

549
180. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1925’ by Mr. Farrant,. Vol.XXNo.4, July
-Aug., 1924, p65.

181. ‘SUM Conference in Nigeria’ by Rev. McBride, Ibid., Vol.XXVII No.5,

Sept. - Oct. 1931pp 103-4

182. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1932 by Mr. Farrant, Ibid., Vol.XXIX
No.4, Jul. - Aug., 1933, p58.

183. Gutip,COCIN pp131 -132.

184. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1935 by Mr. Farrant, Lightbearer
Vol.XXII No.4, July -Aug., 1936, p57.

185. Gutip, COCIN, pp136- 137.

186. Gindiri Golden Jubilee Magazine, pp4 -5; Gindiri Teachers’ Training
College, Admission Register; NAK Jos Prof. 3/1/1809, Vol.1, Plateau
Prov., A. Rs. (Deptal) A. R,:
Education, 1954 - 1955 which stated that there were only six fully
qualified Grade II Teachers in Plateau Prov. and that due to the shortage of
teachers it would not be possible to open new senior primary schools.

187. Gindiri Golden Jubilee Magazine, pp58 - 59; Gutip, COCIN, pp.137 - 140,
‘Ekklesiya Cikin Sudan’ Lightbearer Vol.XXXV, No.2, Mar. -April, 1939,
pp22 -24.

188. Field Report, SUM, NP, Nigeria, 1932 by Mr. Farrant, Lightbearer
Vol.XXJX No.4, Jul. - Aug., 1933, p66. Shetur from Pil Gani, went to
Gindiri, taught evangelists class in 1 940s, left in 1946 and went to work as
a storekeeper at Central Store, Pankshin. Killed in a motor accident c 1953.
Nimran also from Pu Gani (Kofat) trained in Ibi as dispenser and became
father in law of Ezekiel Yusufu. Interview3 Ezekiel Yusufu, Jos 22/8/2000.

.
550
189. Biographical details are chiefly based on Interview: Peter B.
Bali, 73, Farmtr/tailor & son of Rev. Bali, Langtang
15/8/1998, Gindiri Registers; ‘Gindiri - An Institute yet a
Happy Homely Place’ by Miss Rimmer, Lightbearer,
Vol.XXXIV, No.4, Jul. - Aug., 1938, pp80 - 81; ‘Ekklesiya
Cikin Sudan ‘Ibid., Vol.XXXV No.2, Mar. - April, 1939, pp22
-24 and comments by many individuals.

190. Gindiri Golden Jubilee Magazine, pp34 - 35; Gutip, COCIN, pp.140- 141.

191. Biographical details are chiefly based on Interview: Mrs.

Damaris Bawado, c80, housewife and widow of Rev. Darnina
Bawado, Langtang, 16/8/1998, and conversations with
Martin Bawado, son, and Mrs. Nanmak, daughter, Langtang,
16/8/1998; A.C.B. Kanu, Biography of Reverend Rindap
Damina Bawado (nd).

192. Gindiri Golden Jubilee Magazine, pp34 - 35; Gutip, COCIN, p141 - 142.
Group Interview: Bali Kassam et al Langtang, 10/6/1998.

193. Ibid.;

194. Gutip COC’IN ppl4l - 142; Programme for send off and Induction of
COCIN President, 9 Jan. 2000.

195. John B. Grimley and Gordon E. Robinson, Church Growth in

Central Nigeria (Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1966), p47; E.P.T.
Crampton, ChristianityinN. N., pp 162 - 165.

196. Lowry Maxwell, Half a Century, pp 160 - 162, Grimley and Robinson,
Church Growth, pp77 - 78.

197. Grimley and Robinson, Church Growth, p78.

551
198. ; pp82 - 88, Crampton, Christianity in N. N., pp 164 - Gutip,
COCIN, ppl -3.

199. Ibid.

200. Gutip, COCIN, p3.

201 Grimley and Robinson, Church Growth, pp87 - 88.

202. Gutip, COCIN, pp.1 -4,245-247

203. Ibid. p.247

204. Directors 85th A. R. Lightbearer, 1989.

205. A.C.B. Kanu, Biography of Rev. Rindap Damina Bawado; Lamle (ed) The
Lightbearer pp 166 - 167, and also conversations with a number of
individuals.

206. Gutip, COCINpp245 -249

207. Ibid, pp168- 169.

208. Ibid. ppl6’7- 168.

209. Ibid, ppl6O - 161; Lamle(ed) TheLight pp 207 -214.

210. See Chapter VI.

211. Lamle (ed) TheLightpp 148- 149.

212. Ibid,pp187- 191.

213. Programme for Send-Off and Induction of COCIN Presidents, 9 Jan. 2000.

552
.

214. Crampton, ChristianityinN. N., pp.147 and 149.

215. Interview: Emmanuel Lar, Langtang, 11/8/1997; N. F. Lakai, pp2l6-219.

216. Ibid.

217. Ibid., Crampton, Christianity in N. N., pp 149 - 150.

218. For this type of alarmist literature see the following articles in
the Lightbearer:- ‘A Waiting People The Story of a Tour in the
Yergum Country’ by C.T. Williams, Ibid., Vol.XI No.3,April -
May, 1915, pp40 - 42. ‘Extension work in the Yergurn
Country’ by Mr. Tulloch, Ibid., Vol.XII No.4, July - August,
1916, pp74 - 75. ‘How Islam spreads’ by Mr. Tulloch, Ibid.,
Vol.XII Sep. -Oct., 1916No.5,pp9O-91

219. N. F. Lakai, introduction, p221 - 224. Thus the first Ponzhi Tarok, Garba
Wuyep became a muslim for a time in the 1 960s but later abandoned it.

220. Emmanuel Zwambin and Gani Yohanna, Lohsel Shagaya, The Journey So
Far (Jos, l999)pp43 -46.

221. COCIN ‘Christian Marriage among Tarok people’.

553
 CHAPTER 9
Development of Western Education
in Tarokiand
Foundations in the Days of Western Missionaries

Formal education, a necessary condition for progress, advancement and

enlightenment in modern times, was not available to the Tarok until the coming
of western missionaries of the Sudan United Mission (SUM) to Langtang in
1907. Since then, it has gone through a number of stages which were slow
initially, but have row because nomial. This chapter examines the different stages
and growth of western education amongst the Tarok in order to project its future
for the people. We shall only limit ourselves here to describing the stages and not
engage in critical evaluation of the enterpris1

A question that begs for an answer on reading writings on the SUM2 and the
review of its first fifty years of its existence3 is: Did the Nigerian converts ever
make any contribution to the work of foreign missionaries apart from being
porters, cooks, servants and guards? A Nigerian author’s contribution on the
subject could still not fill the lacuna.4 Therefore, the recent compendium that
describes the role of Tarok missionaries is a bold step towards getting a full
account of the contribution of Africans to the missionary enterprise.5 How SUM
evangelized the Tarok is a prodigy. That too will not delay us here. An excellent
synopsis of the larger picture is found in Ayandele.6 A later text on the subject
that is worth reading for the purpose of comparison is Crampton.7 Suffice it to
say that Table 49 gives a summary on pioneer missionaries ofTarokiand and the
key role played by each.

554
 Table 49: PioneerMissionaries to Taroklandandtheir roles
Missionary Period Commentary
Dr. Karl Kumm 1907 Founder of SUM who came from time to time
to supervise the work.

Mr. Frank Aust 1907 Member of the team that opened in

Pak/Langtang SUM Station
Rev. WL Broadbent 1907-1909 Started the first Christian congregation in
Tarokland drawn mainly from mission
workers such as servants, cooks and guards.
Average church and school attendance were
and 149 respectively by the time he left. He
constructed the first church building.
Left Langtang Station to be a Mission Field
Mr. Gilbert Dawson 1909 Officer at the Headquarters at lbi

The chief missionaries to the Tarok people in

Rev. &Mrs. JH Cooper 1909-1936 view of their landmark achievements. Tarok
people have immortalised their names with the
establishment of Kofa
Nursery/Primary!Secondary School and
Auntie Mary Schools at Langtang. His chief
interpreter was Yohanna Sanda, a Tarok who
was able to speak Hausa, and became born
again in 1910. They were responsible for the
establishment of schools, the construction of
the historical edifice that housed the Mission
Station, the compilation of the Tarok Hymn
Book Tarok catechisms and the Tarok
translation of portions of the Bible. The
publications were the so-called ‘Readers’
which were the principal curriculum for the
early school system. In addition to the church
and school, he also established a dispensary.

Mr. & Mrs. Tulloch 1916 Their greatest achievement was to serve as a
vanguard against the spread of Islam amongst
the Tarok people. A century later Pil-Gani and

555
 is out station at a Gong (i.e. Duwi) provi fl
effective blockage to ethno-religious
invaders against the Tarok because of the
good undation laid by the Tullochs.

Rev. J. Willie 1934-1947 Principally a missionary to Boghom but

itinerated through the length and breadth ol
Earokiand to supervise CR1 schools.

Rev. HaroldG. Potter 1934-1956 Worked mainly at Tutung and Kwalla. He

is emembered for opening more schools at
Nper, Sabon Gida, Mabudi, Funyallang and
Gerkawa.

Source. Compiled from various sources.

Education and health were two powerful tools of evangelism employed by the
early missionaries to get the attention of the Tarok people. Therefore the
primordial educational system in Tarokiand could not be separated from
Christian mission work. Converts, whether they were adults or children, were
enrolled in ‘si and rai’ classes,i.e.CRI(Christian Religious Instructions), that
metamorphosed into formal primary schools. Such classes were located at
Langtang, Ngung, Pil, Gazum, Mban, Bapkwai and N-yer to mention but a few
foundation centres. The CR1 classes had the dual purpose of being hubs for
teaching converts how to read and write so that they could read the Bible, and at
the same time were places for the recruitment of Vernacular Teachers (VTs).
This strategy was a blessing in disguise for the Tarok people. It afforded many
Tarokconverts the opportunity of becoming pioneer teachers/evangelists to other
ethnic groups in the Middle Belt. Table 2 provides a summary of the names and
service areas of some of the CR1 products that became teacher/evangelists and
were instrumental to the educational development in such areas. They taught the
CR1 curriculum 1909- 1930s.

556
Table 50: CR1 Teachers in/from Tarokland

Name Station/Area of Service

Lakan Koto Lakan Koto

Miri Katkat8 Ngung (In Langtang-North), Boghom land, and Dugu

in Bauchi State.
Labar Pil

Miri Taili Teacher as well as Pastor in Langtang and Pil

Wuyep Komi Evangelist in Bwarat

Bangnem Lar Evangelist at Gazum

Yusufu Gosham Mban and Baltip in Mikang LGA

Pennap Lalin in Mikang LGA

Nemmak Mangkot Langtang

Source: interview with Mr Yilnap Ogah, Ponzhi Tim wat on 29” September
2003.

The chief instructor to these great Tarok men was no other person than
Rev. JH Cooper. He was also the only scholar of the Tarok language.
Table 3 below gives us a further summary of the next set of
teacher/evangelists. These are the true vernacular teachers.

557
Table 51 Vernacular Teachers in/from Tarokland

Name Station/Area of Service

Domven Rimdan Langtang and Gerkawa in Mikang LGA

Shetur Labar Langtang, Gazum and Gerkawa in Mikang

LGA
Shembin Lafia in Nasarawa State

Shagaya Shikj9 Evangelist at Duguri in Bauchi State.

Garba Wuyep10 Pil and Zini (Gazum)

Miri Lakan (popularly Langtang. He later became the first Tarok Headmaster
known as Miri Dai)11 of the school.

Vennap Gazum

Nemram Dala Became a medical worker in Shendam after an initial

training as a teacher.

NemmelAudu Gani Evangelist at Gerkawa and Boghomland.

Wuyep Cobit Zitta Evangelist/teacher to Ron-Kulere in Bokkos LGA

Pastor Bali Falang Pastor in various places but principally at Pit. Ordained
in 1938 as one of 3 pioneer pastors in Church of Christ
in Nigeria (COCIN).

Source: Interview with Mr )ilnap Ogah, Ponzhi timwat on September, 2003.

558
FThey served from 1930-1940. After that era, the teaching of English became the
focus. The missionaries were willing to teach English but the Education Office in
Kaduna forbade them.12

The next set of teachers in Table 4 were the first Tarok vernacular teachers (VTs)
who had the opportunity to be trained in Gindiri to become English teachers.

Table 52: Vernacular Teachers Opportuned to be Grade 3 (1940- 1949)

Name Comment
Ali Ndam Temlong First Tarok to go to Gindiri for an English course. Later
became Supervisor of Adult Education in the entire
Division.
Tonga Rimbut Taught in various schools.

Labang Taught in various schools.

Wuyep Zitta First Headmaster of School at N-yer Late became a

Community Development Officer.

Dekord Kwarzep Taught at Langtang and Lalin in Mikang

LGA.

Tahiru Daki Taught in various schools.

Garma Nden Later joined the army and fought in the

World War,

KaziNdam Taught in various schools.

Damina Rimdap Taught briefly and was Headmaster in 1945 at Langtang,

Bawado but later became a pastor and first President of COCIN
for about 40
years.

