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Fighting the Lion: Nationalist Masculinity in Sam Nujoma's

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Fulkerson Dikuua, Kelly J., "Fighting the Lion: Nationalist Masculinity in Sam Nujoma's Autobiography"
(2017). Africana Studies Student Research Conference. 2.
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Fighting the Lion: Nationalist Masculinity in Sam Nujoma’s Autobiography

Abstract

Dr. Samuel Nujoma’s autobiography, Where Others Wavered: My Life in SWAPO and My
Participation in the Liberation Struggle, documents his life as a pivotal figure in the Namibian
war for independence leading to his tenure as the first president of Namibia (1990-2005).
Nujoma, known as the “Founding Father” of Namibia, occupies a larger-than-life sphere within
the public imagination through monuments, public photographs, placards and street names.
Nujoma’s autobiography prescribes a certain type of national citizenship that details a specific
construction of masculinity for Namibian men. This paper analyzes his autobiography, arguing
that Nujoma constructs a hegemonic masculinity based on four key features: 1. leadership; 2.
initiation to manhood; 3. the use of physical strength; 4. strictly defined gender roles. This
literary analysis will enter a broader discussion as to how in the face of global economic shifts
and the introduction of neoliberal structural adjustment policies, Nujoma’s masculinity remains
unattainable to many male youths today who struggle with a lack of employment opportunities
and rapid urbanization. The shifting of hegemonies from a white masculinity to a nationalistic
black masculinity points to the changing nature of expectations for masculinity and further
highlights intergenerational discontent that arises in light of changing global economic planes.

Former Namibian President Hifikepunye Pohamba declared February 21, 2014 as a National

Day of Prayer dedicated to the extensive range of “passion-killings”, or domestic murders, that

seemed to multiply in the start of that year. The Windhoek Observer notes that “on this Prayer

Day, the Sam Nujoma Stadium hosted thousands of people…in response to the Head of

State…worried about the brutal killing of women across the country” (Monchlo). Newspapers,

social media, politicians and religious leaders denounced the young generation of Namibians

who were largely involved in these killings. The Prime Minister at that time declared that

“Namibian men are sick in their minds” (Heita). Sam Nujoma, the founding president of

Namibia, made the following statement:

We have fought those who colonised our country, and we will continue to fight
those who are killing our girls. From today onwards, anyone who will be found
guilty of committing such evil deeds will have to be buried alive. I have my
soldiers and I will work closely with them. (qtd. in Heita)

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Media outlets across the nation picked up on Nujoma’s militaristic statement and individuals

shared his words widely on social media sources. Ironically, the vigilantism and aggression in his

sentiment is exactly that which is so repudiated within the passion killings. While Nujoma is not

personally responsible for the surge of domestic killings, one has to wonder if the militaristic

language used by the founding father reflects a specific construction of masculinity that

simultaneously repudiates violence against women, but promotes aggression and violence as a

masculine trait.

Scholars explain that violence against women arises from a specific construction of

masculinity, or a hegemonic masculinity, that often remains unattainable by a specific portion of

men (Uchendo, p. 10, Morrell, p. 3). According to Hearn and Morrell, hegemonic masculinity

has been conceptualized as a dominant male prototype, exclusively available to men in power,

functioning through “a hierarchy of masculinities, differential access among men to power (over

women and other men), and the interplay between men’s identity, men’s ideals, interactions,

power, and patriarchy” (4). This study of Nujoma’s autobiography, Where Others Wavered: My

Life in SWAPO and My Participation in the Liberation Struggle, explores how Nujoma

constructs a hegemonic masculinity in his autobiography based on four key features: 1.

leadership; 2. initiation to manhood; 3. the use of physical strength; 4. strictly defined gender

roles. This article argues that in the face of global economic shifts and the introduction of

neoliberal structural adjustment policies, Nujoma’s masculinity remains unattainable to many

male youths today who struggle with a lack of employment opportunities and rapid urbanization.

The shifting of hegemonies from a white masculinity to a nationalistic Black masculinity points

to the changing nature of expectations for masculinity and further highlights intergenerational

discontent that arises in light of changing global economic planes.

