2a Revolta Judaica783161587948
2a Revolta Judaica783161587948
2a Revolta Judaica783161587948
Edited by
Martin Hengel and Peter Schäfer
100
The Bar Kokhba War
Reconsidered
New Perspectives on the Second
Jewish Revolt against Rome
Edited by
PETER SCHÄFER
M o h r Siebeck
In Memoriam
Leo Mildenberg
1913-2001
Printed in G e r m a n y .
Table of Contents
Peter Schäfer
Preface VII
Peter Schäfer
Bar K o k h b a and the Rabbis 1
Martin Goodman
Trajan and the Origins of the Bar K o k h b a War 23
Yoram Tsafrir
Numismatics and the Foundation of Aelia Capitolina:
A Critical Review 31
Benjamin Isaac
R o m a n Religious Policy and the Bar K o k h b a War 37
Aharon Oppenheimer
T h e Ban of Circumcision as a Cause of the Revolt:
A Reconsideration 55
Ra'anan Abusch
Negotiating Difference: Genital Mutilation in
Hanan Eshel
T h e Dates Used during the Bar K o k h b a Revolt 93
Menahem Mor
The Geographical Scope of the Bar K o k h b a Revolt 107
Hannah M. Cotton
The Bar K o k h b a Revolt and the D o c u m e n t s f r o m the J u d a e a n
Desert: N a b a t a e a n Participation in the Revolt (P. Yadin 52) 133
VI Table of Contents
Werner Eck
Hadrian, the Bar Kokhba Revolt, and the Epigraphic
Transmission 153
Glen W. Bowersock
The Tel Shalem Arch and P. Nahal Hever/Seiyal 8 171
Yuval Shahar
The Underground Hideouts in Galilee and Their
Historical Meaning 217
Yaron Z. Eliav
The Urban Layout of Aelia Capitolina:
A New View from the Perspective of the Temple Mount 241
Yael Zerubavel
Bar Kokhba's Image in Modern Israeli Culture 279
The Second Jewish Revolt against Rome, the so-called Bar Kokhba Re-
volt (132-135 CE), considerably changed the political and cultural land-
scape of Jewish Palestine. When the Romans gained victory after ap-
proximately three years, Judaea was heavily devastated; the Jews were
no longer allowed to inhabit Jerusalem, and Jewish life shifted from
Judaea to the Galilee. But the Roman victory, achieved with all the mili-
tary force that Roman power could afford, was won at great cost. It is
certainly not a coincidence that Hadrian, the Roman Emperor who had
to grapple again with the rebellious Jews - some sixty years after the
catastrophe of the First Jewish Revolt - refrained from concluding his
report to the Roman Senate with the customary formula Mihi et legio-
nibus bene ("All is well with me and the legions").
Unlike the First War to which a multi-volume book by an eyewitness,
the Jewish historian Josephus Flavius, is dedicated, the Second War did
not find its contemporary historian. Much evidence is still covered by
the shrouds of history, and many questions regarding the precise circum-
stances of the war remain unanswered - despite even stunning new ar-
chaeological discoveries, mainly in the Judaean desert. At least we know
now that the leader of the revolt was a certain Shimon ben/bar Kosiba,
that the revolt lasted for more than three years, that it affected a rela-
tively clearly defined geographical area in Judaea, and that its suppres-
sion wasn't an easy task for the Romans. But we do not know much
about the origins of its military leader, his ideological-religious back-
ground, his supporters, or his fate after the war. We still do not know
whether or not he captured Jerusalem and began to rebuild the Temple,
although his propaganda machine decidedly focused on Jerusalem, with
the Temple cult at its center, as we can see from his coins. We still do not
know for sure whether the geographical area of the revolt was indeed
limited to Judaea proper or whether it extended beyond the territory of
Judaea, perhaps into the Galilee. We do not know much about the mili-
tary strategy and the course of the revolt, how and where precisely the
Roman and the Jewish forces met each other, whether or not they fought
decisive battles, or whether the Jews succeeded by relying on guerilla
Vili Preface
discoverers, were minted before 135 C E (because they were found to-
gether with four Bar K o k h b a coins).
Benjamin Isaac ("Roman Religious Policy and the Bar K o k h b a War")
opens a series of articles that direct our attention to the prohibition of
circumcision as possibly a major factor in provoking the revolt. He
briefly surveys the Roman attitude towards foreign cults, particularly
towards the Egyptian religion and the Jews, summarizes the legal status
of the Jews in Rome and the provinces, and finally turns to the Roman
concepts and stereotypes about the Jews. Significant a m o n g the latter, he
posits, was the matter of conversion (for it was regarded as threatening
to the Romans), and it was the question of circumcision that played an
exceptionally sensitive role within this whole discussion about conver-
sion. Conversion and circumcision are inextricably linked, and Roman
legislation against circumcision was motivated above all by the attempt
to prevent the Jews from filling their ranks with converts who did not
belong to the Jewish ethnos by birth. So in the end, since there was never
a general ban on circumcision for Jews, such a ban cannot have been the
cause of the revolt (and Isaac explicitly rules out the possibility of a
hypothetical Hadrianic law banning circumcision generally and allegedly
modified by Antoninus Pius' famous rescript, which permits the Jews to
circumcise only their sons).
