Nehru Report [1928] The Government of India Act 1919 was essentially transitional in character.

Under Section 84 of the said Act, a statutory Commission was to be appointed at the end of ten years to determine the next stage in the realization of self-rule in India. Accordingly, the Simon Commission was sent to the Sub-continent under the command of Sir John Simon. All members of the commission were British. This was regarded as highly insulting to the Indians and immediate protest was raised from all the important political parties. When the Simon Commission arrived, the local masses welcomed it by with slogans of "Go back Simon!". All the major political parties of Sub-continent, except the Shafi League of Punjab, boycotted the Simon Commission. After the failure of Simon Commission, there was no alternative for the British government but to ask the local people to frame a constitution for themselves. They knew that the Congress and Muslim League were the two Pandit Motilal Nehru main parties and that they both had serious difference of opinions. Birkenhead, Secretary of Sate for Indian Affairs, threw the ball in the Indian politicians' court, and asked them to draw a draft of the forthcoming Act on which both Hindus and Muslims could agree. The Indian leaders accepted the challenge and for this purpose, the All Parties Conference was held at Delhi in January 1928. More than a hundred delegates of almost all the parties of the Sub-continent assembled and participated in the conference. Unfortunately, the leaders were not able to come to any conclusion. The biggest hindrance was the issue of the rights of minorities. The second meeting of the All Parties Conference was held in March the same year, but the leaders still had their differences and again were not able to reach a conclusion. The only work done in this conference was the appointment of two subcommittees. But due to the mutual differences between Muslims and Hindus, the committees failed to produce any positive result. When the All Parties Conference met for the third time in Bombay on May 19 1928, there was hardly any prospect of an agreed constitution. It was then decided that a small committee should be appointed to work out the details of the constitution. Motilal Nehru headed this committee. There were nine other members in this committee including two Muslims, Syed Ali Imam and Shoaib Qureshi. The committee worked for three months at Allahabad and its memorandum was called the "Nehru Report". The chairman joined hands with the Hindu Mahasabha and unceremoniously quashed the recent Congress acceptance of the Delhi Proposals. The Nehru Report recommended that a Declaration of Rights should be inserted in the constitution assuring the fullest liberty of conscience and religion. The following were the recommendations advanced by the Nehru Report:

1. India should be given the status of a dominion. 2. There should be federal form of government with residuary powers vested in the center. 3. India should have a parliamentary form of government headed by a Prime Minister and six ministers appointed by the Governor General. 4. There should be bi-cameral legislature. 5. There should be no separate electorate for any community. 6. System of weightage for minorities was as bad as that of separate electorates. 7. Reservation of Muslim seats could be possible in the provinces where Muslim population was at least ten percent, but this was to be in strict proportion to the size of the community.

Quaid-i-Azam and other Muslim leaders condemned the Nehru Report

8. Muslims should enjoy one-fourth representation in the Central Legislature. 9. Sindh should be separated from Bombay only if the Committee certified that it was financially selfsufficient. 10. The N. W. F. P. should be given full provincial status. 11. A new Kanarese-speaking province Karnatic should be established in South India. 12. Hindi should be made the official language of India. The recommendations of the Nehru Report went against the interests of the Muslim community. It was an attempt to serve Hindu predominance over Muslims. The Nehru Committee's greatest blow was the rejection of separate electorates. If the report had taken into account the Delhi Proposals, the Muslims might have accepted it. But the Nehru Committee did not consider the Delhi Proposals at all while formulating their report. The Muslims were asking for one-third representation in the center while Nehru Committee gave them only one-fourth representation. It is true that two demands of Muslims were considered in the Nehru Report but both of them incomplete. It was said that Sindh should be separated from Bombay but the condition of self-economy was also put forward. It demanded constitutional reforms in N. W. F. P. but Baluchistan was overlooked in the report. Of the two Muslim members of the Nehru Committee, Syed Ali Imam could attend only one meeting due to his illness and Shoaib Qureshi did not endorse views of the Committee on the issue of Muslim representation in legislature. Thus the Nehru Report was nothing else than a Congress document and thus totally opposed by Muslims of the Sub-continent. The Hindus under Congress threatened the government with a disobedience movement if the Nehru report was not implemented into the Act by December 31, 1929. This Hindu attitude proved to be a milestone in the freedom movement of the Muslims. It also proved to be a turning point in the life of Muhammad Ali Jinnah. After reading the Nehru Report, Jinnah announced a 'parting of the ways'. The Nehru Report reflected the inner prejudice and narrow-minded approach of the Hindus. Fourteen Points of M. A. Jinnah [1929] A positive aspect of Nehru Report was that it resulted in the unity of divided Muslim groups. In a meeting of the council of All India Muslim League on March 28, 1929, members of both the Shafi League and Jinnah League participated. Quaid-i-Azam termed the Nehru Report as a Hindu document, but considered simply rejecting the report as insufficient. He decided to give an alternative Muslim agenda. It was in this meeting that Quaid-i-Azam presented his famous Fourteen Points. These points were as follows: 1. The form of the future constitution should be federal with the residuary powers vested in the provinces. 2. A uniform measure of autonomy shall be granted to all provinces. 3. All legislatures in the country and other elected bodies shall be Newspaper clip about Jinnah's Fouteen Quaid-i-Azam termed the Nehru Report constituted on the definite Points as a Hindu document principle of adequate and effective representation of minorities in every province without reducing the majority in any province to a minority or even equality. 4. In the Central Legislative, Muslim representation shall not be less than one-third.

