Review of Late Roman Army in Serbia

cOnsTAnTine
THE
great OF MILAN
AND THE EDICT
313.
THE BIRTH OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE ROMAN PROVINCES ON THE SOIL OF SERBIA
ARCHAEOLOGICAL MONOGRAPHS 22
PUBLISHER
THE NATIONAL MUSEUM
IN BELGRADE
www.narodnimuzej.rs
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Bojana Bori}-Bre{kovi}
EDITORS
Ivana Popovi}
AUTHORS OF CATALOGUE UNITS TRANSLATION PHOTOS AND PLANS

Bojana Bori}-Bre{kovi} ²B. B. B.³ OF INTRODUCTORY TEXTS National Museum in Belgrade
Tatjana Cvjeti}anin ²T. C.³ Ivan Delac Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade
Veselinka Ninkovi} ²V. N.³ Stanislav Grgi} National Museum Ni{
Ivana Popovi} ²I. P.³ Goran Kapetanovi} National Museum Poàrevac
Jelena (Rankov) Kondi} ²J. R. K.³ Tamara Rodwell Jovanovi} National Museum Zaje~ar
Deana Ratkovi} ²D. R.³ Institute for the Protection
TRANSLATION
of Cultural Monuments – Belgrade
REVIEWS AND ENGLISH LANGUAGE EDITOR
Institute for Protection
Miroslava Mirkovi} Tamara Rodwell Jovanovi}
of Cultural Monuments Ni{
Bojan \uri}
TRANSLATION Museum of Vojvodina
OF CATALOGUE UNITS Museum of Srem
Mirjana Vukmanovi} Historical Museum of Serbia
Tatjana Cvjeti}anin COMPUTER PROCESSING
Aleksandar V. Popovi} OF PHOTOS AND PLANS
Bojana Bori} Bre{kovi} Neboj{a Bori}
EDITORS OF BIBLIOGRAPHY PRINT
Svetlana Milenkovi} PUBLIKUM, Belgrade
Ivana Popovi}
CIRCULATION
DESIGN 1500
D_SIGN, Belgrade
ISBN 978-86-7269-146-7
cOnsTAnTine
THE
great OF MILAN
AND THE EDICT
313 .
THE BIRTH OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE ROMAN PROVINCES ON THE SOIL OF SERBIA
EDITORS
Ivana POPOVI]
Bojana BORI]-BRE[KOVI]
NATIONAL MUSEM IN BELGRADE

Belgrade 2013
CONTENTS
15 TETRARCHY AND THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE

– NEW ORGANIZATION OF POWER
16 Sneàna FERJANÎ]
History of Roman provinces in the territory of modern day Serbia
during the Principate
26 Sneàna FERJANÎ]
History of Roman provinces in the territory of modern day Serbia
in the time of the Tetrarchy and the Second Flavians (AD 284–363)
36 Jelena (RANKOV) KONDI]

Moesian Late Roman limes on the Danube
Region of the Iron Gates / \erdap
60 Stefan POP-LAZI]
Review of the Late Roman army in Serbia
75 PAGANS AND CHRISTIANS: TOWNS, PALACES

AND NECROPOLES IN THE LATE ROMAN PERIOD
76 Miloje VASI]
Cities and imperial villae in Roman provinces
in the territory of present day Serbia
102 Ivana POPOVI]

Sirmium – imperial residence, pannonian metropolis
and christian “Head of Illyricum”
118 Gordana MILO[EVI]

The architecture of the residential complex in Mediana
126 Gordana JEREMI]

Burials in Naissus in Late Antiquity – case study of the necropolis
in Jagodin Mala
137 RELIGION: TRANSFORMATION OF CONCEPT
AND MODIFICATION OF THE ICONOGRAPHY
138 Ivana POPOVI]

“In hoc signo vinces”
161 PERIOD OF THE LATE ROMAN EMPIRE:

PUBLIC AND PRIVATE, LUXURY AND DAILY LIFE
162 Ivana POPOVI]

Sirmium and Naissus as centres for the manufacture,
thesauration and distribution of objects made of precious metals
174 Ivana POPOVI]

Stone art in the service of imperial propaganda and christian messages

Architectural plastics in Mediana and Naissus
188 Ivana POPOVI]

Jewellery as an insigne of authority, imperial donation
and as personal adornment
196 Deana RATKOVI]

Craft products as indicators of transition: from the everyday to the luxurious
206 Tatjana CVJETI]ANIN

Personal piety. Objects of the christian cult in everyday life
218 Bojana BORI]-BRE[KOVI], Mirjana VOJVODA

The iconography of Constantine the Great’s coinage
235 HERITAGE OF FIRST CHRISTIAN EMPEROR

On the Limes – places for martyrs and churches
243 BIBLIOGRAPHY
281 CATALOGUE
EXHIBITION ORGANIZATION
THE NATIONAL MUSEUM
IN BELGRADE
AUTHORS
OF THE EXHIBITION CONCEPT
Ivana Popovi}
Deana Ratkovi}
EXHIBITION COORDINATOR COORDINATOR LABELS TRANSLATION