Aharon Oppenheimer ("The Ban on Circumcision as a Cause of the
Revolt: A Reconsideration") re-evaluates the question of whether the
ban on circumcision was issued by Hadrian before the Bar Kokhba Re-
volt (and was thus its cause), or whether it was part of the repressive
legislation which followed it. He agrees that Antoninus Pius' rescript
was directed at converts and that it is highly dubious that there existed
official Roman legislation concerning circumcision before the war. In-
stead, he focuses on the talmudic sources that have been adduced to
prove that the Romans banned circumcision before the outbreak of the
revolt. He concludes from his survey of Mishna Shabbat 19:1, Tosefta
Shabbat 15:9, and Mishna Avot 3:11 "that also according to the talmu-
dic sources the ban on circumcision belonged to the repressive legislation
following the Bar Kokhba Revolt and has no connection with the cause
or the causes of the revolt." The only cause that remains, therefore, is the
rebuilding of Jerusalem as the pagan city Aelia Capitolina, as claimed by
Dio Cassius. Oppenheimer adds that, since a ban on circumcision must
be regarded as ethnic and not as territorial, the limited territory of the
revolt (namely, Judaea proper) speaks against such a general ban.
Ra'anan Abusch ("Negotiating the Difference: Genital Mutilation in
Roman Slave Law and the History of the Bar Kokhba Revolt") con-
tinues this discussion, but he proceeds from a completely different angle.
Preface XI
with regard to its territorial extent, and he comes to the following con-
clusions:
1. The transfer of Julius Severus from Britannia to Judaea may well
reflect H a d r i a n ' s response to a state of emergency in Judaea; the irre-
gular appointment of Publius M u m m i u s Sisenna as his replacement
in Britannia should not be seen, however, as a sign of an empire-wide
emergency.
2. The conspicuous frequency of military recruitment in different regions
of the empire should not be interpreted as evidence for a shortage of
soldiers resulting from military defeats in Judaea during the revolt.
3. The bestowing of the ornamenta triumphalia on the governors of the
provinces of Syria and Arabia may well prove the massiveness of the
revolt; it cannot be used, however, as evidence that the revolt extended
to the neighboring provinces.
4. The Tel Shalem inscription does not prove that a decisive battle took
place in the vicinity of Tel Shalem; nor can we conclude from it the
involvement of Galilee in the Bar Kokhba Revolt.
5. The length of the revolt does not point to its territorial extent. As far
as military tactics are concerned, we need to distinguish between two
phases: first, a guerilla war, during which the Romans suffered heavy
losses; and second, a change in the balance between the Romans and
the rebels after the arrival of Julius Severus, who adopted the guerilla
tactics and finally succeeded in crushing the revolt.
H a n n a h M. Cotton in her contribution "The Bar Kokhba Revolt and
the Documents from the Judaean Desert: Nabataean Participation in the
Revolt (P. Yadin 52)" reexamines some important documents from the
Judaean desert:
(a) P. Murabbaat 29 and 30, Cotton reaffirms, can no longer be as-
signed to the Bar Kokhba Revolt but both belong to the first revolt;
accordingly, these two papyri do not prove that Jerusalem was in the
hands of the rebels.
(b) P. Murabbaat 114 does not prove that the Roman authorities
maintained a military presence in the caves of Murabba'at in the second
half of the second century CE; rather, the document, which must be
dated before 130 (or at the latest before 132 CE), belonged to "Jewish
refugees from the area near Jerusalem, who escaped into the cave with
their documents during the second revolt."
(c) P. Se'elim 4 is not a list of Bar K o k h b a ' s soldiers but is an extract
from census declarations and refers to men liable probably to manual
liturgies. Such lists, Cotton argues, "may give us an idea of how the Ro-
mans could have come by precise numbers for the casualties incurred by
the Jews during the Bar Kokhba revolt."
Preface XIII
the hideouts or elsewhere. This archaeological fact calls into question the
origins and, above all, the actual use of the hideout complexes in Galilee.
Reviewing the geographical distribution of the hideouts and comparing
it with the archaeological and literary data of the First Jewish War,
Shahar comes to the conclusion that the Galilaean hideouts did not
originate in the First Jewish War; rather, they were developed as prepara-
tions for the Bar Kokhba Revolt.
But why then were they apparently never used during the Second Jew-
ish War? Shahar accepts the opinion of the majority of scholars that
Galilee was never part of Bar Kokhba's independent Jewish state and
that there is no reason to believe that any major military action took
place in Galilee (also not in the Scythopolis area). On the other hand,
he posits that during Bar Kokhba's uprising, unlike the First Jewish War,
all of the Jewish people - in Judaea and Galilee alike - were united in a
"national Jewish consensus" against the Roman oppressors. Against this
background the differences between Judaea and Galilee are all the more
striking. Refuting the often quoted cliché of a fundamental ideological
gap between the Jews of Galilee and Judaea, Shahar suggests that the
casus belli - the foundation of Aelia Capitolina - dictated Judaea as the
geographical focus of the revolt, which was aimed against Jerusalem and
the legio X Fretensis. The Jews of Galilee shared the spirit and practice of
their Judaean fellow-countrymen; they participated in the preparations
for the war, and some of them even fought in Judaea, but they did not
get a chance to extend the war to their own soil.
Whether or not it was issued before the war (and accordingly one of the
reasons, if not the major reason, for the revolt), there can be no doubt
that the decision to rebuild Jerusalem as the Roman colony Aelia Capi-
tolina was implemented with full force after the Roman victory. Yaron Z.
Eliav ("The Urban Layout of Aelia Capitolina: A New View from the
Perspective of the Temple Mount") deals with the urban layout of the
new colony, particularly with regard to the question of what happened
to the devastated Temple Mount. He first reviews the sparse evidence for
archaeological remnants from the Roman colony. Most scholars agree
about a negative conclusion, namely that Aelia did not have a fortifica-
tion system during the first century and a half of its existence. Gates and
arches most likely marked the boundaries of the colony's territory, two of
which are still recognizable beneath or within the architectonic structures
built above or around them: the Porta Neapolitana under the Ottoman
Damascus gate in the north, and what is called today the Ecce Homo
arch in the east; both served as entrances to Aelia Capitolina. In addition,
remnants of the Roman street system (as illustrated by the Madaba map,
which reflects the Roman street plan, although it actually depicts the
XVIII Preface
(forum and city temples) on the northwestern hill and with the Temple
Mount left desolate and outside the newly shaped reality.
