RE 2024.05.31 American-Middle-Class FINAL
RE 2024.05.31 American-Middle-Class FINAL
RE 2024.05.31 American-Middle-Class FINAL
RECOMMENDED CITATION
Pew Research Center, May 2024, “The State of the
American Middle Class”
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The CPS, a survey of about 60,000 households, is the U.S. government’s official source for
monthly estimates of unemployment. The CPS ASEC, conducted in March each year, is the official
source of U.S. government estimates of income and poverty. Our analysis of CPS data starts with
the 1971 CPS ASEC, which records the incomes of households in 1970. It is also the first year for
which data on race and ethnicity is available. The latest available CPS ASEC file is for 2023, which
reports on household incomes in 2022.
The public-use version of the ACS is a 1% sample of the U.S. population, or more than 3 million
people. This allows for a detailed study of the demographic characteristics of the middle class,
including its status in U.S. metropolitan areas. But ACS data is available only from 2005 onward
and is less suitable for long-term historical analyses. The latest available ACS data is for 2022.
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Terminology
Middle-income households are defined as those with an income that is two-thirds to double
that of the U.S. median household income, after incomes have been adjusted for household size.
Lower-income households have incomes less than two-thirds of the median, and upper-
income households have incomes that are more than double the median. When using American
Community Survey (ACS) data, incomes are also adjusted for cost of living in the areas in which
households are located.
Estimates of household income are scaled to reflect a household size of three and expressed in
2023 dollars. In the Current Population Survey (CPS), household income refers to the calendar
year prior to the survey year. Thus, the income data in the report refers to the 1970-2022 period,
and the share of Americans in each income tier from the CPS refers to the 1971-2023 period.
The demographic attributes of Americans living in lower-, middle- or upper-income tiers are
derived from ACS data. Except as noted, estimates pertain to the U.S. household population,
excluding people living in group quarters.
The terms middle class and middle income are used interchangeably in this report.
White, Black, Asian, American Indian or Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian or
Pacific Islander include people who identified with a single major racial group and who are not
Hispanic. Multiracial includes people who identified with more than one major racial group and
are not Hispanic. Hispanics are of any race.
U.S. born refers to individuals who are U.S. citizens at birth, including people born in the 50 U.S.
states, the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories, as well as those born
elsewhere to at least one parent who is a U.S. citizen. The terms foreign born and immigrant
are used interchangeably in this report. They refer to people who are not U.S. citizens at birth.
Occupations describe the broad kinds of work people do on their job. For example, health care
occupations include doctors, nurses, pharmacists and others who are directly engaged in the
provision of health care. Industries describe the broad type of products companies produce.
Each industry encompasses a variety of occupations. For example, the health care and social
assistance industry provides services that are produced by a combination of doctors, managers,
technology and administrative staff, food preparation workers, and workers in other occupations.
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two key counts. The growth in income for the PEW RESEARCH CENTER
middle class since 1970 has not kept pace with
the growth in income for the upper-income tier. And the share of total U.S. household income held
by the middle class has plunged.
Moreover, many groups still lag in their presence in the middle- and upper-income
tiers. For instance, American Indians or Alaska Natives, Black and Hispanic Americans, and
people who are not married are more likely than average to be in the lower-income tier. Several
metro areas in the U.S. Southwest also have high shares of residents who are in the
lower-income tier, after adjusting for differences in cost of living across areas.
Our report focuses on the current state of the American middle class. First, we examine changes in
the financial well-being of the middle class and other income tiers since 1970. This is based on
data from the Annual Social and Economic Supplements (ASEC) of the Current Population Survey
(CPS), conducted from 1971 to 2023.
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Then, we report on the attributes of people who were more or less likely to be middle class in
2022. Our focus is on their race and ethnicity, age, gender, marital and veteran status, place of
birth, ancestry, education, occupation, industry, and metropolitan area of residence. These
estimates are derived from American Community Survey (ACS) data and differ slightly from the
CPS-based estimates. In part, that is because incomes can be adjusted for the local area cost of
living only with the ACS data. (Refer to the methodology for details on these two data sources.)
This analysis and an accompanying report on the Asian American middle class are part of a series
on the status of America’s racial and ethnic groups in the U.S. middle class and other income tiers.
