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Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism

Texte u n d Studien zum Antiken J u d e n t u m

Edited by
Martin Hengel and Peter Schäfer

100
The Bar Kokhba War
Reconsidered
New Perspectives on the Second
Jewish Revolt against Rome

Edited by
PETER SCHÄFER

M o h r Siebeck
In Memoriam
Leo Mildenberg
1913-2001

978-3-16-158794-8 Unveränderte eBook-Ausgabe 2019


I S B N 3-16-148076-7
I S S N 0721-8753 (Texts a n d Studies in Ancient J u d a i s m )

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Table of Contents
Peter Schäfer
Preface VII

Peter Schäfer
Bar K o k h b a and the Rabbis 1

Martin Goodman
Trajan and the Origins of the Bar K o k h b a War 23

Yoram Tsafrir
Numismatics and the Foundation of Aelia Capitolina:
A Critical Review 31

Benjamin Isaac
R o m a n Religious Policy and the Bar K o k h b a War 37

Aharon Oppenheimer
T h e Ban of Circumcision as a Cause of the Revolt:
A Reconsideration 55

Ra'anan Abusch
Negotiating Difference: Genital Mutilation in

Roman Slave Law and the History of the Bar K o k h b a Revolt . . . 71

Hanan Eshel
T h e Dates Used during the Bar K o k h b a Revolt 93

Menahem Mor
The Geographical Scope of the Bar K o k h b a Revolt 107

Hannah M. Cotton
The Bar K o k h b a Revolt and the D o c u m e n t s f r o m the J u d a e a n
Desert: N a b a t a e a n Participation in the Revolt (P. Yadin 52) 133
VI Table of Contents

Werner Eck
Hadrian, the Bar Kokhba Revolt, and the Epigraphic
Transmission 153

Glen W. Bowersock
The Tel Shalem Arch and P. Nahal Hever/Seiyal 8 171

Arnos Kloner and Boaz Zissu


Hiding Complexes in Judaea: An Archaeological and
Geographical Update on the Area of the Bar Kokhba Revolt. . . . 181

Yuval Shahar
The Underground Hideouts in Galilee and Their
Historical Meaning 217

Yaron Z. Eliav
The Urban Layout of Aelia Capitolina:
A New View from the Perspective of the Temple Mount 241

Yael Zerubavel
Bar Kokhba's Image in Modern Israeli Culture 279

Index of Sources 299


Modern Authors 303
Index of Names and Subjects 309
Preface

The Second Jewish Revolt against Rome, the so-called Bar Kokhba Re-
volt (132-135 CE), considerably changed the political and cultural land-
scape of Jewish Palestine. When the Romans gained victory after ap-
proximately three years, Judaea was heavily devastated; the Jews were
no longer allowed to inhabit Jerusalem, and Jewish life shifted from
Judaea to the Galilee. But the Roman victory, achieved with all the mili-
tary force that Roman power could afford, was won at great cost. It is
certainly not a coincidence that Hadrian, the Roman Emperor who had
to grapple again with the rebellious Jews - some sixty years after the
catastrophe of the First Jewish Revolt - refrained from concluding his
report to the Roman Senate with the customary formula Mihi et legio-
nibus bene ("All is well with me and the legions").
Unlike the First War to which a multi-volume book by an eyewitness,
the Jewish historian Josephus Flavius, is dedicated, the Second War did
not find its contemporary historian. Much evidence is still covered by
the shrouds of history, and many questions regarding the precise circum-
stances of the war remain unanswered - despite even stunning new ar-
chaeological discoveries, mainly in the Judaean desert. At least we know
now that the leader of the revolt was a certain Shimon ben/bar Kosiba,
that the revolt lasted for more than three years, that it affected a rela-
tively clearly defined geographical area in Judaea, and that its suppres-
sion wasn't an easy task for the Romans. But we do not know much
about the origins of its military leader, his ideological-religious back-
ground, his supporters, or his fate after the war. We still do not know
whether or not he captured Jerusalem and began to rebuild the Temple,
although his propaganda machine decidedly focused on Jerusalem, with
the Temple cult at its center, as we can see from his coins. We still do not
know for sure whether the geographical area of the revolt was indeed
limited to Judaea proper or whether it extended beyond the territory of
Judaea, perhaps into the Galilee. We do not know much about the mili-
tary strategy and the course of the revolt, how and where precisely the
Roman and the Jewish forces met each other, whether or not they fought
decisive battles, or whether the Jews succeeded by relying on guerilla
Vili Preface

tactics, as suggested by the many u n d e r g r o u n d hideouts discovered so


far. A n d last but not least, we are still in the d a r k as to what finally
caused the o u t b r e a k of the revolt a n d why H a d r i a n , the E m p e r o r of
peace and renewal, stumbled into such a war so devastating that he
needed his full military force to crush it.
N o t that all these (and many more) open questions can now be an-
swered; we are still far f r o m a scholarly consensus regarding most of the
questions related to the Bar K o k h b a Revolt. But nevertheless, after some
early attempts in the 1970s and 1980s to draw a new picture of the revolt
after the sensational discoveries in the J u d a e a n desert, 1 the time is now
more than ripe for a new evaluation of the status quaestionis - not least
because of the new archaeological findings since the discoveries by Yadin
and his colleagues. Towards this goal, scholars working on the Bar
K o k h b a period gathered in N o v e m b e r 2001 in Princeton to share their
ideas and to discuss the present state of the subject in light of the most
recent excavations and research. It was the aim of the conference - and is
the purpose of this b o o k resulting f r o m it - to re-evaluate the historical
importance of the Bar K o k h b a Revolt and its repercussions for the sub-
sequent history of the Jews in R o m a n Palestine.
T h e volume opens with " B a r K o k h b a and the Rabbis" by Peter Schii-
fer. T h e a u t h o r attempts to put Bar K o k h b a and his uprising into the
context of the emerging Rabbinic movement of the second century CE.
He asks to what degree Bar K o k h b a ' s ideology can be explained from
the background provided by the Rabbis, whether or not he understood
himself as part of the religious program soon to be codified in the Mish-
na, and whether or not the Rabbis belonged to his ardent followers.
C o n t r a r y to the opinion of many scholars he argues that Bar K o k h b a
and his revolt remain conspicuously out of place within the ideal picture
that the Rabbis draw of themselves and that the Rabbinic sources d o not
s u p p o r t theories about the revolt's popularity a m o n g the Rabbis. The
documents f r o m the J u d a e a n desert, on the other hand, allow a much
sharper profile of the revolt and its leader. A l t h o u g h Bar K o k h b a pre-
sents himself here as someone who is concerned about religious precepts,
it is not the Rabbinic H a l a k h a that motivates him but rather the law as
1
Y. Yadin, Bar-Kokhba: The Rediscovery of the Legendary Hero of the Last Jewish
Revolt against Imperial Rome, London-Jerusalem 1971; E. Schürer, The History of the
Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B. C.~A. D. 135): A New English Version,
rev. and ed. by G. Vermes and F. Millar, vol. I, Edinburgh 1973, pp. 514-557; A. Op-
penheimer, ed., The Bar Kokhva Revolt (Hebr.), Jerusalem 1980; P. Schäfer, Der Bar
Kokhba-Auf stand. Studien zum Zweiten Jüdischen Krieg gegen Rom, Tübingen 1981: A.
Oppenheimer and U. R a p p a p o r t , The Bar Kokhva Revolt: A New Approach (Hebr.),
Jerusalem 1984; L. Mildenberg, The Coinage of the Bar Kokhha War, A a r a u - F r a n k f u r l
a. M.-Salzburg 1984.
Preface IX

preserved in the earlier, pre-70 traditions. As the Nasi ("Prince") he is


much closer to the Maccabees, the Q u m r a n community, and the Zeal-
ots than to the Rabbis. This image of Bar Kokhba, as a hero reviving
the Maccabean ideals, fits well the priestly connotations of his move-
ment.
The next contributions discuss the problem of the causes of the revolt.
Although we do not have much new evidence, scholars continue to de-
bate the various options suggested by the literary sources and the numis-
matic data: the foundation of Aelia Capitolina, the prohibition of cir-
cumcision (or a combination of both), and the withdrawal of the permis-
sion to rebuild the Temple. Martin G o o d m a n in his essay "Trajan and
the Origins of the Bar Kokhba W a r " stresses the need for a broader
perspective, which includes the decades before the war in any investiga-
tion of its causes. He sees the foundation of Aelia Capitolina by Ha-
drian, probably in 130 CE, as the peak of an almost continuously and
deliberately anti-Jewish policy on the part of the Roman Emperors since
Vespasian (interrupted only by the short-lived pro-Jewish policy of Ner-
va). Hadrian, he argues, completed only what Vespasian had began by
forcing the Jews to contribute their regular half-shekel offerings for the
Jerusalem Temple to the rebuilding of the Temple of Jupiter on the Ca-
pitol. With the establishment of Aelia Capitolina and the substitution of
the Jupiter Capitolinus for the Jewish G o d he enacted a well-considered
measure, the "final solution for Jewish rebelliousness" (the use of the
term "final solution" is not accidental but deliberately chosen by the
author): " H a d r i a n ' s solution was to ensure that Jews could never again
expect to have a temple on their sacred site in Jerusalem, by founding a
miniature Rome on the site of the Jews' holy city."
Yoram Tsafrir ("Numismatics and the Foundation of Aelia Capitoli-
na: A Critical Review") concurs with G o o d m a n that Hadrian and the
imperial administration intentionally suppressed Jewish national feelings
when they decided to rebuild Jerusalem as the Roman colony Aelia Ca-
pitolina, instead of using the traditional name Hierosolyma (as they also
did by changing the name of the province Iudaea into that of Syria
Palaestina and by expelling the Jews from Jerusalem and its region).
He proposes, however, that this decision was made only after the revolt,
not yet during Hadrian's provincial tour of 128-130 CE, when he still
had in mind the restoration of the old and f a m o u s Jewish city Hieroso-
lyma. The numismatic evidence that has come to light so far does not
speak, according to Tsafrir, against such an interpretation of the se-
quence of events. This applies also to the two Aelia Capitolina coins,
which were recently discovered at the el-Jai cave in Nahal M i k h m a s h
(Wadi es-Suweinit) northeast of Jerusalem and which, according to their
X Preface

discoverers, were minted before 135 C E (because they were found to-
gether with four Bar K o k h b a coins).
Benjamin Isaac ("Roman Religious Policy and the Bar K o k h b a War")
opens a series of articles that direct our attention to the prohibition of
circumcision as possibly a major factor in provoking the revolt. He
briefly surveys the Roman attitude towards foreign cults, particularly
towards the Egyptian religion and the Jews, summarizes the legal status
of the Jews in Rome and the provinces, and finally turns to the Roman
concepts and stereotypes about the Jews. Significant a m o n g the latter, he
posits, was the matter of conversion (for it was regarded as threatening
to the Romans), and it was the question of circumcision that played an
exceptionally sensitive role within this whole discussion about conver-
sion. Conversion and circumcision are inextricably linked, and Roman
legislation against circumcision was motivated above all by the attempt
to prevent the Jews from filling their ranks with converts who did not
belong to the Jewish ethnos by birth. So in the end, since there was never
a general ban on circumcision for Jews, such a ban cannot have been the
cause of the revolt (and Isaac explicitly rules out the possibility of a
hypothetical Hadrianic law banning circumcision generally and allegedly
modified by Antoninus Pius' famous rescript, which permits the Jews to
circumcise only their sons).
Aharon Oppenheimer ("The Ban on Circumcision as a Cause of the
Revolt: A Reconsideration") re-evaluates the question of whether the
ban on circumcision was issued by Hadrian before the Bar Kokhba Re-
volt (and was thus its cause), or whether it was part of the repressive
legislation which followed it. He agrees that Antoninus Pius' rescript
was directed at converts and that it is highly dubious that there existed
official Roman legislation concerning circumcision before the war. In-
stead, he focuses on the talmudic sources that have been adduced to
prove that the Romans banned circumcision before the outbreak of the
revolt. He concludes from his survey of Mishna Shabbat 19:1, Tosefta
Shabbat 15:9, and Mishna Avot 3:11 "that also according to the talmu-
dic sources the ban on circumcision belonged to the repressive legislation
following the Bar Kokhba Revolt and has no connection with the cause
or the causes of the revolt." The only cause that remains, therefore, is the
rebuilding of Jerusalem as the pagan city Aelia Capitolina, as claimed by
Dio Cassius. Oppenheimer adds that, since a ban on circumcision must
be regarded as ethnic and not as territorial, the limited territory of the
revolt (namely, Judaea proper) speaks against such a general ban.
Ra'anan Abusch ("Negotiating the Difference: Genital Mutilation in
Roman Slave Law and the History of the Bar Kokhba Revolt") con-
tinues this discussion, but he proceeds from a completely different angle.
Preface XI

Starting from the assumption that n o H a d r i a n i c prohibition of circumci-


sion ever existed in any form (either before or even after the war) and
t h a t H a d r i a n ' s successor A n t o n i n u s Pius was the first to ever address the
legal status of circumcision in R o m a n imperial legislation, he proposes
that Antoninus Pius' rescript must be seen and j u d g e d "within the im-
perial legislative policy to address the maltreatment of slaves." Abusch
reviews the R o m a n legislation a n d argues that already the earliest legis-
lation against castration under D o m i t i a n and N e r v a was closely con-
nected with the attempt to tighten restrictions on the treatment of slaves.
H a d r i a n ' s legislation, he claims, belongs in this context and has nothing
to do with any interest on the part of the emperor in circumcision in
general or Jewish circumcision in particular. T h e same is true for A n t o -
ninus Pius, who "did not issue his rescript with the aim of reversing his
predecessor's legal innovations, as some would have it, but instead his
law demonstrates his abiding c o m m i t m e n t to protect slaves f r o m their
owners." Also the Rabbinic sources with their mention of the prohibition
of circumcision a m o n g other anti-Jewish measures (prior, during, and
after the revolt) "in no way indicate the existence of imperial legislation
specifically targeting circumcision"; rather, Abusch suggests, they result
from the power of coercitiu of the provincial governor, Tineius Rufus,
and were thus "limited in their temporal and geographical scope."
Turning now to the revolt itself, H a n a n Eshel ("The Dates Used dur-
ing the Bar Kokhba Revolt") tries to determine the exact time f r a m e of
the revolt. Unlike the First Revolt, whose years were counted from the
spring, i. e., from the m o n t h of Nisan, we d o not know the dating system
used during the Second Revolt. The dated d o c u m e n t s from the Bar
K o k h b a war (none of the letters is dated) refer to the day and the m o n t h
and to the first, second, a n d third year of the revolt only, and in order to
establish an absolute chronology one needs to know the m o n t h f r o m
which the years of the revolt were counted. Of the three possibilities -
the first of Nisan (March/April) 132 C E , the first of Tishri (September/
October) 132, or the time when Bar K o k h b a came to power, i.e., the
summer of 132 - the a u t h o r rules out Nisan and opts for either the
summer or Tishri of 132. He arrives at this conclusion from a relative
chronology of the documents, which he establishes according to the
a m o u n t of money involved in land leases and house sales in the territory
under Bar K o k h b a ' s control: arranged in such a manner, he maintains,
the documents reflect a steady worsening of the economic situation dur-
ing the years of the revolt.
"The Geographical Scope of the B a r - K o k h b a Revolt" is the subject of
the paper by Menachem Mor. M o r evaluates the m a j o r factors that have
been brought u p in favor of the magnitude of the revolt, in particular
XII Preface