The last contribution by Yael Zerubavel ("Bar Kokhba's Image in
Modern Israeli Culture") discusses the reception history of Bar Kokhba
and his revolt in modern Israeli society, beginning with "his dramatic
rise as one of the most important Zionist symbols of heroism" during
the second half of the 19th century. Whereas earlier Jewish attitudes to-
ward the revolt and its leader reveal a tension between deep admiration
for Bar Kokhba as a messianic figure and harsh criticism against him as
an arrogant person who did not put his trust in God, Zionist memory as
well as the national secular culture developed in the Yishuv became
highly selective and overemphasized Bar Kokhba's "positive portrayal
as a charismatic leader and a daring hero." Zerubavel shows how a
new memory was created and materialized itself in the shift from Tish'a
be-Av (the traditional date of the conquest of Bethar, Bar Kokhba's last
stronghold, and hence of the disastrous outcome of the revolt) to Lag
ba-Omer as the new temporal locus for the revolt. Connected in Pales-
tine with an annual pilgrimage to the grave of R. Shimon bar Yohai on
Mount Meron and in Europe with R. Aqiva's students and celebrated as
the "Scholars' Day," Lag ba-Omer originally had nothing to do with Bar
Kokhba. Yet, the secular Hebrew culture has allowed Bar Kokhba to
occupy the place of R. Shimon b. Yohai and R. Aqiva and has recreated
him as the key figure commemorated by this holiday. The new narrative,
which completely left out the defeat of the revolt and stylized Bar Kokh-
ba as the ultimate national hero, was told through scores of school
books for children of all grades.
The new archaeological discoveries in the 1960s and 1970s, profession-
ally and successfully marketed by Yigael Yadin, reinforced the patriotic
rhetoric connected with Bar Kokhba. The ancient hero appeared now as
someone who ultimately gained victory over the Romans with the help of
modern Israel - its archaeology and not least its Defense Forces. But
things began to change after the traumatic impact of the Yom Kippur
War in 1973. In the early 1980s Y. Harkabi harshly criticized the sym-
bolic - and in his view distorted - image of the revolt in Israeli memory
and thus initiated a process that gradually strengthened the earlier reli-
gious narrative (Tish'a be-Av) against the newly invented secular na-
tional narrative (Lag ba-Omer) as well as reshaping the latter in a
more humanistic and universalistic sense. Today, Zerubavel concludes,
both narratives coexist, and it is still too early to tell whether one of
them will emerge as the predominant one: "Yet it is safe to suggest
that as long as the Bar Kokhba revolt carries symbolic significance for
Israelis that is broader than the history of the event itself, it will continue
XX Preface
/.
2
"My teacher" O a i ) in the editio princeps Venice and (as a gloss) in Ms. Leiden.
3
Ms. Darmstadt: n a n a .
4
" N o t " is a gloss in Ms. Leiden.
5
y Ta'anit 4:8/27 (all quotations from the Yerushalmi according to Synopse zum
Talmud Yerushalmi, vol. II/5-12, eds. Peter Schäfer and Hans-Jürgen Becker, Tübingen:
Mohr Siebeck, 2001).
Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis 3
6
Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand. Studien zum zweiten jüdischen Krieg gegen Rom, Tübin-
gen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1981, pp. 168f.
7
This is indeed the reading of the Yerushalmi fragment Darmstadt which has instead
of "Barukh": "i^rn. This does not make much sense but is clearly not understood as a
name. Hence the most likely reading is: "Rabbi used to expound."
8
Ekha Rabba 2:4. The exchange between R. Aqiva and Yohanan b. Torta follows.
9
The version in Ekha Rabba, ed. Buber (p. 101), attributes the interpretation of
Num. 24:17 to R. Yohanan and reduces the three-part structure to a two-part composi-
tion.
4 Peter Schäfer
The reason why Aqiva, of all the possible candidates, would have been
inserted into the dictum as Bar K o k h b a ' s herald (instead of the un-
known and obviously insignificant original a u t h o r ) is simple: Aqiva
was the hero of the Yavneh period and, most importantly, his imprison-
ment, m a r t y r d o m and death during the revolt are well established in the
rabbinic literature." This does not m e a n , however, that our sources tell
us much about the historical circumstances of Aqiva's death. They fail to
explain for example, when precisely, how long, a n d above all why he was
imprisoned and finally executed (some mention Tineius Rufus, the Gov-
ernor, as his j u d g e and Caesarea as the place of his trial and execution).
Moreover, n o n e of them explicitly refers to his s u p p o r t of Bar Kohkba
and his rebellion. Nevertheless, the fact that he was the most prominent
victim of the R o m a n persecution d u r i n g and immediately after the revolt
m a d e him (at least for later tradents) the ideal candidate to whom to
assign the messianic interpretation of N u m . 24:17 as referring to Bar
K o k h b a . However, this occurred after the rabbinic claim to absolute
10
Something similar to the two-part structure of E k h a Rabba Buber.
11
See Peter Schäfer, "Rabbi Aqiva and Bar K o k h b a , " in: William Scott Green, ed.,
Approaches to Ancient Judaism, vol. 2, A n n Arbor, Michigan: Scholars Press, 1980,
pp. 121-124; id., " R . Aqiva und Bar K o k h b a , " in: id., Studien zur Geschichte und Theo-
logie des Rahhinischen Judentums, Leiden: Brill, 1978, pp. 101-119.
Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis 5
leadership had become well established; only then did it become possible
to promote Aqiva as Bar Kokhba's herald.