Deana Ratkovi} OF EXHIBITION REALIZATION Mirjana Vukmanovi}
Gordana Grabe`
THE EXHIBITION PHOTOS AND PLANS EDITOR
WAS ASSISTED WITH LOANS FROM COLLABORATION Neboj{a Bori}
Belgrade City Museum ON EXHIBITION REALIZATION
EXHIBITS CONSERVATION
Historical Museum of Serbia, Belgrade Veselinka Ninkovi}
National Museum in Belgrade
Museum of Krajina, Negotin Nenad Radoj~i}
Belgrade City Museum
Museum of Srem, Sremska Mitrovica Zoran Pavlovi}
Historical Museum of Serbia
Museum in Smederevo Dragica @ivoti},
Museum of Krajina Negotin
Museum of Vojvodina, Novi Sad Mina Jovi}
Museum of Srem
National Museum Ni{ Miroslav Petelin
Museum in Smederevo
National Museum Poàrevac Marko Stamenkovi}
Museum of Vojvodina
National Museum Zaje~ar Sneàna Topi}
National Museum of Ni{
Milan ôlovi}
National Museum Poàrevac
Aleksandar Bandovi}
National Museum Zaje~ar
Jovan Mitrovi}
EXHIBITION
EXHIBITION DESIGN
TECHNICAL REALIZATION
Zvonko Petkovi}
Goran Bogojevi}
EXHIBITION GRAPHIC DESIGN Department for realization of programs
Danijela Paracki of the National Museum in Belgrade
© All rights reserved

The exhibition and catalogue were realized with
support of the Ministry of Culture and Media
and the Organizing Committee for Marking
1700th Anniversary of the Edict of Milan
60 . REVIEW OF THE LATE ROMAN ARMY
IN SERBIA
REVIEW
OF THE LATE ROMAN ARMY
IN SERBIA
Stefan POP-LAZI]
THE DANUBE REGION was a theatre of important