5. Representation of communal groups shall continue to be by means of separate electorate as at present, provided it shall be open to any community at any time to abandon its separate electorate in favor of a joint electorate. 6. Any territorial distribution that might at any time be necessary shall not in any way affect the Muslim majority in the Punjab, Bengal and the North West Frontier Province. 7. Full religious liberty, i.e. liberty of belief, worship and observance, propaganda, association and education, shall be guaranteed to all communities 8. No bill or any resolution or any part thereof shall be passed in any legislature or any other elected body if three-fourth of the members of any community in that particular body oppose such a bill resolution or part thereof on the ground that it would be injurious to the interests of that community or in the alternative, such other method is devised as may be found feasible and practicable to deal with such cases. 9. Sindh should be separated from the Bombay presidency. 10. Reforms should be introduced in the North West Frontier Province and Baluchistan on the same footing as in the other provinces. 11. Provision should be made in the constitution giving Muslims an adequate share, along with the other Indians, in all the services of the state and in local selfgoverning bodies having due regard to the requirements of efficiency.
Quaid-i-Azam presented his famous Fourteen Points on 12. The constitution should embody adequate March 28, 1929 safeguards for the protection of Muslim culture and for the protection and promotion of Muslim education, language, religion, personal laws and Muslim charitable institution and for their due share in the grants-in-aid given by the state and by local self-governing bodies.

13. No cabinet, either central or provincial, should be formed without there being a proportion of at least one-third Muslim ministers. 14. No change shall be made in the constitution by the Central Legislature except with the concurrence of the State's contribution of the Indian Federation. The council of the All India Muslim League accepted fourteen points of the Quaid. A resolution was passed according to which no scheme for the future constitution of the Government of India would be acceptable to the Muslims unless and until it included the demands of the Quaid presented in the fourteen points. A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq [1873-1962]

Popularly known as Sher-i-Bengal, A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq was a leader who, for more than half a century, was in the forefront of all political activities pertaining to the Pakistan Movement. He made valuable contributions towards the political, social and educational uplift of the Muslims of the Sub-continent. He was born on October 26, 1873, and received his elementary and religious education at home. He learnt the Holy Quran, Arabic and Persian from well-known scholars. Fazl-ul-Haq excelled in his studies. He passed his BA securing honors in physics, chemistry and mathematics, and his MA with distinction from the University of Calcutta. In 1900, he was enrolled as an advocate in the Calcutta High Court. While practicing law in his hometown, Barisal, he realized that the main cause of the backwardness of Muslims of Bengal was lack of education. Educational uplift and political advancement of the Muslims became the goal of his life. He slowly began to emerge as a young political leader. Fazl-ul-Haq was one of the four members of the committee that drafted the constitution of the All India Muslim League in 1906. In 1912, he Sher-i-Bengal, A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq started the Central National Muhammadan Educational Association to help the poor and deserving Muslims. In 1914, he became the leader of the Muslims of Bengal. He attended the Lucknow Pact as the representative of the province. In 1920, he became the Minister of Education for Bengal. He devotedly worked for the educational advancement of the Muslims. During the Non-cooperation Movement of 1919-1921, he very wisely advised the Muslim students to single-mindedly pursue their studies and not to get involved in politics at that stage. Fazl-ul-Haq was essentially a man of the masses. As a lawyer he defended thousands of Muslims who were accused of the riot cases before the Partition. He also looked after the interests of the peasantry of Bengal. He was also a delegate of the Round Table Conferences and pleaded the cause of the Muslims to have their proper share in the administrative affairs of the country. In 1937, he was elected as Chief Minister of Bengal. During the All India Muslim League session of March 23, 1940, which was presided over by Quaid-iAzam, Fazl-ul-Haq rose to move the historic Pakistan Resolution and spoke of protecting the rights of the Muslims of India. Fazl-ul-Haq migrated to Pakistan and accepted the Advocate Generalship of East Pakistan. At the age of 80, he toured East Pakistan from one end to another. In 1962, his health started deteriorating. He passed away on April 27, 1962 after dominating the political stage of the Sub-continent for half a century.

June 3rd Plan [1947] When all of Mountbatten's efforts to keep India united failed, he asked Ismay to chalk out a plan for the transfer of power and the division of the country. It was decided that none of the Indian parties would view it before the plan was finalized. The plan was finalized in the Governor's Conference in April 1947, and was then sent to Britain in May where the British Government approved it.