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Background: African Masculinity(ies) and Dr. Samuel Nujoma

The term “African masculinity” itself is not a homogeneous entity, tempered by nationality,

sexual orientation, racial formation, tribal and ethnic identity, religious conviction as well as

temporal and locality concerns, to name a few influential factors. Egodi Uchendo, for instance,

argues that African men are persons “indigenous to and inhabit[ing] the African continent” and

islands on the Atlantic and Indian Ocean, but that masculinity remains “society-specific” (3).

Uchendo, a preeminent scholar on African masculinity, offers a definition of African masculinity

that contains a shared history of physical violence and verbal denigration alongside shifting

hierarchies and power structures both within and outside of various African societies. For the

purpose of this article, African masculinity will be used to speak specifically to the broad

spectrum of Black and bi/multi-racial (colored) sub-Saharan African men. Namibian masculinity

refers to the varieties of masculinity available to Black and Colored Namibian men, and white

masculinity, in this context, refers to the masculinity largely harnessed by Afrikaaners in the

Namibian context.

Using “African masculinity” as an umbrella term to refer to all Black and multi-racial

African men may appear essentializing on a surface glance. African masculinity, however,

resides in a unique position of singularity: colonial forces and thinkers from the Global North

have long taken it upon themselves to infantilize or dehumanize African men. Thus within these

violent and restrictive confines, African masculinity demands a singular discursive field,

organized by race and the individuated anti-blackness espoused by historic and modern writings

about men of African descent. This collective history tarnished by racism and subordination does

not suggest that African men on the whole did not yield power in certain instantiations or that the

entire identity of African masculinity is shaped by anti-black racism. Rather, in my imagining,

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this category recognizes the plurality of masculinities as they exist and have existed across time

and place while also recognizing the familiarity of racism within this categorization.

This interplay between the collective and the singular reflects the means by which

masculinity, as a broad concept, contains some sense of universality while simultaneously

eschewing the totalizing confines of a singular “masculinity.” Hegemonic masculinity recognizes

this plurality, arguing that this tension between the collective and the singular creates hierarchies

and tensions. During the apartheid era in South Africa and Namibia, for example, a white

hegemonic masculinity emerged through a process of exclusion in which “white men alone had

the vote [and]…were predominantly employers, law-makers, decision-makers, heads-of-

household, possessors of bank-accounts, possessed of jobs or in income-generating positions and

provided with free and compulsory schooling” (Morrell 618). Thus, black men were uniformly

excluded from accessing these entry points to masculinity, but were still held to these standards

of masculinity. Morrell explains that the systematic exclusion of black men from this masculinity

can be linked to sexual attacks on white women in early twentieth century Johannesburg as men

“may have been giving Fanonesque expression to the emasculation they felt” (613). These

examples point not only to the problematic social nature of shifting ideals of masculinity, but

also the pluriform nature of masculinities present in apartheid South Africa and Namibia.

According to Philip Holden’s work on founding father autobiographies, in post-colonial

settings the ideals of a national masculinity are usually embedded within the production of

citizenship as defined by a founding father figure. (p. 5) Dr. Samuel Nujoma served as the first

Namibian president from 1990-2005. His tenure as president began on the day of Namibia’s

independence from South African rule on March 21, 1990. Prior to his time as president, Nujoma

is hailed as one of the founding members of the South-West People’s Organization (SWAPO)

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that lead the struggle against South African occupation and drove anti-colonial sentiments in

Namibia and abroad. Within Namibia and across the African continent, Nujoma is known as the

“Founding Father” of Namibia and occupies a larger-than-life sphere within the public

imagination through monuments, public photographs, placards and street names. He has become

the figurehead both for Namibian nationalism as well as its independence. His face appears on

every note of Namibian currency and a six-meter tall statue of him resides outside of the

Namibian Independence Museum. His presence has become a national symbol of development,

commerce and independence.