with regard to its territorial extent, and he comes to the following con-
clusions:
1. The transfer of Julius Severus from Britannia to Judaea may well
reflect H a d r i a n ' s response to a state of emergency in Judaea; the irre-
gular appointment of Publius M u m m i u s Sisenna as his replacement
in Britannia should not be seen, however, as a sign of an empire-wide
emergency.
2. The conspicuous frequency of military recruitment in different regions
of the empire should not be interpreted as evidence for a shortage of
soldiers resulting from military defeats in Judaea during the revolt.
3. The bestowing of the ornamenta triumphalia on the governors of the
provinces of Syria and Arabia may well prove the massiveness of the
revolt; it cannot be used, however, as evidence that the revolt extended
to the neighboring provinces.
4. The Tel Shalem inscription does not prove that a decisive battle took
place in the vicinity of Tel Shalem; nor can we conclude from it the
involvement of Galilee in the Bar Kokhba Revolt.
5. The length of the revolt does not point to its territorial extent. As far
as military tactics are concerned, we need to distinguish between two
phases: first, a guerilla war, during which the Romans suffered heavy
losses; and second, a change in the balance between the Romans and
the rebels after the arrival of Julius Severus, who adopted the guerilla
tactics and finally succeeded in crushing the revolt.
H a n n a h M. Cotton in her contribution "The Bar Kokhba Revolt and
the Documents from the Judaean Desert: Nabataean Participation in the
Revolt (P. Yadin 52)" reexamines some important documents from the
Judaean desert:
(a) P. Murabbaat 29 and 30, Cotton reaffirms, can no longer be as-
signed to the Bar Kokhba Revolt but both belong to the first revolt;
accordingly, these two papyri do not prove that Jerusalem was in the
hands of the rebels.
(b) P. Murabbaat 114 does not prove that the Roman authorities
maintained a military presence in the caves of Murabba'at in the second
half of the second century CE; rather, the document, which must be
dated before 130 (or at the latest before 132 CE), belonged to "Jewish
refugees from the area near Jerusalem, who escaped into the cave with
their documents during the second revolt."
(c) P. Se'elim 4 is not a list of Bar K o k h b a ' s soldiers but is an extract
from census declarations and refers to men liable probably to manual
liturgies. Such lists, Cotton argues, "may give us an idea of how the Ro-
mans could have come by precise numbers for the casualties incurred by
the Jews during the Bar Kokhba revolt."
Preface XIII

(d) T h e f a m o u s a n d much discussed P. Yadin 52 suggests N a b a t a e a n


participation in the revolt. Soumaios, the writer of the d o c u m e n t , is not
a Jew (and definitely not Shimon b. Kosiba, the leader of the revolt) but
a N a b a t a e a n . His admission that he a n d his men could not write Ebraisti
does not refer to the Hebrew or A r a m a i c language but to the Hebrew
and A r a m a i c script. T h e participation of N a b a t a e a n s in the revolt must
be viewed, C o t t o n posits, in the light of Cassius Dio's statement that
" m a n y outside nations, too, were joining them [the Jews] t h r o u g h eager-
ness for gain." A l t h o u g h she accepts the possibility that the "eagerness
for gain" could refer to N a b a t a e a n mercenaries who joined Bar K o k h b a
in their greed for gain, she prefers a different explanation or rather spec-
ulation, as she herself admits: the N a b a t a e a n s participated in the revolt
because they possibly shared with the Jews "a cultural inheritance and
c o m m o n sensitivities" a n d felt "threatened a n d excluded by the C o s m o -
Hellenistic policy of the E m p e r o r " ; moreover, it is even possible that, just
as the f o u n d a t i o n of Aelia Capitolina shattered the Jewish d r e a m , so too
was the N a b a t a e a n d r e a m shattered by a similar event in Arabia: "the
transfer of the capital f r o m Petra to Bostra."
Werner Eck ( " H a d r i a n , the Bar K o k h b a Revolt, and the Epigraphic
Transmission") reviews once again the epigraphic evidence pertaining to
the revolt. He starts with some methodological observations (the inscrip-
tions "contain mostly statements of facts" as opposed to the "subjective
interpretations" of the literary sources) a n d discusses first the inscrip-
tions f r o m the province of Judaea referring to H a d r i a n - chief a m o n g
them the Tel Shalem inscription, which has become f a m o u s through
some of Eck's previous publications. He defends his view that the trium-
phal arch with its remaining inscription was built in the context of the Bar
K o k h b a Revolt (and not during H a d r i a n ' s visit to the province a r o u n d
130 CE), that it was erected by order of the R o m a n Senate (and not by
one of the two legions serving in Judaea at the time of the visit), and that
it c o m m e m o r a t e s a decisive victory towards the conclusion of the revolt.
His main argument for the dating of the arch is the restoration of the
imp. II ( H a d r i a n ' s second acclamation as Imperator) on the inscription:
"There is an inescapable correlation between the end of the revolt, H a -
drian's acclamation as imperator II, and the erection of the arch at Tel
Shalem - all three events are inextricably connected; each of them pre-
supposes a n d assumes the other two. T h u s is seems difficult to deny, or
even d o u b t , the logic of restoring of imp. II in H a d r i a n ' s titulature in this
inscription."
Eck then continues by considering epigraphic texts f r o m R o m e that,
he claims, support his interpretation of the Tel Shalem inscription.
A m o n g t h e m is the f r a g m e n t of an inscription, which must have be-
XIV Preface

longed to a m o n u m e n t bearing a statue of H a d r i a n "like the Tel Shalem


arch." The site at which the fragment was found - the slope of the
Capitoline hill, directly beneath the templum divi Vespasiani - testifies
to the importance of the monument: "the temple of divus Vespasianus
in Rome and its immediate surroundings were probably used to present
Hadrian as Vespasian's successor in Rome's war against its Jewish re-
bels." The second fragmentary inscription he discusses in this context
is an inscription which connects a bellum Iudae[icum] or Iudae[orumJ
with some marine warfare involving ships: since we know from another
inscription that Sex. Cornelius Dexter, praefectus classis Syriacae, re-
ceived dona militaria on the occasion of a bellum Iudaicum it is safe to
conclude that marine warfare was indeed part of the Bar Kokhba Re-
volt. As to the possible sites of marine action (the Mediterranean, the
Sea of Galilee, and the Dead Sea) he cautiously suggests the possibility
"that parts of the Syrian fleet under the c o m m a n d of Cornelius Dexter
were stationed on the Dead Sea in order to cut off communications
between groups of Jewish - perhaps also Nabataean - rebels and inter-
rupt their supply-lines" but nevertheless prefers the Mediterranean Sea
as the ultimate scene of major sea battles.
In the last part of his contribution Eck reconsiders the monuments
and inscriptions commemorating the award of the ornamenta triumphalia
to three of H a d r i a n ' s commanders in their respective home towns (Pub-
licius Marcellus, the governor of Syria; T. Haterius Nepos, the governor
of Arabia; and Sex. Julius Severus, the governor of Judaea). Eck does
not venture an explanation of the remarkable fact that "all three gover-
nors who led the fighting in the Bar Kokhba revolt were celebrated in
their own patriae and apparently took an active part in the celebration"
(whereas in all other known cases "the viri triumphales were honoured
only at the centre of empire, in Rome itself"); he is nevertheless con-
vinced that at least two of the honorees were present at the Senate meet-
ing at which the decision was made. Moreover, Eck posits, it was at this
exact meeting that the Senators of Rome decided to honor Hadrian with
the monumental arch near Tel Shalem: if its meaning at this godforsaken
place eludes us today, they certainly knew what they did.
The meaning of the magnificent arch is taken up in Glen W. Bower-
sock's contribution "The Tel Shalem Arch and R Nahal Hever/Seyal 8."
Referring to Eck's m a j o r argument in his earlier JRA 12, 1999, article
(the imp. II on the inscription), Bowersock begins by cautioning us that
"not all imperatorial acclamations can be correlated with strenuous or
even worthy achievements" and that "the issuance of military honors at
home in the capital has throughout history, both ancient and modern,
not always been a secure indication of what actually happened in the
Preface XV

field." In his own reconstruction of the inscription Bowersock is in com-


plete agreement with Eck as regards the first two lines, but he arrives at a
very different conclusion regarding the reading of the crucial third line.
First, he contests Eck's insertion of imp. / / i n t o the reconstruction of the
third line by arguing that the "vertical hasta before COS belongs to the
number for the tribunician power" rather than to imp. II, as Eck prefers:
"IMP II is introduced because we are told to expect a late date, and then
towards the end of the article IMP II is brought back as proof of a late
date. This looks like petitio principii."
With the imp. II gone there is also no need to advocate a late (136 CE)
date for the arch and the inscription; rather, Bowersock opts for the
possibility, explicitly dismissed by Eck, that the arch was erected during
Hadrian's visit to the Near East in 130 CE. This leads, secondly, to
Bowersock's conclusion that instead of Eck's reconstruction of the
SPQR at the end of the inscription (from which follows that the Roman
Senate must have been the initiator of the arch) it is more likely to pre-
sume that the arch was put up by the legion near whose camp the frag-
ments were found (with the X Fretensis as the slightly preferable candi-
date). A comparable example, unnoticed by Eck, is the even more monu-
mental Latin inscription at Petra which, as Bowersock argues, was most
likely dedicated by the Roman governor and his legion. "Certainly," he
concludes, "the Senate and People of Rome cannot be imagined to have
set up a great monument inside Petra to celebrate some unknown victory.
It is equally impossible to believe that an overwhelming victory warrant-
ing the erection of a significant commemorative arch from the Roman
Senate and People took place in the vicinity of the legionary camp near
Scythopolis without leaving the slightest trace in our sources."
The second part of Bowersock's article is devoted to considering pos-
sible Nabataean involvement in the revolt and hence suggesting "a great-
er spread of hostilities than had formerly been thought." He refers to
some inscriptions at Gerasa from which the name of Haterius Nepos, the
governor of Arabia, was erased - an act which may be taken as a reflec-
tion of zealous local reaction against Nepos in the wake of the Bar
Kokhba Revolt - to a Safaitic graffito which mentions a "Safaitic tribes-
man who rebelled (mrd) for three years against Nepos the tyrant," and
finally to the Hebrew and Aramaic papyrus XHever/Seiyal 8, a deed of
sale from the village Kfar Baru (brw). Bowersock accepts the identifica-
tion of this village with the site near Machaerus on the Madaba map and
opts for "the extension of the Jewish revolt into northern Transjordan
and an additional reason to consider the spread of local support among
Safaitic tribes and even at Gerasa." Another indication of Nabataean
involvement, he argues (following Hannah Cotton), is the Nabataean
XVI Preface

name Soumaios in P. Yadin 52. Altogether, Bowersock concludes, we


lose a battlefield in the vicinity of Scythopolis, but we gain "at least
the north-western part of the province of Arabia" as part of the "realm
that proclaimed the freedom of Israel."
The following two articles turn to the underground hiding complexes
connected with the Bar K o k h b a Revolt. Amos Kloner and Boaz Zissu
("Hiding Complexes in Judaea: An Archaeological and Geographical
U p d a t e on the Area of the Bar K o k h b a Revolt") summarize our present
knowledge of the hideouts in Judaea. They describe the features of the
hiding complexes (the typical linking of "preexisting chambers by means
of ramified networks of underground burrows" that could easily be
blocked from inside and "neutralize the superiority of a trained military
unit ready for face-to-face combat") and provide a sophisticated classi-
fication of the various types (12 altogether). As for the dating of the
complexes, there can be no doubt that the phenomenon starts as early
as the Hellenistic period; they caution, however, not to confuse some
early finds with the antiquity of the entire system. Despite the fact that
the hiding complexes played an important role during the First Jewish
Revolt, it is their firm conclusion that "the hiding-complex phenomenon
seems to have reached its peak of sophistication and geographical range
between the revolts and during the Bar K o k h b a Revolt." They do not see
any evidence, however, to support the view that the revolt spread into
Galilee. The last part of the article gives an up-to-date survey of the
distribution of the hiding complexes throughout the entire province of
Judaea, with an emphasis on the new information available. The authors
conclude their survey by stating that "all Judaea, in its maximal geogra-
phical extent, was under Bar K o k h b a ' s administration and took part in
the war. We assume that Cassius Dio's report that 'all Judaea had been
stirred up' accepts its full confirmation from the up-to-date archaeolo-
gical research."
As for Galilee, the findings are similar, but their historical evaluation
leads to quite different conclusions. Yuval Shahar ("The Underground
Hideouts in Galilee and their Historical Meaning") surveys the whole
range of hideout complexes that have so far come to light in Galilee,
and he discovers important similarities with the respective complexes in
Judaea: the characteristic features that distinguish hideouts from other
places of refuge and the typical combination of (earlier) sites of "peace-
ful underground rural culture" such as cisterns, columbaria, oil-presses,
store chambers etc., with emergency additions such as tunnels, burrows,
blocked entrances and so on. Despite the identical typology of the Ga-
lilaean and Judaean hideouts, the m a j o r difference, however, remains: no
single Bar K o k h b a coin has been discovered in Galilee, either in one of
Preface XVII

the hideouts or elsewhere. This archaeological fact calls into question the
origins and, above all, the actual use of the hideout complexes in Galilee.
Reviewing the geographical distribution of the hideouts and comparing
it with the archaeological and literary data of the First Jewish War,
Shahar comes to the conclusion that the Galilaean hideouts did not
originate in the First Jewish War; rather, they were developed as prepara-
tions for the Bar Kokhba Revolt.
But why then were they apparently never used during the Second Jew-
ish War? Shahar accepts the opinion of the majority of scholars that
Galilee was never part of Bar Kokhba's independent Jewish state and
that there is no reason to believe that any major military action took
place in Galilee (also not in the Scythopolis area). On the other hand,
he posits that during Bar Kokhba's uprising, unlike the First Jewish War,
all of the Jewish people - in Judaea and Galilee alike - were united in a
"national Jewish consensus" against the Roman oppressors. Against this
background the differences between Judaea and Galilee are all the more
striking. Refuting the often quoted cliché of a fundamental ideological
gap between the Jews of Galilee and Judaea, Shahar suggests that the
casus belli - the foundation of Aelia Capitolina - dictated Judaea as the
geographical focus of the revolt, which was aimed against Jerusalem and
the legio X Fretensis. The Jews of Galilee shared the spirit and practice of
their Judaean fellow-countrymen; they participated in the preparations
for the war, and some of them even fought in Judaea, but they did not
get a chance to extend the war to their own soil.
Whether or not it was issued before the war (and accordingly one of the
reasons, if not the major reason, for the revolt), there can be no doubt
that the decision to rebuild Jerusalem as the Roman colony Aelia Capi-
tolina was implemented with full force after the Roman victory. Yaron Z.
Eliav ("The Urban Layout of Aelia Capitolina: A New View from the
Perspective of the Temple Mount") deals with the urban layout of the
new colony, particularly with regard to the question of what happened
to the devastated Temple Mount. He first reviews the sparse evidence for
archaeological remnants from the Roman colony. Most scholars agree
about a negative conclusion, namely that Aelia did not have a fortifica-
tion system during the first century and a half of its existence. Gates and
arches most likely marked the boundaries of the colony's territory, two of
which are still recognizable beneath or within the architectonic structures
built above or around them: the Porta Neapolitana under the Ottoman
Damascus gate in the north, and what is called today the Ecce Homo
arch in the east; both served as entrances to Aelia Capitolina. In addition,
remnants of the Roman street system (as illustrated by the Madaba map,
which reflects the Roman street plan, although it actually depicts the
XVIII Preface

Byzantine city of the sixth century), a large R o m a n bath at the south-


western corner of the Temple M o u n t , and an arch leading to the central
f o r u m of Aelia on the northwestern hill have been unearthed, a m o n g
other things. Altogether, however, the evidence is less t h a n promising
(Eliav is very skeptical with regard to the architectonic structures men-
tioned in the Chronicon Paschale a n d other literary sources).
To make u p for this lack of data, many scholars resorted to the as-
sumption that "the R o m a n city plan is concealed underneath the intri-
cate disarray of the O t t o m a n city" and that it is possible to draw "a
hypothetical m a p of Aelia based on the m a p of the Old City." Eliav
vehemently rejects all such attempts, mainly because of the "great gap
between the final result and the findings that presume to substantiate it."
He does not see any reason for the claim - one of the cornerstones of the
traditional a p p r o a c h - that the main street of Aelia (the tarda maximus)
extended into the southern part of the colony as well; and he equally
disapproves of attempts by the advocates of the traditional a p p r o a c h
to hold on to the southwestern hill as the location of the c a m p of the
Tenth Legion, despite the fact that n o remains of the military c a m p have
come to light there.
Designing his own outline of Aclia's city plan, Eliav comes to the con-
clusion that " a l t h o u g h Aelia Capitolina was situated adjacent to the old
Jerusalem, the city of the Second Temple period, it was in many senses a
new entity. T h e location of the R o m a n f o r u m represents a m a j o r trans-
formation in the spatial organization of the city, shifting its core to the
northwest. This change was not merely a technical matter but expressed
the R o m a n builders' intention of a b a n d o n i n g the municipal layout of
ancient Jerusalem." The Temple M o u n t , Eliav argues, was deliberately
left outside the boundaries of the new Roman city. He disputes Cassius
Dio's assertion about a pagan temple built on the Temple M o u n t , and
whether or not a statue or even two statues were set u p there as some
literary sources maintain - he is confident that this does not change the
picture because two statues alone " d o not indicate inclusion of a large
area within the city limits." Answering the question of why the Roman
architects a b a n d o n e d the traditional layout of Jerusalem (i. e., whether
for solely logistic reasons or also ideological ones) he opts for purely
practical considerations. Finally, as to the area north of the Temple
M o u n t with its "therapeutic installation" going back to the "Sheep
Pools" (Probatika) of the Second Temple period a n d now put under the
aegis of Asclepius, he posits that this "medical multiplex" was left outside
the municipal boundaries of Aelia Capitolina as well. Altogether, the new
R o m a n Jerusalem emerges as a relatively small colony that stretched over
approximately 75 to 125 acres with its new religious a n d economic center
Preface XIX

(forum and city temples) on the northwestern hill and with the Temple
Mount left desolate and outside the newly shaped reality.
The last contribution by Yael Zerubavel ("Bar Kokhba's Image in
Modern Israeli Culture") discusses the reception history of Bar Kokhba
and his revolt in modern Israeli society, beginning with "his dramatic
rise as one of the most important Zionist symbols of heroism" during
the second half of the 19th century. Whereas earlier Jewish attitudes to-
ward the revolt and its leader reveal a tension between deep admiration
for Bar Kokhba as a messianic figure and harsh criticism against him as
an arrogant person who did not put his trust in God, Zionist memory as
well as the national secular culture developed in the Yishuv became
highly selective and overemphasized Bar Kokhba's "positive portrayal
as a charismatic leader and a daring hero." Zerubavel shows how a
new memory was created and materialized itself in the shift from Tish'a
be-Av (the traditional date of the conquest of Bethar, Bar Kokhba's last
stronghold, and hence of the disastrous outcome of the revolt) to Lag
ba-Omer as the new temporal locus for the revolt. Connected in Pales-
tine with an annual pilgrimage to the grave of R. Shimon bar Yohai on
Mount Meron and in Europe with R. Aqiva's students and celebrated as
the "Scholars' Day," Lag ba-Omer originally had nothing to do with Bar
Kokhba. Yet, the secular Hebrew culture has allowed Bar Kokhba to
occupy the place of R. Shimon b. Yohai and R. Aqiva and has recreated
him as the key figure commemorated by this holiday. The new narrative,
which completely left out the defeat of the revolt and stylized Bar Kokh-
ba as the ultimate national hero, was told through scores of school
books for children of all grades.
The new archaeological discoveries in the 1960s and 1970s, profession-
ally and successfully marketed by Yigael Yadin, reinforced the patriotic
rhetoric connected with Bar Kokhba. The ancient hero appeared now as
someone who ultimately gained victory over the Romans with the help of
modern Israel - its archaeology and not least its Defense Forces. But
things began to change after the traumatic impact of the Yom Kippur
War in 1973. In the early 1980s Y. Harkabi harshly criticized the sym-
bolic - and in his view distorted - image of the revolt in Israeli memory
and thus initiated a process that gradually strengthened the earlier reli-
gious narrative (Tish'a be-Av) against the newly invented secular na-
tional narrative (Lag ba-Omer) as well as reshaping the latter in a
more humanistic and universalistic sense. Today, Zerubavel concludes,
both narratives coexist, and it is still too early to tell whether one of
them will emerge as the predominant one: "Yet it is safe to suggest
that as long as the Bar Kokhba revolt carries symbolic significance for
Israelis that is broader than the history of the event itself, it will continue
XX Preface

to be applied to current political and social reality and is likely to pro-


voke further controversies over its meaning."
The Princeton conference as documented in this publication certainly
did not reach a consensus with regard to most of the pressing questions
related to the Bar K o k h b a Revolt, let alone to an overall assessment of
the revolt's impact on Jewish and Roman history. One striking trend,
however, cannot be overlooked: In the 1980s scholars countered an ori-
ginally maximalist view of the revolt with skepticism, adopting a rather
minimalist approach. But now it seems that this minimalist approach is
once again giving way to a growing tendency towards a maximalist atti-
tude. Scholars now outbid each other in emphasizing the magnitude of
the revolt and the difficulties that the Romans faced in suppressing it;
Dio Cassius' report has become the m a j o r trustworthy literary source of
the uprising, and almost no one still contests a much larger territorial
realm of the revolt, including parts of the Provincia Arabica and the
Nabataeans, than has previously been assumed. Moreover, the revolt
appears now as the result of a long-lasting anti-Jewish policy on the
Roman side, and of prolonged and well-planned preparations on the
Jewish side. And not least, whereas the minimalist approach was pro-
moted in the past above all by scholars of Roman history (quite in con-
trast to and reaction against the "blinkered" attitude of Jewish Studies
scholars), it is now the Roman historians who seem to take the helm
towards the new maximalist approach. The pendulum apparently is
swinging back to the opposite direction.
***

My thanks go to all contributors of this volume, to Johanna Hoornweg


for improving the English of some articles, to Dr. Klaus H e r r m a n n for
overseeing the printing process, to T h o m a s Ziem for preparing the In-
dex, and to the publishing house for their ongoing commitment to late
antique Jewish history and religion.
This volume is dedicated to the memory of Leo Mildenberg (1913
2001), the passionate art collector and eminent numismatist. Born in
Kassel, he was driven out of Germany by the Nazis in 1933 and de-
ported by the Russians from Tartu (Estonia) to K a z a k h s t a n in 1941,
from where he was released in 1947 to start his new life in Zurich. As
the foremost authority on the Bar K o k h b a coins, Dr. Mildenberg kindly
accepted the invitation to participate in the conference, but unfortu-
nately died on January 14, 2001.
May his soul be bound up in the bond of life!

Princeton and Berlin, December 2002 Peter Schäfer


Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis
Peter Schäfer
Princeton University and Freie Universität Berlin

T h e literature of rabbinic Judaism is not very generous with references to


Bar K o h k b a and his adventures. Likewise, the d o c u m e n t s f r o m the Ju-
dean desert d o not mention the Rabbis at all. Nevertheless, "Bar K o k h b a
and the Rabbis" is, I believe, a suitable topic with which to begin o u r
inquiry into where we stand now, in 2002, in o u r efforts to understand
the Bar K o k h b a rebellion or war. Insofar as this topic highlights the
changes that have taken place in our assessment of rabbinic Judaism, it
may help us to get a clearer idea of the status of the revolt as a whole
within the history of second-century Judaism.
Most scholars who deal with the Bar K o k h b a revolt - at least most
Jewish Studies scholars - are concerned with placing the revolt firmly
within the emerging rabbinic movement of post-70 Judaism. T h e general
picture painted by these scholars can be summarized as follows:
T h e Rabbis were the legitimate heirs of the pre-70 Pharisees, who re-
established and reorganized Judaism immediately after the catastrophic
destruction of both the Temple and the more or less independent Jewish
State. Because Shimon b. Gamliel I had compromised himself during the
first Jewish war and could not officiate as the patriarch (Nasi) of the
Jewish people, it was the " o u t s i d e r " Y o h a n a n b. Z a k k a i who stepped
in a n d founded the " a c a d e m y " at Yavneh (after which the " p e r i o d " of
Yavneh from about 73 until 132 C E is called). As soon as political cir-
cumstances allowed, a r o u n d 80 C E , Yohanan b. Z a k k a i was replaced by
Gamliel II, the legitimate heir of the patriarchal dynasty of the house of
Hillel, w h o held the office until his death sometime before 120 CE. U n -
fortunately, the patriarchal line was interrupted u p o n Gamliel II's death
(since his son Shimon b. Gamliel II was t o o young to succeed him or
otherwise disabled). 1 This period of uncertainty saw the rise of Bar
1
Ephrat H a b a s (Rubin), " R a b b a n Gamaliel of Yavneh and his Sons: the Patriarchate
before and after the Bar Kokhva Revolt," JJS 50, 1999, p. 36, goes as far as to suggest
that at first his son Hanina b. Gamliel was designated as Gamliel's heir but died soon
after his father and that Shimon was too young and still unordained.
2 Peter Schäfer

K o k h b a , the revolutionary figure, w h o anachronistically called himself


Nasi. With the failure of Bar K o k h b a ' s uprising, this disturbing and
improper intermezzo came to a close, and Shimon b. Gamliel II could
happily come into his inheritance as the legitimate patriarch again, pre-
siding over the period of U s h a (from 135 until about 175 CE). The
climax of this development was reached, of course, with R. Yehuda ha-
Nasi, the patriarch p a r excellence, who resided in Bet Shearim and Sep-
phoris and supervised the editing of the M i s h n a , the first m a j o r docu-
ment of rabbinic Judaism.
To be sure, this reconstruction of the history of early rabbinic Judaism
is the narrative of the Rabbis themselves. Seen f r o m this point of view,
Bar K o k h b a a n d his revolt a p p e a r as some kind of mishap, marring the
otherwise orderly a n d successful history of the Rabbis. It remains, how-
ever, that m o d e r n scholars have been busily and imaginatively at work to
fit every available detail into the overall rabbinic f r a m e w o r k . In other
words, the narrative of the (almost) unbroken rabbinic history between
70 C E and the Islamic conquest of Palestine in the seventh century C E
has largely determined the scholarly assessment of the Bar K o k h b a re-
volt and its impact on second-century Judaism.

/.

As a first step in my re-examination of the available evidence, I will


survey the few rabbinic texts that display a direct connection between
Bar K o k h b a and the Rabbis, in other words, the sources that prove
that the Rabbis knew of Bar K o k h b a and his activity. The most famous
a m o n g them is R. Aqiva's dictum that bluntly a n d unmistakably pro-
claims Bar K o k h b a as the Messiah. The version in the Jerusalem Talmud
reads:
(1) R. Shimon b. Yohai taught: " M y teacher 2 Aqiva n a y » ) used to expound:
'A star shall step forth from Jacob' ( N u m . 24:17) [in this way:] Kozeba/Kozba
( N a n a ) 3 steps forth from Jacob."
(2) When R. Aqiva beheld Bar Kozeba/Kozba, he exclaimed: "This one is the King
Messiah ( x r r t r a xa 1 ?» s m v i ) . "
(3) R. Yohanan b. Torta said to him: "Aqiva, grass will grow between your jaws
and still the son of David will not 4 have come!" 5

2
"My teacher" O a i ) in the editio princeps Venice and (as a gloss) in Ms. Leiden.
3
Ms. Darmstadt: n a n a .
4
" N o t " is a gloss in Ms. Leiden.
5
y Ta'anit 4:8/27 (all quotations from the Yerushalmi according to Synopse zum
Talmud Yerushalmi, vol. II/5-12, eds. Peter Schäfer and Hans-Jürgen Becker, Tübingen:
Mohr Siebeck, 2001).
Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis 3

This three-part composition is by no means as clear and straightforward,


as most scholars would have us to believe. I discussed it at length in my
Bar Kokhba book and made an argument to throw Aqiva out of the
text,6 which unfortunately hasn't been noticed by most of my colleagues
- presumably because it is in German or rather complicated or both. Let
me point to some of the textual problems involved: The attribution "R.
Shimon b. Yohai taught: My teacher Aqiva used to expound" is suspi-
cious. It is structured much like the preceding unit, which opens: "It has
been taught: R. Yehuda beR. Elai said: My teacher Barukh ( ' m 1113)
used to expound." This appeal to the otherwise unknown Barukh as a/
the teacher of Yehuda beR. Elai is dubious. It raises the possibility that
"Barukh" is a later addition and that the original reading was just "Rab-
bi," meaning either "my teacher" (i. e., Aqiva) or "Rabbi," understood as
the proper name of R. Yehuda ha-Nasi. 7 Accordingly, one could suggest
that the original "author" of our interpretation of Num. 24:17 was R.
Yehuda ha-Nasi (= "Rabbi") and that Shimon b. Yohai was added (to-
gether with "Aqiva") at a later stage of redaction, when "Rabbi" was
understood primarily to mean "my teacher," rather than a proper name.
This line of argument, which seeks to eliminate Aqiva from our text, is
not as speculative as it first might seem, since it is supported by the Ekha
Rabba version of our tradition:
R. Yohanan said: "Rabbi/my teacher used to expound: 'A star stall step forth
from Jacob' (Num. 24:17) [in this way:] don't read 'star' (3D1D) but 'liar' ( a m ) . " 8
Here the tradition is attributed to the Amora Yohanan (and not the
Tanna Shimon b. Yohai) and the author clearly is Rabbi (Yehuda ha-
Nasi), whereas the interpretation reflects the negative approach of the
Rabbis after the failure of the Bar Kokhba revolt. But what should we
make of the subsequent exchange between Aqiva and Yohanan b. Torta,
which is preserved in both Yerushalmi Ta'anit and in Ekha Rabba? 9
Should we eliminate R. Aqiva here as well? Not easily, but there is again
a reason to be suspicious of the attribution: the middle part (Aqiva's
solemn proclamation) is in Aramaic, while the first and the third parts
(the exegesis of Num. 24:17 and Yohanan b. Torta's repudiation of Aqi-

6
Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand. Studien zum zweiten jüdischen Krieg gegen Rom, Tübin-
gen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1981, pp. 168f.
7
This is indeed the reading of the Yerushalmi fragment Darmstadt which has instead
of "Barukh": "i^rn. This does not make much sense but is clearly not understood as a
name. Hence the most likely reading is: "Rabbi used to expound."
8
Ekha Rabba 2:4. The exchange between R. Aqiva and Yohanan b. Torta follows.
9
The version in Ekha Rabba, ed. Buber (p. 101), attributes the interpretation of
Num. 24:17 to R. Yohanan and reduces the three-part structure to a two-part composi-
tion.
4 Peter Schäfer

va's exegesis) are in Hebrew. F r o m this observation two contradictory


conclusions are possible. O n e could argue that Aqiva's solemn procla-
mation in A r a m a i c is the "original" a n d "oldest" kernel of the unit or,
on the contrary, that it is a later addition to the originally Hebrew dic-
tum, which would have consisted of Aqiva's exegesis of N u m . 24:17 and
Y o h a n a n b. Torta's protest. 1 0 I a m inclined to prefer the second possibi-
lity and to propose the following literary development of the unit:
1. T h e earliest stage of the tradition was the positive interpretation of
N u m . 24:17 as referring to Bar K o k h b a by an u n k n o w n a u t h o r and
its immediate repudiation by the otherwise u n k n o w n Yohanan b.
Torta. This tradition must have originated d u r i n g the Bar K o k h b a
revolt.
2. After the failure of the revolt, this positive tradition was reinterpreted
negatively by Yehuda ha-Nasi.
3. At a time when " R a b b i " was u n d e r s t o o d to be not a proper name but
a title, R. Yehuda's reinterpretation provoked the secondary attribu-
tion of the original positive dictum to Shimon b. Yohai and his teacher
Aqiva.
4. Finally the A r a m a i c middle part was added, which emphasizes Bar
K o k h b a ' s role as Messiah.

The reason why Aqiva, of all the possible candidates, would have been
inserted into the dictum as Bar K o k h b a ' s herald (instead of the un-
known and obviously insignificant original a u t h o r ) is simple: Aqiva
was the hero of the Yavneh period and, most importantly, his imprison-
ment, m a r t y r d o m and death during the revolt are well established in the
rabbinic literature." This does not m e a n , however, that our sources tell
us much about the historical circumstances of Aqiva's death. They fail to
explain for example, when precisely, how long, a n d above all why he was
imprisoned and finally executed (some mention Tineius Rufus, the Gov-
ernor, as his j u d g e and Caesarea as the place of his trial and execution).
Moreover, n o n e of them explicitly refers to his s u p p o r t of Bar Kohkba
and his rebellion. Nevertheless, the fact that he was the most prominent
victim of the R o m a n persecution d u r i n g and immediately after the revolt
m a d e him (at least for later tradents) the ideal candidate to whom to
assign the messianic interpretation of N u m . 24:17 as referring to Bar
K o k h b a . However, this occurred after the rabbinic claim to absolute

10
Something similar to the two-part structure of E k h a Rabba Buber.
11
See Peter Schäfer, "Rabbi Aqiva and Bar K o k h b a , " in: William Scott Green, ed.,
Approaches to Ancient Judaism, vol. 2, A n n Arbor, Michigan: Scholars Press, 1980,
pp. 121-124; id., " R . Aqiva und Bar K o k h b a , " in: id., Studien zur Geschichte und Theo-
logie des Rahhinischen Judentums, Leiden: Brill, 1978, pp. 101-119.
Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis 5

leadership had become well established; only then did it become possible
to promote Aqiva as Bar Kokhba's herald.
The following discussion between Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis in the
Babylonian Talmud is evidently a sequel of the controversy between Aqi-
va and Yohanan b. Torta:
Bar Koziba (S3'T1D) reigned two and a half years. He said to the Rabbis: "I am
the Messiah ( r r © a XJN)!" They answered: "Of the Messiah it is written that he
smells and judges - let us see whether he smells and judges." When they saw that
he was unable to smell and judge, they killed him. 1 2
Here Bar Kokhba does not need Aqiva - he proclaims himself the Mes-
siah - and the Rabbis don't just object, but they kill him. The test they
use for the true Messiah is based on a literal understanding of the diffi-
cult verse Isa. ll:3f.: "(3) He [God] has him [the Messiah] smell the fear
of the Lord. Therefore he shall not judge by what his eyes behold, nor
decide by what his ears perceive. (4) Rather he shall judge the poor with
equity and decide with justice for the lowly of the land." The Rabbis
decide that Bar Kokhba does not have the proper smell of justice and
hence cannot be the true Messiah. This is a very late tradition, as evident
from the immediate context: in their interpretation of Isa. ll:3f. the
Rabbis follow their colleague Rava, who headed the academy at Mahoza
in Babylonia and died in the middle of the fourth century CE. It is an
ironical adaptation of the earlier Aqiva-Yohanan b. Torta controversy
and does not help us to illuminate the relationship between the historical
Bar Kokhba and his rabbinic contemporaries.
Another tradition, also found in Yerushalmi Ta'anit and in Ekha Rab-
ba, seems to reflect a more positive notion of the Rabbis' attitude to-
wards Bar Kokhba:
Ben Kozeba ( n a n a ) was there [at Bethar], and he had 200,000 [soldiers] with
amputated fingers. The Sages sent him the message: " H o w long will you continue
to mutilate Israel?!" He said to them: " H o w else is it possible to test them?" 1 3 They
said to him: "Any one who cannot uproot a Lebanese cedar while riding on his
horse shall not be enlisted in your army." And he had 200,000 of these [with
amputated finger] and 200,000 of those [who had uprooted a Lebanese cedar]. 14
Here the Rabbis criticize Bar Kokhba, but, far from killing him, they
cooperate with him. They persuade him to use a less cruel method to
test the courage of his soldiers: instead of having them cut off a finger he
follows the Rabbis' advice and lets them uproot a cedar from Lebanon.
Some scholars, though skeptical of the numerical figures and certain de-

12
b Sanhedrin 93b.
13
I. e., to check their bravery.
14
y Ta'anit 4:8/28; Ekha Rabba 2:4; Ekha Rabba, ed. Buber, p. 101.
6 Peter Schäfer

tails, nevertheless find evidence here for popular and rabbinic support of
Bar Kokhba. 1 5 I am less convinced. If we disregard the exaggerated
numbers, we are left with a test of courage that is clearly an aggadic
motif 1 6 without any historical value. And this, of course, also applies
to the Rabbis as those who persuade Bar Kokhba of the less brutal
test for his soldiers. 17
Finally, we should consider the large literary unit in Yerushalmi Ta'a-
nit and Ekha Rabba, which I have called the Bethar complex. This pas-
sage contains the only direct encounter between Bar Kokhba and an
individual Rabbi - R. Eleazar ha-Modai - who is killed by Bar Kokhba:
For three and a half years Hadrian surrounded Bethar, and R. Eleazar h a - M o -
dai sat on sackcloth and ashes and prayed every day saying: " M a s t e r of the Uni-
verse, d o not sit in judgment today, d o not sit in j u d g m e n t today!" H a d r i a n was
ready to go away, 18 when a Samaritan said to him: " D o n ' t go away because I see
what to do that the city will surrender to you." He [the Samaritan] climbed up the
underground conduit of the city. He went u p and found R. Eleazar h a - M o d a i
standing and praying. He pretended to whisper [something] in his ear. The people
of the city saw him, went to Ben Kozeba and said to him: "We saw this old man
[the Samaritan] talking to your uncle [Eleazar ha-Modai]." He [Bar Kokhba] said
to him [the Samaritan]: "What did you say to him, and what did he say to you?" He
said to him: "If I would tell you, the king [Hadrian] would kill me; and if I do not
tell you, you will kill me. Better that the king should kill me and not you!" [There-
fore] he [the Samaritan] said to him [Bar Kokhba]: " H e [Eleazar ha-Modai] said to
me [the Samaritan]: I will surrender the city!"
He [Bar Kokhba] went to R. Eleazar h a - M o d a i and said to him: " W h a t did this
Samaritan say to you?" He answered: "Nothing!" - " W h a t did you say to him?" -
He answered: "Nothing!" [At that moment] he [Bar Kokhba] kicked him and killed
him. Immediately a heavenly voice came out and said: "'Woe to the worthless
shepherd who a b a n d o n s the flock! Let a sword descend upon his arm and upon
his right eye! His arm shall dry u p and his right eye shall go blind' (Zach. 11:17).
You have killed R. Eleazar ha-Modai, the a r m of all Israel and their right eye.
Therefore your arm shall dry up and your right eye shall go blind."
Immediately Bethar was conquered and Ben Kozeba was killed. They went and
brought his head to Hadrian. He asked them: " W h o killed him?" A Samaritan said
to him: "I killed him." He ordered him: "Show me the corpse!" He showed him the
corpse and found a snake wound around it. He said: "If G o d did not kill him, who
could have killed him?!" And he applied to him the biblical verse: "Unless their
Rock had sold them and their Lord had given them up!" (Deut. 32:30).

15
Adele Reinhartz, "Rabbinical Perceptions of Simeon Bar Kosiba," JSJ 20, 1989,
p. 182.
16
See the parallels in Schafer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aujstand, pp. I70f.
17
The same is true for the rabbinic "evidence" of Bar Kokhba's blasphemy (y Ta'anit
4:8/28; Ekha Rabba 2:4; Ekha Rabba, ed. Buber, p. 101) and his bodily strength (Ekha
Rabba and Ekha Rabba, ed. Buber, ibid.). Bodily strength (and beauty) is a classical
prerequisite of a messianic leader; see below, n. 82.
18
I. e., to give up the siege.
Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis 7

This dramatic story describes the last m o m e n t of Bethar, Bar K o k h b a ' s


stronghold, and of Bar K o k h b a himself. T h e dramatis personae are Ha-
drian, the pious Eleazar h a - M o d a i (a well k n o w n T a n n a of the Yavneh
period), the cunning Samaritan, and the violent-tempered Bar K o k h b a .
The moral is made abundantly clear: T h e piety of the model Rabbi,
Eleazar, would have saved the city, if only the malicious Samaritan had
not interfered and, even worse, if Bar K o k h b a had not been taken in by
the Samaritan's plot. Hence, here again "the Rabbis" and Bar K o k h b a
are opponents: Bar K o k h b a kills the true Rabbi a n d deserves to be killed
- this time not by the Rabbis but by G o d himself.
The historical value of this story tends towards zero. H a d r i a n ' s perso-
nal presence at Bethar is as d o u b t f u l as that of the i n f a m o u s Samaritan;
similarly, Eleazar h a - M o d a i ' s supposed family relationship to Bar K o k h -
ba is just as historically d u b i o u s as the claim that R. Y o h a n a n b. Z a k k a i
was the uncle of Ben Batiah, the Zealot leader active during the first
Jewish war, 19 or the claim that the proselyte Aquilas was H a d r i a n ' s
father-in-law. 2 0 Even more imaginative is the suggestion of some m o d e r n
scholars that we should identify our R. Eleazar h a - M o d a i with the Elea-
zar h a - K o h e n mentioned on the coins 2 1 - a suggestion wholly based on
the accidental identity of the n a m e Eleazar (and ignoring the fact that
nowhere is Eleazar h a - M o d a i called a priest). In sum, this story, like
most of the rabbinic stories referring to Bar K o k h b a (with the sole ex-
ception of the dubious Aqiva dictum), reflects the negative attitude of
the Rabbis towards both Bar K o k h b a himself and his activities. The
meager rabbinic evidence does not help us to integrate the Bar K o k h b a
revolt into the history of the emerging rabbinic movement of the second
century CE. Rather, Bar K o k h b a a n d his uprising remain conspicuously
out of place within the ideal picture that the Rabbis draw of themselves.
T h e overall attitude is censorious, a n d n o reliable evidence supports the
theory that the revolt was p o p u l a r a m o n g the Rabbis and their followers.

19
Ekha Rabba 1:31; Ekha Rabba, ed. Buber, p. 66.
20
Epiphanius, De mens, et pond., 14 (PG 43, 260f.).
21
Shmuel Yeivin, X331D " n r i a r d a , Jerusalem: M o s a d Bialik, 1951, p. 63; Gedaliah
Alon, The Jews in their Land in the Talmudic Age (70-640 C. E.J, transl. Gershon Levi,
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989, p. 623 (transl. from the 1961 Hebrew edi-
tion); Yehuda Devir, K2D13 1 3 , Jerusalem: Kiryat Sefer, 1964, pp. 130-149; Shmuel Sa-
frai, art. "Eleazar of Modi'in," in: EJ. vol. 6, Jerusalem: Keter, 1971, col. 603.
8 Peter Schüfer

II.

Turning now to the d o c u m e n t s and findings f r o m the Judaean desert


themselves, our most direct and most reliable evidence on the Bar K o k h -
ba revolt, I will briefly summarize what they tell us about the character
a n d the ideology of the revolt a n d its leader - a n d particularly about its
connection with the rabbinic movement. T h e first and most obvious ob-
servation m a d e by m a n y scholars is that Bar K o k h b a was clearly a mili-
tary leader with a claim to absolute leadership; the personality shining
through the d o c u m e n t s could not be further away from the ideal of the
pious Rabbi celebrated in rabbinic literature. 2 2
Typical are Bar K o k h b a ' s letters to Yehonatan bar Ba'ayan and M a -
sabala bar Shimon, the military c o m m a n d e r s of Ein Gedi. Thus, for
instance, in the so-called "Letter on W o o d " he orders Yehonatan a n d
M a s a b a l a to confiscate the wheat of a certain H a n u n (?) ben Yishmael
and to deliver it to Bar K o k h b a : " a n d if you d o not accordingly, [be it
known to you] that you shall be punished severely." 23 In the same letter
he forbids them, under threat of punishment, to give refuge to the men
of Tekoa, who probably had ignored his mobilization orders: "Regarding
all men f r o m Tekoa who are found with you - the houses in which they
are living shall be burnt down and you shall [also] be punished." 2 4 It is
apparently these same "shirkers" who are the subject of a n o t h e r letter to
Yehonatan and Masabala, in which he instructs: "[See to it] that all men
from Tekoa or from any other place who are [residing] with you, you are
to dispatch them to me without delay. And if you shall not dispatch
them, then let it be k n o w n to you that from you 1 shall exact punish-
ment." 2 5 The "Letter on W o o d " concludes with the order to arrest a
certain Yeshua b a r T a d m o r a y a and to send him " u n d e r g u a r d " and dis-
armed to Bar K o k h b a . 2 6 Even more threatening is the tone of a letter to

22
But it is in concordance with what the Rabbis have to say about Bar Kokhba as the
brutal military leader.
23
Lit.: "That from you punishment will be exacted." N a h a l Hever 54: Yigael Yadin,
"The Expedition to the Judean Desert, 1960: Expedition D," IEJ 11, 1961, p. 42: Ada
Yardeni, ed. and transl., A Textbook of Aramaic and Hebrew Documentary Texts from
the Judaean Desert and Related Materia!, Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 2000,
pp. 171 and 67.
24
Nahal Hever 54: Yigael Yadin, Bar-Kokhba. The Rediscovery of the Legendary
Hero of the Last Jewish Revolt against Imperial Rome, London/Jerusalem: Weidenfeld
and Nicolson, 1971, p. 125; Yardeni, ibid.
25
N a h a l Hever 55: Yadin, IEJ 11, 1961, p. 48; id., Bar Kokhba, p. 126; Yardeni, Text-
book, pp. 173 and 67.
26
N a h a l Hever 54: Yadin, IEJ 11, 1961, p. 42; id. Bar Kokhba, p. 126; Yardeni, Text-
book., pp. 171 and 67.
Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis 9

another commander, Yeshua ben Galgula: " M a y Heaven be my wit-


ness ... that I shall put your feet in fetters like I did to Ben Aphlul." 2 7
Most of the orders in Bar K o k h b a ' s letters are connected with a threat
of punishment ( x r m s n s ) , and this coarse tone can be attributed just as
much to his character as to his increasingly desperate situation towards
the end of the revolt. T h e continuous threat of p u n i s h m e n t also indicates
that Bar K o k h b a must have been anything but successful in his claim of
authority over his own men. A n o t h e r letter to M a s a b a l a and Yehonatan
sounds almost resigned: "In good (= luxury) you are sitting, eating and
drinking f r o m the property of the H o u s e of Israel, and caring nothing
for your brothers." 2 8
Despite the predominantly military flavor of the documents, scholars
have drawn our attention to a n o t h e r feature, which is less obvious but
definitely apparent: Bar K o k h b a ' s concern to uphold religious precepts.
It is here that some scholars wish to see the most direct indication of a
close relationship between Bar K o k h b a a n d the rabbinic movement.
There can be n o d o u b t , for instance, that Bar K o k h b a cared about ob-
serving the Sabbath. In yet a n o t h e r letter to the c o m m a n d e r s of Ein
Gedi he writes: " S h i m o n b a r Kosiba to Yehonatan bar Ba'ayan and to
Masabala bar Shimon: You are to send to me Eleazar bar Hitta imme-
diately, before Shabbat." 2 9 T h e same is true for a letter to Yeshua b.
Galgula in which Bar K o k h b a asks him to deposit a certain a m o u n t of
wheat at his place (?), which he has ordered to be carried away after the
Sabbath. 3 0
The most i m p o r t a n t d o c u m e n t regarding Bar K o k h b a ' s ritual obser-
vance is the f a m o u s letter concerned with the " f o u r species" of the Suk-
kot (Tabernacles) festival:
Shimon to Yehuda bar Menashe, to Qiryat Arabaya:
"1 have sent t o you t w o d o n k e y s so t h a t you shall send with t h e m two m e n to
Y e h o n a t a n b a r B a ' a y a n a n d t o M a s a b a l a so t h a t they shall p a c k / l o a d a n d send
t h e m to t h e c a m p , t o y o u , p a l m b r a n c h e s d ' a V ? ) a n d c i t r o n s (VJnriN). A n d y o u ,
send o t h e r s f r o m y o u r place, w h o will b r i n g you m y r t l e C p o i n ) a n d willows CP3~I57).
A n d p r e p a r e / t i t h e t h e m ( i n n 1 1 p m ) a n d send t h e m t o the c a m p , for the m u l t i t u d e /
a r m y (HD^DIK) is large. Be w e l l . " i l

Here two observations can be made. First, it is clear that the letter deals
with the preparation of the Sukkot festival in Bar K o k h b a ' s c a m p (Her-
27
Mur. 43: P. Benoit, J. T. Milik, R. de-Vaux, Lex Grottes de Murabha'dt (Discoveries
in the Judean Desert II), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961, p. 160; Yadin, Bar
Kokhba, p. 137; Yardeni, Textbook, pp. 157 and 64.
Nahal Hever 49: Yadin, IEJ 11, 1961, p. 47; Yardeni, Textbook, pp. 165 and 66.
29
Nahal Hever 50: Yadin, IEJ 11, 1961, p. 44; Yardeni, Textbook, pp. 166 and 66.
10
DJD II, pp. 161-163.
" Nahal Hever 57: Yadin, IEJ 11, 1961, p. 48; Yardeni, Textbook, pp. 177 and 68.
10 Peter Sehàfer

odium?). Yehuda bar M e n a s h e is instructed to provide Bar K o k h b a with


the " f o u r species" needed for Sukkot: the palm branches and citrons are
to be supplied f r o m Ein Gedi (which was f a m o u s for both) and the
myrtle and willows f r o m Qiryat Arabaya (whose exact location is un-
known, but Yadin suggested a place in the Bethlehem area, between
Bethar a n d Ein Gedi; 3 2 in any case, it must have been rich of myrtle
and willows). A n d second, Bar K o k h b a instructs Yehuda bar M e n a s h e
to make certain that the citrons are properly prepared. This has been
interpreted by most scholars (following Yadin) 3 3 as meaning that they
should be tithed (i. e., separated for the Levites/priests) according to
Biblical and rabbinical law.
T h a t the rebels were concerned with the preparation of the Sukkot
festival is corroborated by the Greek letter, provisionally published by
B. Lifshitz and others, 3 4 in which a certain Soumaios (presumably a
gentile follower of Bar K o k h b a ) asks Yehonatan and M a s a b a l a to pro-
vide the " c a m p of the Jews" with $ C p o o i (most likely meaning "pn^l 1 ?) 35
and citrons. 3 6 We d o not know the exact significance of the celebration
of Sukkot in Bar K o k h b a ' s camp; we can only conclude f r o m the letters
that Bar K o k h b a and his followers did celebrate Sukkot and that it was
i m p o r t a n t to them. Especially since we d o not know precisely the status
of Sukkot in the period under discussion, we certainly c a n n o t just as-
sume that Yohanan b. Z a k k a i ' s ruling regarding the celebration of Suk-
kot after the destruction of the Temple 3 7 was generally accepted, let
alone that Bar K o k h b a set great store on following his ruling and
hence on the opinions of the Rabbis. Indeed, Oppenheimer, Lapin and
others 3 8 have proposed that Bar K o k h b a was so concerned about cele-
brating Sukkot because of the distinctly propagandistic message of the
festival. T h r o u g h o u t the history of Second Temple Judaism, the festival
of the Tabernacles was connected with the celebration of victory and the
rededication of the Temple, most notably a m o n g the Maccabees: after
the purification and rededication of the Temple the Maccabees cele-

12
JEJ 11, 1961, p. 49.
33
Ibid., pp. 48f.; A h a r o n Oppenheimer, r m x n n m y i K2D13 i n , in: A. Oppenheimer
and U. R a p p a p o r t , eds., D'ttHn D'-ipnn . x m i D - m 71B, Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben Zvi,
1984, p. 142 with n. 14.
34
See B. Lifshitz, "Papyrus grecs du désert de Judea," Aegyplus 42. 1962, pp.241
248; more recently Hayim Lapin, "Palm Fronds and Citrons: Notes on Two Letters from
Bar Kosiba's Administration," HUCA 44, 1993, pp. 11-135.
35
See the commentary in Lapin, pp. 116-118.
36
Text and translation in Lapin, pp. 114f.
37
m Sukka 3:12.
38
Oppenheimer, n n x a n Dvpi iODID p. 143; Lapin, Palm Fronds and Citrons,
pp. 130ff.
Index of Sources

1. Bible 3. N e w Testament

Gen 17:13, 14 62 John 5:1-9 262


Lev 5:2-4 261
11:16 56
12:13 11
Num 18:21 ff. 12 19:15 243
24:17 2ff„ 16
Acts 14:13 264
Deut 14:15 56
14:22 IT. 12 Phil 3:2-3 55
32:30 6
Jdg 6:2 228
4. Rabbinic Literature
ISam 8:15, 17 13
14:11 228
14:22 228 Mishrta
Ps 17:21 -32 18 Shab 18:3 58
190 19:1 58, 8
Isa 2:15
11:3 f. 5 Er 1:2 66
Ez 37:24 f. 15 Suk 3:12 10
44-46 15
Taan 4:6 102
Am 7:13 13
Ket 2:9 190
Zech 6:9-15 20 Av 3:11 64
11:17 6 3:12 81
14:16 20 11
Miq 7:1 66
Nid 4:7 190
2. A p o c r y p h a and P s e u d e p i g r a p h a
Tosefta
IMac 13:51 11 Shab 15:9 62
14:47 15 Er 5:24 60
2Mac 10:6 11 Yev 12:4—5 190
10:7 11
Sot 16:10 67
1 Enoch 85-90 18
San 12:9 64
300 Index of Sources

Ed 1:1 22 WaR 32:1 81


Hör 1:5 65 EkhaR 1:15 197
1:31 7
Bekh 2:2 190
2:4 3, 5 f., 64
2:5 281
Talmud Yerusha/mi
MekhY Ba-Hodesh 6 68, 81
Pea 1 (16b) 65 Ki-Tisa 1 81
Shab 2 (5b) 59
19 (17a) 62
Er 9 (25c) 60
5. A n c i e n t A u t h o r s
Taan 4:8 (68d-69a) 2, 5 f., 64.
102, 281
Yev 62 A m m i a n u s Marcellinus
8 (9a)
18.4.5 74
San 10 (27c) 65
Celsus De Medicina
7.25.1 62
Talmud Bavli
Shab 130a 59, 61, 81 Codex Theodosianus
Er 13a 66 16.8.1 91
91a 60 16.9.4 91

RHSh 19a 81 Cornelius F r a n t o De Bello Parthico


2 113
Taan 18a 81
18b 82 Dio Cassius Historia Romana
29a 82 39.14.1 142
52.36.2 39
Yev 72a 62 59.12 14 110
99a 190 60.6.6 44
Ket 27a 190 66.7.2 25
67.2.3 74
Ned 50b 82
67.14.1 25
Qid 72b 58 68.1.2 25
68.2.4 75
BB 10a 82
68.26.1 164
60b 65
68.32.3 28
San 68a 59 69.11.1 32
93b 281 69.12.1 31, 231
99a 64, 81 69.12.3 190, 217
AZ 20a 82 69.12 14 182, 227
36a 67 69.13.1 f. 164
69.13.2 168, 180
Hör 3b 67 69.13-14 130
Meila 17a 81 69.14 112
69.14.4 123
Eusebius of Caesarea
Midrashim Historia Ecclesiastica IV
ARNA A:26 65 4:6 31
6:1 82
BerR 17:1 67, 82
46:13 62
Index of Sources 301

D e Vita C o n s t a n t i n i 8.5 228


3:26 249 9.4 228
John Chrysostom Contra Apionem
Homilia aclversus Judaeos 13.69-23.218 39
48.845 55
Vita
Josephus Antiquitates 11.4 (469) 228
5.211 228 37, 187-88 226
6.111 228 67, 3 7 3 - 7 4 227
6.116 228
Justin M a r t y r
6.136 227
Dial. c. Tryphone 16 29
7.142 227
14.185-267 13, 43 Justinianus Institutes
14.194 f. 43 1.8.1 87f.
14.199 43 Juvenal Satires
14.213-6 44 14.96-206 77
14.219-23 44
14.241 44 O r o s i u s Historiarum adversum paganos
15.340 227 7.13.5 253
16.160-79 43 Paulus Sententiae
16.160 44 5.22.3^4 90
17.271-284 19 5.23.13 76
18.257-61 27
18.261-309 230 Philo Legatio ad Gaiuni
23 (155-57) 44
Bellum 203-373 230
1.18.2 228
2.10.1 5 230 De migratione Abrahami
2.17.6 228 92 65
2.17.8 227 Pliny Naturalis historia
2.18.11 227 5.24 267
2.20.6 226 5.70 139
2.56-64 19
2.434 19 Scriptores Historiae A u g u s t a e
3.2.4 227 Heliogabalus
3.3.1 226 28,4 56
3.7.21 226
Vita H a d r i a n i
3.54-56 139
14,2 55, 80
4.1 227
4.1.2 228 Vita Severi
4.504 19 17.1 90
5.3.1 228
Statius Silvae
6.236-66 24
4.3.13 75
6.7.3 228
7.1-2 252 Suetonius 43
7.29 19 Claudius
7.123-62 24 25.2 76
7.180 179
25.4 44
7.6.5 228
7.6.6 231 Di vus Augustus
7.9.1 227 32 44
8.4 228 93 43
302 Index of Sources

Divus Iulius Tertullian Apologeticum


42.3 44 2.6 83
Domitian Ulpian Digesta
7.1 74 48.8.3.4 76
12.2 25, 77, 84 48.8.3.5 76
48.8.4.2 56. 75
Tacitus Annales
48.8.5 78
2.6.1 f. 164
48.8.6 75
13.32.2 39
48.8.11 57, 85 f.
15.18.1 160
50.15.3 142
Historiae
5.4, 1 56
5.5.1-2 71,77
Modern Authors

Abbadi, S. 126, 148, 164, 178 Baruch, Y. 197


Abel, E. 49. 245 f.. 251, 258, 261, 264 Beard, M. 3 1 . 3 7
Adams, F. 78 Bechert, T. 268
Adan-Bayewitz, D. 224, 227 Belayche, N. 29, 175
Agnon, Sh. 280 Ben-Ari, N. 280
Ahiyah, B. 285 Benario, H.W. 80
Alföldy, G. 115, 122, 162f„ 166f. Benayahu, M. 283
Aline, M. 244, 258 f. Ben-Gurion, D. 289
Alon, D. 59, 66, 114, 196, 200, 217 f. Benoit, P. 9, 137 ff, 194, 196, 200, 244f.,
Alon. G. 7. 15 259, 262 f.
Aly, A. A. 116 f. Ben-Shalom, 1. 230
Amit, D. 34, 104, 181, 197 ff., 218 Ben-Yehuda, N. 282
Andermahr, A. M. 167 Ben-Yosef, O. 279
Andersen, F. G. 194,200 Bergmann, J. 66
Applebaum, Sh. 28. 31, 37, 8.3. 1081'.. Bernard, J.-E. 43
112, 118. 120 Betser, O. 288
Arcelin, P. 268 Bialik, Ch. N. 280
Ariel, Z. 284. 287 Bijovsky, G. 199 f.
Arnould, C. 245 Bin-Gurion, M. Y. 288
Aronoff, M. J. 293 Birley, A. R. 28, 111 ff. 120f., 138, 163,
Ashman, A. 286 231
Auerbach, P. 286 Blackman, D. J. 115 f.
Avalos, H. 262 f. Blair, H. 295 f.
Avery-Peck, A. J. 87 Blich, M. 284, 287
Aviam, M. 191,200,218,227 Bliss, F. J. 1 9 1 , 2 0 0 , 2 1 9
Avigad, N. 232, 245, 252, 254 Bloemers, J. H. F. 269
Avishar, A. 287 f. Blomme, Y. 244
Avivi, B. 287 Boatwright, M . T . 29
Avi-Yonah, M. 272 Bondi, J. 63
Avni, G. 222 Borkowski, A. 75, 78, 85
Avramsky, Sh. 282, 288 Bornstein-Lazar, T. 286, 288
Bosch, E. 122
Bagatti, B. 221 ff, 232, 244, 259 Botermann, H. 45
Bagnali, R. S. 126,142 Bowersock, G.W. 109, 120, 126, 150,
Bahat, D. 200, 223, 233, 245, 251, 258 177, 241
Baltrusch, E. 164 Bowman, A. K. 25
Bar, D. 245, 257, 274 Brandenburg, E. 195, 200
Barag, D. 20, 165, 200 Brewer, D. I. 104
Barnes, T. D. 52f., 80, 83 Brody, A. 104
Bartov, Y. 195, 202 Broshi, M. 136, 149, 178, 274, 292
304 Modern Authors