559
559

Salami Dunkur Was Headmaster at Bapkwai

John Nanzhi Taught in Bwarta

Yilnap Ogah Only candidate in the set to qualify to

teach English in 1944. One of the
students in his very first English class
in Tarokiand was Mr. Nimsel Rimdap,
Ponzhi Tarok, Jos. Mr. Ogah had
served Mr. Reed as a house boy in
1934- 35 when EC Zhatau (now
HRHPonzhi Tarok) was a cook to the
same man
Source: Interview with Mr. Yilnap Ogah, Ponzhi Timwat on 29th September,
2003.

Our chief informant here has an enviable track record of also being the first
Tarok man to become a Grade 2teacher in 1949 and a Grade 1 holder in 1961. A
Grade 3 teacher taught English in Primary 1-4; a Grade 2 in Primary 6-7 and a
Grade 1 taught English up to the Juinor Secondary level. Grade 3 also called
Elementary Certificate and Grade 2, Higher Elementary Certificate. Another
Tarok whose feat must be mentioned was Ayuba Gaven Kum. He did not go to
school but taught himself Hausa and English. This gave him the opportunity to
rise to the post of a Divisional Treasurer at Shendam.

As from the 1950s, the number of Tarok that became teachers was considerable.
By this time, the SUM, although originally opposed to educational expansion,
because felt that they would have less evangelists and more teachers, had
changed their policy in 1943.13 Table 5 is an attempt to capture a few that we can
relate to in the contemporary period.

560
 Table 53: List of Teachers in the Era of Teaching English
Name Comment
E.S. Yusufu Was Headmaster and Chairman of Teachers’ Forum.
S.D. Lar Resigned when elected into House ofRepresentatives 1959
Mary Lar Pioneer female pupil who became the first female
Professor in Northern Nigeria.
James J. Kumap
Paul Ndandam
Jali D. Lar Chairman of Constitution Drafting Committee, Teachers
Union, Langtang.
Stephen Kumzhi
R.D. Banda
B. Yakubu
V. Kundul
Jummai Buromvyat,
nee Dala
Bali Kasam Started Sabon Gida Primary School
Jacob J. Lakai Chairman ofTeachers’ Union in 1959.
Haruna Miri
W.G. Nandang
Ishaku Binchak Nandang
Habu Gwamzhi
Mrs. Marthat T. Kumzhi
Henry J. Buromvyat Was Secretary ofTeachers’ Forum and later Chairman.
Benjamin W. Voncir
Selcan Miner
Nuhu N. Gono
Timothy L. Selbar
Solomon Rimtip Trained at TTC Toro
L.B. Mamven
Josiah L. Sanda

Source: Minutes Book, Teachers’Association LangtangDistrict. 1958-60.14’

The schools founded by the SUM in Tarokiand, in order of establishment,
were Langtang SUM School, Mban SUM school, Gazum SUM School, Pu SUM
School, Bwarat SUM School, Bapkwai SUM School and N-yer SUM School. No
new shools were established until after Independence. The only government
school in
561
those days was at Dorowa.15 Apart from the SUM, the Roman Catholic Mission
from their Station at Shendam made several attempts to enter Tarokiand but
without much success. It was only in 1953 that the Mision was able to establish a
primary school at Langtang.’16

Table 54. A Summary of Some Basis Historical Information about the Early
Mission Schools.
School 1st Head First Pupil Year Enrolm Teaching Staff
Name Teacher ent
Then Now Ten Now
SUM School Rev. Not available 1909 NA 1130 NA 35
Langtang Cooker
SUM School
Mban

SUM School
Gazu

SUM School Labar NA 1930 NA 800 NA 24

Pil Shetu

SUM School Ishaku V.K.Dangin, 1952 NA 1429 6 28

Dadur Nandang WV Famwang
Dashe Kurom

SUM School Wuyep LG Lombin, 1952 24 6 NA

N-yer Zitta GayaFalum,
Ladam Musa,
Yilnap

SUM School Salami NA 1952 NA NA NA

Bapkwai Dunkur

RCM School Gabriel NA 1953 NA 1150 NA 48

Langtang Runwan

NA means, ‘Not Available’

Source: Analysis of QuestionnaireforFieldResearch.

562
Stories about the state of education at N-yer, for instance, gives us a clue of the
state of things in those early days. Pastor Solomon Rirntip narrated that Yilnap,
the most brilliant pupil, dropped out of school because an unjust and hard
punishment was meted on pupils who were alleged to have laughed at a
Vernacular Teacher (VT). The only certificate teacher was Mr. Nimsel Fadip.
Out of sheer zeal, he had been using some bilingual texts to teach English,
contrary to the instruction of the Head Teacher. The schools supervisor, Mr.
Porter, intervened and the rusticated pupils were recalled but Fadip was already
enjoying a salary as a road construction labourer.’17 The shortcomings of VTs
were, a major setback to pupil enrolment. This defect there was compensated for
by ex-service men from the World War II who made a persistent and effective
demand for education.”18The story of the girl-child education in Tarokland in the
mission days was pathetic. The only girls who went to Gindiri, in those days,
were Mary Lar, Larai Mamven nee ndam, Martha Kumzhi, Jurnmai Borumvyat
nee Dala, Darmicit Voncir who was even a prefect at the Girls Boarding School
and Laraba Shuwun, nee Dala19 Girl-child education was considered a waste.

Nigerian Churches Before State Creation in 1967

When Nigerians took over supervisory responsibility for the work of the SUM
church, no new ground in educational development was pursued. The colonial
government saw education as a means of educating clerks for administrative jobs.
The Christian churches saw it as a way of framing teahet) e nghss so no
was made to improve either the quantity or quality of education. Most schools
remained at the Junior Primary level until after state creation. The increase in
teacher training was to have a sufficient number of teachers to consolidate the
gains of the missionaries and teach the extra streams of classes that were being
established. The RCM started some CR! classes at Langtang, Jat, Takalafiya,
Damina and Zamko. Only the Langtang class became a Junior Primary School.
The Baptist Mission attempted evangelism at Zamko but without success.

563
However, SUM established Boys Secondary School (BSS) Gindiri in 1953. Only
one Tarok boy, Jwankur Gonji, was in that set. The Tarok boys in the second and
third sets were: Joshua N. Dogonyaro, Wilson D. Napcwat, Binfa Seichum, John
N. Kum, Shetur Nimbang, Ayuba T. Bigun, Selven Musa and Silas Janfa. The
establishment of the Boys Company at Zaria and the Provincial Secondary
School at Kuru during this era marked a turning point in the educational
development of the Tarok. More boys had education other than teacher training.
It was also the foundation for the rise of so many Tarok boys in the civil service
and the military.

After the Creation of States

One of the immediate blessings of the creation of Benue Plateau State was the
phenomenal rise in the number of primary schools in Tarokiand. Prior to 1966,
there were only 7 primary schools in the land. By 1977, the number had risen to
77. By 1988, there were 90 and now there are over 115 20 The Church of Christ
in Nigeria (COCIN) established the first indigenous church school in 1979 with
the name, Cooper Memorial School with an intake of 45 pupils. Its first Head
Teacher was Mrs. C.D. Voncir. Currently, the school has 450 pupils and 17
teachers. A secondary school wing was added in 1994 with a student intake of 45.
The first principal was Mr. Bernard B. Bindip. The student enrolment stands at
457 with 21 teachers. More discussion on the establishment of schools is given in
the subsequent sections.

COCIN has established nursery schools at Zamko and Kwanpe. This trend will
continue because many parents perceive a fall in the standard of government
schools. St. Peters’ Anglican Church and Grace of God Mission have also
established their own primary
schools.

564
Communal Contribution to Education in Tarokland

The Yergam Union was very active in creating awareness among the Tarok for
the need for acquiring western education. Therefore, Senator V.K. Dangin, the
first Tarok man to have a formal university education was on the sponsorship of
the union. The Tarok Community, under the auspices of Ngwang ishi o Tarok,
saw the need for secondary educations and was mobilized to build Langtang
Community Secondary School in 1971 with a student enrolment of 36. The first
principal was Mr. MB Mwajil. The idea of establishing a school was first muted
by Emmanuel K. Gagara at Kaduna. Baba Wuyep Zitta (alias Mal. WZ)
crisscrossed every military and police barrack throughout the length and breadth
of Nigeria to mobilze resources. Other names that must be mentioned with the
community school project are Generals Jerry Useni and Joseph N. Garba, Rev.
Damina Bawado, Garba Wuyep the Ponzhi Tarok, Mallam Y. Ogah and
Brigadier General John N. Shagaya OFR. In 1975, the state government took
over the school.

Tarok School Children

The establishment of the school was a precursor to other secondary institutions in

the area. Again, General Joseph Garba was instrumental to the establishment of
the Federal Government Girls College, Langtang in 1978. In 1980, the Tarok
community established two more secondary schools after a Development Fund
iaising exercise under the leadership of Chief E.S. Yusufu. These were Gani
Development College (GDC) and Datyem Memorial

565
College, Zamko (now GSS). The initial intakes were 52 and 40 respectively.
Enrolment at GDC has risen to 750 students. The first principals were Mr. Dalen
U. Rimdap, for GDC, and Mr. Bernard P. Wuyep, for DMC Zamko. In that same
year, the Bwarat Community established Bwarat Community College (now called
Useni Memorial College) with 60 students and Mr. B.M. Mwanjil as the first
Principal. The current enrolment is 669 students and 21 teachers. Another
community established Nimbar Secondary School in 1983 with an initial
enrolment of 34 students. Its present students population is 350. The firstprincipal
was Mr. M.M. Labong.21
Table 55 provides a summary of the 36 secondary institutions in thearea.
Name Year Established Students Enrolment Teachers
SS Kwanpe Jnr 1979 786 12
GSS Dadur 1982 1768 11
GSSLangtang 1971 1281 21
GSSPiI-Gani 1981 746 14
Gov.t College Langtang 1980 923 15
GSSGazum 1980 843 9
GSS Funyallang 1996 73 4
GSS Lipchok 1996 450 5
GSS Nacha 1992 262 NA
GSS Talbut 1992 207 NA
GSS Zamko 1980 611 14
GSS Langtang 1983 418 NA
UMC Dadur 1980 512 21
CMSS Langtang 1994 397 NA
Christian College, 1996 597 18
Langtang
GSS Pangna 2002 165 4
SS Dinjor 2001 148 4
GSS Kumkwam 2002 48 2
GSS Limun 2002 NA 2
GSS Dorowa 1982 400 NA
GSS Takalafiya 1996 134 NA
GSS Magama 1992 246 NA
GSS Sabon Gida 1992 480 NA
GSS Mabudi 1980 656 NA
GSS Dadin Kowa 1992 460 NA
GSS Fajul 1996 NA NA
GSS Bapkwai 2002 NA 3
GSS Kaplak 2002 49 2
GSS Timbol 2002 80 NA
GSS Takbol 2002 NA NA
GSS Kwape Snr 1996 515 14
Unity Commercial NA 115 NA
College Langtang
Vocational Relevant NA NA NA
Tech. Langtang

Source: Analysis of Questionnaires and Facts Supplied by Mr. Bernard P.

Wuyep, Area Inspectorate Ojjlce, Langtang on 161’ OcloI,ei; 2003.

Private Citizens Contribution to Education in Tarokland

The establishment of primary schools by private individuals is still in its infancy.

Mrs. Esther Wazhi and Prof. Mary Lar arc foremost in that regard. The names of
their schools are Selnalap and Auntie Mary Memorial Nursery/Primary School
respectively. The latter is destined to become a secondary school very soon. The
Christian College, Langtang was started in 1996 by Rev. & Mrs. Emmanuel
Kumzhi with 10 students. It does not enjoy any grant from anywhere. However,
today the student population stands at 600 and the school fees are not
exorbitant.2’ Unity Commercial College is also privately owned.

The stage seems set for more private participation in educational development in
Tarokiand. The only tertiary institutions in the area are COCIN’s Bible Colleges
at Langtang, Zamko and Turaki. The preponderance of government secondary
schools in Tarokiand is a bad omen for a virile education sector.

567
 References

1. See Longtau, Selbut R. and Isaac B. Lar’s ‘Evolution of Western

Education in Tarokiand.’ In Chapter 4 of ‘A History of TarokNations ‘for a
critical discourse.

2. Boer, Jan H., 1979. Missionary Messenger ofLiberation in a context: a case

study of SUM. Amsterdam: Edition Rodopi, pp.10-18.

3. Maxwell, J.L., Haifa century of Grace. SUM, London.

4. Gutip, Nanwul, 1999. COCIN: Birth and growth. Corssroads

Communications, J05.

5. Lamle, Elias N. ed., 2000. The light shines in their hearts: COCIN & the
Gospel inTarokiand.

6. Ayandele, E.A., 1966. The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria 1842-

1914 a Political and social Analysis.Longmans, Green and Co. Ltd.,
London.

7. Crampton, E.P.T., 1975. Christianity in Northern Nigeria. Gaskiya Corp.

Ltd., Zaria.

8. Names are transcribed according to the writing esystem found in Longtau

Selbut R. (1993): A Formal Tarok Phonology, AUB and ‘Tarok Language:
its Basic Principles and Grammar’ (forthcoming).