political and military events in the period of Late
Antiquity, i.e. from the end of the 3rd and during the
4th century. A good number of archaeological sites in
the territory of present day Serbia bear evidence of
this period, during which the Roman Empire under-
went a transition from a state run by an emperor – the
first among equals – to a state run by an emperor-
master. On the one hand, the frontier on the Danube
was a zone of endless fighting between the Roman
state and the tribes inhabiting the area north of the
Danube. On the other, one section of the key land
communication route that connected the western and
the eastern parts of the Roman Empire passed through
the territory of present day Serbia. Several emperors
stayed in this region periodically because one of their
important tasks was to lead the army during military
campaigns. The fourth and, perhaps, the most sig-
nificant component of the Roman army’s presence
in the Danubian region was to secure the stable and
regular exploitation of natural resources – metals
from the Balkan mines. All four components were
under the jurisdiction of the military – protection of
the border and communications, of the emperor and
of the imperial domains. The geographical position of
the Roman provinces that existed in the territory of
present day Serbia was also a reason for the significant
presence of Roman troops in our territory, from the
very beginnings of Roman rule in this region (fig. 1).
IN SERBIA
During Late Antiquity, the territory of present day the Roman state was able to readjust to the existing
Serbia was divided into several administrative units. situation and respond decisively both to the problems
Eastern Srem belonged to the province of Pannonia within its territory and to the hostilities at the border.
Secunda, while the area to the south and southwest of These changes largely involved the Roman military, as
the Danube was part of the provinces of Moesia Prima, one of the key levers of power and governing the state.
Dacia Ripensis, Dacia Mediterranea and Dardania This is why changes were evident in the various seg-
(fig. 2). The presence of various military units was ments of military organisation compared with the
recorded primarily in historical sources, then in period of the Principate. The concentration of power
numerous inscriptions on bricks, but also by means in the hands of the rulers, and control of the Empire
of the significant number of military encampments ruled by two Augusti and two Caesars, was accom-
and fortified settlements, as well as in presentations plished by a new fragmentation of the earlier pro-
of visual art, and, by far the most, by the items which vinces into prefectures (four large areas governed by
the soldiers used daily. praetorian prefects), dioceses (governed by vicars,
In the period from the 1st to the start of the 2nd responsible to the praetorian prefects) and provinces
century, the Roman state conquered the territory of (governed by administrators, responsible to the vicars).
the Balkans, conquered the Dacian kingdom on the
Danube and divided the conquered territory into
provinces (Lower Pannonia – Srem, Moesia Superior MILITARY ORGANIZATION
– Serbia, Dacia – Banat). Besides smaller units, the
military divisions in these provinces consisted of The military reform, which corresponded with
legions, whose headquarters in the region of present the administrative changes, led to the formation of
day Serbia were in Singidunum (Legio IV Flavia) and new legions. The resolution of the problems posed
in Viminacium (Legio VII Claudia). During this earlier by the organisation of the main body of troops
period, only the area of Ba~ka represented a foreign within legions was initiated by the emperor Diocletian,
territory – barbaricum. A number of fortifications who introduced new units, which were deployed at
were built on the Danube during the wars with the key strategic positions along the border. Considering
Dacians,1 which were partly abandoned after the for- that new, smaller provinces were formed from the
mation of Dacia (fig. 1–2). existing ones, the need arose to station new troops in
In the middle of the 3rd century and during its lat- the new provinces,4 so the headquarters of the newly
ter half, the Roman state was confronted with serious formed legions V Iovia and VI Herculia,5 were estab-
political, economic and military problems, which lished in the territory of Serbia, in Srem (fig. 16).
resulted in the usurpation of authority, inflation and The legions IV and VII remained at their positions
enemy raids on the territory of the Empire.2 Attempts
by the emperors Gallienus and Aurelian to solve the
multiple problems during their reign did not bring
stability, but they did pave the way for subsequent 1 Petrovi} and Vasi} 1996: 20, 21; Gudea 2001: 25–26;
political, economic and military reforms.3 The crisis 2 There is an opinion that the military had a significant influence
of the Roman state in the 3rd century would lead to in the crisis of the 3rd century, cf. Blois 2007: 503–507.
a significant change in the state and the military’s 3 Southern 2001: 81–83; Watson 2003: 203–206.
administration and organisation in the period of 4 According to the common practice of permanently stationing
Late Antiquity – the end of the 3rd and during the 4th two legions in one province, cf. Parker 1933: 178–179, 182. Evi-
century. With their crucial steps in the reform of the dence of this is the formation of the legions V Iovia and VI Her-
culia, aimed at securing the crew of troops in the newly formed
administration, financial and military systems, the
province of Pannonia Secunda. The legions I and II Adiutrix were
emperors Diocletian and Constantine enabled the redeployed in the province of Valeria as soon as Lower Pannonia
Roman Empire to endure for one more century. Aban- was divided, cf. Du{ani} 1968: 90.
doning Dacia and forming a centralised authority 5 On the garrisons of these legions registered in Notitia, cf. Du{a-
resulted in the creation of a new framework, in which ni} 1968: 90–91.
IN SERBIA
Fig. 16. Seals on the bricks of Legio VII Claudia, VI Herculia and IV Flavia
in Moesia Prima, in the encampments from the previ- but there is no clarity about the numerical status of
ous period (Singidunum and Viminacium), while the particular formations. Nowadays, the number of
legions withdrawn from Dacia, the V Macedonica soldiers the Roman military had in Late Antiquity is
(Escus) and the XIII Gemina (Ratiaria), were gar- still in the sphere of speculation because, among
risoned in the new province of Dacia Ripensis. The other reasons, one cannot tell for certain how many
legions were led by a commander (dux), who could troops were in one legion, or cohort. As opinions
command troops from one or two provinces.6 Mili- already differ in connection with the earlier period,11
tary units had escorted the emperor in previous and later sources are even scarcer, the only thing that
periods, too,7 and, what is particularly interesting for can be generally accepted as an assumption is that
our region are two texts that record the presence of
detachments of legions IV and VII in Egypt8 and
Arabia,9 which is proof of the reassignment of the
elite units from the limes to a military campaign with 6 Elton 2007: 273.
the emperor. Further reform encompassed the frag- 7 Parker 1933: 182–183; Tomlin 2000: 166–169; Southern 2006:
mentation of the troops referred to as comitatenses, 249–250;
ripenses and alares et cohortales in the law from 325 8 A papyrus (P. Oxy, I 0043) records that provisions were issued
A.D. Comitatenses were considered to be the units of to various military units on February 16, 295, cf. Grenfell and
the highest rank and were divided into cavalry, com- Hunt 1898: 89, 93, 94. Mentioned in Col. V, 13–14 is the Iulian
manded by a magister equitum, and infantry, com- praepositus of the legio IIII Flavia, while Aurelios Vales, the optio
of the legio VII Claudia is mentioned in rows 23, 25 and 26.
manded by a magister peditum. As mobile units, they
9 The inscription from the town of Azraq, besides the IIII and VII,
