Proverbsas Theoretical Frameworks

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462601Adult Education QuarterlyAvoseh


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Article
Adult Education Quarterly

Proverbs as Theoretical 63(3) 236­–250


© 2012 American Association for
Adult and Continuing Education
Frameworks for Lifelong Reprints and permissions:
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Learning in Indigenous DOI: 10.1177/0741713612462601
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African Education

Mejai B. M. Avoseh1

Abstract
Every aspect of a community’s life and values in indigenous Africa provide the
theoretical framework for education. The holistic worldview of the traditional system
places a strong emphasis on the centrality of the human element and orature in the
symmetrical relationship between life and learning. This article focuses on proverbs
and the words that form them as important sources of, and foundation for, indigenous
African education.The article analyzes proverbs and the power of the spoken word in
indigenous African pedagogy.The analysis is used to argue for an increased articulation
of indigenous African knowledge into the dialogue on the inclusion of non-Western
traditions in the theoretical frameworks for adult education. The article uses the
traditional contexts of Ogu and Yoruba of West Africa but draws examples mostly
from Yoruba proverbs to present their epistemological significance in traditional
African education.

Keywords
theoretical framework, proverbs, lifelong learning, indigenous, African, orality

As I scan the body of literature for related work that provide some theoretical compass
for the opening of this article, I read and was fascinated by Brookfield’s (2010) comb-
ing of the expanded literature on, and presentation of, “Africentrism” as part of the
theoretical framework for understanding the field of adult and continuing education.
Although I have reservations about some aspects of his rendering of the Africentric
1
The University of South Dakota,Vermillion, SD, USA

Corresponding Author:
Mejai B. M. Avoseh, School of Education, The University of South Dakota, 414 E. Clark Street,Vermillion,
SD 57069, USA.
Email: [email protected]
Avoseh 237

perspective, I agree with some of his observation on the African paradigm. His analy-
sis was correct on the point that the African perspective conceives of education as a
process of evolving institutions that “stress community, interdependence, and collec-
tive action” (p. 73). Part of my reservation about the Africentric paradigm include the
fact that it derives from the copious body of literature that Brookfield cited on one
hand and that it is based on racial identity. Although these “theoretical foundations” fit
into the historico-cultural experience of the African in diaspora, it dilutes or ignores
some core of the lifelong frameworks of indigenous African education. The first and
most important “theoretical” frameworks in indigenous African education are the
ancestors whose “theories” are passed on to all generations through the power of the
spoken word situated in different layers of orality. It is through these “frameworks”
from the ancestors that the absolute objective of education—developing good charac-
ter to be an active citizen (Ọmọlúàbí/Medagbe)—is achieved. These frameworks from
the ancestors are so important that an individual’s opinion on any issue or an answer
to any question is validated by reference to the words of ancestors. Indeed, education
is often synonymous with good character that Fatunmbi (2006) connects it with rein-
carnation of ancestors in Ifá theology. The role of the ancestors as the theorists in the
educational process is nondebatable so much so that “whenever someone is asked a
question, no personal opinion is given until there has been a quote from the wisdom of
the ancestors in form of either a proverb or a verse of Ifá oral scripture” (p. 18).
This article focuses on proverbs as theoretical frameworks for lifelong learning in
indigenous Africa, and it acknowledges the ancestors as the original source of prov-
erbs. The article does not present a “problem” in the typical sense of a research prob-
lem. Instead, it attempts to overcome the problem of moving ideas from a periphery
and circular worldview to a dominant and linear framework. The article shares how
the medium of proverbs can be used to highlight the power of the spoken word in
indigenous African education. Furthermore, the article argues that the power of words
subsists mostly in proverbs and thus analyzes proverbs as important frameworks of
indigenous education. The framework provided by proverbs affirms the ancestors as
the real theorists of Africentric education. The approach in this article is not a critique
of existing literature on theoretical frameworks on indigenous education. Although
the line of argument sometimes resembles Newman’s (2012) “mutinous thought” on
transformative learning in its offer of a different (albeit strange) source of theoretical
framework for understanding the field, the article does not have the power to affect
any intellectual mutiny. The purpose of the article is supported in literature and
includes the efforts of Avoseh (2011, 2001), Chilisa (2012), Freire (2004, 1973),
Merriam (2010), Merriam and Associates (2007), and several others who have argued
for the need to go beyond the dominant framework in discussing 21st-century educa-
tion. Some of them have also severally offered the indigenous or non-Western per-
spectives as one source outside the dominant platform. The traditional African
perspective is one of those outside the main stream that has received some attention
in literature in recent times. This perspective is heavily reliant on the power of the
spoken word. Tapping and using the power of words in indigenous African education
238 Adult Education Quarterly 63(3)

manifests in several ways including incantation, prayers and divination, curse, and
the use of proverbs. The purpose of this article is to present proverbs as important
theoretical frameworks within the larger dialogues encouraging contributions from
non-Western perspectives.