9. Father of the Author.

10. Uncle to the Author. He later became the paramount ruler of the Tarok.

568
11. Was favoured by the colonialists and appointed a district head because of
his education and Christian faith.

12. The school at Mban illustrates the Colonial Policy as recorded in J05 Prof.
92/1931: Sudan United Mission: Application for Permission to Open
School at MbanShendam Division.

13. Walsh, Jarlath, 1993. The Growth of the Catholic Church in the Diocese of
Jos 1907-1978. the contribution of the society of African Missions to its
development, Ambassador Publications, Iperu-Remo, p.88.

14. Only a sample of names because at that period, there were about 40
teachers in the land.

15. Mr. Y. Ogah was the first head teacher. In: Gambo B., Dorowa: The
Genesis and its Destiny, 2000, p.1 5, the founding fathers of the school
were commended.

16. Op. Citp.15

17. Interview on 30t September, 2003

18. Op. Cit p. 89

19. Interview with Mrs. Jummai Buromvyat on 14th October, 2003

20. Culled from Head Master’s files - First Central School, Langtang

21. Information supplied by Mr. Bernard B. Bindip, Dean of Studies on 16th

October, 2003

22. Interview with Rev. Kumzhi on 15th October, 2003.

569
 CHAPTER 10

Tarok in Nigeria Military

Birth of Tarok Military Culture in the Colonial Era

In the precolonial period, the Tarok were one of those hill groups which
successfully kept the Jihadists at bay, and conducted raids against trading
caravans. The training of the Tarok as herd-boys at an early stage of life toughen
them to endure pain and hardship. The rigours of life in the hill country
contributed to the development of a military tradition and courage amongst the
Tarok. However, that proved not to be enough in dealing with the military power
of the British occupation force in 1903. With their superior firepower and
disciplined troops, they easily prevented local warriors from getting to close
quarters everywhere they went. Although the British met with strong resistance,
especially from the Gazum Hill dwellers, it did not seem to have registered with
them initially that the Tarok were a potential ‘martial tribe’ from whom recruits
could be obtained for the colonial army.

A discourse on a Tarok military tradition before the colonial era can only be
speculative. Therefore, that theme is not a major thesis of this work. Suffice it to
say that in Ce Group, Gali was reputed to hold the office of Commander during
military excursions in former times. In Bwarat, Oga Pe distinguished themselves
in the past as war generals and became the custodian of the secret codes for war
manoeuvres in Bwarat. Similarly, Lynangjit in Gani, because of their former
flares for adventure in the Benue Valley, were the bonajIde warlords for the
Group. However, until effective tools for reconstructing utilitarian prehistory are
found, that facet of Tarok military history will remain unavailable. Labelling a
people as a ‘martial tribe’ was a colonial administrative term for describing
African ethnic groups who show natural traits of being warrior-like. It is used in
this chapter only from

570
that perspective.

Neither the early history of the West Africa Frontier Force (WAFF) that later
metamorphosed into Royal West Africa Frontier Forces (RWAFF) and Nigerian
Army, nor a discussion of its varying size needs delay us here since it has been
adequately covered by other authors.3

However, the role of the Tarok who served in the force will be illustrated.
Following the amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria, the first and the
second battalions of the former Northern Nigeria Regiment (NNR) became the
first and second battalions of the Nigeria Regiment (NR) while the first and
second battalions of the Southern Nigeria Regiment became respectively the third
and the fourth battalions of the new regiment. The Mounted Infantry Battalion of
the former NNR became the fifth Battalion of the Nigeria Regiment. During
World War 1, the Nigeria Regiment had only about 5,000 combatants, 320
reservists as well as 400 gun carriers commanded by 172 British commissioned
officers and noncommissioned officers. The Nigeria Regiment was relatively
small because the British were not prepared to train a large body of men in the
use of weapons of precision for security and financial reasons. In addition, it was
increasingly difficult to get the right kind of recruits. In the past (prior to 1914),
the Nigeria Regiment had been principally recruited from the Hausa and the
Yoruba, but with the completion of the Kano-Lagos railway line in 1912, trade
offered greater inducements and recruitment become less attractive.4 Prof. Ubah
has shown that in 1912, the Yoruba were rapidly declining while the Hausas had
become the largest single ethnic group (see Table 56 ) in the Nigeria Regiment.

571
Table 56: Breakdown ofthe Troops ofthe Northern Nigeria1 by Ethnic Group,
1912
Ethnic Group

Hausa 1,171

Yoruba 61
Nupe 63

Fulani 339

Beriberi (Borno) 397

Senegalese 16

Dakarkarj (Zuru) 145

Zaberma 172

Arewa 8

Agbenawa 4

Shua Arabs 34

Pagans (unclassified) 423,

Total = 2917

Source: Ubah, ColonialArmy and Society in Northern Nigeria p.201

It is significant that the Zaberma and the Dakarkari, despite

their small population, had 172 and 145 soldiers respectively, while
the 432 unclassified pagans concealed many Middle Belt groups. By
Number

572
1914, British military recruiters were beginning to appreciate the martial qualities
of Middle Belt soldiers who had previously been dismissed as ‘raw pagans’. The
warlike qualities of the Dakarkari (also known as Zuru; but they call themselves
cLela5) were appreciated early. By 1917, the performance of those Tiv who had
enlisted in the army had led to their being upgraded and included amongst the
martial tribes. At this time the Tarok had not yet obtained the ‘martial tribe’
status probably because they were still closely wedded to their farms, and
therefore reluctant to joint the army. Also,

they might have been difficult to train 6 or

it might be due to their lack of education

It must be mentioned from the onset however that the contribution of Tarok
World War 1 veterans is scanty. The following were reputed to be such veterans:
Kurnap Dangin, Waptang Zamko and Lar Kyolok. In the inter-war period, the
British pursued a discriminatory poi icy in recruiting heavily from the ‘martial
tribes’ for the infantry; southerners were recruited as tradesmen. This
discriminatory policy was embodied in a circular to all Residents in 1937:

It is notified for information that, with the exception of the Munshi (Tiv) area in
Benue Province, potential recruits whose homes lie south of a line drawn from
Okuta (on the western border) through Jebba, Keffi, Jalingo and Yola, to the
Eastern Boarder cannot be considered for enlistment into the Regiment. Potential
recruits whose homes lie North of this line maybe accepted.7

Although this imaginary line was swept away on the eve of World War II, the
army continued to favour the recruitment of Middle Belt soldiers as infantrymen,
especially the Tiv.8

573
It was during World War II that the modern Tarok military tradition came to the
fore and was appreciated by the colonial government. Due to the need for tin to
sustain the war effort, recruitment of labour for the mines was accorded priority
over the recruitment of troops in Plateau Province. Nevertheless, Plateau
indigenes did join the armed forces as volunteers or as a result of administrative
pressure. Given the relative smallness of they Tarok population, the Tarok
appeared to have contributed a disproportionate number of recruits to the WAFF.
Although the exact number is not known, it is estimated that about 300 had
returned and were concentrated in Langtang in 1947.9 Some of these succeeded in
becoming non-commissioned officers and otherwise distinguished themselves.
These included RSM Sambo Jimam Wase who was later to distinguish himself as
a pioneer instructor when the Nigerian Air Force was created in 1967. Although
on their return, they became a nuisance, they did, through the stories of their
adventures, and their swaggering lifestyle convince the youths that the military
life had its attractions. Amongst the Tarok, the army was thus regarded as an
honourable profession. After World War II, most families had, at least, an ex-
serviceman who inspired the younger members to join the arrny10 Capt. Ishaku
Binfa who joined the RWAFF on 2”’ February, 1952 shed more light on how in
1958/59 he taught Man 0’ War Bay for three weeks at Langtang and Nyer as a
means of attracting Tarok boys to join the army.”11 He did it with RSM Daniel
Nzarn and Sgt. Fildam Funyallang.

The story of Sgt. Musa Wuyep is given here in detail to illustrate the various
roles Tarok Other Ranks (Ors) played in Nigeria’s military affairs. Sgt. Musa
Wuyep recalled his days in the WAFF with fondness.12 In October, 1942 he, with
other Tarok compatriots, were in the Nigerian Regiment in the Horn of Africa on
a peacekeeping mission. They were there to quell the intransigence of Italians
who wanted to sack the Ethiopian monarchy. He did not fire a single shot
because on arrival, the Italians had surrendered. He met the Nigerian contingent
returning to Ikeja with Italian prisoners of War (POWs). That same year, 1942,
he left Ilorin in another contingent on a mission

574
to quell an insurrection against the French in Dakar Senegal with the possibility
of reaching Gibraltar. Again, the unit made a detour at Darn near Dakar, because
the mission was successful. His reminiscences of World War II were warmest.
The War is referred to by Tarok veterans as Japanese or Burma war of 1942-
45/46. Table 47 gives the names of some Tarok who participated in the war as
was recalled by the informant.
Table 57: Names of Tarok World War II Veterans
Name Comment
Cpl. Kura Rimpen Late

Cpl. Sauri Fonka -

Pte. Siman Maidoki Late

Sgt. Ibrahim Ramko -

Sgt. Ibrahim Laknim Dul Late

Sgt. Nanyak Late

Cpl. Gagara Kundam Late

Pte. Musa Wuyep Informant for research

Cpl. Damson Mban Still living

Pte. Dadi RamdurZambang -

Sgt. Tonga Jingdul Wophin Late

Sgt. Job Goselle Still living

RSM Ibrahim Sabon Gida -

Liman Japan -

Turmi Goselle -

575
Ndana Fakdul
-
Noma Goselle -

Danmaraya Goselle -

Ma 11am Ibi Lar Late

Sgt.Sidi -

RSM Vongdip -

Sgt. Sako Sambo Jmam Wase Late

Danbaba Wase Late

Danrimi Wase Still living

Bature Gbalyat Wase Late

Sgt. Kurmi Wuyep Still living

Cpl. Mwanbun Langtang Late

Cpl Garba Wuyep Miri-Wazhi Late (Ponzhi Tarok

Source: Interview Notes with Musa Wuyep Kum bar on 15/10/03

The War was not only fierce, it was also full of intrigues. According to Sgt. Musa
Wuyep Kumbar, a Nigerian combatant killed one Col. Y in order to find relief
from an overbearing commander. Higher authorities believed the fiasco as a shot
from enemy crossfire. Sgt. Musa and other veterans were later to need such
experience to withstand the complicity of the British in the administration of the
Sabon Gida Resettlement Scheme of 1948. Sgt. Musa was the pioneer leader of
the veterans from the Nembar Group and suffered not less than 10 imprisonments
in the hands of Major Hans who was D.O. at Shendam. Major Hans was
changing the rules on the ownership of the virgin land according to the dictates of
his perception of the loyalty of the veterans from each ethnic group. The Tarok
owe a lot to
576
military for the final resolution of the matter during the Babangida era.

Similarly, Nigeria owes a lot to the Tarok for the role of Tarok Other
Ranks(ORs) during the colonial era and the early years of independence.Capt.
Ishaku Binfa Wuyep recalled how several Tarok Ors went to Teshi-Aecra, Ghana
as instructors at that premier military institution. He taught all arms tactics, like
the use of Light Machine Guns (LMG), MAC 4, small mortars and Sub-Machine
Guns. Before they went to Ghana, Tarok like RSM Sambo Jimam Wase, Capt
Peter Temlong and Capt. Ayuba taught drills, small arms etc at Teshie. Capt.
Ishaku Binfa especially was well trained in arms purchase in France, Spain and
Germany. Capt. John N. Shagaya, Binfa and Temlong, as still NCOs, were
among the earliest corps of instructors when the Nigeria Military College, Jaj i
was opened in 1967.