escorted the emperor during campaigns.10 Troops for
mentions the legions XI Claudia, I Italica, I Illyricorum and III
the pseudo-comitatenses units, which were of signifi- Cyrenaica. Considering that the presence of these legions was
cantly lower rank than the comitatenses, were recruit- recorded in Egypt during Diocletian’s campaign in 295, Speidel
ed from the border armies (limitanei). The term assumes that the solution to the start of the missing part of the
ripenses denoted the units of cavalry and infantry at text is “D. n. Diocletiano…”. He also assumes that the said legions
took part in constructing a road, given the said distance between
the border and, because of their different size, had a
Bostra and Dumata, cf. Speidel 1987: 215–217. The joint activity
different tactical purpose in the army: legiones, equites, of the legio IIII and VII in building roads on rocky terrains was
cunei equitum, auxillia. The smallest units, with the known, based on an inscription from \erdap, cf. Petrovi}
lowest rank, were cohortes (infantry) and alae (cav- 1986: 49.
alry). Discussion is still lively regarding the size of 10 Southern and Dixon 2000: 18–19, 36; Southern 2006: 250.
the units which the Roman military had in the period 11 Roth 1994: 352–361. Vegetius as an unreliable source for the
from the end of the 3rd and during the 4th century, size of a legion, cf. Baatz 2000: 156–157.
IN SERBIA
the number of troops in one legion in Late Antiqui- that were built in the previous period of the Princi-
ty was significantly lower than around 5000.12 pate (fig. 17). It was common for military outposts to
Building was one of the more important activi- be located on elevated ground beside Danube tribu-
ties of the military.13 The actual military camps, con- taries, in places where river islands formed, which
structed by the units which were stationed in them, were the easiest places for an enemy to cross from
are proof of this. Considering the frequent hostilities the territory on the left bank of the river. Changes in
against the Roman state and people the neighbouring the way ramparts were built, and in the position and
tribes engaged in, protection of the border was the task shapes of towers, represent a general characteristic of
of the part of the Roman military stationed in the line new fortifications. The ramparts were built as massive
of military camps and fortifications erected at strate- walls, in full width of usually more than two metres.
gically important positions. Military units were also This width leads to the conclusion that the height of
deployed in the interior of the Balkan provinces, pri- the ramparts was increased, so it is quite possible that
marily in places where control of roads and mining the interior of a camp was surrounded by walls more
areas was needed.14 The fortifications Szolnok15 and than six metres high. Changes in the position of tow-
Timacum Minus,16 as well as a number of partly explo- ers in relation to the ramparts were due to changes
red or unexplored localities in Serbia,17 are testimony in military tactics. Namely, placing the towers far-
of this. Three imperial residences can be partly or fully ther outward in relation to the ramparts involved
brought into connection with the military of Late moving the defensive trench farther towards the
Antiquity. It was confirmed by finds of bricks of the field of battle, which made it more difficult for the
Legio V Macedonica in the Romuliana fortifications enemy to reach the rampart and, at the same time,
that this legion participated in building the fortifica- exposed them to projectiles from the towers. If the
tions of the palace at Gamzigrad,18 while inscriptions
of the Legio IV Flavia were discovered during new
explorations on this locality.19 There is a much less re- 12 Tomlin 2000: 169; Coello 1996: 60.
liable assumption about the presence of the Roman 13 Several papers from the past 15 years are dedicated to the for-
army in Mediana, although some finds indicate that it
tifications on the Danube: Petrovi} and Vasi} 1996; Gudea 2001;
could be true. Primarily, there are the discovered re- Vasi} 2003 b; Ivani{evi} i Bugarski 2012 b.
mains of the southeast rampart and tower from the 14 Du{ani} 2000: 347, 363.
4th century,20 and possibly military barracks intended 15 Popovi} 1996 b: 140–141.
for accommodating the imperial escort.21 Despite the 16 Petrovi} 1995 b: 34, 40–42.
fact that there are numerous bricks in Sirmium bearing
17 Popovi} and Biki} 2009: 125–126; Petrovi} 1995 c: 201;
the stamps of different military units from the period
Petkovi} 2009: 189–195. M. Milinkovi} (Milinkovi} 2008:
of Late Antiquity,22 and taking into account the occa- 538–545) provide an overview of registered Late Antiquity-
sional presence of the emperors, one can also reckon Early Byzantine fortifications (Abb. 1) and high altitude finds
with the presence of stationary troops in this city,23 (Höhenanlagen) in Serbia (Abb. 2), and point out that some of
although the architecture discovered so far has not them have 3rd century finds only sporadically, while the archi-
tecture of that period is missing.
been interpreted as definitely having had a military
18 Mirkovi} 1997 b: 429–430; Christodoulou 2002: 275;
purpose. The visits by the emperors to Naissus would,
19
for the same reasons, suggest at least a temporary mil- Bülow 2009: 133; besides these, two more bricks of the legio
itary presence. However, no inscriptions have been IIII Flavia were discovered during repair works on the later for-
tifications in 2012.
found that would substantiate this assumption.24
20 Petrovi} 1994: 53, 54.
21 Vasi} 2007: 101–102;
FORTIFICATIONS 22 Milo{evi} 1972: 96–103.
23 Mirkovi} 1971: 44. For the period from the 1st to the 3rd cen-
On the Danube, the border of the Empire, mili- tury, cf. Mirkovi} 1990.
tary fortifications were mainly reconstructed camps 24 Petrovi} 1976: 51, 52; Petrovi} 1979: 32.
IN SERBIA
Fig. 17. Roman fortifications on the Moesian part of Danube
enemy crossed the line of the defensive trench, he to construct walls that defended the space between
then entered the space between two towers and the the rampart facing the river (Diana, Singidunum)
rampart, where he was exposed to frontal fire from and its bank (fig. 18, 136). One can presume that the
the rampart and to flanking fire from the towers. defended space represented a harbour, where troops
This change in defensive architecture was obviously disembarked and cargo was unloaded during com-
the consequence of a change in the tactical concept, munication between a ship and the porta praetoria.
in which greater attention was paid to defending a The shapes of the towers on the fortifications were
fortification against frontal attacks.25 The base of the changed probably for various structural and static
fortification with rounded corners was retained from reasons26 and because of the general characteristic of
the previous periods, although the rounded corners
had lost their primary function. Namely, a charac-
teristic of the ground plan of the Roman military 25 Baatz 1983: 136–140.
camp from the period of the Principate was the 26 It should be considered that, while building or reconstructing
rounded corner between two walls, placed at a right a part of or an entire fortification, with all fortification elements,
angle. In these camps, corner towers were located on a Roman military architect was constantly facing problems with
the inside, placed at a 45o angle in relation to the the existence of constructions or layers of various structures below
neighbouring walls, in such a way that their front the ground level (remains of ramparts, debris, trenches, pits and
layers). One can assume that the construction project would have
wall was, at the same time, the rounded part of the been adjusted for these individual characteristics. This was prob-
fortification. Besides these, there was another novelty, ably the decisive factor in the selection of the shape of the con-
in our parts, in the shape of the fortifications. It was struction that would be applied.
IN SERBIA
Fig. 18. Ground plan