Panaf Books published Nujoma’s 476-page autobiography in 2001 as a part of its Great Lives

Series that featured the works of Kwame Nkrumah, Frantz Fanon, Sekou Toure and Patrice

Lumumba. Nujoma’s autobiography interweaves his own life within the broader framework of

the formation of the South West African People’s Organization (SWAPO) and the Namibian

liberation struggle. Nujoma references Lumumba, Nkrumah, Kenneth Kaunda and Julius

Nyerere, among other African leaders, as his counterparts in the anti-colonial struggle, aligning

himself with the icons of liberation. Critical reception of Nujoma’s work, however, has not been

as generous in its reading of his autobiographical account. Christopher Saunder’s reading of

Where Others Wavered argues that Nujoma’s work glorifies SWAPO, distorts the truth and

serves as evidence of the ways that the “President remembers the past and wishes to try to stamp

out a certain version of the past” (98). This past, Saunders asserts, is reflected the title itself

“indicates the strong political and polemical purpose” of the work, which is to “substantiate the

heroic role of SWAPO in bringing independence…to praise those who stood firm and to

condemn those who did not” (89).

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 While Saunders offers a dismal reading of Nujoma’s authorial (and political) integrity,

Namibian Andre du Pisani proffers a slightly more sympathetic reading of Nujoma’s account. On

one hand, du Pisani recognizes that Nujoma’s account “air-brushes” history with omissions of

information and distortions about the detention and torture of individuals accused of spying for

the South African Defense Force. Du Pisani calls these problems of “ends justifying means”

politics that remain as a marked problem in present-day Namibia (105). Du Pisani, however,

closes his article with the statement that Nujoma’s autobiography is one of “courage, honour and

pride” (106). Perhaps du Pisani offered this praise because he presented this article at a

conference at the University of Namibia. It is more likely, however, given the harsh nature of

some of his criticism of Nujoma, that du Pisani found himself at odds with how to read a figure

who did not, as the 476 pages evinces, waver in his commitment to the liberation of Namibia.

Nujoma’s character, not unlike his violent statement about burying murderers alive, reads with

confusion. This article locates itself within this disparity, offering a close reading of Nujoma’s

autobiography, to unearth what I term a “nationalist masculinity” that fits within the paradigms

of hegemonic masculinity. While du Pisani and Saunders have argued that Nujoma’s portrayal of

himself contributes to the present-day Namibian political scene, my conclusion, rather, places

this nationalist masculinity within the context of Namibian youth and gender-based violence.

Roots, Resistance, Racism and Roles of Gender

Following World War One and the implementation of apartheid in Namibia and South

Africa, masculinity began changing form in the face of accelerated urbanization and legalized

racial oppression. Robert Morrell writes, “this masculinity was no longer tied to the countryside,

to chiefs, to the homestead. It was a masculinity in which men lost jobs, lost their dignity” (630).

As nationalist and anti-apartheid movements grew amongst African men, “a black masculinity

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emerged” that was “homogenous in the sense of its opposition to white masculinity” but divided

along generational lines (Morrell 619) Nationalist struggles thus allowed for a re-configuring of

black masculinities and a new-found footing for power within political activism. Nujoma’s

construction of masculinity is rooted within this nationalist breed of masculinity that manifests in

his discussions of four topics: his roots and claims to leadership; his initiation to manhood; his

violent aggression against white power and his views of defined gender roles.

2.1 Royal Roots: Becoming immortal

Nujoma aligns his own history with the history of Namibia to show his claim to ancient

bloodlines and construct a ‘larger-than-life’ sense of immortality in his work. He uses this

historic alignment and immortality gives him claim to leadership and to be seen as the sole

guardian and liberator of Namibia. His autobiography opens with the sentence “the story of what

is known today as Namibia begins with the people and with the land” (3). He then proceeds to

give a brief history of how various tribes moved into the territory known today as Namibia and

settled into “Ovamboland” (4).

The name “Ovamboland” was given to a small area in northern Namibia by Finnish

missionaries in the late 1800s, but has largely fallen out of use in recent parlance due to its

exclusive nature and colonial legacy. More often referred to as the Central North or the “O-

regions” 1 , this area is geographically small, but remains the most densely populated area of

Namibia. The majority of people living in this region are from the Ovambo tribe, the dominant

political tribe in Namibia. Nujoma writes that in pre-recorded history “the region [Ovamboland]

was home to nine ethnic groupings, all originally ruled by powerful chiefs” (5). Here, Nujoma

refers to the nine subsets of the Ovambo tribe, who share a mutually intelligible language and

1 To represent the Oshana, Omusati, Ohangwena and Oshikoto regions

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culture, but who are ethnically the same. In his discussion of the history of Namibia, he does not

mention the eight other distinct ethnic tribes2 that are also now called Namibian.

