Pilgrim Tourism in the Central Himalayas: The Case of Manakamana Temple in Gorkha,

Nepal
Author(s): Tone Bleie
Source: Mountain Research and Development , May, 2003, Vol. 23, No. 2 (May, 2003), pp.
177-184
Published by: International Mountain Society

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3674489

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Mountain Research and Development Vol 23 No 2 May 2003: 177-184

Tone Blele

Pilgrim Tourism in the Central Himalayas

The Case of Manakamana Temple in Gorkha, Nepal 177

As a follow-up to 1998; Nepal 2000; Metha and Heinen 2001). Religious

the International tourism, of which (domestic and foreign) pilgrim
Year of Ecotourism tourism is the principal form, has received scant atten-
(lYE 2002) and the tion from policy makers and development researchers
International Year (Cohen 1992; Rinschede 1992).
of Mountains (IYM Mass pilgrimage exemplifies both the worst- and
2002), scholars the best-case scenarios: worst because extreme crowding
and practitioners occurs in fragile mountain environments often not
need to continue to accorded protected area or cultural heritage status; best
address the chal- because there is mutuality between hosts and visitors.
lenges inherent in Pilgrim tourism challenges the predominant assump-
building pilgrim tourism on principles of sustainabletion that a clear distinction exists between outsiders
tourism that reconcile cultural, developmental, conser- and insiders. At the level of cultural theory, consisting
vational, and commercial interests. This article begins of declarative knowledge (D'Andrade 1995), both hosts
by reasoning that the increasing use of mechanical and visitors recognize that they are all worshippers
transport to pilgrim sites in the Central Himalayas whose welfare and prosperity depend on the deities'
erodes the cultural notions that have underpinned the benign and continued presence. At the analytical level
Himalayan pilgrimage for centuries. Then, it seeks of to cultural models that are typically assertions by the
demonstrate in two respects the relevance of insights analyst (D'Andrade 1995), both locals and nonlocals, as
into how sacred journeying interconnects persons, worshippers, share implicit moral ideas about sacred
places, and time. The first insight concerns the travel journeying and the nature of social exchanges among
patterns of and income potential from pleasure andthemselvespil- and between themselves and the surround-
grim tourists in Nepal in the current situation of unsta- ing environment. Such mutuality does not, however,
ble national and international security. The second guarantee that mass pilgrimages might not have unin-
insight relates to local perceptions of sociocultural,tended negative cultural, environmental, and socioeco-
economic, and environmental risks involved in the open- nomic impacts.
ing of cable car service to a famed pilgrimage site in On the basis of anthropological insights into how
Nepal. Finally, the article reasons that the cultural ideas ofjourneying, temporality, landscape, and space
dimension must be included as a crosscutting concern underpin tourism and pilgrimage (Sax 1991; Cohen
in environmental, social, and economic impact assess- 1992; Morinis 1992; Hirsch and O'Hanlon 1995; Ingold
ments of transport projects to heritage sites. The study 2000), 3 main arguments are posed. These arguments
uses a combination of qualitative ethnographic meth- are interrelated through the recognition that the "phys-
ods, traffic and sociodemographic surveys, as well as ical" arrangements of sacred space are integral cultural,
official tourism statistics. social, and semantic aspects of the process of sacred
journeying.
Keywords: Pilgrim tourism; cable car; risk perception; This article suggests, first, that the current transfor-
impact assessment; Central Himalayas; Nepal. mations of mass pilgrimage to the temple of Manaka-
mana in Gorkha District, Nepal, illustrate incipient
Peer reviewed: August 2002. Accepted: November blurred boundaries between pilgrimage and tourism in
2002. the Central Himalayas. This hybridization might provi-
sionally be termed pilgrim tourism. Second, recogniz-
Introduction ing the increasing heterogeneity of both tourism and
sacred journeying, insights into differences and similar-
There are many studies on how to make mountain ities between modes of travel of pleasure and pilgrim
tourism in Nepal sustainable. They mainly focus ontourists
the are of relevance in assessing the income poten-
local impacts of and responses to externally (nonlocal-
tial of pilgrim tourism in Nepal under currently unsta-
ly) driven tourism in protected park areas. The seg- ble conditions. Third, the article discusses how percep-
ments of tourism usually studied are culture, nature, tions of sacred journeying affect economic and environ-
and adventure tourism, and also include foreign eco- mental risk assessments of the effects of a cable car
tourists and mountaineers and nonlocal tourist agen- facility to the aforementioned mountain temple in
cies in situations where the institutional capacity of Gorkha District. Finally, some of the implications of the
national and local authorities is weak and local returns
present study for policy and planning concerned with
are low (Gurung 1990; Rustomji and Ramble 1990; the environmental, economic, and sociocultural effects
Fischer and Sulzer 1994; Banskota and Sharma 1995; of introducing mechanical means of transportation to
Shrestha 1995; Shackley 1996; Rogers and Aitchisonthis heritage site are outlined.