Mountbatten came back from London on May 31, and on June 2 met seven Indian leaders. These were Nehru, Patel, Kriplalani, Quaid-i-Azam, Liaquat, Nishtar and Baldev Singh. After these leaders approved the plan, Mountbatten discussed it with Gandhi and convinced him that it was the best plan under the circumstances. The plan was made public on June 3, and is thus known as the June 3rd Plan.

Lord Mountbatten - 11 days before the transfer of power

The following were the main clauses of this Plan: 1. The Provincial Legislative Assemblies of Punjab and Bengal were to meet in two groups, i.e., Muslim majority districts and non-Muslim majority districts. If any of the two decided in favor of the division of the province, then the Governor General would appoint a boundary commission to demarcate the boundaries of the province on the basis of ascertaining the contiguous majority areas of Muslims and nonMuslims. 2. The Legislative Assembly of Sindh (excluding its The final phase of partition of India; Quaid-i-Azam and Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan with Viceroy Lord Mountbatten European Members) was to decide either to join the and Congress leaders during their meeting on June 2, 1947 existing Constituent Assembly or the New Constituent Assembly.

3. In order to decide the future of the North West Frontier Province, a referendum was proposed. The Electoral College for the referendum was to be the same as the Electoral College for the provincial legislative assembly in 1946.

4. Baluchistan was also to be given the option to express its opinion on the issue. 5. If Bengal decided in favor of partition, a referendum was to be held in the Sylhet District of Assam to decide whether it would continue as a part of Assam, or be merged with the new province of East Bengal. The Birth of Pakistan [August 14, 1947] The British Parliament passed the Indian Independence Act on July 18, 1947. The Act created two dominions, Indian Union and Pakistan. It also provided for the complete end of British control over Indian affairs from August 15, 1947. The Muslims of the Sub-continent had finally achieved their goal to have an independent state for themselves, but only after a long and relentless struggle under the single-minded guidance of the Quaid. The Muslims faced a gamut of problems immediately after independence. However, keeping true to their traditions, they overcame them after a while. Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was appointed the first Governor General of Pakistan and Liaquat Ali Khan became its first Prime Minister. Pakistan became a dominion within the British Commonwealth of Nations.

The birth of Pakistan, August 14, 1947

The boundaries of Pakistan emerged on the map of the world in 1947. This was accomplished on the basis of the Two-Nation Theory. This theory held that there were two nations, Hindus and Muslims living in the territory of the Sub-continent. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was the first exponent of the Two-Nation Theory in the modern era. He believed that India was a continent and not a country, and that among the vast population of different races and different creeds, Hindus and Muslims were the two major nations on the basis of nationality, religion, way-of-life, customs, traditions, culture and historical conditions. The politicization of the Muslim community came about as a consequence of three developments: 1. Various efforts towards Islamic reform and revival during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. 2. The impact of Hindu-based nationalism. 3. The democratization of the government of British India. While the antecedents of Muslim nationalism in India go back to the early Islamic conquests of the Subcontinent, organizationally it stems from the demands presented by the Simla Deputation to Lord Minto, the Governor General of India, in October 1906, proposing separate electorates for the Indian Muslims. The principal reason behind this demand was the maintenance of a separate identity of the Muslim nationhood. In the same year, the founding of the All India Muslim League, a separate political organization for Muslims, elucidated the fact that the Muslims of India had lost trust in the Hindu-dominated Indian National Congress. Besides being a Hindu-dominated body, the Congress leaders in order to win grass-root support for their political movements, used Hindu religious symbols and slogans, thereby arousing Muslim suspicions regarding the secular character of the Congress.

Events like the Urdu-Hindi controversy (1867), the partition of Bengal (1905), and Hindu revivalism, set the two nations, the Hindus and the Muslims, further apart. Re-annulment of the partition of Bengal in 1911 by the British government brought the Congress and the Muslim League on one platform. Starting with the constitutional cooperation in the Lucknow Pact (1916), they launched the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements to press upon the British government the demand for constitutional reforms in India in the post-World War I era. But after the collapse of the Khilafat Movement, Hindu-Muslim antagonism was revived once again. The Muslim League rejected the proposals forwarded by the Nehru Report and they chose a separate path for themselves. The idea of a separate homeland for the Muslims of Northern India as proposed by Allama Iqbal in his famous Allahabad Address showed that the creation of two separate states for the Muslims and Hindus was the only solution. The idea was reiterated during the Sindh provincial meeting of the League, and finally adopted as the official League position in the Lahore Declaration of March 23, 1940.
Quaid-i-Azam taking oath as the first Governer General of Pakistan

Quaid-i-Azam administering oath

Thus these historical, cultural, religious and social differences between the two nations accelerated the pace of political developments, finally leading to the division of British India into two separate, independent states, Pakistan and India, on August 14 & 15, 1947, respectively. Jinnah - Mountbatten Talks [1947]