The following discussion between Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis in the
Babylonian Talmud is evidently a sequel of the controversy between Aqi-
va and Yohanan b. Torta:
Bar Koziba (S3'T1D) reigned two and a half years. He said to the Rabbis: "I am
the Messiah ( r r © a XJN)!" They answered: "Of the Messiah it is written that he
smells and judges - let us see whether he smells and judges." When they saw that
he was unable to smell and judge, they killed him. 1 2
Here Bar Kokhba does not need Aqiva - he proclaims himself the Mes-
siah - and the Rabbis don't just object, but they kill him. The test they
use for the true Messiah is based on a literal understanding of the diffi-
cult verse Isa. ll:3f.: "(3) He [God] has him [the Messiah] smell the fear
of the Lord. Therefore he shall not judge by what his eyes behold, nor
decide by what his ears perceive. (4) Rather he shall judge the poor with
equity and decide with justice for the lowly of the land." The Rabbis
decide that Bar Kokhba does not have the proper smell of justice and
hence cannot be the true Messiah. This is a very late tradition, as evident
from the immediate context: in their interpretation of Isa. ll:3f. the
Rabbis follow their colleague Rava, who headed the academy at Mahoza
in Babylonia and died in the middle of the fourth century CE. It is an
ironical adaptation of the earlier Aqiva-Yohanan b. Torta controversy
and does not help us to illuminate the relationship between the historical
Bar Kokhba and his rabbinic contemporaries.
Another tradition, also found in Yerushalmi Ta'anit and in Ekha Rab-
ba, seems to reflect a more positive notion of the Rabbis' attitude to-
wards Bar Kokhba:
Ben Kozeba ( n a n a ) was there [at Bethar], and he had 200,000 [soldiers] with
amputated fingers. The Sages sent him the message: " H o w long will you continue
to mutilate Israel?!" He said to them: " H o w else is it possible to test them?" 1 3 They
said to him: "Any one who cannot uproot a Lebanese cedar while riding on his
horse shall not be enlisted in your army." And he had 200,000 of these [with
amputated finger] and 200,000 of those [who had uprooted a Lebanese cedar]. 14
Here the Rabbis criticize Bar Kokhba, but, far from killing him, they
cooperate with him. They persuade him to use a less cruel method to
test the courage of his soldiers: instead of having them cut off a finger he
follows the Rabbis' advice and lets them uproot a cedar from Lebanon.
Some scholars, though skeptical of the numerical figures and certain de-
12
b Sanhedrin 93b.
13
I. e., to check their bravery.
14
y Ta'anit 4:8/28; Ekha Rabba 2:4; Ekha Rabba, ed. Buber, p. 101.
6 Peter Schäfer
tails, nevertheless find evidence here for popular and rabbinic support of
Bar Kokhba. 1 5 I am less convinced. If we disregard the exaggerated
numbers, we are left with a test of courage that is clearly an aggadic
motif 1 6 without any historical value. And this, of course, also applies
to the Rabbis as those who persuade Bar Kokhba of the less brutal
test for his soldiers. 17
Finally, we should consider the large literary unit in Yerushalmi Ta'a-
nit and Ekha Rabba, which I have called the Bethar complex. This pas-
sage contains the only direct encounter between Bar Kokhba and an
individual Rabbi - R. Eleazar ha-Modai - who is killed by Bar Kokhba:
For three and a half years Hadrian surrounded Bethar, and R. Eleazar h a - M o -
dai sat on sackcloth and ashes and prayed every day saying: " M a s t e r of the Uni-
verse, d o not sit in judgment today, d o not sit in j u d g m e n t today!" H a d r i a n was
ready to go away, 18 when a Samaritan said to him: " D o n ' t go away because I see
what to do that the city will surrender to you." He [the Samaritan] climbed up the
underground conduit of the city. He went u p and found R. Eleazar h a - M o d a i
standing and praying. He pretended to whisper [something] in his ear. The people
of the city saw him, went to Ben Kozeba and said to him: "We saw this old man
[the Samaritan] talking to your uncle [Eleazar ha-Modai]." He [Bar Kokhba] said
to him [the Samaritan]: "What did you say to him, and what did he say to you?" He
said to him: "If I would tell you, the king [Hadrian] would kill me; and if I do not
tell you, you will kill me. Better that the king should kill me and not you!" [There-
fore] he [the Samaritan] said to him [Bar Kokhba]: " H e [Eleazar ha-Modai] said to
me [the Samaritan]: I will surrender the city!"
He [Bar Kokhba] went to R. Eleazar h a - M o d a i and said to him: " W h a t did this
Samaritan say to you?" He answered: "Nothing!" - " W h a t did you say to him?" -
He answered: "Nothing!" [At that moment] he [Bar Kokhba] kicked him and killed
him. Immediately a heavenly voice came out and said: "'Woe to the worthless
shepherd who a b a n d o n s the flock! Let a sword descend upon his arm and upon
his right eye! His arm shall dry u p and his right eye shall go blind' (Zach. 11:17).
You have killed R. Eleazar ha-Modai, the a r m of all Israel and their right eye.
Therefore your arm shall dry up and your right eye shall go blind."
Immediately Bethar was conquered and Ben Kozeba was killed. They went and
brought his head to Hadrian. He asked them: " W h o killed him?" A Samaritan said
to him: "I killed him." He ordered him: "Show me the corpse!" He showed him the
corpse and found a snake wound around it. He said: "If G o d did not kill him, who
could have killed him?!" And he applied to him the biblical verse: "Unless their
Rock had sold them and their Lord had given them up!" (Deut. 32:30).
15
Adele Reinhartz, "Rabbinical Perceptions of Simeon Bar Kosiba," JSJ 20, 1989,
p. 182.
16
See the parallels in Schafer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aujstand, pp. I70f.