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 Tone Bleie

80E rE 82E 84RE 86'E 88RE

30'N

Western WESTERN M CHINA

FAR' C 30N

178
Development Region
6034 m mrnikoChui WESTERN
'WESTERN
10 0kENTmRA 28 N

S10 20km MUSTANG 0

(Adapted from
.8/ MuktinathCHINA
Y k n Ratna Chuli S.
LugleH. Shrestha,1
Pass CHINA
o. O ' 7035 m Gyala Pass 5375 m
S D haulairi t Tilicho Lake MANANG 1-. Thaple Pass
81677m K - -.;
MYG Manaslu Larkya Pass
MYAGDI Annapurna Annapu'rna "'a8163 mA Shringi H mal
/8091
. / Machhapuchhre m,/ 7937 m K - \ 7a187an''

% ."
S . 'e 6993 m _:Hiral Chuli
BAGLUNG 0: ,7893.m
'-'"
' PARBAT, KASKI
Pk I LAMJUNG
r UBoudhaa\ RKHA 7893\
k /Pokhara 1 6072m
J- O \ I - 2\r\\\
SYANGJA Gorkha
.4-. o GULMI
"ARHAKANC I -~" - I, TANAHUN. Manakamana
o,.- " \_-/ A toKathrnandu
ARGHAKHANCHI ,
?, /I PALPA

\ KAPILBASTU .-- - International

N ,.eT -- *Regionalboundary
boundary
i RUPANDEHI E)s o Regional headquarters
NAWALPARASI \R - - - - District boundary
-* o 0 District headquarters
I Paved road

/\ = = =i Unpaved road FIGURE 1 Location of Gorkha District and

INDIA Lumbni Airfield or T
airport
Pilgrimage
Manakamana. (Map by Andreas Brodbeck based
site
on Shrestha 1989)