From this point on, our focus will be on officers, but mention will continue to be
made of the Other Ranks (ORs) when necessary. During World War II, the
highest rank to which a Nigerian could aspire was that of Sergeant Major.
Following the end of World War II, steps were taken towards crating a Nigerian
Officer Corps and Lieutenant L.V. Ugboma was given a short service
commission in 1948. He was followed by a number of Nigerian NCOs such as
W.U. Bassey, J.T.U. Aguiyi Ironsi and S.A. Ademulegun who were
commissioned as lieutenants in 1949. Thereafter, Lt. Shodeinde was
commissioned in 1950 and Lt Wellington Bassey in 1952. All these were from
the South as Northern NCOs and Wos in the Infantry Battalions were not
sufficiently educated to qualify for ‘a short service commission.’ It was not until
February, 1953 that the first Northern Nigerian regular officers passed out from
Sandhurst. These were 2nd Lieutenants Zakaria Maimalari and Umar Lawan both
from Borno. Many of the officers did not remain in the service for very long, but
by January, 1956 there were fifteen Nigerian Army officers of whom five were
Yoruba, four were Kanuri, one B irom, three Igbos, one Ijaw and one Efik. From
April, 1958 when the control of the

577
Nigerian armed forces passed from the British government to the Nigerian
government, the pace of the Nigerianisation of the officer corps accelerated. In
1958, there was a rise in the number of Nigerian officers from fifteen in 1956 to
thirty-two. This gives a net increase of seventeen. The rate of commissioning had
also increased from approximately two per annum over the period 1948-1955 to
seven per annum from 1956 to 1958. Even if this pace were maintained, it would
have taken another quarter of a century before the officer corps of the army
would have been completely Nigerianised. With independence, only two years
away, there were only nine more cadets in-training who would pass out of
Sanhurst by August, 1960.13

From 1958 onwards, the Nigerian government found itself under increasing
pressure to create a national army with Nigerian Officers. In the North, the
regional government had pursued a policy of appointing an expatriate into the
civil service when a suitably qualified Northerner was not available, but this was
not possible in the case of the Nigerian Army. Under political pressure to
Nigerianise the officer corps, the government felt obliged to step up its
propaganda in secondary schools in order to improve conditions of service by
giving car loans to military officers. Instead of sending officer cadets who had
entered the army straight from school to Sandhurst for two and a half yearst
training, they were sent on a short course at Mons and Eaton Hall lasting only
sixteen weeks. Previously, Mons and Eaton Hall had only been used for short-
service officers. Since Nigeria was allocated only six places a year at Sandhurst,
only six former secondary school leavers could be trained there after doing their
preliminary training at Teshi-Accra, Ghana. By sending both school leavers and
regular solders on the short course at Mons, officers could be trained in less than
twelve months. Seven officers were trained in this way before independence. As
a result of all these measures, there were sixty-one Nigerian officers at the time
of independence, of whom three were Army Chaplains and one physical
education instructor, leaving fifty-seven Nigerian officers who held combatant
commissions as at 1 October, 1960.14

578
A significant change in the character of the officer corps was the increase in the
number of officers of Eastern Nigerian origin. Previously, the army had not been
an attractive option to educated Easterners who had many other opportunities
open to them, and to whom army life had not seemed attractive. Most of these
officers were promoted from the ranks from the technical arms of the army. In
addition, certain schools in the East began to develop a tradition of supplying
cadets for the army. They were Government College, Ughelli in the Mid-West
and Government College, Umuahia. Thus / officers of Eastern origin who had
numbered only five in January, ( 1956 had gown to thirty-nine in 1960 or from
33% to 68% of the officer corps. On the other hand, officers of Northern origin
had grown much more slowly from five in 1956 to eight in 1960. Only four new
Northern officers had been commissioned since 1956. They were, Yakubu
Gowon (Plateau), Hassan Katsina (Katsina), Abba Kyari (Borno) and Joseph
Akahan (Benue) Umar Lawan resigned.15 This trend was naturally very
disturbing to Northern politicians; but there was still hope to replace British
officers and British NCOs with Northerners. The Miniser of Defence and the
Sardauna of Sokoto did vigorous propaganda work in secondary schools to
encourage school leavers to join the army. That this was partially successful can
be seen from the number of school leavers who joined the army from the Bida
Middle School and the effect of the Sardauna’s recruiting speech on the young
Domkat Bali.16

It was in the years immediately after independence that the Tarok officers who
were to distinguish themselves joined the Nigerian Army. Domkat Ya Bali, in
1962, proceeded to the Nigerian Military Training College from Provincial
Secondary School, Kuru, and was selected for officers’ training at Sandhurst, and
commissioned in December, 1963. He subsequently did a six months’ artillery
course at Lack Hill.17 Joseph Nanven Garba had been commissioned earlier that
same year, after attending the Nigerian Military School (NMS), Zaria and Mons
thereby becoming the youngest officer in the Nigerian Army.18 NMS founded in
May, 1954 as the Boys’ Company

579
was originally intended to interest sons of serving soldiers of not less than 14
years of age in military life and so “inculcate a family tradition in the force.’19 For
example, Joseph Nanven’s father, Garba was a World War II veteran.
Subsequently, it developed into a school which was intended to produce Warrant
Officers and NonCommissioned Officers in the technical arms of the Nigerian
Army and to replace the numerous British non-commissioned officers who would
be leaving the Nigerian Army. Before Joseph Nanven Garba came to NMS,
another Tarok, Yakubu Domven Rirndan, was already in the school. Jerry Timbut
Useni was also to pass through the school.20 This author was the fourth Tarok to
pass out of the school, and after serving with RECCE, was also chosen for officer
training. Many Taroks have attended NMS since those early days.

The training of Nigerian officers was further Nigerianised with the establishment
of the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) which came into being in 1964. It grew
out of the Royal Nigerian Military Training College which was established in
1960. One of the earliest graduates of NDA in 1967 was a Tarok man, Joshua
Nimyel Dogonyaro who was to serve in RECCE during the Nigerian civil war.21
Thus, by the time of the outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War, there was already a
small cadre of Tarok officers who were able to take advantage of their
professional training to secure accelerated promotion. These so distinguished
themselves in their chosen fields in the Nigerian Armed Forces that it is not in
doubt that the Tarok more than qualified to be given the ‘martial tribe’ status.
During the Nigerian Civil War alone, Tarok officers and their Other Ranks
compatriots constituted 5% of the Nigerian Army. That is the size of two
battalions. A cursory examination of pension and war records will confirm this
assertion. Given that the population of the entire Tarok people at that time was
not more than 60,000, the feat was legendary as well as a display of extreme
sacrifice in the service of building the Nigerian nation-state.

580
On the eve of the civil war, the majority of the officer corps was from the South
East while the majority of the rank and file were from Northern Nigeria. A
recruiting formula had been adopted by which fifty per cent of the rank and file
were recruited in the North and twenty-five per cent from the Western and
Eastern regions. In addition, the malority of Southern recruits tended to be in the
technical branches so that the combatant branches remained overwhelmingly
Northern. In the North, the Hausas continued to remain indifferent to the army
and hence the rank and file continued to be recruited from the traditional
recruiting grounds in the Middle Belt. When the civil war broke out, it was these
areas which responded most readily to recruitment drives and hence the large
numbers of Tiv, Zuru, Bachama and Tarok in the Nigerian Army during the
Nigerian civil war.22

In this section, we have tried to show how British recruiting policies helped to
create a modern Tarok military tradition of service in the Nigerian Army. Under
colonial rule, the army was politically unimportant; but since independence and
the first military coup of January, 1966, the Nigerian Army became a dominant
factor in Nigerian politics. Because of their relatively good educational
background after independence and the dominant philosophy in the language,
ununggwan ma kuiku mpar kat, translated as, ‘a man dies only but once’, the
Tarok were in a strong position to take advantage of this new turn of events.

The Tarok in the Nigerian Crises of 1966 and the Subsequent Civil War

By the first coup of 14-15 January, 1966, the army had become politicised. It was
deployed to quell a number of riots in the country notably during the general
elections which took place between December, 1964 - January, 1965, the Tiv
riots of 1964 and the Western Nigerian crisis of October, 1965. It is said that the
officer corps was divided in its political sympathies with some supporting

581
Sir Ahmadu Bello, the NPC Leader, while others supported other parties.23 By
1966, there was increasing disillusionment with sectional party disputes,
corruption among politicians and a loss of’ faith in the republican regime. The
success of the first military coup was largely because

The military was one of the very few organised, functionally

specified groups in Nigerian society. The sole one, apart from the
Police in possession of arms, and hence a natural successor
organization to the discredited political class.24

The plotters who staged the first Nigerian military coup alleged the usual reasons
by coup makers; namely: tribalism, nepotism, corruption and instability arising
from lingering political violence in the West and in Tivland. The fact that the
principal actors in the coup, the so-called ‘Five Majors’ were all Southerners,
predominantly Igbos, demolishes the claim that it was not a sectional affair. This
is reinforced by their hostility to the Sardauna of Sokoto, other NPC politicians
and senior officers who were accused of being sycophans to the Sardauna in
order to gain promotion. The principal plotters were majors who had got
relatively quick promotion, and who were, in most cases, Sandhurst trained; but it
is possible that they foresaw that promotion in the future would be much slower
as the army was quite small, and no expansion was planned. They might even
become victims of the quota system. As relatively well-educated officers, they
must have been familiar with the examples provided by military coups in Africa
and Latin America, and may even have thought of themselves as military
revolutionaries.25

The coup of 14-15 January, 1966 was planned to take place in the Northern zone
commanded by Major Nzeogwu and in the Southern zone commanded by Major
Ifeajuna. Under the cover of a night training exercise, Major Ezeogwu attacked
the house of the Premier of Northern Nigeria, killing him and his senior wife.26
Later, Brigadier Ademulegun, Commander of I Brigade, Kaduna, and his

582
wife (who were Yonibas) were killed as well as another Yoruba, f Colonel
Shodeinde, the Deputy Commandant of the Regimental Depot. The Governor of
the Northern Region, Sir, Kashim ibrahim, and many Northern Regional
Ministers were arrested and detained. It was apparent that Major Nzeogwu was in
firm control in Kaduna.27

In the South, Major Ifeajuna and his men had been somewhat less successful.
They succeeded in killing Brigadier Mairnalari (Kanuri), Commander 2 Brigade,
Colonel Kur Muhammed (Kanuri), Chief of Staff, Lt. Colonel J.Y. Pam (Birom)
i/c of ‘A’ Branch, Army Headquarters, Lagos. Lt. Colonel Unegbe (South East,
Igbo) and Lt. Colonel, Largema (North) Commander 4 Battalion, Ibadan.
Lt.Colonel Yakubu Gowon who had just returned from Pakistan to take over as
Commander of 2 Battalion, Ikeja was not killed. That night his whereabouts were
unknown. General Aguiyi-Ironsi also eluded them because that night he was at a
party. The coup plotters also killed a number of leading politicians including the
Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the Minister of Finance, Chief
Okotie Eboh, and the premier of the Western Region, Chief Samuel Ladoke
Akintola, along with one of his wives. However, the coup failed in Lagos because
General Aguiyi-Ironsi was able to elude the coup plotter and reach Ikeja where 2
Battalion was under the temporary command of the second-in-command, Major
Igboba who was awaiting Lt. Colonel Yakubu Gowon to take over. The retiring
Commander, Lt. Colonel Njoko, was still in his house at Ikeja, and so he and
Igboba, both Igbos who had served with Ironsi at Bukavu in the Congo rallied the
Battalion in support of Ironsi, and regained control of Lagos from the coup
plotters. In addition, the coup plotter, MajorAnuforo, who had formally
commanded the RECCE Squadron at Abeokuta tried to persuade the soldiers of
his former unit to accompany him to Lagos but they became suspicious and
returned to Abeokuta. Concluding that the coup had failed, Major Ifeajuna fled to
Ghana. General Aguyi-Ironsi was thus able to regain control of the military in
Lagos and Ibadan, while no coup had taken place in Enugu.28

583
A question that will be of interest to historians is whether soldiers of Tarok origin
had any hand in the saga. General D.Y. Bali’s report of an incident on the first
day after the coup is pertinent here. He was asked to take over security at what
was later to become the Murtala MohammedAirport.

When I was there, there was a Northern Sgt-Major who came to me,
saluted and said, ‘Sir, I understand you are from the North” I said
‘yes”. He said, “they’ve killed all the elders from the North. In other
words, we have no officers any more, you are about the only
Northern Officer I have seen since the crisis. We want to react.29

Capt. D.Y. Bali reassured him that there were other Northern officers, and that he
should remain calm. It is clear that no Tarok officer or soldier had a hand in the
planning and execution of the coup d’etat. Capt. Ishaku Binfa corroborated the
point that some of them had their doubts on why they had to go for shooting
exercises with live ammunition. Their suspicion was reported to superior
Northern Officers who gave a deaf ear to such reports.30 Dismissals of these
reports with a wave of the hand give credence to the theory that some northern
elements in the army were engrossed in sycophancy in the corridors of the
Sardauna of Sokoto at the detriment of their professional conduct. However, from
that point on things happened in rapid succession leading to the Nigerian Civil
War that saw an influx of Tarok World War II and Congo veterans back into the
army. More Tarok enlisted in the army for the first time to take advantage of the
opportunity to demonstrate their loyalty and love for the military profession.