Rhetorically, Nujoma conflates the history of Namibia into the history of Ovamboland, or

of the Ovambo people. He employs this strategy often when speaking of Namibia in order to

secure both his place as the leader of the Ovambo people and the dominance of the Ovambo

tribe. Within Namibia, the Ovambo people maintain the position as the dominant tribe in

Namibia with the highest collective population and largest representation in the government.

Leading political party SWAPO is formed largely of Ovambo people and has held the presidency

and parliamentary majority for Namibia’s twenty-five years of independence. When Nujoma,

who founded SWAPO, positions the Ovambo people as the original inhabitants, or ancestral

tribe, of Namibia, he secures the place of SWAPO as the defender of national history and the

continuing dominant political party.

Nujoma writes, for instance, of the Ovaherero and Nama genocide under German

colonial rule that “Hereros [sic] were suppressed with superior German weapons…some of the

Hereros retreated north to Ovamboland…and requested assistance from their Ovambo cousins”

(11). In this statement, Nujoma refers to the resistance of the Ovaherero and Nama people

against the German occupation from 1886-1915. Militant German occupants entered Namibia,

then German South-West Africa, in 1884 and their presence caused tension with the Ovaherero

and Nama tribes. This tension eventually culminated in the Germans “suppressing Herero

revolts” by enacting a gruesome genocide from the years of 1904-1907 that killed nearly 80% of

the Ovaherero population (Wallace 177-8). Germany was eventually ousted from Namibia

following World War 1 in 1915 and German South-West Africa was designated as a protectorate

2Roughly, these tribes include the Ovambo, Okavango, Lozi/Caprivian, Nama, Damara (or Khoekhoegowab), Ovaherero, San
and Baster. Many of these tribal distinctions have at least 2 subsets. In addition to these tribes, there is a large coloured
population and white population (comprised mostly of Afrikaaners and Germans).

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of South Africa. The resistance of the Ovaherero and the Namas is the first instance of organized

resistance against European colonial forces in Namibia. Nujoma’s decision to align his ancestors,

and by proxy himself, with his Ovaherero “cousins” points to a definitive insertion of his

narrative into this broader narrative of resistance. The inclusion of the Ovambo people within

this narrative allows SWAPO and the Ovambo people to maintain a claim to their role as the

liberators of the nation against European forces.

This liberatory narrative extends beyond the scope of Nujoma’s autobiography. In the

recently inaugurated Independence Museum, there is one floor dedicated to the colonial

resistance of the Ovaherero and the Nama with three floors dedicated to liberation from South

Africa. On the floor dedicated to the Ovaherero/Nama struggle is a display of early resistance

leaders. In this display, Nujoma is depicted in color in the center of the piece, even though he

was not alive during the colonial resistance phase. His image, adorned in army gear, is

transposed over the Namibian flag and surrounded by the two Namibian flags. Below him lies a

Welwitscha plant, a species indigenous to Namibia that thrives in the harsh climate of the

expansive Namib Desert. Due to its ability to survive in the harsh Namib Desert, the Welwitscha

plant has become a national symbol for Namibia and features in its Coat of Arms. This museum

display containing Nujoma’s visage harkens upon the design of the Namibia Coat of Arms.

By drawing upon the Coat of Arms, Nujoma’s image becomes a national symbol of

victory and liberation. Further, the prominence of his image, both in color and size, over the

other leaders promotes him as the ultimate liberator of Namibia whose actions supersede those of

other resistance leaders. A militarized Nujoma, then, whose six-meter statue stands outside of the

museum, becomes a national symbol of liberation and upholds the dominant narrative that

SWAPO, under his guidance, acted as the primary liberators of Namibia. Moreover, the

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anachronistic positioning of Nujoma’s image within that of the early resistance phase of the early

1900s (1904-1907) allows him a sort of immortality and omnipresence throughout Namibian

history.