Forthcoming analyses will focus on White, Black, Hispanic, American Indian or Alaska Native,
Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander and multiracial Americans, including subgroups within these
populations. These reports are, in part, updates of previous work by the Center. But they offer
much greater detail on the demographic attributes of the American middle class.
Following are some key facts about the state of the American middle class:
We don’t always know the area in which a household is located. In our two data sources – the Current
Population Survey, Annual Social and Economic Supplement (CPS ASEC) and the American Community
Survey (ACS) – only the latter provides that information, specifically the metropolitan area of a household.
Thus, we aren’t able to adjust for the local cost of living when using the CPS to track changes in the status
of the middle class over time. But we do adjust for the metropolitan area cost of living when using the ACS
to determine the demographic attributes of the middle class in 2022.
In the 2023 CPS ASEC data, which reports income for 2022, middle-income households with three people
have incomes ranging from about $61,000 to $183,000 annually. “Lower-income” households have
incomes less than $61,000, and “upper-income” households have incomes greater than $183,000.
In the 2022 ACS data, middle-income households with three people have incomes ranging from about
$62,000 to $187,000 annually, with incomes also adjusted for the local area cost of living. (Incomes are
expressed in 2023 dollars.)
The boundaries of the income tiers also vary across years as the national median income changes.
The terms “middle income” and “middle class” are used interchangeably in this report for the sake of
exposition. But being middle class can refer to more than just income, be it education level, type of
profession, economic security, home ownership or social and political values. Class also could simply be a
matter of self-identification.
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1 Households in all income tiers had much higher incomes in 2022 than in 1970, after
adjusting for inflation. But the gains for middle- and lower-income households were less
than the gains for upper-income households.
The median income of middle-class households increased from about $66,400 in 1970 to
$106,100 in 2022, or 60%. Over this period, the median income of upper-income households
increased 78%, from about $144,100 to $256,900. (Incomes are scaled to a three-person
household and expressed in
2023 dollars.) Incomes of upper-income U.S. households increased
the most of any income tier from 1970 to 2022
The median income of lower- Median household income, by income tier, in 2023 dollars and scaled to
income households grew more reflect a three-person household
slowly than that of other
% change
households, increasing from Upper income
2022 $256,920
about $22,800 in 1970 to 78%
$35,300 in 2022, or 55%. 1970 144,068
Middle income
Consequently, there is now a 2022 106,092
60
larger gap between the incomes 1970 66,417
of upper-income households Lower income
and other households. In 2022, 2022 35,318
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the median income of upper-
1970 22,831
income households was 7.3
times that of lower-income Note: Households are assigned to income tiers based on their incomes in the calendar year
households, up from 6.3 in prior to the survey year, after incomes have been adjusted for the number of people living in
each household.
1970. It was 2.4 times the Source: Pew Research Center analysis of the Current Population Survey, Annual Social and
Economic Supplement (IPUMS), 1971 and 2023.
median income of middle-
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income households in 2022, up
from 2.2 in 1970.
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62%
By 2022, the middle-class share in overall
60
household income had fallen to 43%, less than Middle income
48
the share of the population in middle-class
households (51%). Not only do a smaller share 40
43
of people live in the middle class today, the 29
Upper income
incomes of middle-class households have also
not risen as quickly as the incomes of upper- 20
10 Lower income
income households. 8
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3 The share of people in the U.S. middle class varied from 46% to 55% across racial and
ethnic groups in 2022. Black and Hispanic Americans, Native Hawaiians or Pacific
Islanders, and American Indians or Alaska Natives were more likely than others to be in
lower-income households.
In 2022, 39% to 47% of Americans in these four groups lived in lower-income households. In
contrast, only 24% of White
and Asian Americans and 31%
Black, Hispanic, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander and
of multiracial Americans were
American Indian/Alaska Native people are more likely
in the lower-income tier.
than others to live in lower-income U.S. households
% of U.S. population in each income tier, by race and ethnicity, 2022
At the other end of the
Lower income Middle income Upper income
economic spectrum, 27% of
Asian and 21% of White All Americans 30% 52 17
Americans lived in upper-
Asian 24 48 27
income households in 2022,
compared with about 10% or
White 24 55 21
less of Black and Hispanic
Americans, Native Hawaiians Multiracial 31 52 17
or Pacific Islanders, and
Native Hawaiian or
39 52 9
American Indians or Alaska Pacific Islander
Natives. Black 45 46 9
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The share of people living in Note: People are assigned to income tiers based on their household incomes, after incomes
have been adjusted for the number of people living in each household and the local area
upper-income households cost of living. Shares may not total 100% due to rounding.