17
The same is true for the rabbinic "evidence" of Bar Kokhba's blasphemy (y Ta'anit
4:8/28; Ekha Rabba 2:4; Ekha Rabba, ed. Buber, p. 101) and his bodily strength (Ekha
Rabba and Ekha Rabba, ed. Buber, ibid.). Bodily strength (and beauty) is a classical
prerequisite of a messianic leader; see below, n. 82.
18
I. e., to give up the siege.
Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis 7
19
Ekha Rabba 1:31; Ekha Rabba, ed. Buber, p. 66.
20
Epiphanius, De mens, et pond., 14 (PG 43, 260f.).
21
Shmuel Yeivin, X331D " n r i a r d a , Jerusalem: M o s a d Bialik, 1951, p. 63; Gedaliah
Alon, The Jews in their Land in the Talmudic Age (70-640 C. E.J, transl. Gershon Levi,
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989, p. 623 (transl. from the 1961 Hebrew edi-
tion); Yehuda Devir, K2D13 1 3 , Jerusalem: Kiryat Sefer, 1964, pp. 130-149; Shmuel Sa-
frai, art. "Eleazar of Modi'in," in: EJ. vol. 6, Jerusalem: Keter, 1971, col. 603.
8 Peter Schüfer
II.
22
But it is in concordance with what the Rabbis have to say about Bar Kokhba as the
brutal military leader.
23
Lit.: "That from you punishment will be exacted." N a h a l Hever 54: Yigael Yadin,
"The Expedition to the Judean Desert, 1960: Expedition D," IEJ 11, 1961, p. 42: Ada
Yardeni, ed. and transl., A Textbook of Aramaic and Hebrew Documentary Texts from
the Judaean Desert and Related Materia!, Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 2000,
pp. 171 and 67.
24
Nahal Hever 54: Yigael Yadin, Bar-Kokhba. The Rediscovery of the Legendary
Hero of the Last Jewish Revolt against Imperial Rome, London/Jerusalem: Weidenfeld
and Nicolson, 1971, p. 125; Yardeni, ibid.
25
N a h a l Hever 55: Yadin, IEJ 11, 1961, p. 48; id., Bar Kokhba, p. 126; Yardeni, Text-
book, pp. 173 and 67.
26
N a h a l Hever 54: Yadin, IEJ 11, 1961, p. 42; id. Bar Kokhba, p. 126; Yardeni, Text-
book., pp. 171 and 67.
Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis 9
Here two observations can be made. First, it is clear that the letter deals
with the preparation of the Sukkot festival in Bar K o k h b a ' s c a m p (Her-
27
Mur. 43: P. Benoit, J. T. Milik, R. de-Vaux, Lex Grottes de Murabha'dt (Discoveries
in the Judean Desert II), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961, p. 160; Yadin, Bar
Kokhba, p. 137; Yardeni, Textbook, pp. 157 and 64.
Nahal Hever 49: Yadin, IEJ 11, 1961, p. 47; Yardeni, Textbook, pp. 165 and 66.
29
Nahal Hever 50: Yadin, IEJ 11, 1961, p. 44; Yardeni, Textbook, pp. 166 and 66.
10
DJD II, pp. 161-163.
" Nahal Hever 57: Yadin, IEJ 11, 1961, p. 48; Yardeni, Textbook, pp. 177 and 68.
10 Peter Sehàfer
12
JEJ 11, 1961, p. 49.
33
Ibid., pp. 48f.; A h a r o n Oppenheimer, r m x n n m y i K2D13 i n , in: A. Oppenheimer
and U. R a p p a p o r t , eds., D'ttHn D'-ipnn . x m i D - m 71B, Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben Zvi,
1984, p. 142 with n. 14.
34
See B. Lifshitz, "Papyrus grecs du désert de Judea," Aegyplus 42. 1962, pp.241
248; more recently Hayim Lapin, "Palm Fronds and Citrons: Notes on Two Letters from
Bar Kosiba's Administration," HUCA 44, 1993, pp. 11-135.
35
See the commentary in Lapin, pp. 116-118.
36
Text and translation in Lapin, pp. 114f.
37
m Sukka 3:12.
38
Oppenheimer, n n x a n Dvpi iODID p. 143; Lapin, Palm Fronds and Citrons,
pp. 130ff.
Index of Sources
1. Bible 3. N e w Testament
Brown, P. 71 Dunn, J. D. G. 27
Brunt, P. A. 115 Duprez, A. 260, 262 f.
Brusin, G. 122,166 Duval, P. M. 42
Buechler, A. 196, 200
Buhl, M.-L. 194, 200 Eck, W. 27, 68. 83, 101, 109, 111 ff., 116.
Bull, R.J. 272f. 118, 121 ff.. 137 ff.. 148 ff., 153 ff., 164,
Busse, H. 266 171, 174ff., 200. 229. 241, 248
Edelstein, E. J. 262 f.
Caballos, A. 154 Edelstein. L. 262f.
C a h a n , Y. 280, 284 Edgar, C. C. 89
Cahill, J. M. 194,200 Efron, J. 281
Callaway, P. 136 Ehrlich, Z . H . 194,200
Cantineau, J. 180 Eidlin, D. 225
Capelli, P. 143 Eilers, C. 153
Cary, E. 110 Eldad, 1. 292
Charlesworth, J. H. 18 Eliav, Y. Z. 32. 111, 241, 248 ff., 265, 271
Clamer, C. 9 6 , 1 5 0 Eshel, H. 34, 94, 96. 104, 109, 129, 136.