Nujoma’s rhetoric fosters this sense of immortality throughout his work by employing

various strategies to align himself with an ancestral claim to virility. In addition to claiming that

his ancestors were among some of the original royal tribes found within Namibia, Nujoma writes

of his parents and grandparents: “As a child, I listened with pride to the stories of my parents’

and grandparents’ lives, grew in strength from herding my family’s cattle and guarding them

against natural predators—the lion, leopard and jackal” (1). In this statement, Nujoma positions

his family as people who are protectors and he asserts his acquisition of strength through

completing a traditionally male task, herding cattle. He compiles images of a masculinity that is

rooted in protecting, guarding and responsibility. The trope of hunting, specifically fighting

lions, runs throughout his work. In the following passage, for instance, he describes his father’s

hunting prowess:

My father was known to be one of the best runners…he was also a famous
hunter…no animal could get away if it ran in front of him…having grown up in
the Chief’s palace, he knew all about these weapons and was well-versed in their
usage. (p. 21)
This description of his father departs from the role of masculinity as guarding and protecting

alone, but adds the element of physical strength, speed and hunting abilities. By including the

phrase, “having grown up in the Chief’s palace”, Nujoma is aligning himself with leadership and

power and legitimizing his claim to this leadership.

Resistance: Becoming a Man by Fighting the Lion

Nujoma further legitimates his masculinity by writing about the experience of his traditional

initiation ritual from boyhood to manhood and his military prowess. As background to his

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initiation ritual, Nujoma explains that he and his other male playmates were in charge of taking

the cattle for grazing when they were young boys. He writes, “we boys would have to know how

to sharpen our arrows for our bows to be ready to defend the cattle from being attacked by lions”

(24). Though there were a number of predators that could have attacked the cattle in this area,

including leopards and wild dogs, it is significant that Nujoma specifies the lion. When

discussing his initiation ritual into manhood, his transition into manhood centers around facing a

lion. He explains that elders and boys were expected to travel to the saltpans and that he must go

“on foot as a sign of maturity and strength” (25). During Nujoma’s journey, he walked alongside

the donkey cart for five days and five nights. In the course of the journey, Nujoma spots a lion in

the brush near the donkey cart and so builds a fire around the cart and watches over the donkeys

and passengers until it is safe for them to proceed. Nujoma’s frequent reference to the lion does

not only represent his virility in facing one of the most dangerous animals in Namibia, but also

undermines South African propaganda that portrayed him as a blood-thirsty lion.

South African Defense Forces (SADF) used the image of the lion to turn Sam Nujoma into a

predatory, violent man in anti-SWAPO propaganda during the liberation struggle. In his

autobiography, Nujoma features two images with a bearded lion with his own face. In one figure,

the lion has blood dripping from his fangs and he is standing over the body of a baby who is

crying in fear. Skeletons lay on a barren landscape and a second lion appears with the face of

Andimba Toivo ya Toivo, another SWAPO leader. Another figure is attached to a “Safety

Guarantee” promising that any SWAPO soldier bearing that paper could surrender him/herself

without fear of punitive measures depicts the same bearded-lion version of Nujoma. In this

portrayal, he looks more peaceful and is walking through a verdant wilderness. Though the

safety guarantee lion appears calm and pensive, the construction of SWAPO as a predatory

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animal sends the message that SWAPO poses a threat not only to the enemy forces, but also to

its own constituents.

Nujoma embeds these comics within a chapter of his autobiography that details his work

within the United Nations to draw attention to apartheid in Namibia. These images are

juxtaposed with photographs of him meeting with dignitaries from around the world in his quest

to fight for Namibian independence. Further, in the following chapter, he includes photographs

of the mass graves of the Cassinga Massacre. The Cassinga Massacre occurred in May of 1978

when South African troops began Operation Reindeer, a strategic land and air attack meant to

destabilize SWAPO. The attack on the Cassinga refugee camp, however, did not attack a military

base but, after a 12-hour air strike, killed over 1000 adult civilians and children. By juxtaposing

these lion-images of himself with photographs of him with dignitaries and pictures of the mass

graves, Nujoma delegitimizes the message behind the comics that he is a blood-thirsty killer. He

portrays himself as a dignitary and advocate for the people. He sends the message that the real

killers who are wreaking havoc on Namibia are the white South Africans who committed the

Cassinga Massacre.

Racism: Reconceiving the “white man and black boy”

Nujoma both emphasizes specific encounters with white Namibians and recounts his own

violence towards them in the course of his autobiography to solidify their place as the national

enemy as well as to demonstrate his own masculinity and domination over that enemy. Nujoma

writes about the deeply racist policies of the apartheid era, including forced housing relocation

(38), inadequate education and the pass system that required all black Namibians to carry a

variety of passes to travel about within the country (67). As Nujoma writes, black Namibians

were not allowed to go into the street, or to the location or townships, unless they
had a pass from their masters. How can a human being be confined, like a dog, to

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 his master’s yard? It was the worst insult and humiliation to blacks as human
beings. (55)
Nujoma explains that inhumane treatment by white Namibians to Ovambos had been engrained

in his mind from a young age when he and his friends would sing a song they learned from men

in their village with the lyrics “I’m going to make a problem with the whites” (23). He explains

that he didn’t know what the word “problem” meant at the time, but that people told them

“horror stories…that some white employers fed their pigs with the flesh of black workers” (23).

Nujoma explains apartheid policies and uses anecdotes surrounding lived racism to explain the

racial tensions prior to the liberation struggle.

Nujoma, for instance, details interaction with white Namibians in which he asserts his

own masculinity by detailing several violent encounters he had with white Namibians. He writes

of a time in which Mr. Blaauw, a government official, accused him of lying: “Mr. Blaauw was

short and thin…I caught him firmly and threw him back in the car” (43). Similarly, he explains

that he and his childhood friend, Salatiel “were always looking at soldiers with great

admiration.” He describes an incident in which they had bought military-style boots and “kicked

some white boys who referred” to them as “Kaffirs” (33). This particular anecdote not only

describes a violent masculinity and retaliation against oppression, but also links this physicality

to an admiration for soldiers. Nujoma also describes an incident in which he attacked a police

captain in a defensive move, symbolizing him overthrowing the justice system:

The Boers [sic] planned to attack me physically. When we entered…I saw three
policemen lined up…[the captain] ordered me to be quiet because I was in the
police station. I told him he had no right to shout at me. Then he stood up and
tried to push me towards the three policemen. Since he was short and looked like
he suffered from malnutrition, I pulled him over the counter and he appeared to be
hurt on his shoulders. I told him that I wanted to teach him a lesson…they did not
make any attempt to attack me as clearly planned. (61)
In this account, Nujoma single-handedly describes facing four police officers and defeating them

without any ramifications for his actions. By recounting an encounter with law enforcement

13
officials, Nujoma not only fights against white men, but also symbolically against the racist legal

system in Namibia. By portraying the police captain as weak, suffering from malnutrition, he is

commenting on the paucity of the physical size of the Afrikaaners and their inability to

intimidate him physically. By saying that he wants to “teach him a lesson”, Nujoma further

reverses the rhetoric of the Bantu Education Act that severely restricted educational opportunities

for black Namibians and positions himself as the one who is in control of the situation and with

the right to serve justice to the Afrikaaners.

The violence enacted by Nujoma in these situations is one that acts to reverse what Morrell

calls the “rhetoric of the white man and the black boy.” (630). Morrell explains that the apartheid

system kept black men in a state of constant dependence upon the white-run state in terms of

when and where they could work, live and travel. Nujoma’s violent uprising against white men

reverses the trope of the white “baas” [boss] who could beat farm workers. The figure of the

black man who can beat a white man also poses a threat to white masculine hegemony. Jenkin

and Hine, writing about black American boxers, state that “black fighters symbolized black men

as conquerors” (10). Although these scholars use the examples of black American boxers, the

same principle is applicable. In the apartheid setting, Black men are regulated in terms of

movement and treated punitively by white men. Nujoma’s demonstrations of physicality

positioned him as a symbolic conqueror of systemic racism. Through violence, he was able to

defeat the system by asserting his own personhood. As Black men were in the position of

constantly defending their positions as “men” and not “boys”, men faced diminishing spheres of

“masculine control” which “triggered gender clashes [in the family] in an attempt to re-establish

it [control]” (Uchendu 10). Martha Akawa explains that the emasculation of men by the

apartheid regime lead to an enforcing of “patriarchal social structures” and strictly defined

14
gender roles. (28) Nujoma’s autobiography defines these gender roles in set terms that uphold a

patriarchal family and social structure.

Roles: Gendered Positions

Nujoma identifies specific behaviors that he associates with men and women. In the

opening of his work, for instance, he describes the gendered role he had to take on as the oldest

son in the household. He explains that in the Ovambo tradition, the son’s job is to milk the cows

and goats. He writes:

as I was the first-born, even though I was a boy, I had to…[carry] a baby on my
back—sometimes also holding another by the hand. Other boys used to laugh at
me, calling out: “Look at this one! Why is he carrying a baby on his back like a
girl?...I would drive our cattle in a different direction so that my fellow cattle
herders would not see me and laugh at me. (22-3)
In this anecdote, Nujoma points to the deep embarrassment he felt at having to take on the

traditionally “female” role of carrying a baby on his back. In constructing his autobiography, one

would imagine that he could omit this anecdote from his life’s story to avoid any sense of

emasculation. Nujoma may have included this scene in the modern-day re-telling of his life to fit

within the international development paradigm of gender equality. With a deeper reading,

however, one can also see a stoic nature to his assessment of the situation. He took up the role of

the leader and did what needed to be done. This stoicism and leadership fit into his paradigm of

masculinity and supports several of his later chapters that deal with him going into exile for the

benefit of the Namibian people and risking his life as a figurehead of independence, carrying the

proverbial baby on his back.

Nujoma attributes his readiness for leadership to training he received from his father:

my father made sure that I was properly trained and prepared both mentally and
physically. I had to go through all the ethnic and tribal rituals, with the clear
purpose that as a man I would be able to undertake initiatives and succeed in the
most difficult missions. My father often told me that I must be responsible and be
able to look after myself. (24)

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Nujoma’s rendering of his father’s advice positions manhood as self-sufficiency and the

responsibility to look after oneself. For Nujoma, masculinity is transmitted generationally and

through specific rituals. The ritualization of masculinity renders it unattainable not only to

women, but also to men who are precluded from the ritualization process. Nujoma’s insistence

upon the “ethnic and tribal” nature of these rituals, for instance, excludes non-Ovambo rituals as

being viable means for masculinity. Further, children born of mixed-tribal backgrounds may not

have access to these rituals as they do not necessarily have a clear tribal base. By professing his

“proper” training and preparation, Nujoma argues that his ability to lead the Namibian people to

freedom is based on the purity of his tribal lineage alongside the training he had “as a man” to

“undertake initiatives” and care for himself and others. Nujoma positions ritualized men as the

guardians and deliverers of the Namibian people.

This type of masculinity is in direct opposition to the protection he requests for his wife and

children when he leaves the country to go into exile. Throughout his autobiography, Nujoma

emphasizes the duty of men to occupy this space of self-sufficiency, while women are rendered

dependent upon men. He explains, for instance, that when he went into exile, he “said goodbye

to my wife and kids whom the Ovambo People’s Organization had undertaken to support” (81).

Also, he highlights his mother’s and sisters’ roles as revolving around domestic responsibilities

(24), while he had the responsibility to take cattle up to 20 or 30 km away. Within his work,

women are often found in the private sphere and also in the position of civilian, rather than

soldier. “Soldier” is usually conflated with the word man, such as in the following statement:

“This made our soldiers courageous, enduring and resourceful. They would fight to the last bullet

or to the last man” (323). As du Pisani explains, Nujoma’s work renders war as the “near-

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exclusive domain” of men (104). The masculinizing of war conflates masculinity with organized

violence and excludes women from this realm of recourse.

Nujoma’s insistence upon the male-centeredness of war derives from a lineage of violence.

As Martha Akawa explains, initially missionaries and colonials in Namibia promoted a degree of

female emancipation, but found that this emancipation “emasculated the indigenous authority

structures, which at the time were vital to European mining and agricultural capitals…the

colonial state realized that to maintain…stability…they had to keep African men happy.” (19).

Legislation was passed defining the roles of men and women in terms of marriage, employment

and land ownership. The birth of these legally gendered roles resonated with men already

emasculated by colonial and apartheid practices. Morrell explains that in a history in which black

men were “absorbed into a wage economy at the lowest level, denied political rights and granted

little esteem by white people. The use of the diminutive, 'boy', captured the inferiority projected

onto the adult man and invoked the metaphor of generational struggle as the 'boy' tried to achieve

manhood” (630). Upon entering independence with the unbridling of the apartheid era, men were

in the position to re-negotiate masculinity. Nujoma’s larger than life rhetoric, insisting upon

divided gender roles, his claim to leadership and an emphasis on violence and virility are part

and parcel of the masculinity constructed out of a time of nationalism and war.

Conclusion

A popular image that circulated during the Namibian war for liberation was that of a smiling

woman from the Ovambo tribe who had a baby strapped to her back and a rifle slung over her

shoulder with SWAPO brandished dominantly below her. This image is laden with symbolism,

from the birth of a new generation, the gun and, of course, the woman’s smile. Nujoma’s

autobiography, however, loses this nuance when it comes to women in combat and as members

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of SWAPO. Nujoma made his statement on passion-killing nearly fifteen years after the

publication his autobiography. In his vicious call to bury murderers alive, Nujoma repeats this

rhetoric of protecting the “girls” of Namibia and working with his “soldiers”, implicitly male, to

avenge these women and guard the female population of Namibia. While the gender hierarchy is

explicit within Nujoma’s sentiment, implicit within his words is a generational critique. The

majority of men committing these violence acts, and the women facing them, are under thirty-

five. News sources report that the majority of the killers and the victims were in their twenties

with the second-highest age bracket being people in their thirties (Nunuhe).

Most men who participated in the liberation struggles found jobs in the newly

reconfigured governments, entrepreneurial efforts or had funded education through programs

while in exile or upon return to Namibia. The youthful generation and men who did not

participate in the liberation struggle, however, do not uniformly have access to these

opportunities and do not have a claim on the militarized masculinity that marks Nujoma’s text.

Morell argues that nationalist-born black masculinity in Southern Africa remains divided along

generational lines. These generational lines are especially important when discussing the

emergence of the much maligned youth generation. African youth, shouldering unemployment

and a cut of state benefits due to neoliberal structural adjustment, are often seen with weak

political potential (O’Brien 55) and referred to as the “’lost generation’ and ‘marginalized youth”

(ibid, 57). In Namibia, this generation is often pejoratively termed “born-frees” as they were

born after or around the time of Namibian independence in 1990. O’Brien explains that there is a

divide between those generations who were coming of age just after most African countries

received independence (1960-1970s) and younger generations who did not receive the same

educational or workplace opportunities with the introduction of neoliberalism in the 1980s.

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 Mass urbanization and economic crisis has prevented many African youths from being

able to “establish independent households” (O’Brien 57) and they have largely come to rely upon

extended family connections within urban areas for sustenance (Simone 71). Compounding the

accelerated urbanization of the 1980s-1990s with a continuing “rollback of state-led provisions”

and diminishing job market (Bogaert 128), the young generation also faces a high unemployment

rate. Even educated youths struggle to secure sustainable employment and often share

responsibilities within an extended family setting. Within this unit, however, youths rarely are

granted authority because as “pressures to provide for basic needs increase…[with] little

prospect for delivery in the future, their [youth] authority may wane.” (Simone 73). Even in a

country like Namibia with a “black majority government…most black men remain unemployed

and see little change in their circumstances or prospects. Women have suffered the consequence

of anger and feelings of impotence” (Uchendu 14) in the form of domestic violence and deep-

seated gender roles that blame women for larger social ills.

As Awaka explains, “at the end of the war…[there were] no alternative models of

masculinity to militarized masculinity…[men] with no skills and no opportunities became

frustrated and angry…expressed by some…[as] violence against women” (28). While Nujoma’s

model of masculinity does contribute to this militarized masculinity and create a hegemonic

masculinity largely outside of the grasp of Namibia’s born-free population, the model presented

by apartheid and colonialism must be interrogated in order to continue erasing the legacy of

“white men and black boys”, particularly in the face of the global market and neoliberal reforms.

Finally, I am not suggesting that the trend of men turning to domestic violence occurred solely

because of the lack of a suitable template for masculinity, but rather that understanding these

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constructions of masculinity, and their root causes in Namibian society, will allow for deeper

understanding of the core issues surrounding this trend of violence.

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