Source: Pew Research Center analysis of the American Community Survey (IPUMS), 2022.
ranged from 13% among
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children and young adults (up
to age 29) to 24% among those
45 to 64. In each age group, about half or a little more were middle class in 2022.
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Women 32 51 16
Marriage appears to boost
the economic status of Marital status
Americans. Among those Married, spouse
present or absent 20% 56 24
who were married in 2022,
Separated,
eight-in-ten lived either in divorced, widowed 37 50 13
middle-income households or never married
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Sub-Saharan African 41 47 12
At least with respect to the
share who were lower income, Caribbean 39 49 11
this was about matched by Central & South American,
44 48 7
those with Soviet, Eastern other Hispanic ancestry
European, other Asian or Note: People are assigned to income tiers based on their household incomes, after incomes
have been adjusted for the number of people living in each household and the local area
Western European origins.
cost of living. Shares may not total 100% due to rounding. Ancestry or origin shown is that
These groups represented the which is reported first by respondents in the source data. Estimates include both the U.S.
born and the foreign born. About 25% of respondents in the source data were of unknown
majority (54%) of the ancestry. Caribbean includes non-Hispanic Central and South America. Soviet and Eastern
population of Americans European includes all Europeans not elsewhere classified.
Source: Pew Research Center analysis of the American Community Survey (IPUMS), 2022.
whose ancestry was known in
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2022.
On the other hand, only 7% of Americans with Central and South American or other
Hispanic ancestry were in the upper-income tier, and 44% were lower income. The
economic statuses of Americans with Caribbean, sub-Saharan African or North American ancestry
were not very different from this.
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25 and older in 2022, 52% of Lower income Middle income Upper income
Education level
those with a bachelor’s degree
<HS graduate 54% 42 5
or higher level of education
lived in middle-class HS graduate only 37 54 9
households and another 35%
lived in upper-income Some college 28 58 14
households.
Bachelor's degree+ 12 52 35
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9 In some occupations,
More than a third of U.S. workers in technology,
about nine-in-ten U.S.
management, and business and finance occupations
workers are either in the
were in the upper-income tier in 2022
middle class or in the upper-
% of U.S. workers in each income tier, by occupation, 2022
income tier, but in some
other occupations almost Lower income Middle income Upper income
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Information 15 52 33
About a third of workers in the
finance, insurance and real Professional services 19 50 31
estate, information, and
Public administration 13 61 27
professional services sectors
were in the upper-income tier Wholesale trade 20 58 22
in 2022. Nearly nine-in-ten
workers (87%) in public Education 17 61 22
Accommodation and
food services 38 52 11
Note: People are assigned to income tiers based on their household incomes, after incomes
have been adjusted for the number of people living in each household and the local area
cost of living. Shares may not total 100% due to rounding. Estimates are for people ages 16
and older who had worked in the previous five years.
Source: Pew Research Center analysis of the American Community Survey (IPUMS), 2022.
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11 The share of Americans who are in the middle class or in the upper- or lower-income
tier differs across U.S. metropolitan areas. But a pattern emerges when it comes to which
metro areas have the highest shares of people living in lower-, middle- or upper-income
households. (We first adjust household incomes for differences in the cost of living across areas.)
The 10 metropolitan areas The 10 U.S. metropolitan areas with the largest shares
with the greatest shares of of residents in the middle class in 2022
middle-income residents % of residents in a metropolitan area in each income tier, 2022
are small to midsize in
Lower income Middle income Upper income
population and are
Dover, DE 26% 65 10
located mostly in the
northern half of the U.S. Olympia-Tumwater, WA 25 64 11
About six-in-ten residents in
these metro areas were in the Glens Falls, NY 23 63 14
middle class.
Bismarck, ND 19 63 19
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Notably, many of these metro areas also have sizable lower-income populations. For instance,
about a quarter of the populations in Bridgeport-Stamford-Norwalk; Trenton, New Jersey;
Boston-Cambridge-Newton; and Santa Cruz-Watsonville, California, were in the lower-income tier
in 2022.
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income tier are in the Lower income Middle income Upper income
Southwest, either on the McAllen-Edinburg- 51% 42 7
southern border of Texas or in Mission, TX
El Paso, TX 46 45 9
About 40% to 50% of residents
in these metro areas were in Shreveport-Bossier 45 44 11
City, LA
the middle class, and only
Bakersfield, CA 44 47 9
about one-in-ten or fewer lived
in upper-income households. Modesto, CA 44 51 5
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Acknowledgments
This report was written by Rakesh Kochhar, senior researcher.
Editorial guidance for the report was provided by Mark Hugo Lopez, director, race and ethnicity
research.
Guidance on the communications strategy and outreach was provided by Tanya Arditi, senior
communications manager.
The report was number-checked by Gracie Martinez and Mohamad Moslimani, research
assistants. Sara Atske, digital producer, produced the report. David Kent, senior copy editor, copy
edited the report.
Find related reports on our topic page about the middle class.
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Methodology
The data for the historical analysis in this report is derived from the Annual Social and Economic
Supplements (ASEC) of the Current Population Survey (CPS), which are conducted in March of
every year. The specific files used in this report are from March 1971 to March 2023 and contain
data on the annual income of households from 1970 to 2022. Conducted jointly by the U.S. Census
Bureau and the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the CPS is a monthly survey of about 60,000
households and is the source of the nation’s official statistics on unemployment. The ASEC survey
in March typically features a larger sample size (about 75,000 in recent years) and is the source of
the annual income and poverty estimates reported by the Census Bureau.
The historical analysis for Asian Americans is limited to CPS data for 2010 and 2023. That is
because Asian Americans alone were not identified in the CPS until 2003. Prior to that year, and
starting only in 1988, the CPS reported data for Asians and Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders
(NHPI) combined. But the sample size for the NHPI population is only about 300 households in
2010 and 2023. For that reason, we do not report historical trends for the NHPI population. We
also do not report historical trends for American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) or multiracial
populations. These two populations are not uniquely identified in the CPS.
Methodological and other revisions to the CPS may have an impact on estimated trends. For
example, the 2015 ASEC introduced a redesigned set of income questions, and definitions of key
socioeconomic categories, such as race and educational attainment, have changed over time.
The demographic analysis is principally based on the data from the 2022 American Community
Survey (ACS). The public-use version of the ACS is a 1% sample of the U.S. population, or more
than 3 million people. It is designed to collect the detailed information previously collected in the
long form of the decennial census. But the ACS data are available only from 2005 onwards and are
less suitable for long-run historical analyses.
The ACS is conducted in every month of the year, with data collected from about one-twelfth of the
total sample in each month. The monthly responses are combined to form an annual portrait of
the nation and of smaller geographic units. Because of its large sample size, the ACS is a better
source than the CPS for analyses of subnational or subgroup demographic and income data.
Nonetheless, we do not report the distribution of NHPI workers across income tiers by occupation
and industry because of small sample sizes.
In some instances, the demographic analysis uses data from the 5-year ACS for the period 2018-
2022. This file contains data from the five ACS surveys conducted over this period and represents
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a 5% sample of the U.S. population, or more than 15 million people. We exclude the data for 2020
because the COVID-19 pandemic had a significant impact on data collection in that year. The
resulting file with four years of data – about 12 million people – was used to study smaller
demographic groups, such as Korean Americans or Pakistani Americans. But we are still limited in
the extent to which we can analyze the distribution of the AIAN and NHPI populations across
income tiers in U.S. metropolitan areas.
The CPS and ACS microdata used are the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS)
provided by the University of Minnesota. The IPUMS assigns uniform codes, to the extent
possible, to data collected in the CPS and ACS over the years. More information about the IPUMS,
including variable definition and sampling error, is available at IPUMS CPS and IPUMS USA.
Income
Household income is the sum of incomes earned by all members of the household ages 15 and
older. Income is defined as money income received (exclusive of certain money receipts, such as
capital gains) before payments for such things as personal income taxes, Social Security, union
dues and Medicare deductions. Noncash transfers such as SNAP benefits (food stamps), health
benefits, subsidized housing and energy assistance are not included. More detail on the
measurement and collection of income in government data can be found in the documentation of
the CPS or in the documentation of the ACS.
The CPS collects data on income received by the household in the calendar year preceding the
date of the survey. The ACS is a rolling monthly survey, and the household income data refer to
income received during the 12 months preceding the survey month. In other words, a household
surveyed in January 2022 is expected to report income received from January 2021 to December
2021, a household surveyed in February 2022 is expected to report income received from February
2021 to January 2022, and so on. Households surveyed in December 2022 report income received
from December 2021 to November 2022. Thus, in the 2022 ACS, the income data refer to the
period from January 2021 to November 2022, a span of 23 months.
Because the income data collected in the ACS does not refer to a calendar year, the Census Bureau
provides an adjustment factor that converts reported incomes to the levels they would have been
had they been earned during a calendar year. Although this adjustment factor has its limits, we
apply it to the income data in the 2022 ACS to convert reported incomes to their projected levels in
the 2022 calendar year. In the 5-year ACS files, the reported incomes have already been
standardized by the Census Bureau to dollars as valued in the final year of data included in the file.
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The data on income are adjusted for inflation and reported in 2023 dollars in this report. We use
the price index series published in the Census Bureau’s 2022 income report. From 2000 to 2022,
this series is the same as the Chained Consumer Price Index for all Urban Consumers (C-CPI-U)
published by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). From 1978 to 1999, this series is the BLS’s
Consumer Price Index for all Urban Consumers Retroactive Series (R-CPI-U-RS). For years prior
to 1978, the Census Bureau uses an experimental price index series from the BLS known as the
CPI-U-X1. We apply the C-CPI-U from the BLS to extend the Census Bureau’s price index series
from 2022 to 2023.
The choice of a price index does not affect the allocation of households into lower-, middle- or
upper-income categories at a point in time. That is because the same price index applies to the
incomes of all households and does not affect their income-based rank. However, the choice of a
price index does affect measures of absolute progress over time. For example, from 2000 to 2023,
the price level rose either 78% (R-CPI-U-RS) or 67% (C-CPI-U). This means that someone who
earned $10,000 per year in 2000 would need to earn either $17,800 (using the R-CPI-U-RS) or
$16,700 (using the C-CPI-U) in 2023 to be just as well off as in 2000.
At its simplest, adjusting for household size could mean converting household income into per
capita income. Thus, a two-person household with an income of $50,000 would have a per capita
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income of $25,000, double the per capita income of a four-person household with the same total
income.
A more sophisticated framework for household size adjustment recognizes that there are
economies of scale in consumer expenditures. For example, a two-bedroom apartment may not
cost twice as much to rent as a one-bedroom apartment. Two household members could carpool to
work for the same cost as a single household member, and so on. For that reason, many
researchers make adjustments for household size using the method of “equivalence scales.”
By this method, household income is divided by household size exponentiated by “N,” where N is a
number between 0 and 1.
Note that if N=0, the denominator equals 1. In that case, no adjustment is made for household
size. If N=1, the denominator equals household size, and that is the same as converting household
income into per capita income. The usual approach is to let N be some number between 0 and 1.
Following other researchers, this study uses N=0.5. In practical terms, this means that household
income is divided by the square root of household size – 1.41 for a two-person household, 1.73 for a
three-person household, 2.00 for a four-person household and so on.
One issue with adjusting for household size is that while demographic data on household
composition pertain to the survey date, income data typically pertain to the preceding calendar
year or the preceding 12-month period. Because household composition can change over time, for
example, through marriage, divorce or death, the household size that is measured at the survey
date may not be the same as that at the time the income was earned and spent.
Once household incomes have been converted to a “uniform” household size, they can be scaled to
reflect any household size. The income data reported in this study are computed for three-person
households, the closest whole number to the average size of a U.S. household since 1970. That is
done as follows:
Adjusting for household size does have an effect on trends in income since 1970. However, it is
important to note that once the adjustment has been made, it is immaterial whether one scales
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incomes to one-, two-, three- or four-person households. Regardless of the choice of household
size, the same results would emerge with respect to the trends in the well-being of lower-, middle-
and upper-income groups.
Adjusting income for the cost of living in metropolitan and other areas
In our analysis of the ACS data, “middle-income” Americans live in households with incomes that
are two-thirds to double the national median, after incomes have been adjusted for household size
and the cost of living in their area. Their area of residence may be in a known metropolitan area,
an unidentified metro area or outside of a metro area.