Brown, P. 71 Dunn, J. D. G. 27
Brunt, P. A. 115 Duprez, A. 260, 262 f.
Brusin, G. 122,166 Duval, P. M. 42
Buechler, A. 196, 200
Buhl, M.-L. 194, 200 Eck, W. 27, 68. 83, 101, 109, 111 ff., 116.
Bull, R.J. 272f. 118, 121 ff.. 137 ff.. 148 ff., 153 ff., 164,
Busse, H. 266 171, 174ff., 200. 229. 241, 248
Edelstein, E. J. 262 f.
Caballos, A. 154 Edelstein. L. 262f.
C a h a n , Y. 280, 284 Edgar, C. C. 89
Cahill, J. M. 194,200 Efron, J. 281
Callaway, P. 136 Ehrlich, Z . H . 194,200
Cantineau, J. 180 Eidlin, D. 225
Capelli, P. 143 Eilers, C. 153
Cary, E. 110 Eldad, 1. 292
Charlesworth, J. H. 18 Eliav, Y. Z. 32. 111, 241, 248 ff., 265, 271
Clamer, C. 9 6 , 1 5 0 Eshel, H. 34, 94, 96. 104, 109, 129, 136.
C l e r m o n t - G a n n e a u , Ch. 244, 246 181, 187f., 194ff.. 218 f.. 230, 233
Cockle, W. E. H. 9 3 , 1 3 3 Ezrahi. M. 286
Cohen, E. 220, 233
Cohen. M. 287 Farquharson, A. S. L. 53
Cohen, S.J. D. 57, 71 f., 84, 87, 89 Feig. N. 195, 201
Cohn, E. W. 252 Feldman, L. H. 46
Collingwood, R. G. 274 Feldstein. A. 195. 201
Conder, C. 222, 260 Fentress. E. W. B. 267
Cordier, P. 57, 76 f. Fernández, F. 154
Cotter. W. 44 Filow, B. 120
Cotton, H. 14, 20f., 27, 68, 93. 104. 118, Fisher, M. 2 0 1 , 2 1 7
1251'., 133 ff., 143, 150. 153, 155, 160. Fitz. J. 120.124
165, 178 ff., 197. 200. 224, 248 Fitzmyer, J. A. 104
Crown, A. D. 270 Fleischer, E. 73
Crummy, P. 269 Flesher, P. V. M. 87
Cuncliffe, B. 42 Foerster, G. 109. 128. 148. 157. 161. 171.
175, 201. 218, 227. 229
D^browa, E. 111, 121 f., 169 F'orni, G. 116
Dagan, Y. 1 8 7 , 2 0 0 , 2 1 8 Frankel, J. 292
Damati, E. 194, 200, 234 Fraschetti, A. 42
Dar, S. 34 Frend, W. H. C. 52
Davies, P. R. 24, 32, 43 Frerichs, E. S. 57
Den Boer, W. 231 Freudenberger, R. 52 f.
Derenbourg, J. 63 Freund, R. A. 141".
Dessau, H. 55 Frier, B.W. 142
Deutsch, R. 94 Frumkin, A. 34, 198
Devijver, H. 116f., 124, 164 Fuks, A. 27
Devillers, L. 143, 145 F u r s t m a n , S. 286
Devir, Y. 7
Dietz, K. 112 Gafni, J. 12,55,61,93
Dinur, U. 194f., 200 Gafni, S. 287
Disckinson, A. 285 Gagiotti, M. 167
D o b ó , A. 124 Ganor, A. 185,188,203
Donfried, K. P. 49 Garnsey, P. 25
Drijvers, H. J. W. 89 Gatier, P.-L. 124, 178
Drury, P. J. 269 Geiger, J. 50, 57, 73. 78, 82, 84
Modern Authors 305
Geizer, M. 38 Hurgin, Y. 287
G e r m e r - D u r a n d , J. 250 f.
Geva, H. 20, 241 f., 245 ff. Iglesias, G. 160
G i b b o n 53 Han, T. 104
Gichon, M. 227 Han, Z. 194, 197, 200f., 218 f., 234
Gilliam, J. F. 116 Isaac, B. 31 f., 37, 49, 55, 111,127, 149,
Goldberg, A. 58 f. 153, 155f., 201, 217f., 230f„ 241 f., 252,
Goldberger, D. 289, 294, 296 266, 268
G o o d b l a t t , D. 19f„ 94
G o o d m a n , M. 21, 24, 27f., 4 2 f f , 53, 84, Jacobs, M . 21
90, 152 Janai, J. 201
G o r d o n , A. E. 1 1 1 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 5 Jeremias, J. 260
G o r d o n , P. 285 Jones, Ch. 71, 79 f.
G o r e n , Z. 289 Joukowsky, M. 175
G o u l d , S. 158, 174 Juli, T . A . J . 136
Grabar, O. 250 Juster, J. 43
G r a f . F. 263
Green, M . J . 4 2 , 1 9 7 K a d m a n , L. 201
Greenfield, J. C. 93, 9 6 f f , 135 Kaimio, M . 89
Griffin, M. 25, 154 Kamaisky, Y. 201
G r o h , D. E. 233 Kanael, B. 93
Gros, P. 267 f. Kaniuk, Y. 289
G r u e n , E. S. 38, 44f., 49f. Kaster, R. 71
Gudovitz, S. 222 Katzoff, R. 134
Guérin, V. 222 Kaygusuz, 1. 115
Gurevitch, Y. 283, 288 Kennedy, D. L. 116,118
Keppie, L. J. F. 117f.
Habas, E. 1 Keren-Tal, A. 287 f.
Hacohen, M. 283, 286 Kidron, G. 201
Haensch, R. 152 Kienast, D. 114
Hagedorn, D. 143 Kindler, A. 3 4 , 9 3 , 1 2 0 , 2 4 2
H a l f m a n n , H. 1 1 5 , 1 5 5 , 1 5 8 , 1 7 5 Kipnis, L. 284, 286f.
Halivni, D. W. 5 5 , 6 1 Kitchener, H. R. 222
Hanin, N. 201 Klein, S. 193, 201
Hanslik, R. 115 f. Kloner, A. 109, 140, 1 8 2 f f , 217ÍT., 222,
Harkabi, Y. 291 f. 224
Harpaz, M. 285 Kloppenborg, J. S. 44
Harries, J. 79 Krueger, P. 75
Helm, R. 93
Hemelrijk, E. A. 40 Landau, B. 283
Herr, M. D. 60f., 68, 72 f., 81, 85, 201, L a n d a u , J. L. 280
241 Lapin, H. 10f„ 143ff.
Hezser, C. 21 Lapp, N. 194, 201
Hinz, H. 269 Lapp, P. 194, 201
Holm-Nielsen, S. 194, 200 Last, H. 42
H o l u m , K G. 119,155,275 Lee, P. J. 285
H o m b e r t , M. 142 Lehmann, C. M. 119,155,280
Honoré, T. 78 f. Levick, B. 163, 268, 274
Horbury, W. 43 Levine, B. A. 9 6 f f , 135, 232
Horshi, A. 284 Levinsky, Y. T. 282f., 286, 289
H o w a r d , G. 143, 145 Levner, I. B. 280, 287
Humphrey, S. C. 53 Levy, E. 65, 90
H u n t , A. S. 89 Lewis, N. 100, 126, 144, 147
306 Modern Authors

Lieberman, S. 60f., 67, 72f., 81, 134 Nenci, G. 40


Lifshitz, B. 10, 141, 143ÍT., 274 Netzer, E. 196, 202
Linder, A. 50f., 57, 72, 85 f., 90f., N o r t h , J. 31, 37 f„ 42 f„ 53
Lipovitz, G. 195, 200
Littmann, E. 147 Obbink, D. 143
Livingston, D. P. 194,201 Oliver, J. H. 170
Lloyd, A. B. 40 Oppenheimer, A. 10, I 2 f „ 17, 19, 55, 57,
Longstaff, T. R. 233 60 f„ 72, 83, 93, 153, 183, 190, 202,
218, 229 ff„ 266
Macalister, R. A. S. 191, 200, 219 Orrieux, C. 46, 49 f.
M a c D o n a l d , W. L. 274 Ottaway, P. 267
MacMullen, R. 3 1 , 3 7 , 2 6 3
Magen, Y. 193 f., 201, 270f. Pailler, J.-M. 38
Magnes, J. 242, 245, 252, 256 Pastor, J. 107
M a n n , J. C. 114 IT. Patrich, J. 20, 195, 202
Mantel, H. 73 Pearlman, M. 290
Marcus, M. 201 Peleg, O. 249
Marks, R. G. 281 f. Persky, N. 284, 287
Martin, D. B. 87 Petersen, L. 78. 170
Mattingly, D. J. 267 Petuchowski, J. 73
Mattingly, H. 25 Pflaum, H.-G. 117,120
Mauss, C. 260 Pierotti, E. 244
Maxfield, V. A. 119ff., 125 Pierre, M. J. 2 6 0 . 2 6 2
Mazar, B. 247 Piggott, S. 42
Mazar, E. 247, 252 Pniel. A. 198, 202
Mazor, G. 255 Polotsky, H.J. 143
McKnight, S. 46 Porat, D. 285, 296
Meshorer, Y. 34, 93 f., 227, 242, 248, 261, Préaux, C. 40, 142
272 f. Price, S. 3 1 , 3 7
Meyer, R. 40 Prieur. J. 115
Mildenberg, L. 11,17, 20. 29, 951'., 160, Pucci, M. 27, 43
187, 201 Puech. E. 147
Milik, J.T. 9. 12. 14, 94. 96. 137, 178.
194, 196. 200. 231 Qimron, E. 104, 149, 178
Miliar. F. G. B. 28, 32, 72, 93, 133. 135, Quint, E. 280
268
Miller, M. 294 Rabello, A. M. 43, 50, 72 f„ 77 f.. 85
Miller, T. S. 262 RafTaeli, Sh. 114
Minzker, Y. 222 R a j a k , T. 43, 48
Mitteis, L. 89 Rakob, F. 267
Mócsy, A. 125 R a p p a p o r t , U. 10, 19. 72, 83, 107f.
Momigliano, A. 53 Rathbone, D. 25
Mommsen, T. 55, 75, 85 Ravitzky, A. 61
Mor, M. 57, 108, 118, 120, 122, 127, 136, Reich, R. 252
231, 270, 272 Reinhartz, A. 6, 17
M o r a n , A. 198, 202 Reventlow, H. G r a f 17
Müller-Luckner, E. 57 Richardson, P. 49
Muqari, A. 202, 220, 232 R i c h m o n d , I. 274
Mussies, G. 147 Ritterling 119
Robertson, R. G. 243
Narkiss, M. 227 R o c h m a n 220 f.
Navon, Sh. 283, 288 Roitman, A. 290, 296
Nebe, G.W. 143 Rokeah, D. 73, 85, 269, 292
Modern Authors 307

Roll, I. 1 2 7 , 2 0 1 , 2 1 7 , 2 3 0 Smallwood, E. M. 43, 48 f., 58 f., 63, 72,


Ronen, I. 107 80, 83, 85, 90, 113 f., 119 fT., 243
Rosen, H . B . 143 Smelik, K. A. D. 40
Rosensaft, M. 195, 202 Sneh, A. 195, 202
Ross, A. 42 Sokoloff, M. 11
Roth, C. 94 Sonnabend, H. 40
Roth-Gerson, L. 123 Spaul, J. 164
Rousee. J. M. 260, 262 Spivak, Y. 285 f.
Roxan, M. M. 114,160 Sporta, R. 287
Rubin, J. P. 62 Stein, A. 170, 242
Rubin, N. 62 Stein, J. P. 46
Rubin, R. 195, 202 Stern, M. 12, 27f., 32, 38, 45, 48ff., 111,
Russell, J. 119 113, 120, 122, 217
Rutgers, L. V. 49 Strange, J. E. 225, 232 f.
Sturdy, J. 43
Safrai, S. 7, 32 f f , 193, 202, 230, 242 Syme, R. 4 8 , 5 5 , 8 0 , 1 1 2 , 1 2 4
Sagiv, N. 191
Samet, E. 1 8 4 , 1 9 0 , 2 0 2 Talbert, R. J. A. 75
Sar-Avi, D. 188, 202 Tcherikover, V. A. 27
Sarig, T. 294f. Tchernikovsky, Sh. 280
Sartre, M. 169 Tchernowitz, Y. 284, 286 f.
Sasson, J. M. 71 Teicher, J.L 231
Savariego, A. 188,195,202 Tepper, Y. 127, 182 ff., 217 ff, 232 ff.
Savignac, R. 246 Thomas, J. A. C. 88
Schäfer, P. 2, 4, 6, 15if., 24, 38, 4 5 f f „ 57, T h o m p s o n , L. A. 84
60, 62f., 71 ff., 80ff., 102, 109, 114, 143, Thomsen, P. 1 1 4 , 1 5 6 , 2 3 0
158, 163, 231 Torelli, M. 267 f.
Scheid. J. 43 Tov, E. 14, 34
Schick, C. 260 Tracy, S. 175
Schiffman, L H. 14, 34 Tsafrir, Y. 32 ff., 188, 196f., 202, 218,
Scholem, G. 18 241 f., 245, 248, 250ff.
Schreiber, B. M. 134 Tselelsohn, M. 295
Schremer, A. 104 Tzori, N. 128 f.
Schulman, K. 280
Schumacher, L. 167 Urbach, E. E. 86 f.
Schürer, E. 25, 43, 49, 72, 120ff., 271
Schwartz, J. 55, 93, 118, 192, 202 van der Vliet, N. 260
Sensi, L. 167 V a n d e r K a m , J. C. 14,34
Seyrig, H. 227 Vanzetti, M . B. F. 76
Shahar, Y. 55, 138, 191, 193, 202, 2l7ff., Vaux, R. de 9, 137, 194, 196, 200
228, 230, 232 f. Veinberg, A. 294
Shalem, D. 225, 232 Vermes, G. 16, 24, 72
Shamir, liana 289 Viaud, Fr. 221 f.
Shamir, Itzhak 289 Vidman, L. 170
Shapira, Z. 185,198,202 Vincent, L. H. 2 4 5 f „ 251, 258, 261, 264
Shatzman, I. 107 Vogel-Weidemann, U. 170
Shelton, J. C. 143,145
Sherwin-White, A. N. 52 f. Ward-Perkins, B. 253
Shotter, D. C. A. 25 Watson, A. 75
Shukron, E. 1 8 8 , 1 9 5 , 2 0 2 Weiss, J. G. 87
Sijpesteijn, P. J. 89 White, R. T. 24, 32
Slingerland, H. D. 45 Whittaker, C. R. 267
308 Modern Authors