of fortress of Singidunum
IN SERBIA
placing them farther out in relation to the ramparts. Roman soldiers was also observed in the period of
Thus, besides rectangular ones, fan-shaped towers Late Antiquity, albeit with certain changes. One of
were also registered in the territory of Pannonia and, the most important but still unresolved issues con-
besides these two types, semi-circular towers were cerning the organisation of military formations of
found in \erdap. Late Antiquity was the numerical status of a legion,
or a cohort or centuria. Although one can conclude
from epigraphic sources that the same legions were
INSIDE FORTIFICATION continuously present in the Danubian region, with
two newly formed legions during Diocletian’s reign,
The size of a military unit defined the size of a their size was most probably changed, i.e. reduced.
camp, while the placement of buildings was defined Accordingly, the need for their accommodation was
by the position of the principia – the command in reduced so that one should count on fewer barracks
relation to which everything was organised: main for the legionaries within the camp. A circumstance
communication routes within the camp, buildings that complicated this definition of the ratio between
for the commander and officers, and barracks for the the number of soldiers and the amount of room for
accommodation of all the troops (beds in dormitories their accommodation is the possibility that some,
and the space needed for their equipment in storage primarily older soldiers, were accommodated together
areas). During the period of the Principate, this sys- with their families in the camp. The camps explored
tem was arranged in the following way: the soldiers in the territory of Serbia so far provide little data for
within one company – a centuria, were accommo- answering these important questions, in view of the
dated in one barrack, divided into dormitories, each fact that the interiors of the camps have not been
with a room for eight soldiers. Beds for the soldiers explored properly and that the characteristics of cer-
were placed in the dormitory, while their equipment tain buildings are unknown. Changes were observed
was kept in a room in front of the dormitory. Thus, in the organization of the interior of the barracks in
a camp for one cohort would have had at least six Singidunum,27 with the introduction of a heating
barracks, one for each centuria. Economy of space system and the installation of a prefurnium in the area
within a camp was achieved by placing two barracks that was part of the dormitory (contubernium) in the
rear to rear, while communication was secured by the previous period. As the earlier barracks were divided
construction of a porch that faced the street. Rooms only into dormitories and storage areas, the intro-
for the commander of the centuria were located in duction of a room with a new purpose, for placing
the extension of the barracks. Main streets within the
camp connected the four main gates. Their position,
as well as the position of all the buildings within a
camp, was defined by the position of the headquar-
27 The key building phases of the interior of a camp could be
ters – principia, which was always in the centre of the
represented by a camp from the end of the 3rd century, when the
camp, connected by the via praetoria street with the existing architecture was adapted and the level (of the streets and
main gate, the porta praetoria, and by the via princi- floors), elevated by around one metre, and the second phase, from
palis street with the left and right gates. The building the mid-4th century, when some of the communication lines
where the commander and officers had their quarters between the barracks were eliminated by the erection of new
buildings in their place. Exploration conducted in the period
was usually in the immediate vicinity of the principia,
between 2004 and 2009 in front of the porta decumana (the
connected by these two streets with the three main Roman Hall of the Library of the City of Belgrade) and within
gates. All the other buildings (warehouses and hor- the southeastern part of the retentura of the camp, resulted in
rea for keeping supplies, workshops, storage rooms, the discovery of two communication routes, dating from Late
economy buildings and horse stables), which were Antiquity, in front of the camp, and of the via decumana which
confirms the interpretation of the remains in the Roman Hall as
necessary for the functioning of a military unit, could those of the southeastern gate. Also discovered were furnaces from
be positioned differently within the walls. A reflec- Late Antiquity above the third trench in front of the southeastern
tion of this type of organisation of living space for rampart of the camp.
IN SERBIA
the stokehole for the heating system, leads us to supplies in the immediate neighbourhood of a camp
assume that fewer soldiers of the centuria were living from the population that made a living from trading
in the barracks. Unfortunately, the barracks where with the military, some goods were obtained from
this change was observed have not been explored distant regions and delivered by river, attested by the
thoroughly, so we do not know the purpose of the finds of amphorae in fortifications.34 Two horrea from
other rooms. The situation in êzava, where a room Late Antiquity were discovered in Pontes and Taliata,35
with a hypocaust was built in the principia, indicates while a large horreum was discovered in Singidu-
that the introduction of a heating system at the end num, 36 metres long and 18 metres wide, intended
of the 3rd century was not reserved only for the bar- for storing supplies for a larger military garrison. As
racks.28 The same was observed in the fortifications this building was not parallel with the via principalis
in Boljetin and in Ravna.29 Two buildings erected in and with the northeastern rampart, one can assume
Diana during Late Antiquity perhaps best illustrate that it belonged to the third construction phase of
this process of adapting and constructing new accom- the Singidunum castrum, i.e. to the period after the
modation facilities within the fortifications. While the middle of the 4th century.36
building with the apse represents a long facility with
reinforcements on the outside of the longitudinal
walls,30 the other building consists of several rooms
organised around a central courtyard.31 The charac- 28 Vasi} 1984: 100.
teristic of both was that the space was heated, which 29 Zotovi} 1984: 215–216; Kondi} 1984: 244.
obviously means that they were used for housing 30 Rankov 1980: 56–59; Rankov-Kondi} 2009: 381.
purposes. As the two buildings were placed near one
31 Rankov-Kondi} 2009: 382, 386 (layout, squares D, E, F, 10–13).
another, it is possible that they represented parts of
32 The southwestern rampart of the camp in Singidunum was
a whole – of some larger luxury complex, perhaps
explored by means of a small, three-metre long probe on the
the villa/palace of a high-ranking officer or com-
Sava Promenade, in 1984. It was not parallel with the northeast-
mander. The southeastern part of a building with an ern rampart, but ran in a direction that deviated slightly in its
apse oriented in a northwest-southeast direction was northwestern part towards the north (20 degrees). (Bojovi} 1996:
discovered in Singidunum, the purpose of which Fig. 1) The position and direction of the part of the southwestern
cannot be defined clearly, considering that it was rampart indicate that there was a period, undetermined at pres-
ent, in which this part of the castrum became narrower, in view
explored only in the southeastern part and that much of the fact that it does not correspond to the recorded arrange-
of it was destroyed by subsequent digging. Its width ment of the scamnae (blocks) of the legionaries’ barracks in the
– 9.5 metres, was calculated on the basis of the dis- retentura of the castrum. The part of the rampart on the north-
tance between its northwestern wall and the southwestern side was uncovered in the length of one metre and, in
the same way, it deviated from layout of the other ramparts and
western rampart it was leaning against,32 while the
interior walls in the castrum, i.e. it lay in the direction that devi-
diameter of the apse was 5.7 metres. As digging the ated in its northwestern part more than four degrees to the west
foundations of this building eliminated an earlier cf. Bajalovi} – Hadì-Pe{i} 1991: 38–41, fig. 8–9. For the moment,
canal and the remains of the via sagularis, and because the only building that occupies an approximately parallel, i.e.
it lay parallel with the remains of the rampart from straight line in relation to this direction is the horreum near the
Clock Gate, erected after the middle of the 4th century.
Late Antiquity, the assumption is that it was erected
33 Besides money, fragments of ceramic vessels dated to the end
at the time when the rampart was built, probably in
of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century were also discovered
the mid-4th century.33 in the pit that was dug into this building.
Buildings whose purpose was for storing supplies 34 Bjelajac 1996: 110, 113.
– horrea – were also visible within the fortification of 35 Petrovi} and Vasi} 1996: 25.
Late Antiquity, besides the facilities for the accom-
36 The find of coins of Constantius II is proof of this. The pro-
modation of the troops. The organisation of meals for
posed dating to the early Byzantine period remains possible,
the troops was one of the most important activities considering that there are no results of exploration that would
and was performed at the level of the military units. indicate a closer terminus post quam non for the building of the
Besides the procurement, presumably, of some of the horreum, cf. Biki} and Ivani{evi} 1996: 260–261.
IN SERBIA
MILLITARY EQUIPMENT
The armaments and equipment of a Roman sol-