It is helpful to still give details of some of the events that eventually led to the
war. General Ironsi had appointed a Constitutional Review Study Group that was
to study the constitutional problems of Nigeria and prepare for submission to a
Constituent Assembly to be set up later. Ironsi also set up another commission
under Mr. K. Nwokedi to

584
make proposals on the unification of the civil service. An Economic Committee
under Chief S O Adebo was also set up. None of these commissions had
submitted the reports when Ironsi appeared to preempt their recommendations by
announcing by his decree No. 34, 1966 that Nigeria, on the 24th May, 1966,
would cease to be a federation and become a unitary state. By this Decree, the
regions were abolished and replaced by ‘provinces,’ and the civil service was
also to be unified. These moves caused anxieties amongst Northern civil servants
who feared that they would be displaced by Southerners, especially Igbos. In
addition, Northern university students at the Ahmadu Bello University saw their
future job prospects as being endangered, and so they staged a demonstration
which led to rioting in many Northern cities in May, 1966. Large numbers
oflgbos were killed during these riots.31

Unrest was also spreading in the army. In the April 1966 promotions made in the
army, eighteen out of the twenty-one officers promoted were Igbos. This
incensed Northern officers as it seemed to indicate a strengthening of the Igbo
control of the army.2’ A rumour began to circulate in the army that the Igbos
were planning a second coup which would finish off what they had begun in the
January coup. Another rumour was circulating at that time that there were plans
to institute promotion examinations for non-commissioned officers which
Northerners feared would be used to deny them promotion because of their
relatively poor educational qualifications. By June, 1966 the situation had
become tense because each side was afraid that the other would strike first. Igbo
officers constituted eighty per cent of the officer corps, but the majority of the
non-commissioned officers were Northerners.32

During this restive period, there developed a general feeling amongst Northern
officers and non-commissioned officers that there should be a revenge coup.
Although, according to General Mornoh, the leadership of the July coup plot was
not entirely clear, it would appear that the principal coup leaders were Majors
Murtala Mohammed,

585
Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma and Martin Adamu. However, knowledge of the
impending coup appears to have been widespread amongst Northern officers. It
had been decided that the coup should not be carried out in Lagos as the security
arrangements there were too tight. After two earlier postponements, General
Ironsi toured the country to reassure the population that there was no cause for
alarm. This presented the coup plotters with an opportunity. They planned to
abduct General Ironsi while he was on the last leg of his tour, but when the plot
leaked out, it was postponed at the last minute. However, the coup was
precipitated on the night of 29” July, 1966 when the Igbo officer in command at
Abeokuta, Lt. Col. Gabriel Akunweze, having been warned that a coup was
planned for that night, decided to issue arms to his men. A Northern
noncommissioned officer, Inuwa Sam ensured that only Northern soldiers were
issued with arms. They were led by Sergeant Sabo Kule. Akunweze’s second in
command stormed the officers’ mess and shot Lt. Col. Akunweze and John
Obienu. The link-men to the coup in Abeokuta were Leiutenants J S Umar and
Pam Mwadkwon while some of the Northern non-commissioned officers must
have been in the know. General Bali, although in the artillery in Abeokuta,
seemed to have been totally ignorant of the plot and was not in the officers’ mess
at the time. The events atAbeokuta precipitated a chain reaction, and the coup
plotters at Ibadan who had stood down were forced to take action. Major T.Y.
Danjuma who was part of General Ironsi’s entourage, but who was staying at a
military guest house in the barracks and not at Government House, agreed to take
the lead in arresting General Ironsi. Major Danjuma succeeded in arresting
General Ironsi and Lt. Colonel Fajuyi, the Military Governor in the West having
given them assurances of their personal safety. However, from that point onward,
Major Danjurna lost control of the situation and the Northern non-commissioned
officers took Ironsi and Fajuyi away and shot them outside Ibadan.33

586
The coup spread to Lagos where Northern officers took control of 2nd Battalion at
Ikeja which was reinforced by a troop of RECCE vehicles from Abeokuta under
the command of Lieutenant D.S. Abubakar. Major Murtala Mohammed took over
as Commander of 2nd Battalion. Another troop of RECCE vehicles was sent to
Ibadan under Lieutenant Pam Mwadkwon.34

The counter-coup created acute political confusion, and the centre of political
decision-making moved to Ikeja Cantonment. Here discipline had largely broken
down, and the Northern junior officers were demanding a change. Brigadier
Ogundipe was not acceptable to them and after much parleying with senior civil
servants and the British High Commissioner, Lt. Colonel Gowon, the most senior
Northern officer, emerged as the new Head of State. This decision was accepted
by most senior army officers because the alternative appeared to be a further
disintegration of the army except for Lt. Col. Ojukwu who still clung to the
principle of seniority, largely because he resented the emergence of a Northern
officer whom he considered to be junior to him as Head of State. As an Ngas
Christian from a Middle Belt minority, Gowon could count on considerable
Northern support, especially from Middle Belt Officers and men.35

The next major problem facing Gowon was the future political structure. Irons?s
attempt to impose a unitary system of government had been very unpopular in the
North and had given rise to much secessionist talk. Quite early then, Gowon
decided against a unitary system, and on the advice of top civil servants, and the
diplomats of Britain and the United States, decided on a federal structure rather
than a lose confederal one. This was to be a key decision which was to influence
his negotiations with Lt. Colonel Ojukwu, the governor of the Eastern Region.36

A series of meetings of leaders of thought were held to review the constitution;

but Ojukwu continued to refuse to recognise Gowon as Head of State, and the
Eastern delegation proposed a confederation in

587
which the various units would have extensive powers including the right to
secede. Following the outbreak of the September massacres of Igbos, Ojukwu
declared that genocide was being perpetrated against the Igbo, and he refused to
attend any further meetings.37

In an attempt to broker an agreement, a meeting of the Supreme Military Council

was arranged at Aburi in Ghana on 4 January, 1967. Although an accord
appeared to have been reached, it soon became apparent that there was
disagreement over the interpretation of what had been agreed upon. On his return,
top civil servants and government lawyers advised Gowon that he conceded too
much and if the agreement was implemented the regions would be too powerful,
and that, in all probability, this would pave the way for the break-up ofNigeira.38

Meanwhile, Ojukwu had been strengthening his hold over Eastern Nigeria by
seizing Federal property there and retaining Federal taxes collected in the East.
He set up an appellate court in the East, expelled non-Easterners, and kept up a
constant barrage of anti-Federal propaganda. Following the failure of several
attempts at mediation, Ojukwu obtained on the 26’ May, 1967, the mandate from
the advisory committee of Chiefs and Elders to ‘declare, at the earliest
practicable date, Eastern Nigeria a free sovereign and independent state by the
name and title of the Republic of Biafra on the same day Gowon decided to
implement an earlier Supreme Military Council decision to create twelve states
which would have broken up the Eastern region, leaving Ojukwu as the Military
Governor of only the East-Central State. And so on the 30 May, 1967, Ojukwu
proclaimed the secession of the Eastern Region as the Republic ofBiafra.39

On the Federal side, actual mobilization did not start until Ojukwu’s declaration
of Biafra’s independence on 30 May, 1967. It had been evident that Ojukwu
intended to secede since March. This late start of mobilisation seems to have
been due to the fact that the Nigerian leadership had continued to hope for a
peaceful resolution

588
of the crisis. Even then the only real mobilization took place in the North as the
West was still undecided, and the Midwest had declared itself neutral. The initial
steps in the North were to recall retired servicemen (World War II Veterans),
who were still fit, and to mobilise Native Authority Policemen. Nigeria’s military
leaders at this stage were hopelessly optimistic as they believed that Biafra did
not posses the capacity to wage a prolonged war. Therefore, on 5 July, 1967,
Goswon declared a ‘police action’ to crush Ojukwu’s rebellion. Major Hassan
Katsina stated that the operation would be over in forty-eight hours.40 However,
the ‘police action’ was to turn into a civil war which lasted some thirty months
and required large scale mobilization of resources on the Federal side. After the
departure of the Eastern soldiers; the Nigerian Army had dwindled to about 7,000
men. According to General Bali, one obvious consequence of the Nigerian civil
war ‘was the astronomical rise in the number of other ranks, ratings, and men in
the Armed Forces’.41’ From about 7,000 men at the outbreak of the Civil War, the
size of the Nigerian Army increased to over 250,000 in 1970 despite casualties of
nearly the same number. The Nigerian Navy which had numbered a few hundred
officers and men grew to about 5,000 and its vessels included a destroyer, a
landing ship and several others. The Nigerian Air Force, the youngest of the three
services, acquired its first jet fighters during the Civil War.”42

Having given the impression that it would be a short war, the Federal side found
it difficult to persuade Nigerians that a protracted effort was required. The bulk of
the pre-war army was concentrated in the First Division, and within a few weeks,
most of this force was used up and had to be replaced by hastily trained recruits.
In addition, two new divisions were created which had to be filled with raw
recruits, exservicemen, cooks and such like.43 On the Federal side, these recruits
were chiefly forthcoming from the traditional recruiting grounds in the Middle
Belt, including the Tiv, Tarok, Bachama, Zuru and Southern Kaduna groups.
Although some of these may have had economic motives for joining the army, it
was the minorities of the South East who felt they were most disadvantaged in
the preservation

589
officers, were Capt. Temlong, Capt. Wuyep, Capt. Ayuba, Capt. Binfa etc.

The actual fighting during the Civil War and the reasons for its prolongation do
no concern us here as they have been treated elsewhere.”55 The greatly expanded
army of some 250,000 consisted predominantly of Middle Belt soldiers including
many Tarok. The leadership of the army had undergone substantial modification
in the course of the civil war. By 1970, officers of Middle Belt origin were in
command of all three divisions:- I.D. Bisalla (1st), G.S. Jallo (2nd) and T.Y.
Danjuma (3rd). Many junior officers had won accelerated promotions as a result
of their war service. Middle Belt officers including Tarok officers such as Joe
Garba, then in command of the Brigade of Guards and in-charge of General
Gowon’s security, constituted an important constituency within the armed forces
which General Gowon could not afford to disregard. Thus it was generally agreed
that a reduction in the size of the armed forces was desirable because some 80 -
90% of the defence budget was absorbed by salaries and wages, leaving little for
the purchase of modern equipment. However, Gowon was anxious not to appear
to be unfair to certain categories, namely the ex-servicemen who had re-enlisted
at the beginning of the civil war, and the Middle Belt soldiers who formed the
great majority of the army at almost every level.56 They were largely unskilled
and might cause social problems if retrenched en masse. Gowon therefore
compromised and decided that the army would be reduced to 150,000 the
combatant units by a third, with smaller reductions in the specialist branches.
This reduction was to be achieved by voluntary withdrawal of service and natural
wastage rather than by compulsory retirement. Thus Middle Belt soldiers,
including the Tarok, were not demobilised at the end of the civil war. Although
Tarok officers had not yet reached the highest levels in the army, they were
strategically located to take advantage of opportunities provided by subsequent
coup d’etas.57’

590
The J.D. Gomwalk as Military Governor of BenuePlateau State, 1967 - 1975

When Gowon created states in 1976, he created Benue-Plateau State consisting of

the provinces of Benue and Plateau, thus realising in / part the dream of the
supporters of a Middle Belt State. Gowon / appointed Chief Superintendent of
Police, Joseph Deshi Gomwalk, / as Military Governor of Benue-Plateau State on
1 June, 1976. The new Military Governor was a product of BSS Gindiri and the
University of Ibadan. He entered the administrative service of the
Northern Regional Government when in February, 1966 he was seconded to the
Nigeria Police Force with the rank of Chief Superintendent of Police. This was
because the Northern Regional Government felt that it had few people
representing it in the Nigeria Police Force, and requested that two senior
administrative officers be transferred to the Federal Civil Service to join the
Nigeria Police Force. J.D. Gomwalk and Selcan Miner, a Tarok, were selected to
represent Plateau Province. J.D. Gomwalk was in many ways well fitted to be
Military Governor of Benue-Plateau as he had received a first class higher
education, and had had some administrative experience. There seemed to be little
doubt that Governor Gomwalk was a man with good ideas who tried to promote
the development of the peoples ofBenue-Plateau State.58

One of the most serious problems facing Governor Gornwalk was that of trained
manpower both for the civil service and for political appointments. He had
frequently been accused of appointing too many persons from his own ethnic
group, the Ngas, to the state civil service; but the Jukun had 309 persons, the
Ngas 203 and the Tarok 189. These were greatly outnumbered by the Tiv who
had 1,429’ 59.It was to be one of the ironies of the Gomwalk administration that
the Tiv claimed that they were being marginalised while Plateau indigenes
argued that there were too many persons of Benue origin in the state civil
service.60 Given the headstart in education achieved by

591
of the unity of Nigeria.44 The Biafrans may have considered that the bulk of the
Federal forces consisted of ‘Hausas; but the reality was that they consisted
chiefly of Middle Belt soldiers. When Federal casualties became very heavy and
the morale was low, even recruitment in the Middle Belt dropped significantly
and unwilling recruits had to be seized in market places. It was during this
massive expansion of the Federal forces that many Tarok ex-servicemen, and
new recruits joined the army, serving in all three divisions and in the support
services.45

There was an acute shortage of officers on the Federal side. According to Robin
Luokham, at the beginning of the Civil War. There were no officers in active
combat roles (as opposed to ‘political’ roles in the military government) who
held, a rank above that of gazetted major before 1966 and only four combat
officers had gained their commissions before 1960. This is shown in Table 48.
Thus the Nigerian Army was short of experienced commanders.46 Amongst the
trained officers were such Tarok officers as Capt. D.Y. Bali, Lt. Joe Garba, Lt.
J.T. Useni and Lt. iN Dongonyaro.

Table 58: Disposition in August, 1967 of Officers that Survived the 1966
Events as atAugust 1967
Ranks Federal Military Military Active
(in February, 1966) Government Officers

Colonel and above 2 0

Lt. Colonel 4 0

Major 1 9

Captain 8 28

Lieutenant 0 34

2nd Lieutenant 0 113

Source: Robin Luokbam. ‘The Nigerian Military’ in S.K. Panter-Brick (ed).