The Power of Words


My original understanding and rendering of proverb as a concept have always been
within its Ogu and Yoruba understandings of òló and òwe, respectively. I am also
aware that the English equivalent of these concepts is the word proverb. Even
Yoruba–English and English–Yoruba dictionaries written by a first speaker of Yoruba
do not go beyond the òwe/proverb definitions. For instance, Fakindele (2003) defines
proverb as “òwe” (p. 332) and defines òwe as “proverb, adage” (p. 623). Almost all
English dictionaries have the same pattern of definition of proverb. These definitions
range from its Latin etymology to its Biblical root. Common to the many dictionary
definitions are wisdom, adage, didactic, and so on. Dictionary.com (2011), for
instance, defines the concept, among others, as “a short popular saying, usually of
unknown and ancient origin, that expresses effectively some commonplace truth or
useful thought; adage; saw.” In biblical terms, it defines proverb as “a profound say-
ing, maxim, or oracular utterance requiring interpretation.”
In addition to dictionary definitions, authors on the subject of proverbs in indige-
nous African education (Agbaje, 2002; Brookman-Amissah, 1986; Mayr, 1912;
Mustapha, Adebowale, Alagbe, & Oyerinde, 2009) generally agree on most of its com-
mon characteristics including brevity, wisdom, criticality, abstract nature, and suc-
cinctness in addition to being a reservoir of experience. Some scholars of African
traditional education and philosophy have used context-dependent figures of speech to
define and emphasize the importance of proverbs. In his depiction of the high pre-
mium placed on the art of conversation among the Igbo people of Nigeria, Achebe
(1994) says that “proverbs are the palm oil with which words are eaten” (p. 7). It must
be noted that palm oil is a central ingredient to most food items in West Africa, hence
the appropriateness of the palm oil metaphor. For the Yoruba, òwe lẹsin ọrọ bί ọrọ ba
sọnù òwe la fiί wa. Literarily, proverbs are race horses that words use; and when words
are lost, proverbs are used to search and find them. In other words, proverbs go beyond
the generic to unearth meaning and provide clarification. No wonder Delano (1979)
aptly titled his classic book on Yoruba proverbs, their meaning, and usage Owe lẹsin
ọrọ. Mbiti (1969) identifies “proverbs and oral traditions” as part of the source of the
philosophical systems of many African peoples (p. 2). It is not only Mbiti who con-
nects proverbs to African philosophy; Banjo (1979) refers to proverbs as “a repository
of Yoruba philosophy” (p. v). In addition to its philosophical underpinnings, Mbiti
goes further to add a theological significance to proverbs by insisting that “African
knowledge of God is expressed in proverbs” (p. 29). Mbiti further establishes the fact
that the power of the spoken word is mystical. Again, the mystical dimensions connect
to the ancestors who are the closest to humans from the body of the spiritual world. He
Avoseh 239