dier of Late Antiquity were based on the tradition
and centuries of war experience of the greatest mili-
tary force of the ancient world. Thus, in this respect,
it is difficult to separate the period of the end of the
3rd and of the 4th centuries as different from the pre-
vious periods. The Roman military accumulated
experience in fighting against differently equipped
enemies and, not so rarely, from in-fighting. The most
frequently documented forms of armaments of the
Roman soldier have been derived from this vast com-
bat experience. Certainly the most influential was
the concept according to which the Roman military
a b
imposed an offensive in a well disciplined battle for-
mation. Proceeding from this concept is the fact that
a Roman fortification was actually a military camp, Fig. 19. Parts of the sword, Singidunum
where soldiers were living and from where they a) blunt end of the sword; b) hilt
emerged in an organised manner to impose battle in
the field. The indicators of this postulate are the mil-
itary architecture and equipment. this type, made of ivory, was discovered in the hori-
In essence, the combat gear of a soldier from Late zon of Late Antiquity in the camp of the Legio IV
Antiquity differed little from the equipment of a sol- Flavia in Singidunum.39 The grip of the hilt was also
dier from the previous period of the Principate. The most often made of bone, shaped in such a way as to
main changes, as with defensive architecture, stemmed fit the hand anatomically (fig. 19). One of the most
from the change in tactics. The greater use of the detailed presentations of a soldier from Late Antiqui-
cavalry resulted in the need for a longer offensive ty originated from our regions. The standing figure of
weapon, the double-edged sword. Also observed was an officer with a spear in the right hand is presented
a change in the way in which the sword was worn on the front side40 of a sarcophagus from [id (fig. 20).
around the waist – the characteristic of Late Antiq- The details of the decorations on the belt are visible
uity was that the sword was worn on the left side. – the metalwork, buckle and prong. Judging by the
Several finds of phalera on archaeological sites dating length of the sword, worn on the left side, this presen-
from Late Antiquity testify to this new way of wearing tation depicts a semi-spatha,41 a middle-length sword,
swords during Late Antiquity.37 Namely, from the 3rd
century on, the sword was worn on the left side, on a
special belt, a balteus, which was worn over the right 37 Vujovi} 2003: 212.
shoulder and across the chest. The scabbard was tied
38 The type Khisfine variant C, broadly dated to the end of the
to the balteus by a separate strap, crossed through a
2nd to the 4th century, cf. Miks 2007: 309–310.
buckle. A very frequent type of scabbard slider in the
39 Vujovi} 1998: 241–248.
territory of the Empire was made of bone, with a
40 Pop-Lazi} 2008: 168–169.
larger eye for the belt and two smaller eyes for the
41
straps, by which it was tightly bound to the scabbard. Considering that the beginning of the blade was in the hip area
The belt was crossed and wrapped around the body (a place where the cross-guard is depicted), and it ended below
the knee (the part where the presentation of the scabbard chape
of the scabbard through the larger eye, in such a way was damaged), its length would have been between 55 and 60
that the scabbard was prevented from moving and centimetres, which would mean that the depicted sword was a
being an obstacle when worn.38 A scabbard slider of semi-spatha, cf. Miks 2007: 22–23.
IN SERBIA
Fig. 20. [id, sarcophagus, Gallery “Sava [umanovi}”