Nigerian Politics and Military rule: Prelude to the Civil War (London, 1970)
p.61
592
Capt. Bali was in the artillery and was posted to the First Division.49 Lt.
Dogonyaro who had just graduated from the Nigerian Defence Academy was
posted to 2 RECCE Squadron which supported Federal operations at Nsukka and
Enugu.50 It has been noted that officers on both sides did not have the practical
experience of fighting a big war. The Generals commanding the Divisions were
like prima donnas who resisted co-ordination from army headquarters. According
to General Momoh

the Field Commanders operated as if each was fighting a separate

war, while Lagos was continuously unable to enforce control
because field officers saw those in Lagos as out of touch. Each
Commander was a warlord; jealousy was rife among the Field
Commanders as a result. A few officers were interested in making a
name rather than fighting the war. To win admiration and respect,
they played to the gallery and over-publicized their military
operations, at the expense of thewar.513

Thus they frequently made tactical blunders which were costly in

men and materials.52

To obtain the necessary officers, the Federal side selected promising non-
commissioned officers to be trained under the short service combatant scheme at
NDA to be commissioned as Second Lieutenants. Y.D. Rimdan and John
Shagaya, benefited from that course at NDA. They were commissioned at the end
of August, 1967 and posted to Third Marine Commando Division which was then
in the process of formation.53 In addition, field commissions were granted to
soldiers who distinguished themselves in battle. particularly in the second and
third divisions. Such officers naturally lacked the in-depth training of regular
officers. However, it was the granting of such field commission which enabled
many Plateau soldiers, including Tarok soldiers to become officers, and make
their contributions towards executing the war.54 Such distinguished Tarok

593
the Ngas and Tarok, it was understandable that they should provide much of the
trained manpower at the state level. According to Rev. Dr. Selcan Miner who
served as Secretary to the Military Government from 1970 to 1975, the Gomwalk
administration was very much an Ngas-Tarok affair given the aternity between
them. It was only after the 1975 coup and the ruthless treatment meted out to the
Dimka coup plotters that the two groups became estranged.61 Following the
disgrace of Mr. Andrew Obeya when he was removed as Secretary to the Military
Government in early 1970,62 he was replaced by an experienced expatriate, Mr.
S.G. Rogers, in an acting capacity. On 20 May, 1970, Mr. Selcan Miner, a Tarok,
was also a product of Gindiri who, after working as a teacher, entered the
Northern Nigeria Regional Service first as a teacher and then as an administrative
officer. Like Gomwalk, he was seconded to the Nigeria Police Force; but decided
to return to his State and was made Commissioner for Education.

Governor Gomwalk showed himself to be a man of ideas, who promoted a

number ofprojects which have been of lasting benefit to Plateau State. Some of
the projects are: the tarring of major roads, including the Jos-Pankshin-Langtang-
Shendam-Ibi road and the Lafia-Shendam road, the setting up of the Jos Campus
of the University of Ibadan in 1972. It became the University of Jos in October,
1975 and the establishment of the Nigeria Standard etc. The intrigues over the
ownership of Sabon Gida Resettlement Area also surfaced during the Gomwalk
era. However, Mr. Miner was able to bring his administrative experience to bear
in safeguarding the heritage for the Tarok based on factual gazetted evidence.

The Government had its own problem’s. Things went sour until Mr. Miner had to
resign. It was only a matter of time for the administration to fall. Governor
Gomwalk, although a highly intelligent man, came under the bad influence of a
certain Dr. Okon who appeared to have been a classic con man. He set up a
company called Voteniski Nigeria Ltd. with its headquarters in Jos. It was

594
originally an insurance company; but it later went into road construction and was
given a number of lucrative road contracts by Governor Gomwalk. The influence
of Dr. Okon over Governor Gomwalk was a source of alarm to Mr. Selcan Miner,
the Secretary to the Military Governor. It led to his resignation.

The Gowon Administration Post-civil War to 29 July, 1975

Gowon emerged from the Nigerian Civil War with a greatly enhanced prestige as
he had successfully preserved the unity of the country. At the same time, his
policy of reconciliation in SouthEastern Nigeria had earned him a reputation of a
states man. The military administration had promised an early return to civilian
rule; but in his speech of 1 October, 1970, Gowon extended the date for hand
over to 1976, and gave a list of conditionalities. He stated that it would be
feasible

when we shall have reorganised our armed forces, prepared a new

constitution, conducted a new census, purged the country of corrupt
and unpatriotic elements and fulfilled the other tasks already
mentioned. It will remain the duty of the Military Government to
organize free and fair elections in order to hand over the country to
properly elected
Governments.63

Gowon came to be blamed for his failure to carry out his programme. In the last
few years of his regime, the decision making process seemed to have been
overcome by a kind of paralysis.64 There was no absence of ideas or advice but it
seemed beyond the power of the government to decide and implement a course of
action.65

In his 1 October 1970 speech, General Gowon promised to review the issue of
the creation of states. He promised that in four years’ time, the military would
review the matter and if they ‘convinced themselves that it is in the national
interest to create more states, the

595
Military Government will create them before handing over to an elected
government.66 Expectations were raised only to be dashed by the failure of the
Gowon administration to do anything to implement its pronouncement.67

Also, General Gowon seemed to be unwilling to control his governors by

removing them or changing them around. Since the military governors were not
controlled in any way by representative assemblies, they were only responsible to
the Head of State. K.J. Dent has suggested that

the only remedy would have been the rapid transfer of governors. In
the military style of operation, the absence of control from below
must be compensated for by firm and effective control from above.
This was conspicuously absent under Gowon.68

The failure of General Gowon to take action in the case of Governor Gomwalk,
even when allegations had been made public, ‘greatly weakened the respect in
which Gowon was held as a man of unquestioned integrity.’69

The most critical question was the timing and preparations for the hand over to
civilians. Gowon had promised in 1970 that the military would hand over in
1976. There was a great expectation that the ban on party politics would be lifted
by 1974 and that steps would be taken to achieve the political transition. It is not
clear when General Gowon changed his mind70 but in his speech on 1St October,
1974, he announced that

the target date of 1976 is, in the circumstances, unrealistic and it

would, indeed, amount to a betrayal of trust to adhere rigidly to that
target date. I want to make it abundantly clear,

596
 however that we have not abandoned the idea of a return to civilian
rule.71

Gowon might have been able to hold out longer if he had not alienated his most
important constituency, the military. He and his military governors had become
increasingly isolated from the army or police. It was alleged that Gowon used to
have lunch once a week with some military officers to keep in touch with military
affairs but that these luncheons gradually decreased in frequency, and finally
ceased after his marriage to Victoria.72 Some military officers accused Gowon of
making himself inaccessible to those who had important information or advice.73
This may have been due to overzealous staff officers, or even to the internal
rivalries amongst the staff officers.74 The number of army officers holding
political appointments was relatively small, and the officer corps became
increasingly disillusioned at the corruption within the Gowon administration, and
within the army itself. When General Gowon failed to bring in many new
commissioners in his promised reshuffle of 31 December, 1974 and postponed
the replacement of the military governors scheduled for 31 March, 1975,
disillusioned army officers concluded that the only way to cure the government
of inertia was to remove Gowon himself.75
Significantly, the plotting of the coup against Gowon seemed to have begun
amongst his close associates, like Col. Joseph Garba, the Commander of the
Brigade of Guards and Colonel Ochefu, the Provost Marshall of the Military
Police. They decided to work towards the remove ofGeneral Gowon and the
military governors on two conditions. Firstly, Gowon must be made aware of the
root causes of the coup, and secondly, it should be bloodless. From that time on,
Garba and Ochefu became active organisers of the coup, with Garba acting as the
contact man to a number of Hausa-Fulani officers who were anxious to see a
change of government. There included Shehu Yar’adua, Mohammadu Buhari and
Ibrahim Taiwo. The made contact with Brigadiers Murtala Mohammed and
Yakubu Danjuma who, although aware of the coup, did not actively

597
participate or do anything to stop it.76 The active participants in the coup were
lieutenant colonels and colonels. Brigadiers were not to be involved in the
execution of the plot but were to be won over. However, not all brigadiers were
informed. Brigadier Godwin Ally, Commander of the Lagos Garrison
Organisation who was considered too much of a loyalist was not informed.77
While Brigadier Domkat Bali was only informed a day before the coup by a
certain Mohammed, an intelligence officer based in Lagos, he was expected to
cooperate.78

As the plotting of the coup continued, more officers were recruited, knowledge of
the plot spread and there were anxious moments for the coup plotters. The
plotters preferred 29t6 July, 1975, the anniversary of a previous coup on the
assumption that nobody would suspect that they would chose such a date. Reason
was that Gowon would be out of the country at the OAU Summit in Kampala,
Uganda.79

General Gowon also got wind of the coup plot and confronted Col, Garba who
denied his involvement. Col. Ochefu made himself consistently qnavailable.
Given the fact that they were both Middle Belt soldiers, who were close to him,
General Gowon seemed to disregard the reports coming from military
intelligence. Colonel Joe Garba was one of the initiators of the coup plot, and was
a key player. As the Commander of the Brigade Guards, the support of his troops
was very important. When Brigadier Martin Adamu refused to make the coup
broadcast he was drafted to do so. While not giving explanations for Colonel
Garba’s turning against his former Chief to whom he owed so much, it can be
assumed that Garba resented the fact that he was at Dodan Barracks as a Chief
Security Officer during the Civil War and he had not seen any action which
would probably be held against him. He desired a more extensive field of
operation than merely being one of the staff officers of General Gowon. Perhaps
he wanted not just to observe history being made; but to make history himself.80
Could Cot. Garba’s action have been justified on the ground of national rather
than self-interest?

598
The principal coup plotters met in the evening of the 291 July, 1975. They were
Colonels Garba, Ochefu, Taiwo, Abdullahi Mohammed, Buhari, Paul Tarfa,
Ibrahim Babangida, Lt. Colonels Muhammed Aduloju and Ibrahim Alfa. By the
early hours of 29’ July, 1975, the coup plotters were in control of such strategic
locations as Ikeja Airport, Radio Nigeria, Ikeja Army Cantonment, Bonny Camp
and other military installations in Lagos. The operation was smooth and
bloodless.81 At dawn, Colonel Garba gave the national broadcast which
announced that General Gowon had ceased to be Head of State, imposed a dusk
to dawn curfew, suspended flights of Nigeria Airways, closed the national
borders, declared the day work free and appealed for calm.82 As Elaigwu said:

The choice of Col. Garba was also strategic since not every officer
knew about the coup plot. The first troop reaction after the
announcement would be from the Brigade of Guards at the Dodan
Barracks. The name and voice of their commander would have a
mollifying effect on them. In addition, Garba was to make the
announcement and walk right back into Dodan Barracks and other
officers around the country who knew Garba’s close relations with
Gowon, would hesitate before reacting.83

Within a day, the coup plotters had consolidated their take over and had received
the support of the various divisions and formations.84 Later in the day, all
divisions and brigade commanders were summoned to a meeting to decide on the
new political arrangements.

Originally, the officers who had planned the coup intended that none of them
should benefit from their participation in it. This principle was later abandoned85
Lt. Colonel Yar’adua became Commissioner of Transport, Colonel Garba becime
Commissioner External Affairs,’86 while Colonel Ochefu was ppointed Military
Governor of East Central State. Colonel Ibrahim Taiwo became the Military
Governor of Kwara State, Colonel Abdullahi Muhammed, Military Governor

599
of Benue-Plateau State and Lt. Col. Mohammed Buhari, Military Governor of
North East State.87

The coup plotters had originally wished that there would be ajunta of three
officers who would share power because they felt that General Gowon had been
over burdened with too many tasks. They also feared that if a single man was
appointed, he would become a dictator. Murtala Mohammed was apparently not
happy with the idea of sharing power. It was therefore, agreed that Murtala
Mohammed should be Head of State; but should share administrative functions
with Obasanjo as Chief of Supreme Military Headquarters while T.Y. Danjuma
should serve as Chief of Army Staff. All army officers with the rank of Major-
General and above as well as the heads of the armed services were to be retired.

The Murtala Mohammed? Obasanjo Regime

The regime saw Joe Garba, a Tarok distinguishing himself as an accomplished

diplomat. He rose to the rank of Major-General. During the regime, many Tarok
Officers had their careers terminated abruptly because of on trumped up charges
of complicity in the aborted coup of 13th February 1976. Their innocence had
been proven, their incarceration notwithstanding. Lt. Philip Temlong was jailed
for 6 months, Capt Peter Temlong for life but was freed by General Babangida,
Capt. Sabo Wuyep was jailed for 15 years but later pardoned, and Major Binlam
was retired. It is ironic that another Tarok, the anonymous Major,89 who
happened to be this author, was largely responsible for quelling the coup.