The history of bilateral negotiations pertaining to Kashmir between the leaders of India and Pakistan at the state level can be traced back to November 1947. The meeting of the Joint Defense Council was scheduled at Delhi only four days after the occupation of Kashmir by the Indian forces. The venue of the meeting was changed from Delhi to Lahore. The Governor General and Prime Minister of the two countries were supposed to attend the meeting. However, to avoid direct talks with his Pakistani counterpart, Jawaharlal Nehru declared himself ill and his deputy, Sardar Patel, refused to come to Lahore, stating that there was nothing to discuss with the Pakistani leadership. This left Mountbatten alone in his visit to Pakistan. Mountbatten came to Lahore on November 1, 1947, and had a three and a half hour long discussion with the Governor General of Pakistan. Mountbatten made an offer to the Quaid that India would hold a plebiscite in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, provided Pakistan withdrew the Azad Kashmiri forces and their allies. He also made it clear that the Indian forces would remain in the valley and Sheikh Abdullah in the chair. Quaid-i-Azam opposed the unjust plan and Lord Mountbatten claimed that the State of Jammu and Kashmir, with its massive Muslim majority, belonged to Pakistan as an essential element in an incomplete partition process. He was also convinced that plebiscite under the supervision of Sheikh Abdullah and Indian regular army would be sabotaged. Presenting his proposal, Quaid-i-Azam asked for the immediate and simultaneous withdrawal of both the Pathan tribesmen and the Indian troops. Afterwards, he suggested that the leaders of India and Pakistan should take control of the State of Jammu and Kashmir and sort out all matters including the arrangement of a free and fair plebiscite. Quaid-i-Azam guaranteed his counterpart that the two of them would be able to solve the problem once and forever, if Mountbatten was ready to fly with him to Srinagar at once. As India was not interested in the immediate resolution of the problem and wanted to gain time, Mountbatten told the Quaid that unlike him, he was not the complete master of his country and had to take the consent of Nehru and Patel. Thus the talks ended and the problem remained unsolved.

Liaquat Ali Khan as Prime Minister [1947-1951]

Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Liaquat Ali Khan's contributions to the struggle for independence were numerous. After independence, he was thus the natural choice for the premiership. Liaquat Ali Khan was appointed as the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. Being the first Prime Minister of the country, Liaquat Ali Khan had to deal with a number of difficulties that Pakistan faced in its early days. He helped Quaid-i-Azam in solving the riots and refugee problem and in setting up an effective administrative system for the country. He established the groundwork for Pakistan's foreign policy. He also took steps towards the formulation of the constitution. He presented The Objectives Resolution, a prelude to future constitutions, in the Legislative Assembly. The house passed it on March 12, 1949. It is considered to be the "Magna Carta" in Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan signs the register as the first Pakistan's constitutional history. Liaquat Ali Khan Prime Minister of Pakistan called it "the most important occasion in the life of this country, next in importance, only to the achievement of independence". Under his leadership a team also drafted the first report of the Basic Principle Committee and work began on the second report. During his tenure, India and Pakistan agreed to resolve the dispute of Kashmir in a peaceful manner through the efforts of the United Nations. According to this agreement a ceasefire was affected in Kashmir in January 1948. It was decided that a free and impartial plebiscite would be held under the supervision of the UN. After the death of Quaid-i-Azam, he tried to fill the vacuum created by the departure of the Father of the Nation. The problem of religious minorities flared during late 1949 and early 1950, and it seemed as if India and Pakistan were about to fight their second war in the first three years of their independence. At this critical moment in the history of South Asia, Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan met Nehru to sign the Liaquat-Nehru Pact in 1950. The Liaquat-Nehru Pact was an effort on his part to improve relations and reduce tension between India and Pakistan. In May 1951, he visited the United States and set the course of Pakistan's foreign policy towards closer ties with the West. An important event during his premiership was the establishment of National Bank of Pakistan in November 1949, and the installation of a paper currency mill in Karachi. Liaquat Ali Khan was unfortunately assassinated on October 16, 1951. Security forces immediately shot the assassin, who was later identified as Saad Akbar. The question of who was behind his murder is yet to be answered. The government officially gave Liaquat Ali Khan the title of Shaheedi-Millat.
Liaquat Ali Khan, hours before he was assassinated

Khawaja Nazimuddin becomes Prime Minister [1951-1953]

Under Quaid-i-Azam's constitutional framework, executive powers lay with the Prime Minister. When Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated on October 16, 1951, Khawaja Nazimuddin, who was the Governor General at that time, took over as the second Prime Minister of Pakistan. Ghulam Muhammad, who had been Finance Minister since the inception of Pakistan, was elevated to the post of Governor General. It was under Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin that the second draft of the Basic Principles Committee was presented to the Constituent Assembly on December 22, 1952. He remained in power till April 1953 when Ghulam Muhammad removed him from the office. Khawaja Nazimuddin's downfall was not only due to his meekness of character, but also due to the power struggle amongst the various leaders. The movement for Tahaffuz-i-Khatam-i-Nabuwat and the worsening food condition in Punjab caused a lot of trouble for Khawaja Nazimuddin. The anti-Ahmadiya movement was started in Punjab by the Ahrar and had the support of Mian Mumtaz Daultana, the Chief Minister of Punjab. This movement soon spread to other parts of the country. There were widespread disturbances and the situation in the country soon worsened to the brink of anarchy and civil war. Imposition of Martial Law became imminent. Khawaja Nazimuddin was summoned by the Governor Khawaja Nazimuddin took over as the General along with his Cabinet and ordered to resign. Khawaja second Prime Minister of Pakistan on Nazimuddin declined but was dismissed by Malik Ghulam Muhammad on October 16, 1951 April 17, 1953. After the dismissal of Khawaja Nazimuddin, the Governor General appointed Muhammad Ali Bogra, an unknown person from East Pakistan, as the Prime Minister. Most historians agree that the removal of Khawaja Nazimuddin was improper, undemocratic and objectionable because the Prime Minister still enjoyed the confidence of the Parliament. This act set an unhealthy tradition and precedent for the future Presidents who were fond of removing elected governments, thus creating continued instability in the country. West Pakistan Established as One Unit [1955] Even after eight years of existence, Pakistan was without a constitution. The main reason was believed to be the fact that there were two unequal wings of Pakistan separated from each other by more than a thousand miles. To diminish the differences between the two regions, the Government of Pakistan decided that all the four provinces and states of West Pakistan should be merged into one unit. To this end, Prime Minister Muhammad Ali made the first official announcement on November 22, 1954, enumerating the benefits of having one unit or province. On September 30, 1955, the Assembly passed the bill merging 310,000 square miles into a single province, with Lahore as its provincial capital. West Pakistan had formerly comprised three Governor's provinces, one Chief Commissioner's province, a number of states that had acceded to Pakistan, and the tribal areas. Geographically, they formed a homogenous block with easy communication, but with marked linguistic and ethnic distinctions. The result of the new bill was to unify these various units into one province to be known as West Pakistan.

All the four provinces and states of West Pakistan were merged into one unit

The Bill was hailed as a measure of administrative rationalization as it was likely to reduce the administrative expenditure. It was claimed that one unit of West Pakistan would eliminate the curse of provincial prejudices. The problem of representation of various units in the proposed Federal Legislature had been a big hurdle in the way of making a Constitution and it was said that with the removal of this hurdle, the formation of the Constitution would now speed up. Dr. Khan Sahib was appointed as the first Chief Minister of the One Unit, while Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani was appointed as the first Governor of West Pakistan. Dr. Khan Sahib's Ministry, however, came to an end when the President himself took over the administration. Subsequently, Sardar Abdur Rashid and Muzzaffar Ali Qazilbash were appointed Chief Ministers of that province in succession. While the One Unit scheme in West Pakistan could be supported on various grounds, the method of its establishment was not free from criticism. The government wanted to introduce the One Unit Scheme by an executive decree, which it could not do. So the Central Government dismissed the Ministry in Punjab, Sindh and N. W. F. P. One Unit continued until General Yahya Khan dissolved it on July 1, 1970. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy [1892-1963] Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy was born on September 8, 1892, in an illustrious Muslim family from Midnapore in West Bengal, India. Suhrawardy's mother was the first Muslim woman to pass the Senior Cambridge examination. He graduated with honors in Science from St. Caviares College. In 1913, he obtained his Masters degree in Arabic from Calcutta University. Suhrawardy received his B. C. L. degree from Oxford University and was called to the Bar from Grey's Inn in 1918. In 1920, Suhrawardy married Begum Niaz Fatima. In 1921, he was elected to the Bengal Legislative Assembly. For a brief period, he served as Secretary, Calcutta Khilafat Committee. In 1923, he was appointed Deputy Leader of the Swaraj Party. The following year he was elected Deputy Mayor of Calcutta. In 1936, he became the General Secretary of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League. After the 1937 elections, Suhrawardy was appointed Minister for Labor and Commerce. After serving briefly in the Fazl-ul-Haq's Ministry, he joined Khawaja Nazimuddin's Ministry in 1943 as Minister for Civil Supplies. After the 1946 elections, Suhrawardy formed government in Bengal, the only Muslim League Government in the Subcontinent. In 1949, he formed the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League, and in 1953 he renamed it as the Awami League.
Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy

In 1953, Suhrawardy teamed up with A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq and Maulana Bhashani to establish the United Front in Dhaka. Their party won the 1954 general elections. The same year he joined Muhammad Ali Bogra's Ministry as Law Minister. However, with the change of government in 1955, Suhrawardy took charge of the leadership of opposition. H. S. Suhrawardy became the fifth Prime Minister of Pakistan on September 12, 1956. During his tenure, he tried to remove economic disparity between the two wings. In October 1957, Suhrawardy resigned from his Premiership due to the President's refusal to convene a meeting of Parliament for seeking a vote of confidence. Field Marshal Ayub Khan Becomes President [1962-1969]

In March 1962, Ayub Khan suspended the Martial Law and proclaimed the Constitution of 1962. Presidential elections were held in January 1965, and Ayub Khan defeated Miss Fatima Jinnah, Jinnah's sister, to once again become the President of Pakistan. During his term, the "Great Decade" was celebrated, which highlighted the development plans executed during ten years of Ayub's rule. The 1965 War was fought during Ayub's term and Ayub Khan represented Pakistan in the subsequent Tashkent Talks. Ayub Khan moved the capital of Pakistan from Karachi to Islamabad in 1965, but could not complete his term due to public pressure.
Ayub Khan taking oath as the President of Pakistan

1969. Awami League's Six-Point Program

He handed over power to General Muhammad Yahya Khan on March 25,

In the 1970 National Assembly elections, the mandate of Sheikh Mujibur-Rahman's Awami League Party was based on a Six-Point Program of regional autonomy in a federal Pakistan. Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman had presented the Six-Point Program as the constitutional solution of East Pakistan's problems, in relation to West Pakistan. First enunciated on February 12, 1966, the six points are as below: 1. The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in the true sense on the basis of the Lahore Resolution and for a parliamentary form of government based on the supremacy of a directly elected legislature on the basis of universal adult franchise. 2. The Federal Government shall deal with only two subjects; Defense and Foreign Affairs. All residuary subjects will be vested in the federating states. 3. There should be either two separate, freely convertible currencies for the two Wings, or one currency with two separate reserve banks to prevent inter-Wing flight of capital.

Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman

4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units. The Federal Government will receive a share to meet its financial obligations. 5. Economic disparities between the two Wings shall disappear through a series of economic, fiscal, and legal reforms. 6. A militia or paramilitary force must be created in East Pakistan, which at present has no defense of it own.

After the elections of 1970, differences arose between the Government and Awami League on the transfer of power on the basis of this Six-Point Program. There ensued a political deadlock with talks ending in failure and postponement of the first session of the National Assembly. The postponement of the National Assembly session triggered a chain of events that eventually led to the separation of East Pakistan. Martial Law under General Yahya Khan [1969-71] The Tashkent Declaration signed by the Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri and the Pakistani President Muhammad Ayub Khan was not at all approved by the general public, and was regarded as submission to India and humiliation for the nation. Politicians were already unhappy with Ayub Khan whose Government was celebrating the decade of various reforms. But he fell victim to the then Foreign Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who exploited the whole situation. He resigned from office and after forming a party of his own, Pakistan Peoples Party, announced to "defeat the great dictator with the power of the people". As a result, he and others were arrested. Ayub Khan tried his best to handle the situation by releasing a number of political prisoners, including the most popular leader of East Pakistan, Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman. He held a Round Table Conference in Rawalpindi with all the well-known political leaders in March 1969, but it proved to be a stalemate, with the result that Ayub Khan was forced to hand over power to General Muhammad Yahya Khan, on March 25, 1969. Pakistan was now under the grip of another Martial Law. Being deeply aware of the explosive political situation in the country, General Yahya Khan set in motion moves to transfer power to the elected representatives of the people and announced that the general elections would be held on October 5, 1970.
General Yahya Khan

General Elections 1970 The political history of Pakistan from 1947 to 1970 witnessed no general elections. Thus, when Yahya's Regime decided to hold the first general elections on the basis of adult franchise at national level, they were not only required to make a new mechanism but were also required to set up a permanent election machinery. A three-member Election Commission was set up and Justice Abdus Sattar was appointed as the first Chief Election Commissioner of Pakistan. The first task before the Election Commission was to enroll as voters all citizens of Pakistan who were at least 21-years old on October 1, 1969. The electoral rolls were put before the masses for corrections on January 16, 1970, and after necessary amendments, the final list was published on March 17. The total registered voters in the country were 56,941,500 out of which 31,211,220 were from the Eastern Wing, while 25,730,280 from the Western Wing. The Election Commission also marked the constituencies, in accordance with the seats allocated for the National and Provincial Assemblies under Legal Framework Order, 1970. One hundred and ninety nine Returning Officers were appointed for the National Assembly and 285 Returning Officers were appointed for the Provincial Assemblies. Twenty four political parties participated in the elections. They were allowed to begin their election campaigns from January 1, 1970. The public meetings of Awami League in Bengal and Pakistan Peoples Party in the Punjab and Sindh attracted huge crowds. Awami League mobilized support on the basis of its Six-Points Program, which was the main attraction in the party's manifesto. While Z. A. Bhutto's personality, his socialistic ideas and his slogan of "Rotti, Kapra aur Makan", meaning food, clothing and shelter, were the factors that contributed to the popularity of Pakistan Peoples Party. The rightist parties raised the religious slogans, while the leftists raised slogans based on regional and communistic ideas.