The study area today and in the past

more than 2 centuries, the power of Goddess's to fulfill
Since the early 1970s, Gorkha District in the Western wishes has attracted both local devotees and long-dis-
Development Region (Figure 1), 1 of 5 administrative tance pilgrims in search of personal gain or disinterest-
regions of Nepal, has received attention in master plans ed spiritual enlightenment (Bleie and Bhattarai 2003).
as an area of considerable potential for tourist develop- When a highway was built in the late 1960s, the pil-
ment (Banskota and Sharma 1995). Despite this, grim journey, which had taken 10-12 days from the cap-
tourism development has been uneven. The northern ital to Manakamana and back, could suddenly be
region still has a low volume of visitors, notwithstandingundertaken with 1 overnight stay. The last part of the
its magnificent peaks and richly endowed Tibetan Bud- journey from the head of the road to the towering tem-
dhist monasteries. The district has 2 principal tourist ple had to be made on foot. Porters could be hired to
hubs. One is the district town of Gorkha, the location of carry the luggage, the infirm, and small children.
the restored palace of the royal Shah family, which led In the late 1990s, a leading business house from
the multiethnic army that unified the country in the late Gorkha town received governmental approval to build
18th century. The other hub is the mountain village of and run the first cable car in the country. The cable car
Manakamana, situated southwest of Gorkha town. was designed to bring pilgrims effortlessly to the famed
This village harbors an ancient, exquisitely carved mountain temple. Investment by a local business in a
temple situated on the edge of a mountain ridge at modern cable car system, with the best of Austrian tech-
1363 m in the subtropical zone of southern Gorkha. nical expertise and technology, promised to boost local
From the temple village, visitors have a breathtaking opportunities and development and to become a flag-
panoramic view northward to some of the world's high- ship of the Nepalese tourist authority. Before discussing
est peaks in the Manaslu range (Manaslu, 8156 m; local perceptions of pilgrim tourism's cultural and eco-
Himal Chuli, 7893 m; and Boudha Himal, 6072 m) and nomic effects before and after this transport facility was
in the Shringi Himal (Shringi Himal, 7187 m) and west- opened, certain basic changes in the Himalayan pilgrim-
ward toward the Annapurna Himal (Annapurna 1, age need to be considered in light of our case study.
8091 m and Annapurna 2, 7937 m). The dwellers in
the cluster village and on the nearby slopes currently Blurred boundaries between "tourism" and
combine tourism business with agriculture on the basis
"pilgrimage"
of a mixed farming system. All consider the Goddess of
Manakamana to be their ultimate protector and the Both scriptural high tradition and actual practice hav
bestower of prosperity (Bleie and Bhattarai 2001). For established pilgrimage in the Himalayas as arduous

Mountain Research and Development Vol 23 No 2 May 2003

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 Research

FIGURE 2 Indian pilgrims arriving by means of the new cable car.

Thousands of pilgrims choose to travel this way every day instead of
walking, as prescribed by their religion. Using conventional
categories ("foreign or domestic tourism," "tourism versus
pilgrimage," etc) to describe tourist activities makes it difficult to
179
account for these changed practices. (Photo by Min Bajracharya)

journeying par excellence (Bharati 1970; Bakker 1990;

Jha 1991; Sax 1991; Messerschmidt 1992). The destina-
tion points-holy confluences, lakes, caves, and sum-
mits-are the abodes and birthplaces of deities, places
of awakening, and burial grounds of the relics of holy
beings (Slusser 1982; Allen 1993).
In light of this ongoing mass phenomenon, the
term "pilgrim tourism" appears on first examination to
be a contradiction in terms. There is a tendency to per-
ceive tourism as a modern preoccupation with long-dis-
tance journeys to a periphery-in this case, the mighty
Himalayas. Destinations are mere unfamiliar "attrac-
tions," viewed in a detached manner. Pilgrimage, by con-
trast, is the ancient mode of journeying in a sacred land-
scape. The pilgrim's profound spiritual quest tends to
be contrasted with the tourist's shallow travel for pleas-
ure. Whereas the presence of great numbers of pilgrims
in one place enhances the place's authenticity and ambi-
ence, visits by crowds of tourists are said to spoil a desti-
nation. Hence, international tourism and pilgrimage
may appear to share only a historical connection and a
superficial and abstract resemblance because both
involve long-distance movements in social space, the for-
mer increasingly from metropolitan centers to pilgrims'
the use of modern means of transportation that
spearheads
periphery of (Western) civilization and the latter to a this cultural change (Figure 2). The chang-
revitalizing cosmological center (Cohen 1979).
ing religious and social practices of pilgrimage at the
Drawing on Cohen (1992), the present studyMountain
pro- Temple of Manakamana illustrate this con-
tention. Practically,
poses that certain pilgrimage and tourism practices in all domestic and foreign visitors to
the Manakamana
the Himalayas may currently be better understood by Temple appear to represent the clas-
avoiding simplistic, idealized generalizations restricted
sical pilgrim in so far as they conduct their ritual
affairs
to dissimilarities at structural and phenomenal in a proper manner at the Goddess's shrine. A
levels.
The blurring of the boundaries between picture of stable practices and underlying notions is
the tourist
radically
and pilgrim categories partly reflects and partly questioned when focus is shifted from the rit-
increas-
es the heterogeneity of both these categories.uals in the crowded temple courtyard and the inner
A signifi-
cant segment of Western and Eastern touristsshrine
travelto the
in conscious motivations and the whole
the Nepal Himalayas, and indeed elsewhere process
in the of
Hin-the pilgrimage, as illustrated below by our
du Kush-Himalayan belt, seeking not only qualitative
experience study.
of nature and physical adventure but also spiritual
renewal. Such tourists often diverge from the beaten
Results of the qualitative study
track to major mass-tourist destinations. The initial
motivation to travel in these experimental Ourandinvestigations
experi- indicate that a sizeable portion of
ential modes is not triggered by explicit and younger
stable worshippers
cul- currently do not believe uncondi-
tionally
tural meaning, which is the case with traditional in the efficacy of the public and secluded ritu-
pil-
grimage (Cohen 1979, 1992; Morinis 1992).als Within the Many younger worshippers state that
they perform.
context of the Self-Other or Center-Periphery social and recreational motivations are as important in
concep-
the pilgrimage
tual model, regardless of whether the initial quest for as religious motives. A comparison of
authenticity was shallow or deep, such travelers endmade
statements up by younger and older pilgrims inter-
viewed indicates that although recreational and social
experiencing an exotic Other as their new Center,
which they visit for longer periods or revisitmotives
several are not something qualitatively new, they have
times during their lifetimes and to which theybecome
feel more
a prominent and socially acceptable.
sense of loyalty (Cohen 1992). Recreational practices also take on new forms of sociali-
Moreover, incipient transformation in the ty, realized
basic in a commercial context of public eating
cultural categories of worship, place, and journeying
and drinking inofhotels and restaurants on the way to
Nepalese and Indian pilgrims also blurs the and from the pilgrimage site and in the temple village.
boundary
Indeed, tothe
between pilgrimage and tourism. It is principally a greater extent than earlier, the travels of

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 Tone Bleie

180

such pilgrim tourists and of tourists share a "getting

deep-rooted, cherished religious values, it seems that
out" character, where social codes are relaxed and daily
the pilgrims (including many politicians, high-ranking
routines abandoned. Pilgrims currently handle bureaucrats,
certain and intellectuals) traveling by cable car
established caste-based codes related to eating have
and wor-
not translated their individually felt discomfort
ship more pragmatically than before the commercializa-
into a language suitable for public discussion. In con-
tion of pilgrim services, which took off in the mid- trast with Nepal, in the Indian Himalayas and Northern
1970s. Before that time, pilgrims strictly maintainedThailand, complaints by pilgrims and priests about ho
purity in terms of food preparation, drinking ofmotor roads, cable cars, and concomitant commercial-
water,
and other forms of social exchange. ization are about to ruin their mountain pilgrimages
According to local worshippers and temple staff, have stirred public debates about heritage conservation
the temple until recently attracted scores of visitorsand development (Sax 1991; Pholpoke 1998).
whose motivation and understanding were in complete Official tourism statistics in Nepal neglect regional
conformity with the classical ideas of what a pilgrimage
and domestic religious tourism and focus on airborne,
should be. "Devout pilgrims" are nevertheless aoverseas hetero-"dollar tourists." Of the arrivals in this category
geneous lot, ranging from ordinary, deeply religious between 1997 and 2000, those designated as "pilgrims"
individuals to famous healers and itinerant ascetics. comprised mostly Japanese, Koreans, and Thais on pil-
Surprisingly, many pious pilgrims have begun using grimage
the to Buddha's birthplace, Lumbini (see Figure 1),
recently opened cable car, which brings them smoothly which has been undergoing development into a regional
to the doorstep of the Goddess within 15 minutes. This pilgrimage center over the past 3 decades
Buddhist
(Gurung 1998).
mode of journeying indirectly violates the very essence
of the Himalayan pilgrimage, captured in the proverb Because surface transport is not measured, the
"no pain, no gain." In interviews, about 60% of actual
all pil-
numbers of Indian tourists, a great proportion of
grims (regardless of urban-rural backgrounds) whom have are pilgrims, remain unaccounted for in official
both directly and indirectly expressed considerable con-According to our own estimates (based on
statistics.
fusion and unease over their speedy and effortlessinterviews with traders and cable car staff in Manaka-
ascent to the Goddess of Manakamana. mana), about 50,000 Indians (of a total of 500,000 pil
The pilgrims' individual experiences of discomfort
grims) visited the Manakamana temple in 1999. This
point to the fundamental difference between smoothnumber alone is markedly higher than the official total
mechanical transportation in a cable car (or a plane for overseas pilgrim arrivals that year (Ministry o
of 19,198
Tourism, Culture and Civil Aviation 2000).
that matter) in geographical space and the heteroge-
neous qualities of physical movement in a landscape When we initiated our study in 1997, Nepal had
experienced a nearly continuous yet uneven annual
imbued with cultural significance. Traditional terrestri-
al pilgrimage on foot allows a perceptual engagement
growth of overseas tourists for more than 2 decades
(Ministry of Tourism 1996). This increase continued
with an environment that is rich in heritage. Terraced
fields, stone hedges, and small shrines tell of theuntil
lives2000, when the number of arrivals started to
decline.
and times of predecessors. The towering temple hamlet In 2001, overseas arrivals declined by 21.7%
comes into sight very slowly as a result of one's own
(Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Civil Aviation 2000,
labor. A trip between the entry and exit stations 2001).
in a This decline reflects the response to continued
insurgence, the royal massacre, and regional instability
cable car requires minimal physical exertion. Travelers
after
get an unfamiliar and quick bird's eye view, which the terrorist attacks of 11 September. The influx of
pro-
pilgrims
vides them with only a rough glimpse of the contours ofto Manakamana, situated in one of the most
the varied surface of natural and man-made landscapes
insurgency affected districts of the country, continued
underneath. relatively unabated in 2000 and 2001, with the same
proportion of Indian pilgrim tourists as in 1999.
Current socioeconomic trends: Lack of
differentiated data and informed debate Loyalty to place: An important factor in pilgrim
tourism
Currently, the investor behind Manakamana Darshan
Beyond the more obvious reasons for these trends in
Ltd is contemplating (subject to a peace agreement
national
between the government and the Maoists) a proposal to and international tourist travel is the neglected
issue of loyalty. This term gains analytical currency
build a similar cable car facility to the famed Muktinath
through arguments made here about the importance of
temple in Mustang District, also situated in the Western
Development Region. Judging from the absence of understanding
an the bonds between individuals, identi-
informed public debate in Nepal over the pros andties, temporalities, and places (Sax 1991; Morinis 1992;
cons
Ingold 2000). The attraction of Indian and domestic
of introducing a transport technology that undermines

Mountain Research and Development Vol 23 No 2 May 2003

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 Research

181

and
pilgrim tourists, alongside the experiential segment ofBhattarai 2001). From the late 1980s, marginal and
smallholder farmers who did not belong to prestigious
Western travelers, should therefore not be judged sim-
clans and lineages managed to enter the most profitable
ply in light of demographic factors, purchasing power,
and service demands. subsector (accommodation services) of the booming
Unlike individuals in these categories, modern
tourist business. A business survey conducted by the
Western and Eastern pleasure tourists "shop" inauthor
a global
in early 1998 showed that the 3 bustling bazaars
market in search of new locations to explore. These
contained 99 businesses mainly serving the pilgrims and
tourists choose destinations in response to commercial
nearly as many thrived along the trail between the tem-
promotion of new lowland or upland "Shangri-Las."
ple and the road terminus. With about 250,000 annual
Their modes of travel frequently fail to establish visitors
place and increasing demands on hotel facilities, hot
food, and imported goods, the temple hamlet faced a
loyalty. On the contrary, the very novelty of a destina-
tion renders it attractive. This lack of loyalty is cement-
mounting waste management problem in addition to an
ed by the tourists' perceptions of uncertainty about the
acute drinking water, energy, and timber crisis.
degree of risk involved in traveling to politically unsta-
ble destinations. The decline in the number of tourist Controversy over the choice of a gate site
arrivals to Nepal in 2001 illustrates such risk-minimizing
Two years earlier, a Congress-led government had, with-
decisions. Pilgrims, unlike pleasure tourists, areout
pro-
consulting the local authorities, unconditionally
foundly loyal to their cult centers. approved a plan by the aforementioned private investor
Loyalty is important in another sense as well: for the construction, ownership, and operation of a
the local population, a deity's loyalty to a locality cable
and car to the famed temple. The government also set
his or her worshippers is not unconditional. A serious
up a National Manakamana Area Development Com-
mittee. The committee, composed of members of par-
breach of purity regulations might provoke the deity's
liament
wrath, not only against the transgressing individual but from Gorkha District, local politicians, bureau-
the whole community. In cases of extremely desecrating
crats, and development workers, was given a broad man-
or inauspicious events, a deity might decide to leave hissupervision and intervention in all efforts
date for
geared toward cultural and natural conservation and
or her abode permanently in favor of a new residence
elsewhere. This possibility has very recently become
development. When news about the construction proj-
more than theoretical in Manakamana because of ect became publicly known, the project had already
human follies that were unrelated to any religiously des-
been approved by the government and registered with
ecrating act from a detached analytical point of view. the Industry Department. Also, the company and some
The discussion below deals with a series of events leading members of the temple trust had already secret-
that highlight local perceptions of uncertainty and risk
ly agreed on the gate for the cable car system and on
to livelihoods resulting from the construction and oper-
the sale of land for the upper station, in conjunction
with a restaurant and a hotel.
ation of the cable car. First, major developments in pil-
grim tourism in Manakamana before the constructionWith the gate site for the cable car already settled,
of the cable car are briefly summarized. the choice of line for the entry-exit trail between the
cable car's upper station and the temple became a con-
Local perceptions of risk attributable to troversial public issue. After a short period of intense
debate, an alliance between the cable car investor and
infrastructural change
some local power holders managed to push through an
Economic growth before the cable car alternative line that crossed the fields and farm cottages
The famous temple village's initial exposure to a newoferasome prominent trust members and bypassed all 3
of mass pilgrimage occurred when the first highwaybazaars.
con- A longer side trail, which split off from the new
necting the capital with the western region reached main
a route, diverted some traffic through the 2 upper
nearby old ferry point in 1967. Since then, Manakamanabazaar areas but cut the lowest market off from any direct
has experienced phenomenal economic growth (Figure connection with the upper cable car station (Figure 3).
4) attributable to the large-scale commercialization of
Perceptions of economic risk
goods and services for pilgrims. Enterprising local farm-
ers initiated this growth, whose distributive effects were
At this stage-6 months before the opening of the facil-
not equitable. They remained in control of the boomingity and with large-scale construction underway--we con-
pilgrim tourist sector between 1967 and 1998. Pilgrim ducted the first phase of our investigations, including a
tourism in Manakamana represents a rare example substudy
in of perceptions of uncertainty and risk. Traders
Nepal of locally rooted and guided economic develop-
in the 2 upper bazaars had perceptions of uncertainty
ment in response to new opportunities created through and risk affecting their own incomes and overall liveli-
new linkages with the national and global levels (Bleie
hoods that differed from those of traders and porters in

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 Tone Blele

182
.. - t... Main d p

- Mta 999Ramchautara
atiya 4 s ----- 0000 0 004-viion_ 9

ftlr' 1 II IN
-- C c b Fulbari

- Mainc
- . . . ..,,
- -Open .- -
surface drain C l c
FIGURE 3 Development of the
Trails and pathsute p Manakamana Temple site,
9 Schima-Castanopsis forest showing the planned growth of
Planted Pinus forest
housing structures and new
E Existing housing \ drainage system. (Sketch
6@ Existing housing upgraded for tourism 4 courtesy of Manakamana
El New housing for tourists in new market Darshan Ltd, modified by Lok
S Housing for tourists in 3 established bazars 50 100 m Bhattarai and Andreas
Flood diversion work I III i I I I Brodbeck)

the lowest bazaar and along the trail. Based on shared pany's tactical policy of pricing 2-way tickets favorably
assumptions of risks and benefits, the traders in the compared with 1-way tickets. Members of the local elite
upper bazaars anticipated largely positive short- and who had benefited from the sale of land and the flour-
long-term effects for themselves and society at large, ishing trade along the new entry-exit trail and aroun
even if some lost out. An expected dramatic increase in the temple courtyard managed to stop a community
arrivals would compensate for the rise in the number of effort demanding a change in the company's ticketing
day visitors, in which case the total bed coverage would policy. The high-powered Area Development Commit-
at least not decline. Another widely shared anticipated tee, acting on its own vested interests, chose not to
risk was the future market share of the hotel and restau- oppose the alliance between a fraction of the local elit
rant planned by the cable car investor. and the investor and remained inactive in this turbu-
In contrast to the upper bazaar families' optimism
lent period. In the months following the inauguration
based on their sense of calculated risk, the great majori-
the company therefore had to make only a few piece-
meal concessions to the local protests.
ty of traders in the lowest bazaar on the trail and the
porters (those carrying pilgrims and their luggage)
expressed a sense of great uncertainty about the Perceptions of environmental risk
upcoming opening. The overwhelming majority During the heavy monsoon in 1999, the anxiety many
(roughly 90%) anticipated that the effects on their downtown
own lodge owners and trail shopkeepers had
income and livelihoods would most probably be either experienced because of miserable business condition
moderately or severely negative. was made worse by an unprecedented disaster. One
This salient difference in responses hinged onnight
dif- the stone-clad road in the upper settlement abo
fering expectations about the decline of traffic on the temple complex turned into a muddy stream. The
foot.
A small majority of trail respondents assumed that courtyard was quickly flooded and the inner shrine
modern demand for travel comfort and a vanishing tra-
threatened. Water burst over from the edge of the
courtyard, poured in cascades along the temple's ston
ditional notion of pilgrimage would result in a dramat-
ic and permanent decline in the number of walkers. foundation,
A and into a jungle-clad gorge far below the
sizeable minority assumed that most of the visitors ridge.
held The temple villagers' resolute efforts to divert
upstream collection of water and sediments managed
deeply ingrained notions of pilgrimage that would
eventually
compel them to return to terrestrial journeying after a stop the accumulation of water.
once-in-a-lifetime adventure with the cable car. There was no local memory of such a disaster hav-
The most dramatic effect of the opening was theing occurred previously. Based on participant observa
tion,
drop in traffic along the pilgrim trail resulting from the we found that this event triggered conflicting
overwhelmingly positive response to the new mechani- opinions about its ultimate cause and consequences.
Drawing on the ancient idea of a deity's conditional
cal facility. The overnight change in pilgrims' decisions
about mode of transport was a direct result of the com-
place loyalty, many worried that if nothing was done to

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 Research

183

stem the flood of pilgrims disrespecting the temple's

hoping for the return of pilgrims traveling on foot.
sanctity, their Goddess would leave her abodeWorstperma- hit were smaller establishments in the bazaars

nently. Others tried to focus public attention along

on the the trail and porters who earn a living by carrying
concrete circumstances that had led to the flooding.
pilgrims' baggage.
The government-approved leveling work done by the
cable car company near the hillock had destroyed the
Conclusions
old drainage corridor there and caused the flooding
and erosion. Although no one denied that the Pilgrim
haz- tourism represents an emerging form of jour-
neying
ardous leveling work was partly at fault, there was pro- and transactional behavior in the Central
found disagreement as to the ultimate explanatory Himalayas. The increasing numbers of pilgrims who
power of this unsafe work. On the other hand,make there use of modern mechanical means of transporta-
tion erode basic ideas of the individual, of temporality,
was growing public recognition of the severe conse-
quences of the undemocratic process that had and of the landscape that have underpinned Himalayan
led first
to the choice of gate for the cable car and later pilgrimage
to the for centuries. Decision makers in the
choice of entry-exit route. Some also pointed Himalayas
out that should therefore consider the cultural impli-
cations of various policy options before and after
the temple structure showed worrying signs of move-
ment, probably as a result of the torrential forceapproving
with transport projects to heritage sites. Measures
which the water had penetrated the temple's stone must be considered that facilitate the preservation of
foundations. Our own investigation confirms that the traditional
the Himalayan pilgrimage and its unique
experiential and structural dimensions while ensuring a
foundation of the ancient temple was indeed damaged
and will require restoration. Local resources for more equitable and sustainable path to development.
restoration were not available because the huge It remains true that the growing numbers of pilgrim
income generated from pilgrims' offerings was tourists
consid-and the prospects for further increases attributa-
ered the chief god-guardian's private income. ble to pilgrim tourism's broad domestic and regional
Besides,
the local government had minimal public claims appeal
on point to considerable income and development
the income of the cable car company and the potential
local for both national economies and local commu-
business community. nities (Figure 4). The effects on international travel of
the current unstable global and subregional security sit-
uation should alert researchers and policy makers to
Further study results
Our study team conducted a second round of traffic
FIGURE 4 View of the upper station of the new transport system,
and business surveys in November 1999, 1 year after the
the first of its kind in Nepal. Planning of such major tourism
cable car opened. The results showed that those in the requires careful consideration of ecological, social,
developments
and cultural factors. (Photo by Min Bajracharya)
previous year's survey who had anticipated a rather dra-
matic decline in pilgrims using the trail and in the
tourism-related incomes of most households have been
proven correct thus far. The cable car company and a
small number of businesses situated along the new
entry-exit trail and around the temple courtyard bene-
fited from the newly opened facility. The number of vis-
itors nearly doubled, but less than 10% chose terrestrial
journeying. Of 36 hotels and lodges in the 2 upper
bazaars, only one reported both increased income and
occupancy rates. All others reported income losses
ranging from 90% down to 45% and occupancy rates
from 98% to 50% less than the previous year's levels.
The rise in incomes from sale of food was much less
than expected, even though the cable car company had
not as yet built the planned hotel and restaurant in con-
junction with the upper station. Many day visitors had
no time for an elaborate meal. Others brought food of
their own (to compensate for the high costs of the
cable car tickets) or had a meal included as a member
of one of the many organized tours. In the lower
bazaar, only a handful of the lodges remained open,

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 Tone Bleie

184

focus on the significance of pilgrim tourism in termstourism,

of at varying scales, on different local and nonlo-
development potential, rather than almost exclusivelycal stakeholders. Subject to approval through a trans-
on the Western pleasure tourist market. parent decision-making process, an extensive range of
complementary regulatory measures should also be
This brief account of some early impacts of the new
Manakamana Temple transport facility illustrates whatconsidered. These could include price policy regula-
might go wrong-despite the mutuality between hosts tions that ensure continued terrestrial traffic along
and visitors as worshippers-in the absence of socially
established routes and markets catering for various
local commercial interests. They could also include a
responsive and actively regulating state and representa-
tive local institutions. Before approval or rejection restrictive
of policy on approval of large-scale, capital-
such projects, multistakeholder impact assessmentsintensive tourist facilities and on securing public
ought to be undertaken that include cultural, environ-income and viable public-private partnerships for
mental, economic, and social consequences, reflectingdevelopment of basic infrastructure, thus meeting the
the impacts of different forms of commercial pilgrim multiple needs of both local residents and visitors.

AUTHOR ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Tone Bleie The author is grateful to the Norwegian Research Council (NRF) and
Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) for funding the project known as "Liv
Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI), PO Box 6033, Postterminalen, N-5892
Bergen, Norway. hoods and Environmental Change in the Hills of Nepal". Thanks also
[email protected] the Nepalese collaborators on the project, particularly Lok R Bhattar
invaluable assistance during data collection and for stimulating com
on an earlier draft of this article.

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