A metropolitan area consists of at least one urbanized area with a population of 50,000 or more
people, plus neighboring areas that are socially and economically integrated with the core.
Metropolitan areas may cross state boundaries, such as the Washington-Arlington-Alexandria,
DC-VA-MD-WV area.
Our analysis of the state of the middle class for all Americans encompasses 222 of 381
metropolitan areas in the United States, as defined by the Office of Management and Budget in its
2013 classification of metro areas. The 222 metropolitan areas included are the maximum number
of areas that could be identified in the ACS (IPUMS) data that also had a sample of at least 500
households. Together, these areas accounted for 72% of the nation’s population in 2022. Overall,
the 2022 ACS identifies 248 metro areas.
The cost-of-living adjustment for all areas is based on price indexes published by the U.S. Bureau
of Economic Analysis. These indexes, known as Regional Price Parities (RPP), compare the prices
of goods and services in an area with the national average prices for the same goods and services.
The latest available estimates are for 2022.
RPPs are available for three types of areas. The RPPs for metropolitan areas were used to adjust
the incomes of households in metro areas identified in the ACS data. RPPs for the metropolitan
portions of a state were used to adjust the incomes of households known to live in a metro area in
that state but for whom the identity of the metro area was not known. Finally, RPPs for all
nonmetro areas in a state were used to adjust the incomes of households located in nonmetro
areas in that state.
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and who are not Hispanic. Asian includes people who identified with more than one Asian race or
origin, e.g., Japanese and Filipino. Native Hawaiians or Pacific Islanders include people
identifying with more than one Micronesian race. Multiracial includes people who identified with
more than one major racial group, e.g., White and Black, Black and Korean, or Chinese and
Hawaiian, and are not Hispanic. Hispanics are of any race.
U.S. born refers to individuals who are U.S. citizens at birth, including people born in the 50 U.S.
states, the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories, as well as those born
elsewhere to at least one parent who is a U.S. citizen. The terms foreign born and immigrant are
used interchangeably in this report. They refer to people who are not U.S. citizens at birth.
High school graduate refers to those who have a high school diploma or its equivalent, such as a
General Education Development (GED) certificate, and those who had completed 12th grade, but
their diploma status was unclear (those who had finished 12th grade but not received a diploma
are excluded). Adults with some college include those with an associate degree and those who
attended college but did not obtain a degree. In the estimates for 1971, adults with a bachelor’s
degree or higher level of education are those who completed at least four years of college.
Unmarried includes never married, divorced, separated and widowed. Married includes those
whose spouse may be absent.
Ancestry refers to a person’s self-reported ancestry or ethnic origin and is based on the IPUMS
USA variable ANCESTR1. Respondents may provide more than one ancestry. We use the first-
reported ancestry in our analysis. North American refers to U.S. or Canadian origins and
American Indian and Alaska Native tribes. Central and South American and other Hispanic
ancestry refers not only to places of origin, such as Mexico, Puerto Rico and Peru, but also to
ethnic origins, such as Mexican American, Spaniard and Hispanic. Caribbean includes the West
Indies and non-Hispanic Central and South America.
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South Asian includes origin groups from Afghanistan, India and neighboring countries, except
Burma. Other Asian encompasses groups from Burma to the countries on the Pacific rim of Asia.
Middle Eastern & North African origin groups are from countries ranging from Morocco to Iran.
Sub-Saharan African groups are from Africa, excluding countries in North Africa. Pacific
Islanders trace their origin to Australia, New Zealand and Pacific Islands, including Hawaii.
Western European and Soviet or Eastern European ancestries are defined along familiar
geographic classifications of these regions, except that the latter category also includes Europeans
not elsewhere classified in the source data.
Statistical significance
Comparisons between most estimates are tested for statistical significance using the replicate
weights in the source data. These tests for statistical significance are conducted using 95%
confidence intervals. However, replicate weights are not available in the CPS for years prior to
2005. Thus, when comparisons are made between CPS estimates from 1971 and 2023, or in other
instances where replicate weights are not available, the standard errors are determined using the
“pweight” option in Stata, and tests of significance are conducted using 99% confidence intervals.
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