A total 1,957 candidates filed their nomination papers for 300 National Assembly seats. While after scrutiny and withdrawals, 1,579 contested the elections eventually. None of the political parties filed nominations of their candidates on all the seats. Awami League nominated 170 candidates out of which 162 were for the constituencies in East Pakistan. The party that filed second highest number of candidates was Jamaat-i-Islami. It filed 151 candidates. There were only 120 candidates contesting the elections on the ticket of Pakistan Peoples Party, out of which 103 were from the constituencies in the Punjab and Sindh. Pakistan Peoples Party didn't nominate a single candidate from East Pakistan. Convention Muslim League nominated 124 candidates, Council Muslim League 119 and Qayyum Muslim League 133. According to the original schedule, polling for the National Assembly was to be held on October 5 and for the Provincial Assemblies on October 19. However, due to the floods in the East Pakistan, the dates were changed to December 7 and 17, respectively. Elections on nine National Assembly and 18 Provincial Assembly seats, however, could not be held on these dates because of the cyclone that hit a large part of East Pakistan. Elections for these seats were held on January 17, 1971.

Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman''s Awami League emerged as the single largest party in the National Assembly

According to the results of the elections, Awami League emerged as the single largest party in the National Assembly by winning 160 seats. It was also able to win 288 out of 300 seats in the East Pakistan Assembly. However, the party failed to win even a single seat in the four Provincial Assemblies of West Pakistan. Pakistan Peoples Party managed to win 81 out of 138 seats reserved for West Pakistan in the National Assembly. The party also performed well in the Provincial Assembly polls of the Punjab and Sindh Assemblies. The election results showed that the rightist parties were completely routed. The biggest reason for this was the division of votes among several candidates on almost every seat. Qayyum Muslim League, Council Muslim League, Convention Muslim League, Jamiyat-i-Ulema-iIslam, Jamiyat-i-Ulema-i-Pakistan and Jamaat-i-Islami as a whole could only secure 37 National Assembly seats. National Awami Party and Jamiyat-i-Ulema-i-Islam emerged as the prominent parties in the N. W. F. P and Baluchistan Assemblies.

Z. A. Bhutto''s personality and his socialistic ideas were some factors that contributed to the popularity of P. P. P.

The Separation of East Pakistan [1971]

The separation of East Pakistan was a great setback to Pakistan. By 1970, sentiments for national unity had weakened in East Pakistan to the extent that constant conflict between the two Wings dramatically erupted into mass civil disorder. This tragically resulted in the brutal and violent amputation of Pakistan's Eastern Wing. The physical separation of a thousand miles between the two wings without a common border, and being surrounded by Indian territory and influences, led to constant political, economic and social conflicts between the two wings; embittering relations bringing the country on the verge of collapse. As a result of the separation of its Eastern Wing, Pakistan's international credit was depleted and the military, being its most powerful institution, suffered a lot. To some, the very concept of Pakistan as the homeland for the Muslims in Southeast Asia no longer appeared valid.
The Separation of East Pakistan, 1971

Trouble started right at the inception of Pakistan in 1947. Almost immediately, East Pakistan claimed that as their population (55 percent as compared to 45 percent in the West) was greater, they were in a majority. Democratically, the Federal Capital, therefore, should have been in Dhaka and not in Karachi. Since Karachi was the seat of the National Government; ministers, government officials and industrialists exerted immense influence on national and regional affairs, which brought them many benefits. But the East Pakistanis were unable to extract the same kind of advantages, as they were a thousand miles away from the Capital. Moreover, the Capital initially attracted wealthy industrialists, businessmen, administrators, doctors and other professionals who had fled from India. The location of the Capital, it was said, created great economic imbalance, uneven distribution of national wealth and privileges, and better jobs for the people of West Pakistan, because they were able to sway decisions in their own favor. Secondly, Bengalis resented the vast sums of foreign exchange earned from the sale of jute from East, which were being spent on defense. They questioned how the expenditure for the Kashmir cause would be justified, when it could otherwise have been productively used to build dams and barriers to control floods, eradicate poverty and illiteracy, and supply food and shelter for the ever-growing population in East Pakistan.
Mukti Bahini

Thirdly, the people of the East believed that it was sheer regional prejudice that all white-collar jobs were taken by West Pakistanis.

Many mistakes were made early in the short history of Pakistan. There lived in East Pakistan about 15 million Hindus who, with the help of their fellow West Bengali Indians from across the border, were able to exploit East-West differences that emerged as a result of these mistakes. Grievances were exaggerated to foster anti-West Pakistani feelings that eventually created Bengali Nationalism and separatist tendencies. Bengali political leaders went around depicting the Central Government and West Pakistan as hostile exploiters. However, no effective efforts were made by the Government to check these anti-national trends. Awami League, formed in 1951, was headed by Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman. He had always been an ardent Bengali nationalist. He began to attract popular support from Bengalis in East Pakistan. He put forward his Six Points that demanded more autonomy for the Provinces in general, and East Pakistan in particular. He was arrested in April 1966, and soon released, only to be rearrested and imprisoned in June the same year. He languished in prison until February 1969. Being deeply aware of the explosive political situation in the country, the then Chief Martial Law Administrator, Yahya Khan, set in motion moves to transfer power to the elected representatives of the people, and announced that the general elections would be held on October 5, 1970. In all his election speeches, Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman reiterated his demand for implementation of his Six Points and provincial autonomy plans. The 1970 elections were postponed from October to December due to heavy General Niazi signs the document of surrender to General Aurora floods that caused immense destruction and havoc in East Pakistan. The sheer enormity of the disaster attracted worldwide attention. This gave Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman a golden opportunity to have an international audience for his anti-West Pakistan feelings, which he accused of brutal callousness. The Awami League gained much sympathy and benefit out of this suffering, and Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman and his people were portrayed on the international scene as victims of West Pakistan's indifference. In the general elections held in December 1970, the Awami League achieved an overwhelming victory. They captured 167 seats, the highest number in East Pakistan and overall. In the West, the Pakistan Peoples Party had won 85 seats. The way was now open to draw up a new Constitution. The Awami League, now overwhelmingly victors, stood firm on its Six Points plan and refused to compromise on that issue. The Peoples Party in the West maintained that the Six Points Program did not really permit a genuine federation. It was in fact a unique constitutional proposal that proposed a federation that had power only over defense and foreign policy.

Efforts were made to start a constitutional dialogue and narrow the differences between the two Wings, but all in vain. Mujib-urRahman's adamant stand in support of his Six Points, and his proposal that East Pakistan should have a sovereign status independent of Pakistan, further aggravated the situation. Mujib-ur-Rahman launched a non-cooperation movement. The civil administration was totally paralyzed. All government and educational institutions were closed. People were asked not to pay any taxes. The transport system came to a standstill. Factories and shops were shut. All government activities between both the Wings ceased. The Awami League setup a parallel government. Gangs of local Awami League freedom fighters, known as Mukti Bahini, led violent demonstrations and howled racial and anti-West Pakistan slogans, inciting the people to more violence. Amidst these disturbances, Genaral Yahya decided to convene the National Assembly in March 1971. But Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman unexpectedly put forward other demands such as the immediate lifting of Martial Law and power transfer to the elected representatives of the people, prior to the National Assembly session.

The ''Instrument of Surrender''

Unfortunately, on March 23, the Republic Day of Pakistan, the Awami League declared "Resistance Day" and Bangladesh flags flew all over the Province. There was a great massacre. East Pakistan had reached a point of no return. To quash the armed rebellion of Awami League militants, the Pakistan Army struck its first blow on March 27, 1971. Yahya Khan chose to use force to bring law and order in the country. In the meantime, India exploited Pakistan's dilemma to the full. It sought to wring full propaganda and strategic value for itself out of the Bengali suffering and misery. India launched an attack on East Pakistan on November 22, 1971. The use of modern Soviet missiles, geographical separation by a thousand miles lying across the hostile Indian territory, and the collusion of Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army, made Pakistan's military defeat in the East almost certain. On December 10, 1971, the first feeler for surrender in East Pakistan was conveyed to the United Nations. On December 17, 1971, a formal surrender was submitted and accepted. Forty five thousand troops and an almost equal number of civilians of West Pakistan were taken as prisoners of war. The text of the Instrument of Surrender document was as follows: "INSTRUMENT OF SURRENDER" The PAKISTAN Eastern Command agree to surrender all PAKISTAN Armed Forces in BANGLA DESH to Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA, General Officer Commanding in Chief of the Indian and BANGLA DESH forces in the Eastern Theatre. This surrender includes all PAKISTAN land, air and naval forces as also all para-military forces and civil armed forces. These forces will lay down their arms and surrender at the places where they are currently located to the nearest regular troops under the command of LieutenantGeneral JAGJIT SINGH AURORA. The PAKISTAN Eastern Command shall come under the orders of Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA as soon as this instrument has been signed. Disobedience of orders will be regarded as a breach of the surrender terms and will be dealt with in accordance with the accepted laws and usages of war. The decision of Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA will be final, should any doubt arise as to the meaning or interpretation of the surrender terms. Lieutenant- General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA gives a solemn assurance that personnel who surrender will be treated with dignity and respect that soldiers are entitled to in accordance with the provisions of the GENEVA Convention and guarantees the safety and well-being of all PAKISTAN military and para-military

forces who surrender. Protection will be provided to foreign nationals, ethnic minorities and personnel of WEST PAKISTAN origin by the forces under the command of Lieutenant- General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA. Signed: (JAGJIT SINGH AURORA) Lieutenant-General General Officer Commanding in Chief Indian and BANGLA DESH Forces in the Eastern Theatre (AMIR ABDULLAH KHAN NIAZI) Lieutenant-General Martial Law Administrator Zone B and Commander Eastern Command (PAKISTAN) 16 December 1971" The surrender led to the disintegration of East and West Pakistan and the establishment of Bangladesh. After 25 years, the East Pakistanis declared themselves independent and renamed their Province as Bangladesh. Pakistan finally recognized Bangladesh at the Islamic Conference in Lahore on February 22, 1974.