French Revolution - Causes and immediate outcomes of the 1789 Revolution

Causes and immediate outcomes of the 1789 Revolution

Events before the 1789 period

Economic problems before 1789

Inefficient tax system of the Ancien Regime, burden was placed on the poor peasants of the Third
Estate only (it was not shared by the nobility or the clergy), meant that it could not meet its debts
exacerbated by participation in the American Revolutionary War, and also due to the excessive
spending by the royal family.

A series of poor harvests led to rising prices and the resulting economic and social distress all helped
create a febrile political atmosphere.

Necker and his resignation

Necker’s publication of the first ever balance sheet of the French monarchy’s finances provoked
controversy at court and undermined his position in government

Conservatives at the court, such as the Foreign Minister, were appalled at the publication. They
believed that the king’s subjects had neither the need nor the right to know the state of the kingdom’s
finances. Such public airing of government issues was fine for a country such as Britain, but it was not
the French way. Critics of Necker claimed that revenue was overestimated and expenses such as the
cost of war in America were omitted. Necker was deliberately misleading the king and the country.
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It was claimed that the aim was not to provide a true account of the kingdom’s accounts but to bolster
Necker’s own position against his rivals at court, who questioned how long loans alone could sustain
finances.

His request, following publication, to be admitted to the king’s innermost council, despite being Swiss
and a Protestant, seemed to show he was interested only in his advancement.

On the advice of Maurepas and de Vergennes, who both threatened to resign if their advice was
ignored, Louis XVI refused Necker’s request. Necker then resigned.

The Assembly of Notables - why did they meet?

There was an urgent need to deal with the precarious state of France’s finances. The deficit stood at
112m livres, a quarter of expected income and nearly half of annual revenue was absorbed by debt
service. Government credit was exhausted, and the country faced bankruptcy. Economies in
government and court expenditure were popular, but would save only about 30%, at the most, of total
expenses.

The problem for the government was to increase revenue without attacking the fiscal privileges of the
clergy and nobility. This, however, was impossible as indirect taxes on consumer goods were
insufficient. This meant that the fiscal exemptions of the First and Second Estates would have to be
addressed.

Calonne, Controller-General of Finances since 1783, believed the solution lay with the calling of an
Assembly of Notables. It was assumed that, as all the members were royal nominees, they would agree
to rubber-stamp Calonne’s plan for a new graduated land tax. This public show of backing from the
leading men of the country for Calonne’s plan would result in further loans being available.

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The Enlightenment

Did it cause/influence the Revolution?

The Enlightenment stressed the prominence of reason rather than that of tradition. It was a challenger
to absolute monarchy and the Ancien Regime, as well as its principal supporter the Church. It also
emphasised individual liberty and the consent of the governed (Locke/Rousseau).

The success of the American Revolution, with its espousal of Enlightenment ideals, inspired many
Frenchmen who had served in America to play prominent roles in the French Revolution. Aristocratic
proponents of the Decrees such as the Duc D’Aigullion had seen service in America in the 1770s and,
undoubtedly, were driven by Enlightenment ideas.

This clearly influenced the demands brought by the Third Estate to vote by head rather than vote by
estate, and acted as an influence on the setting up of the National Assembly and the Tennis Court Oath,
swearing to remain in session until a constitution had been abolished.

The August Decrees created a fundamental change to the Ancien Régime. The domination and
privilege of the few were stripped away and seemed to herald a society based on the individual,
equality, and merit, and can be seen as a means to rationalise the political system of the Ancien Regime
by ending feudalism and privileges to the clergy and nobility. These ideas were in accord with the
Enlightenment and placed emphasis on the rational in the running of society and disapproved of the
accretion of rights for a select few, sanctioned by custom alone.

The abolition of the tithe halved the income of the Church. Thus, the influence of the Church would be
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lessened, something advocates of the Enlightenment strongly favoured.

Estates General

Why was the Estates General called?

Ministers appointed by the King and the Assembly of Notables failed to devise a suitable and
acceptable solution to the huge range of problems, financial issues in particular, faced by the Ancien
Regime in France. A series of ministers had come and gone, most of them dismissed by the King for not
providing solutions acceptable to him. The Assembly of Notables also wanted to keep their power and
status and did not guide the monarchy appropriately and wanted to protect their interests before the
people’s, and failed to provide answers, as was the parlements.

There was a major social and economic crisis looming, the country was bankrupt and economic distress
in many areas caused by bad weather and harvests caused a great deal of worry and social disorder
among the populace. There was also a growing awareness of the failures of the Ancien Regime and
many lost faith in the governance of the country. The inability to provide solutions created a crisis of
confidence amongst the money markets in the French government’s financial stability and credit was
becoming more and more problematic to obtain.

It was thus determined that the calling of the Estates General for the first time in 150 years would
provide the sanction needed for new taxes and changes in France. It was felt that the Estates General
would provide the means to create new taxes and other changes to fix what was wrong with the system.

Why were there divisions?

● The diversity of issues raised in the cahiers requiring changes.

● The divisions within the clergy, the higher/aristocratic members, and the lower clergy. Many of

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the latter sympathised with the more radical demands of the Third Estate. There was a rich v
poor division. There were also thinkers like Sieyés.

● There were many divisions within the aristocracy, again between the rich and the poor, those
strongly opposed to any change in their status and privileges and the more radical like Lafayette.
There were some who felt there had to be change in order to survive.

● There were huge divisions within the Third Estate, ranging from quite conservative constitutional
monarchists to much more radical antimonarchists who were demanding real social, economic,
and political change.

● There were the major divisions between the Estates, over voting for example.

● There were further divisions between, for example, those who came from urban as opposed to
rural areas.

Why did the Estates General fail?

Procedure: There was uncertainty because the previous meeting of the institution had been in 1614.
Therefore, no one was sure how it should proceed. It was agreed that the Estates General represented
three groups: clergy, nobility, and others. However, there were serious differences about voting,
including how decisions should be made.

Over optimistic: The cahiers raised expectations in the country and amongst the deputies that the
Estates General would bring about a fundamental overhaul of France. However, as an institution of the
Ancien Regime it could never meet these expectations.
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Lack of guidance: Finance was a major issue facing France, but the cahiers (lists of grievances sent to
the Estates General) were contradictory in the solutions they proposed, as there had been no royal
direction in their production, and this fed through to the early debates.

In summary:

The deputies of the Estates General called for social, economic, and political reform and drew up a long
list of grievances. However, they argued about whether they would vote by head or order. The third
estate would outnumber the other two if they voted by head. This produced a deadlock as the King
offered only weak support to the First and Second Estates but did not make any decisions or enforce his
own will. The First and Second Estates, the clergy and the nobility, were unable to work with the Third
Estate – the latter seeing itself as the most representative of all the three Estates.

The National Assembly, the Tennis Court Oath and the Fall of the Bastille

The establishment of the National Assembly

The Third Estate began meeting without the consultation of the other two and on 17 June declared itself
the National Assembly of France. They were gradually joined by some of the nobles and the majority of
the clergy. On 17 June 1789, the Third Estate, infuriated by the attitudes of the other two Estates,
adopted the ideas of Sieyes that sovereignty lay with the majority of the people of France, and that they
represented that majority. As a result, only they could decide on tax.

The indecision of the King and the growing sense of a national crisis were also factors.

With the King declaring their actions null and void, which appeared to add to their credibility, and being
increasingly joined by many of the lower clergy and some of the nobility, there was a general

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acceptance that this ‘National Assembly’ spoke for France.

The Tennis Court Oath

On 20 June they discovered that they had been locked out of the Chamber and, fearing a royal attack,
the deputies adjourned to the nearest building, a tennis court. Here they took the Tennis Court Oath and
vowed that they would not separate and continue to meet until ‘the constitution of the kingdom is
established’.

The Tennis Court Oath was taken by the Third Estate to show their solidarity and determination that the
King should make concessions. It was a sign of their protest. The oath can be seen as a revolutionary
act and an assertion that political authority derived from the people and their representatives rather than
the monarch himself.

Attack of the Bastille

The attack of the Bastille that followed was a culmination of a series of events which went back to the
summoning of the Estates General.

There had been very high hopes that the meeting of the Estates General would lead to real social,
economic and political change. By July 1789 it clearly had not.

There was also real hunger in Paris and real concern over the rise in prices for foodstuffs and wine.
Fear, rumour, royal indecision and incompetence, coupled with a breakdown in law and order in Paris in
the three days before the ‘storming’, led to a very tense atmosphere.
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The Bastille, seen as a symbol of royal authority in Paris, was an obvious target, even though it actually
represented no real threat to the insurgency. It was used as a store for gunpowder and weapons and
the Parisians, fearing reprisals from the King, wanted to gain access to these.

The king’s opposal to reform

The king’s actions during this period

Frustration with the king created new issues: Louis XVI sought to keep the Estates General’s voting bias
which discriminated against the Third Estate. In response it challenged the king’s power when it voted to
call itself the National Assembly and claimed it had the right to decide on matters of taxation. This had
never been a reason for the calling of the Estates General.

His bad faith: Whilst the new National Assembly was becoming more strident, the fear grew, which was
not unfounded, that Louis XVI was seeking to deploy additional troops in Paris to restore his authority.
This led to disorder, e.g., the storming of the Bastille. The end of the Estates General had come a little
earlier (9th. July) when the National Constituent Assembly was formed. Using the Estates General, an
old institution of the Ancien Regime, had shown that the issues France faced could only be dealt with by
new institutions based on new ideas.

Before the storming of the Bastille, there was also a strong fear that the King would use a growing
number of foreign mercenaries to impose his rule on the Parisians rather than use French soldiers
whose loyalty to the crown was doubtful.

The king’s opposal to reform

The King couldn’t accept that there had to be limits to his powers, and in the future he was to rule with
the consent of the people unlike how it was before the Revolution; the idea of compromise was alien to

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him, and was unwilling to make decisions.

He was stubborn and reluctant to accept reality, and the concept of ‘Divine Rights of Kings’ was very
important to him as monarch and saw it as something that could not just be watered down or modified.
He was a profound conservative as well, and had taken a solemn coronation oath promising to uphold
the Ancien Regime.

There was huge pressure from his courtiers and his wife who surrounded him in Versailles to ignore the
demands for change from below and there was a lack of clarity on such demands from his side. Many
amongst the clergy and nobility, the first and second Estates, were also opposed to any change. He was
too easily influenced by those who surrounded him and incapable of following through any serious
programme of change.

Many radicals also pushed for a republic and even a constitutional monarchy may not have been
acceptable to them. The enormity of the many demands to change was also a factor.

The August Decrees

The August Decrees were issued because of the pressure of immediate events. They were designed to
restore calm in the country and to placate the peasants, following the storming of the Bastille (July 14
1789) turmoil was created, which spread from Paris to the countryside.

This was known as the ‘Great Fear’ and saw noble families attacked and property destroyed. This
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frightened the property owners of the National Constituent Assembly, as the attacks on property were
made, often, irrespective of whether they were noble owned. They had no means available, however, to
restore order by force.

Against this background members of the Breton Club felt that only a grand gesture such as completely
transforming the nation’s social organisation would calm the peasants and restore order. This
heightened atmosphere, it has been suggested, led deputies to go further in their proposals than,
perhaps, they first intended. Aristocrats’ proponents had a history of support for the cause of patriotic
liberty. There was a perception that they were not posturing but were driven by idealism.

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Revolutionary and counter-revolutionary groups (their views and aims)

Revolutionary groups

Political clubs such as the Jacobins, were set up during the Revolution as there was a complete lack of
leadership and effective policies by the King and his ministers, so something had to fill the void. There
was considerable political inexperience amongst the membership of the Convention/Assembly. An
element of regionalism was present with deputies from the Gironde formed the Girondins.

The Clubs provided policies, debate, and a degree of leadership and coordination necessary for
anything to happen in the Assembly. They also provided centres where, for example, the pro and
anti-war factions could meet, or those supporting or opposing the execution of the King.

Some were enthusiastic about the execution of the monarchy and it was a definite aim for them, for
others it was something rather imposed on them. An end to the Ancien Regime and a move towards a
much more egalitarian society was certainly a factor that united them all.

Views and aims of the revolutionaries

The attitude and actions of the King, with his refusal to seriously compromise his position and consider
a constitutional monarchy was important. The ‘treason’ behind the flight to Varennes was also critical.
The role of his wife and the immediate court did not help either.
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There was a background of war, which heightened tension and gave rise to conflicting loyalties and
nationalistic feelings. There were inevitably many conflicting political and constitutional views, ranging
from those who wanted modest reform of the Ancien Regime to those with much more radical views
whose influence grew after the actions of the King and his foreign ‘allies’.

There were rapidly changing social and economic conditions throughout France as well which posed a
great range of challenges which influenced those at the centre of events.

Counter-revolutionary movement

Why did it emerge?

There was still genuine support for the monarchy and the Ancien Regime. The fear of moving into
uncharted territory from the political and constitutional point of view. The nobility and higher clergy
wanted to defend their privileges and wealth. There was a fear of radicalism and a dislike of the radical
revolutionary changes such as the seizure of wealth of the church and features such as the new
calendar. The extremes of the Jacobins and the Terror, support from abroad, such as from Austria and
the British, and dislike in the regions of the increasing domination of the capital were also factors.

Why was the movement a failure?

Internal divisions

Internal divisions among these counter-revolutionary groups also weakened them, and there was no
clear leader to lead the movement. Some wanted a restoration of the monarchy and the Ancien Regime

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and some agreed that concessions had to be made with the revolutionaries for the sake of the country.

The leadership was consistently divided in their objectives.They were bitterly divided over a whole range
of vital issues, the role of the Church, constitutionalism, foreign support as well as regional clashes.
There was simply no sign of any concerned action. Generally, they were out of touch with French public
opinion, particularly over whether to accept the ‘gains’ of 1789–1791.

There was no agreement on what their objectives should be, either to restore the Ancien Régime or to
accept at least a move towards a constitutional monarchy of some type. The incompetence of the King’s
leadership did not help prior to his execution and furthered the appeal of republicanism.

In many cases, those opposed to change were linked with Austria and Prussia which made them
appear to be committing treason and went counter to the growing appeal of nationalism. Many who
were monarchists at heart moved to neutrality over the issue of war.

Some wanted a complete return to the Ancien Regime, and others were prepared to contemplate a
constitutional monarchy. There was a real unwillingness to accept that there had to be real change by
any in a senior position.

Some were prepared to consider the abolition of privilege, others were not. There was never a good
leader, the heir after the execution of the King was an infant, who died young. The eventual Louis XVIII
seemed happier in safe retirement in England.

Too many of the leaders were also overly concerned with arguing over trivia, such as whether someone
was ‘noble’ enough to be accepted in their ranks.
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Lack of effective support

They also lacked effective support from foreign powers, some attempted to fight against France
especially between 1792-93, however none were able to defeat the revolutionary government. The
French army proved superior to all and managed to defend itself from any invaders. There was limited
and often erratic foreign support, and often other countries such as the British had other motives to
support a return to the Ancien Regime. The lack of quality foreign support from Austria was also a
factor.

The counter-revolutionaries’ support for the war against their own country made them look like traitors
while the military successes of the Republic weakened their cause and limited their support.

Support in France, in the Vendee and Brittany for example, was inconsistent and had varying motives.
Many potential supporters were often unwilling to leave their home regions.

Strong nationalistic feelings present were on the side of the revolutionaries once Austria and Prussia
had shown their hostility. While some of the ideas of the revolutionaries appalled, many had an appeal.

The main reason the counter-revolutionary movement failed is because they failed to realise that the
majority of the French populace did not want to return back to the absolutist monarchy and the Ancien
Regime again, instead they welcomed the gains of the revolution till date. These groups simply lacked
the ability to realise that the majority in France at the time simply did not wish for the return to the
monarchy, and most wanted a constitutional monarchy or at least a democratic system of government.
Most people did not want to go back to the Ancien Regime they so deeply hated.

Support for the revolutionary movement

The overwhelmingly popular demand for the ‘gains’ of 1789–91 made any chance of attaining a

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restoration of anything resembling the Ancien Regime highly unlikely. Most French people wanted to
retain many of the gains of 1789-91. When there was foreign support, it was seen as treasonable by
many to actually link up with it.

Reforms of the French society and government by the end of 1792

It was clear to many that by 1789, after the fall of the Bastille, a wider national uprising and the ‘Great
Fear’, that fundamental change had to happen. There was fundamental reform because a National
Assembly followed by the Legislative Assembly, was seen as the focal point of government in France.
Following the Tennis Court Oath, the fall of the Bastille and the Great Fear there had to be real change
and that was accepted by most, if not by the King.

The new Constitution represented a massive change from the way in which France had been governed
in the past and by the end of 1789 Feudalism had gone, along with the glaring inequities of the Ancien
régime. The Declarations of the Rights of Man and Citizenship were in place and the monarchy had
been reduced in status and given its ‘suspensive’ veto.

The fact that this formerly ‘divine’ institution was modified was in itself significant. Furthermore, the
Church was in effect nationalised and the new Civil Constitution of the Clergy was a major social
change.

There were a number of issues that the previous National Constituent Assembly had left unresolved, for
example the Civil Constitution to the Clergy. The assembly passed legislation decreed that all
clergymen must take the civic oath (essentially the same as the previous oath of loyalty to the republic).
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If the oath is not taken his pension may be lost or deportation if necessary would be done. The
legislation also ended clerical privilege and, although reluctantly accepted by the King, (which of course
gave it a degree of legitimacy) was enshrined the major gains of the revolution to date.

The ‘Bonfire of Privilege’ when feudalism effectively went, happened as early as August 1789. So many
of the institutions of the Ancien régime which had perpetrated inequality such as the Parlements, the
Provincial Estates and taxes like the gabelle, had gone. Additionally the National Assembly, which in its
own way became a very representative institution, became accepted as the ‘leader’ of France while the
hereditary nobility, with its attendant privileges, was abolished.

With local elections and judicial reform coming into force, these also represented a significant change.
Local government was run by local people on a remarkably democratic basis and tax equality arrived.
Elected JPs started to manage the judicial process locally and the concept of equality before the law
became rapidly established.

The Legislative Assembly believed that emigres had betrayed France and passed legislation to deal
with them. They established a three-class hierarchy of emigres as well as the punishments that would
correspond with each class - in order to protect the nation from counter-revolutionary activity from the
emigres. (later they banned the emigres from ever returning to France).

However, the King, always reluctant to accept any change except those forced on him, still in a position
of influence, the extent to which these reforms were really accepted could be open to question.

Many felt that the work done by the end of 1791 in ending the excesses of the Ancien régime was
sufficient progress and were opposed to any radical move forwards towards a more democratic and
egalitarian society.

There was also a growing counter - revolutionary movement and a real threat of possible invasion from
Austria and Prussia which could eliminate the changes to date. Changes had been made but how

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secure they were was open to question. Finally, the flight to Varennes increased opposition to the
continued role of the monarchy despite its inclusion in the revised constitution of Sept 1791.

The ‘revolution’ was still in a tenuous position by the end of 1792. The King, although under arrest, was
still a potential threat to the changes and had been distinctly lukewarm in his acceptance of the
Constitution. Austria and Prussia were major military powers and gathered their forces to destroy the
budding revolution.

There was also real hunger and poverty in France which could undermine the gains made and there
were still major social groups who were opposed to the changes such as many of the soigneurs and the
clergy.

Lawyers, members of the Parlements and office holders like collectors of the taille were potential
opponents of the new ideas, and there were still many with a vested interest in the Ancien Régime who
were not supporters of the changes.

Finally the ‘revolutionaries’ were bitterly divided between those who simply opposed the excesses of the
Ancien Regime and those who wanted radical political and social change.

Demands for reform, foreign threats and the impact of war on France

Flight to Varennes

In 1791, Louis XVI attempted to flee from France as he felt that Paris was restricting him from carrying
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out his duties as monarch. He did not accept the Civil Constitution of the Clergy enacted by the National
Assembly and was insincere when accepting the decrees after the October Days. He also may have
been influenced by his Austrian wife and courtiers to flee from France to probably receive support from
foreign powers such as Austria.

There was simple incompetence on his part was the main reason he attempted to flee, however he may
have tried to gain support from foreign powers in order to reclaim his position as absolute monarch.

The flight of Varennes provoked a strong reaction. It showed that Louis failed to understand the
popularity of the reforms made since 1789, and that he was against the Revolution - this made the
people question if he was able to remain as head of state. It was also apparent to the people that the
King was looking to gain support from the queen’s Austrian relatives so that France would be ‘liberated’
by foreign powers to reinstate the absolute monarchy which had existed before. The courtiers also
appeared to be determined to destroy the gains of the revolution, which was seen as treason by much
of the populace.

Many members of the Assembly called for a republic, and successfully voted to suspend the King until a
new constitution was completed. It made it very clear to most of the French people that only extreme
measures would now deal with the state of government in France in order to preserve the gains of the
Revolution.

Demands for reform becoming more radical:

● The dispute over how voting should take place in the Estates General led to demands for a
written constitution and the failure of the Estates General.
● Louis XVI showed no political nous – fears, not unfounded, that he intended to use troops
against the people of Paris led to the Storming of the Bastille.
● The August Decrees did reflect enlightenment ideas but, also, the government’s lack of any
forceful means to control disturbances in the countryside was a factor – the Decrees were a

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means to buy support and calm the situation.

● The flight to Varennes in 1791 led to calls for the removal of the king – e.g. the petition signing
on the Champs de Mars
● The pressures resulting from involvement in war led to the insurrection of August 10 1792 and
the end of the monarchy and the establishing of a republic
● The absence of any compromise between the Ancien Regime and radical democracy.

Increasing hostility towards the King:

● The increased reluctance on the part of the King and his entourage to compromise when it came
to sovereignty or make any concessions towards a constitutional monarchy.
● It became clear that the revolutionary gains of 1790–91 were not likely to last under Louis. The
behaviour of the remainder of the royal family indicated real hostility to the revolutionary process.
There was no evidence to suggest that the King would accept a ‘constitutional’ role.
● The aristocracy tended to support the royal approach and the attitudes of the Austrians (the
Queen’s relatives) and the Prussians showed that there could be support for absolutism coming
from abroad.
● The flight to Varennes demonstrated Louis’ weaknesses which only intensified the opposition to
him.
● While there had been some ‘revolutionary’ gains, they appeared tenuous and there was still a
background of considerable social and economic distress which inevitably reflected back on the
monarch. Little had been done by the monarch to deal with pressing issues such as hunger.

Why did France go to war?

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There was a real fear that Austria and Prussia would intervene to support Louis and destroy the
revolution. The queen’s brother was also the emperor of Austria. Both countries had declared support
for Louis and opposition to the revolution in the 1791 Declaration of Pilnitz. The activities of the emigres
also heightened the tension by deserting to the Austrian enemy, and evidence that the queen was doing
all she can to help her brother and the Austrians, and the fact that the King wanted the Austrians to
invade made it very clear where his sympathies lay.

Radical and inexperienced members of the Assembly began to demand a war against Austria and
Prussia - although neither country wished to invade France. The radicals hoped that the war would force
the king to take sides and either support the revolution or abdicate and flee from France. They also
wanted to make a name for themselves and show Europe that the Assembly is a competent system of
government. The main reason for the war can be concluded as aggression by the National Assembly.

September Massacre and the abolition of the monarchy

The war with Austria meant that sides had to be taken, and many Frenchmen had to choose between
the revolution and the monarchy. The king made it clear that he was against the revolution - and this
angered many including the radicals in the National Assembly (the flight of Varennes also corroborates
his views)

In an event known as the September Massacre, there was an outbreak of violence in Paris where the
Paris mob took control of the city and directed the National Guard to storm the Tuileries Palace where
the King lived. The National Guard proceeded to massacre several hundred of the King’s guards, and
resulted in the King’s arrest and imprisonment. This made it clear that full executive power has firmly
passed on to the people.

The Assembly dissolved itself and a new body, known as the National Convention, replaced it. The king
was no more, and the country was declared a republic and the radical Jacobins seized their opportunity

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by providing an effective solution to govern the country.

The king’s opposition to change, his distrust and incompetence, and fear that he was supporting the
Austrian enemy, the war and the events of the September Massacre all contributed to the feeling that
the revolution would only survive with its gains preserved if he was killed.

Louis XVI’s execution

The flight to Varennes seemed to show that the king supported foreign invasion to undo the Revolution
and this made many Frenchmen see him as a traitor. After the flight to Varennes, radicals such as the
Jacobins gained political influence - they were the first political group to demand the execution of the
King. Events such as the Champ de Mars massacre and the September Massacre (attack on the
Tuileries) caused many of the Parisians to see the king as the cause of the death of many of their fellow
citizens.

The discovery in the Tuileries Palace of the king’s secret correspondence with the Austrians seemed to
show that he was encouraging counter-revolution and was a further sign of his bad faith against the
revolution. It was made public and undoubtedly influenced the debates over the King’s fate. He was
executed in early 1793 (21 January).

As such, the King was put on trial and was found guilty of treason, and was condemned to death. He
was executed in early 1793. The king was executed as he was reluctant to make concessions (e.g. Civil
Constitution of the Clergy) which made him appear as a barrier to reform.

The execution fail to end political instability due to a number of reasons:

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● Louis left an heir.
● There were still many defenders of the Ancien Regime.
● There were still major social and economic issues unresolved
● The status of the Church was still unresolved.
● The revolutionaries were badly split between moderates and radicals.
● There was press freedom which encouraged the spread of radical ideas.

How did the wars affect the course of the Revolution?

● Involvement in foreign wars had a profound impact on the whole course of the French
Revolution because it was integral to the rise of Napoleon, which arguably brought the revolution
to an end. It also drove many to extremes to protect the revolution, the Terror for example.
Involvement in foreign wars was also costly, the taxation and conscription led to hostility and
support for the counter-revolutionary processes.
● It also generated a great deal of loyalty to the revolutionary regimes and French military
success, such as Jemappes and Fleurus. This naturally boosted the prestige of the regime and
ensured its survival.
● Additionally, involvement led to the creation of an army which could be as large as 750,000
strong. This was used to repress counter revolutionary movements, for example the work of
Hoche and his troops. It also led to the acquisition of Piedmont, the Rhineland and Belgium, an
increase in the size of France by 20%, which boosted popularity.
● The successful armies and its generals also led to the Directory losing control of its generals,
and its ultimate downfall. Arguably the whole course of the Revolution would have been
profoundly different if there had been no foreign wars.

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Political instability, the rise of the Jacobins and the Reign of Terror

Political instability

Divisions amongst the revolutionaries

The revolutionary groups such as the Jacobins were extremist and radical, and they caused the Terror.
Radicalism in so many areas alienated the moderate opinion and gave ammunition to the
counter-revolutionaries

There was a lack of consensus among the groups on how France should be governed and who should
govern it. There was a huge divide between those who wanted the death of the King and those who did
not, as well as those who could not agree on whether there should be a constitutional monarchy or not.

Major class issues- how far down the social scale should participation go? The huge splits between the
various factions/clubs as well as between the regions and Paris, and town and country. Huge divisions
over the role of the Church and its wealth and position in society. The degree of political inexperience of
the revolutionaries.

Division was also enhanced by regional factors (i.e. the Girondins were from the Gironde region of
France - element of regionalism).There was a dislike of the dominant role of Paris in national affairs and
the destruction of so much of the Ancien Regime, such as the Church and the nobility, without any clear
picture of a possible new social order.
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There was a disagreement over the role of the King/Monarchy, whether to retain the autocracy, reform it,
or get rid of it altogether. The reluctance of the King to give a clear lead and his unwillingness to
compromise. The flight to Varennes and his links with foreign powers caused further problems. The
large range of legitimacy issues after the execution of the King. Where did/should power lie? Where
should sovereignty lie?

In addition, the Terror brought chaos to both the centre and the regions, and the scope for any common
ground from those in favor of reform was seriously diminished by their actions

The King and his role in political instability

The King’s opposition to reforms including the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Civil
Constitution of the Clergy divided opposition and increased instability, it made the likelihood of any
constitutional settlement almost impossible. He failed to embrace the need for radical and fundamental
reform, and there was fear that he was planning to use royal troops to restore his position led to the
storming of the Bastille.

He was personally unsuited to his role and did not have the ability to deal with it. The behaviour of his
wife and the courtiers was also a major factor causing instability and the emigres started early with their
counter-revolutionary activity. The flight to Varennes and his support for Austria showed his true beliefs;
he seemed to be committing treason against his own country.

He failed to support any of the reform measures and it was lukewarm at best when he did accept them
and the notion of constitutional monarchy was eroded by Louis XVI’s often hostile attitude towards
political change, leading to his execution in Jan 1793, which further polarised politics.

The flight of the emigres and their counter-revolutionary activities abroad. There were active opponents
of any change to the Ancien Regime and there was, of course, the attitude of Austria and Prussia
(counter-revolutionaries). The negative roles of many in both the nobility and clergy in resisting change

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was a major factor.

Social and economic factors

Taxation was a highly contentious issue throughout the period, as well as the issuing of the Assignats.
They issued assignats to deal with the issue of national debt and reduce taxation. However, due to the
government’s lack of control over the amount to be printed, their value grew beyond the confiscated
property’s limits, causing inflation.

It was issues over the inequality of taxation and the national debt which could be seen as critical factors
in setting off the whole revolutionary process, as could hunger and economic deprivation amongst the
poor. Industrial and agricultural output fell, foreign trade declined, prices rose during this time, all of
which had a negative impact on government finances.

Poverty, both in urban and rural areas and a real shortage of food and poor harvests were a driving
force in the events leading up to 1789. There was widespread hunger and social unrest, and a direct
correlation between the extremism of the Paris mob, the sans-culottes, and the rising price of bread.
Food prices increased, and poor harvests caused food shortages, which exacerbated inflation. The
assignats became a cause of food riots and public disorder as a result.

Shortages and famines were created as a result of the Law of the Maximum established by the CPS in
1793. The CPS proceeded to send troops to seize foods in the provinces which only alleviated food
shortages in Paris while exacerbating shortages in other parts of the country. The assignats became a
cause of food riots and public disorder as a result.
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The challenges and strains imposed by the war after 1792 were also influential.

● What Paris wanted and what the regions wanted could differ fundamentally. It could also be
argued that, given the state of France in 1789 with the huge range of social, economic and
political problems that it faced, the chance of any stability at all was unlikely
● Sheer range and depth of the social, economic and political problems which France faced in
1789 was beyond the scope of any one man to deal with.

The Jacobins

The Jacobins managed to attain an unusual degree of unity at key times and were particularly good at
communicating with others and within their own grouping. They were able to gain support both within
Paris and in other urban areas, and had several powerful and able leaders, such as Robespierre.

They were able to offer radical and plausible policies after the execution of the King, were well
connected in both local and provincial government and were good at propaganda, using the free press
well. Their festivals and de-Christianisation movement were popular with many in the urban areas.

The Jacobins opposed Louis XVI as they wished to gain leadership of the revolutionary process and
spearheaded the move away from the Estates General/National Assembly status. They were primarily
Democrats and parliamentarians and wished to move at least towards a constitutional settlement, and
were patriotic and also essentially egalitarian. They wished to protect the gains of the revolution by force
and radical means if necessary. Many were anti-Christian, some just anti-clerical, and underneath it all,
radicals

The Reign of Terror (1792-94)

There were a range of threats to the Republic following the start of revolution; the beginnings go back to

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the use of force in the Bastille attack and then the Sept. 1792 prison massacres in Paris and in
Versailles.

After the declaration of war against Austria in 1792, there was fear of invasion - the British attacked in
the Channel and the Mediterranean as well. This meant that the revolution could be overturned. All
methods had to be used to make sure it didn’t occur.

There was anti-Jacobin violence outside Paris in the regions and the counter-revolution gained ground
and confidence. Therefore, radical measures had to be taken to prevent the country from falling apart.
Cities such as Lyons and Toulon were breaking away and it was felt that radical measures had to be
taken to save the gains of 1789-92.

Given the circumstances of the sans-culottes, whose support was essential to the Jacobins, they
demanded that the CPS act firmly (direct pressure from the sans-culottes). The Jacobins also saw this
as a way of consolidating their power by casting opponents as threats to the Revolution.

Robespierre believed in the notion of the ‘General Will’. This represented the interests of everyone, not
just the few. The Revolution would bring about a republic built for this ideal. Therefore, anyone who
sought to oppose this ideal had to be dealt with in order to preserve the ‘Republic of Virtue’.

Why did the Terror come to an end?

The Jacobins were often badly divided between moderate and radical wings, and were seen as many
as too radical and they were also seen as players in the ‘Paris v. the provinces’ divide The Terror and its
implications could be seen as largely their responsibility and its leadership was often both divisive and
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divided.

The de-Christianisation movement won it few friends, and were simply too radical for the majority of the
French people at the time and lacked the basic power to impose themselves effectively on France. The
campaign, while popular with some in Paris, offended many in the rural areas. The revolution had
become too radical and alienated too much opinion.

The bad military situation had been reversed, so there was seen to be less need for radical measures;
the republic was no longer in danger. The CPS was badly divided about the need to continue with it.

With the deaths of Danton and Robespierre there was the opportunity to return to a more ‘constitutional’
approach. The sense of danger and threat to the gains of 1790-1791 had passed.

The Thermidorean Reaction, which took place in 1794, put an end to Jacobin rule but not to political
instability. The Jacobins still had support, and disorder broke out in April-May 1795. This led to the
‘White Terror’ against these supporters. Thus, violence rather than any notion of legitimate popular
sovereignty was the determinant in politics.

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Directory (success and failures), and Napoleon’s rise to power

Successes Failures

Aims of the Directory Opposition to the Directory

The Directory was established primarily to provide In summary, the Directory failed to offer a solution
a solution to the problems facing France after the to the contemporary political, social, and economic
Ancien Régime, the execution of the King and the problems facing France at the time, which were a
Terror. Survival and a defence of the existing legacy of the Revolution. The background of war,
gains of the 1791–92 period was important to all coup attempts, and possible counter-revolutionary
key figures involved. activities which created instability and eroded the
Directory’s authority. It was not able to manage the
There was a strong reaction to the excesses of complexity of both the religious and constitutional
the Terror and the Jacobins, and a dislike of their issues facing France at the time, and they
De-Christianisation process - the more managed it only adequately.
conservative appearance of the Directory had
wide appeal. The Directory’s tenure of power was marked by
various coups and constant instability at the centre
It introduced a period of comparative calm after and in the regions. While it did offer some stability
the Terror and the Revolution had largely been a and managed some competent government, there
destructive force before the Directory. The Terror was the constant background of war and possible
has ended, and executions declined rapidly. The counter revolutionary activity.
sans-culottes ceased to be so powerful and the
royalists less significant. When contrasted with the It was seen (perhaps unfairly?) to have failed to get
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previous years, it was an oasis of calm. a really effective system of government going and it
never effectively solved the issue of the link
There were no major uprisings in the period, between the executive and legislative parts of
competent local government was established, and government.
signs of a workable police system were emerging.
The system of government the Directory
The aim of the Directory was to provide a represented lacked legitimacy and failed to
workable system of government which was based establish a degree of permanency. Few really
on at least some of the principles which respected the Directory’s authority, and it was seen
underpinned the events of the early 1790s and as an unfortunate necessity rather than a regime
would hopefully survive the hostile attentions of which would last and end the years of instability.
various foreign powers. The Constitution of 1795 Many saw the Directory as unpopular and
was made to work reasonably well, and it was a inefficient, with few real friends and supporters and
remarkable step forward constitutionally for what tended to be viewed merely as a temporary
had been an autocracy for centuries. Coping with measure until something better could be found.
annual elections was a great achievement.
It also faced an absence of consensus in France for
There was a desire to find an acceptable any system of government and they had to contend
constitutional settlement and make this with a whole series of major problems after the
revolutionary democratic system actually work. Terror and the execution of the King. There was a
The judiciary and local government were reformed complete lack of consensus about how France
and made to work with reasonable efficiency. The could and should be governed. Most people wanted
remarkable concept of the separation of powers stability and the gains of 1789-91. The legislature
was actually made to work. was too strong, and the executive was too weak to
govern effectively.

It looked too much like a group of middle-class men

managing France in their own interests and they
did not grasp fully the extent of the social and

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economic problems facing France at the time.

Many property owners feared a Jacobin revival or

monarchical restoration which would result in the
loss of their recent acquisitions. The continuation of
weak government by the Directory seemed to bring
either of these two unwanted outcomes even closer

Successes of the Directory Coup attempts

The Directory built on the huge achievements of The Directory faced many coups, which
1791-92, and they made democratic institutions undermined its authority and damaged its
work, such as yearly elections and the secret reputation, and made it appear to be solely
ballot, in accordance with the Revolution’s concerned with political survival as an end, rather
democratic ideas - these franchises were far than continuing the ideas of the Revolution.
broader than their European neighbours, and the Authoritarian methods often had to be used in order
press was remarkably free. These reforms were a to put down coup attempts.
remarkable achievement given the background. It
was certainly not their intention to make a Coups continued, such as 18 Fructidor V, 22
profound change in direction backwards. Floreal VI, 30 Prairial VII and the final one of
Brumaire. The latter coincided with a royalist
The constitution of 1795 created a broad uprising in the southwest. There was a continuation
electorate, with, by 18th century standards, an of the coups and real political difficulties in 1796
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extensive franchise. There was a degree of peace and 1797 and it was a coup that overthrew it.
and stability within France, which was greater Coups such as 18 Fructidor V did not help give the
than it had been since 1789. impression of future stability. The Directory was
discredited and there was fear for the return of the
The Directory was able to maintain, and increase Terror.
French prosperity by 1799, especially through
their successes in the wars against their The Directory attempted to impose its own
European enemies. Its foreign policy was hand-picked candidates in the election, which
successful, and the war progressed well, and had fueled anti-democratic sentiment, and nullified the
the support of the army. election results in 1797 during the Coup of
Fructidor, this ran counter to the Revolution’s
The decision to dispatch Napoleon to Italy had ideals.
provided it with some military glory through his
victories in the Italian campaign. A large army It was becoming increasingly authoritarian as it
performed brilliantly under his leadership. The tried to do a proper job and seemed to be moving
Italian campaign was a success, and there was away from the ideals of the Revolution
competent management of both the war and
foreign policy. Arguably, the comparative ease with which the
Directory was overthrown might also suggest a lack
of success. The Directory came to an end due to
the coup and the regional instability throughout its
period of rule, and it could not establish firm
foundations.

The left and the right Threats from the left and right

It occupied the middle ground between the

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excesses of the Ancien Regime and those of the The Directory had to deal with major threats from
Terror. It tried to find a ‘middle’ constitutional way the royalists and the ‘right’ as well as threats such
between the extreme royalists and radicals. as Babeuf from the left. It had to manage wars,
which at times did not go at all well. There was also
There was also an attempt to find consensus no credible figure capable of leading France on
between the huge range of conflicting groups, either the right or the left.
ranging from the Jacobins to the monarchists, let
alone the extremists like Babeuf. Radicals like There was growing opposition from both the left
Babeuf were dealt with as well. (Jacobin revival) and the right (royalists) and
increasing threat of uprisings.

The failure of the Directory to appeal to or to

eliminate threats from both the Jacobins and the
Royalists was also a factor and was not effectively
managed. There was also too much focus on
possible threats from the Left or the Right.

There were significant royalist and neo-Jacobin

gains in many elections, and these were ominous.
There were royalist risings and it appeared to many
that the Directory had started to abandon the ideals
of the Revolution. With the election of many royalist
deputies in 1797 there was a genuine concern for
the gains of the revolution and a growing disillusion
with democracy.
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A free press encouraged radicalism which led again
to a desire for stability and a more authoritarian
system along the lines which had run France for
centuries. There was also no attempt to resolve the
problems caused by the de-Christianisation
programme

They could provide no solution to the fundamental

issue of ‘how is France to be governed?’ which
pleased a wide enough range of the population.

Economic successes Economic difficulties/wars

Economic prosperity and security were goals of Many of the economic issues which had led to the
the Revolution and the desire to establish them revolution remained.
were preserved by the Directory. There was
recovery after the terrible winter of 1794-5 and its An acceptable system of taxation could not be
resultant hunger. There were genuine attempts to reached, and the wars caused a serious economic
deal with the issue of hunger and to restore a problem. Real hunger continued in many parts of
rational system of central control of the regions, France and there were two bad harvests during the
while at the same time showing awareness of rule of the Directory.
local interests and needs.
The economy, which was causing most concern to
They had some good ideas of financial most French people, was not focused on. Inflation
administration which were a great deal more became an increasingly important issue and there
egalitarian in concept than any of those of the was simply no idea how to tackle it. The currency
Ancien Regime. A move towards dealing with the issue, a major problem, was also not resolved.
assignats and the appalling level of debt was Partial bankruptcy and debt repudiation occurred in

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made with some success. 1797. Corruption at all levels of government

became endemic.

The war that France was also fighting was deeply

unpopular because of the increased taxation and
conscription. To make matters worse the war was
not going well. The Directory also failed to realise
the implication of allowing Napoleon to control so
much of the Italian campaign and its aftermath,
which he later took to his advantage. They also let
the military led by Napoleon get too powerful.

Napoleon’s rise to power (his views and skills) - military reputation and political ambitions of
Napoleon

Napoleon was a successful general which created popular appeal and made him appear a viable
alternative. He had the support of his army, and he had a track record of success. He was also good,
initially, at cloaking his ambitions. His boldness and military support were factors, as were his use of
force.

Napoleon’s ambition and his timing, together with his successful career and record, also made him a
strong alternative. He had the ability to play on the desire of many for social stability, stable government,
and glory abroad. He had brought glory to France. He also had good propaganda skills and an excellent
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grasp of the social, economic, and political situation.

He presented himself as antiradical but a supporter of the principal revolutionary gains. He was a
consolidator and not a reactionary or an extreme Jacobin. He was an authoritarian figure who could find
a middle way between the excesses of the Revolution and the failings of the Ancien Regime, and who
could gain legitimacy at the same time, was the only possible solution to the problem of the French
government in 1799. The way he presented himself as the consolidator of the revolution was clever and
he ensured he did not come across as too radical either.

Support of the people and the army, his popularity - military reputation and political ambitions of
Napoleon

Napoleon was a very successful general in Italy and had sent, very publicly, a fair amount of loot back to
France. Glory and prestige for France were associated with his name. He had benefited from
considerable freedom of action in Italy and was used to decision-taking on a large scale – the dealings
with Austria, for example. He had a great capacity for self-promotion which appealed to many. That was
important in getting him noticed initially, and it was also important to an extent in his retention of power.
The great victories at Austerlitz (1805) and Jena (1806) also helped to confirm his position.

He was also popular and was welcomed as a hero after his return from Egypt. Napoleon also showed
political nous (intelligence) and his timing was impeccable by leaving Egypt and reaching France before
knowledge of his failing became common knowledge, and he tried to downplay it in his newspapers
which were biased to his advantage.

France had been ruled by an authoritarian regime for centuries and there may well have been a
yearning for a return to ‘normalcy’, and his association with military success and ‘élan’ plus clever use of
propaganda did him no harm.

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The confused results of the election of 1798 furthered aroused anxiety which Napoleon played on. His
own military record looked useful, particularly as there had been military failings elsewhere.

He benefited from the disputes between the executive and legislative powers in France, with the regime
there falling into disrepute and the royalist victories in the election of 1797 causing more concern.
Coups such as 18 Fructidor V did not help give the impression of future stability in the Directory, which
was discredited.

Napoleon had an excellent status with the support of the army, it made him a national figure as he had
brought considerable glory to France. His army was also critical in ensuring the coup worked and that
there was no armed opposition.

The army also looked to him as a leader and supported him in his quest to overthrow the weak Directory
- which happened with the Coup of Brumaire where Napoleon led troops to move against the Council of
500, this led to the end of the Directory and the establishment of the three-man consulate led by
Napoleon.

Napoleon still managed to arouse tremendous admiration and retain great support in France. Reaction
against the failings of the Directory and the many excesses of the revolutionary period also played a
part. He represented stability (after a while) but also a degree of continuity. He cleverly adopted the
‘best’ of the French Revolution while discarding the unpopular extremes such as the Terror and the
Dechristianisation programme.

He was well aware of the background of coups and took great care to stress that many of the
revolutionary gains became part of French law. He provided good, stable, government and ensured that
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the most important, to the middle class, gains of the revolution were maintained.

Support of his brother Lucien, Sieyes and Fouche (the 1799 Brumaire coup)

He also enjoyed the support of his brother and men like Fouche and Sieyes. His propaganda skills and
political astuteness also marked him out.

Lucien Bonaparte’s work prior to the coup was instrumental to the ending of the Directory. His earlier
tireless efforts to rally support for the coup of 1799, resulted in the Directory’s overthrow in 1799. He
also played a key role in the vital ‘seizure of power’ days as well. He also had an important role in the
coup itself as he was a key member of the lower chamber and persuaded them to accept the Coup. The
military were then able to force the Council of Ancients to accept it.

With the astute constitutional work of Sieyes, he had a great asset there as well. Sieyes, one of the
Directors, played an important role in supporting the coup as he believed he could use Napoleon to
further his own political ambitions.

Napoleon had a superb military reputation due to his successes in Italy and in Egypt. His victories
attested to his military ability and created popular appeal - which was one of the reasons why Sieyes
and Fouche looked to him for support when planning the coup for support (to arrange the necessary
military support).

The initial reaction to the coup was muted as it was seen by the Directory - ‘Consuls’ instead of
Directors. Many assumed that the coup was simply another part of an evolutionary revolutionary
process and did not see it as unduly significant.

The new constitution was produced extremely quickly and was a sensible and popular move. Napoleon

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was good at anticipating what would, and would not, be acceptable to the French people at the time.
The speed with which he produced a constitution was also critical; he seemed to offer a real alternative
in the eyes of most people and an end to the instability which had been the most prominent feature of
French politics for well over a decade.

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 French Revolution - Napoleon’s domestic aims and achievements

Napoleon’s domestic aims and achievements from 1799-1814

Napoleon’s authoritarian government (consolidation of his rule)

He was the figurehead of the coup in 1799 because of his popular military successes, and because he
showed that he was a defender of the Revolution against its enemies (such as the
counter-revolutionaries).

There were three consuls to share power, a difference from the monarchy and Robespierre’s
dictatorship.

Certainly initially, the re-establishment of order after the turmoil of the revolutionary years was a central
aim, and the way in which he adopted the features of the revolution which would calm the more radical
elements while at the same time not alarming the more conservative forces is part of this.

His policies as First Consul can be said to have not openly contradict his claim that he was continuing
the best features of the Revolution - for example plebiscites were used as a form of popular consent,
albeit carefully managed. They did, nonetheless, pay some lip-service to the revolutionary idea of
consent. All that happened at home was subordinate to his aim to dominate all of Europe and that his
principal domestic aim was to create a war machine that could dominate Europe and the Middle East.

He sought to ensure that the grievances which had been felt by so many before 1789 did not return.
Arguably it was his version of ‘enlightened despotism’ which really worked. He achieved a sensible
balance between the long-established autocracy of the past with the clearly popular ideas of the early
revolutionary period.
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Given the turmoil that France had been through in the previous two decades, his ability to identify the
principal concerns of a majority of the French people and respond to them was exceptional. It could be
argued that France had had enough turmoil and would have accepted any solution which seemed to
offer stability, let alone progress and glory.

He successfully tried to find an acceptable middle way between revolution/anarchy and autocracy. While
it could be argued that he went too far in the direction towards autocracy, he laid a basis for a regime
that was not fundamentally altered for decades.

What could be challenged is how ‘great’ a reformer he was. Arguably he did enough to ensure sufficient
support to stay in power and his motivation for many of the changes might well have been to
consolidate his own power and further his imperial ambitions. He sensed what the public wanted and
delivered it.

Nature and impact of reforms (legal, educational, social, financial)

‘Good’ ‘Bad’

Legal reforms

The use of plebiscites promoted a sense of The democratic element of elections was minimal,
democracy, and showed the support Napoleon as they were more the presentation of candidates,
had together with the glory for France he gained restricted to the notables, seen as suitable for
with his victories and territorial acquisition selection as deputies.

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He brought political, social and economic stability Plebiscites were under the control of the
to France and there was a little apparent or real government and the franchise was limited.
opposition The representative institutions were very token and
the device of the plebiscite.

Napoleon was interested in domestic reform as he

needed to appeal to a variety of different classes,
especially the middle class who had led the
revolution and the very conservative peasantry and
needed to restore stability to France. He wished to
secure himself in power. The greater part of his
reforms lasted well into the 19th century.

His legal reforms made France much more of an His ability to downplay the failures of his rule was
egalitarian and tolerant society. also an important factor - he played the ‘patriotic’
card successfully and managed opposition
Successive governments had tried to organise a intelligently
national legal system. Napoleon aimed to succeed
where they had failed. He understood that the growing bourgeoisie in
France and a deeply conservative peasantry were
He wanted to show that he was the heir of the major forces and ensured that the interests of both
Revolution by establishing the principle of the were intelligently catered for.
equality of all before the law.
He was the dominant decision maker in all matters
of policy such as the Concordat and the Civil Code.
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and made peace without consultation or
consideration. This gave rise to the idea that he
was a dictator.

In 1801, and for the rest of his rule, Napoleon used

a select group to act as intermediaries between the
government and the people. This group was drawn
from the richest men in the department. Thus,
popular choice was reduced whilst the wealthy
gained further influence.

Napoleon’s policies were designed to enhance his

power - the careful use and management of
plebiscites and the decline of any representative
institutions

The increased centralization of power in Paris, in

the person of the Emperor and the control of
education also increased his personal power.

The Civil Code would foster uniformity and

centralisation in France, thereby consolidating his
personal control.

He took considerable steps to deal with the

opposition and made himself Emperor to create a
hereditary monarchy within his family’s control

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The Ancien Régime had definitely ended and The Civil Code allowed for greater centralization,
major elements of the Revolution, such as the and thereby, greater personal control for Napoleon.
ending of feudalism, were firmly incorporated into
France. An emphatically fairer and judicial legal Introducing the Code would allow Napoleon’s views
system was brought in. to become dominant.

There was a need to introduce the Code because The Code was influenced greatly by the
the old feudal system with its outdated laws and authoritarian ideas of Roman Law. and
customs had been dealt a death-blow by the emphasised male authority and the rights of the
Revolution. There was a need to establish a father, and so undermined and reversed many
uniform legal system which reflected the new gains made by women during the Revolution.
situation in France.
Equality now did not extend to females. This fitted
The French Civil Code in 1804 was instituted, and well with Napoleon’s views on society and his belief
it forbade privileges based on birth, allowed in the inferior position of women.
freedom of religion and stated that the most
qualified must be given government jobs.

The Civil Code was a major step forward, and it

enshrined equality for all before the law and the
establishment of uniform laws brought rationality
to the French legal system. This clearly benefited
all. It solved many problems and lasted. It was a
good blend of the old and the new.
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It put into effect a written law which included many
of the great ideas of the Revolution, and gave
legal sanction to some of the most important legal
developments of the 1790s – confirming the
abolition of feudalism and giving fixed legal title to
those who had earlier purchased confiscated
church, crown and émigré property.

His actions regarding local administration and the

fiscal system can be seen as completing work
begun in 1789-1793 and 1795-1799.

He established a centralised and effective system

of local government which responded well to
direction from the centre, and also reported
concerns upwards effectively. This system of
Prefects and Sub Prefects led to much greater
efficiency in the localities and local administration
in France uniformly improved.

He invested in infrastructure and law and order

returned to the regions.

The level of corruption in local government

dropped considerably and there was a lot of
competence in his administration.

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 French Revolution - Napoleon’s domestic aims and achievements

Educational reforms

‘Good’ ‘Bad’

Education was widened and the idea of ‘careers The Imperial University, in function a kind of
open to the talents’ and new ideas such as Ministry of Education, was founded in 1808. It
promotion on grounds of merit offered controlled the curriculum and appointed all state
opportunities for some social mobility. secondary school teachers. It offered no room for
freedom of thought or expression for either staff or
He therefore gained support from formerly pupils.
alienated classes, as well as the middle class
which had led much of the revolutionary process.

Social reforms

‘Good’ ‘Bad’

The Concordat of 1801 with the Pope did uphold The Concordat with the Pope was seen by many
the principle of religious freedom, a clear revolutionaries as a betrayal of all that had been
revolutionary ideal. This deal with the Church was achieved since 1789 in limiting the power and
vital for social stability. influence of the Catholic Church in France.

There was now a much better and sensible Gaining the support of the Church through the
relationship between the Church and the State. Concordat also ensured the supremacy of their
State (France).
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The Concordat, while not seen as a reform
necessarily by ecclesiastics, was a rational
solution to a complex problem. His insistence on
tolerance for all was an important step forward.

The Roman Catholic Church was the majority

church of France, again with civil status. He
selected the bishops and supervised the church’s
finances, which pacified the revolutionaries.

He took care not to offend Catholic sensibilities

and was aware that there were limits to his
authority

He was an effective propagandist and in 1802, he His was an authoritarian regime and while there
instituted the Legion of Honour to encourage were the plebiscites, there was a growing autocracy
civilian and military achievements. and censorship and ‘police state’ under Fouche,
and a deprivation of civil liberties. Great care was
There was careful censorship, which his regime taken to deal with potential and actual opposition.
needed. An effective and efficient police force and
careful management of any dissent was in place His use of the plebiscite was very clever and he
under the work of Fouche. He wished for no return knew the value of propaganda. His tight control of
to the frequent coups of the past. the localities showed signs of much similarity to the
Ancien Regime.
There was a degree of repression, but he was
careful not to overdo it. The personal freedom of all was restricted through
the policy of spies and censorship. By 1811 only
four newspapers remained in Paris and all were
subject to police supervision.

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 French Revolution - Napoleon’s domestic aims and achievements

Financial reforms

‘Good’ ‘Bad’

He took great care to ensure that the worst The economy was very carefully managed with
elements of poverty were eliminated, controlling state control dominant. It was an authoritarian
the price of bread for example, fearing a growing regime which paid lip service to the idea of consent,
working-class unrest. The price and availability of and was a long way from the constitutional
bread helped to keep peasant support. Care was monarchy dreamt of by many in the early 1790s.
taken to ensure food supply and prices.
France experienced no agricultural revolution, with
He took great care to deal with potential sources farming continuing to use the same subsistence
of disorder, such as conservative dislike for methods. This was no doubt the result of the
religious changes. plentiful harvests up to 1811.

The founding of the Bank of France in 1800 and Napoleon did rationalise the fiscal system.
then its direct control by the state in 1806 helped However, the shift was now from direct to indirect
establish France’s creditworthiness and thereby taxation, i.e. consumption was taxed. Thus, the
contributed to financial stability. The introduction burden now fell on the consumer, and most
of a new metal coinage in 1803 provided for a consumers were poor.
strong and stable currency and helped make the
country solvent. There was overregulation of industry and
commerce, with micromanagement from the centre.
The policy of rationalisation also extended to the In industry, Napoleon did provide subsidies to
fiscal system - something previous governments manufacturers, but it did not appear to be a priority
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sought to do but had not succeeded in doing. for him.
Therefore, Napoleon’s action here was a benefit.
The guaranteeing of property rights under the
There was much fairer taxation than had been the Consulate was more of a benefit to the
case in the past, and taxation fell equally. There middle-class than the rural and urban poor.
were significant attempts to develop the economy
of France which would benefit all and not just a Conscription was not popular and damaged the
few. There were real attempts to improve rural economy. The cost and impact of wars led to
infrastructure such as roads and navigable unpopularity and resentment of both taxation and
waterways, which were popular conscription.

Therefore, these actions of Napoleon benefitted

all and were in marked contrast as to what had
gone before in France.

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