C l e r m o n t - G a n n e a u , Ch. 244, 246 181, 187f., 194ff.. 218 f.. 230, 233
Cockle, W. E. H. 9 3 , 1 3 3 Ezrahi. M. 286
Cohen, E. 220, 233
Cohen. M. 287 Farquharson, A. S. L. 53
Cohen, S.J. D. 57, 71 f., 84, 87, 89 Feig. N. 195, 201
Cohn, E. W. 252 Feldman, L. H. 46
Collingwood, R. G. 274 Feldstein. A. 195. 201
Conder, C. 222, 260 Fentress. E. W. B. 267
Cordier, P. 57, 76 f. Fernández, F. 154
Cotter. W. 44 Filow, B. 120
Cotton, H. 14, 20f., 27, 68, 93. 104. 118, Fisher, M. 2 0 1 , 2 1 7
1251'., 133 ff., 143, 150. 153, 155, 160. Fitz. J. 120.124
165, 178 ff., 197. 200. 224, 248 Fitzmyer, J. A. 104
Crown, A. D. 270 Fleischer, E. 73
Crummy, P. 269 Flesher, P. V. M. 87
Cuncliffe, B. 42 Foerster, G. 109. 128. 148. 157. 161. 171.
175, 201. 218, 227. 229
D^browa, E. 111, 121 f., 169 F'orni, G. 116
Dagan, Y. 1 8 7 , 2 0 0 , 2 1 8 Frankel, J. 292
Damati, E. 194, 200, 234 Fraschetti, A. 42
Dar, S. 34 Frend, W. H. C. 52
Davies, P. R. 24, 32, 43 Frerichs, E. S. 57
Den Boer, W. 231 Freudenberger, R. 52 f.
Derenbourg, J. 63 Freund, R. A. 141".
Dessau, H. 55 Frier, B.W. 142
Deutsch, R. 94 Frumkin, A. 34, 198
Devijver, H. 116f., 124, 164 Fuks, A. 27
Devillers, L. 143, 145 F u r s t m a n , S. 286
Devir, Y. 7
Dietz, K. 112 Gafni, J. 12,55,61,93
Dinur, U. 194f., 200 Gafni, S. 287
Disckinson, A. 285 Gagiotti, M. 167
D o b ó , A. 124 Ganor, A. 185,188,203
Donfried, K. P. 49 Garnsey, P. 25
Drijvers, H. J. W. 89 Gatier, P.-L. 124, 178
Drury, P. J. 269 Geiger, J. 50, 57, 73. 78, 82, 84
Modern Authors 305
Geizer, M. 38 Hurgin, Y. 287
G e r m e r - D u r a n d , J. 250 f.
Geva, H. 20, 241 f., 245 ff. Iglesias, G. 160
G i b b o n 53 Han, T. 104
Gichon, M. 227 Han, Z. 194, 197, 200f., 218 f., 234
Gilliam, J. F. 116 Isaac, B. 31 f., 37, 49, 55, 111,127, 149,
Goldberg, A. 58 f. 153, 155f., 201, 217f., 230f„ 241 f., 252,
Goldberger, D. 289, 294, 296 266, 268
G o o d b l a t t , D. 19f„ 94
G o o d m a n , M. 21, 24, 27f., 4 2 f f , 53, 84, Jacobs, M . 21
90, 152 Janai, J. 201
G o r d o n , A. E. 1 1 1 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 5 Jeremias, J. 260
G o r d o n , P. 285 Jones, Ch. 71, 79 f.
G o r e n , Z. 289 Joukowsky, M. 175
G o u l d , S. 158, 174 Juli, T . A . J . 136
Grabar, O. 250 Juster, J. 43
G r a f . F. 263
Green, M . J . 4 2 , 1 9 7 K a d m a n , L. 201
Greenfield, J. C. 93, 9 6 f f , 135 Kaimio, M . 89
Griffin, M. 25, 154 Kamaisky, Y. 201
G r o h , D. E. 233 Kanael, B. 93
Gros, P. 267 f. Kaniuk, Y. 289
G r u e n , E. S. 38, 44f., 49f. Kaster, R. 71
Gudovitz, S. 222 Katzoff, R. 134
Guérin, V. 222 Kaygusuz, 1. 115
Gurevitch, Y. 283, 288 Kennedy, D. L. 116,118
Keppie, L. J. F. 117f.
Habas, E. 1 Keren-Tal, A. 287 f.
Hacohen, M. 283, 286 Kidron, G. 201
Haensch, R. 152 Kienast, D. 114
Hagedorn, D. 143 Kindler, A. 3 4 , 9 3 , 1 2 0 , 2 4 2
H a l f m a n n , H. 1 1 5 , 1 5 5 , 1 5 8 , 1 7 5 Kipnis, L. 284, 286f.
Halivni, D. W. 5 5 , 6 1 Kitchener, H. R. 222
Hanin, N. 201 Klein, S. 193, 201
Hanslik, R. 115 f. Kloner, A. 109, 140, 1 8 2 f f , 217ÍT., 222,
Harkabi, Y. 291 f. 224
Harpaz, M. 285 Kloppenborg, J. S. 44
Harries, J. 79 Krueger, P. 75
Helm, R. 93
Hemelrijk, E. A. 40 Landau, B. 283
Herr, M. D. 60f., 68, 72 f., 81, 85, 201, L a n d a u , J. L. 280
241 Lapin, H. 10f„ 143ff.
Hezser, C. 21 Lapp, N. 194, 201
Hinz, H. 269 Lapp, P. 194, 201
Holm-Nielsen, S. 194, 200 Last, H. 42
H o l u m , K G. 119,155,275 Lee, P. J. 285
H o m b e r t , M. 142 Lehmann, C. M. 119,155,280
Honoré, T. 78 f. Levick, B. 163, 268, 274
Horbury, W. 43 Levine, B. A. 9 6 f f , 135, 232
Horshi, A. 284 Levinsky, Y. T. 282f., 286, 289
H o w a r d , G. 143, 145 Levner, I. B. 280, 287
Humphrey, S. C. 53 Levy, E. 65, 90
H u n t , A. S. 89 Lewis, N. 100, 126, 144, 147
306 Modern Authors
Wightman, G.J. 2 4 2 f „ 245, 248, 259, Yadin, Y. 8 f „ 14f„ 94, 9 6 f f , 135, 143,
264, 274 146, 197. 202, 218, 282, 288ff.