Wightman, G.J. 2 4 2 f „ 245, 248, 259, Yadin, Y. 8 f „ 14f„ 94, 9 6 f f , 135, 143,
264, 274 146, 197. 202, 218, 282, 288ff.
Wilcken, U. 89 Yaffe, Z. Y. 285 f.
Wilken, R. L. 266 Yardeni, A. 8 f „ 12, 14, 93, 9 6 f f , 126,
Wilkinson, J. 250 135, 147 ff., 178, 197
Will, E. 46, 49 f. Yehieli, Y. 286
Willems, W. J. H. 268 Yehuda, Z. 280
Williams, M . 44, 48ff. Yerushalmi, Y. H. 281
Williams, W. 88
Wilson, C h . W. 4 4 , 2 5 1 , 2 5 8 Zayadine, F. 126, 148, 164, 178
W i s e m a n , J. 267 Zerubavel, Y. 282, 288, 293
Woolf, G. 42 Zissu, B. 34, 109, 129, 134, 140, 153,
Worp , K. A. 89 181 ff., 217
Wright, R. B. 18 Z m y g r i d e r - K o n p k a , Z . 71
W u t h n o w , H. 147, 180
Index of Names and Subjects

Acco-Ptolemais 268 Beth S h e a n 127, 156-158, 161, 172, 174,


Aelia C a p i t o l i n a 23, 25, 28 f„ 3 1 - 3 7 , 68, 177, 180, 229
111, 138f., 152, 227, 2 3 0 f „ 2 4 2 - 2 4 5 . Bethlehem 10, 197, 248
253f., 256, 259, 261, 2 6 3 f „ 267, 270, Britain 83, 110f„ 114, 121, 125, 1 6 6 , 2 6 9 ,
272 f. 274
A e l i u s M a r c i a n u s 76, 88 Britannia 111 f., 267
A g r i p p a 41, 144, 148, 189 Burnum 168 f.
A k i b a / A k i v a see A q i v a Byzantine 85, 110, 171 f., 175, 185, 189,
Akra 11 198f., 202, 220, 225, 232, 246, 2 5 2 - 2 5 4 ,
Alexandria 27, 35 258 f., 261 f., 2 7 4 f .
A m m i a n u s M a r c e l l i n u s 42, 74
A n t o n i u s Pius 50, 5 6 - 5 8 , 73, 8 5 - 9 0 , 116, Caesar 13 f., 39, 4 3 f., 115-117
119, 125, 245, 270 C a e s a r e a M a r i t i m a 4, 150, 155, 201, 203,
A p h r o d i t e 248, 250 215, 268, 275
A q i v a 2 - 5 , 7, 15 17, 58, 60, 66, 82, 107, C a l i g u l a see G a i u s C a l i g u l a
2831'., 289, 294 f. Camulodunum 269 f., 273 f.
Aquilas 7 Caparcotna 129
Aquileia 122, 166 f. C a r d i n e s / C a r d o 2 4 8 f . , 251, 253 f.
Arabia 21, 28, 33, 8 8 f „ 100 102, 110, Carthage 267
118 121, 123-127, 129, 133, 141, 147, Cassius Dio 23, 2 7 - 2 9 , 3 1 - 3 3 , 36f., 3 9 -
149 152, 158, 164-166, 168, 177, 180 41, 44, 4 8 - 5 1 , 55, 68, 74f., 107, 110—
Arrian 28 112, 122 f., 126, 130, 142 f., 148, 151,
A s c l e p i u s 249 f„ 258, 2 6 1 - 2 6 3 , 274 164, 168, 180, 182, 190 f., 199, 217f.,
Asia M i n o r 264, 274 227 f., 230f., 248, 251, 265, 296
Augustus 38-41,43^5.168 Castration 56, 7 4 - 7 8 , 80, 8 6 - 8 8 , 90
C a v e of L e t t e r s 14, 96, 98, 100, 135,
B a a r o u / B a a r u see B a r u 148 f., 289f., 292
B a b a t h a 96, 100-102, 104, 1 2 4 - 1 2 6 , 140, C h r i s t see C h r i s t i a n i t y
146, 149, 151 f-, 164, 180, 290, 296 Christian(ity) 17, 27, 39, 5 0 - 5 3 , 8 2 - 8 4 ,
Bacchanalia 38 f. 89, 91, 107f., 143, 200, 243, 250, 252,
Bare see B a r u 2 5 5 f., 266, 272, 275, 295
Barnabas 264 C i c e r o 40, 44
B a r d a i s a n of E d e s s a 89 Circumcision 46, 4 9 - 5 1 , 5 4 - 5 7 , 6 2 - 6 4 ,
B a r u 96, 99, 103, 149 f., 179 67 f., 77, 8 4 - 9 0
Barukh 3 C l a u d i a n see C l a u d i u s
Beit S h e a n see Beth S h e a n C l a u d i u s 35, 42, 44, 128, 154, 2 6 8 - 2 7 0
B e i t a r / B e i t h a r see B e t ( h ) a r Coins 7, 11, 17, 20, 23, 25 f., 29, 3 4 - 3 6 ,
Ben B a t i a h 7 9 4 - 9 6 , 99, 138, 160, 163, 165, 187-189,
B e t ( h ) a r 5 - 7 , 10, 64, 1 0 2 f „ 105, 130, 159, 192, 194f., 1 9 7 - 2 0 1 , 203, 215, 219 f.,
197, 280, 282, 287
310 Index of Names and Subjects

222, 225, 227, 229, 232, 234, 242, 247 f„ ethnarch 43 f.


261, 270, 272 f„ 284 ethnos 43 f.
colonia 28 f., 268 Eusebius 27, 31 f„ 179, 248-250
Colonia Aelia Capitolina see Aelia Capi-
tolina Fiscus Iudaicus 25 f., 84
Colonia Claudia Victricensis 269 Flavia Domitilla 48
Colonia Laus Iulia Corinthiensis 267 Flavius see Josephus Flavius
Colonia Ulpia Traiana 269 Flavius Clemens 25, 48
Constantine 51, 54, 90 f„ 246, 254 f. Flavius Josephus see Josephus Flavius
Constantinople 254
Corinth 267 Gaius Caligula 27, 230
Cornelius Dexter 163-165 Galilee 19, 69, 108, 110, 127, 129f.. 164,
Cornelius Fronto 113 189, 191, 200-202, 217-220, 222 f„
Cyprus 27 f„ 123 226-233, 239, 291
Cyrenaica see Legio III Cyrenaica Gallia/Gaul 42, 162, 268
Cyrene 27 f., 80 Gamliel see Shimon ben Gam(a)liel
Gaza 35 f„ 93
Dacia 83,111,117,121,132 Gerasa 33, 177-179
Dalmatia 168 Gerizim 270-273
Damascus Gate 243-245, 249-252, 254- Germania inferior 268
256, 259, 274 Germanicus 50, 164
David 2, 15, 18, 85, 96, 200, 247, 250f„ Germans 41, 164
253 f„ 256, 258, 289, 292 Golgotha 249
Dead Sea 101, 164f„ 181, 199, 290, 296
Dio Cassius see Cassius Dio Hasmonean 13-15, 186, 189
Diocletian 90 Haterius Nepos 121, 124-127, 130, 148.
Diodorus 45 150, 152, 164, 166 170, 177f„ 180
Domitian 25 f„ 35, 48, 74, 189, 225 Hebron 34, 181, 185f„ 191, 196f„ 199f„
Druids 41 f. 202
Herculaneum 14
Dura-Europos 158, 174 f. Herod 15, 19, 193, 223 225, 232f„ 252,
265 f.
Eburacum 267 Herodium 10, 12f„ 185f„ 1961'.. 202
Ecce H o m o arch 243-245, 249f., 254- High Priest 11,13,15,20
259, 263 f„ 274 Hillel 1,22
Egypt 27f., 40f., 88f„ l l 6 f „ 121, 133, Hillel ben Garis 13f., 102
142, 158, 283 Historia Augusta 37,49,51,55-57
Ein Gedi 8-10, 96, 98-103, 139, 148f„ Holy Sepulcher 246 f„ 250, 255
197 Horace 47, 49
Elagabalus 56 Hyrcanus I 271
Eleazar bar Hitta 9 Hyrcanus II 13
Eleazar ben Eleazar 99
Eleazar ben ha-Shiloni 13f. Inscription 28, 95, 116, 118-120, 122-
Eleazar ben Levi 103 130, 148, 150, 153-155, 157-161,
Eleazar ha-Shoter 103 163 f. 167-169, 171 f., 174f„ 177f„
Eleazar ben Shmuel 96, 98, 100-103 180, 214, 242, 245, 247 f„ 260
Eleazar ha-Modai 6f., 22, 64f. Ishmael 65-67
Eleazar the priest 20 Isis 40 f„ 49, 53
Eliezer 58-61 Israel 5f.. 9, 14, 16, 18, 95, 97-99, 108,
Eliezer b. Hyrcanus 58 f., 61 135 f„ 149, 160, 171, 179-181, 191,
Enoch 18 200-203, 214, 224, 228, 232f„ 242,
epigraphy 128, 153 f., 156f„ 160, 162f„ 279 f„ 282-294, 296 f.
166, 169, 171 f., 191
epispasmos 62-64
Index of Names and Subjects 311

Italy 15, 39, 42, 48 f., 54, 114-116, 122, Legio IV Scythia 119,122
139, 158, 160, 162 Legio VI Claudia 120
Iudaea see Judaea Legio VI Ferrata 118, 128f„ 155, 175,
Iulius Severus see Julius Severus 189, 224, 233
Legio X Fretensis 83,94, 113f„ 118, 121,
Jaffa Gate 247, 274 138, 155, 175, 231, 242, 247, 251-253,
Jericho 150, 193 258
Jerome 190, 201, 249 f. Legio X Gemina 120
Jerusalem 2, 11-13, 15, 18-20, 23f., 27- Legio XVI Flavia Firma 119
29, 32-34, 36f., 44, 47, 54, 62, 64f., 68, Legio XXII Deiotariana 113, 118
94—96, 108, 136-140, 156, 181, 187, lex Cornelia 75f., 85
191, 193, 195, 200-203, 227f„ 231 f., lithostroton 244f„ 250, 258f„ 263f.
241-244, 246, 249-252, 254-258, 263, Livy 38
265 f., 269-275, 284 Lollius Urbicus 170
Jesus 11, 17, 143, 243f., 249, 262 Lucius Mummius 267
John Chrysostom 55 lulav 68, 81
Jordan 126, 148, 161, 178, 181, 193 f., Lystra 264
199, 218
Josephus Flavius 13, 19, 24, 27, 39, 4 3 - Mabartha 271
45, 146, 153, 179, 189, 202, 226-228, Maccabees 10f„ 13, 15f„ 18, 22
231, 252 Machaerus 150, 179
Jotapata 226 f. Maecenas 39
Judaea 8, 19, 21, 24-28, 33, 36, 43, 51, Madaba 66, 179, 246, 249, 251
54, 63, 68, 72, 82-84, 89, 101, 107-130, M a h o z Eglatain 149,151
133, 138 f., 141 f., 148-151, 153, 155- Maoza/Mahoza 5, 100-102, 125
157, 159 f., 162 f., 166, 168-170, 171, Marcellinus see Ammianus Marcellinus
181 f., 188-193, 196, 199-203, 207, Martial 74
2161'., 219 221, 223-225, 228-231, mashukh (meshukhim) 62 65
239, 266, 285, 287, 291 Masabala 8-11, 144
Judaean Desert 1,8, 21, 93, 96, 99, 102f„ Masada 94, 282, 290, 293
126, 133-135, 139, 151, 178, 181, 197, Mehoza see Maoza/Mahoza
219, 225 Meron 283, 285, 294f.
Judah 140, 200 Mesopotamia 27, 123
Judah bar Ilai 59, 61 f. Messiah 2, 4 f „ 11, 15-19, 21, 281
Julius Caesar see Caesar Messianic see Messiah
Julius Severus 68, 83, 110-113, 116, 119, Minicius Faustinus 168
121-123, 130, 150, 166-169 Miriam 94, 140
Jupiter 25, 31 f., 249-251, 270 Modestinus 57, 85 f.
Jupiter Capitolinus 25 Moses 45 f„ 48
Justin Martyr 29 Moshe ha-Darshan 68
Justinian 75, 79, 85, 87, 254 Murabba'at see Wadi Murabba'at
Juvenal 46 f.
Nabataean(s) 35, 89, 133, 143, 146-148,
Kfar Baru see Baru 151 f„ 164 f., 179 f.
Kiryat 'Arabayah see Qiryat Arabaya Nahal Hever 96, 125f„ 135f„ 148-150,
165, 197, 200, 224, 295
Lag ba-Omer 283-288, 293-295 Nahal Mikhmash 34, 195, 201
Legio see Caparcotna Nasi 1 f„ 14-19, 21, 67, 97, 99, 149, 179,
Legio I Adiutrix 120 214, 289
Legio II Traiana 116 f., 155, 230 Natan 59, 65, 68
Legio III Cyrenaica 118, 120f., 124, 127, Neapolis 270-273
158, 164, 174 Nepos see Haterius Nepos
Legio III Gallica 119f. Nerva 25-27, 35, 74f„ 157, 172
312 Index of Names and Subjects