gives the example of the words of parents carrying mystical power (which may be
positive or negative) when addressed to their offspring. He also uses the example of
the power of the words of the medicine man/woman, which are considered more
important than the medicine they dispense. His exact words are apposite here. “There
is mystical power in words, especially those of senior person to a junior one, in terms
of age, social status, or office position. . . . The words of the medicine-man (woman)
work through the medicine he (she) gives” (p. 197). Proverbs combine the power of
words both in their ordinary and mystical dimensions to unearth knowledge or to “stu-
pefy thieves so that they can be caught red-handed; . . . make inanimate objects turn
into biologically living creatures” (p. 198). The power of words using the medium of
proverbs is especially used to invoke the power of what the Ogu and Yoruba refer to
as òsẹ/orí, which is the individuality element in Ogu and Yoruba ontology of a person.
The power of words is an integral part of reversing a bad òsẹ/orí.
The philosophical, linguistic, and religio-theological importance of proverbs is not
limited to the Yoruba, Ogu, or indeed the African worldview. Many cultures and peo-
ples of the world have proverbs that serve important socio-epistemological purposes
in their world. Hence, it is easy to agree with D’Angelo’s (1977) assertion that “almost
every nation has its share of proverbs and wise sayings” (p. 366). The Book of Proverbs
in the Bible connects with most of our definitions above and especially validates the
fact that religious connections of proverbs predate most of human history. In terms of
the philosophical roots and importance of the spoken word and by implication, prov-
erbs, one can point to the Socratic dialogues and Socrates’ efforts to use deep words to
help the Athenians of his time deliver indubitable and useful knowledge founded on
sound logic and objectivity. In his dialogue in the first book of the Republic, he engaged
Cephalos, Polemarchos, and another individual on the subject of justice. Socrates uses
the power of logic and his ability to weave words into abstract patterns to make his
companions be more critical in their conception of justice. One of his statements dur-
ing this dialogue in Book I (332B-333D) has its parallel in a Yoruba proverb. Socrates
poses the question “then if a man is a good guardian of anything, he is also a good thief
of the same thing?” (Republic Book I, 1956, p. 132). The Yoruba will say olè lo mnọ
ẹsẹ olè tọ lórί àpáta (A thief knows how to trace and lift the footprints of another thief
even on a rock). Lines of convergence are possible within the Socratic and the Yoruba
examples above. One such connection is that whoever encodes can decode. For the
Yoruba and Ogu, proverbs are for encoding and decoding useable knowledge, knowl-
edge that separates awo from ógbẹrì, that is, separates the deep and critical from the
superficial. Proverbs provide foundation for creating objective and useable knowl-
edge, which ensures that individual conduct aligns with community values in line with
the dictates of the ancestors.

The Context
The context of this article is within a holistic worldview where everything connects
to everything else. It is a setting where there is always a causal link and the people’s
240 Adult Education Quarterly 63(3)

reading and naming of the world is based on the inter-play of cause–effect that con-
nects life to ancestors. In spite of its oral nature, the traditional African context is
heavily laden in observation, which is used to validate the experience of the ancestors
and elders as the indubitable sources of knowledge. Chilisa (2012) expresses the con-
nection to and importance of observation better with the Setswana saying “Mafoko a
mathong,” literally meaning “words are from what you observe” (p. 79). The perva-
sive oral nature of life in the context of the average Ogu and Yoruba communities
requires individuals to be observant and have reasonable command of language and
demonstrate the same through the choice of words in social interactions. Most social
interactions, especially at the levels of negotiations and adjudications, require intel-
lectual abilities manifest in the very best use of the spoken word. Typical examples
include invoking the spirit of the ancestors, matters of land disputes, resolving tribal
conflicts, negotiating bride price, important family and community decisions that
come through consensus, presenting one’s case before elders or the king in council
(everyone was his/her own “attorney” in the traditional community), and amicable
resolution of conflicts. For the Ogu and the Yoruba, proverbs are the intellectual
source of encoding and decoding across all strata of human endeavor. For them the
process of encoding and decoding involves criticality, observation, and the totality of
processed life experiences. Mustapha et al. (2009) established some sources and defi-
nitions (and by implication, uses) of Yoruba proverbs that are connected to the tradi-
tional context of Yoruba culture. Their central definition of òwe (proverb) is “Ọrọ tí ó
fi ìjìnlẹ ọgbón àwon àgbà àtijọ hàn nίpa ohunkóhun . . . ni à ń pè òwe” (p. 94). That
is, a proverb represents words of critical wisdom based on the tested experience of
ancestors. The use of the words àgbà àtijọ (elders of ancient times) in this definition
of the concept gives the copyright of proverbs to ancestors and, by implication, makes
the ancestors the authorities on its use. The fact that the ancestors have intellectual
ownership of proverbs makes proverbs educational and instructional resources that
are accessible to all. Furthermore, the definition is a reminder that the ancestors still
overlook the context, content, and objectives of education in every community. The
objectives of education in the community are humanistic and focus on the symmetry
between individual and corporate interests. Within the oral nature of indigenous life-
long learning, a proverb well put in perspective may be tantamount to presenting a
whole book to a student (young or old). This is the context where proverbs provide
theoretical foundations for education, especially for adult and higher education that
connects to several levels of cults. Cults, especially secret cults, were the highest
institutions of learning and their members served as “professors” and “instructors” at
other levels of indigenous “higher education.” It is important to note that proverbs are
considered so important to adult and higher education, especially at the level of secret
cults, that their uses are “regulated” through cultural etiquette. Part of that etiquette is
that children and even young adults are not expected to use proverbs in the presence
of elders. For a younger person to employ proverbs in the presence of an elder, with-
out observing the proper social protocol of giving obeisance, is generally considered
intellectual pomposity and lack of proper up-bringing or lack of knowledge of the
Avoseh 241