The IBB Era

The Ibrahim Badarnosi Babangida era marked a watershed in the rise of the
Tarok to prominence to the extent that the nomenclature, ‘Langtang mafia’,
started appearing in the press. It was in this era that

600
General D.Y. Bali emerged as a full General. Lt. Generals Joshua 1’ Dogonyaro
and Jerry T. Useni were similarly decorated with thos ranks during the same
dispensation. The Tarok seemed to hay mesmirized many minority groups by the
feat of three of them bein members of the highest military council at the same
time. These wer General D.Y. Bali, Lt. General Joshua N. Dogonyaro and Bri
General John N. Shagaya. Most worthy of note in this epoch was th the last two
were prepared to make the supreme sacrifice in servin the fatherland by
identifying fully with the leadership an government of IBB. Therefore, Brigadier
Joshua Dogonyaro did no shirk the responsibility of making the announcement
that led to change of government in 1985. Brigadier Jerry T. Useni became thc
first Tarok Military Governor ofBendel State. Air Commodore Ardc Banfa was
given responsibility for a federal. parastatal. Thc contribution of Tarok to
national growth was epitomized by the roles of the three federal ministers:
General Bali (Defence), Lt. General Jeremiah Useni (Transport/Aviation) and
Brig. General John Shagaya (Internal Affairs). They were also given roles in
military commands. General Bali was Chief of Defence Staff, Lt. General
Dogonyaro was General Officer Commanding, Brigadier General Yakubu D.
Rimdan was Commanding Officer, Colonel John Temlong was Task Force
Commander on Anti-Smuggling of Petrol, while Lt. General Useni was the co-
ordinator of activities that led to the establishment of the National War College.
Issues such as the supposed existence of a Langtang mafia which must be
dismissed outright, the roles of Lt. Genral Joshua N. Dogonyaro and Brig.
General John N Shagaya in fashioning the course for the administration are better
treated in another volume. However, General IBB finally resolved the intractable
issue of the ownership of the Sabon Gida Resettlement Area when Langtang-
South was created with inputs from the duo.

601
 602

The Abacha Era

The role of the Tarok during the Abacha period was dominated by that of Lt.
General Useni, one of the longest serving officers in the Nigerian Army. His
contribution to the development Of infrastructure in the land is visible and
effectively complements those of other military officers preceding him. He was a
member of the Armed Forces Military Council as well as a Federal Minister. The
regime also found the present author worthy to be an ECOMOG Field
Commander with the rank of a Major-General. In the same vein, Major John
Temlong was a Task Force Commander on petroleum products during this era

The Obasanjo Era

The history of the Obasanjo era under democratic rule is still unfolding.
However, the contribution of the Tarok is quite noticeable. Air Marshal Jonah
Wuyep is now the doyen of the Tarok military elite. Before becoming Chief of
Air Staff, the Administration had found him capable of being Air Officer
Commanding (Kaduna Training Command), AOC (TAC, Makurdi) and Chief of
Logistics (Air Headquarters).

This Chapter is by no means a biographical sketch of Tarok military officers.

What I have done is to prove the theoretical premise that Tarok as a martial group
has contributed in no small measure to the making of the Nigerian Armed Forces.

603
604
References

1. See Dusgate Conquest of NN Chapter VI pp.222 - 223 and also pp.225 -6,
also see CN Ubah, ColonialArmy and Society in Northern Nigeria pp.69-7
0. C.N. Ubah,

2. ColonialArmy and Society, Chapter 4.

3. Sam C. Ukpabi, (1987) The Origins of the Nigerian Army. A History of

the West Africa Frontier Force, 1897-1914, Zaria, and also his ‘The
Origins of the West Africa Frontier Force JHSN Vol. III No. 1 (December,
1966) pp.485-50 1.

4. Akinjide Osuntokun (1975) ‘The Role of the Nigeria Regiment in Allied

War Effort in West Africa, 1914-1916’ Savanna, Vol.4No. i,pp.23-26.

6. Op. Cit pp.26-26. Colonel Carter (The Commandant) in a change of

position referred to the ‘excellent pagan tribes’Ubah, ColonialArmy and
Society, Chapter 6.

7. Ubah, ColonialArmy and Society p.202.

8. Ibid. pp.224-225.

9. NAK Jos Prof. 1/1/645/Shendam Div. AR 1947 by Mr. Hunt, para 2.

10. Interviews: General Bali, 19/11/1999; General Garba, 26/2/1999. The

biographies of the various Tarok generals give their respective reasons for
joining the army, often against the objections of their teachers.

11. Interview: Capt. Banfa.

605
12. N.J. Miners (1971), The Nigerian Army, 1956-1966 London pp.33-9 1

13. Ibid. pp.50-52.

14. Ibid. pp.52-53.

15. Femi Ahmed (1993), Domkat, A Biography of General Domkat Bali, Jos
pp.S’7-S8, Gabrail Umoden (1992) The Babangida Years, (Lagos)

16. Femi Ahmed, Domkat pp.63-66, Interview: General Bali, 19/1/1999.

17. Interview: General Joseph Garba, 26/2/1999.

18. Nigerian Army Education Corps and School (NAECS) History of the
Nigerian Army and Education, Abuja, 1994, p1 -17.

19. Ibid. pp.217-220; Edward Dassah (1994), Shagaya, The Will to Excel, Jos,
Chapter 5.

20. Sam C. Ukpabi (ed) (1989) The Nigerian Defence Academy in Perspective
NDA.

21. N.J. Miners, The Nigerian Army pp 97-100.

22. I Bayo Adekanyo (1989), ‘Politics in a Military Context’ in Peter Eneh,

Patrick Dele Cole, and Gabriel 0. Olusanya (eds). Nigeria Since
Independence: The First twenty years Vol. V. Politics and constitutions,
Ibadan pp.191 -193.

23. William Graf, The Nigerian State (London, 1088) p.42.

606
24. Ben Gbulie, Nigeria’s Five Majors, (1981) Onitsha 1981 Major Wale
Adernoyega 1975, Why We Struck Ibadan, and for analysis N.J. Miners,
The Nigerian Army Chapter IX pp.155-179; Major-General H.B. Momoh
(ed) (200) The Nigerian Civil War 1967-1970, (Ibadan) Chapter 3 pp.Z3-
36; AIR. Luobham, the Nigerian Military: Disintegration or Integration.”
In SK Panter-Brich (ed 1970). Nigerian Politics and Military Rule: Prelude
to the Civil War London, 1970 pp.58-77.

25. Gbulie,FiveMajorspp.61-85.

26 H.B. Momoh (ed). The Nigerian Civil War Chapter 3, pp.24-28.

27. Ibid; pp.29-30; NJ Miners, The Nigerian Army pp.162-163.

28. H.B. Momoh (ed). The Nigerian Civil War Interview with General Domkat
Bali, p.326.

29. The Nigerian Civil War pp.36-38. General Ironsi sent his Army Chief of
Staff, Lt. Col. Yakubu Gowon round the military establishments all over
the country to endeavour to calm all rising tension. The general feeling was
reflected in the refusal of the men of the 4t1 Battalion to take orders from
Major Nzefihi (an Igbo officer) who had been appointed to replace Lt. Col.
Largema who had been killed in the January coup. Ironsi had to reverse his
appointment and appointed Lt. Col. Joe Akahan (a Tiv) as his replacement.
J. Eaigwu, Gowon pp.50-51

30. J.IElaigwu, Gowonp.54.

31. Ibid. pp.51-53; H.B. Momoh (ed). The Nigerian Civil War pp.37-38.

607
32. This account relies on that in H.B. Momoh The Nigerian Civil War pp.40-
44 and on the interviews contained therein with Colonel D.S. Abubakar
(rtd); Lt. General TX. Danjuma (rtd); Major General A Shelleng (rtd). For
General Bali’s noninvolvement in this coup, see Femi Ahmed Domkat
pp.93- 96.

33. J.I. Eaigwu, Gowon pp.66-71.

34. Ibid pp.59-71.

35. Background to the Nigerian crisis, pp.10-il; S.K. PanterBrick, From

Military Coup to Civil War January, 1996 to May, 1967 pp.27-30, K.
Whiteman, ‘Enugu - The psychology of secession, 20 July, 1966 to 30
May, 1967, pp.111-121, in S.K. Panter-Brick (ed 1978) Nigerian Politics
and Militaiy Rule-Prelude to the Civil War London, HB Momoh (ed). The
Nigerian Civil War pp.45-47.
36. H.B. Momoh (ed). The Nigerian Civil War pp.47-49 S.K. Panter-Brick
‘From Militkary Coup to Civil War January, 1966 to May, 1967’ in S.K.
Penter-Brick (ed). Nigerian Politics and MilitaryRule pp.30-33

37. Ibid. p.49; Ibid: pp.35-44.

38. Ibid. pp.49-51; Ibid. pp.48-58.

39. Ibid. pp.58-61.

40. Lt. General D.Y. Bali (1989), ‘The Defence of the Nation’ in Tekena N.
Tamuno and Samson C. Ukpabi (eds). Nigeria Since Independence: The
First 25 Years Vol.VI Ibadan p.1 66.

41. Ibid; pp.1 64-6.

608
42. Samson C. Vupabi, ‘The Lessons of the civil war’ inlbidp.281 & 291.

43. Ntieyong U. Akpan, ‘The position and role of Nigeria’s ethnic minorities
in war and peace’ in Ibid p.127-128; pp.1 36-147.

44. For accounts of training and recruiting for the Second Division, see
interviews with Major General G. Ejiga (rtd) and Major General I.B.M.
Haruna (rtd) in H.B. Momoh (ed). Nigerian Civil War

45. Robin Luokham ‘The Nigerian Military: Disintegration or Integration? ‘In

S.K. Panter-Brick (ed). Nigerian Politics and MilitaryRulep.62.

46. FemiAhmed, Domkatpp.98-109.

47. Interview with Lt. General J.N. Dogonyaro in H.B. Momoh (ed) The
Nigerian Civil War.

48. H.B. Momoh (ed). The Nigerian Civil Warp.125.

49. Prof. Samson Ukpabi has stated ‘Every conceivable mistake would appear
to have been made by both sides, leading to unnecessary waste of human
and material resources and the prolongation of the conflict in his ‘The
Lessons of the Civil War’ in Tamuno and Ukpabi, Nigeria since
independence Vol.VI p.266.

50. Edward Dassah, Shagaya: The Will to Excel pp.65-66.

51. H.B. Momoh (ed) The Nigerian Civil War p.127, see also Major General
I.B. Haruna’s (rtd) description of the formation of the Second Division to
meet the threat in the Mid-West. Those who had seen any form of training
became officers. If you were Lance Corporal, you became a captain

609
 and may be if you were a Sergeant Major or a Sergeant ‘already, you
became a Major and immediately you were given companies or a number
of men to get on with the job.’

52. H.B. Momoh (ed); The Nigerian Civil War especially chapters 5,6,7 on
military operations, Chapter 9 on ‘the Prolongation of the war’.

53. Ian Campbell, ‘Army Reorganisation and military withdrawal’ in Keith

Panter-Brick (1978), Soldiers and Oil: the Political Transformation
ofNigeria, (London) p.63.

54. Ibid; pp.60-63.

55. Chief Anthony Goyol (1996), ID. Gomwalk, A Man of Vision, Jos.
Chapters 1.-3.

56. These figures are taken from the table reproduced in Ibid. p.73.

57. This was to become very evident in the agitation for the breakup of Benue-
Plateau State, and the continued hostility to the memory of J.D. Gomwalk
in Benue.

58. Interview: Rev. Dr. Selcan Miner, Jos, 20/2/2000.

59. Mr. Obeya was involved in a sex scandal with the Berom wife ofajunior
civil servant, and this aroused considerable public outrage at the time.

60 Goyol,1D. Gomwalkp.68.

61. Interview: Rev. Dr Selcan Miner, Jos, 20/2/2000.

62. Mi. Dent ‘Corrective Government’ in K. Panter-Brick (ed). Soldiers and

Oil p.112.

610
63. Ibid;p.113.

64. Quoted 2 Elaigwu, Gowon p.199.

65. Ibid,p.194.

66. Ibid.

67. Ibid; p.222 for the rivalry between Gowon’s ADC Lt. Col. William Walbe
and the Commander of the Brigade of Guards Col. Joseph Garba.

68. Ibid; pp.212-216.

69. Ibid; p.225 for Danjuma’s reaction on being contacted by Garba and
Taiwo, see Lindsay Barrett (1979), Danjuma: The Making of a General,
Enugu, 1979pp.77-79. For Garba and Shehu Yar’adua’s approach to
Murtala Mohammed, see Joseph Garba (1987) Diplomatic Soldiering,
Ibadan pp.xviixviii which states ‘Murtala gave his tacit approval, wanting
however to be distant from the events. Though he was told all of the details
and time, etc, he arranged to be out of country, and was in London when
the coup actually took place.’

70. I. Elaigwu, Gowon pp.226 & 231.

71. FemiAhmed, Domkatp. 113.

72. 2Elaigwu, Gowonp.225.

73. Ibid; pp.225-228.

74. Ibid; pp.230-23!; Onukaba Adinoyi Ojo Olusegun Obasanjo in the Eyes of
Time pp.181-182.

75. Ojo, Olusegun Obasanjo p.1 82; I. Elaigwu, Gowon, p.233.

611
76. I. Elaigwu, Gowon p.231.

77. For Danjuma’s support, see Lindsay Barrett, Danjuma p.80 who reported
that Danjuma told enquirers firmly ‘that he would do nothing to stop the
process of the take over. For Domkat Bali’s account of how as acting
GOC, 2 Division, he reacted to the coup, see Femi Ahmed, Domkat
pp.115-116 and also interview.