Fig. 21. Gamzigrad (Romuliana), grave of the incenerated deceased person, parts of the belt garniture,
National Museum Zaje~ar
whose scabbard ends with a broadened chape (Ort- a clear distinction between the way the swords were
band) which was damaged, so it is not possible to worn by the Romans (on the balteus) and by the
clearly determine what its shape was. The hilt of the Persians (hanging from the waist). The somewhat
sword, shaped like a flattened and broadened apple later presentation of a sword tied by the waist, from
(Knauf) and the broad cross-guard (Parierstueck), the end of the 3rd and the beggining of the 4th cen-
resembles the hilt of the Nydam type.42 As he did with tury, was found on the stela of Aurelius Sudetentius,
other parts of the equipment, the stonecutter pre- a soldier of the Legio XI Claudia from Aquileia. The
sented in detail the way the scabbard was tied to the presentation depicted a strap tied to the belt in two
belt. One can observe that the transversally depicted places, which is similar to presentations on Sassanid
belt passed through the scabbard, while a circular reliefs of Shapur I, a cameo depicting the fall of the
decoration was carved on the scabbard itself. Such emperor Valerian into slavery, or to the very late
circular decorations can be seen on a number of stellae image of a sword hanging from a waist belt on the
from the 3rd century.43 However, they depict swords
worn on a balteus, not on the waist. One can see
them worn on the waist in a series of presentations
42 Miks 2007: 188.
depicting events from 260 A.D, when the emperor
Valerian was captured by the Persians. The artist made 43 Miks 2007: T. 332–C–D, G–H, T. 333–A–C.
IN SERBIA
Diptych of Stilicho44 It is possible that the circular the spiculum, verutum and plumbata.54 This diver-
image on the scabbard of the sword from [id depicts sity was due to the purpose each of these weapons
an ornament of the eye, as recorded on a spatha served in battle. Long-range weapons were used both
from Durostorum.45 in an attack during battle on an open field, and during
Whether they were belts or straps, these parts of a siege or defence from a protected position, prima-
military equipment were lavishly decorated, with the rily the rampart of a fortification. A special type of
most luxurious variants having buckles, prongs, met- spear, with a long handle and a pyramid-shaped tip
alwork and phalera made of gold or silver, or gold- – a pilum (spiculum in Late Antiquity), had already
plated, and sometimes adorned with semi-precious represented an important part of a legionnaire’s
stones or glass decorations. Richly adorned belts tes- equipment in the period of the Republic. Its function
tify to the luxury equipment owned by high-ranking was to reach the enemy in battle formation; when
dignitaries, as depicted on the statue from the tomb thrown, if it pierced and remained in the enemy’s
in Brestovik.46 (fig. 96). One of the prominent belt shield, its weight prevented the enemy from contin-
sets of Late Antiquity is a find from the southern uing to use it in battle, leaving him exposed to attack
necropolis of Romuliana which, unfortunately, came from a different type of spear or sword. The hasta –
to us in fragments only. The richly decorated silver a penetrating spear of larger dimensions was used
metalwork and applications were discovered together for penetrating the enemy’s armour, while the lancea
with weapons in the grave of a cremated man47 (fig. was a smaller and lighter spear, thrown from a dis-
21). Similar finds of belt sets from Durostorum, tance. Since the Romans advanced in battle forma-
Aquincum and Sacrau were dated, by coin finds, to tion in several rows, one following the other, projec-
the third quarter of the 3rd century.48 Their charac- tiles would be launched from the rear rows during
teristic was a double, rectangular buckle, through battle, while the front rows had already come face to
which both ends of the belt were drawn and then face with the enemy.55
fastened by safety studs on the back. This type of fas-
tening was characteristic for soldiers’ belts from the
3rd century.49 Rich niello decoration, similar to geo-
metric and vegetal ornaments, was also found on the 44 Miks 2007: T. 336–339.
rounded scabbard chape. All of this suggests that 45 A silver scabbard eye, richly adorned with circular and rectan-
workshops existed at the end of the 3rd century, which gular semi-precious stones was found with a sword in a tomb
created various luxury items for the needs of the mil- from the start of the 4th century in Durostorum, cf. Dumanov
itary.50 Unlike the rare, exclusive specimens of parts 2005: 310.
of belt sets, bronze buckles, metalwork and prongs 46 Tomovi} 1997: 417, 421; Milo{evi} 2009: 741–751.
originating from the 4th century horizons are much 47 Popovi} 2009 d: 322–325.
more frequent.51 From the last third of the 4th century, 48Grempler 1888: 11; Fischer 1988, 181; Popovi} 2009 d: 324;
bronze parts of massive belts, decorated in a deep- Dumanov 2010: 369.
engraving technique (Boljetin, Pontes, Ravna and 49 Radman Livaja 2005: 96.
Singidunum)52 (fig. 22) appeared in the fortifica- 50 Fischer 1988: 188–189; Miks 2007: 157, 362; Popovi} 2009 d:
tions in the middle section of the Danubian region, 326; Dumanov 2010: 371–372.
which, in this period, was characteristic for the 51Vujovi} 1998 b: 177–179, 184–186, 192–193; [pehar 2007:
regions of Britannia, Gaul, Northern Italy, the Rhine 282.
and the Danube.53 52 Kondi} 1978: 79, Cat. 220, 222; Popovi} 2003: 225–227, T. 6
A large number of spear tips and projectiles, 1, 2; T. 7/1–4.
which could be dated in the period of Late Antiqui- 53Sommer 1984: 30–32; Böhme 1986: 471–473; Popovi} 2003:
ty, were discovered on archaeological sites along the 228, 229.
River Danube and on some in the interior of the 54 Veg., Epit. II 15; III 24.
country. Vegetius also wrote about the obvious diver- 55Coulston and Bishop 2006: 130, 151, 200–202; Southern and
sity of the weapons, mentioning, besides the pilum, Dixon 2000: 112–115.
IN SERBIA
a b
c d
Fig. 22. Parts of the belt garnitures, end of the 4th – beginning of the 5th century:
a) Boljetin (Smorna); b) Kostol (Pontes); c) Ravna (Campsa); d) Beograd (Singidunum)
Besides offensive weapons, Roman soldiers were of military units, originated from Egypt and Syria.58
also armed with defensive equipment. Armour com- Shield symbols of certain military units are presented
posed of plates or chainmail were characteristic for in the Notitia Dignitatum, but attempts at identify-
the period of Late Antiquity. However, although they ing the military units and the depicted symbols have
appear on certain representations, the actual finds not yielded results.59 A detail known from historical
are rare. The only part of a chainmail vest discovered sources is that, ahead of the battle at the Milvian
to date was in the consecrative monument on the bridge, Constantine ordered his troops to paint their
Magura hill near Gamzigrad.56 In an open field, the shields with Christian symbols.60
shield served as a defence from projectiles and, in Besides the shield and armour, the helmet was the
hand-to-hand combat, against spears, swords, axes key part of a Roman soldier’s defensive equipment.
or daggers. The round shape was the most common At the turn of the 3rd to the 4th century, changes were
in Late Antiquity, which, unlike the semi-cylindrical
legionaries’ shield, the Romans took over from the
Germans.57 Shields made of wooden boards, con-
nected by a metal rim, had a protruding shield boss 56 Srejovi} and Vasi} 1994: 105;
(umbo) in the middle, and a horizontally placed metal
57 Nabbefeld 2008: 24.
rod on the inside. Some of the better preserved spe-
58 Gilliver 2007: 6.
cimens retain the remains of the leather which covered
59 Feugère 2002: 190.
the surface. Remains which prove that shields were
painted and often bore various images and symbols 60 Lact., Mort. Pers., XLIV, 5.
IN SERBIA
Fig. 23. Parade-helmets, Berkasovo, Museum of Vojvodina, Novi Sad
introduced in the structure of helmets, thus, altering Danubian region, a star and crescent were depicted
their appearance. A number of specimens made from to the left and right of the letters chi-rho. The same
two or more iron spherical sections were found in ornament was found on the crest of the helmet de-
the territory of the Empire. It is commonly believed picted on Constantine’s coins minted in Siscia.62
that this new way of making helmets originated from The particularly interesting pieces of military
the East where, while participating in numerous wars, equipment from Late Antiquity from the territory of
the Roman military learned about a simpler and more Serbia are finds of luxuriously made helmets, covered
practical way of making them.61 The bonding of parts with gold and gold-plated foil, one of which was
of the helmet was performed with a longitudinal decorated with inlays made of glass paste (Cat. 53).
iron strip, fastened by rivets, which formed a crest at Helmets of this type consisted of several segments
the very top of the calotte. One variant of these hel- fashioned into a semi-calotte, joined by a central band
mets had a crest of prominent height, whereas some – a crest, with additional shielding for the cheeks,
specimens had silver-plated emblems with Christ’s nose and neck. A large number of such helmets, dis-
monogram, i.e. with the symbol . Three emblems
depicting a Christogram originate from the territory
of Serbia (Cat. 55). The same symbol featured on the
61 Frenz and Miks 2008, 5; Negin 2010: 240.
crests of helmets on some variants of money of the
emperor Constantine. On some specimens from the 62 Vujovi} 2012: 35.
IN SERBIA
covered in the territory of the Empire, were dated to for a precise hit, therefore, one can assume that only
the period between 320 AD and the start of the 5th certain specialized units used this weapon.65
century. The circumstances of the find of two hel- Reliably identified remains of artillery weapons
mets in Berkasovo (fig. 23), and of a helmet from have not been found so far in the territory of Serbia.66
Jarak (Cat. 54), are indicative of the events that took Stone projectiles were found in the castrum of Singi-
place in the region of Pannonia during the second dunum,67 in Viminacium,68 at \erdap and in Ravna.69
quarter of the 4th century. Considering their decora- They all belong to the group of projectiles with a
tions and the quality of make, they were certainly smaller diameter. There are doubts about whether
part of the equipment of a high-ranking person in they were launched by a catapult and the assump-
the first half of the 4th century.63 tion prevails that they were thrown by hand.
A particular type of long-range weapon that This short review of the Roman military in the
appeared in Late Antiquity were the plumbatae or territory of Serbia in Late Antiquity has dealt with
martiobarbuli, projectiles with a lead weight at the only some segments, principally those which seem
bottom, which contributed to a more accurate and the most significant and are known at this time. New
longer trajectory and greater penetrative ability when results have yet to be achieved in the study of this
thrown by hand. Vegetius wrote that soldiers of the V topic, particularly given the abundant epigraphic
and VI legions in Illyricum were particularly skilled material which can help us learn more about the de-
in using this weapon.64 Numerous finds of arrows ployment of the military units and, furthermore,
indicate the frequent use of the bow and arrow and, improve our understanding of the strategy of the
though arrow tips are frequent, the remains of the Roman state at its frontier. The extremely rich heri-
bone plating on bows are found more rarely, and tage of Late Antiquity in the territory of Serbia has yet
this in the horizons of the end of the 4th and the start to be explored and examined from various aspects,
of the 5th century. Even though it is believed that sol- primarily those that reflect relations between the
diers had to undergo general training in the use of the civilian population and the military, but also those
bow and arrow, a significant level of skill was needed concerning the day-to-day life of Roman soldiers.
63 Bugarski 2005: 144, Vujovi} 2011: 20–23, 96–103.