Wilcken, U. 89 Yaffe, Z. Y. 285 f.
Wilken, R. L. 266 Yardeni, A. 8 f „ 12, 14, 93, 9 6 f f , 126,
Wilkinson, J. 250 135, 147 ff., 178, 197
Will, E. 46, 49 f. Yehieli, Y. 286
Willems, W. J. H. 268 Yehuda, Z. 280
Williams, M . 44, 48ff. Yerushalmi, Y. H. 281
Williams, W. 88
Wilson, C h . W. 4 4 , 2 5 1 , 2 5 8 Zayadine, F. 126, 148, 164, 178
W i s e m a n , J. 267 Zerubavel, Y. 282, 288, 293
Woolf, G. 42 Zissu, B. 34, 109, 129, 134, 140, 153,
Worp , K. A. 89 181 ff., 217
Wright, R. B. 18 Z m y g r i d e r - K o n p k a , Z . 71
W u t h n o w , H. 147, 180
Index of Names and Subjects
Italy 15, 39, 42, 48 f., 54, 114-116, 122, Legio IV Scythia 119,122
139, 158, 160, 162 Legio VI Claudia 120
Iudaea see Judaea Legio VI Ferrata 118, 128f„ 155, 175,
Iulius Severus see Julius Severus 189, 224, 233
Legio X Fretensis 83,94, 113f„ 118, 121,
Jaffa Gate 247, 274 138, 155, 175, 231, 242, 247, 251-253,
Jericho 150, 193 258
Jerome 190, 201, 249 f. Legio X Gemina 120
Jerusalem 2, 11-13, 15, 18-20, 23f., 27- Legio XVI Flavia Firma 119
29, 32-34, 36f., 44, 47, 54, 62, 64f., 68, Legio XXII Deiotariana 113, 118
94—96, 108, 136-140, 156, 181, 187, lex Cornelia 75f., 85
191, 193, 195, 200-203, 227f„ 231 f., lithostroton 244f„ 250, 258f„ 263f.
241-244, 246, 249-252, 254-258, 263, Livy 38
265 f., 269-275, 284 Lollius Urbicus 170
Jesus 11, 17, 143, 243f., 249, 262 Lucius Mummius 267
John Chrysostom 55 lulav 68, 81
Jordan 126, 148, 161, 178, 181, 193 f., Lystra 264
199, 218
Josephus Flavius 13, 19, 24, 27, 39, 4 3 - Mabartha 271
45, 146, 153, 179, 189, 202, 226-228, Maccabees 10f„ 13, 15f„ 18, 22
231, 252 Machaerus 150, 179
Jotapata 226 f. Maecenas 39
Judaea 8, 19, 21, 24-28, 33, 36, 43, 51, Madaba 66, 179, 246, 249, 251
54, 63, 68, 72, 82-84, 89, 101, 107-130, M a h o z Eglatain 149,151
133, 138 f., 141 f., 148-151, 153, 155- Maoza/Mahoza 5, 100-102, 125
157, 159 f., 162 f., 166, 168-170, 171, Marcellinus see Ammianus Marcellinus
181 f., 188-193, 196, 199-203, 207, Martial 74
2161'., 219 221, 223-225, 228-231, mashukh (meshukhim) 62 65
239, 266, 285, 287, 291 Masabala 8-11, 144
Judaean Desert 1,8, 21, 93, 96, 99, 102f„ Masada 94, 282, 290, 293
126, 133-135, 139, 151, 178, 181, 197, Mehoza see Maoza/Mahoza
219, 225 Meron 283, 285, 294f.
Judah 140, 200 Mesopotamia 27, 123
Judah bar Ilai 59, 61 f. Messiah 2, 4 f „ 11, 15-19, 21, 281
Julius Caesar see Caesar Messianic see Messiah
Julius Severus 68, 83, 110-113, 116, 119, Minicius Faustinus 168
121-123, 130, 150, 166-169 Miriam 94, 140
Jupiter 25, 31 f., 249-251, 270 Modestinus 57, 85 f.
Jupiter Capitolinus 25 Moses 45 f„ 48
Justin Martyr 29 Moshe ha-Darshan 68
Justinian 75, 79, 85, 87, 254 Murabba'at see Wadi Murabba'at
Juvenal 46 f.
Nabataean(s) 35, 89, 133, 143, 146-148,
Kfar Baru see Baru 151 f„ 164 f., 179 f.
Kiryat 'Arabayah see Qiryat Arabaya Nahal Hever 96, 125f„ 135f„ 148-150,
165, 197, 200, 224, 295
Lag ba-Omer 283-288, 293-295 Nahal Mikhmash 34, 195, 201
Legio see Caparcotna Nasi 1 f„ 14-19, 21, 67, 97, 99, 149, 179,
Legio I Adiutrix 120 214, 289
Legio II Traiana 116 f., 155, 230 Natan 59, 65, 68
Legio III Cyrenaica 118, 120f., 124, 127, Neapolis 270-273
158, 164, 174 Nepos see Haterius Nepos
Legio III Gallica 119f. Nerva 25-27, 35, 74f„ 157, 172
312 Index of Names and Subjects
Tincius Rufus 4, 67f., 81-84, 112, 121, Wadi Murabba'at 94-96, 135-140, 194,
130, 155 f. 196f., 224f.