78. I. Elaigwu, Gowon p.232.

79. Joe Garba, Diplomatic Soldiering pp.xx-xxii.

80. List of military governors in I. Elaigwu, Gowon p.239.

81. Ibid; 232-233.

612
 INDEX
A B
Abuja,2 Babangida, I5
Accumulate 260 Balewa. 8
Acknowledgment 276 Ballard, 7
Acting Resident, 368 Banfa, 4, 5
Adamawa, 270 Hantond. 6
Adeleye R.A 7 Baptist mission, 453
Administration, 273, 279, 280, 285, 288, 306, 318 Baptist mission. 563, 453
Administrative pressure, 408 Baptized, 468
Administrative, 280, African pastors, 488 Bauchi province, 455
African tribes, 290 BCGA, 376
African, 476 Beliefs, 509
AG (Action Group), 335, 338 Bendor, 6
Agricultural customs, 411 l3enue, 6
Agricultural economics 125 Hiafra, 14
Agricultural officer, 410,423,427,428 Bible, 467,476
Agricultural policy 410 Blacksmiths, 195, 196
Agriculture, 124 Blacksmithing, 506
Ahmadu Bello, 8 Bonzhi. 7
Akanshat, 204 Boundries, 138, 162, 212
Alienation, 532 Boys Secondary School (BSS), 564
Amalgamations, 288, 287 Bride price, 213
American revival, 455 British expeditions, 456
Amulak, 69, 73,74, 126 British government, 400, 401
Amulok, 207 British government, 455
Ancestor, 122, 239 British, 268, 269, 283
Ancestral cult, 462 Buhari, 16
Ancestral, 123 Bureaucracy, 126
Antelope, 242 Bunna,2, 15
Anthropological, 293 Bwarat, 123, 124, 125, 126, 131, 153. 158,268
Anthropologist, 165
Ape, 207
Appointments, 215,274, 290 C
Army cantonment, 599 Cameroon’s campaign. 282
Artificial fertilizers 366 Candidate, 131. 133. 134, 274, 467
Assassination, 288 Ce, 123, 125
Association, 243 Characterized, 364
Attacks, 124 Chardic, 6
Authority, 140 Chieftaincy affairs, 325
Autonomous, 125 Children, 465,481
Autonomy, 122 Christian churches. 563
Awar, 200 Christian magazine. 464
Christian missionary society (C.M.S.). 454
Christian missionary, 453
Christian, 454,474, 478
Christian religious instruction (CR1), 556
Christianity, 12
Chronology, 122
613
Civil war, 2, 13, 589 Disputes, 138
Clan, 122 District head, 303, 302, 371
Classes of religious instructions (CRIs), 469 District officer, 321, 399, 407, 413,414
Colonial authorities, 303 Districts, 504
Colonial government, 393, 366 Diviners, 242, 246
Colonial race, 365 Divisional conference, 3 13
Colonial rulers, 2, 6, 365 Divisional treasurers, 560
Commissioner, 456 Diyan, 131
Commissioner, 456 DMC, 566
Communal, 193, 194 Documentation, 524
Communication, 459 Drought, 123, 137
Community, 498 Duties, 158
Compensatory, 137
Competition, 130
Complexity, 260 E
Complications, 384 Economic activity, 125
Compound visitation, 462 Economic situation, 387
Concentration, 285 Economic, 139, 185
Congregation, 468 Economic development, 366
Constitution, 521 Education, 467
Contemporary, 184 Educational institution, 3
Contradictory, 166 Elopement, 249
Conversion, 506 Emerged, 125, 139
Converts, 490,498 Emergence, 143
Counsellor, 304 English, 518
Courtyard, 208 Epidemics, 123, 137
Crowder, 7 Equipment, 401
Cult war, 591 Escape, 124
Cult, I Ethnic group, 1,2
Cult, 123 Ethnic, 162
Cultural activity, I Ethnographic, 4
Culture, I European missionaries, 479, 498
Currency, 375 Europeans, 273, 275
Customs, 137, 138, 160 vangelism, 453, 462, 476, 477
Executive committee, 330
Executive council, 229
Expatriate, 312
D. Expedition, 271, 272
Dambar, 124 Experiments, 269
Danjuma, 13
Daspora 6
Deaths, 481
Decentralized, 122, 138, 163, 168, 259, 268 F
Defloration, 213 Factual army, 2
Department of native affairs, 292 Farmlands, 124, 125, 193
Depression, 390 ather God, 483
Descendants, 125, 146, 148, 238, 253 ederal council, 311
Detachment, 276 Festivals, 136, 158, 258
Diagnose, 245 Fertility, 136
Dibbar, 124, 126 Financial malpractices, 331
Dimca, 15,268,259, 168, 163, 138 Financial, 496
Dispute, 461 Five majors, 13
Forefather, 126
614

Formative stage, 122 Iganggang, 202

Funganhang, 278 Igugor 204, 206
Ikime, 7
Iloko, 190
G Incompartible, 286
Gandulong, 145, 146, 155 Incorporated, 162, 282
Gango 9 Incumbents, 146, 274
Gani, 123, Gani Development College (GDC), 565, 566 ndependence of Nigeria, 314
Gazetter, 7 Independent, 141,143,285,343
Gbak, 125, 131 ndian, 2
Gebang, 124, 127, 139 ndigen, 2
Genealogically, 123, 268 Indirect rule, 285, 289
Generations, 183 Influence, 530
Geographical area, I, 2 nformants, 161, 184
Geographical position, 288 Information, 607
Gerontocratic, 223 Inheritance, 381
Ghanglang, 136 nstallation, 131, 141, 158
Goemai, 1,6 Institute, 473
Goldie, Gong, 124, 126 nstitutions, 225
Gospel, 478 Insubordination, 270
Government Girls College, Langtang, 565 Intermediary, 167
Government, 279, 289, 390 Invasions, 389
Granductory, I Iron, 124
Grounds, 124 Ironsi, 2
Gunung, 125, 143, 145, 154, 153 Irregularities, 129
Gwale, 7 Islam, 529
Gyang, 124, 139 Itineration, 462

J
Jihad, 122, 123
H Jihadists, 124, 168, 379, 382
Harnitic based, 290 Jos Plateau, I
Hausa Fulani, 2 ostlings, 125, 183
Hausa, 269, 268 ot, 125
Headquarters, 605 Judgment, 138
Health, 479 Jukun, 1,123,290
High commissioner, 300, 301 Junior Primary School, 563
Historical literature, I
History, I
Hospitality, 463 K
Hunting, 124, 154, 193 Kaingi. 6
Husbandry, 236 Kampye, 134, 155
Karntak, 125
Kan, 123, 125, 156
I Kinsfold, 210
IBB Era, 610 Kinship System, 1
Ibi, 124 inship Ties, 122, 166
Idiagbon, 16 Kumbwang, 125, 145. 146, 159
Idols, 467 Kuromfet, 269
615

Kwallak, 124, 139, 268 Movements 124, 125, 161, 388

Kwararafa, 124, 149, 150, 151 Murder 137
Muri 270,379
Muritala Mohammed/Obasanjo regime 600
Myer 124
L
Labour Government 3 12
Lagan 123, 124
Laghasa 238 N
Lagos Garrison Organization 698 Native Authority 294, 302, 304, 308, 326, 329,
Langtang 269, 457 330, 332, 343
Langtang Soil Conservation Scheme 430 Native Authority Policeman 327
Language 4 Native Administrative 372
Lannap 4 Native Authority Comment 321
Leadership 139,225,229 Native Authority Farm, 513
Leather Bags 206 Nature treasury 308, 309
Legislature Council 312 NCNC 333, 334, 337, 338, 339
Legitimacy 276 NDA, 580, 593
Legitimize 215 Ndangmar 237
Lineages 122, 125, 126,157, 156, 130, 129 NDC 340
Localize 268 Negotiations 268
Locust 123 NEPU, 340
Lohmak 126 NESCO 407
Lokoja 454 Nfachip 123
Long goemai 320 Ngas I, 124
Lugard 289 Ngas 124
Lyangjit 133,134 Niger 6
Nigeria 289, 366, 484
Nigerian Civil War 430, 580
Nigeria Police 341
Nigerian Politics 8
M
Mabak 134 Nimber 123, 124, 125
Marriage 1,3 NMS 579, 580
Material Development 311 NNA 340, 341
Medicine 126, 131, 141, 143,159,259 NNDP34O
Medical 459,463 NNR, 571
Medicine 464 Nomajiddi arrangement 330
Membership 130 Nominated 273
Memorandum 162 Non-refundable 214
Menstruating Women 135 Northern Nigeria, 289
Middle belt 2,5,7,8 Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) 269, 335 338
Middle Belt Solders 573 339, 341, 582
Middle Zone League {mzl}333, 334 Northern Province 289
Military 139 Nzhong 126
Military regime 2
Misfortune 260
Missionaries 183,458, 459,460,464

Mohammedas 455 O
Monoculture 187 OAU 598
Monotonous 187 Obasanjo 14, 600, 603
Montoe 123 Obstacles 481
Montol 123 Old Testament 460
Onembak P.123

616

Onimbak 126 Proximity, 183

Operatum 509 Public Opinion 303
Oppressed 507 Pyramids 244
Oral 5
OralTradition 122, 124
Organization 125
Orim 123 R
Ornaments 213 RAC 376
Ostentatiously 252 RCM 574
Ownership 138 RECCE, 580, 587
Reciprocity, 220
Recommendations 306
P Rehgnns 122, 306
Pafrilineages 217, 218 Reinforcement 270
Pagans 209 Relationships 163, 282
Participation, 140 Reorganization 301. 329
Pe-l24, 126 Representational 160
Pioneer Missionaries 556 Remedies 260
Plain Tarok P.123 Resettlement Scheme 414, 415, 422, 424
Plateau 6 Resigned 274
Plateau Minefield 375 Responsibilities. 306, 522
Policeman 238 Retribution 282
Political 122, 123, 285, 324 Richard’s Constitution 312
Political Crisis 418 Rinbic 122
Political Development 122, 124, 270, 285 Rituals 136, 158
Political Systems I 2 Roads 46 I
Ponzhigwoi 123 Roman Catholic Mission (RCM), 508
Ponzlimbins 122, 123, 131, 132, 135 Rotation 156,187
Post Jihad 124 Royal Niger 6
Potmaking 198 Royal Niger Company 195, 270
Prayers 474 Royal West Africa Frontier Forces (RWAFF) 570
Pre-colonial P.122, 157, 183, 210. 216, RSM, 574
222, 223, 225, 380, 382
Preductive 381
Pre-Jihad P.123 S
Primary School System 499 Sarduana 8,331, 332
Primisinter Pares 284 Scholarship 3
Primogeniture 130 Schools 489
Production, 381 Second World War 2,310. 311.314, 333, 503
Principal economic activity, 125 Sedentary Life 124
Profession 246 Settlements 124. 271. 461
Professional Circumase 257 Sha 126
Professors 126 Shamot 123
Progenitors, 125 Shandam Resettlement Scheme 411
Progress in Hiock C, 419,420 Shikuli 131
Propaganda 311 Shrime 132
Proposals 284, 285, 300 Shrines, 158
Prosessors, 126 Silver Coins 374
Protacted 259 Similarities 131,133
Protection 126 Slaughtered 132, 134
Protestant Missionary 453, 482 Smallpox 129
Protuberance 206 Social Integration 2

617

Social Organization P. 122 U

Social Political 2 UMBC 335, 336, 338, 339
Solidarity 462 University 531
Squabbles 183 Unrelated Families 122
Stanford 6 UPGA 340, 341
Subjugated 270
Subordination 280
Succession 130, 131,157, 277
Successors 147, 270 V
Sudan Party 454 Vaccination 465
Sudan Pioneer Mission 454 Vernacular Teachers (VTS) 559, 563
Suffering 483 Volunteered 473
Sum 400, 556, 561, 572 Vongien-Mahan 130
Supernatural 240,243,245,260
Supplementary 364
Supporters 286
Supreme bang 236 W
Symbolizing 256 WAAF 396, 570, 574
Warok 126, 142
Warriors 221
T Wase 123, 124
Taboos 125 Waserm, 133
Taltarok 124 Western Education 2
Tarlandok I, 2, 3,4, 5, Western missionaries 556
Tarok 122, 124,268 Windows, 221
Tarokland, 123, 124, 186 Witch doctor 464
Tarok church 10 Women 459
,, culture 8 Woodcarving 210
,, federation 311 World War 2
,, history 3 4 World War 11 430
,, marriage 9
Teaching 477
TehI 1,5, 123 Y
Tekan II Yehua P.124
Territory, 183,455 Yergam Progressive Union 322, 325
The Abacha Era 613 Yergam Union 269
The Church of Christ in Nigeria (COCIN) 574, 577 Yergan 3, 5
The Obasanjo Era, 603
Timwat 124
Tools 124
Trace 125
Tradition 122,123,131 Z
Tradition Zhadn 126
Traditiofl l22,23,l3l Zinnil23, 124, 126, 159
Tradition oral 3
Tradition religion 4
Traditional religion 234,236,285
Traditioflahtsta 462
TransacttoS 364
Transcended p 123
Transition 244,248,260
Translation 475