64 Vujovi} 2009: 204 and further.
65Coulston and Bishop: 165–168; Southern and Dixon 2000:
116–117.
66 In the Lower Town in Singidunum, at the base of the castrum
of the legio IIII Flavia, an item was discovered, consisting of

three grooved iron pulleys, with an iron axle. A similar item
made of bronze, slightly larger, was discovered in Hatra and was
identified as part of a catapult, cf. Baatz 1978: 6, fig. 6.
67 Besides the find from the legionaries’ barracks in the south-
western part of the castrum, stone balls were also discovered in
front of the castrum, on the site in Raji}eva Street.
68 Bogdanovi}: in print.
69 Vujovi} 1998 b: 224.
.
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T. Schoell, G. Kroll, Berlin 1954. de la Mésie Supérieure: Timacum
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cOnsTAnTine

AUTHORS OF CATALOGUE UNITS TRANSLATION PHOTOS AND PLANS

NATIONAL MUSEM IN BELGRADE

15 TETRARCHY AND THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE

36 Jelena (RANKOV) KONDI]

75 PAGANS AND CHRISTIANS: TOWNS, PALACES

102 Ivana POPOVI]

118 Gordana MILO[EVI]

126 Gordana JEREMI]

138 Ivana POPOVI]

161 PERIOD OF THE LATE ROMAN EMPIRE:

162 Ivana POPOVI]

174 Ivana POPOVI]

184 Gordana MILO[EVI]

188 Ivana POPOVI]

196 Deana RATKOVI]

206 Tatjana CVJETI]ANIN

218 Bojana BORI]-BRE[KOVI], Mirjana VOJVODA

235 HERITAGE OF FIRST CHRISTIAN EMPEROR

236 Gordana MILO[EVI]

EXHIBITION COORDINATOR COORDINATOR LABELS TRANSLATION

© All rights reserved

THE DANUBE REGION was a theatre of important

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Fig. 18. Ground plan

The armaments and equipment of a Roman sol-

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