Titus 24-26, 35, 137, 152, 157, 163, 225
Trajan 23, 26-28, 35, 39, 52, 79, 83, 123, Xanten 269
155, 158, 164, 168, 172, 174f„ 177, 203, Xiphilinus 31,36,110,217,227
215, 225, 268 f.
Transjordan 96, 100, 149 f., 178 f., 191 Yavneh 1, 4, 7, 12, 21 f., 58, 66, 202
Turnus Rufus see Tineius Rufus Yehonathan bar Ba'ayan 8 f., 144
Tyre 188. 190 Yehonathan bar Eli 99
Tyropoeon 248, 255, 257 Yehuda bar Menashe 10 f.
tzitzit 81 Yehuda ben Yehuda 99, 102
Yehuda ha-Nasi 2^4, 21, 67
Ulpian 75 Yohanan b. Torta 2-5
Yohanan b. Zakkai 1, 7, 10
Usha 2, 59, 61 f., 67f. Yonathes son of Beianos see Yehonathan
bar Ba'ayan
Venus 248 f. Yose ben Halafta 62, 64
Vespasian 24-26, 162 f., 165, 170, 189 f., Yuda(h) 67
231, 268, 271
Via Dolorosa 243 f. Zealot(s) 7. 19, 22
Via Valeria Tiburtina 115 Zeus 31 f., 264, 270 f.
Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism
Alphabetical Index
Alhani, M., J. Frey, A. Lange (Ed.): Studies in the Book of Jubilees. 1997. Volume 65.
Avemarie, Friedrich: Tora und Leben. 1996. Volume 55.
Becker. A. H., A. Y. Reed (Ed.): T h e Ways that Never Parted. 2003. Volume 95.
Becker. Hans-Jürgen: Die großen rabbinischen S a m m e l w e r k e Palästinas. 1999. Volume 70.
- see Schäfer, Peter
Ctmsdale, Lena: Q u m r a n and the Essenes. 1997. Volume 60.
Chester, Andrew: Divine Revelation and Divine Titles in the Pentateuchal Targumim. 1986. Volume 14.
Cohen, Martin Samuel: The Shi u r Q o m a h : Texts and Recensions. 1985. Volume 9.
Crown, Alan D.: Samaritan Scribes and Manuscripts. 2001. Volume 80.
Doering, Lutz: Schabbat. 1999. Volume 78.
Ego, Beate: Targum Scheni zu Ester. 1996. Volume 54.
Engel, Anja: see Schäfer, Peter
Frey, J.: see Albani, M.
Frick, Peter: Divine Providence in Philo of Alexandria. 1999. Volume 77.
Gibson, E. Leigh: The Jewish Manumission Inscriptions of the Bosporus Kingdom. 1999. Volume 75.
Cileßmer, Uwe: Einleitung in die Targume zum Pentateuch. 1995. Volume 48.
Goldberg, Arnold: Mystik und Theologie des rabbinischen Judentums. G e s a m m e l t e Studien I. Ed. by
M. Schlüter and P. Schäfer. 1997. Volume 61.
- Rabbinische Texte als Gegenstand der Auslegung. Gesammelte Studien II. Ed. by
M. Schlüter and P. Schäfer. 1999. Volume 73.
Goodblatt, David: The Monarchie Principle. 1994. Volume 38.
Grözinger, Karl: Musik und Gesang in der Theologie der frühen jüdischen Literatur. 1982. Volume 3.
Gruenwald, /., Sh. Shakedand G.G. Stroumsa (Ed.): Messiah and Christos. Presented to David Flusser.
1992. Volume 32.
Halperin, David J.: The Faces of the Chariot. 1988. Volume 16.
Herrmann, Klaus (Ed.): Massekhet Hekhalot. 1994. Volume 39.
- see Schäfer, Peter
Herzer, Jens: Die Paralipomena Jeremiae. 1994. Volume 43.
Hez.sei: Catherine: Form, Function, and Historical Significance of the Rabbinic Story in Yerushalmi
Neziqin. 1993. Volume 37.
- see Schäfer, Peter
- The Social Structure of the Rabbinic M o v e m e n t in R o m a n Palestine. 1997. Volume 66.
Hirschfelder, Ulrike: see Schäfer, Peter
Horbuty, IV' see Krauss, Samuel
Hou'.man, Alberdina: Mishnah und Tosefta. 1996. Volume 59.
Han. Tal: Jewish Women in G r e c o - R o m a n Palestine. 1995. Volume 44.
- Integrating Jewish Woman into Second Temple History. 1999. Volume 76.
- Lexicon of Jewish N a m e s in Late Antiquity. 2002. Volume 91.
Instone Brewer, David: Techniques and Assumptions in Jewish Exegesis before 70 CE. 1992. Volume 30.
Ipla. Kerstin: see Schäfer, Peter
Jacobs, Martin: Die Institution des jüdischen Patriarchen. 1995. Volume 52.
Kasher, Aryeh: T h e Jews in Hellenistic and R o m a n Egypt. 1985. Volume 7.
- Jews, Idumaeans, and Ancient Arabs. 1988. Volume 18.
- Jews and Hellenistic Cities in Eretz-Israel. 1990. Volume21.
Kniltel, Thomas: Das griechische .Leben A d a m s und E v a s ' . 2002. Volume 88.
Krauss, Samuel: T h e Jewish-Christian Controversy f r o m the earliest times to 1789.
Vol.1. Ed. by W. Horbury. 1996. Volume 56.
Kuhn, Peter: O f f e n b a r u n g s s t i m m e n im Antiken Judentum. 1989. Volume 20.
Kuyl, Annelies: T h e .Descent' to the Chariot. 1995. Volume 45.
Lange, A.: see Albani, M.
Lange, Nicholas de: Greek Jewish Texts f r o m the Cairo Genizah. 1996. Volume 51.
Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism