History of India C. 1500 - 1700

11.
5mm
HISTORY OF INDIA
C. 1550-1700
HISTORY OF INDIA C:1550-1700

B.A. (PROGRAMME) - HISTORY
SEMESTER-IV
MINOR PAPER (DSC-7)
FOR LIMITED CIRCULATION ONLY
MINOR PAPER (DSC-7)
DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF DELHI UNIVERSITY OF DELHI
20CUS01298
History of India c. 1550-1700
For Limited Circulation Only
Editorial Board
Sh. Prabhat Kumar
Content Writers
Namita Singh, Nida Arshi, Dr. Mayurakshi Kumar, Parul Sisodia,
Dr. Kalpana Malik, Dr. Sushmita Banerjee, Sandeep Kumar Verma
Academic Coordinator
Mr. Deekshant Awasthi
Ist edition: 2024

E-mail: [email protected]
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SYLLABUS
Syllabus Mapping
UNIT I
Foundation, Expansion and Consolidation of the Mughal State, c.16th to Lesson 1: Expansion and
17th Century: Expansion and Consolidation; Administrative Structures: Consolidation: Campaigns
Mansabdari and Jagirdari. and Conquest Technology
and Techniques Structure
(Pages 3-24)
Lesson 2: Nature of Mughal State
(Pages 25-39)
Lesson 3: Evolution of Administration:
Akbar to Aurangzeb: Mansabdari,
Jagirdari, Zabt, Jaziya
(Pages 41-63)
UNIT II
Akbar to Aurangzeb: Rajputs, Imperial Ideology; Religious Policy. Lesson 4: Religious Patterns Under the
Mughals (1550-1750)
(Pages 67-82)
Lesson 5: Imperial Ideology: Political
Alliances and State Formation with
Special Reference to Mewar and
Marwar
(Pages 83-101)
UNIT III
17th Century Transition: Marathas, Sikhs. Lesson 6: Rise of Shivaji and
Expansion of the
Maratha Empire and
its Impact and
Legacy on Indian History
(Pages 105-120)
Lesson 7: Seventeenth Century
Transition: Mughal State
and the Sikhs
(Pages 121-138)

UNIT IV
Art and Architecture: Taj Mahal and Red Fort; Mughal Painting. Lesson 8: Mughal Art and
Architecture: Taj Mahal
and Red Fort Structure
(Pages 141-155)
Lesson 9: Mughal Paintings:
Jahangir and Shah Jahan
(Pages 157-172)
UNIT V
Society, Culture and Religion: Sufism: Naqshbandi; Popular Literature Lesson 10: Sufism: Shattari, Chishti
from the Deccan: Chakki-Nama and Charkha-Nama. and Naqshbandi
(Pages 175-186)
Lesson 11: Sufis and Shias in the
Deccan: Chakkinama and
Charkhanama
(Pages 187-193)
UNIT VI
Economy and Integrated Patterns of Exchange: Inland and Maritime Trade; Lesson 12: Agrarian Revenue:
Non-agrarian Production. Zamindar and Peasants
(Pages 197-217)
Lesson 13: Non Agrarian Production:
Craft and Technology
in Mughal India
(Pages 219-231)
Lesson 14: Indian Oceanic Trade
(Pages 233-242)
CONTENTS
UNIT I: FOUNDATION, EXPANSION AND

CONSOLIDATION OF THE MUGHAL STATE,
C.16TH TO 17TH CENTURY: EXPANSION AND
CONSOLIDATION; ADMINISTRATIVE
STRUCTURES: MANSABDARI AND JAGIRDARI
LESSON 1 EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION: CAMPAIGNS AND
CONQUEST TECHNOLOGY AND TECHNIQUES STRUCTURE 3-24
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Nature Military History
1.3 Territorial Expansion
1.3.1 North and Central India
1.3.2 Eastern India
1.3.3 Western India
1.3.4 Rebellions
1.3.5 Northwest
1.3.6 Deccan
1.3.7 Territorial Expansion: Post Akbar

1.4 Strategies of Military Conquest

1.5 Conclusion
1.6 Summary
1.7 Practice Questions
1.8 Answers
1.9 Suggested Readings
LESSON 2 NATURE OF MUGHAL STATE 25-39
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Nature of Mughal State
2.3 Colonial Historiography
2.4 Centralised State
2.5 Theocratic State
2.6 Patrimonial Bureaucratic State
2.7 Gun Powder Historiography
2.8 Revisionist Historiography
2.9 Process School Historiography
2.10 Recent Studies
2.11 Conclusion
2.12 Summary
2.14 Answers

LESSON 3 EVOLUTION OF ADMINISTRATION:

AKBAR TO AURANGZEB: MANSABDARI,
JAGIRDARI, ZABT, JAZIYA 41-63
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Mughal Administrative Structure
3.2.1 Central Administration
3.2.2 Subah – Administration at the Provincial Level
3.2.3 Sarkar Administration
3.2.4 Pargana Administration
3.3 Mansabdari System
3.3.1 Evolution of Mansabdari
3.3.2 Composition of Mansabdars
3.3.3 Escheat System
3.4 Jagirdari System
3.5 Mughal Land Revenue System
3.5.1 Zabt
3.5.2 Other Methods of Land Revenue Assessment
3.5.3 Jaziya
3.7 Conclusion
3.8 Summary
3.10 State True or False
3.11 Answers – State True or False

UNIT II: AKBAR TO AURANGZEB: RAJPUTS,

IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY; RELIGIOUS POLICY
LESSON 4 RELIGIOUS PATTERNS UNDER THE MUGHALS (1550-1750) 67-82
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Sulh-i-Kul: Religious Policy of Akbar
4.3 Dara Shikoh: Promoter of Hindu-Muslim Interactions
4.4 Was Aurangzeb an Orthodox Ruler?
4.5 Conclusion
4.6 Summary
LESSON 5 IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY: POLITICAL ALLIANCES AND
STATE FORMATION WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE
TO MEWAR AND MARWAR 83-101
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Background
5.2.1 Mughal-Rajput Relations Under Babur and Humayun
5.3 Akbar and Rajputs
5.4 Relations with Mewar
5.5 Akbar and Rajputs: An Analysis

5.6 Mughal-Rajput Relations

5.7 Aurangzeb and Rajputs
5.8 Breach with Marwar and Mewar
5.9 Emergence of Rajput
5.9.1 Mewar
5.9.2 Marwar
5.10 Conclusion
5.11 Summary
5.13 Answers
UNIT III: 17TH CENTURY TRANSITION:

MARATHAS, SIKHS
LESSON 6 RISE OF SHIVAJI AND EXPANSION OF
THE MARATHA EMPIRE AND ITS IMPACT
AND LEGACY ON INDIAN HISTORY 105-120
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Etymology
6.3 Causes behind the Upsurge of the Maratha Empire in the Deccan
6.4 Incarnation and Strengthening of the Empire

6.5 Expansion under the Peshwas: Reclaiming Homeland Through Military

Expeditions
6.6 Military, Fortification, Navy and Strategic Warfare
6.7 Maratha Administration and their Revenue Measures
6.8 Conclusion
6.9 Summary
6.11 Hints
6.13 Answers State True or False
LESSON 7 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY TRANSITION:
MUGHAL STATE AND THE SIKHS 121-138
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 The Life and Teachings of Guru Nanak: A Journey of Spiritual Transformation
7.3 Guru Angad: Legacy and Contributions to Sikhism
7.4 Guru Amar Das: Growth of Sikhism
7.5 Guru Ram Das: Architect of Faith, Builder of Community
7.6 Guru Arjun Dev: Compilation of the Adi Granth
7.7 Guru Hargobind: Struggles and Successions in Mughal Times
7.8 Guru Tegh Bahadur: Defender of Faith
7.9 Guru Gobind Singh: Birth of the Khalsa- A Historical Evolution
7.10 Banda Bahadur and the Resilience of Sikh Power in the Face of Adversity
7.11 Roots of Discord: Causes of Strife Between the Sikh Gurus and the Mughal
State

7.12 Conclusion
7.13 Summary
7.14 Glossary
7.16 Answers
UNIT IV: ART AND ARCHITECTURE: TAJ MAHAL

AND RED FORT; MUGHAL PAINTING
LESSON 8 MUGHAL ART AND ARCHITECTURE:
TAJ MAHAL AND RED FORT STRUCTURE 141-155
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Why monuments are erected?
8.3 The Magnificent Tomb: Taj Mahal
8.4 The Palace-fortress of Shahjahanabad-Red Fort
8.5 Conclusion
8.6 Summary
8.8 Answers to Practice Questions (some points to remember)
LESSON 9 MUGHAL PAINTINGS: JAHANGIR AND SHAH JAHAN 157-172
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Origin of Paintings

9.2.1 Babur
9.2.2 Humayun
9.2.3 Akbar
9.3 Jahangir
9.3.1 Process of Making
9.3.2 Themes
9.3.3 Foreign Influence
9.4 Shah Jahan
9.5 Paintings as Source of Power
9.6 Conclusion
9.7 Summary
9.9 Answers to Practice Questions (points to remember)
UNIT V: SOCIETY, CULTURE AND RELIGION:

SUFISM: NAQSHBANDI; POPULAR LITERATURE
FROM THE DECCAN: CHAKKI-NAMA
AND CHARKHA-NAMA
LESSON 10 SUFISM: SHATTARI, CHISHTI AND NAQSHBANDI 175-186
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Sufi Orders in India: An Introduction
10.2 Chishti Sufi Order in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries
10.3 Shattari Sufi Order in the Sixteenth Century

10.4 Naqshbandi Sufi Order in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century

10.4.1 Khwaja Baqi Billah’s Role as a Naqshbandi Sufi Pir in the Seventeenth
Century
10.4.2 Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi’s Contribution as a Naqshbandi Sufi: Precepts
and Practices
10.4.3 Naqshbandis and Mughals: Historiography
10.5 Summary
LESSON 11 SUFIS AND SHIAS IN THE DECCAN:
CHAKKINAMA AND CHARKHANAMA 187-193
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Sufis and Shias in the Deccan: An Introduction
11.2 Sufi Folk Literature in the Deccan
11.3 Summary
UNIT VI: ECONOMY AND INTEGRATED PATTERNS OF

EXCHANGE: INLAND AND MARITIME TRADE;
NON-AGRARIAN PRODUCTION
LESSON 12 AGRARIAN REVENUE: ZAMINDAR AND PEASANTS 197-217
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Land Revenue System in North India

12.3 Batai, Kankut And Zabt

12.4 Land Revenue Officers
12.5 Zamindars and Zamindari Rights
12.6 Peasantry and the village community
12.7 Land Revenue System – Deccan
12.8 Deshmukh and Despande
12.9 Peasants and Village Community
12.10 Conclusion
12.11 Summary
12.13 Answers to Practice Questions (points to be included)
LESSON 13 NON AGRARIAN PRODUCTION: CRAFT AND
TECHNOLOGY IN MUGHAL INDIA 219-231
13.0 Objectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Textile Technology
13.3 Mining and Metallurgy
13.4 Building Industry
13.5 Other Crafts
13.6 Military Technology
13.7 Oceanic Navigation
13.8 Conclusion
13.9 Summary
13.10 Practice questions
13.11 Answers to Practice Questions (points to be considered)

LESSON 14 INDIAN OCEANIC TRADE 233-242
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Indian Ocean and Structural Changes
14.3 The Portuguese Enterprise in Indian Ocean
14.4 The English East India Company
14.5 The Dutch East India Company
14.6 The French East India Company
14.7 Role of Indian Merchants and Trading Communities
14.8 Summary

UNIT I: FOUNDATION, EXPANSION AND
CONSOLIDATION OF THE MUGHAL
STATE, C.16TH TO 17TH CENTURY:
EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION;
ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURES:
MANSABDARI AND JAGIRDARI
LESSON 1 EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION:

CAMPAIGNS AND CONQUEST
TECHNOLOGY AND
TECHNIQUES STRUCTURE
LESSON 2 NATURE OF MUGHAL STATE
LESSON 3 EVOLUTION OF ADMINISTRATION:

AKBAR TO AURANGZEB: MANSABDARI,
JAGIRDARI, ZABT, JAZIYA
Expansion and Consolidation: Campaigns and ...
LESSON 1 NOTES
EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION:

CAMPAIGNS AND CONQUEST TECHNOLOGY
AND TECHNIQUES STRUCTURE
Namita Singh
Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Nature Military History
1.3 Territorial Expansion
1.3.2 Eastern India
1.3.3 Western India
1.3.4 Rebellions
1.3.5 Northwest
1.3.6 Deccan
1.3.7 Territorial Expansion: Post Akbar
1.4 Strategies of Military Conquest
1.5 Conclusion
1.6 Summary
1.8 Answers
1.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Understand Akbar’s tactics for consolidating power by utilizing diplomacy and
displays of strength.
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Material 3

NOTES  Learn about the military strategies, technologies, and techniques that helped the
Mughal Empire become the dominant power in India.
1.1 INTRODUCTION
In the history of India, the Mughal Empire stands as one of the most significant and
influential dynasties. A key aspect of their legacy was their remarkable territorial
expansion across the Indian subcontinent. This expansion is a fascinating subject
explored in various scholarly works. Two notable sources that provide invaluable
insights into the Mughal Empire’s territorial growth are ‘The Cambridge History of
India: The Mughal Empire’ by William Irvine and ‘The Mughals of India’ by Harbans
Mukhia. These texts delve into the military campaigns, strategies, and the evolving
landscape of the Mughal Empire during its zenith. They shed light on how the Mughals
managed to consolidate their rule over diverse regions and cultures, making them
essential readings for anyone interested in the history of this remarkable empire
1.2 NATURE MILITARY HISTORY
The study of military warfare in the Mughal Empire has a rich history, beginning with P.
Horn in 1894 and William Irvin’s ground breaking work on Indian Mughal armies.
Scholars from Aligarh Muslim University, including Athar Ali, Aziz Ahmad, and Iqtidar
Alam Khan, explored topics like the Mansabdari system and the introduction of
gunpowder in warfare. Jadunath Sarkar’s ‘Military History of India’ focused on
significant battles. Dirk Kloff, Jos Gommans, Steward Gordon, and Thomas Trautman
provided diverse perspectives, examining military practices in socio-economic and
cultural contexts.Jos Gommans emphasized a broader view of Mughal military
expansion, considering geographical, social, political, and cultural factors. The role of
firearms and gunpowder is a key aspect, with V. Barthoad proposing the Mughal state
as a “gunpowder state.” Marshall Hodgson and McNeil supported this view, highlighting
gunpowder’s role in centralizing government. However, critiques from Iqtidar Alam
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4 Material

Khan and Douglas Streusand question the sole reliance on gunpowder. The study of NOTES
Mughal military tactics continues to evolve with varying viewpoints and ongoing research.
1.3 TERRITORIAL EXPANSION
Babur had established himself in Kabul in 1504 after being driven out from Fargana
by the Uzbegs. In lack of option towards Persia, he invaded India in 1526. In 1525 he
captured Lahore. In 1526 he encountered Ibrahim Lodhi in the battle of Panipat on
12th April. Babur’s small band army of 12000 men defeated a massive army of 30-
40000 ment and also 1000 elephants. His artilleries and techniques played a decisive
role. He had both matchlock men and field cannon while Ibrahim Lodi had not yet
started using the firearms. He had band of men on the right while the left was secured
with abates of felled trees and ditches. At the centre he was with wagons creating
movable fortress and behind them were horsemen mounted with archers the technique
was called Tabur Jangi. Babur’s army despite its size fought an aggressive that was
cavalry dominant. Lodi lost his life in the battle but Babur did not stop at Delhi and
immediately a party under Humayun was sent to Agra.
Sangram Singh, better known as Ranga Sanga had initially hoped that after
defeating the Lodhis Babur would retire back to Kabul and it would mark the beginning
of expansion of Rajput rule in Delhi. Babur on the other hand was joined by the local
chiefs due to fear of anarchy like that of Sheikh Guren of Doab region. Some of the
older military generals like Firoz Khan, Mahmud Khan Lohani of Lodhi’s army also
joined Babur. He gradually began to expand by conquering smaller areas. They ceased
Kannauj and Jaunpur, Ghazipur and Kalpi under Humayun while Babur stayed back
in Agra planning coalitions wherever possible with Afghan chiefs and also preparing
for a possible war with Sangram Singh, while Gwalior submitted to Babur.
On February 11th, 1527, Babur marched from Agra to Sikri, facing challenges
as Sangram Singh advanced towards him. Babur, initially with a small force of 1500
men, reinforced later, prepared for a decisive war. Facing desertion by chiefs and
losing territories like Kannauj and Gwalior, Babur hurriedly dug ditches and deployed
novel wooden engines, connecting them with ropes to protect musketeers. The battle
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Material 5

NOTES commenced at 9:30 am, with Rana’s strong attack initially succeeding. However,
Babur’s commanders created a gap in Rana’s army, allowing Mughal tripods to fire
effectively. Despite fierce Rajput charges, Babur’s reinforcements, including matchlock
men and cavalry, secured ground for the Mughal infantry. The Mughal artilleries pierced
through the Rajput forces, while the sheer numbers of the Rajput army strained Babur’s
forces. Accused of treachery by some Rajput accounts, Babur’s victory marked the
decline of Mewar’s bravery and strength, solidifying the Mughal empire’s hold in the
region. Sangram Singh escaped with war injuries, symbolizing the turning point in the
fortunes of Mewar. He moved to capture Alwar and then returned to Agra. Sent
expedition to Chadwa and Rabiri and all the other rebelling chief were brought in
line.While babur continued to take smalled expedition post battle of Kanua, his next
big expedition was in December 1527 against Medni Rao of Chanderi, also known as
the king maker of Malwa. On the way he ordered defiant Afghans to be attacked. He
moved towards Kinartowards Chambal and further moved to Kalpi and from there
through Irich and Bhander he marched to Kechran, finally from Kechran to Chanderi.
He stationed himself on the banks of Berhampur river. He had expected surrender but
Medni Rao refused surrender. While he preparing for an attack his attention was
shifted to news of rebellion by Baiazid Afghan in East. He refused to be distracted and
an assault was undertaken and with much blood shed and horror forts were taken by
February 1528. In the same month he moved towards Kannauj. A fierce battle took
place between Babur’s army and the rebel chiefs, who were eventually forced to
decamp. By September 1528 he was visiting Gwalior. East was still causing trouble
where his rebellious chiefs had taken refuge, so his third son Aksari was sent to Bengal
in 1528, Bengal expedition was a short lived success, soon Bihar was taken over by
Mahmud, son of Sikander Lodi. In April 1528 he moved towards chunar, forcing
Mahmud to flee. He then requested the King of Bengal to surrender but when there
was no reply he marched to Gogra, he won over Gogra after a fierce battle. The
rebellious Baiazid and Biban had in the meantime besieged Lucknow, taking Lucknow,
stabalising Jaunpur was the last campaign Babur undertook. He then expressed his
wish to visit home, though his health failed him.
Humayun succeeded his father, and the young prince found himself fighting
two fronts at once. Babur’s sons each had his own territory to rule. Sulaiman was in
Badakshan, Kamran had Kabul and Kandahar, Askari and Hindal had their own
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6 Material

occupied Punjab and forced Humayun to accept their rule in Punjab. While in the East NOTES
continued to create trouble. In the south of Agra Bahadur Shah the ruler of Gujrat was
negotiating with Afghans to over throw Mughals and was also providing safe heaven
to Humayun’s enemies while on the eastern front, he was challenged by an Afghan
Chieftain named Sher Khan. While Humayun successfully attacked Bahadur Shah,
the east proved to be a tough fight. Meanwhile Sher Khan, an Afghan noble had
gained power in southern Bihar. Sherkhan had gone one to defeat the king of Bengal.
He had become a strong force in the east. Mughal army and Sher Khan met in Chausa
in 1539 and despite 3 months long ongoing negotiation, Sher Khan attacked Mughal
army in June forcing Humayun to flee. Sher Khan crowned himself as Sher Shah after
Chausa. In May 1540, met again in Kannauj but heavy rains demoralised Humayun’s
army and he was deserted by his own men forcing Humayun to flee again. He was
forced to take refuge in Iran for the next 15 years. It was only in 1553 and with
Mughal-Persian army and 8 years long war, Humayun siege Kandahar and Kabul. He
returned to India in 1554.
He was succeeded byAkbar. After overcoming the initial challenges of solidifying
his rule, Akbar initiated a strategy to enlarge the Mughal territory. The pursuit of empire
inherently led to conflicts with various political entities scattered across northern India.
Some of these powers were well-structured dynasties, like the Rajputs. Although the
Rajputs were present all over the country as autonomous chieftains, they were primarily
concentrated in Rajputana. The Afghans controlled regions like Gujrat, Bihar, and
Bengal. Deccan was under Khandesh, Bijapur, and Golconda amongst others. In the
Northwest, the tribal groups dominated the region. Kabul and Kandahar were also
experiencing unrest, even though it was held by the Mughal Factions. However, it is
important to note that the most significant territorial expansion took place under Akbar,
subsequently, other parts were added by his successors.
1.3.1 Bairam Khan Regency
At the time of ascension to the throne, Akbar was only thirteen years old. The political
history of the next four years from the year of his ascension to the throne is a period of
the Mughal administration being run on his behalf by the trusted nobles led by Bairam
Khan as the regent. Therefore the term used for this period from 1556-1560 is ‘Period
of Regency’. This period is an important chapter in the story of the expansion and Self-Instructional
Material 7

NOTES consolidation of the Mughal Empire. The Mughal influence in 1556 in North India was
limited to areas around Lahore in Punjab; Agra and Delhi in Gangetic plains, in the east
Sambhal and Badayun. The rest of the area in the northern part was still under the
control of the Afghans. The period of regency had successfully crushed the Afghan
resistance and managed to maintain the internal cohesion of the Mughal state guarding
the interest and power of the young emperor through his training years. At the time of
Humayun’s death, Akbar was with Bairam Khan as his ataliq(tutor), a position conferred
on him by Humayun himself. Therefore eradicating claims of all other seniors of likes
of Khizr Khwaja and Khawaja Mu’azzam, Bairam Khan became the Regent
representing collective will.
The Period of Regency can broadly be divided into 4 Phases:
 The first phase: It was insecure politically. Right after the death of Humanyun
the Afghan forces began to challenge the empire under Hemu. Since Akbar
was still a minor, Bairam Khan was appointed as the Wakil. The senior
nobles understood the political threat and the urgency with which it needed
to be attended therefore despite the fear of Bairam Khan becoming too
powerful and the dangers of it, the nobility, even his most serious critics
accepted him as the wakil- Sultanate. The nobles probably hoped to share
power with Bairam Khan but he had other plans. Therefore on assuming
office, in his attempt to consolidate his office, he almost immediately began
eliminating the noble that could be a threat to his position. He imprisoned
Shah Abdul Ma’ali. While Shamsuddin Atka, Khwaja Jalalauddin Bujuq
and several other Chatgai Nobles were asked to leave for Kabul. Munim
Khan was made the Governor of Kabul to control Sulaiman Mirza’s invasion.
The move distanced Munim Khan from the Mughal court for months.
 The Second Phase: Another noble Tardi Beg was also kept occupied
against Afghans at Tughlaqabad, when Tardi Beg failed to defend against
the Afghan forces, Bairam Khan ordered Beg’s execution on charges of
treachery. Such a strong stand aroused dissent amongst the already suspicious
nobles. However, the ultimate victory at the battle of Panipat in 1556 revived
his power. Hemu, a minister and General under Sur’s marched with huge
army to attack Delhi. The Sur’s had an overwhelming number on their side,
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met the Mughals at Panipat. While Hemu had elephants and larger cavalry,
8 Material while Mughlas had technology and strategy. Hemu attacked first with

elephants breaking Mughal formations. Mughals answered with artillery NOTES

creating havoc, they then charged with cavalry at the centre of Hemu’s army.
Hemu did not retract and counter attacked with his elephants creating chaos.
While Hemu could take advantage of the confusion for a short while, he was
struck by an arrow in the eye, seeing the leader injured the Afghan forces
panicked, broke formation and lost. The victory was immediately followed
up by the appointment and promotion of his loyal officers to various positions.
Pir Muhammad was appointed as Wakil, Khwaja Aminuddin as Bakshi
and Shaikh Gadai as Sadr. Within seven months Bairam Khan had established
supremacy enough to regulate the access of nobles to the King. The nobles
began resisting Bairam Khan.
 The Third Phase: the visible shift in the situation concerning Bairam Khan’s
power began with the arrival of Royal Ladies to the court in April 1557. The
nobility too was now openly resisting the growing power of Bairam Khan.
Soon after the arrival of Hamida Bano Begum in Lahore, a Proposal for
Akbar’s marriage was presented. Despite the opposition by Bairam Khan,
Akbar was married to the daughter of Mirza Abdullah Mughal. Mirza
Abdullah Mughal was son in law of Munim Khan. Bairam Khan in turn was
also married to Salima Begum, establishing matrimonial relations between
the royal family and him. Hamida Bano was accompanied by Maham Anga,
another influential lady in the life of Akbar. Hence from hereon Bairam Khan
was expected to make decisions only in consultation with the senior ladies
of the royal family. This phase also saw Pir Muhammad turning against him.
However in 1558 Mughal armies occupied Ajmer, Jaunpur, Gwalior and
was retained in 1557 from Afghans.
 The Fourth Phase: The entry of Mughal ladies into the scene somehow
affected Bairam Khan’s influence on Akbar. Bairam Khan was isolated from
not only a large section of the nobility but also the King. In one such incident,
Ali Quli Khan’s envoy was executed by Pir Muhammad, humiliating Ali Quli
Khan. Many close to Bairam Khan were persecuted and AliQuli Khan’s
envoy probably met its fate on the same account. Bairam Khan was pushed
to a corner and as a reaction in 1559, he attempted a coup. He executed
many Chaghtai Nobles and did not bother to take Akbar into confidence.
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This angered Akbar, resulting in his dismissal in March 1560. Material 9

NOTES Historians like Vincent Smith, S R Sharma, Ashibalilal Srivastava and R P Tripathi
have accused Bairam Khan of Favouring Shias over Sunnis, isolating a large section of
the chaghtai nobility who were Sunnis, which may have angered the nobility. However,
scrutiny of the sources by IA Khan reflects that there is no substantial historical evidence
to support Tripathi’s claim. His favourite Shaikh Gadai was Sadr and was a Sunni.
Despite the historian’s disagreement Bairam Khan’s religious biases do not dilute
the fact that political power was vested in the nobility and their support. Bairam Khan
acted in Authoritarian fashion, which was not acceptable to the nobility. His attempt to
distance the senior and influential nobility ultimately isolated him. His isolation reaches
its climax with the betrayal of his loyalty in 1560. Bairam Khan spent his time balancing
support for himself from the group of Changhtai and Khurasani Nobles. And yet his
authoritarian attitude created contradictions in his position even amongst his supporters.
He could not create a counterbalance by creating a new group of nobility as the only
other option was the Afghans and they were identified as contenders to the throne.
To understand the nature of nobility under the Mughals and their attitude to
resist central authority can only be well understood through the course of Akbar’s
career. While Bairam’s period is marked with nobility resistance, it’s not to be assumed
that Akbar’s attempt to consolidate his power was not challenged by the nobility. In
fact as per Turko- Mongol tradition of Kingship the political power rested in the
nobility. To establish a central authority Akbar had to either find a way to tame the
existing group of nobles or else find an alternate group of nobles. Hence before we
look into the course of expansion and consolidation of power of the Mughal empire
under Akbar and his successor, it is important to understand the nature of nobility and
the military culture in India.
The initial military campaign was dispatched in 1559-60 to capture Gwalior and Jaunpur.
Following a brief conflict, Ram Shah surrendered the Gwalior fort. Jaunpur, governed
by Afghans, was easily defeated by Khan Zaman, resulting in its annexation into the
Mughal Empire.
In Central India, the region of Malwa was under the rule of Baz Bahadur. An
expedition led by Adham Khan and others was launched against Malwa, culminating
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Another region in Central India, Garh Katanga (or Gondwana), an independent NOTES
state ruled by Rani Durgawati, the widow of Dalpat Shah, was conquered in 1564.
Later, in 1567, Akbar entrusted the kingdom to Chandra Shah, the brother of Dalpat
Shah.
During this period, Akbar faced a series of uprisings in Central India. The leader
of one such revolt was Abdullah Khan Uzbeg, who was joined by several Uzbegs.
Khan Zaman and Asaf Khan also rebelled. Akbar, with the assistance of Munim Khan,
managed to suppress these revolts and strengthen his position.
A protracted conflict with the nobility, which had commenced after the dismissal
of Bairam Khan in 1560, finally came to a close. Akbar, employing his diplomatic
acumen, organizational abilities, and the support of trusted allies, effectively addressed
this critical crisis.
Kalinjar fort near modern Allahabad was under Raja Ram Chand. Ram Chand
had bought the fort in Sur Period. Once Akbar was done with Ranthambore fort
siege, he ordered his officials to take over Kalinjar despite the fact that Ram Chand
had already submitted to Akbar when he heard of Chittor siege. Ram chand personally
submitted to Akbar with Peshkash in 1569.
1.3.3 Eastern India
Following Humayun’s defeat at the hands of Sher Shah Suri, Bengal and Bihar had
been under the governance of Afghan rulers. In 1564, Sulaiman Karrani, the governor
of Bihar, extended his rule over Bengal as well. Recognizing the increasing strength of
Akbar, Sulaiman acknowledged Mughal overlordship and regularly sent tributes to
Akbar.
Upon Sulaiman’s death in 1572, his younger son, Daud, ascended to the throne.
However, Daud refused to recognize Mughal sovereignty and engaged in conflicts
with the Mughal governor of Jaunpur
In 1574, Akbar, accompanied by Mun’im Khan Khan-i Khanan, led an
expedition to Bihar. In a short span, Hajipur and Patna were captured, and Daud fled
to Garhi. Akbar subsequently returned, while Mun’im Khan and Raja Todar Mal
continued their pursuit of Daud. Daud eventually submitted to the Mughals. After a
brief period, he rebelled once again and was ultimately defeated and killed by the Self-Instructional
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NOTES Mughal forces under Khan-i Jahan. As a result, Gaur (Bengal) came under Mughal
control in 1576, putting an end to the independent rule of Bengal, which had persisted
with some interruptions for nearly two centuries. Parts of Orissa, however, remained
under the authority of certain Afghan chiefs. In approximately 1592, Mansingh
successfully brought the entire region of Orissa under Mughal rule. One still cannot
ignore the resistance that continued to show up in Bengal and Bihar through out Akbar’s
reign in form of rebellions.
1.3.4 Western India
Akbar recognized the necessity of bringing stability to his empire, and he understood
that it was essential to subdue the extensive regions governed by Rajput kings in the
neighbouring Rajputana area. To achieve this goal, a well-thought-out strategy was
formulated. The objective was not only to conquer these territories but also to transform
their rulers into allies. Except for Rana Pratap of Chittor, Akbar succeeded in gaining
the loyalty of all the Rajput kingdoms. Chittor was a major success for Mughals in
taking over fortress. It was a fortified city and not just a fort. It served as the capital for
Mewar. Home to sisodiya Rajput was ruled by Rana Sanga or Sangram Singh once.
It stood on a ridge that was three miles long and 1200yards wide and four hundred
feet tall. Theway up to the fort was a zigzag pathway with 7 gates. Before engaging
with chittor fort the Mughals took over fort Sisupur and Mandalgarh in the vicinity.
The then Raja Uday Singh was prepared for the siege, he had put garrison of 5000
rajput soldiers, with food to last several years. He even ordered destruction of crops.
The initial attacked had no impact and led to heavy casualities of Mughal side. Akbar
then ordered construction huge trenches/tunnels called Sabat, they even began casting
pounder guns on the site itself. The garrison found out about the preparation and
offered negotiation, Akbar refused it because Rana refused to submit himself. Since
the Sabat was covered trench, the solders marching in it towards the fort could not be
attacked. Charges were 2-3 tons were attached to the fort wall from under the ground
trenches, the explosion of charges destroyed a tower of the fort wall, making way for
Mughal soldiers who then charged the second explosion. The third explosion failed.
This gave confidence to the Rajput garrison who attempted to repair the breach. The
Rajputs bore casualities but refused to back down and leave the fort. The repair
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works could not be carried, the Mughal forces were fierce and fast. By now there
12 Material

could be seen fumes of fire, supposedly Jawahar flames. Sisodiya soldiers fought till NOTES
their last breath.
Ranthambore was taken over within a year of the Chittor for siege. Ranthambore
is located in rough terrain with hills called Ran. Surjan Hada of Bundi was incharge of
the fort. Felling Ranthambore was important or operations against Mewar. The first
expedition against Ranthambore was sent in 1568 in April and by December of the
same year Akbar joined in himself to oversee the siege. Heavy fighting was going on
when Akbar joined the operations, land was surveyed only to realise that the fort
cannot be taken over without construction of Sabat.Gunsa called Zarb Zan could fire
balls weighing 300 pound were carried on bullock carts. Once the Mughals sabat was
completed the siege was undertaken and fort walls were destroyed. Once the breach
was created Mughal forces marched inside destroying buildings inside. Surjan open
negotiations at this point that was the beginning of Surjan’s subordination to Mughals.
In 1576, at the Battle of Haldighati the Mewar and Mughals forces met again.
Akbar had already taken over Chittor hence eastern belt of Mewar was under Mughals,
yet the sisodiays controls a major portion of the western part of Mewar. It was a
significant route to Gujrat, therefore important for Mughals ambitions. Maharana Pratap
was the ruler of Mewar then since 1572. Even though the battle was not joined by
Akbar personally, it is considered an important victory against non submissive Sisodiyas.
The Mughal Army was led by Man Singh, who set base in Mandalgarh. Rana Pratap
valiantly fought an army of 80000 with just 20000 men. The numbers stated in accounts
for the army size may be exaggerated but the battle between Rana Pratap and Man
Singh is not. Rana took on offensive and forced the Mughal armies to retreat and they
could only revive the battle in their favour through reinforcement.
The first campaign against Gujrat was undertaken in 1572. As following
Humayun’s withdrawal, Gujarat was no longer a unified kingdom but comprised several
warring principalities. Besides its fertility, Gujarat was renowned for its bustling ports
and prosperous commercial hubs. Akbar forced the king makerItimad Khan Gujrati
to submit and with that Ahemdabad came under Mughals. Surat was the next important
territory that Akbar aspired for its rich revenue scope amongst other concerns.
The town of Ahmedabad fell to the Mughals with little opposition, and although
Surat, fortified strongly, resisted for a time, it too was eventually captured. Within a
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NOTES brief period, the majority of the principalities in Gujarat came under Mughal control.
Akbar proceeded to reorganize Gujarat into a province, placing it under the
administration of Mirza Aziz Koka, after which he returned to the capital.
However, within six months, several rebellious factions joined forces and revolted
against Mughal rule. In 1577 the leaders of this rebellion were Ikhtiyarul Mulk and
Mohammad Husain Mirza. The Mughal governor was compelled to cede control of
various territories. Upon learning of the rebellion in Agra, Akbar promptly set out for
Ahmedabad. This journey is regarded as one of Akbar’s most remarkable feats.
Travelling at a remarkable pace of 50 miles per day, Akbar, along with a small force,
reached Gujarat within ten days and successfully quelled the uprising.
For nearly a decade, Gujarat enjoyed a period of peace. However, after 1583,
Muzaffar III managed to escape from captivity and sought refuge in Junagadh.
Subsequently, he attempted to instigate several rebellions.
1.3.5 Rebellions
The majority of Mughal officials who had been in service since Humayun’s reign were
discontented with Akbar’s policy of centralization. They not only desired autonomy
within their respective regions but also sought a semi-independent status that would
grant them the authority and liberty to govern as they saw fit. Prominent figures like
Adham Khan, Pir Muhammad, and Khan Zaman had conducted themselves in a manner
that almost made them appear as autonomous rulers in their provinces. Abdullah Khan
Uzbeg, who governed Malwa, followed in their footsteps and began preparations for
a rebellion. In July 1564, Akbar took action to chastise Abdullah Khan Uzbeg.
However, his journey was hampered for two weeks due to heavy rainfall along the
Chambal River. Upon his arrival, Abdullah fled from Mandu, but Akbar pursued him
and emerged victorious. This victory resulted in Akbar gaining possession of Abdullah’s
female companions and elephants. Hara Bahadur Khan was appointed as the new
governor of Malwa. To strengthen his position further, Akbar fostered friendly relations
with Mubarak Shah II of Khandesh, whom he also married. He successfully convinced
the ruler of Gujarat to expel the rebel, Abdullah, from his territory. Akbar then returned
to Agra in October 1564.
The Uzbegs, a prominent and influential segment within the established nobility
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14 Material of Akbar’s court, emerged as a significant and contentious faction. This leadership,

comprised figures such as Khan Zaman (also recognized as Ali Quli Khan), who held NOTES
the position of governor in Jaunpur, his sibling Bahadur, their uncle Ibrahim Khan, and
Khan Alam (commonly referred to as Iskandar Khan), who presided over Awadh,
alongside Abdullah Khan, recently dislodged from his role in Malwa, occupied pivotal
roles in the Mughal administration, and commanded substantial military contingents.
Khan Zaman and Khan Alam had previously contributed significantly to the cause of
Bairam Khan, playing pivotal roles in the re-establishment of Mughal authority in
Northern India. Nevertheless, they nurtured grievances stemming from perceived
underappreciation of their services and exhibited dissatisfaction with their youthful
sovereign, Akbar. Additionally, they harboured reservations regarding Akbar’s policy
of centralization and his emulation of “Persianized” practices. Their primary objective
revolved around preserving their semi-autonomous status and the latitude to exercise
authority independently. Unified by common lineage and familial affiliations, coupled
with their shared grievances against the monarch, the Uzbeg leaders embarked on a
rebellion against Akbar. The plan encompassed coordinated manoeuvres, with Ibrahim
and Khan Alam targeting Kannauj, while simultaneously Khan Zaman and Bahadur
aimed to secure Manikpur. The latter achieved success by vanquishing the royal troops,
thereby gaining control of Manikpur. In May 1565, Khan Alam and Ibrahim triumphed
over another royal army, rendering the situation increasingly precarious. Consequently,
Akbar was compelled to personally assume the role of a field commander. He executed
a surprise attack on Khan Alam near Lucknow, precipitating his retreat. Eventually,
Khan Alam joined Khan Zaman, who was besieging Manikpur. Nonetheless, upon
learning of Akbar’s occupation of Lucknow, they abandoned the siege and retreated
to the marshy Bahraich region, subsequently withdrawing to Hajipur in Bihar. The
uprising persisted for a duration exceeding two years, during which Akbar, on multiple
occasions, contemplated extending clemency to the insurgents. Regrettably, their
unyielding commitment to the preservation of a feudal aristocracy compelled Akbar to
resort to military action, eventually suppressing the Uzbeg rebellion definitively.
In June 1567, the demise of Khan Zaman in a battle near Kara on the Ganga
signalled the culmination of the Uzbeg insurrection. Consequently, Akbar acquired the
opportunity to consolidate his authority and reduce the old nobility to the status of
mere functionaries, subject to appointment or dismissal at his discretion. Emboldened
by the Uzbeg rebellion, in which its leaders were in correspondence with him, Mirza
Muhammad Hakim, Akbar’s step-brother and the governor of Kabul launched an Self-Instructional
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NOTES invasion into the Punjab, hopeful of receiving support from the local notables in that
province. His campaign led him through Ehera to Lahore, where he encountered
resistance from Khan Kalan. Upon receiving news of this incursion, Akbar departed
from Agra on November 16, 1565. By the time he reached Delhi, Mirza Muhammad
Hakim had already made a hasty retreat. Nonetheless, Akbar continued his march
and arrived in Lahore after January 1567. A detachment of troops was dispatched to
pursue the fleeing Mirza Muhammad Hakim, but it returned without success, as Hakim
had crossed back to the other side of the Indus. During his stay in Lahore, Akbar
received alarming reports of a rebellion led by the Mirzas in the Sambhal and Azampur
districts.
The rebels, including Ibrahim Husain Mirza, Muhammad Husain Mirza, Masud
Husain Mirza, Aqil Husain Mirza, and their two nephews, Sikandar Mirza and Mahmud
Mirza (Shah Mirza), were descendants of Timur’s second son and shared blood ties
with Akbar. Their rebellion likely stemmed from a belief that, due to their blood
connection to the ruling family, they deserved more substantial support for their
livelihood. Following the precedent set by Muhammad Zaman Mirza and Muhammad
Sultan Mirza during Humayun’s time, they forcibly occupied the crown lands in their
vicinity. Munim Khan defeated them and drove them into Malwa, but they adopted
guerrilla tactics, constantly evading capture and remaining elusive until 1573. This
period coincided with the Uzbeg rebellion and their invitation to Mirza Hakim to launch
another attempt against Akbar. However, as previously recounted, the Uzbegs suffered
defeat, with their leader, Khan Zaman, perishing in battle, and his brother, Bahadur
Khan, being executed. The rebellion of the Mirzas also reached its conclusion nearly
simultaneously with the end of the Uzbeg threat. The Mirzas were relentlessly pursued
and expelled from Malwa, subsequently seeking refuge in Gujarat. Their final defeat
and extermination occurred when Akbar launched his second expedition to that province
in 1573. The last significant rebellion by Akbar’s nobles, who had maintained close
ties to his family since his father’s time, unfolded in 1580. It was widespread and
posed a severe threat to Akbar’s life and throne. However, as previously mentioned,
it was successfully suppressed in 1581. After that year, the Emperor faced no further
opposition from the old nobility, their descendants, or their supporters.
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1.3.6 Northwest NOTES
One of the first movements to capture Akbar’s attention was the Roshanai movement.
The Roshanai sect was established by a soldier known as Pir Roshanai in the frontier
region, who had garnered a significant following. After his passing, his son Jalala assumed
leadership of the sect. The Roshanais rebelled against the Mughals and disrupted the
route between Kabul and Hindustan.
In response, Akbar appointed Zain Khan to lead a formidable force tasked
with suppressing the Roshanais and establishing Mughal authority in the region.
Additional support was provided by Sayid Khan Gakhar and Raja Birbal, each leading
separate forces. Tragically, Birbal lost his life along with a substantial portion of his
troops, around 8,000, during one of the operations. Zain Khan also faced defeat but
managed to escape and reach Akbar at the fort of Atak. Akbar was deeply shaken by
the loss of Birbal, one of his closest companions.
To subdue the Roshanais, Akbar appointed Raja Todar Mal with a strong force,
and Raja Man Singh was also called upon to assist in the endeavour. Through their
combined efforts, the Roshanais were ultimately defeated.
Aspirations for the conquest of Kashmir had long occupied Akbar’s thoughts.
While encamped in Atak, he decided to dispatch an army to achieve this goal, appointing
Raja Bhagwan Das and Shah Quli Mahram to lead the campaign. Yusuf Khan, the
ruler of Kashmir, was defeated and accepted Mughal suzerainty. Akbar, however,
was not fully satisfied with the treaty, as he desired the annexation of Kashmir.
Subsequently, Yusuf’s son Yaqub, along with a few amirs, opposed the Mughals and
waged war. Internal conflicts within the Kashmiri forces eventually led to the Mughals
emerging victorious, resulting in the annexation of Kashmir to the Mughal Empire in
1586.
Another region in the North-West that remained independent was Thatta in
Sindh. Akbar appointed Khan-i-Khanan as the governor of Multan and tasked him
with conquering Sindh and subduing the Balochis in 1590. Thatta was annexed and
placed under the jurisdiction of the governor of Multan as a sarkar within that suba
(province).
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NOTES The Mughal forces continued their efforts to suppress the Balochis in the
surrounding regions, culminating in the establishment of complete Mughal supremacy
over the North-West region by the year 1595.
1.3.7 Deccan
Akbar’s interest in the Deccan states of Ahmednagar, Bijapur, and Golkonda grew
following the conquest of Gujarat and Malwa. Before 1590, interactions with these
states were limited to emissary visits and casual contacts. However, in 1590, Akbar
initiated a deliberate Deccan policy to bring these states under Mughal control, as they
were experiencing internal strife and frequent conflicts.
In 1591, Akbar dispatched several missions to the Deccan states, urging them
to accept Mughal sovereignty. Faizi was sent to Asir and Burhanpur (Khandesh),
Khwaja Aminuddin to Ahmednagar, Mir Mohammad Amin Mashadi to Bijapur, and
Mirza Ma’sud to Golkonda. However, by 1593, all these missions returned without
achieving success. It was reported that only Raja Ali Khan, the ruler of Khandesh,
showed a favourable inclination toward the Mughals. Akbar then decided to adopt a
more assertive approach, and an expedition was sent to Ahmednagar under the
command of Prince Murad and Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan.
In 1595, the Mughal forces besieged Ahmednagar, and its ruler Chand Bibi led
a substantial army in defence. She sought assistance from Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur
and Qutub Shah of Golkonda, but her efforts were in vain. Chand Bibi offered
determined resistance to the Mughal army, resulting in significant losses on both sides.
Eventually, a treaty was negotiated, wherein Chand Bibi ceded Berar to the Mughals.
However, Chand Bibi later launched an attack to reclaim Berar. This time,
Nizamshahi, Qutabshahi, and Adilshahi forces united against the Mughals. Despite
heavy Mughal losses, they managed to maintain their position. Internal conflicts between
Murad and Khan-i-Khanan further weakened the Mughal position, prompting Akbar
to send Abul Fazl to the Deccan and recall Khan Khanan. Following the death of
Prince Murad in 1598, Prince Daniyal and Khan Khanan were dispatched to the
Deccan, with Akbar eventually joining them.
The Mughals first captured Ahmednagar, and after the demise of Chand Bibi,
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Asirgarh and the surrounding areas were conquered in 1600. Adil Shah of Bijapur
18 Material

also pledged allegiance and offered his daughter in marriage to Prince Daniyal. NOTES
Consequently, Mughal territories in the Deccan encompassed Asirgarh, Burhanpur,
Ahmednagar, and Berar.
1.3.8 Territorial Expansion: Post-Akbar
In the late 1620s, the Roshanais’ influence in the North-West was significantly
diminished. The city of Kandahar found itself amid a power struggle between the
Safavid Persians and the Mughals. Following the passing of Emperor Akbar, the
Persians, led by Shah Abbas I, made an unsuccessful attempt to seize control of
Kandahar. Subsequently, in 1620, Shah Abbas I made a formal request to Mughal
Emperor Jahangir to relinquish control of the city to the Safavids, a request that Jahangir
rejected. However, in 1622, the Persians launched another offensive and successfully
took hold of Kandahar. Despite continued efforts, the Mughals, including during the
reign of Aurangzeb, struggled to regain control of the city, achieving limited success in
their endeavours.
During the reign of Akbar, Mewar stood as the only region in Rajputana that
had not fallen under Mughal control. Jahangir, Akbar’s successor, pursued a persistent
policy to bring Mewar under Mughal dominion. After a series of conflicts, Rana Amar
Singh of Mewar eventually agreed to accept Mughal suzerainty. As part of this
agreement, all the territories that had been taken from Mewar, including the formidable
fort of Chittor, were returned to Rana Amar Singh. Additionally, a significant jagir
(land grant) was bestowed upon his son, Karan Singh.
Jahangir’s aspirations for territorial expansion faced significant challenges during
his reign. On one hand, internal crises, particularly Khurram’s revolt, disrupted the
Mughal Empire’s stability. Simultaneously, conflicts were escalating among the nobility.
In the Deccan region, Malik Amber effectively thwarted Mughal forces, capturing
territories like Berar, Balaghat, and parts of Ahmednagar. Malik Ambar made numerous
attempts to seize Ahmednagar, although he did successfully capture Sholapur from
Adil Shah. His joint effort with Shahjahan to capture Burhanpur, however, failed.
Following Malik Ambar’s death in 1627, his son Fath-Ali-Khan ascended to power,
reigniting tensions between the Mughals and the Deccan nobility. Consequently,
Jahangir’s reign did not witness any substantial territorial expansion due to internal
challenges and regional conflicts. Self-Instructional
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NOTES Shahjahan’s rise to power marked a turning point in the recovery of lost
territories. He believed that Ahmednagar’s autonomy hindered Mughal control in the
Deccan. To address this, Shahjahan strategically isolated Ahmednagar by forming
alliances with Bijapur and the Marathas. This strategy succeeded, leading to a peace
agreement between Fath Khan and the Mughals. However, it did not bring an end to
the Mughals’ troubles in the Deccan. Treaties were signed between the Mughals,
Golkonda, and Bijapur in 1636, but the peace was short-lived. Towards the end of
Shahjahan’s reign, the Deccan sultans began to disregard these treaties. Aurangzeb
was subsequently sent to the Deccan, but instead of resolving the issue, his presence
further complicated the situation.
Aurangzeb’s approach to the Deccan can be divided into three distinct phases,
as noted by historian Satish Chandra: First Phase: In the initial phase, Aurangzeb’s
primary goal was to gain control of the territories Kalyani, Bidar, and Parenda from
Bijapur. During this period, he sought the assistance of the Deccani States to counter
the growing influence of the Marathas, especially since Jai Singh’s attempts to conquer
Bijapur had proven unsuccessful. Second Phase: Aurangzeb’s policy shifted during
the second phase. This change was prompted by the death of the Adil Shah of Bijapur,
the rising power of Shivaji, and the increasing influence of Akkanna and Madanna of
Golconda. Golconda attempted to ally with Bijapur and Shivaji, while Shivaji’s efforts
to contain the Marathas were not very effective during this time. Third Phase: In the
third phase, Aurangzeb adopted a policy of direct annexation in the Deccan. He seized
Bijapur and Golconda in 1687, along with some parts of Karnataka. However, conflicts
with the Marathas kept him engaged in the Deccan throughout his reign.
In addition to his endeavours in the Deccan, Aurangzeb also expanded the
Mughal Empire into the North East region, particularly Assam. Under the leadership
of Mir Jumla, the Ahom Kingdom was annexed, and Shaista Khan captured Chatgaon
in 1664. However, the Mughals could not maintain control over the Ahom Kingdom
for long, and in 1680, the Ahom rulers recaptured Kamrup. This expansion into the
North East region represented another aspect of Aurangzeb’s broader
territorial ambitions.1.5 Tactics and Technology
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NOTES
1.4 STRATEGIES OF MILITARY CONQUEST
The Mughal Empire’s military strategies and techniques in India were influenced by
indigenous factors, particularly the use of elephants. As the Mughals expanded into the
monsoon regions, they became a “state in the saddle,” emphasizing control over both
internal and external frontiers, with road-building closely tied to state-building.
The Mughal Empire’s establishment followed Babar’s victory in the first Battle
of Panipat in 1526, with notable elements of their warfare including the Turkish ‘Tubur
Jungi’ technique and the deployment of cavalry archers, distinct from Lodi’s reliance
on elephants and archers. Babar also introduced Ottoman gunner Ustad Ali Quli and
innovative artillery use. Historian Douglas Streusand highlighted Mughal artilleries and
horsemen as pivotal in their success against Hindustani forces. The Mughals’ dominance
in the horse trade, according to Irfan Habib, contributed to their cavalry warfare
success.
Though limited information is available about Humayun’s military tactics, his
Battle of Chausa isn’t considered highly significant. The military campaigns of Akbar,
commencing in 1556, faced various conflicts, and in some battles, the Mughals didn’t
use artilleries due to a lack of guns, relying on mounted archers instead. Elephants
played a crucial role in Akbar’s army, notably in the Battle of Haldighati, although their
significance had declined from the Delhi Sultanate period, as suggested by Simon
Digby. Akbar introduced firearms, although scholars like A.J. Qaisar argue that firearm
knowledge existed in the subcontinent before the Mughals arrived, with their large-
scale use commencing in the 16th century.
Effective sieges were crucial in Mughal warfare, with Akbar’s campaigns against
forts like Ranthambore and Chittor requiring special strategies. When gunpowder
couldn’t breach fort walls, alternative techniques like trench warfare were employed,
leading some scholars to question the label of the Mughals as a “gunpowder empire.”
Tulugh-uma, a tactic borrowed from the Ottoman Empire, was a notable addition to
Mughal warfare, focusing on securing the army’s flanks before launching an attack.
The Mughal cavalry excelled and predominantly used swords, lances, shields, and
occasionally guns. Mughal artilleries encompassed heavy cannons and light artilleries,
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NOTES with heavy cannons transported by elephants, while lighter cannons called Zarb-Zan,
drawn by horses, were developed for attacking Rajput fortresses. Mining technology
was employed to breach fort walls, countered by moats.
The Mansabdari system played a crucial role, with Mansabdars expected to
maintain armed contingents. Additionally, the king maintained his troops known as the
‘Walasahis.’
Recent historiography has explored European technological superiority in
warfare, but A.J. Qaiser and others have challenged these claims, particularly regarding
naval technology.
In summary, the Mughals developed advanced military tactics adaptable to
diverse terrains, with success attributed to a combination of cavalry, artilleries, elephants,
firearms, siege techniques, and the Mansabdari system.
1.5 CONCLUSION
The Mughal Empire’s expansion in India began with Babur, who used innovative
artilleries and cavalry archers to secure victory in the Battle of Panipat in 1526. He
captured key cities like Delhi and Agra. Babur’s son, Humayun, faced challenges from
regional adversaries and eventually sought refuge in Persia.
Akbar played a central role in expanding the Mughal Empire. His reign saw the
integration of the Rajputs and the conquest of territories like Gwalior, Jaunpur, Malwa,
and parts of the Deccan. The Mughals employed a mix of cavalry, artilleries, elephants,
and siege tactics to achieve their military successes.
In summary, the Mughal Empire’s expansion was marked by military campaigns,
diplomatic alliances, and the adaptation of diverse military technologies and strategies.
Babur, Akbar and Aurangzeb were key figures in this period of territorial growth in India.
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NOTES
1.6 SUMMARY
In this lesson, you have learnt about:

 Political conflict within the nobility for autonomy.
 Territorial expansion of the Mughal Empire.
 Techniques and strategies used for the expansion.
 Role of military warfare in establishing Mughal Control in India.
1.7 PRACTICE QUESTIONS
1. Warfare tactics and Technology were important factors in the early military
success of the Mughals. Discuss
2. Evaluate the Mughal Empire’s approach to fortifications and sieges. What
strategies and technologies did they employ in capturing and maintaining control
of forts, and how did these tactics evolve over time?
3. Discuss the impact of geography and terrain on Mughal military tactics and
campaigns. How did the monsoon regions, deserts, and mountainous terrain
influence their approach to warfare?
1.8 ANSWERS
1. Mention all the technological innovations initiated by the Mughals

2. Mention the Historiography on the subject
3. Be specific about mentioning the actually territorial expansion under various
rulers
 Role of Animals in warfare
 Role of gunpowder in warfare. Self-Instructional
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NOTES
1.9 SUGGESTED READINGS
 Gommans, Jos. 2002. Mughal Warfare: Indian Frontiers and Highroads to

Empire, 1500-1700. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
 Habib, Irfan. 2012. Akbar and Technology. Chicago: Oxford University Press.
 Irvine William. 1922. The Cambridge History of India: The Mughal Empire
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
 Khan, Iqtidar Alam. 1999. The Age of Akbar. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
 Mukhia Harbans, The Mughals of India, Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell, 2004.
 Mukhoty, Ira. 2017. Akbar: The Great Mughal. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
 Pearson, M. N. 2005. Shivaji and the Decline of the Mughal Empire.
Chicago: Oxford University Press.
 Richards, John F. 1996. The Mughal Empire. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
 Schimmel, Annemarie (Ed.). 2004. The Empire of the Great Mughals: History,
Art and Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
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Nature of Mughal State
LESSON 2 NOTES
NATURE OF MUGHAL STATE

Namita Singh
Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.3 Colonial Historiography
2.4 Centralised State
2.5 Theocratic State
2.6 Patrimonial Bureaucratic State
2.7 Gun Powder Historiography
2.8 Revisionist Historiography
2.9 Process School Historiography
2.10 Recent Studies
2.11 Conclusion
2.12 Summary
2.14 Answers
2.0 OBJECTIVES

 Understand how historiography around the Mughal State evolved
 Discuss about various approach to understand the Mughal structure and state
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NOTES
2.1 INTRODUCTION
The context of Mughal India presents a peculiar site in the study of the nature of its
rule. The cultural and historical complexities of the empire has peaked the interest of
scholars. As a result multiple approaches and various perspectives, including the
Centralized State Theory, Patrimonial Bureaucratic State, Gun Powder Historiography,
Revisionist Historiography, and the Process School Historiography, each shedding
light on different aspects of Mughal economic and political history.
The Mughal Empire remains a fascinating topic of historical inquiry, and these
diverse perspectives contribute to a richer understanding of the empire’s complexity
and evolution over time. As scholarship continues to evolve, the discussion surrounding
the nature and impact of the Mughal state on the economy will undoubtedly persist,
providing new insights into this pivotal period in South Asian history.
2.2 NATURE OF MUGHAL STATE
Understanding the subtleties of the Mughal empire as a state is essential due to the
remarkable longevity of its imperial machinery and the emperors’ control over such a
large empire. There are numerous historical works available, from early British writers
to modern scholars, each of the findings gives a deeper insight into the study of nature
state during Mughal period. Historians have pondered over the question of whether or
not success of the Mughals could be termed as a conquest state, a highly centralized
bureaucratic empire, a patrimonial state, or a state to be understood in terms of its
fiscal management. To understand the nature of the Mughal state especially its imperial
ideology, one has to trace back to the Mughal central Asian origin and the traditions of
the land. This unit will familiarise you with various interpretations that forms the debate
around nature of the Mughal state uptil its decline. This will help you assess the Mughal
polity more effectively.
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NOTES
2.3 COLONIAL HISTORIOGRAPHY
The first commentators on the nature of Mughal state were the European travellers in
the 17th century. European travellers and colonial administrators like Bernier, Thomas
Roe, Elliot Dowson have put to scrutiny the impact and influence of state on the
economy and subsequently of lives of the masses that formed the class of peasantry.
For Bernier Mughal State was land owner and also the tax collector. The Tax collecting
agents were appointed by the Mughal state, their transfer, demotion, promotion or any
other form of attachment to land was subject to whims and fancies of the king. Such an
arrangement reflects the transferable ownership of land based on the will of the king
unlike the European feudalism. Many scholars, including Marx, picked up on these
accounts leading to his famous theory of ‘Asiatic Mode of Production’ and Francis
William Buckler’s ‘The Oriental Despots.’These theories depicted Mughal sovereignty
as a model of ‘corporate kingship,’ where nobles were regarded as ‘members’ in the
system rather than mere servants. This kind of structure of the government resulted in
the exploitation of peasantry, contributing to a stagnation in economic mobility and
growth of the people. Unrestrained tax collection added to the state’s ‘despotic’
character. The British were thought to have introduced an element of freedom into this
existing Oriental Despotic State. W.H. Moreland, in his authoritative work ‘Agrarian
System of Moslem India,’ suggests that Mughal State was a Centralised state by
stating that, after weather conditions the most significant factor shaping the economic
life of people in the Mughal period was the administration.
2.4 CENTRALISED STATE
An alternative view, of ‘Centralized State Theory,’ defines the relationship between

the state and society by emphasizing the widespread influence of state power through
intermediaries across all levels of society. The administration that took shape under
Akbar shared the resources in hierarchical order with the emperor on the top followed
by ruling elites and then zamindars. This kind of power-sharing shows the presence of
three levels of division in the society of the Mughal period based on exploitation: the Self-Instructional
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NOTES ruling class (state), Zamindars, and peasants, where the state was the primary exploiting
instrument. The ‘Aligarh School’ of historians, derives from Moreland’s study and
interpretation Mughal empire as a centralized Mughal state, features distinguished authors
such as Irfan Habib, Nurul Hasan, Satish Chandra, Athar Ali, and Shireen Moosvi.
Their theoretical framework, particularly Irfan Habib’s perspective, considers the
Mughals as “highly structured” and hence “centralized”. His claim is based on close
examination of the taxation system called zabti. The Indian Marxist historian of Aligarh
School reject the notion of Asiatic Mode of Production, but they heavily draw from
Marxist philosophy of ideas on tax extraction and wealth concentration among the
elite Mansabdars, highlighting the accumulation of wealth in urban centers at the expense
of rural development, a potential indicator of capitalist development. In this kind of
assertion, the state uses Zamindars, as the primary tax collectors at the grassroot level.
The Aligarh school attributes the early eighteenth-century decline of the Mughal empire
to a systemic failure of administration in the state, termed by Satish Chandra as, ‘jagir
crisis.’ This theory suggests that the jagirdar system became oppressive towards
peasantry. Irfan Habib shifts the focus from zamindars as exploitative elements of
administration to the jagirdars and mansabdars. That absence of redressal and rotation
of jagirdars and mansabdars led to excessive extraction of tax from the peasantry. The
peasantry reacted with revolts, the zamindars sometimes played a key role in organising
and participating in revolts. He calls it the “Agrarian Crisis”.
Athar Ali, however, contends that the ambition to expand into Deccan and
incorporation of Deccan elite into Mughal nobility burdened the system and added to
internal clash and factions into the court causing a “political crisis” of a sort. These
scholars are praised for their meticulous analysis and exhaustive study of the details
available in the primary sources. As Shireen Moosvi’s examines the Ain i Akbari,
which reveals the allocation of state revenues, primarily benefiting the Mansabdars
with a limited share going to the Zamindars. Athar Ali’s work offers insights into the
complex and large Mughal state during Aurangzeb’s reign. Aligarh school’s assertions
remained centered around the idea of centralised state. The centralisation was achieved
by Akbar and remains so till Aurangzeb.
The Aligarh school’s scholarship has dictated the economic study of the Mughal
Indian history. Despite criticism and modification by a broader scholarly community.
John F Richards while agreeing with the concept of Centralised state to define the
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28 Material nature of Mughal State does not subscribe to the idea of crisis erupting in the seventeeth

century. According to Richards the decline of Mughal State was due to the NOTES
mismanagement in allocating the resocurces in the later half of seventeenth century led
to the Mughal Decline. He also argues that the Mughal state contributed positively to
economic development.
2.5 THEOCRATIC STATE
Scholars like Dr. R.P. Ashraf, Dr. Ishwari Prasad, and Prof. A.L. Srivastava argue that
the medieval Indian state under Muslim rule can be considered a theocracy. Dr. R.P.
Tripathi, for instance, suggests that the various institutions established by Muslims
were primarily intended to serve and uphold the law.
Dr. Ishwari Prasad further emphasizes that the state in medieval India, much
like other Muslim-ruled states, was essentially a theocracy. In this perspective, the
king held dual authority as both a secular ruler and a religious figure, with his rule firmly
anchored in the principles of Sharia, and the Ulemas held a predominant position
within the state.
On the contrary, scholars like Dr. I.H. Qureshi challenge the idea of the medieval
Indian state as a theocracy. The concept of true theocracies involves the rule of a
specially ordained priesthood, a feature not fully represented in the Muslim state’s
structure like brahmans in Indian political systems. Instead, they propose that the
medieval Indian state was theocentric, with a focus on disseminating knowledge of
Shara and implementing it as law. Yet, the Ulemas, who were scholars dedicated to
the study of religion, since the emergence of State in Islam had played a very crucial
role in influencing the rulers.
What all scholars agree to is that the medieval state in India tried to operate
under the guidance of Sharia, a religious law derived from the Quran and Hadis. This
religious law often came into conflict with the interests of the predominantly non-
Muslim population in India, who had to contend with various restrictions and unequal
treatment.
During the early period of Muslim rule in India, non-Muslims faced subordination,
restrictions on public religious practices, prohibitions on temple construction and repair,
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NOTES as well as limits on religious propagation. Civic rights and state employment were also
constrained for non-Muslims, creating a clear distinction between the Muslim and
non-Muslims populations.
The imposition of Jazia, a religious tax applicable exclusively to non-Muslims.
While certain rulers granted exemptions, others, like Firoz Tughlaq, extended the tax
to Brahmins, provoking protests and hunger strikes.
Akbar initiated laws that abolished practices such as enslaving prisoners of war,
the collecting pilgrim tax, and the imposition of Jazia. He also enacted regulate sale of
liquor, addressed issues like child marriage, and prohibited practices like sati while
allowing widow remarriage. Akbar’s biggest achievement was his policy of religious
tolerance, permitting individuals to freely choose their religion and even facilitating a
return to one’s original faith. Although these policies were progressive, they did not
receive universal acclaim among the nobility and Ulemas.
The Mughal rulers, while recognizing the importance of Sharia, aimed to assert
their independence from the Khalifa by adopting the title of Badshah and refusing to
acknowledge the suzerainty of the Khalifa or other Muslim rulers beyond India.
Akbar introduced the theory of divine monarchy, proclaiming that the king was
the representative of God on Earth. His Zill-e-Illahi, or “Shadow of God,” theory,
although not universally embraced among the Muslim nobility, resonated with the Hindu
populace. Subsequent Mughal rulers, including Jahangir and Shah Jahan, continued to
adhere to the concept of divine monarchy. Even Aurangzeb professed to support this
theory. However, despite their belief in divine monarchy, these rulers refrained from
openly challenging the authority of Quranic law.
2.6 PATRIMONIAL BUREAUCRATIC STATE
Another approach to analyzing the Mughal state revolves around viewing it through
the lens of patrimonial-bureaucratic rule, a concept derived from Max Weber’s model
of the patrimonial state. In this perspective, there’s a clear distinction between the
patrimonial structure of governance, where the ruler exercises authority akin to a
patriarch within a household or a patriarchal domain, and the bureaucratic administrative
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framework that supports pre-modern regimes. This model sees the broader realm as NOTES
an extension of this patriarchal authority, encompassing domains like the military and
jurisdictional control.
Stephen Blake challenges the Aligarh School’s perspective on the Mughal state,
suggesting that it can be better characterized as a patrimonial bureaucratic empire.
Stephen Blake sees the Mansabdars as primarily loyal agents to emperor. The position
of Mansabdars or any other official, according to Blake were subject to the will of the
emperor. The promotion and transfers may seem arbitrary to a modern scholar as
loyalty often was graded higher over skills.
The Safavids, the Ottomans, and the Ming Empire of China have been classified
by historians as patrimonial-bureaucratic states. It is believed that influences from
Mongol and Turkish ancestors contributed to the administrative structure of the Mughal
state as well. The strong centralization tendencies and well-organized bureaucratic
administrative systems are considered legacies inherited from Central Asia by the
Mughals. Some of tendencies of centralised state system or elaborate bureaucracy
predates Mughals and can be seen already evident in earlier Indian empires, like
Maurayan Empire and even Delhi Sultanate, while others were introduced by Emperor
Babur upon his arrival in the Indian subcontinent and subsequently refined and solidified
during Emperor Akbar’s reign. The subsequent Mughal emperors largely adhered to
the practices established by Akbar.
According to Blake the Emperor is a Divine Patriarch and his household serves
as the central element in governance. The military commanders are entirely dependent
on the emperor. This structured administration is controlled by the imperial household.
The emperor uses check and balance to maintain control. In line with Irfan Habib’s
viewpoint, Blake agrees that the urban centres were the focal point of economic activity.
Therefore the state remained concentrated in urban centers too, the economy was
driven by the elites, they gain living in the urban spaces. The merchants and artisans
formed a tight network with the elites for business and contacts. Scholars like Pearson
agree to Blakes theory, he says that decline of Mughal empire was not due to the
agrarian or jagirdari crisis, it was due to the disaffection of the elites. Rejecting Athar
Ali’s assertion of the limited availability of jagirs as a primary cause, Pearson suggests
that the decline can be better explained by the elites losing confidence in the state due
to prolonged conflicts in the Deccan and heightened instability. Self-Instructional
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NOTES
2.7 GUN POWDER HISTORIOGRAPHY
Researches in the military technology and tactics in establishing the state control and
state development has similarly revealed a strong alignment with narrative that favours
the ‘process’approach. Dirk Kolff gives an insightful analysis of India’s dynamic military
labour market. He highlights the presence of highly militarised rural population in northern
India, therefore domination and control over this military population was crucial to
establishment of state. These skilled rural individuals, proficient in archery and various
martial arts, played a pivotal role in reinforcing the forces of local landowners, proving
to be formidable opponents.
In 1510, the superior armament production of the Mughal empire, a Portuguese
viceroy acknowledged that local gunsmiths had surpassed their European counterparts
in artillery and cannon-making, crafting iron cannons in Goa that outperformed the
European counterparts. European sources also acknowledge the relative ineffectiveness
of artillery compared to Mughal archers. Despite innovations and inventions in artillery,
cannons and matchlock hand guns, Kolf says that the Mughal military market heavily
depended on the man intensive techniques of warfare.
Douglas Streusand challenges the ‘gunpowder empire’ narrative proposed by
Marshall P. Hodgson, which asserted that the centralization of Islamic states was due
to their adoption of gunpowder intensive techniques and weapons. Streusand points
out that the Mughals’ military superiority over their subcontinental adversaries was
relatively limited, often incentivizing negotiation with foes rather than outright conquest.
The 18th Century military engagements between the Islamic empires and
Europeans, Jos Gommans emphasised the ability to adapt and innovate in the Indian
armies. He also points out that the Indian armies were heavily dependent on the
intermediaries, presenting a contrast against the centralized British armed force. Pratyay
Nath’s work reiterates the logic forwarded by the “process” school by highlighting the
importance of Indian Climate and geography that contributed to the tendency to be a
more adaptable and flexible Military organisation.
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NOTES
2.8 REVISIONIST HISTORIOGRAPHY
The revisionist historians along with Sanjay Subrahmanyam and many others have
expressed reservations about Blake’s portrayal of the Mughal bureaucracy, particularly
the limited attention given to the involvement of merchants, artisans, and trade, which
acted as a link between the state and masses.Karen Leonard proposed that the decline
of the Mughal empire was not primarily caused by the Mansabdars, but by the loss of
financial support that had previously sustained the state. Richards strongly criticized
Leonard’s theory, arguing that there is no substantial evidence to suggest that the
empire heavily relied on financial backing.
The revisionist historians have observed a notable increase in the
commercialization of Indian economy, particularly in the eighteenth century. C. A.
Bayly has contended that instead of being a ‘dark’ century marked by anarchy, the
period of eighteenth century witnessed the rise of a new elite class, consisting of
“intermediary merchants” and “service gentry”, establishing a service relationship
between the regional states and the peasants. Bayly attributes this transformation to
weakening ability of Mughal state in appropriating revenue effectively from zamindars.
Resulting in growing connections between the peasantry, merchants, and local magnates
driven by security concerns. This concept of a progressively commercialized state has
gained broader acceptance within the academic discourse. David Washbrook, for
instance, highlights the growing tendency of outsourcing or privatizing financial services
to commercial and clerical entities within the empire was a prevalent practice in the
seventeenth century.
Sanjay Subrahmanyam has suggested that the expansion of commerce can be
traced back to the early seventeenth century, as evidenced by the heightened use of
Hundis, a native financial instrument akin to a bill of exchange. The growth of this
group is seen as a factor in growth of prosperity of the regional magnets. Moreover,
Washbrook distinguishes between the markets of the mid-eighteenth and mid-nineteenth
centuries. He asserts that during the eighteenth century, a competitive market environment
existed, empowering the peasantry and encouraging investments in irrigation to improve
agricultural productivity. Additionally, he argues that the subsequent rise in population
density and increased state control under colonial masters over property rights resulted
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in diminished competition in the nineteenth century. Material 33

NOTES The history surrounding commercialization in eighteenth century is linked to a

segment of historical research that focuses on the devolution of the authority of Mughals.
During this period, the regions operated with autonomy from the Mughal state and
cultivated deeper ties with local communities. Philip Calkin points out that alongside
the emergence of commercial elite, the period of eighteeth century also saw strengthening
of the Zamindar class in Bengal. He posited that while land productivity increased the
revenue of the Mughal state did not rise, suggesting that landed intermediaries were
accumilating wealth at the cost of the Mughal state. Muzaffar Alam opines that the
eighteenth century marks a period of decentralization and crisis for the Mughal empire
while the regional dynasties strengthened their connections with local populations.
Frank Perlin also interpreted the eighteenth century as a time when societal
disaggregation occurred, with ethnically diverse “centers” emerging among
the Indian elite.
2.9 PROCESS SCHOOL HISTORIOGRAPHY
A substantial and expanding sector of academic literature has increasingly directed its
attention in exploring the connection between the Mughal State and local communities.
Scholars such as Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam have challenged the
concept of a “highly centralized state” to understand the nature of the Mughal State.
They argue that the Mughal state was an ever-evolving structure and not a fixed structure.
Such an assertion of ever-evolving state structure is identified as the “Process school
of thought”.
While critiquing the idea of Mughal State as centralized or excessively
decentralized, these scholars emphasize on the significance of nature interaction between
the Mughal state and regions, accentuating that the formation of the state was a
negotiated process involving local communities. According to their perspective, the
Mughal empire underwent a transformation from its conception to its decline. They
contend that the land taxation under the zabt system was not uniformly applied across
the subcontinent, as suggested by the Aligarh school, each region had its own version
of tax assessment. The Aligarh school has been criticised for its excessive reliance on
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centralized state based on the study of primary sources such as court chronicle and
34 Material

contemporary European accounts, both of which were heavily biased. These scholars NOTES
advocate for the use of more localized sources to gain a better understanding of
the Mughal state. The scholars of “process school” question if the empire operated
either as an “inescapable instrument of centralization” or as a less dominant entity,
limited by the sway and aspirations of local populations, notably the Zamindars.
Additionally, they note a noteworthy societal shift within the Mughal state over time,
asserting that the state transformed into a ‘paper empire’ as its record-keeping and
administrative capacities advanced.
Historians have come to embrace the viewpoints of the ‘process’ school of
state formation. Scholars have explored ‘conflict and conquest’ as tools to understand
the nature of interactions between the state and ruling elites. To reduce dependence on
state chronicles, a considerable amount of scholarly work has arisen, underscoring the
significance of local and regional sources. For example, Chetan Singh’s analysis of
administrative structures in Punjab emphasises on a noticeable compatibility between
the selection of Mansabdars and regional elites, implying that local and regional insights
influenced state appointments..
Richard Eaton’s work acknowledges the reverence that Mughal officials showed
for local traditions. He cites an incident where, despite the shiqdar admitting that the
alleged criminal had not violated Mughal law, rules in favour of the public opinion in
order to honour the local laws and customs. Furthermore Steward Gordon, Sumit
Guha, and Andre Wink also investigated the Mughal state and their relationship with
regions by studying the Maratha sources. Andre Wink have drawn the conclusion that
the role of Fitna, meaning rebellion was an important element in understanding the
state’s relationship with the masses. He says that sites of fitna have more often than not
resulted in the attitude of reconciliation of local elites both state formation of Mughals
as well as Marathas. He highlights the difference in concept of territory as primary
determinant of sovereignty in European and Indian notions of state formation. Steward
Gordon similarly illustrates that Maratha transformation into state was a gradual process,
much akin to the Mughals. He emphasizes that “any larger political entity had to be
constructed through negotiations with numerous Zamindars, village headmen, and
indigenous revenue officials.”
Sumit Guha takes up direct issue with the assessments of Mughal state’s revenues
byAligarh scholars. He points out that Aligarh School accepted Mughal revenue statistics Self-Instructional
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NOTES presented in court chronicles at face value. Guha draws attention to differences in the
actual land yield and states’s assessment, the difference often presented opportunities
for local officials to earn profit. His study of the regional sources of Marathas is indicative
of how the definite collections by the state were considerably lower than what the
Aligarh scholars posits. This arises from the state’s necessity to engage in negotiations
with occasionally defiant Zamindars, and during the late seventeenth century, a significant
share of Maratha revenues originated from commercial channels. As a result, he poses
inquiries regarding the degree of the gap depicted in the sources between the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries.
2.10 RECENT STUDIES
In recent times, scholars like Munis D Faruqui asserts that the princes of the Mughal
household played a crucial role in molding the state, contending that their engagemnets
and partnerships with regional elites amid dynastic conflicts contributed to their legitimacy
as rulers in the perception of the general populace. According to Munis, the princes
influences seem to have diminished over time, especially the sites of rebellion and war
successions. It was this diminishing influence that eventually created an opportunity for
regional elites to emerge as leaders. He further suggests that Mughal legitimacy was, in
part, established by Akbar’s portrayal of a more inclusive ‘Hindustani’ government’.
His perspective not only differs from the older scholarship, it also provides a fresh
perspective, redefining the role of Mansabdars and Jagirdars.
Farhat Hasan on the other hand compelling argument that challenges drawing of
binary in studying the Mughal state as either being ‘strong and robust’ or ‘weak and
ineffective,’ proposing that it encompassed elements of both throughout its existence.
He too points towards the evolutionary nature of the state structure of Mughals. He
observes that while the elelment of clashes and disputes were typically solved by
considering the local traditions of the region, the state also established a cultural
framework with legal implications that provided locals with options and facilitated a
negotiation between the central authority and regional communities. David L Curley
also highlights importance of local perceptions and reactions of the masses towards
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the state in political and economic discussions and decisions of the court.
36 Material

NOTES
2.11 CONCLUSION
The literature on this topic reveals three main areas of discussion.

First, there’s a debate about how the central state interacted with the local
economy. Some argue that the state was highly controlled by the central government
and the Mansabdars, while others believe that the Zamindars, peasantry, and merchant
groups held more power and control.
Second, there’s a question about when and how changes occurred in the state.
Was it centralized or decentralized over time, and if so, when did this transition happen?
This debate also extends into the post-seventeenth-century period, especially when
comparing the Mughal empire to British colonial rule.
Third, there’s a discussion about the impact of the state on economic
development. Did the empire promote or hinder economic growth in the region? Was
there economic decline in the eighteenth century, or did prosperity increase? If
prosperity did increase, was it due to the absence of the state or because of its policies?
These questions share similarities with broader debates in the field of state
capacity, but the approach taken in
2.12 SUMMARY

 The text explores different historical views on the Mughal state, including the
Centralized State Theory, Patrimonial Bureaucratic State, Gun Powder
Historiography, Revisionist Historiography, and the Process School
Historiography.
 Centralized State Theory: This perspective underscores the Mughal state’s
centralization, with power extending into society and a structured hierarchy
between the state, Zamindars, and peasants.
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NOTES  Theocratic State: Some scholars suggest the medieval Indian state was a
theocracy, governed by Islamic law (Sharia), where the king had dual authority
as a secular and religious figure.
 Patrimonial bureaucracy is a governing system where a central leader wields
significant authority in a quasi-patriarchal manner while also maintaining some
level of administrative structure and formal procedures.
 Gun Powder Historiography: This viewpoint focuses on the role of the armed
rural population in shaping the state, challenging the idea of European military
superiority and emphasizing Indian military adaptability.
 Process School Historiography: This school of thought emphasizes the evolving
nature of the Mughal state, influenced by interactions with local communities,
reflecting a negotiated state formation process.
 What are the key perspectives or theories used by scholars to understand the
nature and impact of the Mughal state on the economy?
 How did European travelers and imperial administrators contribute to early
discussions on the influence of the Mughal state on the economy?
 Explain the Centralized State Theory and its view on the Mughal state’s
relationship with society and resources.
2.14 ANSWERS
 Mention all the theories

 Mention the importance of each theory
 Discuss in detail the evolution of perspective by historians
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NOTES
 Athar Ali. 2006. Mughal India: Studies in Polity, Ideas, Society, and Culture.
Delhi: Oxford University Press.
 Andre Wink. 1990. Al-Hind, The Making of the Indo-Islamic World: Early
Medieval India and the Expansion of Islam, 7th-11th centuries. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
 Dirk Kolff. 2002. Naukar, Rajput, and Sepoy: The Ethnohistory of the
Military Labour Market in Hindustan, 1450-1850. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
 Marshall P. Hodgson. 1974. The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History
in a World Civilization. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
 Irfan Habib.1999. The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1556-1707. Delhi:
 Munis Faruqui. 2017. The Princes of the Mughal Empire, 1504-1719.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam. 2007. Indo-Persian Travels in
the Age of Discoveries, 1400-1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 Richard Eaton. 1980. The Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700: Social Roles of Sufis
in Medieval India. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
 Sanjay Subrahmanyam. 1991. Courtly Encounters: Translating Courtliness
and Violence in Early Modern Eurasia. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
 Stephen Blake. 2003. Patrons, Clients, and Empire: Chieftaincy and Over-
rule in Asia, Africa, and the Pacific. London: F. Cass.
 Sumit Guha. 1999. Environment and Ethnicity in India, 1200-1991.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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Evolution of Administration: Akbar to Aurangzeb: Mansabdari ...
LESSON 3 NOTES
EVOLUTION OF ADMINISTRATION:
AKBAR TO AURANGZEB:
MANSABDARI, JAGIRDARI, ZABT, JAZIYA
Nida Arshi
(Arybahtt College)
Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Mughal Administrative Structure
3.2.4 Pargana Administration
3.3 Mansabdari System
3.3.2 Composition of Mansabdars
3.4 Jagirdari System
3.5 Mughal Land Revenue System
3.5.1 Zabt
3.5.3 Jaziya
3.7 Conclusion
3.8 Summary
3.11 Answers – State True or False
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NOTES
3.0 OBJECTIVES

 Understand the political, administrative, and institutional processes that led to
the establishment and consolidation of the Mughal state in India.
 Discuss the Mughal administrative structure: Masabdari and Jagirdari.
 Explain the medieval state formations and the political contexts of early modern
administrative institutions.
3.1 INTRODUCTION
The territorial expansion and consolidation of authority are the two most essential
elements of an empire-building process. Various dynasties have adopted various
mechanisms to consolidate their rule in India. In this lesson, we are going to examine
the functioning of the Mughal state by understanding the multi-layered administrative
system. We will also explore how the mansabdari system evolved and became a
steel structure for the Mughal empire fulfilling the need for a mechanism which can
homoginise the multi-ethnic Mughal nobility. A thorough discussion has been taken up
about the Mughal revenue system and the diversity of it. An attempt is also made to
look into the diverse understanding of historians regarding the nature of the Mughal
state.
3.2 MUGHAL ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE
The basic objective of the Mughal administrative set-up was to exercise control over
the different parts of the Empire so that recalcitrant elements challenging the Mughal
sovereignty could be checked. The Emperor’s position at the centre of the entire
administration system remained unchallenged. By the time of the Mughals, we see that
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42 Material

better manner as compared to the times of the Delhi Sultanate. By keeping the power NOTES
of appointment, promotion and demotion in his own hands the emperor continued to
enjoy the absolute power in the empire. The administration structure of the Mughal
Empire gave it an outlook of a highly centralized empire but we witness that it had a
few tendencies inherent in it which created friction within the empire.
The Mughal Empire is considered to have one of the most extensive administrative
systems during medieval times. The territorial expansion made it mandatory for the
Mughal emperor to set up an administrative structure which could help him to run the
empire efficiently.
The reigns of Babar and Humayun were brief and since they were busy mostly
in military conquest we see the actual origin of the Mughal administrative system only
during the times of Akbar. It was under the rule of Akbar that the Mughal Empire
became a pan-Indian phenomenon.
Under the rule of Akbar, we see the establishment of elaborate offices with
well-defined functions and division of power between the various heads of the offices.
He set proper regulations and guidelines for the functioning of the various departments.
We find Akbar keeping a close eye on the functioning of these departments and selecting
carefully the officials who are going to lead the offices. It is well known that under the
rule of Akbar, the qualification and calibre of an officer were the deciding factors for
his position rather than his hereditary background.
In the administrative system of the Mughal Empire, the central position was held
by the Emperor. Since the appointment, promotion, demotion and termination were all
decided by the emperor alone therefore the entire administrative machinery was
dependent on the will of the emperor. There were various customs and practices
which helped the Mughal Emperor to consolidate his position as the divine representative
on the Earth. Practices like jharokha darshan helped in creating an aura of divinity
around the Mughal emperor. The position of the Mughal emperor remained central in
the administrative system as the final say in every matter remained with the Emperor.
Diwan -i wizarat - The origin of the institution of wizarat can be traced back
to the Abbasid times. Even during the time of the Delhi Sultanate, we see the existence Self-Instructional
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NOTES of the wazir. The sultan was often used to reduce or increase the wazir’s power
according to the times’ political conditions. Initially, the wazir enjoyed both civil and
military powers but often he tent to become powerful enough to challenge the position
of Sultan therefore, the sultan often tempered the powers of the wazir like Balban
reduced the power of the wazir by creating a separate military department Diwan i
Arz.
The position of wazir was revived under the Mughals when Babur appointed
Nizamuddin Mohammed Khalifa as his wazir and gave him both civil and military
powers. People beg under the rule of Humayun enjoyed the same powers. During the
early years of Akbar’s reign, Bairam Khan enjoyed unlimited powers as the wazir as
well as the regent of the Empire. Akbar in his 8th regnal year again separated the
financial and military powers of the wazir and created Diwan i Kul to handle the
financial matters of the empire.
Separation of powers weakened the position of wakil however the office
continued to enjoy the highest place in the hierarchy of the Mughal bureaucratic setup.
Diwan i kul - The office of diwan had the responsibility to take care of the
revenue and finances of the Empire. The diwan was the supervisor of the imperial
treasury. The diwan was used to supervise the functioning of all the other provisional
diwan. Emperor’s seal and signature were essential for passing any order related to
the revenue. He was the incharge of the entire revenue collection and financial machinery
of the Empire. The emperor needed to keep a check on the powers of diwan therefore
he used to personally go through all the documents related to the finances of the
empire daily. The central ministry of revenue used to work as a head over many other
departments like Diwan-i Khalisa, Diwan-i Tan (for cash salary), Diwan-i Jagir,
Diwan-i Buyutat (royal household), etc.
Mir Bakhshi - The office of mir bakshi used to take care of all the orders
related to the appointments of mansabdars and the documentation related to their
salaries. The policy of dagh and chehra was also implemented by the office of mir
bakshi. It was only after the verification and approval by the mir bakshi that the
salaries were released to the mansabdars. Mir Bakshi was also used to report directly
to the emperor. The provincial bakshis and waqia navis were used to work under his
command.
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Mir Saman - The royal karkhanas were used to work under the command of NOTES
mir saman he was also known as khan saman. He used to supervise all purchases
done for the royal household. He was also the incharge of the manufacturing of different
articles like weapons, artillery or any luxury items for the consumption of the royal
household. He was directly under the command of the emperor but also used to work
with the diwan for the sanction of various financial bills.
Sadr-us Sudur - He was the head of the judicial department dispensing justice
was one of his duties along with the appointments of qazis and muftis. Apart from the
role as chief qazi, sadr-us sudur was also used to supervise the distribution of all sorts
of charitable lands and grants of the empire.
Akbar divided his empire into various provinces. In 1580 Akbar decided to divide his
entire empire into 12 provinces known as Subas: Allahabad, Agra, Awadh, Ajmer,
Ahmedabad, Bihar, Bengal, Delhi, Kabul, Lahore, Multan and Malwa. Three subas
were added in the empire after the Deccan conquest namely Berar, Khandesh and
Ahmednagar. The number of subas continued to change under the successive Mughal
Emperors Jahangir had 17 subas under him. During the reign of Shahjahan, the total
number reached 22.
Subedar - The administration of a suba was under the control of a subahdar
these subedars were directly appointed by the emperor for three years. Apart from
the administrative duties subedars were also supposed to look after the welfare of the
people as well as the army of the provinces. Maintaining law and order in the province
was also one of the duties listed under his responsibilities. A subedar was also responsible
for encouraging trading and agriculture activities in the province. He was also responsible
for providing a safe passage for the traders and maintaining a good network of sarai,
gardens and water supply in the province. A subedars was also responsible for
enhancing the revenue collection from his province.
Diwan - The diwan as we have studied was responsible for the revenue
collection of the suba, his office was an independent one and he was directly under the
command of the central administration. He used to keep an account of the expenditure
and revenue collection of the province. He was also responsible for keeping a record
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NOTES of the salaries of the officials working in the province. The diwan was the deciding
authority in matters of loans (takavi) given to peasants when needed. A diwan at the
provincial level was required to maintain a daily register roz naamcha with the daily
dealings of the province related to zamindars, peasants and the royal treasury. Since
the work needed a lot of accounting and record keeping he used to have a large
number of clerks working under his command.
Bakshi - The office of bakshi used to work under the command of mir bakshi.
At the provincial level, the bakshi was delegating the same military duties which were
performed by mir bakshi at the central level.
Darogha-i dak - The Mughal empire had created an impressive communication
network for sending instructions to the far of areas. This imperial postal system was
used to receive confidential messages from the various provinces. Every suba used to
have a darogha to supervise these functions at the provincial level. These messages
were passed on by relay runners and horsemen. For the smooth functioning of the
network, various dak chowkis were established to provide help to these messengers.
A highly efficient intelligence network closely monitored officials at all levels, from
provincial to local.
Subas were further divided into sarkars. The administration at the Sarkar level was
headed by two important functionaries faujdar and amalguzar. A faujdar used to
be the executive head of the sarkar the primary duty of a faujdar was to curb any
rebellion and take care of the law and order situation in his area. The office of faujdar
was also empowered to keep a check on the recalcitrant zamindars of his region and
keep a close eye on any suspicious activity in the area. To take care of the financial
activities of the area at the sarkar level amalguzars were appointed. Their primary
function was to collect the revenue of the sarkar. Amalguzar was supposed to send
daily receipts and expenditure reports to the provincial diwan. During the time of
Akbar, an amalguzar was supposed to work as a revenue assessor as well as a
revenue collector. But Shahjahan separated the office into two which restricted an
amalguzar to the work of a revenue collector and he appointed another official amin
to take care of the work of revenue assessment of the area.
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3.2.4 Pargana Administration NOTES
The sarkars were further divided among parganas. It had two important officials
shiqdar and amil. Shiqdar was the executive officer of a pargana where as amil
used to look after the revenue collection at the pargana level. The officer responsible
for the record-keeping of the area was known as qanungo.
The village was the lowest administrative unit of the Mughal empire. A village
used to function under the village headman known as muqaddam and the work of
revenue record keeping was done by a patwari.
3.3 MANSABDARI SYSTEM
Mansabdari system was not an innovation of Akbar. He had inherited this institution
from Arabs and Mongols. To fix the grade of the officers and to classify his soldiers he
had adopted this principle which was used by Abbasid rulers and subsequently
implemented by Genghis Khan and Timur. The army of Mongols was based on a
decimal system that is to classify their soldiers they used units of 10, 100, 1000 and so
on. Timur introduced ranks from 1000 to 12,000. The ranks from 7,000 to 12,000
were reserved for royal princes. In India, the decimal system was introduced by Babur,
a commander of 10,000 was called amir and a commander of 10,000 was called
malik. Islam Shah also had a similar organization; he introduced some intermediary
ranks like the commander of 150 and 500.
Mansab means ranks or office; they were divided into two ranks zaat and
sawar. The actual number of sawar was determined by the emperor. In determining
the number of sawar the emperor was guided by the principle of Dah-Bishti, which
means that a mansabdar of 10 has to maintain 20 sawars. The Emperor also devised
several other principles like that of do-aspah (1 soldier-2 horses), yek-aspah (1 soldier-
1 horse) and nim-aspah (1 horse-2 soldiers). Since the emperor determined the number
of sawar and more importantly he paid for the maintenance of the same, he introduced
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NOTES sawar which he paid for. Unless a mansabdar presented the required number of
horsemen and horses he received only a proportion of his salary. The estimated pay of
mansabdar was called barawurdi.
Akbar created 66 grades from the commander of 10 called dah-bashi to the
dah-hazari. In these 66 grades, we find panch-hazari was the highest grade given to
an ordinary mansabdar, ranks above 5000 were reserved for his sons. However, we
notice a change under Shahjahan and Aurangzeb, they gave ranks of 7,000 to nobles
like Jaswant Singh and Rana Raj Singh. During the rule of Aurangzeb, there were at
least 51 mansabdars who held the ranks of 5000 and above and their ranks had been
decided by him. In Shahjahan’s times, there were 49 such mansabdars. The reasons
could be political or circumstantial. Thus increase in such mansab due to the new
appointment that Aurangzeb had made during the war of succession to consolidate his
position and to get the support of Rajputs and Deccanis.
Mansab can also be given as mashrut (conditional) and Inam (as a reward).
Whatever the form of appointment the mansabdar didn’t enjoy hereditary rights they
were transferred and didn’t stay on the same jagir for more than 2 or 3 years. The
purpose of these frequent transfers was to prevent the mansabdar from developing a
stronghold in the area. The mode of payment to a mansabdar could be a mansab or
naqd. Akbar tried to promote payment in naqd to fight the feudal tendency but failed
in his attempt.
During the 17th century certain changes occurred in the mansabdari system.
Jahangir announced the du-aspa sih-aspa rank. This system was adopted to increase
the sawar rank of a mansabdar without increasing his zaat rank. Shahjahan introduced
the institution of mahwar or months - scales to deal with the social economic crisis in
his financial administration, that is the growing up between jama and hasil. The purpose
was to scale down the total pay due on manasabdar’s rank while retaining the rank as
they were; with the reduction of the pay on the ranks, the obligation of the mansabdars
were also reduced. That is, under different circumstances, the commanders had to
maintain one-third, one-fourth or one-fifth of the number of the contingents on his
rank. In the 27th year of his reign, Shahjahan issued a farman that tankhwah-i naqdi
or cash salaries of a mansabdar should not be fixed above ashtmah or eight-monthly,
and below four-monthly. By the 21st year of Aurangzeb’s reign, the scale was reduced
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from ashtmah to shashtmah (six-monthly).
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3.3.2 Composition of Mansabdars NOTES
Akbar’s implementation of the mansabdari system effectively organized his nobility,

encompassing members of both foreign and local origins. Mansabs, or ranks, were
granted to civil and military officials, with appointments often made based on
recommendations from royal princes, local rajas, and zamindars. The composition
of mansabdars reflected the evolving political landscape of the Mughal state over
time.
During the 16th and early 17th centuries, mansabdars comprised diverse racial
groups such as Iranis, Turanis, Persians, Turks, Afghans, Rajputs, and Sheikhzadas,
with the Khanazadas, descendants of mansabdars, forming a dominant part.
Additionally, professionals known as hakims were inducted as mansabdars during
Jahangir’s reign.
Changes in the mansabdars composition were influenced by various factors.
Aurangzeb’s policy from 1678 onwards restrained the promotion and appointment of
Rajputs, possibly as a response to challenges to his authority, such as the Rathore
rebellion. Territorial expansion in the 16th century led to the assimilation of nobles
from regional states like Bijapur, Golconda, Hyderabad, and the Marathas into the
mansab system.
From 1678 onwards, an increase in Afghan mansabdars occurred due to Mughal
expansion in the Deccan. Marathas also gained prominence, receiving significant ranks
for their role in Deccani politics. Despite these inductions, the Mughals struggled to
secure the support of the Marathas as they did with the Rajputs.
Powerful zamindars and officials from foreign states were also granted mansab
ranks, as were individuals from kayastha and khatri backgrounds for their expertise.
Scholars, religious figures, and administrators were likewise granted ranks, reflecting
the diverse composition of the mansabdari system.
Historians offer various interpretations of the mansabdari system. Percival Spear
described mansabdars as an “elite within elite,” while Stephen Blake viewed the
Mughal empire as a “patrimonial bureaucratic empire.” Douglas Streusand suggested
that the system represented a political compromise, highlighting a distinction between
serving at the pleasure of the emperor and serving for the security of status.
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NOTES The relationship between the mansabdar and the emperor was complex,
influenced by perceptions of sovereignty and caste identity. While mansabdars could
be likened to slaves in terms of service, they retained their caste and clan identities.
The language of Islamic corporate military service played a significant role in defining
this relationship, with the term “bandah” or “slave” shaping expectations, attitudes,
and commitments.
Another crucial aspect of mansabdari system was the implementation of an escheat

system. Escheat system formed a significant and formidable part of the mansabdari
system. Ain-i Akbari is discreet and does not elaborate much on the working of
escheat, but the European travellers have left a detailed account of it. They suggested
that under escheat, the death of a noble was a call for the resumption of his property
by the emperor who, after deducting a portion for himself, restored it to the noble’s
heir at his pleasure and discretion. The practice of escheat during the reigns of Akbar
and Shahjahan was not quite contrary to the reports of the European travellers, but
there were slight variations in the case of a few like Munim Khan, Abul Fazl and Ali
Mardan Khan. When these nobles died, the emperor did not confiscate their entire
property but took only the mutalaba (amount borrowed by the deceased noble from
the imperial treasury) or a little more before disposing it to their heirs. Aurangzeb is
said to have revised the system remarkably by his farman of 1666 to the provincial
diwans, which provided different options for operating the escheat in the event of the
death of a noble.
The farman of 1666 was further reinforced by another order in 1691 with
stipulated that the property of such deceased nobles would not be confiscated whose
sons were in the imperial service, for they could be asked to reimburse the mutalaba
contracted by their late fathers. Many examples from the reign of Aurangzeb confirm
that the emperor’s orders were implemented and that he claimed only the mutalaba
of the dead noble, but there are also instances from which it is not quite clear whether
the confiscation of the dead noble’s property was a merely recover the mutalaba or
to enforce the right of escheat.
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NOTES
3.4 JAGIRDARI SYSTEM
Jagir is a piece of land which kings conferred upon umara (nobles) and mansabdars
in place of a monthly salary so that they could appropriate the mahsul (revenue) from
whatever was produced on the land through cultivation. Jagir is a compound of two
Persian words jai and gir, which literary means one who holds or occupies a land. We
see that Mughal emperors adopted this method to dispense the salaries to their
mansabdars. Since the Mughals adopted the mechanism to give land grants in place of
cash salaries therefore in principle a jagir should yield an equal amount of revenue to
meet the salary entitlement of a mansabdar. A jagir was not given on a hereditary
basis and could not be devolved from father to son, although the emperor could reward
the good services of a jagirdar by inducting his son into the imperial service and
conferring a jagir on him. Except for watan-jagir and a few al-tamgha jagir allotted
by Jahangir all other jagirs were subject to transfer. The transfers used to take place
every third or fourth year of the occupation. This was done probably to keep the
power of a mansabdar under check so that he could not become powerful by creating
ties with the local elites. Jagirdars formed the bureaucratic class of the Mughal empire
whose economic and social status was completely dependent on the discretion of the
Mughal emperors. Akbar initiated the practice of transfers of the jagir in 1568 when
he tried to curb the power of the Atka family, whose jagirs were situated in Punjab.
These periodic transfers that continued throughout the Mughal Empire often resulted
in a lot of inconvenience and complications for the jagirdars.
On the assigned jagirs, the jagirdars functioned as officials who used to collect
the land revenue and other taxes imposed by the state. Implementation of the agrarian
plans of the state, improving the state of agricultural and irrigation facilities, and bringing
more land under cultivation were among the few obligations which a jagirdar was
supposed to fulfil at his jagir.
To fulfil the above administrative and financial obligation a jagirdar was supposed
to maintain cordial relations with the zamindars at his assigned jagir. Zamindar is a
heterogeneous group of people organised on caste, clan and tribal basis, who worked
very closely with the peasants and possessed territorial rights on the land. They also
used to maintain a military contingent called ulus or jamaiyat of their own. The
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NOTES zamindars often used to resist the collection of the revenue which led to a conflict
between the jagirdar and the zamindar especially because both considered the land
a source of their power and wealth. The jagirs where the zamindar used to resist the
collection of land revenue were called zortalab-jagir in such cases a jagirdar was
used to seek the help of faujdar to collect the revenue from such areas.
Another important group in a village community was of khudkasht. Khudkasht
was the primary cultivator who was considered the owner of the land they used to
enjoy hereditary rights on their lands and could not be evicted as long as they paid the
land revenue to the state. In such circumstances, the Mughal emperors attempted to
assert their power by instituting a system of inspection and checks and balances through
the jagirdari system to prevent the monopolisation of power in one class or the
encroachment of one class into another. Satish Chandra studied the relationship between
these three groups namely jagirdar, zamindar and khudkasht and called it a triangular
or tripolar relationship. Chandra opines that this triangular relationship was the basis of
Mughal stability which lasted as long as the central government could convince the
zamindars and the cultivators that it was beneficial to be under the banner of the
Mughal State and look to it for redressal of grievances rather than resist or challenge
it.
3.5 MUGHAL LAND REVENUE SYSTEM
The Mughal Empire was predominantly an agricultural economy, according to a group

of economic historians. They found that the primary source of revenue for the Empire
was land revenue, known as mal or kharaj, which accounted for a significant portion
of the agricultural surplus and formed the majority of the Empire’s income. This structure
has been called the Mughal ‘agrarian system’ by Irfan Habib and others, though Muzaffar
Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam define it as the ‘fiscal system’.
In the Mughal economy, kharaj was not considered a rent or a land tax. It was
rather a tax on the actual produce of the crop. This is entirely different from the British
land revenue which was a fixed standard rate in cash, applied to a specific area of
land, regardless of whether it was cultivated or not and regardless of what was
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cultivated. Therefore, kharaj can be best described as the state’s claim to a share of NOTES
the actual produce.
In an attempt to reorganise the territories and ordain a system of assessment by
which an accurate estimate of the crop could be achieved, Akbar’s officials came into
contact with a variety of geographical conditions and local customary methods of
assessment, which made it difficult to implement a single method of assessment. So
even when a major portion of the empire was brought under zabt, other customary
methods of assessment continued in their respective localities.
3.5.1 Zabt
In Mughal India, the zabt system emerged as the primary method of land revenue
assessment, with its origins tracing back to Sher Shah’s innovative 3 rai or crop-rate
system. Akbar further refined and institutionalized this method, shaping it into the zabt
system.
Under Sher Shah’s crop rate system, instead of fixing rates at each harvest, a
standardized schedule of rates was established and applied to lands under continuous
cultivation (polaj). These rates were based on three categories of land productivity -
good, medium, and low - with the state claiming one-third of the produce as land
revenue. This evolved into the zabt system under Sher Shah and his successors, where
land was measured and revenue was fixed and paid in cash.
Unlike the crop rate system, zabt did not depend on actual harvests; revenue
assessors measured cultivated land, determined standard rates, and informed revenue
payers in advance of their obligations. If crops failed, allowances were made, but not
exceeding 12.5% of the total area. Remissions and deferred payments were also
granted to ease tax burdens.
However, regional disparities and delays in ratifying rates led to discontent and
administrative challenges. To address these issues, Irfan Habib argued that Akbar
introduced new revenue rates in 1574-75. Information on production, prices, and
cultivation area was collected for each locality over ten years, and cash rates were
fixed for each crop, eliminating the need to convert rai into cash rates. Revenue circles
were established for homogeneous-yield parganas, with standardized cash rates applied
annually, subject to occasional adjustments by the government. Self-Instructional
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NOTES This final form of zabt, known as Ain-i Dahsala, was based on ten years of
preceding data, but it was neither a decennial settlement nor a permanent one, as the
state did not guarantee its immutability. Nonetheless, it represented a significant
advancement in revenue assessment, aiming to streamline administration and address
grievances while ensuring fiscal stability.
Ghalla bakshi was indeed one of the various methods used to assess land revenue in
Mughal India. This method primarily operated on the principle of crop sharing, known
as “batai” or “bhaoli” in Hindi. Under this system, the share of the crop was determined
in three ways:
1. Batai: Crop sharing according to the agreement reached on the threshing
ground in the presence of both parties.
2. Khet Batai: Sharing of the crop while it was still standing in the fields.
3. Lang Batai: Sharing of the crop after it was cut and stacked.
Mughal documents described ghalla bakshi as the most favored collection method
by both peasants and the state. This method allowed for a fair and transparent
distribution of the crop yield between the peasants and the state, ensuring that both
parties benefited equitably from agricultural production.
Hust-o-bud was another method adopted by the Mughal Empire. Under this
approach, the assessor would inspect a village, considering both the quality of the land
and its productivity, to estimate the total produce. Based on this estimation, the assessor
would determine the revenue owed. Another method involved simply counting the
ploughs, assessing the revenue accordingly, and applying fixed rates based on the
localities. Neither method was without flaws: the first relied heavily on the integrity of
the assessor, while the second lacked balance in revenue demands.
To address these shortcomings, kankut or danabandi was introduced. In this
method, the kan or grain was not divided; instead, an estimate (kut) was made by
measuring the land either with a jarib (rope) or by pacing. Then, an estimate of the
crop rate or yield of each crop per unit of area was calculated and applied to the entire
area under a particular crop. If the assessor couldn’t determine the crop rate through
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observation alone, sample cuttings were taken from three plots of varying productivity NOTES
(high, medium, and low), and the estimate was adjusted accordingly.
An important feature of kankut, as noted by Abul Fazal, was that the revenue
demand was not fixed in cash but in kind. Initially, a full assessment of the crop was
made based on crop rates, from which the peasant’s share was deducted. The remainder
was then converted into cash using a schedule of prices for different crops.
Although kankut, based on actual harvest produce, resembled batai, it was
more accurate and less costly since it didn’t require supervision on the reaping and
threshing ground. However, a prerequisite for operating kankut was the integrity of
the assessor, who was the sole determinant of the crop rate. The government often felt
compelled to limit the assessor’s power due to concerns about corruption.
Nasaq was not an independent method of assessment; it was subordinate to
other methods. It was a procedure that could be adopted regardless of the basic
method of revenue assessment and collection in force. In North India, it was known as
nasaq-i zabti, while in Kashmir, it was referred to as nasaq-i ghalla bakshi. When
applied under zabti, the annual measurement was omitted, and previous figures were
considered with certain adjustments. Since the zabti system involved annual
measurement, both the administration and revenue payers often sought to replace it.
Zabti-i harsala, or annual measurement, was therefore set aside with some
modifications.
3.5.3 Jaziya
Concept and Implementation
Under Islamic law, jizya was a tax imposed on zimmis (non-Muslims), explicitly in
exchange for the protection of their lives and property provided by the Islamic State,
thus replacing military service. Exemptions from jizya were granted to women, children,
beggars, monks, the elderly, the mentally incapacitated, retired individuals, and the
impoverished.
In medieval India, jizya remained a contentious tax. Akbar abolished it in 1564,
driven by pragmatic and strategic motives to assert political sovereignty and due to its
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NOTES discriminatory and economically unsustainable nature. However, Aurangzeb reinstated

it in 1679 as a means to bolster his power and authority. According to accounts by
travelers like Manucci, economic factors, such as the widening gap between revenue
collection and military expenditures from 1676 onwards, played a role in Aurangzeb’s
decision to reintroduce jizya.
While jizya did not have a fixed rate, it was typically calculated at no more than
4% of the total assessed revenue (jama). Despite its relatively low rate, jizya was
burdensome, particularly for the poorest segments of society. Even at its minimum
rate, it amounted to roughly a month’s wages for an unskilled urban laborer, underscoring
its regressive nature.
3.6 NATURE OF MUGHAL STATE
The nature of the Mughal state is an issue on which various historians belonging to
various Schools of thought have presented their views and debated various possibilities
to define the nature of the Mughal state. To begin with, we have historians who tried to
explain the nature of the Mughal state in the context of an Oriental despotic state.
James Mill, John Crawfurd and others have primarily based themselves on the
description of Francois Bernier and described the Mughal state as an Oriental despotic
state. W. H. Moreland in his seminal work opined that, after weather conditions, the
most dominant factor in the economic life of the people in the Mughal period was the
state administration. The whole focus of the theory of an Oriental despotic state rested
on the premises of land and taxation. This model of state sovereignty has been nuanced
by historians. Historians such as R. P. Tripathi, Ibn Hasan and P. Saran asserted the
fact that the various administrative institutions of the monarchy were based on the
geographical and cultural institutions of the country. They argued that there was little
scope for over-taxation in the Mughal regime.
After the Independence we see many writers who were influenced by the Marxist
ideas have started taking interest in writing the history of the medieval passed. These
historians describe the Mughal state as a centralised state as they perceive the Mughal
state in purely fiscal and military terms. According to the centralised state theory, the
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state administration penetrated into all levels of the society through the agency of the NOTES
intermediaries. The intermediaries such as merchants, artisans and peasants were entirely
depends upon the state. Thus, state and society remained closely tied aspects of the
regime. Every phenomenon revolved around the centre. As per the centralised state
theory all aspects of society were viewed from above. Much emphasis has been laid
upon the systemisation of administration done under emperor Akbar, especially the
mansabdari system and uniformity in division of offices for different regions. These
offices and centralised administration were carried on and strengthened under successive
emperors. This view is generally associated with Aligarh historians like Satish Chandra
and Irfan Habib but it has found sanction from a wider variety of historians.
The centralise state model came to be criticized by many historians, Douglas E.
Streusand saw four levels of transformation under the regime: central power, acceptance
of emperor Akbar, the mansabdari system and subsequent changes in the regime. He
has tried to integrate both the theories of the Mughal state throughout his work. The
real question posed by critiques is on the level of control exerted by the Mughals in
several region, that is away from the centre.
Streusand extended Burton Stein’s segmentary state analysis to encompass
the geographical expanse of Mughal India, particularly focusing on the period spanning
from 1556 to 1582. Through his research, Streusand delved into the military and fiscal
hierarchies within the Mughal state, examined the diverse groups that became integrated
into the imperial apparatus, and scrutinized the nature of sovereignty exercised by the
emperor, with particular emphasis on the mechanisms that evolved during Akbar’s
reign. The era of Akbar witnessed significant transformations, including a heightened
assertion of central authority, greater acceptance of sovereign power, and the
standardization of the mansabdari system.
The Mughal concept of kingship was a synthesis of various earlier practices
prevalent in the region. Akbar’s policies, such as the abolition of jizyah (poll tax on
non-Muslims), the implementation of sulh-i kul (universal peace), and the adoption of
a tolerant religious stance, carried profound administrative and social implications.
Streusand applied elements of the segmentary state model to analyze both zamindari
areas, characterized by semi-autonomous regional powers with minimal economic ties
to the central authority, and parganas under direct control of the central administration.
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NOTES In contrast to the centralized state model, which posits a strong central authority, the
segmentary state model highlights the existence of autonomous regional powers
operating independently of the central government.
Another perspective emerged, framing the Mughal state as a patrimonial
bureaucratic empire, drawing inspiration from Max Weber’s concept of the
patrimonial state. This theory delineates a distinct divide between the patrimonial polity
and the bureaucratic administrative structure within a pre-modern regime. In this
framework, the ruler governs akin to a patriarch managing his household, exercising
authority across all domains, including military and jurisdictional realms, viewing the
larger realm as an extension of his familial domain.
Historians such as Stephen Blake have scrutinized the meticulously structured
mansabdari system outlined in the Ain-i Akbari, aligning it with the patrimonial-
bureaucratic state model. According to this interpretation, mansabdars and other
components of the Mughal military apparatus function as integral elements of the
patrimonial-bureaucratic empire, further solidifying the ruler’s authority within this
administrative framework.
Some historians have linked the proliferation of gunpowder and firearms, starting
in the mid-fifteenth century, to the rise in power observed among empires worldwide.
Scholars such as Marshall G. S. Hodgson and McNeil have categorized highly centralized
Asian empires as ‘gunpowder empires’, including the Mughal Empire, alongside the
Ottoman Empire, the Safavid Empire, and the Uzbek Khanate. In India, the introduction
of gunpowder technology marked a significant turning point in state formation. However,
its impact on the Mughal Empire’s consolidation was not as prominent as in other
regions.
Despite challenges like limited mobility and slow firing rates, gunpowder
technology symbolized the strength of a formidable kingdom. While firearms played a
role in certain key events, such as the sieges of Chittor in 1568 and Ramthambhor in
1570 during Akbar’s reign, they did not play a decisive role in territorial expansions
under Akbar or subsequent Mughal rulers. During the early sixteenth century, light
artillery was effectively utilized in siege operations and on the battlefield.
The deployment of light cannons mounted on carriages and matchlock muskets
contributed to the growth and centralization of the Mughal empire. Notable innovations
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in firearm technology included the adaptation of cannons on swivels mounted on NOTES

camelbacks in the seventeenth century. Matchlock muskets emerged as potent weapons
in combat, providing cover to artillery carts and inflicting substantial damage, contrasting
with traditional mounted archery. Under the mansabdari system, musketeers played a
pivotal role in maintaining imperial control over local chieftains. While some historians
emphasize the significance of matchlock muskets in Mughal warfare and the empire’s
centralizing tendencies, others, like Irfan Habib, highlight mounted archery as the primary
martial tradition of the Mughals.
Revisionist theories have sought to broaden the scope of analysis beyond
the traditional focus on the economic and military functions of the state. These historians
have introduced various social classes into the discourse and aimed to explore their
relationship with the Mughal state. Figures such as C.A. Bayly, Sanjay Subramanyam,
and Muzaffar Alam have spearheaded this approach, reimagining the Mughal polity as
a decentralized entity. Regional studies have emerged as pivotal factors in delineating
this characteristic of the state.
Bayly and Subrahmanyam, in particular, have categorized a ‘contact zone’ or
‘grey area’ where the state and society intersect. This domain represents a convergence
of elements from both the centralized and segmentary state models, blending initiatives
from above with engagements from below. According to their analysis, certain social
groups, such as revenue farmers or ‘portfolio capitalists’, played a crucial role in
facilitating economic processes in South India, ensuring guaranteed economic gains
for the state.
Bayly acknowledges signs of economic growth within the state, attributing this
growth not solely to state-appointed officials like mansabdars or jagirdars, but also
to agents embedded within society who accrued resources and wielded influence,
shaping the political economy of their respective regions. Similarly, Alam underscores
the significance of jagir and ijara institutions as manifestations of growth within the
state administration.
Critics like Frank Perlin have lamented the predominance of Mughal and
Maratha-centric narratives in economic studies of Indian history, advocating for a
broader focus on units of political power such as the watan.
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NOTES More recently, the work of Farhat Hasan has offered fresh insights into the
perception of the Mughal state. Hasan eschews unilateral categorizations such as
centralized or patrimonial-bureaucratic models, instead emphasizing the importance
of day-to-day interactions with local elites. Hasan highlights the dense network of
imperial-local alliances as a cornerstone of Mughal power, challenging conventional
interpretations of state dynamics.
3.7 CONCLUSION
The Mughals left an indelible mark on the Indian subcontinent, boasting one of the
longest-standing dynasties in its history and producing a line of illustrious emperors.
Among the empire’s myriad accomplishments, perhaps one of the most notable was
its astute recognition of the need for cohesive governance across a diverse land, coupled
with a nuanced approach to policy-making that balanced uniformity with respect for
local customs and practices.
While the Mughal administration aimed to establish a singular system to govern
its vast territories, it also demonstrated a profound sensitivity to the rich tapestry of
regional customs and traditions. For instance, although the empire implemented zabt
as a mechanism for assessing and collecting land revenue, it concurrently upheld and
preserved local customs of revenue collection. This approach ensured that while central
authority was maintained, the diversity and unique characteristics of local cultures
were honored and preserved.
Similarly, in their efforts to consolidate the nobility into a cohesive body, the
Mughals displayed a remarkable understanding of the deep-seated attachment of
Rajputs to their ancestral lands. Consequently, provisions were made to allow Rajputs
to retain their watan jagirs, thereby respecting and accommodating their cultural
preferences within the administrative framework of the empire. This acknowledgment
of regional identities and customs underscored the Mughals’ commitment to assimilation,
wherein unity was pursued without erasing the distinctiveness of local traditions.
In essence, the Mughal empire exemplified a nuanced approach to governance
that harmonized centralized authority with local autonomy and cultural diversity. By
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embracing assimilation while crafting administrative structures, the Mughals forged a NOTES
lasting legacy of pluralism and inclusivity in the annals of Indian history.
3.8 SUMMARY

 The Mughals tried to create a centralised state structure
 Mansabdari was a steel structure for the empire which also proved crucial in
the organisation of nobility and military.
 Jagirdari helped in strengthening the Mughal rule at the local level.
 It took Akbars many years to finalise a system of land revenue collection which
could fulfill the needs of the empire.
 The nature of the Mughal state is one of the most debated topics in medieval
Indian history.
1. Discuss the significance of the mansabdari system.

2. What were the various methods which the Emperor used to keep a check on its
administration?
3. Explain the tripolar relationship?
4. How do revisionists describe the Mughal state?
3.10 STATE TRUE OR FALSE
1. The wazir was the head of the Mughal administrative system.

2. Nabud is a form of a tax. Self-Instructional
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NOTES 3. Amin was the term used for revenue assessor.

4. Jiziya was finally abolished by Shah Jahan.
5. Gunpowder’s thesis was put forward by Marshall Hodgson.
3.11 ANSWERS – STATE TRUE OR FALSE
1. False
2. False
3. True
4. False
5. True
 Alam, M and S Subrahmanyam (eds.) 1998. The Mughal State, 1526-1750,

 Ali, M. Athar, 1993. ‘The Mughal Polity – A Critique of Revisionist Approaches’,
Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 27, No. 4, October.
 Ali, S Athar. 1997. The Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb, Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
 Bayly, C.A. 1983. Rulers, Townsmen and Bazars: North Indian Society in
the Age of British Expansion, 1770-1870, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
 Blake, S P. 1979. “The Patrimonial-Bureaucratic State of the Mughals” Journal
of Asian Studies, Vol. 19, No. 1, pp 77-94.
 Day, U.N. 1970. Mughal Government, 1556-1707, New Delhi: Kumar
Brothers.
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 Habib, Irfan. 1990. Agrarian System of Mughal India 1556-1707, Delhi: NOTES
 Hasan, Ibn. 1967. The Central Structure of the Mughal Empire and Its
Practical Working up to the Year 1657, Lahore: Oxford University Press.
 Khan, Iqtidar Alam. 2005. ‘Gunpowder and Empire: Indian Case’, Social
Scientist, Vol. 33, No. 3-4, March-April.
 Malik, Z.U. 2014. ‘The Core and the Periphery: A contribution to the Debate
on the 18th Century’, Nirmal Kumar (ed), History of India 1600-1800, New
Delhi: Research India Press.
 Meena Bhargava (ed.) Exploring Medieval India. Sixteenth to Eighteenth
Century, Delhi: Orient BlackSwan
 Moosvi, Shireen. 1990. The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1600, New
 Moosvi, Shireen. 1981. “The Evolution of the Mansab System under Akbar
until 1596-97”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain &
Ireland, Vol. 113 No. 2, pp. 173-85.
 Ray, Aniruddha. 1984. Some Aspects of Mughal Administration, New Delhi:
Kalyani Publishers.
 Raychaudhuri, Tapan and Irfan Habib. 1982. The New Cambridge Economic
History of India, Vol. I, New Delhi: Cambridge University Press.
 Richards, J F. 1996. The Mughal Empire, Cambridge, Cambridge University
Press.
 Saran, P. 1988. The Provincial Government of the Mughals, 1526-1658,
Jaipur: Sunita Publications.
 Streusand, Douglas. 1989. The Formation of the Mughal Empire, Delhi:
 Tripathi, R.P. 1959. Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Allahabad:
Central Book Depot.
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UNIT II: AKBAR TO AURANGZEB: RAJPUTS,
IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY; RELIGIOUS
POLICY
LESSON 4 RELIGIOUS PATTERNS UNDER THE

MUGHALS (1550-1750)
LESSON 5 IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY: POLITICAL

ALLIANCES AND STATE FORMATION
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO MEWAR
AND MARWAR
Religious Patterns Under the Mughals (1550-1750)
LESSON 4 NOTES
RELIGIOUS PATTERNS UNDER

THE MUGHALS (1550-1750)
Dr. Mayurakshi Kumar
Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Sulh-i-Kul: Religious Policy of Akbar
4.3 Dara Shikoh: Promoter of Hindu-Muslim Interactions
4.4 Was Aurangzeb an Orthodox Ruler?
4.5 Conclusion
4.6 Summary
4.0 OBJECTIVES

 Understand the variety of religious opinions which flourished during the Mughal
Period had a deep impact in shaping the vibrant character of the times and have
been widely studied by the scholars.
 Discuss the current study is an attempt to present varied understandings of this
period.
4.1 INTRODUCTION
The Mughal times of Indian history saw the growing representation of religious fervour
by both the rulers as well as a number of people from both the ruling as well as clergy Self-Instructional
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NOTES classes. Akbar who assumed the reign in 1556 at a very young age, was presented
with numerous challenges on the religious front. He, therefore, set forth to lay the
ground for the evolution of his religious world view which was oriented on the lines of
sulh-i- kul which further led to the evolution of the philosophy of din-i- ilahi, upon
which his political rule was based. However, no political policy of the state can be
understood without a deeper look into the various sources of the time. While we have
Abul Fazl giving us an insight into the reasons and deliberation undertaken by Akbar to
ensure universal peace and acceptance to all kinds of religious practices. We have a
counter representation of Badayuni, who believes that Akbar’s period proved to be
more and more unislamic with each passing day. Badayuni presents to us facts that
help us understand Akbar in his religious zeal while Abul Fazl narrates a story of the
evolution of a liberal king. While Jahangir and Shahjahan did not make policy shift in
the religious policy of Akbar their period presents to us with an insight that helps us
understand the minor nuances of the policy based on the perception of idea of religion
and justice under each individual king. Apart from Akbar, another Mughal who is
widely popular as the promoter of Hindu-Muslim interactions is Dara Shikoh. Though
he was not able to assume direct rule due to his defeat in the War of Succession and
subsequent assumption of power by his younger brother Aurangzeb, yet he through a
number of his religious engagements, professed the idea of peaceful co-existence of all
communities in the Mughal domain. In contrast to both Akbar and Dara Shikoh,
Aurangzeb’s rule has been represented as being highly orthodox. Aurangzeb reimposed
Jizya and took many other steps which raised his stature as a saviour of Islam among
the religious leaders of the time in comparison to the previous perception of Akbar.
One of the religious figures of the time, Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, also talked about the
revival of Islam, which he felt was affected during the times of Akbar. He belonged to
the Naqshbandi order of Sufism.
4.2 SULH-I-KUL: RELIGIOUS POLICY OF AKBAR
Sulh-i-kul or universal peace is an idea which culminated and propagated in the later
years of Akbar’s reign (1556-1605). It was a result of several religious and political
developments which had taken place over the course of Akbar’s reign. Two of the
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prime contemporary accounts that have provided an insight in the notional frames of NOTES
religious philosophy of sulh-i-kul are Abul Fazl’s Akbarnama and Badayuni’s
Mutkhub-ut-Tawarikh. While, on one hand Abul Fazl was a close confidant of Akbar,
therefore his account represented the first-hand account of Akbar’s own thinking, on
the other hand, Badayuni was a part of the ulama and therefore his work is critical of
Akbar and characterises his reign as one that ushered in the death of Islam.
I.A. Khan has divided Akbar, dominion and his involvement in the religious
domain in three phases and it is in the third phase that sulh-i-kul plays a crucial role.
The first phase of Akbar’s reign lasted from 1560-1574, where Akbar faced numerous
political challenges and paid little attention to religious matters. He was predominantly
influenced by the norms of the ulama and the orthodoxy. Although he took several
measures like banning the jizya and pilgrimage tax (early 1560s) scholars have placed
this in the light of the newly formed matrimonial alliances with the Rajputs.
Vincent Smith propounded that Akbar’s new religion (din-i-ilahi) was a result
of his fondness for sycophancy and weakness for adoration. This perspective of Vincent
Smith was influenced by Badayuni’s account where Akbar is accused of apostacy. A
completely different discourse is apparent in the writings of I.A. Khan, who highlights
the liberal traits of Akbar’s religious policy. Akbar was naturally inclined towards
religious tolerance due to the broad mindedness of his parents and teacher. Further, I.
A. Khan argues that Akbar was inspired by the cultural ethos of the Timurid polity and
influenced by yasa-i chingez or tura-i-chingez which required the ruler to consider
all sects as one and not to distinguish them from one another.
Beni Prasad and A.L Srivastav a argue that Akbar’s relations with the Rajputs
were an outcome of a policy of neo-imperialism. According to them, Akbar’s period
was one of liberalism and fostered the growth of composite culture. Srivastava believes
that Akbar was the only ruler who thought of an all India unity and bringing together his
empire. Hence, they conclude that Akbar’s Rajput policy was an intrinsic part of his
religious policy and that his Rajput wives and allies were the main reason for his liberal
ideas.
Subsequently, from 1568 onwards, Akbar followed a rather aggressive and
violent approach as he was engaged in a long drawn battle with the Rajputs primarily
in Chittor. The fatahnama or the declaration of victory which was issued in 1568
after the conquest of Chittor was lined with religious terminology. The war was labelled Self-Instructional
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NOTES as jihad and Akbar’s victory was perceived as a victory of the ulama. However, this
has been deemed as a measure to appease the Indian Muslims or sheikhzadas in the
court. Nevertheless, this reflects the ulamas dominance over religious affairs.
The post-1575 period saw the growing independent political and religious outlook
of Akbar and for the same, he established the Ibadatkhana, where a platform was
provided for discussions to the Islamic scholars initially and subsequently even to the
religious scholars of Hinduism, Jain, Zoroastrianism and Jesuit faith as well. The
discussions set the ground for the evolution of Akbar as a supreme head who could
bring justice for all irrespective of the religious and cultural divide. Accordingly, in
1579, mazharnama (a document signed in front of witnesses) was issued which
declared Akbar as a sultan-i-adil (just king), amir-al-mominin (head of the orthodox
Muslims), badshah-i-islam (head of Islam) and a mujtahid (interpreter of law and
texts). This was a consequence of various disagreements which had taken place among
the Shia, Sunni and other religious scholars in the ibadatkhana. This mazhar drafted
by Shaikh Mubarak placed Akbar’s views and interpretations of religious texts above
everyone else’s, thus being a measure to resolve such conflicts. But, this was evidently
not well received as can be seen from the rebellion which took place in 1580-81.
I.A. Khan has pointed out that until now Akbar was curious about the various
religious strands but now he decided to culminate it into something big which assumed
the form of sulh-i-kul. I.A. Khan had deemed the policy of sulh-i-kul to be a very
liberal approach towards religion and termed this as an integrative idea. This period
until his death in 1605 marks the third phase of Akbar’s religious developments.
According to Badayuni, in the 1580s, Akbar started participating in ‘strange’ things
like keeping a shun beard and head, worshipping the sun, diwali celebrations, jharokha
darshan and court practices like sijda. All these practices culminated into the idea of
Din-i-Ilahi.
Athar Ali has examined and interpreted the details provided in Akbarnama to
elucidate the religious ideas of Akbar. On the basis of accounts of Badayuni and Jesuit
fathers, it is believed that after Akbar failed to appease the Muslim Orthodoxy, he
parted ways with Islam and founded a new religion of Din-i-Ilahi’. Another popular
view is that in the last twenty five years of Akbar’s reign, Islam suffered and the Sunni
orthodoxy was persecuted.
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Athar Ali counters these claims by beginning with a word of caution that NOTES
mistranslation acts as a drawback to valid interpretation of these sources. He quotes
S.R. Sharma to highlight that the term Din-i-Ilahi was not coined or used by Akbar.
While reading Ain, one can see that Akbar’s religious views were independent of both
orthodox Islam and Hinduism. He believed in a formless God (be-surat) and gave
special importance to an illuminated heart that loves light (chira dasti- i- khayal). Ali
believes that Akbar’s views were inspired by nauroz festivities of Persian tradition.
Akbar’s idea of God was also greatly influenced by pantheism, which was also the
core ideal of sulh-i-kul. In addition to this, he sought a close relationship between
divine sovereignty (God) and temporal sovereignty (king).
Throughout his reign there was a stress on aql (reason and rational thinking),
which was to be given precedence over taqlid (traditionalism/ blind faith). In this
respect Akbar was thus following a tradition of aql over naql or imitation, further
subjecting Islam to rational thinking.
Infact, as Athar Ali says, Akbar’s idea of sulh-i-kul, where members of all
religions were free to follow their faiths, is to be understood as a political tool. Sulh-i-
kul was instituted because of the political need of keeping a nobility of all creeds and
faiths, and also to elevate his own status by establishing himself as a murshid, thus
establishing a pir-murshid relationship between Akbar and the adherents of the
ideology.
S.A. Rizvi extends Athar Ali’s argument stating that the Din-i-Ilahi was a close
sect of elite people, with not more than 18 members. It involved a ceremony where
the followers had to pledge 4 decrees of loyalty- service to the emperor would come
before any other thing: religion; wealth; honour and life. It is to be noted that members
of Din-i-Ilahi never gave up their own religion but their ultimate loyalty lay with the
emperor. For instance, Raja Man Singh states that “the only religion I know is the one
I was born in, but my life is for the emperor”.
On the basis of the above scholarly studies, it can be stated that sulh-i-kul
emerged out of Akbar’s concern for creating a peaceful environment in his court which
constituted nobles and members from various socio - cultural, religious and ethnic
backgrounds. It was an integral part of tauhid-i-ilahi or the divine reality. Abul Fazl
had integrated these concepts together in his notion of insan-i-kamil or the perfect
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NOTES man, which he had ascribed to Akbar. All the ideological elements influenced the
policy of sulh-i-kul which put Akbar at a high position as a face of divine reality.
However, the ulamas were not fond of Akbar’s approach towards religion, especially
his policy of sulh-i-kul, which placed all the religions at the same level and argued that
it eventually curbed the growth of Islam.
Despite varied opinions, it can be concluded that sulh-i-kul was an attempt to
establish the notion of one God, one reality, one emperor and one nobility which was
not stratified in any way. This in turn helped establish a centralised empire.
Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi: Piety of the Orthodox Sufi
Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564-1624), emerged as one of the most important mystics
of the naqshbandi sufi \silsila during the Mughal period. He played a diversified role in
the religious, social and political domains. Sirhindi was a great orator and great
administrator of the religious affairs and therefore using his ability of influencing people
he gave naqashbandi order a prime position in sufi arena. According to him, the
Mughal rulers should devote their energies to revive the Muslim law in its purest form
and in the process they should remove all the impurities and innovations incorporated
by the Ulama and the sufi shaikhs. He openly criticized varied policies of Emperor
Akbar especially Sulh- i- kul for being un-Islamic in nature. Even I.A. Khan on the
basis of his study of writings of Badayuni and Jesuit father who visited India during that
time, states that between 1591-1601, Akbar deviated from the rituals and formalisms
of orthodox Islam and closed down the mosque and disallowed the maintenance of
khatib, imam and muhazzin.
The rhetoric of general degradation of Islam under Akbar, also furnished through
Tarikh-i-khan-jahani written by Niamatullah in 1613. He asserted that, “with the
accession of King of Islam (Jahangir), the mosque, khankahs, and madrasas that had
become the abode of birds and the beast in the last 30 years, while the call of Muslim
prayers was heard by no one, were cleared and became clean once again”.
Accordingly, even Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi after 1580’s wrote letters to the top
nobles to seek support for the non-abolishment of the Muslim religious practices. He
was successful in asserting his position as a renovator of Islam. He believed that Akbar
had corrupted the religion and regarded himself as the one who was renewing it.
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He regarded Islam and kufr as adverse and mutually exclusive. One could NOTES
flourish only at the expense of the other. The honour and security of Islam were
dependent on the humiliation of the non-believers and their faith. Since the basis of
sulh-i-kul was Ibn al Arbi’s wahdat al- wujud (unity of being), which claims that
everything in the existence is one or from one nature including the creator and his
creation, he opposed Arbi as a way of opposing Akbar’s policy of sulh-i-kul. He
became the propagator of a new philosophy known as wahdat al- shuhud (oneness
of appearance), which means that there is a difference between God and being or
creator and creation.
Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi is portrayed as the man who turned Jahangir away from
the heretical or anti-Islamic policies of Akbar and saved the Mughal Empire for Islam.
His ideas also inspired Aurangzeb in his religious policy. R.P. Tripathi described Shaikh
Ahmad as a leader of the Muslim revivalist movement against Akbar and spread the
great influence of his movement over Jahangir’s policies. However, while reflecting
upon Jahangir as a Mughal emperor it is noticeable that he did not divert from the
policies of his father rather his political and religious world view resonates with Akbar’s
understanding. Even in his memoir Jahangir Nama, he specifically praises Akbar’s
policy of religious tolerance. He stressed his respect for sun and forbade animal slaughter
on Thursday and Sunday. When marching against Khusron, he blessed his father’s
disciples and repeated to them the principles of Din-i-Ilahi. The final proof that Jahangir
meant to stick to his father’s policy is the fact that he took actions against Shaikh
Ahmad Sirhindi who was continuously speaking against Akbar, and he was imprisoned
in Gwalior jail for one year in 1619.
But according to Irfan Habib, Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi was no leader of the
masses. His eyes were fixed upon the King and his nobles and he held the view that
the sharia could only restored and protected by the King, “the King is to the universe
what the heart is to the body,” and the duty of the nobles was to advice the King to
follow the sharia. He accordingly, wrote a large number of letters to the nobles
specifically Shaikh Farid, exhorting them to convince the king of his views. His appeal
is never to the Muslims in general, but only to superior and to the men of authority.
There is, therefore, no sound basis for supporting that Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi
ever exercised in his lifetime or even after his death sufficient influence to affect the
imperial policy. Self-Instructional
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NOTES There appears in the history of the Mughal Empire another individual who like
Akbar, also championed the cause of universal brotherhood and yet has not deserved
the rightful place in the scholarly studies as it was even during the times when he lived.
The person is Dara Shikoh, who was the eldest son of emperor Shahjahan, who gave
Dara the title of ‘Shah Buland Iqbal’, i.e., emperor of exalted throne. Due to the
absence of any law of primogeniture in the Mughal imperium, the four sons of Shahjahan,
i.e., Dara, Shah Shuja, Aurangzeb and Murad Baksh, engaged in a brutal War of
succession, which led to the eventual success of Aurangzeb. As many studies have
already dwelled in the nature of the war, so over here an engagement with the religious
persona of Dara Shikoh has been undertaken.
Shahjahan and Jahangir
Jahangir inherited Akbar’s empire and his policies. He seemed to have continued with
his father’s policies but like all policies, even the religious policy of Mughals has had its
own evolutionary course. Jahagir’s insistence as the just ruler of the universe is evident
from his paintings and farmans. His first title was “Light of faith” and “ world seizer”.
Like the historical account of Jahangir even his religious policy has received very little
attention from the historians but that does not mean that Jahangir did not deviate
(however minutely) from his father’s policies with respect to religion. Upon succession,
Jhangir gave up on Dil-i-illahi, winning the hope of the orthodox sections at the court.
Even though Jahangir did continue with practice of tolerance at large, like no jaziya or
pilgrim tax but in certain cases like that of Mewar invasion, he seem to have demolished
many temples. The Rajput nobility, although enjoyed high ranks under his rule. He
imposed a ban on cow slaughter as part of attack on social evils along with prohibition
on public sale of wine. Jahagir’s relationship with Sikhs was strained because Sikh
Guru Arjan had blessed the rebel prince, Khusrau at Tartaran. As a result, the Guru
was sentenced to death only to be later changed to a fine and led to refusal of payment
by Guru and subsequent imprisonment. But he seemed to have avoided any further
involvement or interference in the matters of Sikhs. He maintained the policy of tolerance
towards Jesuits as well.
Shahjahan’s period saw continuance of the broader religious policy undertaken
by Akbar and Jahangir. However, upon close scrutiny one finds that even though court
celebration of all festivasl were conducted, the Islamic festival celebration were grand.
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On such occasions, generous amounts of gifts were distributed to Ulema and Sufi NOTES
saints as described by the foreign travellers to the court. The same accounts also
assert that public and private sale of wine was banned by the Emperor, and slaughter
of the animals was considered a crime. He revived the pilgrim tax. He continued with
the basic practice of tolerance and continued to promote Rajputs to high ranks but he
is also believed to have ordered destruction of any new temples built or under
construction in his sixth regal year. While temples were desecrated in Kashmir,
Vrindavan saw the renovation of some temples. He is also known to have forbidden
inter-religious marraiges especially between Hindus and Muslims. The scholars have
termed Shahjahan’s orthodoxy as ordinary orthodoxy while Aurangzeb is seen as
bigoted. The steep increase in Jesuits during Shahjahan’s rule led to the issue of farmans
that prohibited public holding of Christian ceremonies. They could however hold private
celebrations.
4.3 DARA SHIKOH: PROMOTER OF HINDU-MUSLIM

INTERACTIONS
Crucial to the studies of syncretism and orthodoxy is Dara Shikoh (1615-1659). Dara
exhibited an inclination towards mysticism at an early age, and as an adult prince and
possible successor, he became the focal point of the discourse of pantheistic mysticism
and religious diversity at the Mughal court.
According to Qanungo, he was married to Nadia Begum and had seven children
and enjoyed luxuries of royal life and had very ordinary theological views. But after the
death of his baby daughter he visited the shrine of Mia Mir in Kashmir. The atmosphere
of the shrine touched Dara’s heart and after that Dara joined Qadariya Silsila. However,
his critics have charged him with heresy and suggested that his intellectual endeavours
were entirely misguided and moreover, that those efforts posed an existential threat to
Islam (as stated in Alamgirnama). Milder 20th century versions of the same can be
found in the writings of Shibli Nomani, Zahiruddin Faruqui, I.H. Qureshi, S Moinul
Haq. At the other end, his strongest supporters set him a tragic figure who embodied
the failed promise of greater Hindu and Muslim understanding. In a recent study,
Rajeev Kinra calls for recognizing more shades of opinion on Dara. Drawing a number Self-Instructional
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NOTES of late 17th and 18th centuries accounts, Kinra points to a different set of opinions
besides linking the prince’s failure to either his “liberal” or “heretical” religious views.
Those holding alternative views disliked him for entirely non-sectarian reasons,
sometimes having to do with a belief that Dara’s egotistic arrogance made him unfit for
the throne and sometimes out of pure personal enmity. Over the centuries, according
to Kinra, such views have been drowned out by the “good Muslim/bad Muslim”
polemics surrounding Dara.
Munis D. Faruqui divides Dara’s scholarly career into two periods the first
spanned the mid-1630s to the late 1640s and the second culminated in the publication
of the Sirr-i akbar in 1657. During the first period he focused his enquiries almost
exclusively on the nature of mystical Islam under the guidance of two Qadiri Sufi
masters, Miyan Mir and Mulla Shah Badakshi. What emerged was a highly distinctive
understanding of qadiri spirituality that the prince laid out in his 1642 tract Sakinat al-
awliya. He wrote of his unique spiritual visions, and denounced all emphasis on simple
clothing, physically demanding disciplinary exercises, or performance of miracles as
part of the spiritual quest.
Starting in the late 1640s, however, Dara’s study and writing underwent a further
shift. He wrote of his mastery of Sufism. In Tariqat al-haqiqat, Dara points to his
increasing conviction that Islam and Hinduism both speak of the same ultimate truth.
Munis D. Farooqui claims that it is the prince’s belief in the omnipresence of God that
increasingly led Dara to propound the view that Vedantic Hinduism and Islam echo the
same divine scheme. He has used the concept of seeking Hindu-Muslim interrogation
and tried to remove the seeds of discord with the help of his sufi observation. In his
work Majma’al-bahrain, he tries to draw a distinction between a sufi and an average
man. He makes it clear that like his sufi predecessors, he believes in the uncompromising
monotheism of the Quran but he is not a common Musselman who dreams of conquering
others with the help of a sword, but rather was a sufi conquers heart. Dara’s principle
is “one is many and many are one”. Explaining the unity in plurality Dara says that God
is everywhere, and every particle is his manifestation. God with his attributes animates
the universe. He is in all names and above them.
This seems to be akin to Shankar’s philosophy of nirgun and sagun brahman.
It also signifies Ibn-al-Arbi’s concept of God, who believed that we cannot know
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God unless we know ourselves.
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Dara’s growing interest in other religions found expression in the Persian NOTES
translation of many Vedantic texts. This included Yoga Vasishtha, which focuses on
the Hindu god Rama’s quest to balance worldly and spiritual goals. By the last decade
of Dara’s life, he and his followers were claiming that the prince had achieved the
status of jivanmukta, namely that of Muslim insan-i-kamil or perfect man. They
described this as an individual, liberated from all faults and in a state of direct
consciousness of God, while still possessing the human body.
Furthermore the prince sat in company with Baba Lal Das and Mian Mir. Such
endeavours, building on earlier insights seem to have convinced him that in Hinduism
the worship of idols was merely intended to help the worshipper focus and concentrate
on God and that mere semantic differences separated the tenets of Hindu monotheists
from those of Muslims. It is precisely his attempts to uncover these spiritual interactions,
that form the basis of his famous work, Majma’al-bahrain (1655-56) i.e., Meeting
of two Oceans. This work hints without directly saying so that the elements within
Hinduism, stood to supplement Islamic wisdom or the scholars of Islam might learn
from certain Hindu insights. This text generated public controversy and Dara had to
apologize and he wrote that his work only intended for the benefit of his family and had
nothing to do with the masses of either community.
However, despite the controversy that his work gathered, Dara continued to
believe that it is his duty to reveal to the world that deep within Hinduism offers
knowledge that not only clarifies the innermost secret of Islam but the entire monotheistic
tradition as well.
Dara Shikoh’s introduction to Sirr-i akbar, is extremely succinct. He pronounces
the Upanishads a treasure of divine ocean and crucial commentary on the Quran, even
as it claimed the text for the Islam. Most Muslims of the time rejected Dara Shikho’s
conclusion, religious scholars especially would have found his claims to religious
authority to be unacceptable.
Satish Chandra discounted the possibility that political considerations motivated
the prince’s religious inquiries. However, there is only little textual evidence to indicate
the prince’s conscious pursuit of his spiritual quest as an argument for his political
advancement, for asserting why he, as opposed to his younger brothers, deserved the
Mughal throne. Dara was appointed as the governor of Mughal suba but he never
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NOTES went there. He also never commanded a major military undertaking. He spent most of
his adult life at the Mughal court. By the 1650s at least on paper he enjoyed military
and financial resources equal to those of his three brothers combined. Even in 1657,
Aurangzeb’s letter to Jahanara indicates that this is the biggest reason for animosity
between the two brothers.
Perhaps it did not matter what Dara Shikoh said or did in the 1650s, but Dara’s
ideas and insights largely died with him. In Dara Shikoh, we thus see a rare combination
of contradictions. He was a rational thinker and a practicing mystic, a prince by virtue
of his birth and a sufi by temperament.
4.4 WAS AURANGZEB AN ORTHODOX RULER?
Aurangzeb’s religious policies have often been seen as the prime reason for the decline
of the Mughal control of India. He has been categorised as bigoted and orthodox.
Even though the above mentioned two assumptions have been widely debated among
scholars, they have continued to dominate the discussion. The policies that have
contributed to such an assertion include destruction of various temples, alienation of
the Rajputs from important nobility positions, rebellion by the Sikhs, Satnamis and
Jats, imposition of jizya, banning of music and discontinuance of several syncretic
court practices and customs.
It is important here to trace the scholarly works through the years for better
understanding. The colonial scholars, like James Mill and Vincent Smith, though
motivated by colonial considerations to prove India as a conflicted state, merged
statecraft with the personal religiosity of the emperor. For them, while Akbar represented
the age of cultural syncreticism, Aurangzeb, under the influence of Ulemas irked the
Hindu principalities leading to reactions that eventually led to the weakening of the
empire. Nationalist scholar such as Jadunath Sarkar and SR Sharma have echoed this
sentiment. Jadunath Sarkar’s detailed work on Mughal India in particular holds the
religious policy as the prime factor for the various rebellions from Hindu chieftains
across north India.
The Aligarh school of historians that includes Satish Chandra, Athar Ali and
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orthodoxy by highlighting the political and economic considerations of the time. NOTES
Aurangzeb succeeded the throne after a bloody war of succession and with considerable
support from the orthodox nobility and Ulema of the Mughal ruling elites. While Dara
was being backed by the Rajput nobility that had been close to the Mughal throne
since Akbar’s period. While it would not be wrong to claim that the war of success
does look like a war between ideologies, i.e., Akbar’s legacy vs Ulema’s efforts to
find their share of power in the court. However, according to Islamic beliefs Aurangzeb’s
accession of throne, while his father was still alive, may have been unislamic in theory.
Therefore, his attempts to gain Ulema’s support right after the accession in order to
legitimise his position, presents a plausible explanation for his policy decisions. As a
result, ban on sijda, Jharokha Darshan and Tuladan and ban on state celebration of
Nauroz, Diwali and Holi and Kalma on coins seems to have happened. Aurangzeb,
like his predecessors, also attempted to present himself as “Divine Sovenreign”, and
therefore special officials were assigned to oversee the implementation of sharia norms
by preventing the consumption of alcohol, intoxicants or any instances of gambling and
prostitution.
Aurangzeb’s bans also included a ban on music, that has been noted by historians
anf travellers of his time in the year 1668. Recent works like that of Katherine Brown
have studied the ban on music and asserts that once a great admirer of music and a
veena player himself may have imposed the bans due to financial considerations. The
Mughal empire’s finances were under strain due the persistent issue of a gap in jama
and hasil that is evident through revenue records. What added to the woes was the
continuous armed engagement in the Deccan that incurred heavy financial expenses.
Aurangzeb looked for ways to lessen the burden on the treasury, and to cut off patronage
to musicians was an easy way to do so. The artists who depended heavily on the state
patronage were forced to look for newer patrons in the provinces. Aurangzeb’s ban
on music was, however, done only in the court and not in the empire.
Aurangzeb also banned the recording of history after the first 10 years of his
reign probably to cut down on the state expenses like other patronages. It is a financial
difficulty that has been extended as a possible explanation for his re-imposition of
jaziya as well. The imposition of jaziya was done in 1679, that is 22 years after his
ascension to throne. While contemporary sources claim that it was done so in
accordance with the Islamic law Shariat, one does not come across evidence of mass
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conversion. Material 79

NOTES Some historians argue that like previous Mughal emperors, Aurangzeb too
sanctioned a large amount of money from the imperial treasury to give charity and
keep the ulema on the state’s payroll. The impositions of jaziya coincided with Rajput
and Maratha rebellions and may have been Mughal attempt of reasserting its authority
in aggressive manner rather than comply with Shariat.
Temple destruction in Varanasi and Mathura, is another controversial subject of
Aurangzeb’s reign. Temples, since the early medieval era been seen as sites of political
contest, hence policy of Mughals on construction new temples have been changing,
Mughal imperial policy regarding the construction of new temples had changed in
1633 during the reign of Shahjahan, against construction or repair of temples and
churches. Yet in a farman dated to 1659, Aurangzeb had stated the officials in Varanasi
to ensure that, “nobody unlawfully disturbs the Brahmins or other Hindus of that region,
so that they might remain in their traditional place and pray for the continuance of the
Empire”. In the same farman, he also mentioned that while older temples will not be
destroyed, no new temples should be constructed.
Possible explanations for destruction of both temples mentioned were associated
with individuals who had rebelled or aided the rebels in Aurangzeb’s reign. The temple
in Varanasi was said to be constructed by Man Singh of Amber whose great-grandson
Jai Singh was a high-ranking noble in the imperial court. Jai Singh had helped Shivaji
escape from Aurangzeb’s court and one of the ways through which the latter reacted
was by razing the temple in Varanasi to the ground.
Hence, we see that Aurangzeb was not just a bigoted ruler whose policies were
exclusively governed by the Islamic law. Many non-religious factors shaped his actions.
It is true that he was devout Muslim in his personal conduct, and he did put a public
display of it as well, but it does not mean that complex political and administrative
decisions of the empire were made only along religious lines. According to some studies,
while some of the policy changes were undertaken as a result of financial considerations
of the state, others like decline in older notable Rajput nobility may have been due to
changing political relations. Only 31% of Aurangzeb’s nobility were non-Muslims.
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NOTES
4.5 CONCLUSION
The religious environment of the Mughal times presents us with a layered but vibrant
character which was continuously evolving. In order to understand the period in true
spirit of the times all notions as propounded by the rulers as well as the population
alike should be studied. While, the rulers sided with their religious outlook which may
also have been influenced by their political pragmatism, the population at large particularly
the men of faith also had the opportunity to reflect upon and set forth their perceptions
on religion, with few being curbed and others being promoted. All these religious
pattern should be explored to understand the Mughal period.
4.6 SUMMARY

 Sulh-i-kul and its role in the religious policy of Akbar.
 An orthodox outlook of Sufi adherent Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi.
 Religious syncretism and composite culture as professed by Dara Shikoh.
 Different religious measures of Aurangzeb being characterised as orthodox.
1. What was the significance of sulh-i-kul in the evolution of Akbar’s religious

ideas? How did the ulama react to it?
2. Critically analyse the political ideas of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi.
3. ‘Vedantic Hinduism and Islam echo the same divine scheme’. Explain this
statement in the context of evolving religious outlook of Dara Shikoh.
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NOTES 4. Was Aurangzeb’s policy towards jizya, temples, and music guided by his religious
orthodoxy?
5. Discuss the conflicting trends of orthodoxy and syncretism in India in the 17th
century.
 Richards, J.F. 1996. The Mughal Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press.
 Chandra, Satish. 2003. Essays on Medieval Indian History. Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
 Athar, Ali. 2006. Mughal India: Studies in Polity, Ideas, Society and Culture.
 Ali, S. Athar. 1997. The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb. Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
 Habib, Irfan. ed. 1997. Akbar and his India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
 Alam, Muzaffar and Subrahmanyum, Sanjay. ed. 1998. The Mughal State
1526- 1750. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
 Bhargava, Meena. ed. 2010. Exploring Medieval India sixteenth to
eighteenth centuries, Vol. 1 and 2. Delhi: Orient Blackswan.
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Imperial Ideology: Political Alliances and ...
LESSON 5 NOTES
IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY: POLITICAL ALLIANCES

AND STATE FORMATION WITH SPECIAL
REFERENCE TO MEWAR AND MARWAR
Parul Sisodia
Deshbandu College
University of Delhi
Structure
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Background
5.3 Akbar and Rajputs
5.4 Relations with Mewar
5.5 Akbar and Rajputs: An Analysis
5.6 Mughal-Rajput Relations
5.7 Aurangzeb and Rajputs
5.8 Breach with Marwar and Mewar
5.9 Emergence of Rajput
5.9.1 Mewar
5.9.2 Marwar
5.10 Conclusion
5.11 Summary
5.13 Answers
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NOTES
5.0 OBJECTIVES

 Understand the emergence of Rajput as Mewar and Marwar.
 Explore the relations between Mughals and Rajputs.
 Disuss the drift of Mughal-Rajput engagement within the broader context of
deepening state formation at both, imperial and regional levels.
5.1 INTRODUCTION
By the mid-16th century, the Mughals founded an imperial state after defeating their
political rivals in a series of historic battles. However, the process of state formation
involves consolidation for a stable and long-lasting polity to emerge. Therefore, the
Mughals pursued as one of the important dimensions of the state building project, a
conciliatory and irenic approach toward the indigenous ruling class, with Rajputs being
the foremost. On their part, Rajputs emerged as an important resource for further
expansion and consolidation of the Mughal Empire. The process of imperial state
formation under Mughals, in turn, gave a further boost to emerging regional Rajput
polities by incorporating them into the larger Mughal imperial structure. As Mughal
bureaucrats (mansabdars and jagirdars), Rajput kings became resourceful enough to
regulate access to land within their ancestral domains, thereby centralizing authority
around them at the expense of clan members. Thus, the political alliance between
Mughals and Rajputs furthered the process of state formation at both imperial and
regional levels.
Conventionally, the Mughal-Rajput alliance has been understood through the
prism of individual religious predilections of the Mughal emperors. Accordingly, the
relationship advanced under Akbar’s catholicity and faltered under Aurangzeb’s bigotry.
However, scholars have now approached the nature of Mughal-Rajput engagement
from the angle of realpolitik, with pragmatism ruling the roost on both sides of the
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partnership. Exploring the question from the Rajputs perspective, historian Norman
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Zeigler attempts to understand the nature and causes of Rajput loyalties towards the NOTES
Mughals. As pointed out by him, the Rajput allegiance can be accounted for by the
concurrence of Rajput ethos and values with the Mughal policy of constructive
engagement with the Rajputs.
Giving nuances to Mughal-Rajput engagement, the historian Ramya Sreenivasan
recently made a foray into the question of elite Rajputs becoming Muslims in the 16th
and 17th centuries in Rajasthan. Either under duress or for expected political benefits,
conversion as a Muslim Rajput did not result in definite political gains. Contextualizing
Mughal-Rajput relations within the matrix of cosmopolitan cultural formations, the
historian, Richard Eaton has pointed out that the enduring consequence of the alliance
was the creative encounter between the Sanskritic world as represented by the Rajputs
and Persianate world as represented by the Mughals, metaphorically captured through
the symbolism of Lotus and the Lion.
5.2 BACKGROUND
The historic confrontation between Afghan Ibrahim Lodhi and Mughal Babur at Panipat
( 20 April, 1526 ) annihilated the Lodhi power for Babur to lay the foundation of the
Mughal Empire in the subcontinent. However, the battle of Panipat was not politically
conclusive as Babur had yet to tackle the looming dangers from Rajputs and Afghans.
Before Babur could consolidate his position, Rana Sanga of Mewar and Afghans of
the East needed to be dealt with squarely. The Panipat tussle opened a new chapter of
struggle for political supremacy in north India between Mughals, Rajputs and Afghans.
Unlike Central Asian Timur, Babur’s intention to stay and establish a new empire in the
subcontinent alarmed Rana Sanga. Spearheading a grand Rajput-Afghan alliance to
contain the Mughals, Rana Sanga met Babur at Khanua, near Fatehpur Sikri, in 1527.
However, the battle of Khanua further compounded the gains of Panipat for Babur as
the coalition forces under Sanga were vanquished by the superior Mughal generalship
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NOTES and organization. Even as Babur intended to pursue further campaigns in Rajasthan
and Malwa, eastern disturbances set the alarm bells ringing for chasing Afghans in the
east.
Emperor Humayun, who succeeded Babur in 1530, had to grapple with a
changed scenario on the western front. Even as Mewar lost its prominence under
Sanga’s successors, Gujarat emerged as a power to be reckoned with. Having subdued
Malwa, Bahadur Shah of Gujarat was covetous of Rajasthan. The tussle was inevitable
between Humayun and Bahadur Shah because Mughals could ill afford to lose Malwa
and Rajasthan to an emerging western power. Humayun successfully thwarted repeated
attempts by Bahadur Shah to capture Chittor. However, Humayun avoided being on
the offensive in Rajasthan as it was not politically expedient to simultaneously open a
war front with Bahadur Shah in the west and Afghans in the east.
Conclusively, it can be said that Babur and Humayun’s relations with the Rajputs
should be seen through the prism of ever-present Afghan menace to the nascent Mughal
Empire, preventing them from embarking on a consistent and decisive policy towards
the Rajputs.
5.3 AKBAR AND RAJPUTS
Early on during his reign, Akbar launched a massive expansionist drive. He stretched
the Mughal Empire from the epicenter of the upper Ganga valley to include Malwa,
Gondwana, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Bihar and Bengal within the imperial domains in a
brief span of about fifteen years (1560-76 ). Unlike other regions lured for their territory
and wealth , Rajasthan was coveted for its strategic location giving access to Gujarat
and Malwa and as a powerful rival center of authority under various Rajput kings. To
begin with, Mughals occupied Ajmer and Nagore, followed by the submission of
Amber ruler Raja Bharmal in 1562 while Akbar was on his way to pay obeisance to
the tomb of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti at Ajmer. Soon afterwards came the Mughal
occupation of powerful forts of Merta and Jodhpur. In the aftermath of the defeat of
the Uzbek rebellion in 1567, Akbar once again went on the offensive front. The assault
on the most powerful and prestigious Sisodiya family of Mewar led to a protracted
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Soon after the Chittor bloodletting, rulers of other important states in Rajasthan NOTES
accepted Mughal suzerainty - Ranthambore, Marwar, Bikaner and Jaisalmer. In a
nutshell, Akbar was successfully able to secure the allegiance of all the important kings
of Rajputana region, except the defiant Mewar.
5.4 RELATIONS WITH MEWAR
Owing to the rich legacy of great warriors like Rana Kumbha and Rana Sanga who gave
a tough challenge to their adversaries in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, the
Mewar kingdom was considered the most prestigious and acknowledged among the
comity of Rajput polities. Because of its size and forested hilly terrain rendering it quite
inaccessible, Mewar was able to raise the banner of revolt against the Mughal imperium
for a long time. Although the impregnable Sisodiya bastion of Chittor was occupied by
the Mughals in 1568, the defiant Sisodiya rulers of Mewar persistently refused personal
submission before Emperor Akbar, conspicuously the resilient Rana Pratap who
succeeded to Mewar overlordship in 1572. After a series of diplomatic failures, an all
out war between Akbar and Rana Pratap became inevitable. Finally, the Mughals and
Mewar met each other at the historic battle of Haldighati ( 18 February, 1576).
However, it proved to be indecisive and stalemate continued, with Rana Pratap
retreating into the wooded hilly tracts to continue the onslaught. As persuasively pointed
out by the historian Satish Chandra, the Haldighati strife cannot be considered as a
struggle between Hindus and Muslims as both were divided across religious lines.
Neither can the battle be considered as a struggle for Rajput independence as many
important Rajput kings had already submitted before Mughal sovereignty. At best, as
Chandra emphasizes, the military conflict at Haldighati can be interpreted as an assertion
of regional independence in the face of imperial onslaughts.
Rana Pratap persisted in the struggle against Mughal military might from his
base in the deep mountainous tracts of South Mewar. However, he could never regain
control over Chittor and eventually died in 1597 due to internal injury. The obduracy
of Akbar regarding personal submission of the Mewar ruler and obstinacy of Rana
Pratap towards Mughal demands made all the difference in keeping Mughal-Mewar
relations protractedly on the boil. Probably, a plastic approach on the part of both Self-Instructional
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NOTES parties could have patched up all the contentious issues and smoothed the relationship.
All the while, the Mughals continued to send recurring expeditions between 1598 and
1605 against Rana Amar Singh, who succeeded his father Rana Pratap but to no avail.
5.5 AKBAR AND RAJPUTS: AN ANALYSIS
The Mughals under Akbar cultivated special relations with the Rajputs as part of their
broader policy of conciliation towards the indigenous ruling class, thereby reaping
harvest of stable polity and an enduring state. Complementary to it was Emperor
Humayun’s sagacious counsel to Akbar to nurture the qaum of Rajputs as they were
noted for their steadfast fealty and service, as reminisced by Shaikh Fakhruddin
Bhakkari in the mid-17th century. By the mid-1560s, Akbar entered into matrimonial
relations with the small Amber principality in western Rajasthan and introduced a
number of liberal measures such as remitting pilgrim taxes, forbidding enslavement of
women and children of rebellious villagers and abolishing jizyah. However, Mughal-
Rajput relations spiked only after the Chittor defeat ( 1568 ), followed by the submission
of other important Rajput ruling lineages. At this juncture, Akbar established matrimonial
relations with Rajput ruling houses of Jodhpur, Bikaner, Jaisalmer, to name a few.
Analyzing the nature of Mughal-Rajput marital alignments, Satish Chandra stresses
that they were circumstantial, borne out of Mughal protection against an enemy assault
or an impending invasion of a Rajput state. While Akbar never considered such alliances
to be a yardstick of loyalty and obedience, Rajput kings were informed by the benefits
accruing from such marriages. Rather than contracted under duress, the matrimonial
relationships were the result of growing mutual trust and deepening of understanding
between the two aristocracies. Examining the role of matrimonial alliances in Mughal-
Rajput relations, the scholar, Frances Taft concluded that marriages were mutually
suitable to both the parties within the circumstances. However, undercurrent of
opposition always remained, with Mewar being the flag bearer.
The evolving trajectory of Akbar’s Rajput policy can be divided into three
successive phases. During the first phase lasting about 1572, the submitted Rajput
kings were expected to render military service within and around their respective
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principalities as faithful allies. Though Rajputs registered companionate presence in
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the imperial expeditionary camps, there are no references of their active participation NOTES
in the military operations. The Gujarat campaign of 1572 marked the onset of the
second phase of Akbar’s Rajput policy. As evidenced by the appointment of Kunwar
Man Singh Kachhawaha of Amber as the leader of the Mughal army against Rana
Pratap of Mewar in 1576, Rajputs graduated to emerge as warriors fighting on behalf
of Mughal imperium during this phase. During the third and final phase from 1578
onwards, Rajputs furthered as active participants in the military and administrative
governance of the Mughal realm. The position of Rajputs steadily strengthened in the
remaining regnal years of Akbar, with Kunwar Man Singh and Raja Bhagwant Das
appointed as joint governors of two strategic provinces of Kabul and Lahore. Later,
Man Singh was upgraded to be the governor of Bihar and Bengal and accorded a high
rank of 7000. Both Mughals and Rajputs were mutual beneficiaries of the close alliance.
The loyalty and service ethos of Rajput lineages immensely helped Akbar to expand
and further consolidate the Mughal regime. Besides being financially lucrative, the
absorption in the Mughal bureaucratic apparatus as mansabdars and jagirdars further
enhanced the prestige and status of Rajput rajas.
Conclusively, it can be said that Akbar inaugurated a new era in his engagements
with indigenous Rajput ruling elite. After the initial submission to Mughal sovereignty,
Rajputs were reared to be brought up as active participants performing dual roles in
the imperial project, as highlighted by historians Catherine Asher and Cynthia Talbot.
On the one hand, they were incorporated into the Mughal nobility to further the cause
of Mughal expansion and consolidation. On the other hand, they governed their
homelands (watan jagirs ) conferred on them by the Mughal Emperor.
5.6 MUGHAL-RAJPUT RELATIONS
In the 17th century, the Inheritor of a large expanse of Mughal imperium, Emperor
Jahangir embarked upon a consolidatory drive to resolve long-standing contentious
issues. Among others, the Mewar tussle was patched up by an agreement in 1615
whereby Mewar submitted and got incorporated as a member of the Mughal
bureaucratic apparatus. The Mewar-Mughal rapprochement came about due to
flexibility of attitude and concessionary approach on both sides. While Jahangir exempted Self-Instructional
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NOTES Rana from personal submission and matrimonial alliance, Mewar agreed not to ever
restore the walls of the powerful Chittor fort. Further consolidating the alliance with
the Rajputs, Emperor Jahangir continued with Akbar’s policy of establishing matrimonial
relations with various Rajput lineages and also broadened the spectrum of Mughal
nobility by extending high positions to Rajputs of all ruling houses and not just the
Kachhawahas of Amber.
After a brief conciliatory spell under Jahangir, Mughals and Mewar drifted apart
under Emperor Shah Jahan. Charging Rana Raj Singh of Mewar with the breach of
the treaty of 1615 whereby Chittor was not to be repaired, Shah Jahan sequestered a
number of Mewar parganas and the walls of Chittor pulled down by the Mughal army
in 1654. While tension erupted with a certain section of the Rajputs, on the whole,
they remained a significant part of Mughal nobility and were charged with important
commands in Deccan, Balkh, Badakhshan and Qandahar campaigns undertaken by
Emperor Shah Jahan. Meanwhile, fishing in troubled waters, Prince Aurangzeb tried
hard to recast Mewar-Mughal relations by courting Mewar Rana Raj Singh towards
his cause during the war of succession.
5.7 AURANGZEB AND RAJPUTS
During the fifty long year reign of Emperor Aurangzeb, the Mughal-Rajput relationship
underwent successive phases of warmth and cordiality to cold estrangement, to finally
culminate in the breach with two significant Rajput states of Mewar and Marwar in
1679. The early phase amiability led to the treatment of Rajputs with high regards as
partners in the kingdom and their bestowal with great honors. In fact, Mirza Raja Jai
Singh of Amber, appointed as viceroy of the Deccan, was so trusted a general and
close aide of Aurangzeb to spearhead the Maratha policy in quite an independent
manner. Likewise, Raja Jaswant Singh of Marwar, Rana Raj Singh of Mewar and
Rajas of other important states of Bikaner, Bundi and Kota also commanded high
favors from Emperor Aurangzeb. However, soon the warmth gradually drifted towards
estrangement. The first blow came when Rana Raj Singh of Mewar was inquired
about his marriage to Kishangarh princess Charumati, without imperial permission.
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bore the brunt of Emperor’s ire with the sequestration of the neighborhoods of Banswara NOTES
and Devaliya. Meanwhile, there arose a considerable differential of opinion towards
Shivaji and the Deccan between Raja Jai Singh and Aurangzeb. To make the matters
worse, Shivaji’s escape from Agra in 1666 from the custody of Kunwar Ram Singh,
the son of Raja Jai Singh, came as a rude shock to Aurangzeb to which he reacted by
disgracefully recalling viceroy Jai Singh from Deccan. The Mughal-Rajput relations
further worsened when Aurangzeb was confronted with a series of internal challenges
to his regime between 1666 and 1679 – raging conflicts with Jats, Afghans, Satnamis
and Marathas supplemented by increasing financial deficit. Following the death of
Raja Jai Singh ( 1667 ), both his son and successor Raja Ram Singh of Amber and
Raja Jaswant Singh of Marwar were intentionally dispatched to remote frontier trouble
spots of north-east and north-west respectively. Even as these premier Rajput kings
were sidelined and excluded from the mainstream court affairs, Rajputs also became
tangential to the Deccan campaign of the Mughals after 1676. All these developments
suggest a widening rift between the two long term close allies. This context of simmering
discordance thickened to a boil of the final breach with two important Rajput states of
Mewar and Marwar respectively.
5.8 BREACH WITH MARWAR AND MEWAR
Marwar: The death of Raja Jaswant Singh at Jamrud ( North-West ) in 1678 plunged
the Marwar state into a succession crisis as the deceased ruler had no surviving heirs.
As a response to this state of affairs, Emperor Aurangzeb issued orders for absorption
of Marwar into khalisa and a detailed listing of the property left by Jaswant Singh. The
historian Satish Chandra clarifies that imperial orders for Marwar were not unusual.
Firstly, the attachment of Marwar with imperial domains (khalisa) never meant its
annexation to the Empire as it was already a part of the Mughal imperium and, more
so, was a special case of a state awaiting the settlement of disputed succession.
Secondly, the death of the ruler led to administrative and financial disturbance in the
subject territories, thereby demanding immediate attention. Thirdly, as Jaswant Singh
owed money to the Mughal state, the escheat (detailed inventory) of his property was
usual.
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NOTES Compounding the succession crisis further was the tripartite struggle for claiming
the Marwar gaddi between Indra Singh (paternal grandson of Jaswant Singh’s elder
brother, Amar Singh), Anup Singh (maternal grandson of Amar Singh), and Rani Hadi
(the chief queen of Jaswant Singh). Buying the time for the two pregnant queens of
Jaswant Singh to deliver, Rani Hadi had no reservations against Marwar being taken
into khalisa meanwhile. However, she forcefully demanded the Jodhpur pargana,
claiming it to be watan of Jaswant Singh and hence rightfully belonging to his
descendants. Standing steadfast as pillars of support for Rani Hadi’s cause were a
strong Rathore party and Mewar ruler, Rana Raj Singh. The birth of two posthumous
sons of Raja Jaswant Singh vehemently turned the tide in their favour as they were the
direct descendants of a ruler and customarily could not be disregarded by the Mughal
Emperor. However, contrary to expectations, Aurangzeb decided to partition the
Marwar kingdom between Indra Singh and Ajit Singh, one of the posthumous sons of
Jaswant Singh. The outrageous scheme was summarily rejected by Rathore sardars
led by Durga Das as they found it to be detrimental to the interests of the Marwar
state. Aurangzeb reciprocated by imprisonment orders of the two minor sons of Jaswant
Singh along with their mothers. Retaliating disgrace, Rathore sardars raised a banner
of revolt against Mughal authority. Matters reached crisis, popularly came to be known
as Rathore Rebellion. Not only was Prince Ajit Singh safely brought to Jodhpur after
a brief skirmish with Mughal forces in Delhi, Rathores successfully dislodged Mughal
officials from a number of areas in Marwar. An alarmed Aurangzeb struck back at
rebels by deputing a strong force to settle the scores in Marwar. Rebellion crushed
and Jodhpur occupied by imperial Mughals, the Rathore sardars were sent packing to
neighbouring desert tracts from where they kept attacking intermittently. However,
Durga Das, along with Ajit Singh, fled to Mewar dominion where they were embraced
by the Rana.
Mewar: The state of Mewar saw a continuous downslide in its prominence as
the recognized leader of Rajput lineages under Akbar and his successors. While other
states such as Amber, Marwar and Bikaner center-staged Mughal-Rajput relations to
gain many territories and prestige, Mewar became peripheral on account of its obstinacy
to come to terms with Mughal sovereignty. However, the Marwar succession crisis
came as an opportune moment for Mewar to catapult itself to Rajput mainstream. The
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welcome of Rathores, Durga Das and Ajit Singh by Rana Raj Singh was intended to NOTES
stress the pivotal role of Mewar in Rajput affairs. But, Rana’s warm gesture and
interest in Marwar affairs affronted Aurangzeb who dispatched a war party towards
Mewar. As the Mughal-Mewar strife protracted, it became increasingly difficult for
Mughal soldiers and commanders to sustain it, intractable as the barriers of inhospitable
hilly terrain and local hostility were. However, the situation got better for the Mughals
with the demise of Rana Raj Singh in 1680, the fulcrum of the Mewar-Marwar bond.
The new Mewar ruler, Rana Jai Singh was apathetic towards Rathore cause as he
distrusted them. Even as discontented, he exchanged peace with the Mughals in lieu of
ceding some Mewar territories and a promise of not supporting Marwar. With Mewar
discord settled, Aurangzeb became assertive about restoring the Marwar state to Ajit
Singh only when he came of age.
The Mughal estrangement with Marwar and Mewar in 1679 should not be
interpreted as abandonment of Emperor Akbar’s policy of alliance with the Rajputs.
On the contrary, the Rajput rulers of other states such as Amber, Bikaner, Bundi, and
Kota continued to be part of Mughal bureaucratic and military apparatus in varied
capacities. However, it is amply clear that the Mughal-Rajput relationship saw a
downturn after the initial phase of amicable cordiality during the reign of Emperor
Aurangzeb. Rather than religious orthodoxy and apprehensive attitude of Aurangzeb,
the drift downwards in the relationship can be attributed to the decline in the actual
importance of the Rajputs at the time. With a secure footing in the North, the Mughal
Empire aimed conquest of the Deccan. In the changed scenario, it was the Deccan
ruling section, especially the Marathas, who needed to be courted and patronized
rather than the Rajputs.
During the last phase of Aurangzeb-Rajput relations ( 1681-1707) , the Rathores
continued to wage sporadic resistance against the Mughal regime spearheaded by
Durga Das and Ajit Singh. Finally, in 1698, an agreement was concluded whereby Ajit
Singh was recognized as a ruler of Marwar, minus the pargana of Jodhpur. Disaffected,
he remained a recurrent rebel against Mughal authority on account of Jodhpur.
Meanwhile, the dissatisfied Mewar Rana pursued the restoration of ceded territories
and sequestered parganas of Dungarpur, Banswara, Devaliya etc. But, it was the
imperial demand of a sum of rupees one lakh annually as jizyah which brought the
Mughal-Mewar relations to a head.
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NOTES
5.9 EMERGENCE OF RAJPUT
Polities
The 14th century witnessed both the widest expanse and the eventual decline of the
Delhi Sultanate. The provincial kingdoms of Gujarat, Malwa and Jaunpur established
themselves as independent entities by the early 15th century after freeing themselves
from the political control of Delhi. Simultaneous to this process of diffusion of political
authority in North India, there was the emergence of increasingly centralized Rajput
state systems in Rajasthan. The 15th and early 16th centuries saw the evolution of
many strong Rajput kingdoms, Mewar, Amber, Marwar, Bikaner, Jaisalmer , to name
a few. Along with greater availability and use of horses, the substitution of patrimonial
domains with prebends spurred the process of increasing centralization with the
concentration of authority around the local rulers. The ability to regulate access to land
and to raise the scale of military forces deployed led to growing importance of several
Rajput rulers under whom emerged preeminent Rajput states, especially, Mewar under
Rana Kumbha in the mid-15th century and Marwar under Rao Maldeo in the early
16th century.
However, the code of patrimonial domains centered around local loyalties and
identifications continued despite assertions of authority from the center. It was the
introduction of the Mughal policy of indirect rule during the 16th and 17th centuries
which increased the growth of the institutions of rulership and clientship in Rajasthan.
The institution of kinship gradually began to recede as a basis of state organization
with the Mughal intervention in the appointment and grants of jagirs to the local rulers.
The grant of jagirs either as hereditary lands within Rajasthan (watan jagir) or as
other domains within the Empire and allied support of the Mughals further propelled
local Rajput rulers to consolidate their position at the expense of their clan members.
As a step towards a stable and centralized state structure furthering the process of
state formation at regional levels, watan jagirs brought the land held by clan members
under the direct control of the local rulers. Thus, Mughal intervention effectively
established local Rajput rulers as centers of power and authority of emerging regional
Rajput polities.
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5.9.1 Mewar NOTES
The process of state formation in Mewar spanned from tenth to fifteenth centuries
when the regional Guhila state came to be established. The emergence of the regional
state in Mewar was part of a widespread historical process of the proliferation of
lineage- based states in early medieval India. Through the integration of local chiefs
and other important social groups into emerging political structures as hierarchised
samantas and administrative officials, local polities graduated to emerge as sub-regional
and regional states. Accompanying the political process of state formation were
economic, social and religious processes, namely, the spread of rural agrarian settlements
leading to consequent emergence of urban trading centers, peasantization of tribes,
proliferation of castes and assimilation of local cults and pilgrimages ( tirthas ) into
dominant pantheon.
The historian Nandini Sinha Kapoor traces the process of state formation in
Mewar between the 7th and 15th centuries in distinct stages. The process began with
the emergence of Guhila local states centered at Nagda-Ahada and Kishkindha localities
of Mewar hills and upper Banas plain sub-regions of Mewar between the 7th and
10th centuries. Into the 10th century, these local states graduated to the sub-regional
state of Mewar Hills. From the 10th to 13th centuries, the sub-regional state finally
crystallized into a regional polity through processes of territorial and political integration.
The fifteenth century constitutes an important landmark in the process of the
evolution of the state in Mewar. Accompanied with the great changes in the
administrative and military structure, the Guhila sovereignty reached new heights with
massive territorial expansion. The 15th century also saw the zenith of the state patronage
of the regional cult of Ekalinga, with the Mewar Guhila rulers declaring themselves to
be Ekalingajinij sevaka. Besides the formulation of grand genealogical and origin myths,
the other sources of state legitimization were the dominant cult of Vindhyavasini into
which popular local goddesses (Aranyavasini, Ghattavasini, etc.) were assimilated.
Thus, the ideological structure too evolved in keeping with the process of state formation.
According to tradition, Mahendraji 2, better known as Bappa Rawal, founded
the state of Mewar. The next five hundred years are shrouded in obscurity. During the
reign of Karan Singh towards the end of the twelfth century, the ruling family got
bifurcated into two branches, with senior branch adopting the title Rawal and junior
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NOTES one taking the Rana title. The strategically located Mewar caught the attention of Delhi
Sultan Ala-al-Din Khilji who occupied the celebrated fortress of Chittor in 1303.
However, Chittor was soon able to unshackle itself from imperial domination. Mewar
again came to limelight and became a powerful kingdom during the reign of Rana
Kumbha who ruled from 1433 to 1468. Besides averting the internal rivals to his
authority, Rana Kumbha successfully kept neighbouring sultanates of Malwa and Gujarat
at bay. He was a man of letters who patronized many scholars and litterateurs. Having
a keen interest in architecture, his built patronage includes massive forts ( Kumbhalgarh),
palaces (Chittor), irrigational projects (lakes, wells, reservoirs), temples (Kumbh Shyam
temple at Chittorgarh), and highways. He commissioned a nine-storied Tower of Victory
(Kirti Stambh) to celebrate his victory over the Malwa Sultanate in 1437. However,
it was Maharana Sangram Singh, popularly known as Rana Sanga, the grandson of
Rana Kumbha, who spearheaded the Mewar kingdom to heights of glory and success.
Not only he subdued the other Rajput states to emerge as the leader of the Rajputana,
Rana Sanga also consolidated his position against the expansionist onslaughts of the
surrounding Malwa , Gujarat and Delhi Sultanates which made him the most powerful
ruler of northern and western India during the early 16th century. He also led a historic
confederation of Rajputs and Afghans against the expansionist ambitions of the founder
Mughal dynast, Babur at Khanua ( 1527 ). Even as the Mughals emerged victorious,
Mewar remained independent. Soon, Mewar was on the defensive against the recurring
onslaughts of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. However, it was the protracted struggle against
Mughal imperial forces which again brought Mewar to the centerstage of Rajput affairs.
The narrative of Mewar-Mughal relationship passed through successive phases of
outright hostility to mutual agreement and final breach during the reign of Aurangzeb.
5.9.2 Marwar
The region of Marwar comprised a number of small kingdoms until the late 15th
century. Kher (western Marwar), Mandor, Jodhpur, and Merta ( central and eastern
Marwar) were some of the important kingdoms of 14th and 15th centuries in Marwar.
Evolving from within the egalitarian Rajput brotherhoods , these little kingdoms revolved
around important landed Rajputs and their personal entourage of warriors. The
patronage network grew around important Rajputs, referred to variously in the textual
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sources as thakurs, and dhanis, as they had greater control and access to land and NOTES
other strategic resources. Significant to the rise and establishment of these small
patrimonies were the personal retinues of warriors maintained by the rulers. Considered
as part of the ruler’s household, they were tied to him by obligatory military service in
lieu of patronage and sustenance. However, these companies of household warriors
did not constitute a permanently dependable force, subject to patronage as the patron-
client bond was. Thus, the Rao (ruler) of Mandor was deserted by his personal warriors
when, as a measure of economy, the amount of ghee ( clarified butter) was reduced ,
rendering him politically weak.
The introduction of prebends from the later 15th and early 16th centuries brought
fundamental changes in the organizational structure of the small Marwar states. While
the older patrimonial domains continued to exist, prebends began sequencing the
relationships among Rajputs vis-a-vis control over land on new lines. The prebendal
tenures acted as instruments to organize the state at unprecedentedly large scale through
enforcing obligatory military service on the Rajput recruits and enlisting new warriors
into military service. The existing patrimonial domains meant inherited control over
land by virtue of being a member of the kinship group, with the right to receive tribute
from the inhabitants of the land in exchange for their occupancy rights. The new
prebendal domains were not inheritances, but were granted by the rulers to their officials
in lieu of service to the state. Simply put, prebends were grants of income or stipends
assigned by the rulers to their officials as state servants. The transition from patrimonies
to prebends coincided with the greater availability and use of the horse in Marwar. As
Norman Zeigler reasons out, the large number of horses and their men could only be
provided for by the prebendal tenures ( land grants to Rajputs in return for military
service).
The prebend system operated through the pato grants. A pato referred to land
and villages assigned by the ruler to his Rajput official in return for obligatory military
service. The early 16th century Marwar rulers, Rao Gango and Rao Malde, effectively
employed pato grants as a channel of recruiting new warriors and rewarding battlefield
performance, thereby strengthening their position and control over the emerging Rathore
state.
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NOTES The Rathore kingdom of Marwar rose to regional pre-eminence during the
reign of Rao Maldeo Gangavat in the early 16th century ( 1532-62 ). Steadily building
and consolidating the authority of the Jodhpur centered state, Rao Maldeo recruited
into service a large number of Rajputs from diverse clans by conferring pato grants,
thereby engaging them in matters of the state and also raising the scale of military
forces at the command of the state. He asserted his authority through regulating pre-
existing patrimonial tenures and positioning Rajput recruits of different clans and
brotherhoods together at outposts, far away from their family holdings. Flowing from
the center, these regulatory measures were the assertions of state authority. Thus,
Rathore kingdom under the rulership of Rao Maldeo evolved into a true body-politic.
He embarked upon an aggressive campaign of expansion of Marwar borders. On
account of the strategic deployment of mobile warriors on an unprecedented large
scale, Maldeo was able to establish Marwar supremacy over central and northern
Rajasthan during the early phase of his rule ( 1532-43 ). However, Marwar
expansionism under Maldeo was cut short by Afghan Sher Shah Sur who cornered
him in his war camp at Jaitaran, mid-way between Jodhpur and Ajmer. Ultimately,
while Maldeo escaped safely to Siwana fort, Sher Shah occupied and established his
outposts at Jodhpur and Ajmer.
The disputed succession in Marwar after the death of Rao Maldeo led to Mughal
intervention, whereby Emperor Akbar ruled in favor of elder brother Ram Chandra
against the younger Chandrasen. Soon after, Chandrasen occupied Jodhpur only to
be subdued by Akbar in 1563-64. Thereafter, Jodhpur remained under khalisa (
imperial domains) , to be conferred upon Mota Raja in 1583. Marwar established
matrimonial relations with Mughals and also became an active participant in imperial
military and bureaucratic machinery. The Marwar rulers Suraj Singh and Gaj Singh
continued to enjoy high regards and favor of Mughal Emperors Jahangir and Shah
Jahan. The Marwar gaddi was conferred on Jaswant Singh after the death of his
father Gaj Singh in 1638, who rose to high rank ( mansab ) of 6000 and conferred the
title of Maharaja. Although he fought on the imperial side against Aurangzeb in the war
of succession, Jaswant Singh ultimately switched sides only to emerge as a prominent
and trusted noble and commander of Emperor Aurangzeb.
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NOTES
5.10 CONCLUSION
The Mughal-Rajput alliance inaugurated an era of deepening interaction between imperial

Mughal and regional Rajput polities, thereby strengthening the process of state formation
at both levels. The creative interaction between Rajputs and Mughals resulted in unique
blended visual cultural traditions. However, Rajputs began to be increasingly overlooked
by the Mughals once the Empire was on firm footing in the North by the mid-17th
century.
5.11 SUMMARY

 Mutually constitutive process of imperial Mughal and regional Rajput polities.
 Background of the 16th century political developments.
 Outline of the drift of Mughal-Rajput relations.
 Process of regional state formation, especially in Mewar and Marwar.
1. Discuss the evolution of Akbar’s Rajput policy.

2. Trace the process of the emergence of Mewar as a state system.
3. Discuss the evolution of the process of Marwar state formation.
4. Outline the changes in the Mughal policy towards the Rajputs in the 17th century.
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NOTES
5.13 ANSWERS
1. Outline of the three successive stages of Akbar’s Rajput orientation.

2. The process of Mewar state formation culminating in establishment of a strong
regional state under Rana Kumbha.
3. The emergence of Marwar as a state system under Rao Maldeo, highlighting
fundamental structural and organizational changes in evolving Rathore polity.
4. Rajput policy of Emperor Jahangir and Shah Jahan as relatively a continuance
of Akbar’s policy. However, certain changes crept in the last phase of Shah
Jahan and finally culminated in the breach with Mewar and Marwar under
Aurangzeb.
 Asher, Catherine, and Cynthia Talbot. 2006. India Before Europe. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
 Chandra, Satish. 1993. Mughal Religious Policies, the Rajputs and the
Deccan. Delhi: Vikas.
 Eaton, Richard M. 2020. India in the Persianate Age 1000-1765. New Delhi:
Penguin Books.
 Kapur, Nandini Sinha. 2002. State Formation in Rajasthan: Mewar During
the Seventh-Fifteenth Centuries. Delhi: Manohar Publishers.
 Richards, J.F. 1993. The Mughal Empire (The New Cambridge History of
India, vol. 1.5 ). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 Sharma, G.D. 1977. Rajput Polity: A Study of Politics and Administration
of the State of Marwar, 1638-1749. Delhi: Manohar Publishers.
 Sreenivasan, Ramya. 2014. “Faith and Allegiance in the Mughal Era:
Perspectives from Rajasthan”. In Dalmia and Faruqui ed. Religious Interactions
Self-Instructional in Mughal India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
100 Material

 Taft, Frances,1994. “Honor and Alliance: Reconsidering Mughal-Rajput NOTES

Marriages”. In Schomer,Erdman, Lodrick and Rudolph ed. The Idea of
Rajasthan: Explorations in Regional Identity. Vol 2. Delhi: Manohar Publishers
and American Institute of Indian Studies.
 Zeigler, Norman P. 1998. “Some Notes on Rajput Loyalties During the Mughal
Period”. In Alam and Subrahmanyam ed. The Mughal State 1526-1750, New
 Zeigler,Norman P. 1994. “Evolution of the Rathor State of Marvar: Horses,
Structural Change and Warfare”. In Schomer, Erdman, Lodrick and Rudolph
ed. The Idea of Rajasthan:Explorations in Regional Identity. Vol 2. Delhi:
Manohar Publishers and American Institute of Indian Studies.
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UNIT III: 17TH CENTURY TRANSITION:
MARATHAS, SIKHS
LESSON 6 RISE OF SHIVAJI AND EXPANSION

OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE AND
ITS IMPACT AND LEGACY ON INDIAN
HISTORY
LESSON 7 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY TRANSITION:

MUGHAL STATE AND THE SIKHS
Rise of Shivaji and Expansion of the Maratha Empire and ...
LESSON 6 NOTES
RISE OF SHIVAJI AND EXPANSION OF

THE MARATHA EMPIRE AND ITS IMPACT
AND LEGACY ON INDIAN HISTORY
Parul Sisodia
Deshbandu College
Structure
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Etymology
6.3 Causes behind the Upsurge of the Maratha Empire in the Deccan
6.4 Incarnation and Strengthening of the Empire
6.5 Expansion under the Peshwas: Reclaiming Homeland Through Military
Expeditions
6.6 Military, Fortification, Navy and Strategic Warfare
6.7 Maratha Administration and their Revenue Measures
6.8 Conclusion
6.9 Summary
6.11 Hints
6.13 Answers State True or False
6.0 OBJECTIVES

 Understand the rich and diverse history, culture, heritage and achievements of
one of the most influential powers in India in the 17th and 18th centuries.
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NOTES  Discuss the challenges and conflicts that the Marathas faced from the Mughals,
the British, and other regional powers, and how they dealt with them.
 Explain the political, military, and diplomatic achievements of the peshwas,
especially Baji Rao I, who made the Marathas a formidable and powerful force
in India.
 Describe the social, cultural, and economic aspects of the Maratha rule and
administration, along with their impact on 18th-century society and national
politics.
 Explore the legacy and impact of the Maratha Empire on the subsequent history
of India, and its role in the freedom struggle.
6.1 INTRODUCTION
The Maratha empire was established by Shivaji Bhonsle, also known as Chhatrapati
Shivaji Maharaj, who established a Hindavi Swarajya (self-rule of the Hindus) by
resisting the Mughal and Bijapur Sultanates. The coronation of Chhatrapati at the
Raigad Fort in 1674 A.D. is regarded as the beginning of the Maratha Empire. He
carved out an independent kingdom from the remnants of the Adil Shahi Sultanate of
Bijapur and later ensured the Maratha ascendency and control over sizeable portions
of former Mughal dominions in north India. It became the most significant Hindu empire
in India and contributed to the preservation and reinforcement of Indian ethos and
culture, and it also assisted in fostering the rise of Indian nationalism.
The advent of the Maratha power in the Deccan added a new dimension to the
region’s politics. The Marathas’ coming to power changed Deccani politics’ complexion
and greatly affected Mughal-Deccani relations. Shivaji expanded the empire’s territory
through strategic fortifications and established an efficient civil administration. Its
territorial expanse extended from Peshawar in the north to Tamil Nadu in the south
and from the western power centres to Orissa and West Bengal in the east. By the
mid-18th century, the Marathas had effectively ruled over a substantial part of the
Indian subcontinent. This lesson will cover the broad contours of the great Maratha
empire, a dominant Hindu resistance to their self-rule.
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NOTES
6.2 ETYMOLOGY
The Marathas were a Marathi-speaking warrior community hailing from the western
Deccan plateau, corresponding to the present-day state of Maharashtra. The etymology
of the Maratha empire is related to the origin and meaning of the word “Maratha”. The
Sanskrit word “Maharathi” is where the name “Maratha” originates, which means
“great warrior or chariot driver” (Sunthankar, 1988). In the 16th and 17th centuries,
this term was used to describe the skilled fighters who served the Deccan sultanates.
Another possible source of the word “Maratha” is the Prakrit word “Marhatta,” which
means “Maharashtra resident.” Etymologically, the term Maharashtra is a compound
of two words ‘maha’ meaning great and ‘rashtra’ meaning nation. This region was
formed by a race of men who, in ancient times, were probably known as ‘ratthas’,
some of whom came to be styled ‘maharatthas’ or great ratthas (Sardesai, 1957).
Various sources provide insights into the history of the Marathas, with Marathi
eulogies or Bakhars holding a prominent place. Notable Bakhars include Sabhasad
Bakhar, Chitnis Bakhar, Chitragupta Bakhar, Sashti Bakhar, Peshwa Bakhar, Shahu
Bakhar, Bhausaheb Bakhar, Rairi Bakhar and others. Additionally, the Shakavalies,
also in Marathi, throw light on the governance, administrative system and political
conditions in Maharashtra prior to Shivaji’s birth. Sanskrit sources like the Rajya
Vyavahar Kosh, a dictionary commissioned by Shivaji, contribute to understanding
their era and origin.
6.3 CAUSES BEHIND THE UPSURGE OF THE

MARATHA EMPIRE IN THE DECCAN
The advent of the Marathas in the 17th century was a pivotal moment in Indian history,
characterised by their bravery, strategic nation-building, and remarkable ascent as a
dominant force in the Deccan. Several factors contributed significantly to their rise:
 Geography: The unique geography of Maharashtra, with natural barriers like
the Sahyadri ranges, sea coasts, and hill forts, created a well-fortified region.
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NOTES The fertile Deccan Plateau soil and rugged terrain enabled the Marathas to
thrive and employ guerrilla warfare tactics effectively.
 Religion and Bhakti Movement: Influential saints like Dnyaneshwar, Namdev,
Eknath, Tukaram, and Ramdas contributed significantly to the religious and
social revival of Maharashtra. Their teachings and literary works fostered unity
and served as a spiritual foundation for the Marathas’ political aspirations.
 Economic Equality: The Maratha society was characterised by economic
homogeneity, fostering a sense of self-respect and unity. This economic equality
allowed the Marathas to focus on their military prowess.
 Guerrilla Warfare: The mountainous terrain and hill forts made guerrilla warfare
a potent tactic, confounding invading forces and preventing large armies from
advancing effectively.
 Administrative Training: Marathas gained administrative experience in the
Muslim sultanates of the Deccan, especially in revenue departments. Maratha
jagirdars held significant roles in various states, preparing them to govern their
empire.
 Unstable Political Conditions: The dis-integration of strong Muslim kingdoms
in southern India created a political void in the Deccan, allowing the Marathas
to rise.
 Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj: Shivaji’s charismatic leadership was crucial in
establishing a formidable empire in the Deccan. He united the scattered Maratha
clans and instilled a sense of pride and self-identity. His vision and determination
allowed the Marathas to challenge formidable powers, including the Mughals.
The growth of the Maratha empire resulted from a complex interplay of these
factors, and their unique combination led to the birth of a Hindu nation-state in the 17th
century, which was a remarkable development in history.
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NOTES
6.4 INCARNATION AND STRENGTHENING OF
THE EMPIRE
Shivaji was the son of Shahaji Bhonsle and Jijabai and belonged to a Maratha family
from the Bhonsle clan. Shivaji’s father, Maratha general Shahaji Bhonsle, served the
various Deccan Sultanates. Shahaji often shifted allegiances between the Nizam Shahi
of Ahmednagar, the Adil Shah of Bijapur, and the Mughals, but he maintained his jagir
(fiefdom) in Pune and his small army. At Shivaji’s birth, three Islamic sultanates shared
power in the Deccan: Bijapur, Ahmednagar, and Golkonda. Shivaji was greatly inspired
by his mother Jijabai, who taught him about the glory of Hindu culture and history. His
guru Ramdas also influenced him, who gave him spiritual guidance and encouraged
him to fight for Dharma (righteousness). He fought against the Bijapur sultans to liberate
the Hindu lands from their control and to expand his kingdom.
Raigad Fort - Chhatrapati Shivaji became King in 1674
Shivaji, at the age of 16 years, captured the Torna Fort in 1646 and seized an
immense treasure. He took several forts near Pune, including Purandar, Kondhana,
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NOTES and Chakan, and expanded his control east of Pune. Shivaji built a new fort named
Raigad and seized control of Kalyan. In 1656, he killed Chandra Rao More (a chieftain
of the Bijapur sultanate) and seized Javali, extending his raids into south and southwest
Maharashtra. He subdued powerful families, including those with Deshmukhi rights,
using various strategies, such as forming marital alliances, dealing directly with village
Patils to bypass the Deshmukhs, or subduing them by force. Afterwards, Shivaji
concentrated on the Mughals, who continuously expanded their presence in the Deccan
and raided the Mughal territories in Ahmednagar and Junnar in 1657. Shivaji not only
put up a fierce fight against the mighty emperor Aurangzeb, but he sparked a movement
that coursed through the Deccan and sowed the seeds of the fall and destruction of the
Mughal Empire (Purandare, 2022).
Shivaji’s son Sambhaji succeeded him and continued to resist the Mughal invasion
led by Aurangzeb. After Sambhaji’s death, his brother Rajaram and his widow Tarabai
kept the Maratha resistance alive. 1707 after Aurangzeb’s death, Shivaji’s grandson
Shahu was released from captivity and became the Chhatrapati of the Marathas. Shahuji
appointed a prime minister, Peshwa, as his chief advisor and delegated most of his
powers to him. The Peshwas became the hereditary prime ministers and gradually the
de facto rulers of the Maratha Empire and expanded its territories through wars and
alliances with other Indian states. The Maratha Empire reached its zenith under the
Peshwa Baji Rao I, who conquered the territories of central and northern India. The
Marathas were known for their military prowess, administrative efficiency, religious
tolerance, and cultural diversity. They challenged the Mughal supremacy and established
a Hindu self-rule in India.
6.5 EXPANSION UNDER THE PESHWAS:

RECLAIMING HOMELAND THROUGH MILITARY
EXPEDITIONS
Death of Aurangzeb led to release of Shahu ji in 1707. Shahuji was motivated to unite
the chieftains again and form a power base in order to consolidate his position once
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again in the Deccan. One man who was readily available to support Shahuji in his NOTES
ambitions was Balaji Vishwanath, a chitpawan Brahmin clerk from Poona. But the first
hurdle was Rajaram’s widow Tarabai, who had placed her son as a rightful leader and
was not ready to give up her position. She sent Dhanaji Jadhav to attack Shahuji,
Dhanaji appointed Balaji Vishwanathan to verify if it was Shahuji and not an imposter,
once cleared. Instead Dhanaji joined hands with Shahuji rather than attacking him, as
instructed by Tarabai. He provided his military support ti fight Tarabai’ s forced in
battle of Khed, leading to her defeat. Through out the battle and after, Balaji
Vishvanathan’s negotiations ensured that Shahuji was not short of men and support.
He commanded the military against Dhanaji’s son’s rebellion, he negotiated an alliance
with Konkan with Kanoji Angre. As a result once Shahuji stabalised his position, he
appointed Balaji Vishwanathan as his Peshwa in 1713. The Deshmukh of Maratha
region were either supporting Shahuji or refraining from interfereing. Hence under
Shahuji’s leadership the Maratha power revived with Balaji Vishwanathan as the next
most powerful man.
Shahuji’s dependence on Balaji Vishwanathan grew with every conspiracy that
was handled well and every rebellion that was curbed. However Shahuji’s difficulties
were not over, as the Mughal armies could only be persuaded to leave against an
unified Maratha force. In 1716 Balaji Vishwanath asked for Sanad from Mughal power,
it would grant Shahuji the legitmate power collect Chauth and Sardeshmukhi through
the Mughal Subah’s in Deccan along with Malwa and Gujrat. The territories recently
conqurored in Berar and Gondwana were to be legitimised as Maratha territory. Shivaji’s
territories were to be returned to Shahuji. They wanted Maratha’s to be declared as a
‘Swaraj’ in return they make an annual peshkash and offer troops to Mughals when
asked. Except Malwa and Gujrat. If accepted, It would have highlighted the weakness
of the Mughals and would have led to all loss of imperial authority in Deccan. The
other significant power in Deccan, the Sayyids were approached by Balaji Vishwanath
and the joint forced marched towards Delhi, the palace in delhi was seized and treaty
offered by Mughals was ratified in 1719. Once Shahuji’s claimes were recognised he
moved towards Sambhaji II who had claimed the throne in Kolhapur in 1714.
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NOTES
6.6 MILITARY, FORTIFICATION, NAVY AND
STRATEGIC WARFARE
The Marathas were known for their military prowess, administrative efficiency, religious
tolerance, and cultural diversity. The Maratha Army, a national army under Shivaji,
was a homogeneous body primarily composed of personnel from his empire,
commanded by a regular cadre of officers, who had to obey one supreme commander.
However, with the growth of the Peshwas, the army had to accommodate a feudal
force provided by different Maratha sardars. This new Maratha Army was diverse,
employing soldiers from various backgrounds, both local and foreign mercenaries,
including many Arabs, Sikhs, Rajputs, Sindhis, Rohillas, Abyssinians, Pashtuns, and
Europeans. Nana Fadnavis’ army, for example, included 5,000 Arabs. The Marathas
also used diplomacy and alliances to expand their territories and influence. They made
treaties with other regional powers, such as the Sikhs, the Rajputs, the Mysoreans,
and the Nizam of Hyderabad. They also sought support from foreign powers such as
the English, the French, and the Portuguese. They exploited the internal divisions and
conflicts among their enemies, such as the Mughals, the Deccan Sultanates, and the
Afghans.
Shivaji raised a small yet effective land army consisting of cavalry and infantry.
He abolished land grants or jagir for military officers and instituted a salary or cash
payment system for their services. He emphasised infantry as against cavalry, considering
the rugged mountainous terrain he operated in. The Maratha Army was divided into
two types of cavalries: Bargirs, who were equipped and paid by the state, and Silahdars,
who were maintained by the nobles. The cavalry rode the Bhimthadi horse, developed
by crossing Arabian and local horse breeds. They also did not have access to the
North Indian Mughal-dominated horse markets. The infantry included the Mavali foot
soldiers, indispensable in guerrilla warfare. The Marathas used weapons like muskets,
matchlocks, firangi swords, clubs, bows, spears, daggers, etc. The Marathas were
experts in guerrilla warfare, which involved surprise attacks, ambushes, and retreats.
Their mobility and their familiarity with the terrain worked in their favour at the time of
surprise attacks. They avoided confrontation with the larger, better-equipped Mughal
army and harassed them with hit-and-run tactics. They also cut off their supply lines
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and communication routes. They targeted the enemy’s weak points, such as their NOTES
camps, baggage trains, artillery, etc. They also used spies and informers to gather
intelligence about the enemy’s movements and plans.
The forts were instrumental in supporting the guerrilla warfare of the Marathas.
They enabled them to strike at the enemy from different directions and then retreat to
safety. They also helped them resist the enemy forces’ sieges by having sufficient water
supply, food storage, weapons arsenal, and fortification. The Marathas also deployed
musketeers, both regular and mercenaries, who were renowned for their marksmanship,
at these forts. The Marathas built and captured hundreds of forts on the hills and along
the coast of their territory. They used them as bases for launching raids, storing supplies,
sheltering troops, and guarding the borders. These were also a source of pride and
inspiration for the Marathas, symbolising their resistance and independence against
the foreign invaders. They also used them for communication and surveillance, by
lighting fires or hoisting flags on the fort walls.
Marathas also maintained a navy, which consisted of warships and warboats.
The navy used warships called Grabs and war boats called Gallivats. The Marathas,
under Admiral Kanhoji Angre, built sea fortresses and navigational facilities along the
western coastline of present-day Maharashtra. In the 17th century, they built battleships
and sea forts; in the 18th century, they fortified the entire coastline with these facilities.
The Marathas also constructed hill forts along the western coastline, enhancing their
strategic presence. These fortifications were crucial to the Marathas’ military campaigns,
as they provided strategic advantage and defence against sieges. Shivaji hired foreign
(mainly Portuguese) mercenaries for assistance in manufacturing weapons and to
command his navy. He also hired seasoned cannon-casting Portuguese technicians
from Goa. Hiring foreign mercenaries was not new to the Maratha military culture, as
they sought to gain insight into foreign naval technology and capabilities.
The Maratha Army and Navy were among the most formidable forces in Indian
history. The Marathas achieved remarkable success in their military campaigns under
Shivaji and his successors, especially under the Peshwas (the chief ministers who
became de facto rulers of the empire). They conquered large parts of northern and
central India under Peshwa Baji Rao I, who was considered amongst the greatest
generals in Indian history. They also resisted and defeated several foreign invasions by
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NOTES and defeats due to internal disputes, factionalism, corruption, over-expansion, lack of
central authority, and changing political scenarios.
6.7 MARATHA ADMINISTRATION AND THEIR

REVENUE MEASURES
The Marathas had a well-organized administration and revenue collection system,

which was, to an extent, influenced by the Deccan Sultans and the Mughal Sultanate.
However, they also had some unique features that made their administration swift and
efficient. Shivaji’s administration was based on Hindavi Swarajya or Hindu self-rule.
He abolished the jagirdari land grant arrangement and replaced it with the ryotwari
system, which collected revenue directly from the farmers. He also introduced two
taxes, namely the chauth and the sardeshmukhi. The Chauth was one-fourth of the
revenue paid by the non-Maratha states to avoid being raided by the Marathas. The
Sardeshmukhi was an additional 1/10th of revenue paid by those states that
acknowledged the Maratha sovereignty. Shivaji also appointed eight ministers, known
as the Ashta Pradhan, to assist him in various aspects of governance. The most important
among them was the Peshwa, who was in charge of finance and general administration.
The other ministers were Senapati (military commander), Majumdar (accountant),
Waqia Navis (intelligence and domestic affairs), Surnavis or Chitnis (correspondence),
Dabir (foreign affairs), Nyayadhish (justice), and Pandit Rao (religious affairs).
Shivaji also attempted to measure land, connecting with village headmen and
eliminating deshmukhs and zamindars. The weak Bijapur state made the deshmukhs
powerful local leaders, who took advantage of political situations. Subjugating them
and bringing them into uniform regulation was a challenging task. Local rulers were
tied to the people due to their caste inclination, which gave them an advantage. They
built strongholds and castles in villages and resorted to fighting for more money.
Controlling and organising these deshmukhs was an immense task. Shivaji halted the
illegal extraction of mirasdars and revenue farming, ensuring the income of zamindars
was fixed in cash or kind. He also established rights and prerequisites for deshmukhs,
deshkulkarni, patil, and kulkarni at the district and parganas levels. Despite facing
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Afterwards, the Peshwas continued to follow the land revenue system of Shivaji. NOTES
They expanded and administered the empire through a federal system, in which they
delegated their powers to various chiefs or sardars, who ruled over different regions
or provinces. The Peshwas followed a distinct method of tax farming, in which they
auctioned the right to levy taxes from a particular area to the highest bidder. The
bidder then paid a set sum of amount to the Peshwas and kept the rest for himself. The
Peshwas collected tribute from other states in exchange for protection or recognition.
They also reformed and improved the Ashta Pradhan system by adding more
departments and officials. They also appointed eight assistants to each minister, who
helped them in their duties.
6.8 CONCLUSION
The credit for establishing the magnificent Maratha Empire, a symbol of Swadharma
and Swaraja, goes to Shivaji Bhonsle—the mighty king of the Deccan who challenged
Mughal supremacy at the peak of its power. The empire built by Shivaji proved to be
the greatest Hindu empire of Bharat. The Marathas were a major reason for the Mughal
Empire’s decline in the initial half of the eighteenth century. Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb’s
religious attitude alienated non-Muslims, and his inability to suppress the resulting
Maratha insurgency after a 27-year war came at a heavy price for his men and treasury.
A true nationalist, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj promoted Marathi and Sanskrit
languages, replacing Persian in court proceedings and administration.
The Maratha Empire was a powerful military force and a source of inspiration
and pride for many Indians who desired to free their motherland from foreign rule. The
Maratha ideology of Hindavi Swaraj influenced many later movements and leaders
who fought for India’s independence from the Britishers. Thus, we can see that the
Maratha Empire was a glorious chapter in the history of India, which showed that
Indians could unite and rule themselves by resisting foreign interference. It also inspired
generations of freedom fighters who followed in their footsteps and fought for India’s
independence from colonial oppression. The Maratha Empire was a symbol of
nationalism that shaped India’s destiny.
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NOTES
6.9 SUMMARY

 The establishment of the Maratha empire by Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj for
their Hindavi Swarajya.
 The expansion of the Maratha empire under the Peshwas’s leadership.
 Distinct administrative and revenue reforms by Maratha rulers.
 Maratha architecture and their contribution to the Indian Heritage.
 The Ideological Influence of the Maratha Nationalism (Hindavi Swarajya) in
the Indian National Movement.
1. Explain the factors that led to the rise of the Maratha Empire under Shivaji and
his successors. How did they challenge the Mughal domination and establish
Hindavi Swarajya (Hindu self-rule) in India?
2. Analyze the role of the Peshwas in expanding and administering the Maratha
Empire. What were their achievements and failures? How did they deal with the
internal and external threats to their power?
3. Discuss the military strategies and tactics of the Marathas in their wars against
the Mughals, the Deccan Sultanates, the Afghans, and the British. How did they
use their knowledge of the terrain, mobility, forts, and alliances to their advantage?
4. Evaluate the revenue system of the Marathas. What were the sources and
methods of collecting revenue? How did they distribute and spend it? What
were the strengths and weaknesses of their revenue system?
5. To what extent can the Maratha Empire be seen as a Hindu nationalist resistance
against the Muslim conquerors? What were the religious policies and practices
of the Marathas?
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NOTES
6.11 ANSWERS (POINTS TO BE CONSIDERED)
1. Warrior ethos, Guerrilla warfare, Fortification strategy, Discontent with Mughal

rule, Administrative reforms.
2. Centralised administration, Diplomacy and alliances, Battle of succession,
Expansion in North India, Decline in later years.
3. Guerilla warfare tactics, Mobility and flexibility, Fortification of strategic positions,
Alliance with other powers, and Adaptation to diverse terrains.
4. Land revenue sources, Taxation policies, Feudal state contributions, Distribution
among various departments, and Lack of proper financial management.
5. Hindu revivalist sentiment, Inclusive policies towards different communities,
Patronage of Hindu religious institutions, Exploitation of religious identity for
political gains, and Policy towards minority communities.
6.12 STATE TRUE OR FALSE
1. Shivaji was the first Chhatrapati (king) of the Maratha Empire, and his coronation
ceremony commenced at Torna Fort in 1645.
2. The Peshwas were the hereditary prime ministers of the Maratha Empire.
3. The Maratha Empire reached its greatest extent under Peshwa Balaji Baji
Rao I.
4. The Maratha army used guerrilla warfare tactics involving surprise attacks,
ambushes, and retreats.
5. The Marathas built and captured hundreds of forts on the hills and along the
coast of their territory.
6. The Marathas hired foreign mercenaries, mainly Portuguese, to manufacture
weapons and to command their navy.
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NOTES 7. In order to appease the Deccan Sultanates and the Mughal emperors, the
Marathas made Islam the official state religion.
8. Treaties and alliances were formed by the Marathas with other regional territories,
including the Nizam of Hyderabad, the Rajputs, the Sikhs, and the Mysoreans.
9. The Marathas used warships called Grabs and warboats called Gallivats in
their navy.
10. Under Peshwa Baji Rao I, the Marathas overthrew the Mughals in 1737 and
took control of Delhi and Agra.
11. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was influenced by his mother, Jijabai and his guru,
Ramdas, who taught him about the glory of Hindu culture and history and
encouraged them to fight for Dharma (righteousness).
12. The Battle of Palkhed was fought amongst the Marathas and the Nizam of
Hyderabad in 1728. The Marathas won a decisive victory by cutting off Nizam’s
water supply and forcing him to surrender.
13. In 1738, the Marathas and Nizams engaged in combat in the Battle of Bhopal.
The Marathas lost the battle, and their leader, Baji Rao I, was killed in action.
14. The Battle of Vasai was fought between the Maratha forces and the Portuguese
in 1739. The Marathas captured the Portuguese stronghold of Vasai (Bassein)
and ended their colonial presence on the Konkan coast.
15. The Marathas and the Mughals engaged in combat in the Battle of Delhi in
1757. After assaulting Delhi and pillaging the Red Fort, the Marathas took out
the Koh-i-Noor diamond and the Peacock Throne.
16. In 1761, Marathas and British forces engaged in combat in the Battle of Panipat.
The Marathas established their dominance over northern India by defeating the
British.
17. The Marathas and the British fought the Battle of Wadgaon in 1779. The
Marathas won a major victory and forced the British to agree on the Treaty of
Wadgaon, which restored their territories in western India.
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NOTES
6.13 ANSWERS – TRUE OR FALSE
1. (FALSE, Shivaji’s coronation ceremony took place at the Raigad Fort in 1674
A.D.)
2. (FALSE, they became hereditary following the demise of Shahuji in 1749)
3. (TRUE)
4. (TRUE)
5. (TRUE)
6. (TRUE)
7. (FALSE, they remained Hindu and promoted Hindavi Swarajya or Hindu self-
rule)
8. (TRUE)
9. (TRUE)
10. (FALSE, they only raided Delhi and Agra but did not capture them)
11. (TRUE)
12. (TRUE)
13. (FALSE, Marathas have won the battle and Baji Rao I died of natural causes in
1740.)
14. (TRUE)
15. (FALSE, Nadir Shah took away the Koh-i-Noor diamond and peacock throne in
1739.)
16. (FALSE, the Marathas and Afghans fought the battle of Panipat, and the army
of the Marathas was defeated.)
17. (TRUE)
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NOTES
 Gordon, Stewart N. 1993. The Marathas 1600–1818. The New Cambridge

History of India. Cambridge University Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-52126-
883-7.
 Pearson, M. N. 1976. “Shivaji and the Decline of the Mughal Empire”. The
Journal of Asian Studies. Association for Asian Studies. 35 (2): 221–
235. doi:10.2307/2053980. JSTOR 2053980. S2CID 162482005
 Prasad, I. 1931. A Short History of Muslim Rule in India: From the Conquest
of Islam to the Death of Aurangzeb. The Indian Press Ltd.
 Purandare, V. 2022. Shivaji: India’s Great Warrior King. Juggernaut Books.
 Ranade, M.G. 1900. Rise of the Maratha Power. Punalekar & Co.
 Sardesai, G.S. 1957. New History of the Marathas (Vol. 1). Phoenix
Publications.
 Sarkar, J. 1920. Shivaji and his Times. Longmans Green & Co.
 Sarkar, J. 1930. History of Aurangzeb-Southern India:1645-1669 (Second
Edition). Orient Longman.
 Sharma, S.R. 1944. Maratha History Re-examined, 1295-1707. Karnatak
Publishing House.
 Srivastava, A.L. 1959. The Mughal Empire, 1526-1803 A.D. (Third Edition).
Shiva Lal Agarwala & Co. Pvt. Ltd.
 Sunthankar, B. R. 1988. Nineteenth Century History of Maharashtra: 1818-
1857. Shubhada-Saraswat Prakashan.
 Tilak, B.G. 1919. His Writings and Speeches (Enlarged Edition). Ganesh &
Co.
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Seventeenth Century Transition: Mughal State and the Sikhs
LESSON 7 NOTES
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY TRANSITION:

MUGHAL STATE AND THE SIKHS
Dr. Kalpana Malik
Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 The Life and Teachings of Guru Nanak: A Journey of Spiritual
Transformation
7.3 Guru Angad: Legacy and Contributions to Sikhism
7.4 Guru Amar Das: Growth of Sikhism
7.5 Guru Ram Das: Architect of Faith, Builder of Community
7.6 Guru Arjun Dev: Compilation of the Adi Granth
7.7 Guru Hargobind: Struggles and Successions in Mughal Times
7.8 Guru Tegh Bahadur: Defender of Faith
7.9 Guru Gobind Singh: Birth of the Khalsa- A Historical Evolution
7.10 Banda Bahadur and the Resilience of Sikh Power in the Face of Adversity
7.11 Roots of Discord: Causes of Strife Between the Sikh Gurus and the Mughal
State
7.12 Conclusion
7.13 Summary
7.14 Glossary
7.16 Answers
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NOTES
7.0 OBJECTIVES

 Understand the genesis of Sikhism within the medieval Indian sant tradition
 Discuss the tracing of historical trajectory of the Sikh Gurus
 Comprehend the transformation of a Panth that initially emphasized on peace,
equality, and inner devotion into a militant brotherhood
7.1 INTRODUCTION
The history of the Sikh Panth in Punjab parallels the timeline of the Mughal empire.
The inception of Sikhism can be traced back to Guru Nanak. The teachings of Nanak
mark the beginning of the Sikh movement. He preached a message emphasizing inner
devotion and equality among all human beings. This period coincided with the
foundation of the Mughal empire by Babur.
Within the medieval Indian sant tradition, Sikhism took root and gradually gained
followers, shaping its identity under the successive leadership of the gurus. However,
its evolution is intricately connected with the institution of Guruship. The initial four
Gurus maintained a tradition centred on contemplation and scholarly pursuits. The
transformation occurred during the time of the fifth Guru, Arjun Dev, who played a
pivotal role in finalizing the compilation of Sikh scriptures known as the Adi Granth or
Granth Sahib. He brought about a notable transformation by incorporating both spiritual
and worldly leadership into the role of the Guru.
It is evident that the relations of the Sikh Gurus with the Mughal emperors
ranged from peaceful co-existence to active confrontation. However, as the Sikh
community expanded, the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb felt challenged and turned against
them, leading to the execution of Guru Tegh Bahadur in Delhi in 1675. As the Mughal
authority waned, the Sikhs consolidated themselves and carved out an independent
political identity.
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NOTES
7.2 THE LIFE AND TEACHINGS OF GURU NANAK:
A JOURNEY OF SPIRITUAL TRANSFORMATION
The accurate birth year of Guru Nanak is recognized as 1469, during the reign of
Sultan Bahlol Lodhi (1451-89) in Delhi. Born at Talwandi Rao Bhoi village in Punjab,
later known as Nanakana Sahib, it is located forty miles southwest of Lahore, Pakistan.
Working as a storekeeper for Daulat Khan Lodhi, the local governor at Sultanpur,
Nanak left the Punjab a few years before 1500 for journeys across India, including the
Himalayas and the Middle East, known as udasis (associated with renunciation).
By 1520, Guru Nanak settled in Kartarpur village on the banks of the river
Ravi. Kartarpur developed into a town and survives even today as a place of great
holy significance. It is now known as Dera Baba Nanak. Guru Nanak established a
new system of religion, explicitly prohibiting idol worship. His teachings and social
messages included emphasis on addressing prayers directly to God. Guru Nanak
believed in unwavering commitment to God, that represents genuine sahaj-samaadh;
true absorption in the shabad or the Guru, that is authentic meditation (taari), and
(maharas) real nectar, is in the Name.
The initial phase of initiation symbolized the equality among the followers of
Guru Nanak, intending to eradicate the inherently inequitable principles of the Hindu
religion like caste distinctions and differentiation in the society. Guru Nanak had no
consideration for caste. Departing from the Hindu system, Guru Nanak admitted
proselytes from all castes into the new faith. However, in matters of marriage and
communal dining, no significant changes occurred. Among contemporary Sikhs, the
sacred parsad was consumed collectively without regard for tribe or caste. He believed
that birth or caste should not become the basis for a person to be regarded as uttam
(high) or neech (low). The concepts of equality and the universal availability of spiritual
opportunities represent two sides of the same socio-religious coin. Women are
considered equal to men. Distinctions based on caste, gender, as well as differences in
country and creed, are dismissed as irrelevant for salvation. These regulations became
central, almost constituting the essence of their creed in Sikhism. Women whose
husbands passed away were told they should not harm themselves by burning. They
were also allowed to get married again. However, despite this rule, some people who Self-Instructional
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NOTES converted to Sikhism from Hinduism continued this old practice of harming themselves
after their husband’s death. Mourning the death of an individual was deemed criminal,
and the Sikhs subscribed to the belief in transmigration.
Guru Nanak’s travels for fifteen years included journeys in Persia and Arabia,
accompanied by the Muslim musician Mardana. His compositions reveal that he was
familiar with the contemporary socio-economic life. Despite the small number of Guru
Nanak’s followers during his lifetime, an annual assembly commemorated his death on
the banks of the Ravi where he breathed his last in 1539. At the time of Guru Nanak’s
passing, a new community had formed, led by a recognized Guru. This group aimed to
shape its social and religious practices based on the principles established by the
founder and the ideas he had articulated.
7.3 GURU ANGAD: LEGACY AND CONTRIBUTIONS

TO SIKHISM
Guru Nanak entrusted leadership to his disciple, Lahina or Angad (the name signified
that he was a limb of the ‘founder’) instead of his two sons. He was the Guru from
1539-52. Guru Angad was a Khatri trader of the Trehan sub-caste and was a worshipper
of the Goddess before coming under Guru Nanak’s influence. He made Khadur, in the
Amritsar district, as his headquarters. It is now known as Khadur Sahib. Guru Angad
started a langar (community kitchen) at Khadur where his visitors and followers got
together for congregational worship. He propagated Guru Nanak’s message from
here. Guru Angad developed the Gurumukhi script for recording the compositions of
Guru Nanak. Subsequently, the Sikhs used it for writing in Punjabi. The Guru himself
also composed short verses called shaloks. However, it is significant to remember
that he composed these verses under Nanak’s name.
In May 1540, when Mughal emperor Humayun had been defeated by Sher
Shah at Bilgram, he sought the Guru’s aid to enable him to recover the throne. Guru
Angad advised him to go to Persia. As predicted by the Guru, almost fifteen years
later, Humayun regained his empire. Guru Angad’s death in 1542 at Khadur paved the
way for Guru Amar Das (1552-1574). Mughal emperor Akbar’s reign saw the
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pontification of Guru Nanak’s three successors among the first four successors. These NOTES
were Guru Amar Das, Guru Ram Das, and Guru Arjun Dev.
7.4 GURU AMAR DAS: GROWTH OF SIKHISM
Guru Amar Das was initially a Vaishnava and Khatri of the Bhalla sub-caste. Guru
Nanak’s teachings were propagated by Guru Amar Das at Goindwal from 1552 until
his demise in 1574. Guru Amar Das’ compositions lay stress on sat-sung (true
association) for the followers who visited the gurudwara (the God’s abode), singing
the Guru’s shabad and the baani that was sung by minstrels who were appointed by
the Guru himself. Guru Angad is credited with the compilation of two volumes of the
(true) bani. These mostly consisted of the compositions of the first three Gurus – Guru
Nanak, Guru Angad and Guru Amar Das. It also includes the bani of some of the
contemporaries like sant Kabir (the weaver) and bhakt Namdev (the calico-printer).
During this time, there was no interference from the state. In fact, the reigning
emperor Akbar provided liberal patronage of the state to the Sikh religion. Once
when Akbar was enroute to Lahore, he visited the Guru at Goindwal. The emperor
was highly impressed when he saw the arrangements made to feed people (langar) in
large numbers. Akbar was keen to assign some villages as a steady source of income
to facilitate the smooth functioning of the food arrangements. However, Guru Amar
Das politely declined saying that the Creator was the provider of the lands and rent-
free tenures. At the refusal of the Guru, a grant was signed by the emperor, in favour of
Bibi Bhani, the daughter of the Guru. Bhai Budha, who occupies an esteemed position
in the tradition of the Sikh community, was entrusted with the responsibility of
management of the villages.
Guru Amar Das got a baoli constructed at Goindwal. The baoli had eighty-
four steps and it emerged as a sacred site for the Sikhs. His followers visited it as a
place of pilgrimage. The Baisakhi and the Diwali evolved into the festival days for the
Sikhs who visited Goindwal. Guru Amar Das initiated distinct Sikh ceremonies for
death, birth, and marriage, instructing Sikhs not to lament in their moments of loss and
to remain mindful of the divine source of supreme happiness during the moments of
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NOTES earthly joy. Additionally, Guru Amar Das spoke out against female infanticide, self-
immolation and the consumption of liquor.
For the missionary work of his son in-law, Bhai Jetha, who became his successor
and was popularly known as Guru Ram Das, Guru Amar Das chose a new centre.
This decision of the Guru was perhaps in anticipation of probable resistance from his
sons Mohan and Mohri. As per the Guru’s wishes, Bhai Jetha initiated the excavation
work of a tank but before it could be completed, he went to visit the Guru and was
advised by him that the tank should be dug at another place. The second site finalized
is now known to us as the amrit sarovar. In 1573 the excavation work was undertaken
but before it could be completed, Guru Amar Das breathed his last. The Guru started
the tradition of nominating a successor. Thus, he nominated Bhai Jetha as the next
Guru before breathing his last.
7.5 GURU RAM DAS: ARCHITECT OF FAITH,

BUILDER OF COMMUNITY
Guru Ram Das was the son-in-law of Guru Amar Das. He came in contact of Guru
Amar Das as a ‘young hawker’. He was also a Khatri but of the Sodhi sub-caste. He
compiled the history and precepts of his predecessors supplementing them with his
own commentaries during his Guruship from 1574 to 1581. As Akbar had given ‘chak-
basta’ land to the Guru, the place was called Chak Ram Das or Chak Guru and
eventually developed as Ramdaspur. The Guru also renovated Amritsar’s tank. The
name Amritsar is significant as it means the ‘nectar of immortality’. For the solemnization
of the Sikh marriages, the Guru composed lavan. The establishment of a town and the
construction of a sizable tank demonstrate the resources organized by Guru Ram Das.
Sikhs were required to contribute in terms of service, cash and kind. Guru Ram Das,
in his compositions, sanctified the food, clothing, and possessions of those who
embraced the panth. He passed away at Ramdaspur in 1581 and was succeeded by
his son, Guru Arjun. From this time onwards, Guruship remained in Guru Ram Das’
Sodhi family. All the Gurus were therefore, Khatris having a rural background.
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NOTES
7.6 GURU ARJUN DEV: COMPILATION OF
THE ADI GRANTH
The religious ideology of Guru Nanak continued to evolve under subsequent Gurus,
enhancing and expanding upon its core tenets. According to J.S. Grewal, the unity of
Guruship took on a nuanced character, with the office of the Guru being elevated to a
status as crucial as the Guru himself. It introduced a new dimension without diminishing
the significance of his fundamental ideas. The decisions of the Guru, therefore, held the
same legitimacy as those of the founder.
The span of Guru Arjun Dev’s Guruship lasted from 1581 to 1606. He introduced
a notable shift by embodying both spiritual and worldly leadership within the Guru. He
wrote more extensively than any of his predecessors, especially focusing on the concise
lyrical pieces (shabad) that could be easily committed to memory. Guru Arjun asserted
that the shabad of the Guru serves as a protective garrison from all sides. The Name
renders one fearless. Indeed, God is given new attributes and he is devoid of anxiety
(achinta). The two volumes compiled by Guru Amar Das were supplemented with
the compositions of Guru Ram Das and Guru Arjun, along with the writings of a few
additional Bhagats, Sants, Shaikhs and Bhats of established affinity. In 1604, a
scripture was compiled, distinguished by an exceptionally methodical arrangement
and a complex yet overall uniform pattern of division and subdivision. It is presently
called the Adi Granth, meaning the old Book, to differentiate it from the recent Dasam
Granth, the Book of the Tenth Guru. It is commonly referred to as the Granth Sahib
as a sign of reverence and as Guru Granth Sahib to signify its Guru status.
Simultaneously, the congregational body, known as the sangat, gained even greater
significance.
Guru Arjun managed the administration of the town of Ramdaspur that had
expanded over time. In the context of the Mughal empire, Ramdaspur operated as an
autonomous town within its framework. Furthermore, Guru Arjun Dev implemented a
system of financial arrangement aimed to support the religious and administrative
activities of the Sikh community. He initiated the system of gathering offerings from
Sikhs on the Guru’s behalf. It was called daswand, equivalent to one-tenth of their
income. However, the Guru authorized only his duly appointed representatives, called Self-Instructional
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NOTES masands, to collect contributions from the Sikh community. This not only ensured the
fulfilment of corporal responsibility of the Sikhs, it also promoted social solidarity. At
Amritsar, Harmandir (a temple dedicated to God) was constructed by the Guru for
singing God’s praise. Guru Arjun established Tarn Taran and Sri Hargobindpur in the
Bari doab, along with Kartarpur in the Bist Jalandhar doab.
The interplay of these concepts, along with the development of distinctive
practices, solidified the identity of the Sikhs as a distinct community. This cohesive
framework enabled them to collectively resist various forms of injustice. As discussed
previously, these ideological shifts and the emergence of a distinct Sikh identity
contributed to tensions and conflicts with the Mughal state during the seventeenth
century. Akbar maintained amicable relations with the succeeding gurus, but conflicts
arose when his son and successor Jahangir suspected Guru Arjun for having blessed
the rebel prince, Khusrau. The Guru was confined where he met his demise at Lahore
in 1606. It was due to the harsh treatment imposed during confinement. The diwan (of
Lahore) had tortured the Guru. All this occurred within the first year of Jahangir’s
reign.
7.7 GURU HARGOBIND: STRUGGLES AND

SUCCESSIONS IN MUGHAL TIMES
Guru Hargobind shouldered the responsibilities as a Guru from 1606-44. He was the
sole son of Guru Arjun and was deeply anguished and rightfully so at the tortuous
death of his father. The martyrdom of Guru Arjun left a deep impact on Guru Hargobind,
who relocated to Kartarpur. He was concerned about the defence of his people.
Therefore, he got a fort named Lohgarh constructed. At Ramdaspur, the Guru facilitated
the construction of the Akal Takht (the immortal throne), a high platform lying opposite
the Harmandir. The Guru conducted temporal work from here. Punjab witnessed the
expansion of the Sikh community, characterized by a distinct ethico-religious outlook.
Dedicated to the Guru and resolute in combating potential injustices, the Sikh community
became more consolidated. Appointment of the masands (representatives) in the
different regions to collect contributions from the Sikh community and Guru Hargobind’s
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decision to wield two swords symbolizing spiritual and temporal power were pivotal NOTES
factors. Guru Hargobind also initiated the recruitment of a military organization, attracting
dissatisfied elements, including figures like the Pathan Painda Khan, discontented with
the Mughals, and the Jats from the Miyana doab and Jallandhar.
The Guru amassed an armed force for defence. Sikh perspective claims he
defeated a Mughal force sent to punish him. Subsequently, Jahangir got Guru Hargobind
imprisoned at the Gwalior fort but was eventually released after a brief confinement.
However, it is significant to note that at this fort political prisoners were housed. After
having been released, the Guru went towards the foothills of the Himalayas. He got his
household shifted there and there was no more persecution of the Guru as well as his
followers in the reign of Jahangir. The Guru passed away at Kiratpur in 1644.
During the initial years of Shah Jahan’s reign, a conflict between Guru Hargobind
and the imperial forces occurred over a seemingly insignificant matter involving the
emperor’s hawk. Despite military clashes, the intervention of court figures like Wazir
Khan led to the matter being resolved. Another conflict arose when the Guru attempted
to establish a new city on the Beas River in the Jallandhar doab, facing opposition that
he ultimately overcame. The third conflict occurred when two horses were stolen by a
robber, Bidhi Chand from the imperial stables. He presented them to the Guru. In the
ensuing conflict, Painda Khan joined the imperialists, while the Sikhs displayed great
valour, but it resulted in the Guru leaving Kartarpur and temporarily returning to the
Kashmir hills.
Guru Hargobind nominated Har Rai, his grandson (the son of the Guru’s eldest
son who had died prematurely) as the successor Guru in 1644. Guru Har Rai was just
fourteen years old at that time. The Guru moved to Thapal in the Sirmur territory
called Nahan. Aurangzeb had suspected that the Guru had offered support to Dara
Shikoh during the war of succession. This upset the Mughal emperor, who summoned
the Guru to the court. However, the Guru sent his young son, Ram Rai, whom Aurangzeb
decided to keep as a hostage. After Har Rai’s death in Kiratpur in 1661, a succession
dispute arose between his two sons, Ram Rai and Har Krishan. Finally, Har Krishan
was made the Guru in 1661, who died shortly after his investiture in Delhi in 1664.
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NOTES
7.8 GURU TEGH BAHADUR: DEFENDER OF FAITH
Aurangzeb tried to create a wedge in the family of Guru Hargobind’s successors when
he chose to patronize Guru Har Rai’s elder son, Ram Rai. He granted Ram Rai land at
Dehra Dun for his settlement. Guru Har Krishan, who died in Delhi due to smallpox,
indicated that Tegh Bahadur, Guru Hargobind’s youngest son and Guru Har Krishan’s
granduncle, would be his successor. The new Guru, Tegh Bahadur, who succeeded in
1664, made Makhowal as his centre. By the end of 1665, after having left Makhowal,
the Guru tried to establish contact with a few sangats (Sikh centres). These were
located in the Gangetic plains of the Mughal provinces. Since the Guru was greeted
with large crowds, especially the cultivating caste group, his growing popularity was
seen as a threat to the Mughal authority. From here the Guru was brought to Delhi and
kept under detention. The Guru had cordial relations with Mirza Raja Jai Singh. His
son, Ram Singh intervened for the Guru’s release from confinement. Later, the Guru
embarked on a journey to Bihar from where he joined Raja Ram Singh in his Assam
campaign.
In the early 1670s, the Sikhs came into conflict with Aurangzeb’s iconoclastic
measures. In 1671, the Guru returned to Punjab. It was at this time that the Imperial
officers were directed to demolish the Sikh Gurudwaras and Hindu temples. Penned
in the 18th century, the Sikh Sakhis stated that due to the narrow religious policies of
the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, the Guru opposed him. Guru Tegh Bahadur was
arrested and executed in Delhi in November 1675. This was the second martyrdom
associated with the Sikh Gurus. However, Guru Tegh Bahadur was viewed by the
Sikhs as a religious leader who fought against oppression and sacrificed his life while
defending the religious beliefs.
7.9 GURU GOBIND SINGH: BIRTH OF THE KHALSA-

A HISTORICAL EVOLUTION
Guru Gobind Singh was the tenth Guru of the Sikhs. The martyrdom of his father and
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into an armed opposition movement, with Guru Gobind Singh playing a significant NOTES
role. He retreated into the hills of Punjab, and very soon formed a small army. For
some time, it was utilized by the Raja of Nahan. Later, the Guru settled at Paunta
situated on river Jamuna’s right bank. For defence purposes, the Guru also built a
fortress at Paunta. In 1689, he left Paunta, went back to Makhowal and laid the
foundation of Anandpur near it. Guru Gobind Singh’s conflict with the Mughals followed
a complex trajectory. Attempting to carve out an autonomous territory around Anandpur
from about 1696, he faced hostility from the hill chieftains of Himachal Pradesh. Military
conflicts ensued, particularly against the Hill Rajas who, having invited the Guru for
their internecine wars, discovered his growing power. The combined forces of the Hill
Rajas attacked Guru Gobind Singh at Anandpur but were compelled to retreat.
Throughout this period, Guru Gobind Singh maintained connections with Sikh
congregations across the region. A significant portion of the surviving letters
(hukmnamas) attributed to him was directed towards congregations beyond the
boundaries of Punjab and those situated to the east of the Satlej River.
This was the background that led the Guru to lay the foundation of the Khalsa
or military brotherhood in 1699 at Anandpur. The subsequent events, including the
adoption of distinct customs by the Khalsa, marked a significant evolution in Sikh
socio-religious identity. During a ceremony, the Guru personally initiated disciples,
who were mandated to uphold five distinctive insignia. For getting initiated into the
Khalsa, the requirements were to have a double-edged sword, the willingness to
sacrifice for the Guru, the adoption of distinct symbols, the five Ks – kesha, kangha,
kara, kirpan, and kachha. The restructuring of leadership, sharpened the social identity
of the Khalsa. The surname Singh was also adopted, affirming their identity publicly.
The reasons behind this transformative step were rooted in the ongoing conflicts with
the Mughals. The rise of the Jat peasantry among the Sikhs, with its cultural tradition of
carrying arms and resolving disputes through force, may have also influenced this
decision. The Khalsa’s establishment projected the Sikh community as a militant force.
The early years of Guru Gobind Singh saw him confronting the local landholders
with his forces, often in opposition to the Mughal government. Wazir Khan, the Mughal
governor of Sirhind, laid a siege to Anandpur. As the year 1704 was approaching its
end, the Guru having been promised a safe passage, crossed a stream that was flooded.
But he was pursued vigorously near Ropar by imperial troops. During the chaos, the
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NOTES Guru got separated from his mother, Mata Gujari, his wife, Mata Sundari as well as
two of his youngest sons. Having crossed the stream, the Guru halted at the Chamkaur
village. In the attack that followed, the Guru not only lost his followers but even his two
eldest sons. Though Mata Sundari was saved and brought to Delhi by one of the loyal
followers of the Guru, his mother and two younger sons fell in Wazir Khan’s hands,
who ordered the execution of the young boys. Finding refuge in the Lakhi Jungle, the
Guru, after sometime, returned to his former residence. Later, Aurangzeb, preoccupied
in the Deccan, sought to reconcile with the Guru. In 1707, after the death of Aurangzeb,
Guru Gobind Singh met Bahadur Shah at Agra. He received a warm reception and
found encouragement, nurturing hope that Anandpur would be given back. However,
the new emperor had to balance the interests of the hill chiefs, leading to the
postponement of a final decision.
The Guru joined the entourage of Bahadur Shah, who was marching towards
the south against his brother, Kam Bakhsh. His mission was to seek redress for the
wrongs done by Wazir Khan. As the Guru was not sure whether justice would be
meted out, he delegated the work of organizing the Jat peasants of the Punjab for
resisting the tyranny. The responsibility was given to Banda Bahadur (Lachman Das).
He was not only given the Guru’s standard but even the kettledrum. Unfortunately,
Guru Gobind Singh faced an attack by a Pathan soldier at Nander, connected either
with Wazir Khan or some imperial office. He succumbed to wounds on 7th October
1708. The Guru was not survived by any male heirs. He himself declared that he was
the last in the line of true Gurus and thenceforth the Granth Sahib was to be the
constant guide and Guru. Guru Gobind Singh, by ending the position of guru after his
death, shifted power to the Panth and the Granth (sacred texts), fulfilling the aspiration
for equality among Sikhs. Five places are associated with the tenth Guru – Nanded in
Maharashtra, Patna in Bihar, Anandpur as well as Muktasar in the Punjab. While Guru
Gobind Singh faced challenges against the formidable Mughal power, he instituted a
tradition and set the groundwork for a prospective Sikh state. This shift highlighted the
capacity of an egalitarian religious movement to, under specific conditions, transform
into a political and military entity, subtly progressing toward regional autonomy.
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NOTES
7.10 BANDA BAHADUR AND THE RESILIENCE OF
SIKH POWER IN THE FACE OF ADVERSITY
Guru Gobind Singh’s constant companion was his disciple, named Banda (Lachman
Das). After the tragic demise of the Guru, he organized a force in the Punjab, based on
his close association with the Guru. Banda’s successes attracted the entire Sikh
community to his banner. They attacked and killed Wazir Khan in battle, seeking
revenge by devastating Sirhind, destroying its mosques, and desecrating graves. The
Sikhs conquered Saharanpur, crossed the Sutlej, and, though repulsed by Shams
Khan, they resisted imperial forces near Delhi. A division of the imperial army eventually
defeated them, compelling Banda to relinquish his conquests.
However, the Sikhs proved unconquerable during Bahadur Shah’s reign. Upon
ascending to the throne, Jahandar Shah did not actively pursue Banda. During Farrukh
Siyar’s reign, Abdus Samad Khan, Lahore’s governor successfully apprehended Banda
and his followers. They were subsequently sent to Delhi. Remarkably, even in the face
of this adversity, they confronted their destiny with unwavering resilience, garnering
the admiration of spectators.
After the defeat and demise of Banda, the Sikhs’ power was shattered. A general
order was issued by Farrukh Siyar, directing the execution of Sikhs refusing conversion
to Islam. Those Sikhs who practiced their faith took refuge in the hills after leaving the
Punjab plains. Sikh forces emerged when Nadir Shah was returning from Delhi, engaging
in attacks on his rear by Sikh cavalry to amass significant plunder. Even in their nadir,
the Sikhs secretly went to Amritsar. However, having been consolidated as a martial
community, they bounced back, this time to create a Sikh state of their own under
Maharaja Ranjeet Singh. The hidden spark now ignited, resulted in a flame that would
never be extinguished. Their cherished place of worship evolved into the capital of a
territory.
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NOTES
7.11 ROOTS OF DISCORD: CAUSES OF STRIFE
BETWEEN THE SIKH GURUS AND THE
MUGHAL STATE
A significant feature of the seventeenth century was the interference in the matters of
the Sikh Panth by the Mughal emperors, especially Jahangir, Shah Jahan and later by
Aurangzeb. As state interference was unacceptable, it became a cause of concern and
serious matter. The strained relationship between the Sikh Gurus and the Mughal state
unfolded through a complex interplay of historical, religious, and political dynamics.
Rooted in the divergent religious doctrines advocated by the Sikh Gurus, starting with
Guru Nanak, the conflict crystallized over a period of time. Sikhism evolved under
Guru Arjun Dev, who merged spiritual and worldly leadership, challenged the established
order. As Sikhism militarized under Guru Hargobind and Guru Gobind Singh, culminating
in the formation of the Khalsa, it transformed into a formidable force, directly challenging
Mughal authority. Aurangzeb’s iconoclastic policies, aimed at dismantling Sikh
Gurudwaras fuelled tensions, leading to active resistance by the Sikhs. Guru Gobind
Singh’s resistance against tyrannical Mughal officials, further heightened confrontations
with the Mughal state. The martyrdoms of Sikh Gurus, notably Guru Arjun Dev and
Guru Tegh Bahadur, became rallying points against religious oppression, while social
and economic disparities between Sikh principles and Mughal hierarchical structures
contributed to the conflict. It was further heightened by Wazir Khan’s tragic execution
of Guru Gobind Singh’s sons. The power shift initiated by Guru Gobind Singh, due to
tyrannical policies of Aurangzeb further crystalized the differences.
7.12 CONCLUSION
The historical narrative of the Sikh Panth in Punjab unravels the intricate layers of
history that have shaped the destiny of this vibrant community. Guru Nanak initiated a
monotheistic and democratic movement in the Punjab, forming the foundation of Sikhism
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within the medieval Indian sant tradition. The early Gurus emphasized inner devotion NOTES
and equality, with Guru Arjun Dev crucially compiling the Sikh scriptures, the Adi
Granth. Relations between Sikh Gurus and Mughal emperors varied, from peaceful
coexistence to active confrontation. Aurangzeb’s hostility, culminating in Guru Tegh
Bahadur’s execution in 1675, marked a turning point. Guru Gobind Singh, the tenth
Guru, transformed Sikhism by founding the Khalsa, a military brotherhood, in 1699.
The Khalsa’s distinctive symbols marked a departure from earlier traditions. Guru
Gobind Singh’s conflict with the Mughals showcased Sikh resilience. Despite adversities,
the Sikh struggle continued, notably under Banda Singh Bahadur. As Mughal authority
waned, Sikhs consolidated, establishing an independent political identity.
In conclusion, the Sikh Panth’s history unfolds dynamically, blending spiritual
evolution, socio-political transformations, and resistance against oppressive forces.
Interactions with the Mughal Empire varied over time, leaning more on the side of
hostility towards the Sikhs during the seventeenth century, did not deter them from
consolidating against injustice. This illustrates the complex interplay between religion
and politics in medieval India. The Khalsa’s establishment set the stage for the Sikh
community’s enduring legacy, enriching India’s diverse religious and cultural landscape.
7.13 SUMMARY

 History of the Sikh Panth in the Punjab and its dynamic evolution.
 Guru Nanak’s initiation of Sikhism emphasized inner devotion and equality within
the Indian sant tradition.
 Guru Arjun Dev’s pivotal role in compiling the Adi Granth marked a significant
milestone.
 Relations between Sikh Gurus and Mughal emperors ranged from coexistence
to confrontation, particularly with Shah Jahan, Jahangir and Aurangzeb’s hostility.
 The Sikhs, consolidating as Mughal authority weakened, witnessed
transformative moments under Guru Gobind Singh, notably with the establishment
of the Khalsa in 1699. Self-Instructional
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NOTES
7.14 GLOSSARY
 Adi-Granth - Sikh Panth’s religious text.

 Akhand-Path - An Uninterrupted reading of the Adi-Granth.
 Ardas - Prayer offered by the Sikhs
 Bani - Voice of the Guru
 Dal Khalsa - Sikh brotherhood
 Daswand - One-tenth of income
 Doab - Region situated between two rivers.
 Gurbani - The Guru’s utterance
 Gurudwara - Literally the door of the Guru, a Sikh place of worship
 Kesh - In Sikh literature, refers to uncut hair
 Kirpan - Sword
 Langar - The kitchen connected to a Gurudwara, providing meals to everyone
regardless of caste or creed, it is a meal served to community.
 Parsad - Food served to the devotees.
 Sangat - Association of devotees
 Sat-sung - true association
 Shabad - Short lyrical pieces
 Masand - Accredited representatives appointed by the Guru
 Udasi - Associated with renunciation, the travels undertaken by Guru Nank
1. How did Guru Nanak emphasize equality and reject caste distinctions in his
teachings, shaping the core principles of Sikhism?
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2. How did Guru Arjun Dev contribute to the evolution of the Sikh religion, NOTES
embodying both spiritual and worldly leadership?
3. What events led to Guru Gobind Singh laying the foundation of the Khalsa or
military brotherhood in 1699, and what were the distinctive insignia and
requirements for initiation into the Khalsa?
4. What role did Banda (Lachman Das), Guru Gobind Singh’s disciple, play in
organizing a force and seeking revenge against Wazir Khan and the Mughals?
7.16 ANSWERS
1. Refer Section 7.2

 Anil Chandra Banerjee, 1978. Guru Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh, Rajesh
Publications, New Delhi.
 Chetan Singh, 1997. ‘Polity, Economy and Society under the Mughals’, in Indu
Banga ed., Five Punjabi Centuries: Polity, Economy, Society and Culture,
c. 1500-1990, Essays for J.S. Grewal, Manohar.
 Indu Banga ed., 1997. Five Punjabi Centuries: Polity, Economy, Society
and Culture, c. 1500-1990, Essays for J.S. Grewal, Manohar.
 John F. Richards, 1993. The New Cambridge History of India: The Mughal
Empire, Cambridge University Press, New Delhi.
 J. S. Grewal, 1990. The New Cambridge History of India: The Sikhs of the
Punjab, Orient Longman, Cambridge University Press.
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NOTES  J.S. Grewal, 1986. The City of the Golden Temple, Guru Nanak Dev
University, Amritsar (India).
 J. S. Grewal and S.S. Bal, 1967. Guru Gobind Singh (A Biographical Study),
Panjab University, Chandigarh.
 Meena Bhargava, 2020. Understanding Mughal India: Sixteenth to
Eighteenth Centuries, Orient Blackswan, Hyderabad.
 Satish Chandra, 1999. Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals,
Har-Anand Publications Private Ltd., New Delhi.
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UNIT IV: ART AND ARCHITECTURE:
TAJ MAHAL AND RED FORT;
MUGHAL PAINTING
LESSON 8 MUGHAL ART AND ARCHITECTURE:

TAJ MAHAL AND RED FORT STRUCTURE
LESSON 9 MUGHAL PAINTINGS: JAHANGIR AND

SHAH JAHAN
Mughal Art and Architecture: Taj Mahal and Red Fort Structure
LESSON 8 NOTES
MUGHAL ART AND ARCHITECTURE:

TAJ MAHAL AND RED FORT STRUCTURE
Dr. Kalpana Malik
Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Why monuments are erected?
8.3 The Magnificent Tomb: Taj Mahal
8.4 The Palace-fortress of Shahjahanabad-Red Fort
8.5 Conclusion
8.6 Summary
8.8 Answers to Practice Questions (some points to remember)
8.0 OBJECTIVES

 Discuss about the two Mughal architectural marvels in two different cities-Taj
Mahal and Red Fort.
 Explain how the monuments helped the rulers to maintain their rule.
 Describe the various techniques that developed during the reign of Shah Jahan.
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NOTES
8.1 INTRODUCTION
So far you have read about the political and administrative structure of the Mughals
and gained knowledge. As you all know by now that Mughals were very efficient
administrators, their political, military and revenue system helped them to remain in
power. They also made other kinds of contributions as well, one of these were in the
field of art and architecture. You may recall by yourself some of the monuments that
were constructed under the Mughal era like Agra Fort, Red Fort, Taj Mahal, many
gardens etc. This lesson aims to shape your understanding about the architectural
innovations under the Mughals. The two main structures to be discussed are Taj Mahal
and Red Fort. It will highlight in what context these monuments were erected; what
new elements were introduced into them? What techniques were used?
By the end of this lesson, you will be able to know about Mughal monumental
activities, the plan and purpose of these structures, new elements used which will
enhance your overall understanding about art and architecture of the Mughals in India.
In the end of the lesson a brief reading list is provided for further reading on the
theme.
8.2 WHY MONUMENTS ARE ERECTED?
As military, administration, revenue system contributes to the empire building,

architectural activities also help in this process. The construction of various monuments
was important in two ways, first, they serve the purpose of beautification of the
surroundings, second, beyond this general purpose, monuments were sources of
legitimation of power. In this second purpose, the patronage of monuments whether
secular like palaces, forts, wells, baolis, serais, and religious like temples, mosques,
tombs, dargahs, madrassa, bring to the patron several benefits from the common
masses and other authorities of the empire.
Structures of public importance like serais, wells, baolis, reservoirs, canals help
gain the patron’s public support. The construction of mosques, temples, and other
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religious structures help in gaining the support of the spiritual heads and other powerful NOTES
groups of the empire. Through these monuments imperial ideologies were also dispersed.
Therefore, monuments of various kinds served the polity to achieve their goals. Under
the Mughals as well we come across construction of various monuments that helped
various rulers to achieve the political legitimacy.
What were the sources of inspirations for their monumental activities? Historian
E.B. Havell1 argues that the sources of Islamic art were indigenous in nature. They
derived from temple buildings, by using the labour and talent of native craftsmen. He
gives more importance to the local elements that shaped the Islamic art. For him the
term ‘Mughal architecture’ used in itself not correct as very few employed in the work
were Mughals. Majority of them belonged to Hindustan, who created a style that
synthetic in nature. We find within Mughal art non-indigenous elements as well. Catherine
Asher2 highlights about foreign sources of influence within the Mughal art. According
to her Mughal architecture was the product of combination of styles and forms
borrowed from Indian, Timurid and European art traditions. The Mughal artists used
these forms for their own use in various monuments. In the initial decades of Mughal
rule, the presence of native elements was less. It was only under Akbar, who not only
expanded the empire but he also added native elements to the Mughal art. Historian
Satish Chandra3 writes that during the reign of Akbar two architectural traditions were
simultaneously seen, the Persian and Indian tradition.
If one can recall any two architectural masterpieces under the Mughal empire
two most popular structures are-Taj Mahal and Red Fort
Both of them were constructed under the reign of Shah Jahan (b.1592-d.1666
A.D.). He was known for his love for architectural details. In two big cities of Mughal
India during 17th Agra and Delhi which were also his capital cities he commissioned
these two master pieces.
In the next two sections a detailed discussion of these magnificent structures
would follow. These sections will help you to give a detailed picture and answer the
questions like and how and why these structures were erected, what were the new
architectural elements used, what were their plans, what kind of architecture style
used and how did they serve the purpose of political legitimation?
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NOTES
8.3 THE MAGNIFICENT TOMB: TAJ MAHAL
Many of you must have visited Taj Mahal situated in the city of Agra, if not must have
seen in books or read about it. Taj Mahal was constructed during the reign of emperor
Shah Jahan. It’s a garden tomb (maqbarra) of his favourite wife Arjumand Banu
Begun (daughter of Asaf Khan), known by titles like Mumtaz Mahal and Taj Mahal.
She died in year 1631, at Burhanpur, where she was temporarily buried in a garden
called Zainabad on the bank of Tapti River. In her memory he commissioned a white
marble tomb to be constructed, therefore the work of the construction started in 1632.
The mausoleum in the contemporary sources was referred to as Rauza-i-
Munawwara (Illuminated Tomb), it was only in the later period name Taj Mahal was
popularised.
As the tomb laid on the bank of the river Yamuna, the land selected for laying
the foundation of the tomb had a palace of Kachhwaha prince Jai Singh who inherited
from his grandfather Raja Man Singh. Raja Jai Singh was willing to surrender his land,
but following the official procedure a farman (imperial order) was issued and land
was formally purchased. In exchange of land, upon which his palace was constructed,
a new land with much larger palace was gifted. This account was also mentioned in the
contemporary sources of Shah Jahan like Hamid Lahori’s Padshahnama, Inayat
Khan’s Shahjahanama, Mohammad Waris’s Padshahnamah, Travels of Bernier.
Catherine Asher4 points out that price for the purchase was not settled for almost two
years after the beginning of the mausoleum.
The mausoleum took seven years to complete in the year 1637. The white
marble used in the mausoleum came from Makrana mines in Jodhpur state. The stones
and masons were supplied by raja Jai Singh. The whole project was supervised by the
well-known architects and calligraphers who came from Central Asia, Makramat Khan
and Abd al Karim acted as a supervisor and Amanat Khan was the calligrapher.
The Mausoleum stands in the walled garden measuring 580x305m. Towards its
southern side is a large red stone gateway that leads to garden, its eastern side had
mihmân- khâna or guest house, north is river Yamuna.
We know Shah Jahan for its active role in architecture and building activities.
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During his reign many new architectural styles and materials were used in the monuments. NOTES
One of these was use of white marbles, because of this Percy Brown5 called this age
in the context of art as ‘age of marbles. Other architectural innovations under were him
were in the field of curves of arches, as he brought into use nine cusp arches, dome
style under him was further developed. Dome became bulbous with narrow rim at the
base, curves in the middle and pointed top. There was also use of double-dome-seen
in Humayun’s Tomb and Taj Mahal. In this system of two dome the inner dome is
separated from the outer dome with the gap of few meters. It benefits were two, one
by use of this technique the structure gains more strength and second, it makes the
structure look huge by raising its height. The last changes were in pillars. The columns
developed under Shah
Jahan reign, unlike other columns, these had multi faced capital and cusped
arch base with carved voluted brackets.
Double Dome
Historian Ebba Koch6 argues that under Shah Jahan standardisation of

architecture was achieved. Apart from Shahjahani columns, coved ceilings were used.
Taj Mahal in technical sense is a complex with tomb, markets, serais, and gardens.
The whole complex follows a grid pattern. The huge red sandstone gateway with small
chhatris on the top leads to the tomb complex which is divided into gardens of Char-
Bagh style, the stream of water intersecting each other at right angle, thus, dividing the
garden into four equal parts. The gateway carved out of red stone was inlaid verses of
Qur’an out of black marble. Self-Instructional
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NOTES
Shahjahani Column
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146 Material

NOTES
A Sketch of Mausoleum
The tomb rest at the northern end of the garden. In the theological sense the
entire setting represented paradise on the earth as was mentioned in Qur’an, it was
argued that through the mausoleum Shah Jahan wanted to create a micro image of
paradise on earth. Towards west of the tomb is red stone and white marble mosque.
The tomb rests on a white marble plinth that raise its height and protect from the river
water. At each of the four corners stands minars of four story. At outside, each of the
four gates were inlaid with verses from Qur’an.
For purpose of beautification, all over the mausoleum colourful stones were
inlaid, popularly called piertre dure. Through this technique varieties of geometric and
floral pattern were carver out of colourful stones. Inside the tomb, the central chamber
which is octagonal, to its central rests marble cenotaph of both the emperor and his
wife. This cenotaph was surrounded by gold railings which was replaced by Shah
Jahan with that of marble screen.
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NOTES
Marble Railing around the Cenotaph
There exists debate about the European influence and contribution to the
mausoleum. At one Father Sebastian Manrique, a Spanish friar asserted that a Venetian
jeweller named Geronimo Veroneo was the architect, while the contemporary sources
provide details of the architects who were not European. For the foreign influence was
seem in the form of presence of pietra dura.
According to Percy Brown Italian designers were invited to submit designs but
those designs prepared by indigenous master builders were selected.
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Since Shah Jahan himself was a good architect, therefore, before finalising the NOTES
design number of wooden models were made out of which one was selected.
How was such a big complex maintained? Ebba Koch7 writes that the
surroundings of the tomb complex developed into a town of Mumtazabad or Taj Ganj
with markets, serais. The revenue from the villages of Agra and the money generated
from markets and serais was ordered to be used only for the maintenance of the
complex.
According to Satish Chandra8 there was no single designer of the Taj, it was the
result of efforts of various expert people, like Amanat Khan was calligrapher, Ismail
Khan was dome builder. For E.B. Havell 9"Taj was a living organic growth born of the
India artistic consciousness…. Taj is not an isolated phenomenon, the creation of the
single mastermind but the glorious consummation of a great epoch of art”
Taj Mahal was made out of years of labour and it should not be assigned to
single architect or supervisor. Before the final plan was finalised many blueprints were
made, also Shahjahan himself contributed to the original plan. Therefore, the Taj Mahal
was result of many hands. Moreover, it was made to commemorate his wife, the
purpose of the Taj Mahal complex was beyond. It serves as a tomb on one hand, but
it also helped to attain political legitimacy as a mosque, serai, market and guest house
were also made in the complex.
8.4 THE PALACE-FORTRESS OF SHAHJAHANABAD-

RED FORT
In the previous section, we have talked about a Mughal structure in the city of agar.
Now lets us discuss another Mughal marvel located in Delhi-Red Fort. Many of must
have seen it. As Taj Mahal was tomb, Red Fort was a palace-fortress built during the
reign of Shah Jahan.
Shah Jahan ascended the throne in Agra (1628 A.D.), after a decade, 1638, he
decided to shift his capital to a different location, therefore a place north of Delhi was
chosen for the site to lay the foundation of the new palace-fort. In a period of ten years
place-fort, mansions of the nobles, gardens, tombs, markets, roads, water system
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NOTES were laid out. With the completion of these structure, on April 16348, Shah Jahan
entered into his new capital city of Shahjahanabad through the river gate of the palace.
He could also be called as a co-architect of Taj Mahal. In case of his Red Fort
as well shah Jahan contributed to its designs. During its process of construction, she
often supervised the work and at times suggest some changes in the design. In the
contemporary sources of Shah Jahan, he was called a good observer and love for art,
he would ask for corrections in the designs that were not executed according to the
instructions.
The fort was constructed out of red sandstone mined from Fatehpur Sikri. As
Taj Mahal was a modern name, so does the Red Fort. In the sources, the quila of
Shahjahanabad was called Quila-i-Mubarak, the name Red Fort emerged during the
British rule.
The fort lays on the eastern side of the city, river Yamuna behind the fort. It is in
a shape of an irregular octagon. It covers the area of 3,000 long and 1,650 broads
with the walls towards the river side 60 feet high and 75 feet towards land side.
Between the river and the fort wall was sandy bank of Yamuna which was used for
various kinds of activities, like elephant fights, kite flying, ritual baths. The fort wall was
pierced by four main gates, two small entrances and twenty-one towers. Of the four
gates, Lahori gate towards western side facing the market and Akbarabadi gate towards
the southern wall of the fort were main entry and exit points. Shah Jahan had also
erected to large pair of elephants in front of each of the gate which Aurangzeb removed.
Surrounding the fort was moat of 75 feet wide and 30 feet deep filled with stones,
water and fishes. Between the moat and city were three gardens-Anguri; Bulandi;
Gulabi Bagh.
Interiors of the fort were divided into two unequal halves. The front side consisted
of the buildings of public activities like Naqqar Khana, Chatta Bazar Diwan-i-Aam,
gardens, open courtyards used for daily assemblies, gatherings, festivals, and
celebrations. The Hall of Public Audience was the site of daily assemblies of the
emperor. It was a forty-pillared hall (chahal-sutun) carved out of red stone with open
courtyard in the front. In the middle of the hall stood the marble throne at the height.
Behind the seat was the marble panel with Pietra dura inlaid depicting floral patterns
and birds. Within this panel a Greek legend Orpheus was depicted playing a musical
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Naqqar Khana was a two-storey drum house. Its purpose was to give NOTES
announcement about the arrival of the guest through playing music. Chatta Bazar was
a two-stored covered market selling varieties of goods for daily and luxurious goods.
Beyond Hall of Public Audience, were various structures of private importance
like Diwan-i-Khas- the private audience hall (here stood the Peacock Throne called
Takht-i-Taus), Khwabgah-the seeping chamber of the emperor, the seraglio, Hammam,
mansions of queens and nobles like Imtiaz Mahal or Rang Mahal. The Diwan-i-Khas
was only open to the close nobles of the emperor or some selected visitors at the
court. It was used to discuss private or secret matters of the state. The seeping chamber
was a single room apartment for afternoon sleep of the emperor.
The structures of private and public importance also differed in terms of the
materials used for their construction. The places of public use were generally located
in the interiors of the fort and made out of red sandstone, the structures of private
importance was located at the end of the fort facing the river and made out of white
marble which give them aesthetic look.
The beauty of white marble structures was further enhanced by streams of Nahar-
i-Bihisht flowing through it. The canal originated from Khizrabad travelling a long
course it enters the city through Kabuli gate, watering the city it enters the fort via
Lahori gate. Once in the fort the canal divide itself into number of small streams watering
various marbles structures, gardens, baradaris. Other structure within the fort were
sawan and bhadon baradri. Outside the fort to its eastern side was Salimgarh fort
connected to the fort through a bridge. It was originally made by Salim Shah Sur in
1546 on the island in the river Yamuna.
French traveller Bernier writes about the imperial city as a collection of villages
or as the camp city due to the presence of large number of soldiers. But one should be
critical of his understanding as he constantly praises European cities in comparison to
Asian cities. Stephen Blake10 calls the Mughal empire as the Patrimonial-Bureaucratic
empire where the head of the state acted as the patrimony, father, and his empire were
his extended household and its residents as his children. It is the duty of the patron to
protect and care and the residents to look up to him who was also shadow of God
upon the earth, the Divine Right theory helped the emperor and its subjects to weave
in a relationship of respect and protection.
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NOTES
Plan of Red Fort
Historian Shama Mitra Chenoy11 argues that the city of Shahjahanabad was a
microcosm of the macrocosm, it was like the miniature of the empire (macrocosm).
For Narayani Gupta12, the urbanism of Delhi was imposed from above and did
not form from below through contact of local communities.
Red Fort was another architectural maser piece of Mughals. It showed the
architectural development under them and display of power as well.
8.5 CONCLUSION
Mughal empire was one of the powerful dynasties that ruled India. Their military,
administration, revenue mechanism helped them to remain in power. Their other
achievements were in the field of architecture. Their architecture styles were a
combination of Indian and foreign elements. The two most well-known of them
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monumental activities. Both of them represents the Mughal power and grandeur as NOTES
through these monuments power was legitimised. Of the two structures, one was
related to the deceased, the other was related to the living. One was made out of white
marble, the other out of red stone. They were different in many senses but both of
these structures are hallmark of efficient architecture techniques, moreover, Shah Jahan
under whom they were made was one of the greatest builders of the Mughal dynasty.
8.6 SUMMARY

 Architectures were also used a medium of political legitimacy and remain in
power.
 Architecture served the purpose of beautification and support from the masses.
 The new architecture used further made the monuments more aesthetic.
 The styles employed was combination of Indo-Islamic style.
1. Explain the emergence of new architecture elements in 17th century north India.
2. Why the reign of Shah Jahan was called ‘Age of Marbles’?
8.8 ANSWERS TO PRACTICE QUESTIONS (SOME

POINTS TO REMEMBER)
1. 17th century shah Jahan in power, a good observer and interests in architecture,
often design some monuments, renovated old buildings, use of marble and red
sandstone in its projects, many new elements employed like double dome,
shahjahani column and arches, Pietra dura. Self-Instructional
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NOTES 2. Shah Jahan an able ruler but also an interest in architecture, repaired many old
Mughal monuments, added new materials in the repair work, wide use of white
marbles in the repair works as well as in new monuments, Taj Mahal and some
structures in Red Fort. Building activities as medium of political sovereignty.
 Catherine Asher, 1992. Architecture of Mughal India, (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press)
 Percy Brown, 1981. Indian Architecture, vol. 2, (Bombay: D.B. Taraporevala
Sons & Co. Pvt. Ltd.)
 Satish Chandra, 2022. Medieval India vol.2, (Delhi: Har-Anand Publication,
reprint 2022)
 Ebba Koch, 2013. Mughal Architecture: an outline of its History and
Development, 1526-1858, (Delhi: Primus Books)
 E.B. Havell, 1913. Indian Architecture: its psychology, structure, and history
from the first Mohammadan invasion to the Present day, (London)
Endnotes
1. E.B. Havell, Indian Architecture: its psychology, structure, and history from
the first Mohammadan invasion to the Present day, (London: 1913), pg. 3
2. Catherine Asher, Architecture of Mughal India, (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1992), pp. 1-2
3. Satish Chandra, Medieval India vol.2, (Delhi: Har-Anand Publication, reprint
2022), pg.436
4. Catherine, Asher, Architecture of Mughal India, (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1992), pp. 1-2
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5. Percy Brown, Indian Architecture, vol. 2, (Bombay: D.B. Taraporevala Sons NOTES
& Co. Pvt. Ltd., seventh reprint 1981), pg. 102
6. Ebba Koch, Mughal Architecture, (Delhi: Primus Books, 2014), pg. 93
7. Ibid. pg. 99
8. Satish Chandra, Medieval India vol.2, (Delhi: Har-Anand Publication, reprint
2022) pg. 212
9. E.B. Havell, Indian Architecture: its psychology, structure, and history from
the first Mohammadan invasion to the Present day, (London: 1913), pg. 37
10. Stephen Blake, Shahjahanabad: the sovereign city in Mughal India 1639-
1739, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991, reprint 2017), pg. 17
11. Shama Mitra Chenoy, Shahjahanabad: a city of Delhi, 1638-1857, (Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1998), pg. 7
12. Narayani Gupta, The Indomitable City, in Thomas Krafft and Eckart Ehlers
ed. Shahjahanabad/Old Delhi, (Delhi: Manohar, 2003), pg. 28
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Mughal Paintings: Jahangir and Shah Jahan
LESSON 9 NOTES
MUGHAL PAINTINGS: JAHANGIR AND

SHAH JAHAN
Dr. Kalpana Malik
Structure
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Origin of Paintings
9.2.1 Babur
9.2.2 Humayun
9.2.3 Akbar
9.3 Jahangir
9.3.2 Themes
9.3.3 Foreign Influence
9.4 Shah Jahan
9.5 Paintings as Source of Power
9.6 Conclusion
9.7 Summary
9.9 Answers to Practice Questions (points to remember)
9.0 OBJECTIVES

 Understand the form of art that reached its height during 17th century Mughal
India.
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NOTES  Discuss the paintings which had certain symbolism within them as an indicator
of the imperial ideologies.
 Explain the origin of paintings and concept of miniature paintings.
9.1 INTRODUCTION
How does one convey its emotions? Generally, thoughts are conveyed through written
words in varied forms from letters, diaries, autobiographies, poems etc. when writing
was not used, thoughts are expressed through the medium of signs and expressions.
There are other ways as well to convey your ideas and interests to others. It is
through the medium of visual forms, like paintings. Visual art constitutes very important
element of any time period. Paintings is one of the most widely used and popular form
to convey thoughts, emotions and other interesting things.
As Mughals were excellent in the field of architecture, equally they exceled in
the field of paintings as well. During the Mughal rule a new style of painting emerged-
miniature painting.
This lesson will introduce you to the concept of Mughal paintings. It will highlight
how the art of painting developed in the Mughal India; What were the sources of
influence of these miniature paintings? The lesson will discuss the process involved in
the production of these paintings. Moreover, the important admirer fo the art of the
time who contributed in this art from would be highlighted. Other aspects would be on
the themes upon which these paintings were made and use of symbolisms in the miniature
paintings under the Mughals. Lastly, how these paintings also helped political control?
In the end of the lesson, a brief reading list under suggested reading is provided
for further knowledge.
9.2 ORIGIN OF PAINTINGS
The Mughals had their roots in Central Asia, in a small village of Ferghana. The region
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descendant from two different houses-the house of Timur and the house of Mongol. NOTES
Due to their two different descendants, we see in their system some foreign elements.
In the due course of time, the Mughals were indigenised as many Indian elements were
visible in their system.
It was true for the art of painting during the Mughal empire as well. Timur was
controlling the regions of Samarqand and Herat. Under his patronage painting
developed. His association with north India dates back to 1398, when he attacked
Delhi and his army conducted loot and plunder. After Timur, Safavids took over and
the region of Tabriz grew into the central of art.
9.2.1 Babur
Babur, the first Mughal ruler was very good observer and he appreciated his natural
surroundings. In his memoir, Baburnama, he writes about Hindustan in detail, describing
its natural beauty, plants and animals, its seasons and other intricate details. He visited
Herat where he saw works of Kamal ud-Din Behzad.1 We see under him the first
encounter of the Persia art which brought some impact upon the mind of the Babur.
He took interest in his surroundings which further helped him appreciate paintings.
9.2.2 Humayun
Babur’s son Humayun, had difficult time in Hindustan. He was expelled by Sher Shah
Suri and took refuge in Safavid ruler Shah Tahmasp court.
This was his first encounter with the illustrated manuscripts. In Tabriz he met
two most prominent artists of the time-Mir Sayyid Ali and Abd-al Samad. When he
was at Kabul, he invited Mir Musavvir to become chief of the book illustrator.2 Later
Mir Sayyid Ali and Samad were also invited to Kabul. According to Percy Brown, the
term, Indo-Persian or Indo-Timurid was regarded by some authorities as more
appropriate name for the Indian painting.3 The paintings that developed in Indian
subcontinent during the Mughals had elements of indigenous and Timurid tradition.
Humayun’s sudden death in 1556 brought a change of emperor, his son Akbar became
the next ruler.
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NOTES 9.2.3 Akbar
Akbar, known as the ‘Great’for his nature of rule and the changes he brought in the regions
which are under his control. He was also known for the laying foundation of a strong
administrative and revenue system which helped to sustain his power. Under his rule, Mughals
were also indigenised as we see many natives becoming part of Mughal court. The Akbar
and Rajput relations became more intimate as many of them were given high mansab and
had marital alliances. Many brahmins were also recruited in the court. However, Akbar’s
contribution was not limited to the politics, under his reign the art of painting reached at
higher level. Percy Brown argues that in the kind of time Akbar came to power was
peaceful and favourable for artistic revival.4 In days of his father exile, Akbar was taught by
Samad in Tabriz which helped to develop interest in paintings. At his capital Fatehpur Sikri,
he established a royal manuscript atelier which had thirty painters and seventy assistants.5
Its first production was Hamzanam. Other productions during Akbar’s reign were
Razmnam, illustration of Persian literature like Nizami’s Khamsa; Saidi’s Gulistan; Hafiz’s
Diwan; Jami’s Baharistan and Tutinama other paintings.
Under him artists of various countries was employed, apart from Sayyid Ali and
Samad, some prominent Hindu artists were active in his court. Like Bashawan, Miskina.
Keshvdad and Daswanth, Bashawan was a contributor in the illustration of Razmnama.
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A Scene from Razmnama

During his reign, the art that developed was mostly on themes that were related NOTES
to the court and empire, though themes were secular but elitist in their representations.
The common masses were not able to link itself with this art.
His reign can be classified as a period for rise of the art of miniature paintings
which reached the highest point during the reign of his son, Jahangir.
9.3 JAHANGIR
Under Jahangir’s patronage miniature paintings reached the zenith. Like his father, he
had deep interest in paintings but he was more actively involved in the production of
various paintings. Percy Brown appreciated the presence of realism6 in the mature
Mughal paintings as they inspire from the courtly events, and they were smaller as they
originally meant as illustrations in the books.
Jahangir holding a portrait of Akbar Self-Instructional

Material 161

NOTES He had developed interest from the beginning. In the days of his princehood, in
Allahabad he had many painters in his service like Aqa Riza who was master in Safavid
style. Other artists included people like Bishandas, Mudhu, Anant, Manohar,
Govardhan, and Ustad Mansur.
Since the days of Akbar, a single painting was product of the contribution of
two or three artists working on a single painting. One artist made tarrah (sketch),
another artist made Aml (painting), in some cases a third artists was involved in chira
numa (portrait) and fourth made surat (figure drawing), in very few cases few
inscriptions mention about a fifth one who does rangrezi (colouring).7
The Mughal atelier consisted of artists of various countries. Each of the artist was
specialised in one type of skill. The atelier was a kind of hierarchical space where on
the top was the master artist usually with the title of Ustad. Under him were many
artists who specialised in one step of production of a miniature. Under them were
numerous apprentice who received training. The head artist would give orders and the
chief artist would do the composition. As the layout was ready the other smaller artists
did other parts of the painting some drawing the figure, other painting the background.
The Ustad artists were usually from central Asia but few Hindustani artists could
attain the level of skill that they were recognised as the Ustad like Mansur. We also
find signatures of the artists on some works. In cases where signatures were absent, it
makes difficult to recognise, but Jahangir was a close observer and he could recognise
the artist from the style of painting even when signature were not there.
Therefore, the ateliers were the like training schools for the learning artists who
received various kinds of knowledge under the expert advice, there were also some
practical works carried out to improve the skills of the young artist. The atelier was
also a place where other than artists, calligraphers, book binders, and border makers
also contribute their talent in painting production.
9.3.2 Themes
Jahangir was fond of hunting and would go for regular hunting expeditions. In Palam
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162 Material

were time when he would see nature and varieties of plants and animals. Therefore, NOTES
the themes during Jahangir’s reign were on the nature, depicting hunting scenes, some
new plants and animals or birds he saw during hunting. Whatever interests him was
painted. During the hunting expeditions he was accompanied by painters who would
paint on Jahangir’s order. This was the period of naturalism, more detailed and in-
depth portrayal of figures. Some of the famous paintings were Turkey cock, chameleon
and zebra by Mansur, squirrels on a chenar tree by Abul Hasan Nadir-al Zaman.
Turkey cock
The other new theme introduced were introduction of portraiture. During Akbar’s
time portraiture were depicted in font of a building but the art developed during Jahangir’s
time. Under him portraits were of full length standing in front of a turquois background
in profile posture. Some examples were of portrait of dying Inayat Khan. The plain
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background allows to focus on the portrait completely. There was focus on single Material 163

NOTES event or personality during his reign, most the portraits were that of the important
nobles, prince, emperors or some Sufi Shiekh. We do not find portraits of royal women
with exception of Nur Jahan, nor paintings of common people were painted.
Two Tulips and an Iris
Dying Inayat Khan

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9.3.3 Foreign Influence NOTES
The foreigners, particularly the English, were present in the Mughal court from the time
of Akbar. In the reign of Jahangir as well foreigners were also present. Officials of East
India Company like William Hawkins was in the Jahangir’s court in 1610. European
elements were included in the paintings, for example in a painting called Darbar of
Jahangir above the emperor throne a small picture of Virgin Mary was included and
a Jesuit priest was also painted. Other European elements included was halo around
the head of the emperor or some spiritual person which indicated the divinity of the
person.
The 16th century renaissance in Europe which focused on humanism, individuality,
reality and precision also influenced the miniature paintings as well. Therefore, more
realistic pictures were produced, single person portraits were encouraged and real
events other than mythical events were painted. For the use of colours, light shades
were used, frequently used were lapis lazuli, turquoise, red ochre, brown. Majority of
them were produced from Indian minerals except lapis lazuli that was imported.
During the reign of Jahangir very perfect mixture of local and foreign elements in
paintings happened.
9.4 SHAH JAHAN
He was born as Khurram, to Jahangir. He was an able ruler, like his father he took
interest in art. Jahangir was a good patron of miniature paintings, but shah Jahan was
more interested in architecture. You know some of the monuments erected under his
patronage-Taj Mahal and Red Fort in Agra and Delhi respectively. But during his reign
paintings were also produced. But historian agree that during his reign the dynamic
character of the paintings declined and first-time signs of deterioration were visible.
Majority of the themes were around royal visits to the spiritual people. But the
uniqueness was for the first-time night scenes were painted. The other innovation was
the introduction of Siyahi Qalam a technique consisted of fine, line drawings with use
of pale colours and gold. Majority of the paintings produced were meant for the
albums (muraqqas). The portraits consisted of the figure standing in profile pose, with Self-Instructional
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NOTES halo behind his head and holding a flower in one hand. Some of the best painting was
Emperor Shah Jahan on the Peacock throne, A Prince Visiting a Hermitage,
Battle Scene, Birth of Jahangir. After death of Shah Jahan (1666), his son Aurangzeb
took over. During his rule the art of the art of painting witnessed final decline.
Shah Jahan on the Peacock Throne
Shah Jahan’s interest in monumental activities was the chief cause for the gradual
decline of the miniature paintings. Though, some new techniques were also introduced
in terms of technique and styles but gradual decline was started which was completed
during the reign of Aurangzeb.
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NOTES
9.5 PAINTINGS AS SOURCE OF POWER
So far you know that paintings were produced for many reasons. One it was used for
the purpose of book illustration and on the other hand paintings also helped in the
political legitimacy.
During Akbar’s reign, which also marked millennium year (1000) of years of
Islam. Therefore, to gain the support of the Muslim population and ulema of the empire
some important works related to philosophies of Islam and moral guidance, were
illustrated. Hamzanama, and Tutinama were the most popular illustrations.
Hamzanama deals with the life Humza, an Arab adventure, consisting of various
stories on escape, adventure, romance. Tutinama was didactic, normative work that
gives 52 stories related to ethics and moralities. By supporting the illustration of these
works, Akbar wanted to disseminate the ideas and philosophies.
On the other hand, he also patronised the illustration of the Mahabharata, known
as Razmnama (Book of Wars). It was a graphic illustration of various episodes from
Mahabharata. During his reign, Ramayana was also translated into Persian. Such
patronages helped the emperor to gain the popular support both from the Hindu and
Muslim population of the empire. It also conveyed the imperial ideology where the
emperor represented himself as the king of everyone. Such political rituals helped in
the stable political base.
The other ways to gain support and legitimacy was through themes and the
symbolic representations within the paintings itself.
Jahangir was the close observer of his natural surroundings. He took keen interest
in the paintings, where he knew style of each artist. The paintings produced during his
period saw the introduction of two new elements. One was the European concepts
and characters, and other was use of animals.
There was frequent use of Halo, a lightening circle behind the head. The Halo
was borrowed from Europe, which was used for important spiritual or religious figures
like Christ, Virgin Mary. Its use in Mughal paintings was generally around the emperor
or Sufi sheikhs. The emperor was seen as zill-e-Ilahi (shadow of God on earth). The
other European motifs were Virgin Mary and Cupids. Both of them were integral part
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of Christianity. Material 167

NOTES Europeans, especially English were present at the Jahangir’s court. They also
received trade permission from him. Therefore, there was influence of Europeans on
the miniature paintings.
The other motif was use of animals. The paintings of Jahangir were full of animals
that were either used as part of the natural surroundings or to convey symbols of peace
in the empire. In one of the paintings under Jahangir, he was shown standing on a globe
like structure in which rest a lamb and a lion next to each other. It shows that in the
empire there was peaceful co-existence. In the same painting Jahangir was showed
holding bow and arrow with which he tries to hit a weak, black, thin, naked, old man
who represents poverty. Over the head were cherubs who carry the royal crown, which
represents that the angles proclaiming him the king, the Divine Right to rule.
Self-Instructional Jahangir Shoots Poverty

168 Material

Azfar Moin, studied the relation between Mughal and Safavid nature of kingship. NOTES
He argued in both of these empires the king fashioned himself as the sacred, and like
a sainthood. They model their court in the manner like Sufi khanqahs, and projected
themselves as ‘messiah’.8 Under the new king, new era of peace and justice was
started as Islam completed one thousand years.9
Humayun during his exile at Safavid court saw the court model, and the way
emperor style himself, he was influenced by that. But it was Akbar who first styled
himself as the sacred king. Through rituals and institutions, the messiah image was
imposed. Rituals like Din-i-Ilahi, and terms used for Akbar like Zil-i-Ilahi, helped the
king to achieve the sacred image. He also tried to imitate Shah Ismail, the founder of
Safavid empire.10 By doing this he tries to link himself with the sacred kings.
This dive nature of rule was also seen the miniature paintings. Some of the
paintings depict emperor involved in the ritual of Jharokha Darshan. Others show
them in the company of Sufis. A halo around their head, or some religious figure giving
him globe to rule, which means he had received the right to rule from spiritual men. The
symbols used in the miniature paintings during 17th century were tools to disperse
imperial ideologies and political motives.
The paintings were both a form of an art and a message for the people of the
empire, which helped in the political legitimacy. Without stable base the empire declines,
therefore, various types of mediums were invented to get physical and mental support.
9.6 CONCLUSION
The art has many forms and meanings. Each form of an art is used for multiple purposes.
Paintings is one form of art. Paintings produced during the Mughal empire, especially
during the reign of Akbar and Shahjahan were well known. These small size paintings,
called the ‘miniature paintings’ were used for the illustrations of the texts, they were
also used for the albums. Mainly graphic representation of the events, ideas or people.
These paintings were generally based on the life or events related to the emperor like
his coronation, hunting scenes, visit to some religious figure, battle scenes.
The works produced under Jahangir’s patronage revolved around ecological
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and political events. Birds, animals, plants that were unique were painted. Moreover, Material 169

NOTES there were political as well which were symbolically painted to suite imperial ideology.
But under Shahjahan, this art took a downward course, the sighs of decline were
visible. As he took more interest in architecture, paintings were given less importance.
There was no development but few new techniques like Siyahi Qalam and night
scenes were painted.
Overall, the miniature paintings were both used for the beautification and
ideological support to sustain their power. They were the source of legitimacy of power
for the emperor and the empire.
9.7 SUMMARY

 The origin of miniature paintings and how this art came to Hindustan.
 How art developed during Akbar’s period. The art form reached new heights
during the reign of Jahangir.
 Akbar’s love for nature was seen in the themes and After his death there was
slow progress of paintings, finally declining during Aurangzeb’s reign.
 How paintings were seen as a medium to spread imperial beliefs, which help to
gain support from all sections of the society empire.
1. Explain the origin and rise of miniature paintings during the Mughal empire.
2. How did the nature and themes of miniature paintings evolve from Akbar to
Jahangir?
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NOTES
9.9 ANSWERS TO PRACTICE QUESTIONS (POINTS
TO REMEMBER)
1. The origin in Persian empire; Humayun’s exile and his experience; abkar’s
coronation and rise of new era; his patronage to artists and big atelier; various
themes painted; reign of Jahangir and his interest in nature; paintings of animals,
flowers, scenic view produced; paintings showing him as king of the world;
coming a Shahjahan an era of gradual decline and few new things added like
night scenes and siyahi Qalam technique
2. Coronation of Akbar and many new changes in empire; he developed sacred
kingship and sainthood of the emperor; his patronage to Hindu and Muslim
artists; many paintings produced on political and religious themes; court scenes
were common; pictorial representation of classical texts of Razmnama,
Hamzanam and Tutinama; his son Jahangir patronised many artists, his love
for naturalism and realism was seen in the paintings and their themes; after him
gradual decline under shah Jahan.
 Percy Brown, 1920. The Heritage of India: Indian Painting, (Calcutta: The
Association Press.
 Azfar, Moin, 2012. The Millennial Sovereign: sacred kingship and sainthood
in Islam, (Columbia: Columbia University Press.
 Edith Tomory, 2017. A History of Fine Arts in India and the West,
(Hyderabad, Oriental Blackswan Pvt. Ltd, first published in 1982, reprint 2017)
 Som Prakash Verma, 2011. Interpreting Mughal Painting: essays on art,
society and culture, (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2009, reprint 2011)
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NOTES Endnotes
1. Percy Brown, The Heritage of India: Indian Painting, (Calcutta: The

Association Press, 1920), pg. 44
2. Edith Tomory, A History of Fine Arts in India and the West, (Hyderabad,
Oriental Blackswan Pvt. Ltd, first published in 1982, reprint 2017), pg. 250
Association Press, 1920), pg. 43
4. Ibid. pg. 44
5. Steven Kossak, Indian Court Painting 16th-19th century, (New York: The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1997), pg. 9
Association Press, 1920), pp. 45-46
7. Edith Tomory, A History of Fine Arts in India and the West, (Hyderabad,
Oriental Blackswan Pvt. Ltd, first published in 1982, reprint 2017), pg. 251
8. Azfar, Moin, The Millennial Sovereign: sacred kingship and sainthood in
Islam, (Columbia: Columbia University Press, 2012), pg. 1
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid. pp.2-4
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UNIT V: SOCIETY, CULTURE AND RELIGION:
SUFISM: NAQSHBANDI;
POPULAR LITERATURE FROM
THE DECCAN: CHAKKI-NAMA
AND CHARKHA-NAMA
LESSON 10 SUFISM: SHATTARI, CHISHTI AND

NAQSHBANDI
LESSON 11 SUFIS AND SHIAS IN THE DECCAN:

CHAKKINAMA AND CHARKHANAMA
Sufism: Shattari, Chishti and Naqshbandi
LESSON 10 NOTES
SUFISM: SHATTARI, CHISHTI AND NAQSHBANDI

Dr. Sushmita Banerjee
Assistant Professor
Department of History
Miranda House
Structure
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Sufi Orders in India: An Introduction
10.2 Chishti Sufi Order in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries
10.3 Shattari Sufi Order in the Sixteenth Century
10.4 Naqshbandi Sufi Order in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century
10.4.1 Khwaja Baqi Billah’s Role as a Naqshbandi Sufi Pir in the
Seventeenth Century
10.4.2 Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi’s Contribution as a Naqshbandi Sufi: Precepts
and Practices
10.5 Summary
10.0 OBJECTIVES

 Understand role of different sufi orders in Indian subcontinent.
 Examine the role of Sufis in politics of period of your study.
 Differentiate between the practices of different sufi orders.
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NOTES
10.1 SUFI ORDERS IN INDIA: AN INTRODUCTION
Sufism refers to mystical dimensions in Islam. The early history of sufis in Indian
subcontinent can be traced to the thirteenth century. The Persian texts refer to several
itinerant preachers, dervishes, buzurg who came to North India and settled down in
Ajmer, Nagaur, Delhi and many other regions. Amongst the many such preachers,
some sufis came to be identified with specific spiritual order (Silsila). In the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries Chishti and Suhrawardi Sufi order gained prominence in North
India and Deccan on account of their sufi ideals and prominent sufi preachers. By the
fifteenth century regional expanse of Sufis led to growth of sufi dyads in Gujarat,
Rajasthan, Bengal in addition to North India and the Deccan.
The sufi preachers adopted various strategies to teach sufi tenets to their disciples
and lay followers. Some sufi teachers held regular assemblies in their hospices to
transmit knowledge relating to Islam and unravel the precepts of sufism. Their
conversational style was lucid and simple to ensure wide dissemination of their teachings.
While some Sufis explained difficult sufi tenets in Persian, other sufis used vernacular
languages such as Dakkani and Hindawi to ensure easy communication with followers
and lay individuals.
The Sufis focused on core tenets of mysticism in their teachings: non-materialism,
benevolence and humanism, leading life with complete reliance on god, importance of
prayer, reciting the name of god, adhering to the shariat, following the commandments
of the Prophet, and adhering to the spiritual path advocated by spiritual master. The
Sufis delivered discourses relating to these subjects, held discussions with scholars
and wrote books and letters to circulate knowledge relating to sufi virtues. The
prominent sufi texts that provide an insight into sufi way of life are Fawaid al-Fuad,
Khayr al-Majalis, Nafais al-Anfas, Siyar al-Awliya, Siyar al-Arifin, Akhbar al-
Akhyar, Gulzar-i Abrar, among others. These texts provide a lineal history of the
Sufis which are classified as per their spiritual order, hence projecting the differential
approach to sufism as per the tariqa. In the next sections we would focus on sufi
orders in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
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NOTES
10.2 CHISHTI SUFI ORDER IN THE SIXTEENTH AND
SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES
The Chishti Sufis had wide popularity in North India in the early fourteenth century on
account of Shaykh Nizam al-Din Awliya. However, Chishti sufi center emerged in
Deccan in the mid-fourteenth century on account of Shaykh Burhan al-Din Gharib
who settled in Deccan and established a sufi center at Burhanpur. He and his disciples
were instrumental in spreading Chishti sufism in Deccan. The disciples of Burhan al-
Din compiled five malfuzats on social and ethical practices of Burhan al-Din and
different kinds of sufi practices that helped him retaining his popularity amongst the
local Muslims.
In the early fifteenth century another Chishti sufi pir gained considerable renown
in the Deccan — Sayyid Muhammad Gesu Daraz, a khalifa of Shaykh Nasir al-Din
Mahmud. He migrated to Deccan, settled in Gulbarga and established a new centre of
Chishti Sufism. A voluminous malfuzat, Jawami al-Kalim was compiled by his son
and khalifa, Sayyid Akbar Hussaini. This text discusses the Sayyid lineage, his Chishti
lineage, scholarly inclination and sufi practices.1 One of key changes instituted by
Gesu Daraz was to combine the position of sajjada nishin and khalifa in his son,
Sayyid Akbar. Hence, the conflict that existed earlier amongst the linear and spiritual
descendants disappeared. The lineal descendants of Gesu Daraz continued to reside
in Gulbarga and became popular on account of their spiritual power.
In North India the popularity of Chishti sufi pirs declined in the mid-fifteenth
and early sixteenth century. In the sixteenth century a few sufi pirs identified themselves
with the Chishti order. Shaykh Abdul Quddus Gangohi of Rudauli is identified with the
Sabri branch of the Chishti order. He practiced strenuous ritualistic practices such as
namaz-i maakus and wrote extensively on sufism as well as yogic thought in a wide
range of texts: Rushd Nama in Persian Haqiaq-i Hindi. His disciple Jalal al-Din
Thanesari also gained renown as a sufi pir. Subsequently Shaykh Salim Chishti gained
prominence in Sikri. As a spiritual mentor, he had close relationship with Mughal emperor
Akbar in the mid-sixteenth century. Akbar started going on annual pilgrimage to Ajmer
and also started visiting Nizam al-Din Awliya’s shrine in Delhi. Due to Shaykh Salim
Chishti’s blessings, Akbar got several successes and his male heir that confirmed his Self-Instructional
Material 177

NOTES further belief in Chishti sufism. After Salim Chishti’s death, Akbar constructed his
mausoleum in Sikri within the imperial mosque complex. Akbar was influenced by
Chishti ideas of pantheism and their non-intrusive nature of political stand proved
helpful in renewal of Mughal interest in Chishti sufi ideology. According to Muzaffar
Alam, the idea of sulh-i kull, often attributed to Akbar was also propagated by Chishti
sufis in their writings.2 Hence, rather than patronizing Naqshbandi sufis, Akbar got
inclined towards Chishti sufism as their ideological stand was closer to his vision of the
Mughal empire.
The textual production of Chishti Sufis increased in the seventeenth century due
to the literary productions of Shaykh Abd al-Rahman Chishti. He wrote hagiographies
of Chishti sufis, texts on sufi practices trying to showcase the prominence of Chishti
Sufis in the Indian subcontinent. In a range of texts such as Mirat al-Asrar, Mirat al-
Makhulat and several other texts, he explained the sufi path for the disciples. He
argued that all sufis must follow the path recommended by Prophet and the Chishti sufi
pir. Following the path prescribed by sufi masters was most important for spiritual
progress. For any sufi initiate, it was most important to read the texts on lives of sufis
to draw inspiration from their teachings and conduct.3 According to him, Chishti sufis
recommend following the path of moderation to resolve any kind of disputes and
ensure well-being of all human beings. Abd al-Rahman Chishti also read Indic texts
and wrote a book on story of creation of the world where he blended ideas from Indic
and Islamic world view. The Chishti sufis order was not at its heyday in the seventeenth
century but Chishti sufi shrines emerged as prominent and popular centre for pilgrimage
amongst Muslims across north India and Deccan.
10.3 SHATTARI SUFI ORDER IN THE SIXTEENTH

CENTURY
The Shattari Sufi order was introduced in North India by Shah Abd Allah in the fifteenth
century. The Shattari Sufis had complex relationship with political sovereigns. In north
India, the prominent Shattari Sufis were Shaykh Budhan, Shaykh Phul/Bahlul and
Muhammad Ghaus in the Deccan in the sixteenth century. Shaykh Bahlul became a
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178 Material

and Shaykh Bahlul had deep interest in occult practices, and hence he started NOTES
accompanying the emperor in his political expeditions. While Humayun was in exile,
he was killed by Hindal due to political reasons. Shaykh Bahlul had large number of
disciples in Agra and buried in Bayana after his death.
Shaykh Bahlul’s brother Muhammad Ghaus brought immense popularity to the
Shattari Silsila in his lifetime. During Humayun’s exile, he too faced persecution at the
hands of Sur Afghans as the Shattaris were perceived to be allies of the Mughals. He
migrated to Deccan but there too he faced persecution in the hands of local rulers and
ulama but also got support from Shaykh Wajih al-Din Alawi. After Akbar’s accession
to the throne, he visited Agra tried to get back favour from the Mughals but Akbar
chose to maintain distance from him and hence Muhammad Ghaus settled in Gwalior.
He wrote larger number of texts such as Risala-i Mirajiyya, Zamair, among others.
His most famous text was Jawahir-i Khamsa which discusses about ascetic practices,
importance of zikr and other devotional practices of the Shattari order.4 His hospice in
Gwalior became an importance source of pilgrimage later. Under Shaykh Wajih al-
Din Alawi, the Shattari silsila expanded in Gujarat. The Sultans of Gujarat regularly
visited him at his hospice. He prescribed high moral standard for his disciples, and
asked them to cultivate moral values such as honesty, truthfulness, and probity. He
wrote large number of texts and commentaries on theological texts and sufism.
The Shattari Sufis produced a wide range of texts to elaborate upon their views
on sufism. They gave strong importance to doing zikr, believed in the concept of
wahdat al-wujud and argued that the Shattari path would help followers to reach the
ultimate stage of gnosis. They integrated some of the Indic practices as well as occult
sciences in their mystic way. In the seventeenth century, the Shattaris were largely
overshadowed by the Naqshbandis.
10.4 NAQSHBANDI SUFI ORDER IN THE SIXTEENTH

AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
The founder of the Naqshbandi sufi order was Shaykh Baha al-Din Naqshband who
lived in Central Asia in the fourteenth century. The Naqshbandi sufis gained large
number of followers owing to the efforts of their sufi pirs. They focussed on adherence Self-Instructional
Material 179

NOTES to the shariat and gained considerable following in north India in the seventeenth century.
In this section, we will discuss the early interaction of Naqshbandi sufis with Mughal
rulers, role of Naqshbandi sufis such as Baqi Billah and Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi in the
seventeenth century and their role in Mughal politics in the seventeenth century.
In a detailed study about the role of sufis in early Mughal politics, Muzaffar
Alam argues that there was a close relationship between Naqshbandi sufis and Babur’s
ancestors in Farghana.5 They were regarded as royal pirs of the Mughals while they
were in central Asia. After the Battle of Panipat (1526), Babur established the Mughal
empire in north India, which led to migration and settlement of several people in north
India including some Naqshbandi sufis. Many of these sufis traced their spiritual descent
to Khwaja Ahrar (d.1490) from central Asia, a sufi, landowner with material possessions
over several regions in central Asia. On account of the fact, that several political
sovereigns were his disciples, he commanded power over spiritual as well as political
matters of his disciples. Amongst his disciples was Babur’s father. After Babur
established power over north India, he invited Khwaja Ahrar’s grandson to come
here and gave him gifts and presents. Hence, the Naqshbandi sufis were ‘royal pirs’ of
the Mughals when they arrived in India. Besides their spiritual power, the Naqshbandi
Sufis enjoyed high stature during Babur’s reign owing to the matrimonial alliances
were crafted amongst them. Babur’s daughter was married to Naqshbandi sufi Nur
al-Din Muhammad and Salima Begum, a daughter of Naqshbandi sufi was married to
Bairam Khan. However, owing to volatile political situation, their status of being pirs
did not remain constant in the sixteenth century.
The subsequent Mughal rulers were not uniform in extending patronage to the
Naqshbandis. After Babur’s death, Humayun developed interest in Shattari sufism,
hence Naqshbandi Sufis did not enjoy the status of royal pirs owing to ideological
difference. Under the Surs, the Naqshbandis did not receive any patronage. After
Akbar’s accession to the throne in 1556, the Naqshbandis made a renewed effort to
receive patronage. In the late 1550s, Sharaf al-Din, a descendant of Naqshbandi sufi
Khwaja Khwand, came and settled in north India. Akbar’s sister was married to him
as well as a high mansab was offered to him but Sharaf al-Din was ambitious and
soon rebelled against Akbar. Akbar crushed the revolt, and Sharaf al-Din was sent
back to Central Asia. This event left a deep impact on future and role of Naqshbandis
in India in the Akbarid period.6 Their ambition to provide political and spiritual guidance
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180 Material to Mughal emperor was relegated to the background by Akbar as his ideological and

imperial vision was very different from the vision of Naqshbandis. Subsequently, no NOTES
prominent Naqshbandi sufi remained in north India in the sixteenth century. The situation
changed partly in the early seventeenth century after Khwaja Khwand Mahmud and
his disciples gained prominence in Kashmir. In north India, the phase of alienation of
Naqshbandi Sufis ended with the coming of Baqi Billah in the early seventeenth century.
10.4.1 Khwaja Baqi Billah’s Role as a Naqshbandi Sufi Pir in the

Seventeenth Century
Khwaja Baqi Billah (d.1603) came to Delhi in 1599. He had spent his early life in
various regions, including Kabul, Samarkhand, Kashmir, and Lahore. He undertook
spiritual training in sufism under Khwaja Ubaid and Khwaja Iftikhar of Samarkand.
His chief contribution as a sufi teacher in North India was the reinstatement of
Naqshbandi silsila in north India in a short span of time. He initiated disciples into the
Naqshbandi sufi order even if they had been previously associated with other sufi
orders. This led to a quick revival of the Naqshbandi silsilas in north India and also
led to increase in number of sufi initiates in a short span of time.
Baqi Billah’s teachings are accessible to historians through his letters (maktubat)
and table talks (malfuzat). He guided sufi disciples regarding the mystical path that
would help them in understanding the manifestation of the Absolute. As a sufi teacher,
he instructed his disciples the methods to develop deep love for God. He asked them
to abstain from performing any sin, distance themselves from material objects and
greed, be patient, and have complete faith and trust in God. He asked his disciples to
practice self-imposed seclusion, lead an austere life so that they can ultimately reach
the stage of mystical illumination. In addition, Baqi Billah argued that a sufi should
follow the wahdat al-wujud within the framework of shariat. He belief that Sufis
should be regular in offering namaz and thank god for his generosity.
Baqi Billah gained prominence on account of this teachings and enrolled several
disciples in the seventeenth century. Amongst his four prominent khalifas were Shaykh
Ilahad, Shaykh Husam al-Din, Shaykh Taj al-Din and Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi. In
particular, Shaykh Husam al-Din looked after Baqi Billah’s family and khanqah after
his death. Baqi Billah’s sons were initiated into the Naqshbandi order by Shaykh
Ahmad when they grew up. However, his son Khwaja Khwurd, was interested in
sama and wahdat al-wujud and hence he established a separate centre of Naqshbandi Self-Instructional
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NOTES Sufis in Delhi and enrolled disciples and thus did not adhere to all the precepts of
Shaykh Ahmad . Amongst Baqi Billah’s disciples, Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi emerged as
the chief propagator of the Naqshbandi order in the early seventeenth century.
10.4.2 Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi’s Contribution as a Naqshbandi Sufi:

Precepts and Practices
Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi (d.1624) gained prominence as the sufi teacher affiliated to
the Naqshbandi sufi order in the early seventeenth century. His fame emanates from
the title that was given to him by his disciples Mujaddid-i Alf-i Sani (Renewer of the
Second Millenium) . He wrote large number of letters to his disciples, fellow Sufis,
Mughal nobles as well as various other texts on sufi virtues. A study of these texts gives
us an insight into his world view in the early seventeenth century.
Shaykh Ahmad received initial training in hadis, fiqh and subsequently got
associated with the Naqshbandi sufi order under Khwaja Baqi Billah. He received his
spiritual training in a short span of time and subsequently produced scholarly writings
including letters that had detailed discussions on matters relating to Islamic faith and
Sufism. Amongst his writings were: Isbat un Nubuwat that discusses about the reality
of prophecy and its implications; Risala Radd-i Rawafiz carries details about Prophet’s
family, companions and descendants. Another text, Mabda-o-Maad presents
significance of various stages of spiritualism and method to attain perfection at each
stage; Mukashifat Ainiyah contains biographical details of Qadri, Naqshbandi, Chishti
Sufis but highlights the Naqshbandi method of spiritual training as it focusses on the
importance of tauhid and wahdat al-shuhud.7 Sirhindi wrote large number of letters
to his disciples where he provided explanations regarding the shariat and sufism. In
his letters to Mughal nobles, he explained the need to monitor one’s conduct and
adhere to Islamic virtues.
Sirhindi’s relationship with Mughal rulers has been a subject of debate amongst the
historians. He fell out of Jahangir’s favour in the early part of his reign and later got
busy in spread of sufism. Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi regards Sirhindi played an important
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that have been often regarded as orthodox in nature. He wrote large number of letters NOTES
to sufis and Mughals, discussed his views about Islam, sufism in an elaborate way to
guide Muslims about true meaning of shariat.8 K A Nizami argues that Sirhindi felt it
was important to establish contact with Mughal nobles so that he could shape the
religious outlook of the Mughal rulers. He was critical of Akbar due to his attempt to
assume religious leadership. He was critical of heresy and innovation and hence wrote
to Mughal courtiers to stop these practices. Nizami argues that Sirhindi was an
uncompromising monotheist and argued that any departure from the sunnat was
unacceptable. On account of his large number of disciples who spread in different
directions, operated in several towns, Sirhindi felt that he would be able to bring a
change in mindset and attitude of the Mughal rulers towards role of state in matters
relating to religion.9
Irfan Habib argues Sirhindi’s views need to be read in the context of his influence
over limited circle of Muslim elites. He was never a a leader of the masses though he
felt strongly about protecting the purity of Islamic beliefs. Though Sirhindi wrote letters
to prominent Mughal courtiers, as he thought they would be able to influence the
Mughal emperors. But it is difficult to point out any genuine change in the attitude of
Jahangir towards Islam or his religious practices as a ruler due to Sirhindi as he carried
forward most of Akbar’s policies.10 In fact, due to miscommunication regarding Sirhindi’s
claim as mujaddid in one of the letters, he was imprisoned by Jahangir. In a letter
written to his disciple Sirhindi had asserted that Muslim community would be rejuvenated
through the mujaddid of the second millennium, though shariat will not be changed.
He was summoned by Jahangir and asked to explain his perspective; however, the
emperor was not convinced and hence he got Sirhindi imprisoned in 1619 but within a
short span of time he was released from prison. Habib argues Sirhindi could never
become a close associate of Jahangir nor could he exercise any strong influence on the
Mughal imperial policy.
Yohanan Friedmann argues that Sirhindi’s ideas are largely used to study his
commitment to the shariat but many of his ideas were deeply rooted in sufism. Shaykh
Ahmad Sirhindi was not primarily concerned with issues of fiqh and did not discuss
legal questions very often. He provided detailed description of sufi concepts in many
of his letters. He held that sufi should follow the path of Prophet. He held that shariat
was the touchstone of sufism and God had favoured him with special spiritual insights.
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Sirhindi’s claim to spiritual eminence is present in several letters. Sirhindi wrote in one Material 183

NOTES of his letters that he was a believer in wahdat al-wujud since childhood and even after
initiating as a sufi murid his belief in the concept strengthened. Subsequently, due to
divine grace, the veils disappeared and his former belief in identification of divinity with
universe disappeared and he started believing that God is distinct from universe; hence,
his belief in wahdat al-shuhud strengthened.11 This was indeed a turning point in
Sirhindi’s mystical thought. Sirhindi believed that Sufis can be in different stages of
spirituality: wilaya (sainthood), shahada (conscious of sufi goal) and siddiqiya (faithful
witness of truth). In the last stage, a sufi acquires knowledge through divine inspiration.
He held that Naqshbandis are leading sufi order as they interpret wahdat al-wujud
through transcendence.
Several contemporary Sufis were critical of Sirhindi for his perspectives regarding
the interpretation of the concept of wahdat al-wujud and regarding himself as disciple
of god without any intermediary. In various letters and writings, Sirhindi tried to explain
and defend his position and reinforce his complete obedience to the Prophet. Sirhindi
had initiated several disciples in the Naqshbandi sufi order; some of his khalifas were
Mir Muhammad Numan, Muhammad Tahir, Badiuddn, Nur Muhammad, Shaykh
Hamid, Shaykh Tahir and several others. These khalifas spread out in different regions
and played an important role in establishing sufi centers in northern India.
Shaykh Ahmad had several sons but his third son Shaykh Masum (d. 1668)
became his successor. Apparently, his mystical achievements at a young age made his
father nominate him as his successor. Shaykh Masum emerged a prominent Naqshbandi
sufi pir in the mid-seventeenth century also wrote letters to his disciples urging them to
adhere to the shariat as mystics could perfect their spiritual attainments through it.12
He was critical of innovations and held that pirs were important for sufi path but any
pir who ignores the shariat should be avoided by the disciples. His sons and grandsons
continued to propagate the ideals of Naqshbandi order along with Khwaja Baqi Billah’s
son Khwaja Khwurd and subsequently his disciple Shaykh Abdur Riza, his younger
brother Shaykh Abdur Rahim and his son Shah Waliullah became prominent sufi masters
of the Naqshbandi order in the eighteenth century in Delhi. The vast literary production
of the Naqshbandi Sufis played an important role in popularizing their teachings amongst
the Muslims.
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NOTES
10.5 SUMMARY

 Abd al-Rahman Chishti’s approach towards Chishti Sufism and his literary
productions
 Role of Shattari Sufis in North India and Deccan
 Contribution of Khwaja Baqi Billah and Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi in spread of
Naqshbandi Sufi order
1. Discuss the role of Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi in spread of Naqshbandi sufi order
in Indian subcontinent.
2. How has recent historiography shaped our understanding of role of sufis in the
seventeenth century?
 Alam, Muzaffar. 2009. ‘The Mughals, Sufi Shaykhs and Formation of Akbari
Dispensation.’ Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (2009): 135-74. Reprinted in
Expanding Frontiers in South Asian and World History edited by Richard
Eaton, David Gilmartin, Munis Faruqui and Sunil Kumar, 124-63. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2013.
 Ernst, Carl W. and Bruce Lawrence. 2002. Sufi Martyrs of Love in the Chishti
Order in South Asia and Beyond. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
 Friedmann, Y. 2001. Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi: An Outline of his thought
and a study of his Image in the Eyes of Posterity, Delhi: OUP.
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NOTES  Habib, Irfan. 1960. “Political Role of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi and Shah Waliullah”
in Proceeding of Indian History Congress.
 Rizvi, SAA. 1978. A History of Sufism in India, 2 Volumes. Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.
 Rizvi, SAA. 1993. Muslim Revivalist Movements in Northern India during
16th and 17th centuries. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.
Endnotes
1. Ernst and Lawrence, Sufi Martyrs of Love in the Chishti Order in South
Asia and Beyond.
2. Alam, ‘The Mughals, Sufi Shaykhs and Formation of Akbari Dispensation’,
pp. 135-74.
3. Alam, ‘The Debate Within: : A Sufi Critique of Religious Law, Tasawwuf and
Politics in Mughal India,’ pp. 138-59.
4. Nizami, ‘Shattariyya’, pp. 369-70.
5. Alam, ‘The Mughals, Sufi Shaykhs and Formation of Akbari Dispensation’,
pp. 135-74.
6. Ibid.
7. Rizvi, Muslim Revivalist Movements in Northern India during 16th and
17th centuries.
8. Ibid.
9. Nizami, ‘Naqshbandi Influence on Mughal Rulers and Politics.’
10. Habib, ‘Political Role of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi and Shah Waliullah’.
11. Friedmann, Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi: An Outline of his thought and a study
of his Image in the Eyes of Posterity.
12. A History of Sufism in India, 2 Volumes.
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Sufis and Shias in the Deccan: Chakkinama and Charkhanama
LESSON 11 NOTES
SUFIS AND SHIAS IN THE DECCAN:

CHAKKINAMA AND CHARKHANAMA
Dr. Sushmita Banerjee
Assistant Professor
Department of History
Miranda House
Structure
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Sufis and Shias in the Deccan: An Introduction
11.2 Sufi Folk Literature in the Deccan
11.3 Summary
11.0 OBJECTIVES

 Understand the role of Sufis in the Deccan in the medieval period.
 Dsicuss the role of languages other than Persian in spread of sufism in the Deccan.
 Explain the importance of folk literature in the Dakani language and its role in
spread of Sufism.
 Analyse the special role of the songs in the Chakkinama, Lurinama and
Charkhanama.
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NOTES
11.1 SUFIS AND SHIAS IN THE DECCAN: AN
INTRODUCTION
The Sufis played a significant role in the Deccan from the early fourteenth century.
Richard Eaton has written at great length about the role of Sufis in the Deccan. In the
period prior to establishment of Deccani Sultanates, the sufis were itinerant preachers
as well as individual Sufis who worked in tandem with the political sovereigns and
hence Eaton regards them as warrior Sufis. With time, Chishti and Qadri sufi orders
gained ground and established their respective spheres of influence in the Deccan.
With the establishment of a sufi hospice in Burhanpur under Shaykh Burhan al-
Din Gharib in the fourteenth century, there was gradual establishment of Chishti Sufi
order in the Deccan. In the early fifteenth century another prominent centre of Chishti
sufism emerged at Khuladabad under Sayyid Muhammad Gesu Daraz. These two
collateral lineages of Chishti Sufis played a prominent role in popularizing the Chishti
sufi order in the Deccan. Sayyid Muhammad asserted his lineal descendent as his
spiritual successor in the Chishti order. The Chishti Sufis wrote large number of texts in
Persian, held assemblies that helped the sufi shaykhs to earn a respectable position
amongst the local people.
The situation changed with the establishment of Adil Shahi dynasty in the early
sixteenth century in Bijapur. The Adil Shahis in Bijapur established Shiism as the state
religion in the sixteenth century. The Isna Ashari, Eaton argues, was hostile to the Sufis
and sufi doctrines as a result there were fewer Sufis in Bijapur region. Though both
Shias and Sufis believe Ali as the repository of esoteric knowledge of Prophet, there is
a difference in their approach. While the Sufis believe in direct relationship between
god and human beings, Shiis believe that salvation of people depends on trust in the
Imam of Ali. Up to 1583 most of the Adil Shahi rulers as well as the Iranian ruling elites
favoured Shiism as the state religion that led to diminishing role of sufi orders in Bijapur
in the sixteenth century. In 1583 Ibrahim II ascended the throne as Adil Shahi Sultan,
that led to replacement of Sunni Islam as the state religion. The eclectic environment
under his reign led to migration and settlement of Sufis in Bijapur.1 Many sufis of
Chishti, Qadiri and Shattari sufi order settled in Bijapur by the early seventeenth century.
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Most the Chishti Sufis were descendants of Deccan born Chishti Sufis. They had NOTES
continued to live in isolation all through the sixteenth century, mostly in the hinterlands
and hence did not associate with urban society and institutions of Adil Shahi court. The
Qadri and Shattari Sufis, on the other hand, had migrated to Bijapur from regions
other than Deccan, hence they associated with institutions of urban Islam and the
Bijapur Sultanate.
Richard Eaton argues that the Sufis who associated with Adil Shahi court in the
seventeenth century were Reformist Sufis as they sought to bring about reform in
state’s institutions and upheld puritanism.2 There were some doctrinal differences
between the ulama and reformist Sufis but they avoided treading the path of syncretism.
While Eaton asserts the orthodox approach of the Qadri and Shattari Sufis, the Bijapuri
Chishti Sufis were well-known in the Deccan on account of their literary productions.
He argues that the Literati Sufis played a prominent role in dissemination of Dakhni
language and literature, spread of sufi doctrines and popular Islam.3 The literate Sufis
of the seventeenth century were associated with Shah Miranji and wrote in Dakhni
language, where the terms were borrowed from Urdu, Kannada, Telugu along with
Arabo-Persian terms. They wrote mystical prose as well as poetry that influenced vast
illiterate masses. The Sufis stressed upon the importance of zikr (remembrance) as a
spiritual exercise to attain spiritual upliftment and also used simple terminology in the
folk literature such as Chakkinama and Charkhanama to connect with wide cross-
section of people.
In the mid-seventeenth century the Adil Shahi dynasty started declining and that
impacted its relationship with the Sufis. Richard Eaton argues that there was a
transformation in the organizational and institutional framework of the Sufis and he
regards this category of Sufis as landed Sufis. The hospice of Sufis ceased to remain
the center of sufi activity as the tomb of sufi shaykh emerged as the center of Sufism.
Large number of Sufis and common people started visiting the tomb shrines or dargah
of sufi pirs as it was a physical heir of the sufi shaykh’s charismatic authority or barakat.
The succession in the sufi order became hereditary that led rise of the class of sons of
pirs or pirzadas. Since the dargah were managed by members of the sufi shaykh’s
family and hence land grants or inam were given to them to manage the shrine.4 This
led, according to Eaton, the rise of landed Sufis in the late seventeenth century. But not
all the Sufis were affiliated with sufi orders and ‘some Sufis were dervish Sufis’.
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NOTES Hence, Sufis in the Deccan were of a wide range of orientation that altered with
time and political scenario in the region. In the next section, we would look at the role
of the Sufis in producing folk literature.
11.2 SUFI FOLK LITERATURE IN THE DECCAN
The sufi literature in Persian largely dealt with complex mystical themes that was very
often difficult for lay people to comprehend. The sufi folk literature written in Dakhni
language, contained simple themes, indigenous imagery that could be easily understood
by the village dwellers in the Bijapur in the seventeenth and eighteeenth century.
Most of the sufi folk literature were sung by women while performing household
activities like grinding the wheat, spinning thread, as well as putting children to sleep.
These folk songs have been referred to as charkhanama (song sung while working on
the charkha/spinning wheel), chakkinama (song sung while working on the chakki/
grinding stone), lurinama (song sung while putting children to sleep), shadinama (wedding
song), among others. These songs involved rhythmic movement of hand while the
song complemented this movement. The content of the song was drawn from local
and daily activities along with some element of mysticism. The Sufis adapted simple
sufi ideas to folk poetry and used Dakhni to convey their ideas. The written version of
the sufi folk literature is dated to late seventeenth and early eighteenth century and are
largely attributed to Chishti Sufis.
The chakkinama and charkhanama are written in a way that a connection is
drawn via poetry between god, sufi pir, and the devotee; the movement of chakki or
charkha with hand is used in metaphorical sense to convey how power rests in the
hand of the women just like devotion is within a devotee, use of spiritual exercise such
as zikr to regulate the daily chores of the women devotees.5
Some examples of sufi folk poetry where a connection is established between
creator, creation and material world. The devotee is not expected to master complex
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theology or sufi esotericism but focus in god’s unity and majestic power as apparent in NOTES
the lines given below:
First was God’s name
And then His qualities
In my mind, I keep the name…
God Himself from the hidden treasure

Has created the whole world artistically
He was created it with his own power…
Our pir has taken our hand in his

He has given connections whole heartedly
May he keep this connection forever…6
Elsewhere the sufi folk literature draws a connection between household chores
and the women involved in the task with sufi philosophical ideas. For instance, see the
example cited below:
Imagine that your body is a spinning wheel, oh sister
We should get rid of our negligence
And give up worldly differences, oh sister
The tongue is the unspun thread for the message of god
The tongue is the rim of the spinning wheel
Bring out the thread of breath and show it, oh sister
Both of these memories should be in our throat
God has given us ability to turn our hand
And it is that which moves the wheel, oh sister7
While zikr had a deep mystical content in the sufi literature, in the sufi folk
literature, zikr did not always carry the mystical meaning, it was largely used in the folk
Dakhni poetry to convey devotion and included loud remembrance of the name of
god while working on the charkha or chakki. The core concept of sufi mystics, that is
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NOTES remembrance of the name of god was merged with folk poetry to make it a part of
popular Islam.
Zikr should be uttered from the stomach through the chest
And threaded thorough the throat…
Do this day and night
And offer this to your pir as gift8
The devotion towards pir, vising dargah and lighting lamp at dargah are common
practices in today’s world. Women comprise large section of devotees in the dargah
as devotees of the pir. In the seventeenth century women devotees went to the pir to
resolve their worldly concerns and subsequently started venerating the tomb shrine of
the pir after his death. Folk Islam with its non elite character and commitment to pir’s
teachings was predominantly transmitted by women in the Deccan. They became
instruments in popularizing the folk poetry as they participated in the social life of
dargah in the medieval period. This was a process of acculturation that impacted other
spheres of life in the Deccan as well.
11.3 SUMMARY

 Varied role of sufis in Bijapur ranging from reformist, landed, literati to dervish.
 Usage of Dakhani vocabulary in the Chakkinama and Charkhanama.
 Relationship between popular Islam and Sufi folk literature.
1. Discuss the varied role of sufis in the Deccan in the period of your study.
2. Critically analyse the role of sufi folk literature in the Deccan.
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NOTES
 Eaton, Richard. 1978. Sufis of Bijapur, 1300–1700: Social Roles of Sufis in

Medieval India. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
 Eaton, Richard. 2005 . ‘Sufi Folk Literature and Expansion of Indian Islam’ in
Richard Eaton (ed.) Essays on Islam and Indian History (Delhi: Oxford
University Press), pp. 189-99.
Endnotes
1. Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur, pp. 40-60.

2. Ibid, pp. 107-25.
3. Ibid., pp. 135-55.
4. Ibid., pp. 203-37.
5. Eaton, ‘Sufi Folk Literature and Expansion of Indian Islam’.
6. Ibid., p. 194.
7. Ibid., p. 195.
8. Ibid., p. 196.
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UNIT VI: ECONOMY AND INTEGRATED
PATTERNS OF EXCHANGE: INLAND
AND MARITIME TRADE;
NON-AGRARIAN PRODUCTION
LESSON 12 AGRARIAN REVENUE:

ZAMINDAR AND PEASANTS
LESSON 13 NON AGRARIAN PRODUCTION: CRAFT

AND TECHNOLOGY IN MUGHAL INDIA
LESSON 14 INDIAN OCEANIC TRADE

Agrarian Revenue: Zamindar and Peasants
LESSON 12 NOTES
AGRARIAN REVENUE:
ZAMINDAR AND PEASANTS
Dr Sushmita Banerjee
Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Land Revenue System in North India
12.3 Batai, Kankut And Zabt
12.4 Land Revenue Officers
12.5 Zamindars and Zamindari Rights
12.6 Peasantry and the village community
12.7 Land Revenue System – Deccan
12.8 Deshmukh and Despande
12.9 Peasants and Village Community
12.10 Conclusion
12.11 Summary
12.13 Answers to Practice Questions (points to be included)
12.0 OBJECTIVES

 Understand the Agrarian relations and revenue systems prevalent in the Indian
Subcontinent from 1550 to 1700.
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NOTES  Discuss the distinctive features of the land revenue system in North India and
the Deccan.
 Explain the roles and privileges of zamindars, along with an understanding of the
intricate connections between the landowning class and the peasant communities.
 Describe the various intermediaries involved in sharing the surplus produce and
their impact on the overall agrarian structure.
 Explaore the intricate web of relationships between different agrarian classes,
highlighting the dynamics between landlords, peasants, and other intermediaries.
12.1 INTRODUCTION
Between 1550 and 1700, north India, under the rule of Mughal Empire, experienced
significant changes in the collection of agricultural revenue. This was a crucial time for
the empire, as they relied heavily on this income to support their administration. As the
region grappled with various social and economic shifts, the land revenue system
underwent considerable transformations to adapt to the evolving circumstances. This
period marked a crucial phase in the Mughal Empire’s history, shaping the way power,
money, and governance were structured in North India. Understanding these changes
provides valuable insights into the complexities of the Mughal Empire’s financial and
administrative strategies during this time.
12.2 LAND REVENUE SYSTEM IN NORTH INDIA
The land revenue system in north India during the Mughal period was designed in a
way that often left the peasants struggling to make ends meet. The main focus of this
system was to extract as much surplus produce as possible from the peasants, which
served as the primary source of income for the state. Unlike other forms of taxation,
such as trade or manufacturing, agriculture played a far more critical role in contributing
to the state’s revenues.
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During 16th and 17th centuries, a commonly view was held that the king was NOTES
the ultimate owner of the land in India. Abul Fazl’s assertion that no moral limits could
be set on the ruler’s demands from his subjects and that subjects should be grateful
even if they were stripped of their possessions in the name of protection, serves as a
reminder of the oppressive nature of taxation and exactions. Aurangzeb explicitly stated
that land revenue should not exceed half of the total produce, as dictated by the
Shariat.
Before Akbar, there was no specific land revenue system established by the
Mughals. Humayun and his father Babur continued to rely on the existing land revenue
system from the Sultanate period.
According to the records of Abul-i-Fazl, Sher Shah Suri introduced a land
survey and measurement system. He ordered a general survey of the land, which was
carried out by Ahmad Khan Tangi with the help of knowledgeable Brahmins. This
survey provided a basis for fixing the revenue demand and distributing jagirs (land
grants) to Afghan officers. Sher Shah also introduced a schedule of crop rates, known
as the Ray, to calculate the revenue demand. This involved determining the average
produce per bigha of land for different types of crops and fixing one-third of this
average as the state’s share. Akbar, who succeeded Sher Shah, further developed the
land revenue system but it is to be noted that the land revenue system established by
Akbar was based on the policies adopted by Sher Shah Suri. Akbar made several
attempts to reform the financial confusion of his territories and check embezzlement.
The reforms done by Akbar in the land revenue system can be mainly divided into
three heads: (i) Measurement of land (ii). Classification of land (iii). Fixation of rates.
During the measurement of land, the first step was to measure the land to
determine its size and boundaries. This was done using a standardized unit of
measurement called the Ilahi Gaj, which was equivalent to about 41 fingers or 29-32
inches. The land was divided into various units such as Bigha, Mahal, and Dastur.
Akbar also focused on measuring the produce per bigha of land and determining the
state’s share in that produce. This helped in standardizing the land revenue system
across the empire. He appointed Todarmal as Diwan-i-Ashraf, who, along with his
deputy Khwaja Jahan Shah Mansur, thoroughly affiliated the land revenue system.
Akbar and Todarmal abolished several old units of measurement and established
standardized units. Akbar divided the Empire into various territorial divisions and sub- Self-Instructional
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NOTES divisions. Initially, there were 12 Subahs, but this number increased to 15 by 1602.
The empire also consisted of 187 Sarkars and 3367 Mahals. Akbar’s standardization
of measurement units, including the Ilahi Gaj, helped streamline the land measurement
process within his empire.
Under the Mughal Empire, the land revenue system was structured in various
ways. One crucial aspect was the classification of land into different categories based
on its use. These categories included Polaj, which referred to actively cultivated land
and was the best type of land; Parauti refers to land left fallow for some time and
would pay the same revenue as Polaj when cultivated; Chachar denotes land that
had been fallow for several years and revenues are collected- in the first year, a small
amount of produce (one or two sers) was taken from each bigha of land, in the
second year, a larger amount (5 sers) was taken, in the third year, a sixth of the total
produce was taken, and in the fourth year, a fourth share of the produce along with
one dam was collected; Banjar, representing uncultivated land for an extended period
and the revenue collection followed a similar pattern with decreasing shares collected
each year. Each category had its specific revenue requirements, with the Polaj land
being the most valuable and the Banjar land the least productive. Payment could be
made in either money or kind, based on convenience.
Akbar’s land classification was based on the continuity or discontinuity of
cultivation, rather than soil qualities. The rates for each crop were numerous, as they
varied based on the specific crop and its area of cultivation. Fixing the rate of assessment
was a contentious process, with several changes made until 1585. The peasant’s tax
was collected annually, based on prices and revenue settlements from previous years.
However, this system had its flaws. Prices varied in rural areas, making it difficult for
cultivators to pay in cash at the official rate. Corruption among revenue collectors was
also a problem. To address these issues, Akbar introduced the Dahsala system. This
involved concluding settlement for the past 10 years, with an aggregate of revenue
rates from 1570-1579. A decennial average was then fixed as the revenue demand,
which was implemented by Raja Todarmal. This system became the standard method
of land revenue assessment during Akbar’s reign.
Akbar focused on land revenue as the primary source of state income. He
aimed to establish an accurate assessment system to minimize oppression and fraud.
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One method used was the jama’dami system, where the harvest was divided into
200 Material

equal heaps, and one heap was taken by the government officer as per the state’s NOTES
demand. The assessment was conducted to determine the state’s demand, and actual
collection was done separately for kharif and rabi crops. Hasil, or jama statistics,
were used to track revenue collection. However, only a few sources provide reliable
hasil figures, such as hasil-isan-I kamil, which represents the collection of the best
year.
12.3 BATAI, KANKUT AND ZABT
During Akbar’s rule, land revenue assessment was conducted separately for the kharif
and rabi crop seasons. The process involved issuing written documents specifying the
revenue demand, such as patta, qaul, or paul-e-qarar, which the landowner had to
acknowledge through a qabuliyat. The methods included Batai or Ghalla Bakshi for
measuring the total produce after harvest, Kankut for mutual produce estimation, and
the Zabti system for structured revenue calculation.
Galla Bakshi
Ghalla Bakshi, particularly the Batai method, involved stacking crops into heaps and
allocating a portion to the government based on the state’s demand.
1. Batai: Crops were divided into equal heaps after harvest, with one heap taken
by the government based on the state’s demand.
2. Khet Batai: Fields were marked while crops were still growing, facilitating an
equitable division upon harvest.
3. Lang Batai: Division occurred after the separation of grain from chaff, following
a process similar to Batai.
Ghalla Bakshi was primarily applied in less settled regions, such as Thatta,
parts of Kashmir, and the Sarkar of Kandahar. For Banjar land, cultivators had the
option to choose the Batai system for revenue payment. While cultivators favoured
Batai due to its reduced impact of seasonal variations, it posed challenges for the
government, requiring the conversion of produce into cash and the employment of
watchmen to prevent unauthorized removal before revenue payment. Self-Instructional
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NOTES Kankut
Kankut in Akbar’s land revenue system involved a general estimation of the produce
through mutual agreement between cultivators and government officials. The term “Kan”
in Hindi refers to grain, and “Kut” implies estimation. This method aimed to collect the
state’s share of the produce and was also referred to as Mughal before the Mughals.
The system focused on the actual measurement of land and the estimation of
standing crops during inspection. While there were suggestions that Kankut was distinct
from the Mughal system, some scholars indicated that Kankut was essentially another
name for the system indicated by Mughal. The primary goal of both Ghalla Bakshi and
Kankut was to collect the state’s share of the produce rather than simply estimating
the crop.
Zabti
The Zabti system in the Mughal land revenue system marked a highly developed and
complicated method of assessment. Although Zabti was the standard system in some
areas, other methods such as Bhoali and Kankut were also used. This system was
introduced during Sher Shah’s rule, where a schedule of rates or “Ray” was used to
calculate revenue demand based on the measurement of the cultivated area. In the
initial years of Akbar’s reign, the revenue administration underwent several experiments.
Notably, reforms were initiated in the 8th regnal year by Etmad Khan, who organized
Khalsa land and detached surplus from jagir lands. Additional reforms were
implemented by Muzaffar Khan and Raja Todar Mal in the 15th Ilahi year, resulting in
the introduction of a new revenue collection system known as “Jama.” The objective
of Akbar’s reforms was to gather valuable information for the creation of a permanent
schedule of cash rates applicable to various regions. These changes aimed to eliminate
the annual requirement for the emperor’s approval of rates for converting produce
into cash. However, the extension of the Khalsa was limited to certain areas, with
provinces like Bengal, Bihar, and Gujarat remaining untouched. Similarly, regions like
Kabul, Kandahar, Ghazni, Kashmir, Thatta, Bajaur, Tira, Bangash, Sorath, and Orissa.
The collection and assessment of land revenue in the Mughal period were
conducted separately, with the state receiving its share of grain directly from the field
during the harvest or from the threshing floor. Revenue collection was performed without
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202 Material delay, typically within a short period between sowing and harvesting, covering the

Rabi season from Holi to the kharif season till Dussehra. However, by the late 17th NOTES
century, officials began preventing peasants from harvesting their crops until they had
paid their outstanding revenue, causing were not yet conquered, distress and hardship
for the villagers. To address these issues, Akbar introduced corrective measures in the
collection and assessment process of the land revenue system. He encouraged peasants
to pay their revenue directly to the treasury and facilitated the issuance of receipts to
ensure transparency and accountability. Patwaris, or village accountants, were tasked
with recording the payments in their account books, providing safeguards against
fraudulent practices and embezzlement. These regulations were implemented to protect
the administration system and safeguard land revenue payers from exploitation.
According to historian Irfan Habib, these measures were essential precautions to prevent
malpractices within the revenue collection process.
12.4 LAND REVENUE OFFICERS
The key officers and their roles in the Mughal land revenue system during Akbar’s
reign:
1. Faujdar: Acting as a military officer, the faujdar was responsible for overseeing
multiple parganas within a province. Their duties extended to the collection of
peshkas from zamindars and land revenue from recalcitrant territories. They
were vital in determining the revenues of a region, considering local geographical,
strategic, political, and financial factors. The faujdar’s jurisdiction could
encompass an entire subah or a smaller territory, depending on the specific
appointment.
2. Amil Guzar: This official held a supervisory role, ensuring the smooth operation
of various sub-branches within the revenue administration. They were responsible
for protecting the peasantry from oppression, including threats from lower-
ranking officers and lawless elements like robbers. The Amil Guzar had the
authority to deviate from the standard system of assessment by measurement,
allowing for the adoption of alternative assessment methods when necessary.
They were also empowered to provide loans (Taqavi) to the peasants and
subsequently gradually recover them. Additionally, the Amil Guzar was required Self-Instructional
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NOTES to send monthly reports of daily receipts and expenditures to the court and
remit the funds to the royal treasury.
3. Bitikchi: As an expert revenue accountant and a subordinate official of the
Karori, the Bitikchi played a crucial role in revenue management at the local
level. Their responsibilities included the preparation of necessary paperwork
and records for assessment and collection. They obtained statements of the
average revenue of each village from the Qanungo, based on the last ten years
of produce. The Bitikchi also maintained records of village boundaries, arable
and wastelands, and the types of produce cultivated. They granted receipts to
cultivators who paid revenue into the treasury, scrutinized the records of the
patwari and the husbandman, and maintained daily and monthly accounts of
income and expenditure, which were sent as abstracts to the court.
4. Khazandar: Serving as the district collector, the Khazandar managed the treasury
operations within the Sarkar and Pargana headquarters. Their main duties
included receiving revenue, maintaining it securely, and forwarding it to the central
treasury. The Khazandar was instructed to accept coins from previous reigns as
bullion and was prohibited from harassing cultivators for any discrepancies in
the value of coins. Additionally, they were required to secure the treasury with
multiple locks, with one key held by the Amil and the rest under their control.
5. Shiqqdar: As the chief executive officer of the Pargana, the Shiqqdar’s
responsibilities went beyond revenue collection. While not directly involved in
revenue matters, they provided critical support to the Amil in revenue collection
and oversaw the treasury staff. The Shiqqdar also held limited powers in the
administration of criminal justice within the Pargana, forwarding cases falling
beyond their jurisdiction to the Kotwal of the Sarkar.
6. Fotadar: Functioning as the treasurer of the Pargana, the Fotadar performed
duties similar to those of the Khazandar at the district level. They were responsible
for discharging the same obligations as the Khazandar and maintaining records
in Persian, especially during the later years of Akbar’s reign.
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7. Qanungo: As the head of the patwaris, the Qanungo was a local revenue official NOTES
with a hereditary post, requiring imperial approval for each new appointment.
Their duties included maintaining records of crops, revenue demands, payments,
and arrears within the Pargana. The Qanungo was instrumental in keeping records
for the Pargana, acting as the head of the Patwaris in their region. They were
also responsible for maintaining registers of land tenure, extent, and transfers,
assisting in land measurement and surveying, and reporting on the deaths and
successors of revenue payers. The Qanungo’s wide range of functions led Abul
Fazl to describe them as the protector of the husbandman, a testament to their
essential role in protecting the interests of the peasants.
8. Muqaddam and Patwari: Operating at the village level, the Muqaddam and
Patwari held vital positions directly involved in revenue affairs. The Patwari, as
described by Abul Fazl, served as a writer employed on behalf of the cultivators,
maintaining a register (bahi) containing crucial details about the village’s land,
individual cultivators’ holdings, crop varieties, and details of uncultivated land.
The Patwari’s register always contained the assessed revenue of cultivators,
which was cross-referenced with other revenue collection documents.
Additionally, after the completion of village assessments, the Patwari and the
Karkut were required to authenticate the measurement documents on which
the Kankut assessment was based. The Muqaddam and Patwari were integral
to the Mughal administrative system, facilitating efficient revenue management
at the grassroots level.
9. Chaudhari: The Chaudhari, a key figure at the village level. The Chaudhari
oversaw revenue-related tasks. They were particularly instrumental in legal
transactions concerning land, providing necessary evidence and attestation for
transactions such as sales and mortgages. The Chaudhari’s post was often
hereditary, subject to confirmation at each vacancy, and their responsibilities
extended to assistance from Muqaddams, attesting to the measurement
documents forming the basis of the Kankut assessment.
This detailed administrative hierarchy ensured the effective management and
collection of land revenue during Akbar’s reign, reflecting the comprehensive and
meticulous governance structure in place during the Mughal era.
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NOTES
12.5 ZAMINDARS AND ZAMINDARI RIGHTS
The Zamindars, originating from the Persian term “Zamin” meaning land and “dar”
implying a degree of control or attachment, were initially recognized as the chief of a
territory or district in the fourteenth century. Over time, their roles transformed,
particularly during the Mughal period in India, evolving into individuals holding hereditary
claims to a share in the peasant’s produce. The usage of the term Zamindars became
more frequently used from Akbar’s time onwards. The term “Zamindari” came to
encompass a variety of local rights related to agrarian produce, representing a range
of fiscal claims, including taxes and imposts, alongside the role of land revenue collection.
This shift in meaning became more prominent during the seventeenth century, replacing
or coexisting with various local terms for different agrarian rights in different regions of
India. These terms included khoti and muqaddam (in the Doab), satarahi and biswi (in
Awadh), bhomi (Rajasthan), banth, or vanth (Gujarat).
The essence of Zamindari rights originated from fiscal claims that had persisted
since before the sultanate period. These rights primarily involved certain taxes and
imposed by the Zamindars on peasants, in addition to the regular land revenue
assessments. These imposts included specific levies on crops and cash, as well as
taxes on various produce such as forest and water resources. The Zamindars also had
the authority to collect other taxes like poll taxes and house taxes. In some regions,
such as Bengal, the role of the Zamindar in the Mughal revenue system led to a blurring
of lines between their claims and land revenue. They were responsible for collecting
land taxes from peasants based on customary or self-imposed rates and then paying
the specified amount to the administration. Their remaining income was determined by
this balance. In most parts of the Mughal Empire, however, the Zamindar’s role was
to collect taxes from primary assesses (cultivators) in exchange for a designated
allowance, either in cash or revenue-free land. Failure to fulfil this duty resulted in
exclusion from the land, but the Zamindar would receive compensation, typically 10%
of the land revenue, known as malikana. In Gujarat, this allowance could be as high
as a fourth of the total revenue collected. This evolution in the Zamindari system indicates
a complex interplay between fiscal claims, land revenue, and the changing roles and
responsibilities of the Zamindars within the Mughal administrative framework.
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Zamindars held significant power, sometimes claiming the right to evict peasants NOTES
at will, indicating their close association with caste or clan dominance. This power was
often protected and enforced by an accompanying semi-military infrastructure of kin,
retainers, and forts. As an article of property, Zamindari rights were inheritable and
were freely sold, leading to their frequent monetization and mortgage to moneylenders.
Significantly, the uneven development of Zamindari rights was evident within districts,
with some villages under the full-fledged control of Zamindars while others remained
predominantly peasant-held. The boundaries between these two zones were not fixed,
with villages occasionally changing ownership due to sales, force, or administrative
interventions. Consequently, the proportion of villages under Zamindars did not always
increase over time at the expense of peasant villages.
12.6 PEASANTRY AND THE VILLAGE COMMUNITY
The Indian peasants were perceived as a homogeneous and oppressed group by

observers such as Bernier, reflecting the concept of self-sufficient rural communities
paying heavy land taxes. However, the reality was more complex, with significant
economic disparities among the peasantry, including large cultivators and struggling
small peasants. The agricultural relationships showcased these differences, with
landholders claiming the harvest, and peasants having the flexibility to shift their fields.
Larger land holdings were often associated with a higher social status, leading to
advantages such as lower tax rates. Peasants’ land rights were intricately tied to their
cultivation, granting them a degree of security as long as they worked the land and
paid their dues. However, the lack of developed proprietary rights over the land limited
their autonomy, leaving them vulnerable to the whims of zamindars and the state. Within
the peasantry, stark divisions emerged based on wealth, social status, and access to
resources. Wealthier peasants often designated as khudkasht (self-cultivated) or
mirasdars, cultivated larger plots of land and enjoyed a superior share of produce. On
the other hand, poorer peasants referred to as reza, riaya, (small peasants) or kunbis,
struggled to make ends meet, facing immense challenges in the cultivation of even
basic food crops due to financial constraints. The focus on cash transactions in the
agricultural economy and the uniform imposition of land taxes led to a widening gap
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NOTES financial advantages, while those growing food crops faced lower profits. Additionally,
the uniform land tax policy disproportionately burdened poorer peasants, exacerbating
the economic disparities within rural communities. These divisions within the peasantry
were reinforced by village organizations and caste associations, which not only dictated
revenue rates but also perpetuated social disparities and animosities. Additionally, a
significant population of menial workers, such as ‘chamars’, balahars, and thoris, existed
in rural areas, serving as cheap labor for the peasants and zamindars during the
agricultural seasons. The exploitation of these workers was a collaborative effort
between the state, zamindars, and peasants, ultimately benefiting the ruling powers.
European traveller Pelsaert’s observations in the early 17th century painted a
grim picture of the peasant’s plight, where their meagre earnings were systematically
drained by unreasonable demands, leaving them with little more than the bare essentials
for survival. Eminent historian Irfan Habib highlighted the heavy burden placed on the
peasantry through revenue demands and various taxes, both regular and irregular,
enforced by officials.
The “village community,” while viewed as a primitive and democratic institution,
was closely linked to the land-revenue system, with dominant groups within the village
often collecting taxes and managing communal resources. This arrangement often
burdened smaller peasants. The village communities during the Mughal era were typically
composed of peasants from the same caste, with some villages established by a single
family or clan. While land was individually owned, revenue officials treated the village
as a collective entity for tax assessment and collection. The village panchayat, composed
of the dominant group, managed village affairs and upheld law and order, but their
activities were regulated by the state. Beyond the peasantry, the village had other
social groups like mahajans, who acted as intermediaries, and artisans, who provided
services and were paid during harvest. While the system of village communities varied
across regions, most villages functioned with some form of collective structure, though
with differing degrees of control over their members.
The relations between agrarian classes were complex, with both the zamindars
and Jagirdars profiting from the surplus produce of the peasants. Bernier, who visited
India in the mid-17th century, noted that the frequent transfers of jagirs led to a disregard
for the plight of the peasantry by Jagirdars, governors, and revenue contractors. While
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the zamindars had a more permanent presence and limited exploitation to maintain
208 Material

agricultural operations, Jagirdars often engaged in oppressive practices, indifferent to NOTES

the well-being of the peasants. The Mughal administration attempted to regulate
Jagirdars but struggled to mitigate their excessive revenue demands, leading to conflicts
with both the peasantry and the zamindars. Peasant revolts were often a response to
excessive revenue demands, leading to subsistence threats. They also occurred in
support of rebellious zamindars, primarily seeking better living conditions or serving
the interests of their overlords. Notably, peasant uprisings during the reign of Aurangzeb,
such as those of the Satnamis and Jats, were essentially zamindari revolts, where the
peasants served the objectives of the zamindars.
12.7 LAND REVENUE SYSTEM – DECCAN
During the Maratha era, the land revenue system recognized four main categories of
agricultural land: miras land, inam land, state land, and wasteland, with varying tax and
rent burdens. Marathi records state a clear distinction between the taxes imposed on
miras land, paid by mirasdars to the state, and the rents on inam land, paid by tenants
to inamadars. The assessment and collection of revenue were generally in cash, although
crop-sharing systems were also observed. Shivaji initially fixed the revenue burden at
one-third to two-fifths of the produce, later increasing to about two-thirds by the mid-
eighteenth century. Notably, increased cultivation and the people’s capacity to bear
the revenue burden were closely linked to the region’s peace and stability, encouraged
by state policies. The village of Jategaon Budruk serves as an illustrative example of
the impact of political conditions on agricultural development. Its land under cultivation
increased significantly from 17% in 1697 to a peak of 42% in 1785, reflecting the
state’s initiatives in land cultivation and wasteland development. Shivaji and his steward,
Dadaji Kondadev, actively promoted agricultural expansion by inviting new cultivators
into the region and facilitating the cultivation of cash crops through preferential taxation
and financial support. During the Peshwa period, the cultivation of wasteland and cash
crops such as mangoes, coconuts, and betelnuts received special encouragement,
with exemptions from land revenue for certain periods. Additionally, under the Peshwas,
ordinary Brahmans and government officials were often granted special exemptions
from forced labour and enjoyed favourable treatment in revenue matters.
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NOTES In the medieval Deccan states, a significant portion of revenue was typically
allocated to officials and aristocrats. During the Deccan Muslim kingdoms, revenue
from specific regions was temporarily assigned to high-class officials and nobles through
a system called “muqasi.” However, when the Mughals gained control, these assignments
were known as “jagir,” with specified collection amounts and restricted administrative
powers. Shivaji, the Maratha ruler, reportedly opposed granting assignments to his
officials within his swarajya, though this remains a point of contention. He exacted
one-fourth and one-tenth of the revenue from foreign territories, known as “cbauth”
and “sardesmukhi,”, the remaining revenue was distributed among generals for
maintaining military forces. In the early 18th century, the Maratha feudatory barons,
upon annexing territories paying chauth and sardesmukhi, claimed the remaining revenue
as “jagir.” This system led to excessive demands from the people and the rise of
hereditary assignments, sub-infeudation, and revenue farming, contributing to financial
strain on the central government and increased burdens on the population. Similarly,
the jagirs of the Mughal Deccan became increasingly hereditary by the early 18th
century.
12.8 DESHMUKH AND DESPANDE
In the Deccan, a sub-district, called a pargana, was comprised of ten to two hundred
villages, each governed by hereditary chiefs known as desmukh or desai, who were
typically of peasant caste, and hereditary accountants called despande, usually
Brahmins. These officials were collectively referred to as jamindar or desak in official
documents, but the typical zamindari system of north India was largely absent in the
Deccan. Under the Adilshahi and Qutbshahi kingdoms, the zamindars were tasked
with collecting revenue from village headmen and delivering it to the authorities, primarily
in the assigned areas. They also maintained militia for regional security, participated in
defensive and offensive battles, and were granted revenue-free inam villages and lands
as well as other privileges. These privileges were transferable and heritable and allowed
zamindars to exercise feudal control over their territories, imposing rents and taxes as
per local customs. Malik ‘Ambar of the Nizamshahi kingdom and Shivaji of the Marathas
sought to diminish the zamindars’ power and control over revenue collection. Shivaji,
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in particular, attempted to eliminate zamindars’ involvement in revenue collection, NOTES

preferring to work directly with village headmen through his own appointed collectors.
Despite this, zamindars retained their inam villages, lands, and other privileges as
compensation for their military services and oversight role over the official collectors.
This policy was largely successful and continued into the eighteenth century. Despite
attempts by some medieval rulers such as Malik ‘Ambar and Shivaji to diminish the
authority of local magnates like zamindars, the maintenance and establishment of large
inam holders, including Desmukhs, Deshpandes, and others, remained customary.
This was not only a reflection of the prevailing social and political climate but also a
necessity for medieval rulers who relied on the support of these landed interests.
12.9 PEASANTS AND VILLAGE COMMUNITY
The internal structure of village communities in the medieval western Deccan during
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries offers insights into the intricate social
organization and land use patterns of the region. This social framework was not only
confined to the western Deccan but also bore similarities in the eastern Deccan, albeit
with some variations observed in the Konkan region along the western coast.
Terminologically, villages were referred to as ‘ganva’ (derived from Sanskrit grama),
‘mauje’ (from Arabic mauza meaning land), or ‘deh’ in Persian. The terms were often
used interchangeably, with ‘mauje’ formally prefixed to the village name when used.
Larger villages that housed marketplaces were known as ‘kasbe’ (from Arabic qasba).
The physical layout of these villages followed a collective form of habitation. The
village site, known as ‘pandhari’ or ‘white land,’ was typically enclosed by earthen
walls. Adjacent to the village site lay the agricultural lands, called ‘kali’ or ‘black land.’
It was believed that the early settlers inhabited the infertile white soil and transformed
the fertile black soil of the Deccan into arable land. Surrounding the agricultural lands
were the village commons or grasslands known as ‘kuran’ or ‘gayeran.’ These were
categorized as ‘people’s grassland’ (lokaca kuran) for communal use and ‘government’s
grassland’ (sarkarca kuran) for official purposes. The agricultural land, or ‘kali,’ was
further subdivided into approximately twenty to forty blocks known as ‘thai’ (derived
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NOTES from Sanskrit sthala, meaning land). Each block bore names that presumably
corresponded to the surnames of the original proprietors or colonizers.
These blocks were composed of fields referred to as ‘set’ or ‘jamin’ (from
Persian zamin), or occasionally as ‘bhumi’ (land) in Sanskrit. This division of land
could be categorized into various types, including ordinary owned land (‘miras jamin’),
gifted or exempted land (‘inam jamin’) where the distinguished state servants, prominent
temples, monasteries, and mosques were often granted inam, typically exempt from
regular revenue but occasionally subject to lighter taxation known as inampatti, state
land referred to as ‘demesne of the government’ (‘sarkarci seri’), ‘demesne fields’
(‘sericen set’), ‘demesne’ (‘seri’), ‘treasury land’ (‘khalsa jamin’), or land belonging
to extinct families (‘gatkul jamin’) and waste land (‘pad jamin’).
The social structure of village communities in the medieval western Deccan was
multi-faceted and diverse. It consisted of various roles and groups, each with specific
functions within the village. The village administration was overseen by hereditary
village officers, which included the headman (‘padilla’ or ‘mokadam’), the accountant
(‘kulkarnt’), and an assistant headman (‘chaugula’). These individuals held specific
responsibilities related to the village’s governance. Proprietary Peasants, known as
‘mirdsdars’ in Persian or ‘thalkari’ and ‘thalvaik’ in indigenous terms, these were the
principal landholders in the village. They typically belonged to the Kunbi caste, which
later became assimilated into the Maratha caste. They had complete ownership rights
over their lands and were responsible for paying regular revenue and other dues to the
state. Temporary Peasants or Tenants, referred to as ‘upari,’ these individuals
were temporary residents of the village. They had arrived due to factors such as famine
or war in their home villages. They would make agreements with the village headman
to cultivate state land or wasteland and pay rent. It is important to note that they were
a minority among the peasants. Village Servants and Artisan included a range of
skilled workers like carpenters, blacksmiths, potters, shoemakers, rope makers,
barbers, washermen, astrologers, temple-keepers, mosque-keepers (who also served
as butchers), and members of the Mahar caste responsible for menial tasks like
sweeping. These individuals played vital roles in serving the villagers as needed. They
received remuneration, often in kind, and were entitled to certain shares of offerings
dedicated to village temples. Some of them were also given a small plot of ‘inam’ land,
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which they typically cultivated themselves. The village servants and artisans, collectively NOTES
referred to as ‘balutedars’ or ‘bara balutedars,’ had a fairly uniform composition,
although their numbers varied depending on the village’s size. They were a critical part
of village life and played a crucial role in meeting the daily needs of the community.
Permanent balutedars were recognized as holders of ‘mirds’ or ‘watan,’ which
represented heritable and transferable rights, and they were entitled to receive specific
remuneration. On the other hand, temporary balutedars, known as ‘upart balutedars,’
received rewards only while actively working in the village and were not considered
permanent residents or ‘mirdsdars. The balutedars, or village servants and artisans,
were employed by the entire village rather than individual families. They were
compensated in three ways: through a barter system, where peasants shared their
harvest, a fixed produce system where they paid a portion of their yield, or in cash
payments. Each group of balutedars was associated with a ‘watan’ in the village, and
if this was shared among families, the remuneration was divided among them. The
village assembly, known as ‘gota’ oversaw village affairs, settled land disputes, and
managed waste land. Although all members with ‘mirds’ or ‘watan’ had a say, temporary
residents didn’t. The assembly also handled criminal matters, including tracing stolen
goods to neighboring villages.
The stability of the village structure in the Deccan coexisted with significant
economic disparities among the peasants. These disparities arose from various factors,
including the revenue system, state interventions, inheritance norms, individual access
to resources, and unpredictable natural and man-made disasters. Peasants were
categorized not only as mirasdars and uparis but also as the relatively prosperous and
the impoverished.
12.10 CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the land revenue system in India during the period from 1550 to 1700
was characterized by intricate relationships and power dynamics among key
stakeholders such as Jagirdars, zamindars, and peasants. This system not only
underscored the critical role of agriculture in the economy but also highlighted the
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NOTES complexities and challenges inherent in revenue collection and distribution. The
differences between the North Indian and Deccan-Maharashtra systems emphasized
the regional variations and unique features of the land revenue arrangements. Overall,
this historical context demonstrates the enduring influence of the land revenue system
on the socio-economic fabric of the time, reflecting the significant impact of agricultural
practices on the broader structure of society and governance.
12.11 SUMMARY
The agricultural revenue during this period held significant importance, contributing
substantially to the economic dynamics of the time. In north India, the land revenue
system comprised components such as batai, kankut, and zabt, which played crucial
roles in determining agricultural revenue. Jagirdars, who were granted land, played a
pivotal role in the land revenue system, being responsible for the collection of revenue.
They held certain privileges and powers, often maintaining intricate relationships with
the central authority. In parallel, the zamindars also played a crucial part, overseeing
the collection of revenue from peasants. Conflicts and tensions arose between zamindars
and peasants during this era, complicating the dynamics of the land revenue system.
Peasants occupied a significant position in the agricultural revenue system, facing various
challenges in meeting their obligations. Their relationship with zamindars changed over
time, shaping the conditions and dynamics of the period. In the Deccan and Maharashtra
regions, the land revenue system exhibited unique aspects, including the concepts of
Miras, Inam state, and wasteland, which influenced agricultural revenue in distinctive
ways. Deshmukh and Deshpande, who played roles in the land revenue system, had
their own set of responsibilities and powers, sometimes leading to conflicts and
collaborations with the peasants. Peasants in the Deccan and Maharashtra regions
faced specific challenges in paying land revenue, while their relationship with Deshmukh
and Deshpande had unique features compared to north India. These regional differences
highlighted the diversity and complexities within the larger framework of the land revenue
system in India during the period from 1550 to 1700.
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NOTES
1. Describe the important features of the land revenue system in North India during
the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.
2. What were the features of land revenue administration in the Mughal Empire?
3. Describe the role of Zamindars in the agricultural revenue administration of
India during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.
4. Discuss a critical evaluation of the conditions of peasants and village communities
in India.
5. Explain the distinct features of the land revenue system in the Deccan during the
sixteenth and the seventeenth Centuries
12.13 ANSWERS TO PRACTICE QUESTIONS

(POINTS TO BE INCLUDED)
1. The important features of the land revenue system in North India includes;
 Oppressive land revenue system aimed at extracting surplus produce from
peasants.
 Akbar’s reforms, including land measurement and classification, aimed to
streamline the revenue system.
 Collection methods included Batai, Kankut, and Zabti, ensuring accurate
assessment and collection.
 Complex interplay between Zamindars, peasants, and village communities
led to economic disparities and social tensions.
2. Features of Land revenue in Mughal Empire
 The Mughal land revenue system aimed at maximizing state revenue from
agricultural produce.
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NOTES  It involved a structured assessment process, including Batai, Kankut, and

Zabti methods for revenue collection. Sher Shah introduced a land survey
and crop rate schedule known as Ray. Akbar standardized land measurement
units and implemented the Dahsala system.
 Economic disparities among peasants existed, with wealthier landholders
enjoying advantages over smaller, struggling peasants.
 Mughal administration included key officers in a hierarchical setup like
Faujdar, Amil Guzar, Bitikchi, Khazandar, Shiqqdar, Fotadar, Qanungo,
Muqaddam, Patwari, and Chaudhari.
3. Zamindars and the agricultural revenue scenario
 During the Mughal period in the 16th and 17th centuries, Zamindars played
a crucial role in the collection of land revenue, acting as intermediaries
between the peasants and the state.
 Zamindars were responsible for the collection of taxes and imposts from the
peasants, often imposing additional levies on crops and other resources,
thereby increasing the burden on the peasantry.
 Despite their role as revenue collectors, Zamindars often had significant
power over the peasants, leading to instances of exploitation and oppression,
particularly in regions where their authority was more dominant.
 The complex agrarian relationships between the Zamindars, peasants, and
the village community contributed to economic disparities and social divisions
within the rural society of the Mughal Empire.
4. The conditions of peasant communities and village communities in India;
 Oppressive Taxation: The Mughal land revenue system aimed at extracting
surplus produce from peasants, leaving them struggling to make ends meet.
Peasants faced heavy taxation and exactions, often leaving them with little
more than the bare essentials for survival.
 Inequities Among Peasantry: Economic disparities among peasants were
significant, with wealthier peasants benefiting from larger land holdings and
cash crops, while poorer peasants faced financial constraints and lower
profits from food crop cultivation.
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 Village Communities’ Role: Village communities, though viewed as NOTES

democratic institutions, were closely linked to the land revenue system and
often managed communal resources. Dominant groups within villages
collected taxes and often burdened smaller peasants.
 Zamindars and Jagirdars: Both zamindars and jagirdars profited from the
surplus produce of the peasants, but Jagirdars were often more oppressive
and indifferent to the well-being of the peasantry. Peasant uprisings were
sometimes in support of rebellious zamindars or as a response to excessive
revenue demands.
5. The distinct features of the land revenue system in the Deccan can be characterised
by the following points
 Village communities in the Deccan were organized into social structures
with specific roles for various groups like the headman, proprietary peasants,
and village servants.
 Land was classified like miras land, inam land, state land, and wasteland,
each with different tax or rent burdens.
 Hereditary chiefs such as desmukh and despande oversaw revenue collection
and administration, with their power being subject to influence from medieval
rulers like Shivaji and the Marathas.
 The system of muqasi and jagir allowed for the allocation of revenue to
officials and nobles, contributing to financial strain on the population and the
central government.
 Tapan Ray Chaudhuri and Irfan Habib, 1982. The Cambridge Economic
History of India; Vol.1. Part II, VIII and IX, Cambridge University Press.
 Irfan Habib, 1990. Agrarian system of Mughal India 156-1707, Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
 H. Fukazawa, 1991. The Medieval Deccan: Peasants Social System and
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Non Agrarian Production: Craft and Technology in Mughal India
LESSON 13 NOTES
NON AGRARIAN PRODUCTION:

CRAFT AND TECHNOLOGY IN MUGHAL INDIA
Structure
13.0 Objectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Textile Technology
13.3 Mining and Metallurgy
13.4 Building Industry
13.5 Other Crafts
13.6 Military Technology
13.7 Oceanic Navigation
13.8 Conclusion
13.9 Summary
13.10 Practice questions
13.11 Answers to Practice Questions (points to be considered)
13.0 OBJECTIVES

 Discuss a comprehensive understanding of the diverse technological and craft
developments during the Mughal Empire, highlighting their economic, cultural,
and historical significance.
 Explain non agrarian production: craft and technology in Mughal India.
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NOTES
13.1 INTRODUCTION
The Mughal Empire has been extensively discussed for its political and economic
policies. In all the studies agricultural production and its collection- redistribution usually
takes centre stage. Mughals had an elaborate system of Karkhanas or workshops that
functioned as the backbone of many of its economic and intellectual production assisting
the empire in gaining its cultural repute. These karkhana systems employed artisans
directly and the produce was for the direct use of the royals and nobility. There was
also a space and scope for independent artisans to supply their produce to the court
and others. While the study of the Karkhana is possible for a modern scholar in its
variety and administration, the works and volume of independent artisan lacks mention
in sources hindering the process of extensive study in the field of craft and technologies.
However, this lesson will help you all understand how the Mughal Empire encouraged
and engineered the growth of certain crafts and technologies that eventually became a
commodity of interest in the European market. The lesson will help you understand the
mechanism and also the extent of how evolved the Indian craft and technology during
the Mughal era. The best artisans were identified by the Jagirdars, Mansabdars and
other officials of the Mughal court for their expertise in various arts and were employed
by the state. The Karkhanas worked as large-scale industries of the time, however
they only catered to the taste of the emperor restricting their growth as commercial
centres. Great efforts were made to make, the material available to the artisans working
in all kinds of Karkhanas.
13.2 TEXTILE TECHNOLOGY
The Indian peasant population doubled as both, the producer of the raw material and
also the craftsman of the final product. According to Irfan Habib, the textile Industry
by the total value of the annual production and the labour force employed was possibly
the largest industry besides agriculture. In medieval India, there was hardly any region
that did not produce cloth. Some sources composed in 16th century mention as many
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materials such as cotton, silk, wooll, and mixed. All the textiles could be further divided NOTES
into two categories: a) luxury textiles were considered finer material for the consumption
of the elites b) cheap or coarse materials for the masses. Indian textiles like silk and
cotton were produced and exported since the Roman era, Indian artisans were
celebrated for their skills in weaving, dyeing and printing. Like many other karkhanas/
workshops under Akbar, there were dedicated royal karkhanas for textiles as well.
The indigenous for the court consumption were produced at Bengal, Gujarat, Kashmir,
Lahore, Agra, Burhanpur and other Mughal-centric centres. During the Mughal period,
the production of textiles became more complex making it an intricate artwork. The
skill employed by the weavers produced double cloth weaves that were exceptional.
The Mughals had many karkhanas dedicated to specific works in the production of
textiles, Farrash Khana was for tents and carpets, Kurkyaraq Khana and Toshak
Khana for apparel and shawls. The artisans experimented with gold, and silver threads
in their production of the cloth and at times they also used metal, stone and ivory.
A European traveller Bernier mentions in an account that within the fortress,
large halls called karkhanas can be seen. Each hall was supervised by the superintendent.
One hall could be seen with artisans working with embroidery works while the other
with painters and yet another with goldsmiths, similarly spaces were occupied by
varnishers working with lacquer, turners, tailor, and shoemakers. These artisans
produced turbans, girdles, and brocades. He mentioned that the workers remained
occupied the whole day. He also highlights that craftsmanship was passed on from
father to son. The clothes of the emperors were often stripped with gold and silver
threads. Lahori Mayan shawls used for turbans and loincloths were a great royal
demand. Kashmiri shawl was also celebrated for its refined make and weave. Silakot,
Bajwara and Sultanpur were known for their embroidery. The Jagirdars and
Mansabdars too maintained workshops in their regions, often presenting peshkash to
the emperors. Akbar’s interest in fabrics and its weave attracted weavers from all
parts of the world. Mirat-li-Ahmadi mentions the status Gujarat enjoyed as the producer
of fine cotton and silk throughout the Mughal period.
With the decline of patronage during Aurangzeb’s period, several regional centres
emerged, marking the dispersal of craftsmen to provincial courts. The movement of
craftsmen led to a new boost in art and centres of art as well. Zardozi workers moved
from Delhi and Agra to provinces like Hyderabad, Benaras, Jaipur, Patiala, Rampur,
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NOTES and Bhopal. The technology of textile production also differed in areas. The patronised
karkhanas displayed more varied use of agents for dyeing and bleaching while the
regular artisans were relatively traditional in their approach. Chintz for example was
cheaper and was used by the masses. The innovations that entered the Indian craft
scene were charkha, horizontal loom with headdles and threadles, draw loom, block
printing, silk twisting implements, ribbon loom, vertical loom for carpet weaving, and
new dyeing ingredients. There emerged about 150 professions attached to the textile
industry mentioned in the English East India Company Records, like Raffugar (darning
small holes in fabric), Daghdhobi (removing stains), Nurdeah (clothes measuring),
Naqqash (pattern creater on paper), Talimguru (sorting thread colourwise),
Zarbaf(brocade maker), embroiders like Zardoz, Cikandoz. The well-known fabrics
of the period were Tafta, Tasser, Ambari, Khatan, Kimkhab, Satin, Atlas. The variety
of imported textiles increased by the time of Shah Jahan.
13.3 MINING AND METALLURGY
Organised and state managed mining was known to the Indians since the Mauryan
times. Golkunda, Kollur, Aravalli, Basenagar, Agucha and Dariba were all sites of
mines. Besides Salt, Iron was the most important metal of medieval times. The
remarkable rust-resistant pillar at Mehrauli dates back to AD 400 is proof of highly
skilled and efficient metallurgy in India that predates the Mughals. Fakhr-il-Muddabir
praises the quality of swords made in India. He describes the process of producing
damascened steel followed at Korij in Kachch. He says that two bars of steeled iron
were heated and put into charcoal within a crucible heated by constant working of
bellows until the two bars merged into one. It was shaped into a sword, the edges
were sharpened. In the final stage, vinegar was applied to the surface. The production
of muskets, and handguns only increased the demand for iron during the Mughal period.
However, steel and wrought iron was produced in India much before the Mughals.
The question of the production of cast iron is debatable. Alexander Hamilton visited
Orissa in the 18th century. He mentions that iron was plentiful in India. Anchors for
ships were produced in moulds but were not as good as the ones produced in Europe.
Iron requires a very high temperature to melt, therefore the furnaces needed to be very
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large, the smelting iron then had to be transferred directly into a mould for casting. NOTES
Manually worked buffalo skin bags used in India could not provide sufficient blast for
any large iron furnace. The lack of innovation made the ironworkers lag behind in
comparison to Europe. The drill called Barma was rotated by running the string of
bows called Kamani. Cutler’s wheel was made of hard stone that sharpened, polished
and cleaned the swords and knives. The only innovation that took place during the
seventeenth century was the use of belt drives for powering gem-cutting drills. Soldering,
rivets and wedge fitting were used for putting two pieces of metal together that were
no match to the screw and nut technology of the European artisans.
Some of the techniques and mechanisms known to Indians were not improvised.
For example, soring was little used and experimented with, it was used in the bow, and
cotton carder used bow string to produce vibrations for separating cotton fibres. Spiral
springs were also used but spiral springs were not experimented with. Syringe was
another technology where the principle of using pistons to create a vacuum was known
to Indians. Jahangir’s paintings depict metallic syringes with pistons, tubes and long
narrow nozzles are clearly depicted but the Mughals made no use of the piston in any
other apparatus.
An important innovation that took place during the medieval era was the ability
to isolate zinc. The zawar mines in Rajasthan were used in the 1BC to extract silver,
lead and zinc. After the first millennium BC, the mines were only used again in the 13th
century for zinc. New distillation devices imported from the Mediterranean world
were used. The technique of tinning copper vessels to make them fit for cooking is
believed to have come with the Muslims. The earliest such tinning site is found in
Brahmapuri in Kolhapur associated with Bahamani Coins.
Gold and Silver find very fine work in India. Bernier commends the Indian
Craftsmanship to be better than that of the Europeans. Soldering and engraving works
in gold were common in medieval India, they could put gold leaves over other metals.
By the fifteenth century, drawplates were used to give smoothness and uniformity of
diameter to gold and silver wires. Coins of Gold, Silver and Copper were issued by
the kings. Surat Mint factory produced the largest amount of these coins. The influx of
silver through European were taken to Mughal mints for coins.
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NOTES
13.4 BUILDING INDUSTRY
The art of building structures has seen many changes through the time in India. Baked
bricks of Harappan, followed by rock-cut temples of Ellora and elephant. For a towering
roof, the technique of pillars and beams was used. Huge blocks of rock were put
together through iron clamps. In the thirteenth century however, a radical change was
introduced in the materials used for construction and techniques of arcuate construction
involving arches, domes and vaults were introduced. The materials also become more
varied like fired bricks, rubble, use of lime and gypsum as mortars as binding agents
etc. Mughal Building are expression of very mature building techniques and use of the
new materials. Byzantine and Sasanid influence could be spotted in the pointed domes
and barrel vaults. Capstan and wheelbarrow were used to lift heavy weights. The new
techniques though were started in 13th century but the height of skill can be spotted in
Mughal buildings. The artisans were now innovating and experimenting with the
decoration of the walls with peitra dura. Bridges built by the Mughal emperors were
conservative and displayed very robust masonry. The colonial architects and
administrators later commented that massive piers and narrow openings of the Mughal
bridges often led to channel-changing course. Pre-fab structures were also experimented
with during Akbar’s reign. Abul Fazl mentions the construction of 18 portable houses
of wood, each with an upper chamber and a balcony. The walls and roof were made
of bamboo. These structures moved with Akbar and were called Bangla.
13.5 OTHER CRAFTS
Paper manufacturing out of hemp pulp was produced under the Mughals. Though
paper was known in some parts of India through Chinese contact even before the
advent of Muslims. The first evidence s of paper use in India is the Shatapatha Brahmana
manuscript discovered from Kashmir in 1089. But it was only with the arrival of Delhi
Sultanate that paper manufacture arrived in Delhi. Amir Khusrau mentions paper making
as a contemporary craft. Paper was made out of tree bark. And by 14 century it was
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an easily available material. However, its use in Deccan could only become prevalent
224 Material

by the 14th century. Rags of cotton, old ropes, gunny bags of inferior fibre, and barks NOTES
of some shrubs were put into the cistern, submerged in water and beaten to a pulp.
Lime along with other ingredients was added to the pulp. Moulds of bamboo were
then submerged into the tank and this bamboo would carry the material on its surface
that would be then sliced and dried. Finally, stone or glass was rubbed on the surface
to provide smoothness and glaze. The manufacture of paper made writing material
cheap making transmission of knowledge, record keeping and circulation easier. The
Mughals knew of printed books but they seem to have shown interest and remained
indifferent to it.
Glassware was worked with to make beads, bracelets, painted grey ware etc
since 500 BC. But in 12th century, enamelling was introduced in India. Glass was
coloured to resemble precious stones and the work was called minakari. They were
used in beautifying buildings etc. Sand glasses were used to map through the day.
However spectacles were European invention, they have been shown in Mughal
miniature paintings, Faizi seems to have used them too but they were probably imported
from Europe. Telescopes were imported in India. Glass mirrors and large panes of
glass could not be produced by the Indian artisans working with glass.
Many other innovations like Glazed ware, soap manufacture, ceiling fans, khas
grass to regulate temperature were introduced in India in the Mughal era. Akbar claims
to have used saltpetre for refrigeration. Measuring and weighing tools like bamboo
rods with iron rings, steelyards, ghari with 24 minutes duration that had 60 pals. 3600
pal made the whole day.
13.6 MILITARY TECHNOLOGY
The great Mughal Expansion is often attributed to its Military might, some believe that
Mughal political and economic wealth was a result of its conquest also evident in the
intersecting military and civil administration. Mughal army was a complex structure
that employed a diverse set of weapons and strategies that were brought from as far
as central Europe, Russia and central Asia. Babur’s Military strategy and technique
used in the wars in northern India was a mix of western devices like muskets, cannons
and central Asian warfare tools like bows, arrows, blades, armor, horses etc. Mughals Self-Instructional
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NOTES understood the importance of military supremacy and successors to Babur continued
to innovate and improvise military tactics. So much so that by the end of Akbar’s reign
the Mughal Empire had one of the world’s largest and most technically advanced
armies making it one of the more powerful states of pre modern era. It would be
wrong to assume that the new completely replaced the old, but they did manage to
change the way war was experienced in Asia. Babur’s coming to India was a result of
his exile from Central Asia. There was a desperate need for survival that resulted in the
invasion of India. The invasion was followed by more battles on Indian soil with the
Afghans settled in India. It was the Afghan Sher Khan who defeated Humayun, forcing
him into exile. Therefore the ability to change and innovate military techniques was
born of the necessity to survive. It was Akbar who managed to consolidate, expand
and establish a military culture that was efficient and unique to the Mughals.
Lynn White Jr., Joseph Needham and P. K. Gode have all worked on the use of
horses and equipment like role cavalry, stirrups etc in warfare in the premodern era in
India. While the horse-drawn chariots were used in India since the Rigvedic times the
horse collar, horse shoe, stirrups and saddles remained unknown to India, giving way
to chariots till the medieval times. The saddle introduced in the 10th century gave
strength to the rider mounted on a horse. The stirrups on the other hand came to India
with the establishment of the Sultanate. The stirrups may have been known to India
before the Sultanate but their use in the army on a large scale was done by the Sultanate.
Horse-shoe called Naal is mentioned in all the sources speaking of military technique
or horses in the Sultanate Period. The freedom of the mounted rider was then used for
much efficient use of bow and arrow, cross bow in particular played an important role
in the military supremacy of the sultanate armies. Amir Khusrau and Isami both Sultanate
scholars mention the use of crossbows in the battles. Isami attributed the success of
Tughlaqs in Warangal to the use of the crossbow. The crossbow is believed to be the
precursor to the later innovation of the barrel of the handgun.
Some of the weapons seem to have arrived with the Arab invasion of Sindh in
712. The first was Naphtha or Greek fire. Chachnama of Ali Kulfi mentions the
presence of hundreds of Naphtha throwers in the arab armies during the Sindh attack.
Another weapon used by the Arabs was Manjaniq, Mangonel/ Trebuchet. Manjaniq
threw stones at structures, rupturing walls. It consisted of a wooden beam pivoted on
a wooden stand. The short arm of the beam had a counterweight put on it while the
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this case. The addition of a capstan to the weapon made it convenient for a smaller NOTES
number of men to pull down the longer arm. Sultanate used variations of Manjaniq
also called Maghribi, and Arrada.
Gunpowder firearms like rockets, cannons and guns have caught the fancy of
many historians studying military warfare technology. Rocketry, according to P.K Gode
was imported from China to India. The equipment was called Ban. It was a wooden
or bamboo stick propelled by gunpowder packed in a cylinder attached to the stick.
This technique did not come to India through the Islamic world but was rather imported
from China. Iqtidar Alam Khan, though denied the use of gunpowder by armies in
India prior to the 14th century, argues that rockets called Hawai were used by the
Bahmani Kingdom and other northern Indian states. Cannons where saltpetre-derived
gunpower was used to propel metal balls or stones was another important component
of military warfare. Iqtidar Alam Khan warrants the use of cannons in India to the
latter half of the 15th century. The use of cannons and muskets both were introduced
by the Ottomans and brought to India by Babur in the battle of Panipat. The introduction
of cannons and muskets is said to have come from Europe to Ottomans and from
Ottomans to central Asia. The Mughals innovated to eventually build very large pieces
of cannons made of brass or copper. The heaviest of the cannons in world were cast
by the Mughals by the end of the sixteenth century called the Malik Maidan. However,
their size, lack of accuracy, and mobility issues soon made the Mughals discard them
by the 17th century.
Akbar added two inventions to the artillery, he made cannons that could be
detached and reassembled, adding to the easy transportation and the other invention
was that seven cannons could be fired at once through a single match. The Mughals
failed to innovate cannons beyond the 16th century and are said to have imported
European-made cannons in the latter half of the 17th century. The use of Ban was so
popular that the Mughals did not expand their use of grenade shells that had become
prevalent in the 17th century.
The history of the Musket runs alongside the history of cannons. The matchlock
appeared in Europe 15th century. Hamzanamah shows pictures of handguns, signalling
their use in the times of Akbar. The muskets in the pictures had triggering levers. Abul
Fazl mentions that Akbar had great interest in the manufacture of Musket. His personal
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NOTES of iron around the metal tube and welding it, the new method used an iron sheet that
twisted crookedly like a paper roll. More than one sheet was used, it was then beaten
around a rod to take the shape of a barrel (Barghu). This new technique of manufacture
could pack more gunpowder. For smoothening of the inside of the barrel, the animal
powder was used through pin drum gearing to rotate drills inside the barrels of several
muskets simultaneously. Abul Fazl informs the readers that muskets could be used
without a fire match by the end of the 16th century signalling the use of flint lock or
wheel lock mechanism. However, since the matchlock or flint lock needed some time
before they could be fired again, therefore, the Mughal’s armies mounted archers
continued to be the mainstay in battlefield. Musket precision was also compromised
on galloping horses.
13.7 OCEANIC NAVIGATION
Marco Polo or Santo Stephano mentions Indian Ships voyaging the Persian Gulf and
south Indian Ports. In Ibn Battuta and Polo’s description the Indian ships were built of
planks of wood without any iron nails or fastening, coconut fibre was used to tie up the
planks. They had a single sail, and single rudder and were rubbed with fish oil. In
complete absence of decks, only a cover was laid on the cargo placed at the bottom
of the ship. Nicolode Conti, who seems to have used the ship of Indian make gives a
much more favourable account than others. He says that the Indian Ships were
sometimes larger than the European ships, with five sails and many masts. He mentions
that some ships had compartments to allow them to remain afloat even if part of the
structure got wretched. These large ships were inspired by the Chinese methods of
ship building, used from the fifteenth century onwards called Janks. The Chinese
ships, under the orders of the Ming government, were withdrawn from the Indian
ocean by the mid-fifteenth century. The use of magnetic compass is absent in the
European traveller accounts but sources like Kunz al Tijar and Maqrizi talk of fish-
shaped magnetic compass that may have been borrowed from the Chinese ships.
Hamzanamah also shows a compass-like device in one of the paintings. Akbar is
said to have commissioned a large ship at Lahore that possibly used iron nails in the
ships. Akbar’s biggest invention is Ship’s Camel. The big ship at Lahore was built on
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a barge, these barges were used to convey ships to rivers and seas. Astrolabe was NOTES
used on ships to determine the time and latitude by sighting the position of the stars and
moon. The ship industry went through a complete overhaul after the coming of the
European imperialists in the seventeenth century in the world scenario, while Indian
shipbuilding continued with its traditional methods.
13.8 CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the Mughal Empire stands as a testament to the rich tapestry of crafts
and technologies that flourished during its reign. This discussion has delved into various
facets of Mughal ingenuity, from the intricate textile technologies that adorned the
courts to the advancements in mining and metallurgy that contributed to the empire’s
economic prowess.The textile industry, with its diverse array of fabrics and skilled
artisans, played a pivotal role in shaping the cultural and economic landscape. The
karkhanas dedicated to textiles, such as Farrash Khana and Kurkyaraq Khana,
showcased the Mughals’ commitment to excellence. The decline of patronage during
Aurangzeb’s era led to the dispersion of craftsmen, sparking regional centres of art
and innovation.Mining and metallurgy, deeply rooted in India since ancient times,
underwent both continuity and change during the Mughal period. While the production
of steel and wrought iron showcased historical expertise, the Mughals struggled to
match European advancements in certain areas, such as iron casting technology.The
building industry witnessed a transformative phase, marked by the introduction of new
materials and techniques like arcuate construction. Mughal structures, influenced by
Byzantine and Sasanid styles, exhibited mature building techniques and innovative
embellishments like peitradura.Beyond these, various other crafts like paper
manufacturing, glasswork, and innovations in daily tools demonstrated the Mughals’
diverse interests and contributions. The military technology of the Mughals, evolving
from a mix of central Asian and European influences, marked a significant era in warfare,
with the introduction of gunpowder firearms and cannons.The Mughal legacy also
extended to oceanic navigation, with ships built on traditional methods and innovations
like Akbar’s Ship’s Camel. Despite the eventual decline of indigenous shipbuilding
against European imperialists, the Mughal era showcased a maritime history that
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NOTES combined tradition with limited experimentation.In essence, the Mughal Empire’s
embrace of various crafts and technologies reflects a dynamic and culturally rich period
in history. The intricate interplay of artistry, innovation, and economic structures during
this era left an indelible mark on the subcontinent and beyond, shaping the legacy of
the Mughals for generations to come.
13.9 SUMMARY
In summary, the Mughal Empire’s historical significance lies in diverse contributions to

crafts and technologies, from sophisticated textiles and advancements in mining to
transformative innovations in building construction. The textile industry, centred around
karkhana systems like Farrash Khana and Kurkyaraq Khana, played a pivotal role,
despite decentralization during Aurangzeb’s era fostering regional artistic innovation.
While mining and metallurgy in India maintained continuity, the Mughals faced challenges
matching European advancements, especially in iron casting. The building industry
underwent transformative changes, resulting in mature structures with innovative
embellishments. Diverse contributions extended to crafts like paper manufacturing,
glasswork, and military technology, leaving a dynamic and culturally rich legacy for
generations.
1. How did the Mughal Empire encourage and engineer the growth of crafts and
technologies during its reign?
2. What role did karkhanas play in the Mughal economic and intellectual production,
specifically in the textile industry?
3. Summarize the overall significance of the Mughal Empire’s embrace of crafts
and technologies in shaping its legacy.
4. Write a concise summary of the Mughal Empire’s contributions to textiles, mining,
Self-Instructional building, military technology, and other crafts during its reign.
230 Material

NOTES
13.11 ANSWERS TO PRACTICE QUESTIONS (POINTS
TO BE CONSIDERED)
1. Mention the inventions and innovations introduced during the Mughal era.
2. Highlight the impact of the innovation.
3. Describe the significance of the patronage and role of karkhanas.
4. Analyse and identify the areas that the Mughal Empire could not tap into the
potential technological advancement.
 Habib, Irfan. 1982. An Atlas of the Mughal Empire: Political and Economic
Maps with Detailed Notes, Bibliography, and Index. Oxford University Press.
 Chaudhuri, K. N. 1978. The Trading World of Asia and the English East
India Company: 1660–1760. Cambridge University Press.
 Asher, Catherine B. 1992. Architecture of Mughal India. Cambridge University
Press.
 Koch, Ebba. 1991. Mughal Architecture: An Outline of Its History and
Development, 1526–1858. Prestel.
 Balasubramaniam, R. 2000. Indian Science and Technology in the Eighteenth
Century: Some Contemporary European Accounts. Manohar Publishers
 Khan, Iqtidar Alam. 2004. Gunpowder and Firearms: Warfare in Medieval
India. Oxford University Press.
 Pearson, Michael N. 1976. Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat: The Response
to the Portuguese in the Sixteenth Century. University of California Press.
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Indian Oceanic Trade
LESSON 14 NOTES
INDIAN OCEANIC TRADE

Sandeep Kumar Verma
Satyawati College
Structure
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Indian Ocean and Structural Changes
14.3 The Portuguese Enterprise in Indian Ocean
14.4 The English East India Company
14.5 The Dutch East India Company
14.6 The French East India Company
14.7 Role of Indian Merchants and Trading Communities
14.8 Summary
14.0 OBJECTIVES

 Understand the maritime trade in the Indian Ocean from the sixteenth to the
eighteenth century.
 Explain the trading focusing on East Indian Companies (Portuguese, English,
Dutch, and French).
 Discuss the trading routes, key ports, and commodities, highlighting the diverse
roles of indigenous merchants in the subcontinent.
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NOTES
14.1 INTRODUCTION
India, with its extensive coastline, has a rich history as a major trade hub in the Indian
Ocean, facilitating connections with west Asia, central Asia, east and southeast Asia,
and Africa. Its mercantile tradition, skilled artisans, and manufacturing for the global
market date back millennia, allowing India to integrate into the world economy. The
Indian subcontinent became a global intersection for various transactions and
interactions. European involvement began in the 15th century with the Portuguese,
followed by the English, Dutch, Danish, and French, leading to interactions between
Indian merchants and European trading companies. From 1500 to 1800 CE, significant
structural changes occurred in Indian Ocean trade, including the shift from spices to
cotton, Portuguese dominance giving way to English control, and the transformation of
trading companies into colonial or company states, alongside the emergence of new
social elites in coastal areas.
14.2 INDIAN OCEAN AND STRUCTURAL CHANGES
The ‘discovery’ of a new sea route around the Cape of Good Hope during European
expansion in the late 15th century led to structural changes in the oceanic trading
network. Bullion from the ‘New World’ (America) flowed to Europe and Asia,
significantly boosting European purchasing power for Indian goods like spices and
textiles. Simultaneously, Portuguese transport of pepper and spices around the Cape
threatened land caravans supplying these goods. In the 16th century, Portuguese
established a trading enclave in the subcontinent, followed by the Dutch, English, Danes,
and French in the 17th century. These European nations adopted mercantilist policies
to enrich the state and local merchant class, protecting industries and shipping, controlling
bullion flow, supplying slaves (Africa), and dominating trade routes (Asia). This
transformative period integrated North America, Africa, and Asia into the economic
landscapes of Britain, the Netherlands, Spain, and France. Before this, Arabian and
Chinese traders, alongside Gujarati merchants, had a strong presence in the Indian
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234 Material

Ocean. However, by the late 15th century, Chinese and Arabian activities declined, NOTES
with Gujarati merchants emerging as significant beneficiaries of this transformation.
The seaborne trade of India was conducted at two levels – first, between various
Indian ports, situated on eastern, and western coasts and coastal cities of Europe such
as Lisbon, London, Liverpool, Lorient, Nantes, etc.; second, through ships that sailed
within Asia. The first one has been labelled as Indo-European trade, while the second
one is known as Intra-Asian trade. We see that, apart from Indian merchants, distinct
European companies were also involved in Intra-Asian trade and opened up this avenue
for the private trade of company’s officials at distinct times. In English record, this has
been referred as ‘country trade’, while in the French records the term Le commerce
d’Inde en Inde was used for the same phenomenon. Herein, subcontinental trade was
also included, meaning goods collected in small vessels from other parts of India,
particularly Bengal and Surat, for further voyages to either Europe, Africa or Asia.
14.3 THE PORTUGUESE ENTERPRISE IN INDIAN

OCEAN
K.M. Panikkar asserts that Vasco de Gama’s arrival in Calicut marked the onset of an
‘age of European dominance’in Indian history, influencing social, political, and economic
conditions across Asia. The 16th century was often labeled the ‘Portuguese century,’
but Eurocentric perspectives have faced challenges in recent times. Ashin Das Gupta
contends that the real transformation in the Indian Ocean was driven by the emergence
of continental monarchies—Mughals, Safavids, and Ottomans—rather than Portuguese
influence. Historians like Pius Malekandathil and Sushil Chaudhury reject the notion of
Portuguese domination.The Portuguese Estado da India emerged in the early 1500s,
with objectives focused on spices and the expansion of Christianity. They aimed to
control the pepper trade and its routes to Europe, initially facing challenges in Calicut.
Relations with the local ruler (Zamorin or Samundari Raja) and merchants were strained,
leading the Portuguese to establish factories in Cannanore and Cochin. The post of
Viceroy of India was created in 1505, and fortified trading enclaves were established
along the west coast to observe and control oceanic movements. Under Afonso
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NOTES de Albuquerque, a land-oriented policy was implemented, securing control over

Hormuz (1507), Goa (1510), and Malacca (1511). The capital shifted to Goa in
1530, and bases were established in Diu (1535) and Daman (1559) for greater control
over Gujarat and the Persian Gulf.Portuguese colonial establishments, known as Estado
da India, operated under the Casa da India, a Crown trading firm. Techniques like the
royal monopoly on spices and the Cartaz system, requiring permits for trade, were
employed to establish spice trade dominance. Portuguese authority extended through
tribute collection, taxation on Asian merchants, and the use of armadas for coastal
patrolling. The (c)qafila arrangement mandated vessels in intra-Asian trade to navigate
in a cluster under Portuguese supervision, ensuring control and security against pirates.
The east coast (Bengal), Coromandel region, and southeast Asia were relatively free
from Portuguese influence, providing fertile ground for private traders.In summary,
while the Portuguese left a significant impact on Indian Ocean trade, recent scholarship
challenges Eurocentric views and emphasizes the role of continental monarchies in
shaping the region’s history. The Estado da India, with its trade-focused objectives
and strategic enclaves, played a pivotal role in the 16th-century maritime landscape,
but its dominance faced challenges from rival European powers and alternative trade
routes.
14.4 THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY
With the onset of the 17th century, the dynamics of the Indian Ocean trading network
underwent a significant transformation, primarily driven by the entry of rival chartered
monopoly companies from England, the Netherlands, Denmark, and eventually France.
These newcomers not only challenged Portuguese dominance but also paved the way
for the substantial influx of ‘New World’bullion into Asia, integrating the Indian economy
into the early modern ‘world system.’The English East India Company (EIC), established
in 1600, played a pivotal role in reshaping Indian oceanic trade. Motivated by the
desire to secure a share in the lucrative spice trade, traditionally facilitated by Portuguese,
Venetian, Persian, or Ottoman merchants, the EIC received a 15-years trade monopoly
east of the Cape of Good Hope from Queen Elizabeth in 1600. Operating as a joint-
stock company with limited liability, the EIC gained economic and political influence in
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236 Material both England and India.Initially less formidable than their Dutch counterparts in the

first half of the 17th century, the EIC’s early voyages (1601 and 1604) targeted the NOTES
Indonesian Archipelago to obtain spices such as pepper and cloves. With the Dutch
holding a monopoly in southeast Asia, the EIC shifted focus to the Indian subcontinent,
establishing its first factory in Surat in 1613. Unlike factories in Gujarat, those in the
Coromandel region, including Madras (Fort St. George), were fortified settlements,
reflecting regional dynamics and Mughal restrictions.The 1630s and 1640s witnessed
the EIC expanding its presence in the Coromandel region, with Madras becoming a
significant administrative center. Between 1660 and 1700, the EIC experienced rapid
growth in import and export measures, with Bombay emerging as another key center
of commerce in 1668, rivaling Surat. Throughout the 17th century, Surat served as a
hub for commercial operations spanning the Mughal interior, the Malabar coast, and
regions as distant as Persia, Arabia, and the Red Sea. In Surat, various commodities
such as spun cotton, fabrics, silk, carpets, aloes, sapan wood, coffee, and more were
obtained through brokers. K.N. Chaudhuri highlights that, in the 18th century, Tellicherry
and Anjengo became fortified hubs under the EIC for the supply of pepper, while
Kanara and Malabar continued to be centers for spices, providing an alternative to the
Indonesian archipelago. This multifaceted expansion and strategic positioning marked
a transformative period in the Indian Ocean trading network, driven by the activities
and influence of the English East India Company.In the last decades of the seventeenth
century, a sort of transition in the strategies of the EIC can be noticed as their focus
shifted to the region of Bengal and as a result the EIC had established its factories at
Balasore, Hugli, Kasimbazar and Dacca. After 1670s, the EIC had made huge
investments in textile trade, of the both cotton and silk, with a focus on Bengal to
explore the full potentialities of the area. Besides, the EIC became involved in armed
conflict with the Mughal power (1686-1690) to extend their control in the eastern and
western coast and to become free from the political power of Indian rulers. As a
result, the company had to face setbacks as they undermined the authority of the
Mughals particularly in region of Bengal and Bombay. By the last quarter of the
eighteenth century, Calcutta replaced Madras and it was made the government seat of
EIC. Even from the economic point of view, with the turn of the century, Bengal began
to undermine the ascendency of Madras. Hence, for more than century all the English
settlements in India were placed under the presidency of Madras. After the Battle of
Plassey in 1757, the English became de facto rulers of Bengal by taking control of
polity and economy. Self-Instructional
Material 237

NOTES
14.5 THE DUTCH EAST INDIA COMPANY
The Dutch East India Company, known as VOC (Vereenigde Oost-Indische

Compagnie), was established in 1602, alongside its English counterpart, marking
institutional novelties compared to the Portuguese predecessors. The VOC, a colossal
joint-stock corporation with a resolute focus on market dominance, emerged as a
government-instigated amalgamation of regional trading companies. Triggered by a
political union between Portugal and Spain in the 1580s, the Dutch, denied access to
Portuguese-controlled ports, established direct links with the Indian Ocean, eventually
displacing the Portuguese as major spice suppliers to Europe. The VOC wielded
military power and sought to eliminate rivals, extending its monopoly at three levels—
between Asia and the Netherlands, intra-Asian trade, and spice trade in Moluccas
and Ceylon through alliances and force.Initially concentrating on the Indonesian
Archipelago where Portuguese influence was weakest, the VOC targeted sources
like Moluccas for cloves and nutmeg, and Java and Sumatra for pepper. Competing
with the English, the VOC engaged in conflicts such as the 1623 Amboyna Massacre.
On the Coromandel Coast, the Dutch established early colonial enclaves at
Masulipatnam, Pulicat, Nagapattinam, and fortified settlements like Pulicat. Bengal
became crucial for VOC’s intra-Asian trade, serving as a connecting station between
Batavia and Japan. The Indian subcontinent played a pivotal role in VOC’s commercial
activities, as Indian textiles, particularly coarser ones, had high demand in southeast
Asia. Indian textiles, functioning as a currency, were exchanged for spices, impacting
the Indian market by increasing the flow of ‘New World’bullion and intensifying demand
for cotton textiles. This pattern of exchange was also adopted by the English and
French East India companies, leading to increased commercial ventures along the
western and eastern Indian Ocean coastal regions. Bengal, Coromandel, and Gujarat
emerged as major centers of textile production, with a notable shift in the later part of
the century as Indian textiles gained high demand in the European market, prompting
East India companies to intensify efforts to secure cotton fabrics.
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NOTES
14.6 THE FRENCH EAST INDIA COMPANY
During the 18th century, Indian Oceanic trade originating from India experienced
significant growth with the active participation of the English, Dutch, and French East
India Companies. The French, newcomers to the Indian commercial scene, began
considering sea trade towards Asia in the early 17th century. Not until 1664 did the
Compagnie des Indes Orientales emerge, following numerous failed attempts by the
French to establish trading companies. Led by Colbert, Louis XIV’s minister of finance,
the French Company differed from its Dutch counterpart as it was a state project with
a structure heavily influenced by Colbertism, emphasizing financial and mercantile
policies.The French Company, unlike the Dutch, relied on French ministers for
administration and finance. Reorganized in 1685, the capital was raised from royal
families, courtiers, financiers, and reluctantly from provincial merchant communities.
The French Company, initially viewed as a syndicate by some, underwent structural
changes, including the creation of the Conseil de Commerce in 1700, composed of
government officials and representatives from major trading cities.The French Company
aimed to import various products from India, including spices, with pepper from the
Malabar Coast being prominent. Other imports comprised tea, saltpeter, indigo, sapan
wood, red wood, and Indian textiles, notably Indiennes. In return, the French had
limited offerings for the Indian market, including drapes, coral, iron, wine, and
brandy.The French established their first factory in Surat in 1666 but later shifted to
Pondicherry in 1674 due to intense competition and hostility. Trading posts were also
established at various locations, reflecting the company’s evolving fortunes from 1664
to 1769. The five phases included initial competition and rivalry, a period of leasing the
company’s monopoly, a gradual re-establishment and expansion, a downturn in
prosperity leading to continuous rivalries with the English, and a shift from trade to
military ambitions and political expansion. The company faced challenges such as
direct state control, the power of syndicates, corrupt administration, capital shortages,
borrowing policies, impatience of proprietors, treasury issues, and the impact of war.
The French East India Company was eventually abolished in 1769 but revived in
1785.
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Material 239

NOTES
14.7 ROLE OF INDIAN MERCHANTS AND TRADING
COMMUNITIES
Distinct merchant communities were operating at different ports of the Indian

subcontinent such as In Gujarat Bania and Gujarati Muslims traders were in domination
position; while in Malabar, the Mapillas; in Coromandel region, the Chulia merchants
and the Telugu Chettis (a social knit group that had various sub-groups- Vyapari Chetty,
Kasukara Chetty, Kaveri Chetty, Nagaratthu Chetty and Komati Chetty) of the Balija
and Komati communities (also involved in handicraft production).
The prevailing historiographical perspective often portrays indigenous merchants
merely as peddlers and intermediaries, limiting their role to mediating trade and
commerce with European counterparts. Scholars like J. Van Leur categorized Asian,
especially Indian merchants, as petty traders engaged in limited luxury goods trade.
However, this Eurocentric view has been challenged by historians like Ashin Das Gupta,
who asserts that Indian trade was not confined to luxury items, and Indian merchants
were more than mere peddlers.The historical commercial links between Europe and
India were intricately tied to indigenous merchants and intermediaries who facilitated
and transacted trade. European traders heavily relied on these indigenous merchants,
who can be broadly categorized into two overlapping groups based on their functions.
Firstly, there were ‘shippers’ or ‘ship-owning merchants’ involved in importing and
exporting commodities, enhancing trade flows along overseas and overland routes.
Secondly, there were facilitators of trade, including merchants, brokers, and sarrafs
(bankers and money-changers), acting as bridges between buyers and sellers.Within
these categories, sub-categories existed. In Surat, brokers were divided into those
dealing in special commodities and those working for richer merchants or companies.
The distinction between merchant and middleman was not always clear, as European
companies’ brokers often had independent trading activities. Brokers also served as
interpreters and translators for East Indian Companies, known as dubashis. Bankers
and sarrafs played a crucial role in the currency exchange system, engaging in money-
changing, money-lending, and trading in hundis (bills of exchange).This multifaceted
involvement of merchants extended beyond the commercial sphere, reflecting their
diverse roles. The debate among historians about the nature of the Indian capitalist
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240 Material

class of merchants adds complexity to this narrative. Irfan Habib questioned the existence NOTES
of Indian capitalist development before British rule, while scholars like Sanjay
Subramanian and C.A. Bayly argue for the presence of ‘portfolio capitalists’ who held
substantial assets, wielding both economic and political power. Kanaklatha Mukund
contends that Indian merchants, acting as intermediaries between European companies
and the local economy, played a crucial role in the transition from pre-capitalist to
capitalist modes of production. Despite achieving a desired profile, the forces of
colonialism and industrial capitalism posed challenges to their continued success.
14.8 SUMMARY
Apart from several commodities and human movement, there were three goods that
were the key to the commodity structure of the Indian ocean trade: bullion, spices and
textiles. These three goods were interconnected in myriad ways. As pointed out earlier,
initially, with the Iberian expansion the ‘new world’ bullion came in direct contact of
Indian ocean through Portuguese as they used it for securing spices and therefore main
concentration of the bullion remained in the southeast Asia for larger part of the sixteenth
century. A new shift came in this structure, when the European became aware about
the huge demand of Indian cotton textile in the southeast Asia and other parts.
Consequently, they (Dutch, English and French) started to focus on Indian fabrics in
exchange of bullion and in exchange of Indian textile, which also functioned as currency,
began to secure spices. This created change in the flow of bullion and increased demand
of Indian textile. Such components also intensified the Intra-Asian trade. As the
Portuguese were not really interested in the textile trade, therefore, the trade of fabric
in actual spiked up after the establishment of VOC and EIC. The demand of Indian
fabric also massively increased in Europe to the extent that the ministry and manufacturers
of many European countries became concerned regarding the flow in Indian piece-
goods and in exchange of it the flow of bullion, which was ‘draining out’ of Europe.
European local manufacturers also faced the competition from Indian textiles. In this
entire process, India and its cotton and silk products became the center of oceanic
trade. Indian textiles were, by far, the largest category of goods exported to European
countries in the 17th and the 18th centuries. However, it contained significant subdivisions,
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Material 241

NOTES reflecting the regional and specialized nature of this trade. These regional textiles had
several distinguishing characteristics depending on texture or weave, the presence of
dyestuffs, their coloring, etc. Textiles were considered the most essential product for
the European trade and it constituted nearly half the value of the entire cargo. All
varieties of textile (coarse and fine) were not produced at any one center. Instead,
they were collected from other centers of India, like Surat, Bengal, Masulipatnam and
Orissa, through their trading agents. There were various types of textiles made of fine
and coarse cotton, like chintz, coutils, taffetas, percales, muslin, gingham etc.
 Arasaratnam, S. 1986. Merchnats, Companies and Commerce on the

Coromandel Coast, 1650-1740. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
 Brennig, Joseph J. “Chief-Merchants and the European Enclaves of Seventeenth-
Century Coromandel.” Modern Asian Studies 11, no. 3, (1977): 321-340.
 Gupta, Ashin Das and M.N. Pearson. 1999. India and the Indian Ocean,
1500-1800. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
 Mukund, Kanakalatha. 1999. The Trading World of the Tamil Merchant:
Evolution of Merchant Capitalism in the Coromandel. Chennai: Orient
Longman.
 Prakash, Om. ed. 1997. European Commercial Expansion in Early Modern
Asia. Aldershot: Ashgate Variorum.
 Raychaudhuri, Tapan and Irfan Habib, eds. 1982. The Cambridge Economic
History of India. Cambridge University Press.
 Roy, Tirthankar. 2012. India in the World Economy: From Antiquity to the
Present. New York: Cambridge University Press.
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HISTORY OF INDIA
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HISTORY OF INDIA C:1550-1700

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UNIT I: FOUNDATION, EXPANSION AND

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1.4 Strategies of Military Conquest

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LESSON 3 EVOLUTION OF ADMINISTRATION:

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UNIT II: AKBAR TO AURANGZEB: RAJPUTS,

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5.6 Mughal-Rajput Relations

UNIT III: 17TH CENTURY TRANSITION:

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6.5 Expansion under the Peshwas: Reclaiming Homeland Through Military

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UNIT IV: ART AND ARCHITECTURE: TAJ MAHAL

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UNIT V: SOCIETY, CULTURE AND RELIGION:

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10.4 Naqshbandi Sufi Order in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century

UNIT VI: ECONOMY AND INTEGRATED PATTERNS OF

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12.3 Batai, Kankut And Zabt

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LESSON 14 INDIAN OCEANIC TRADE 233-242

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LESSON 1 EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION:

LESSON 2 NATURE OF MUGHAL STATE

LESSON 3 EVOLUTION OF ADMINISTRATION:

EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION:

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

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1.2 NATURE MILITARY HISTORY

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1.3 TERRITORIAL EXPANSION

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1.3.1 Bairam Khan Regency

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elephants breaking Mughal formations. Mughals answered with artillery NOTES

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1.3.2 North and Central India

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1.3.3 Eastern India

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1.3.4 Western India

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