Noviomagus 268f., 273 Sardinia 4 1 , 4 9


Numidia 267 Scythopolis see Beth Shean
numismatic see coins Second Temple see Temple
Senate 26, 75, 83, 128, 157-160, 162 f.,
Old City see Jerusalem 170-172, 177
Orine 138-140 senatus consultum 75 f.
ornamenta triumphalia 111, 121 f., 124f., Seneca 47
149 f., 164, 166-169, 180 Sepphoris 2, 220, 223, 225-227, 230,
232 f.
Palestine 2, 15, 33, 44, 101, 143, 180, Septimius Severus 51, 90, 248
200, 230, 275, 281, 283 Serapis 40 f.
Panonia 111 Shamir 289
Parthian(s) 113,119,158,164 Shammai 22
Passover 81 Shephelah 181, 188, 191 f„ 196, 199, 217,
Patriarch see Nasi 219, 223
Paul (the jurist) 51, 77, 89 f. Shimon bar Yohai 2-4, 283-286, 294
Peraea 19, 149 f., 164, 191 Shimon ben Gam(a)liel I 1
Petra 152, 175, 177 Shimon ben Gam(a)liel II 1 f., 67
Philo 44, 65, 230 Siloam pool 248
Pius see Antonius Pius Slave(s) 19, 41, 48f„ 51, 71-76. 84, 86-
Pliny 42, 52, 79, 83, 267 88, 90 f.
polis 28, 116, 118, 127, 149, 156-158, Soumaios 10, 144, 146-148, 180
161, 172, 174, 177, 180, 227, 229 f„ SPQR see Senate
267, 270-274 Star 2 f.. 161'.. 281, 294f.
Pompeii 14 Strabo 48
Pompey 18, 218 Suetonius 25, 74, 84. 90
praetorium 155, 244 Sukkot 9-11, 81, I44f„ 148
Prince see Nasi Sybil 64
Probatika pool 250, 258, 260-263 Syria 47, 68, 110, 1121'., 118f„ 121 123.
Proselyte(s)/Proselytism 7, 38. 46-51, 53, 129, 142, 149 r., 163-166. 168 f.
63, 90 Syria Palaestina 33, 36, 129, 153, 162,
Provincia Arabia see Arabia 1681'.
Publicius Marcellus 119,121 123,130,
150, 166f„ 169 f. Tabernacles see Sukkot
Tacitus 41, 44f., 47-49. 56. 154, 268
Qiryat Arabaya/'Arabayyah 9 f „ 145, 197 Tckoa 8
Qitos/Quietus 127,229 Tel Shalem 110, 127-130, 157, 159-162,
Qumran 16-20,22,134,296 165, 170, 171 F., 1741'., 177, 229
Temple 1, 10, 12f.. 15-20, 24, 26f.. 311'.,
Rabbi 1-8, 10-12, 14, 21 f„ 58, 60, 62, 64, 36, 44, 65, 82, 94, 157, 175, 182, 184,
66-68, 72, 77, 81 f„ 84, 107, 184, 193, 188, 193 f., 197 f., 201-203, 209, 228,
283-286, 294 f. 230, 241-245, 248, 2501'., 256f„ 259-
Rome 15 f., 23-25, 28, 39-44, 46 f„ 49 261, 263 266, 270, 273 f., 282, 284,
54, 56, 63, 65, 72, 84, 119, 151-153, 288, 296
157 f., 160, 162-166, 168-170, 171, Temple Mount 31, 201, 241, 247, 249,
174, 177f„ 181, 184, 189, 193f„ 197, 251 f„ 255-258, 264-267, 269, 272, 275
202, 227, 288 Thamugadi see Timgad
Theodosius 79
Sabbath 9 , 5 8 - 6 0 , 8 1 , 1 3 4 Tiber 4 1 , 4 7 , 2 2 3
Saint Anne 247, 249 f„ 260, 262 Tiberias 127, 223
Salome Komaise 140, 149, 164 Tiberius 42, 50
Samaria 108, 192, 201-203 Timgad 267, 274
Samaritan(s) 6 f „ 107f„ 196, 270-273
Index of Names and Subjects 313

Tincius Rufus 4, 67f., 81-84, 112, 121, Wadi Murabba'at 94-96, 135-140, 194,
130, 155 f. 196f., 224f.
Titus 24-26, 35, 137, 152, 157, 163, 225
Trajan 23, 26-28, 35, 39, 52, 79, 83, 123, Xanten 269
155, 158, 164, 168, 172, 174f„ 177, 203, Xiphilinus 31,36,110,217,227
215, 225, 268 f.
Transjordan 96, 100, 149 f., 178 f., 191 Yavneh 1, 4, 7, 12, 21 f., 58, 66, 202
Turnus Rufus see Tineius Rufus Yehonathan bar Ba'ayan 8 f., 144
Tyre 188. 190 Yehonathan bar Eli 99
Tyropoeon 248, 255, 257 Yehuda bar Menashe 10 f.
tzitzit 81 Yehuda ben Yehuda 99, 102
Yehuda ha-Nasi 2^4, 21, 67
Ulpian 75 Yohanan b. Torta 2-5
Yohanan b. Zakkai 1, 7, 10
Usha 2, 59, 61 f., 67f. Yonathes son of Beianos see Yehonathan
bar Ba'ayan
Venus 248 f. Yose ben Halafta 62, 64
Vespasian 24-26, 162 f., 165, 170, 189 f., Yuda(h) 67
231, 268, 271
Via Dolorosa 243 f. Zealot(s) 7. 19, 22
Via Valeria Tiburtina 115 Zeus 31 f., 264, 270 f.
Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism
Alphabetical Index

Alhani, M., J. Frey, A. Lange (Ed.): Studies in the Book of Jubilees. 1997. Volume 65.
Avemarie, Friedrich: Tora und Leben. 1996. Volume 55.
Becker. A. H., A. Y. Reed (Ed.): T h e Ways that Never Parted. 2003. Volume 95.
Becker. Hans-Jürgen: Die großen rabbinischen S a m m e l w e r k e Palästinas. 1999. Volume 70.
- see Schäfer, Peter
Ctmsdale, Lena: Q u m r a n and the Essenes. 1997. Volume 60.
Chester, Andrew: Divine Revelation and Divine Titles in the Pentateuchal Targumim. 1986. Volume 14.
Cohen, Martin Samuel: The Shi u r Q o m a h : Texts and Recensions. 1985. Volume 9.
Crown, Alan D.: Samaritan Scribes and Manuscripts. 2001. Volume 80.
Doering, Lutz: Schabbat. 1999. Volume 78.
Ego, Beate: Targum Scheni zu Ester. 1996. Volume 54.
Engel, Anja: see Schäfer, Peter
Frey, J.: see Albani, M.
Frick, Peter: Divine Providence in Philo of Alexandria. 1999. Volume 77.
Gibson, E. Leigh: The Jewish Manumission Inscriptions of the Bosporus Kingdom. 1999. Volume 75.
Cileßmer, Uwe: Einleitung in die Targume zum Pentateuch. 1995. Volume 48.
Goldberg, Arnold: Mystik und Theologie des rabbinischen Judentums. G e s a m m e l t e Studien I. Ed. by
M. Schlüter and P. Schäfer. 1997. Volume 61.
- Rabbinische Texte als Gegenstand der Auslegung. Gesammelte Studien II. Ed. by
M. Schlüter and P. Schäfer. 1999. Volume 73.
Goodblatt, David: The Monarchie Principle. 1994. Volume 38.
Grözinger, Karl: Musik und Gesang in der Theologie der frühen jüdischen Literatur. 1982. Volume 3.
Gruenwald, /., Sh. Shakedand G.G. Stroumsa (Ed.): Messiah and Christos. Presented to David Flusser.
1992. Volume 32.
Halperin, David J.: The Faces of the Chariot. 1988. Volume 16.
Herrmann, Klaus (Ed.): Massekhet Hekhalot. 1994. Volume 39.
- see Schäfer, Peter
Herzer, Jens: Die Paralipomena Jeremiae. 1994. Volume 43.
Hez.sei: Catherine: Form, Function, and Historical Significance of the Rabbinic Story in Yerushalmi
Neziqin. 1993. Volume 37.
- see Schäfer, Peter
- The Social Structure of the Rabbinic M o v e m e n t in R o m a n Palestine. 1997. Volume 66.
Hirschfelder, Ulrike: see Schäfer, Peter
Horbuty, IV' see Krauss, Samuel
Hou'.man, Alberdina: Mishnah und Tosefta. 1996. Volume 59.
Han. Tal: Jewish Women in G r e c o - R o m a n Palestine. 1995. Volume 44.
- Integrating Jewish Woman into Second Temple History. 1999. Volume 76.
- Lexicon of Jewish N a m e s in Late Antiquity. 2002. Volume 91.
Instone Brewer, David: Techniques and Assumptions in Jewish Exegesis before 70 CE. 1992. Volume 30.
Ipla. Kerstin: see Schäfer, Peter
Jacobs, Martin: Die Institution des jüdischen Patriarchen. 1995. Volume 52.
Kasher, Aryeh: T h e Jews in Hellenistic and R o m a n Egypt. 1985. Volume 7.
- Jews, Idumaeans, and Ancient Arabs. 1988. Volume 18.
- Jews and Hellenistic Cities in Eretz-Israel. 1990. Volume21.
Kniltel, Thomas: Das griechische .Leben A d a m s und E v a s ' . 2002. Volume 88.
Krauss, Samuel: T h e Jewish-Christian Controversy f r o m the earliest times to 1789.
Vol.1. Ed. by W. Horbury. 1996. Volume 56.
Kuhn, Peter: O f f e n b a r u n g s s t i m m e n im Antiken Judentum. 1989. Volume 20.
Kuyl, Annelies: T h e .Descent' to the Chariot. 1995. Volume 45.
Lange, A.: see Albani, M.
Lange, Nicholas de: Greek Jewish Texts f r o m the Cairo Genizah. 1996. Volume 51.
Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism

Lehnardt, Andreas: Qaddish. 2002. Volume 87.


Leonhardt, Jutta: Jewish Worship in Philo of Alexandria. 2001. Volume 84.
Lohmann, Uta: see Schäfer, Peter
Loopik, M. van (Transl. a. comm.): The Ways of the Sages and the Way of the World. 1991. Volume 26.
Luttikhuizen, Gerard P.: The Revelation of Elchasai. 1985. Volume 8.
Mach, Michael: Entwicklungsstadien des jüdischen Engelglaubens in vorrabbinischerZeit. 1992.
Volume 34.
Mendels, Doron: T h e Land of Israel as a Political Concept in Hasmonean Literature. 1987. Volume 15.
Moscovitz, Leib: Talmudic Reasoning. 2002. Volume 89.
Mutius, Georg von: see Schäfer, Peter
Necker, Gerold: see Schäfer, Peter
Olyan, Saul M.: A Thousand Thousands Served Him. 1993. Volume 36.
Otterbach, Rina: see Schäfer, Peter
Prigent, Pierre: Le Judaisme et 1'image. 1990. Volume 24.
Pucci Ben Zeev, Miriam: Jewish Rights in the R o m a n World. 1998. Volume 74.
Pummer, Reinhard: Early Christian Authors on Samaritans and Samaritanism. 2002. Volume 92.
Reed, A. Y.: see Becker, A. H.
Reeg, Gottfried (Ed.): Die Geschichte von den Zehn Märtyrern. 1985. Volume 10.
- see Schäfer, Peter
Renner, Lucie: see Schäfer, Peter
Reichman, Ronen: Sifra und Mishna. 1998. Volume 68.
Rohrbacher-Sticker, Claudia: see Schäfer, Peter
Salvesen, A. (Ed.): Origen's Hexapla and Fragments. 1998. Volume 58.
Samely, Alexander: The Interpretation of Speech in the Pentateuch Targums. 1992. Volume 27.
Schäfer, Peter: Der Bar-Kokhba-Aufstand. 1981. Volume 1.
- Hekhalot-Studien. 1988. Volume 19.
Schäfer, Peter (Ed.): Geniza-Fragmente zur Hekhalot-Literatur. 1984. Volume 6.
- The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered. 2003. Volume 100.
- see Goldberg, Arnold
- in cooperation with Klaus Herrmann, Rina Otterbach, Gottfried Reeg, Claudia Rohrbacher-
Sticker, Guido Weyer: Konkordanz zur Hekhalot-Literatur. Band 1: 1986. Volume 12.
- Band 2: 1988. Volume 13.
Schäfer, Peter, Margarete Schlüter, Hans Georg von Mutius (Ed.): Synopse zur Hekhalot-Literatur.
1981. Volume 2.
Schüfer, Peter (Ed.) in cooperation with Hans-Jürgen Becker, Klaus Herrmann. Ulrike Hirschfelder,
Gerold Necker, Lucie Renner, Claudia Rohrbacher-Sticker, Stefan Siebers: Übersetzung der
Hekhalot-Literatur. Band 1: SS 1 - 8 0 . 1995. Volume 46.
- Band 2: SS 8 1 - 3 3 4 . 1987. Volume 17.
- Band 3: S S 3 3 5 - 5 9 7 . 1989. Volume 22.
- Band 4: §S 5 9 8 - 9 8 5 . 1991. Volume 29.
Schäfer, Peter, and Hans-Jürgen Becker (Ed.) in cooperation with Anja Engel, Kerstin lpta, Gerold
Necker, Uta Lohmann, Martina Urban, Gert Wildensee: Synopse zum Talmud Yerushalmi. Band
1/1-2: 1991. Volume 31.
- Band 1/3-5: 1992. Volume 33.
- Band 1/6-11: 1992. Volume 35.
- Band III: 1998. Volume 67.
- Band IV: 1995. Volume 47.
Schäfer, Peter, and Shaul Shaked (Ed.): Magische Texte aus der Kairoer Geniza. Band 1: 1994.
Volume 42
- Band 2: 1997. Volume 64.
- Band 3: 1999. Volume 72.
Schäfer, Peter (Ed.): T h e Talmud Yerushalmi and Graeco-Roman Culture I. 1998. Volume 71.
Schäfer, Peterand Hezser, Catherine (Ed.): T h e Talmud Yerushalmi and Graeco-Roman Culture II.
2000. Volume 79.
Schäfer, Peter (Ed.): T h e Talmud Yerushalmi and Graeco-Roman Culture III. 2003. Volume 93.
Schlüter, Margarete: see Goldberg, Arnold
Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism

- see Schäfer, Peter


Schmidt, Francis: Le Testament Grec d'Abraham. 1986. Volume 11.
Schröder, Bernd: Die .väterlichen Gesetze'. 1996. Volume 53.
Schwartz, Daniel R.: Agrippa I. 1990. Volume 23.
Schwemer, Anna Maria: Studien zu den frühjüdischen Prophetenlegenden. Vitae Prophetarum Band I:
1995. Volume 49.
- Band II (mit Beiheft: Synopse zu den Vitae Prophetarum): 1996. Volume 50.
Sluiked, Shaul: see Gruenwald, 1.
- see Schüfer, Peter
Shatzman, Israel: The Armies of the Hasmonaeans and Herod. 1991. Volume 25.
Siebers, Stefan: see Schäfer, Peter
Sivertsev, Alexei: Private Households and Public Politics in 3rd - 5lh Century Jewish Palestine. 2002.
Volume 90.
SpHsbury, Paul: The Image of the Jew in Flavius Josephus' Paraphrase of the Bible. 1998. Volume 69.
Stroumsa, G.G.: see Gruenwald, I.
Stuckenbruck, Loren T.: The Book of Giants from Qumran. 1997. Volume 63.
Swartz, Michael D.: Mystical Prayer in Ancient Judaism. 1992. Volume 28.
Sysling, Harry: Tehiyyat Ha-Metim. 1996. Volume 57.
Urban, Martina: see Schäfer, Peter
Veltri, Giuseppe: Eine Tora für den König Talmai. 1994. Volume 41.
- Magie und Halakha. 1997. Volume 62.
Visotzky, Burton L.: Golden Bells and Pomegranates. 2003. Volume 94.
The Ways that Never Parted. 2003. Volume 96.
Weyer, Guido: see Schäfer, Peter
Wewers, GerdA.: Probleme der Bavot-Traktate. 1984. Volume 5.
Wildensee, Gert: see Schäfer, Peter
Wilson, Walter T.: The Mysteries of Rigtheousness. 1994. Volume40.

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