culture. So, whereas proverbs are part of educational foundation and are used to gauge
the quality of an individual’s education, especially the ability to combine criticality
with other life issues, the improper use of proverbs may also be indicative of poor
education. What is true of the Yoruba and the Ogu may not be applicable to other
African peoples and cultures, hence the need for contextual clarification.
Avoseh (2011, 2001) emphasized the fact that one is always compelled to make
clarifications (and rightly so) before making any generalizations on concepts or issues
with respect to traditional Africa or even on a linguistic or cultural groups within
Africa. The tsunamic diversity of indigenous and in fact 21st-century Africa makes
such clarifications imperative for discussing and applying any concept under the huge
African sun of diversity. In terms of proverbs, almost every African people have their
set of proverbs. Hence, there are Zulu, Hausa, Kikuyu, Oshiwambo, Herero, Akan,
Ashanti, Ebira, Ogu, and Yoruba proverbs among thousands of others. Although each
people’s set of proverbs derive from the context of their ancestors, the logic and uni-
versal applicability of such proverbs are never in doubt. The reference point of this
article is the Ogu and Yoruba contexts of Southwest Nigeria because of their cultural
and geographical proximity, in addition to the fact that this author was raised in the
combined context of both peoples. Avoseh (2010) noted elsewhere that “the Ogu and
the Yoruba are deeply traditional people whose holistic worldviews are similar espe-
cially in terms of education, religion, morality, governance and social relations” (p. 9).
The proverbs I use in this article are mostly Yoruba, because there is more literature
(written) on Yoruba proverbs. As mentioned earlier, the oral nature of the traditional
context makes proverbs very indispensable in packaging deep knowledge into few
words. Orality/Orature bestrides every facet of life in most indigenous societies and
especially those of the Yoruba and Ogu.
The term orature or orality was said to have been first used by East African literary
scholars, mainly Pio Zirimu and Ngugi Wa Thiongo (Ehusani, 1991). Orature captures
the unwritten nature of most of traditional African body of knowledge, history, and
laws and regulations that governed life. Consequently, most literary efforts by African
scholars that relate to indigenous African have had to rely on orality as “a theoretical
foundation for historical, philosophical, or literary work in Africa” (p. 121). Hence,
the concept covers the length and breadth of the African worldview and epistemologi-
cal frameworks. Vambe (2004) provides a much more comprehensive definition of the
concept with his assertion that it is “broad and elastic, including everything from alle-
gory, folktale, spirit possession, fantasy and myth to ancestor veneration, ritual, leg-
ends, proverbs, fables and jokes” (p. 235). Orality thus manifests in learning through
proverbs. Again, Fatunmbi (2006) uses the example of Ifá to establish the point that
proverbs give the copyright of knowledge and wisdom to the ancestors and Ifá. In
some contexts, where the traditional democratic process was based on consensus, the
ability to use appropriate proverbs to push one’s view is an asset. Wiredu (2000) cites
the Ashanti of Ghana as a people that value “rational discussion” in their democratic
process hinged mostly on consensus. According to Wiredu, the power of the spoken
words is so important among the Ashanti that “the capacity for elegant and persuasive
242 Adult Education Quarterly 63(3)

discourse was made one of the most crucial qualifications for high office” (p. 4). In a
context, as the example of the Ashanti above, proverbs become part of the evidence of
the quality of an individual’s educational attainment necessary for leadership.
What is true of the Ashanti example above is true across Africa irrespective of geo-
cultural and other differences. Every indigenous African context relied heavily on the
power of the spoken word in all facets of human activity. In fact, a Yoruba historian
traces the spoken word and its power to Olodumare (Supreme Being/God). Citing
other authorities, Ologundudu (2008) affirmed that “(Họ Rọ) Họ who was a descen-
dant of Olodumare, is what the Yoruba call Ọrò”. Ologundudu goes further to under-
line the fact that the Yoruba believes that words have powerful “spiritual significance,”
which allowed their progenitors to communicate with “the other element of nature.”
According to him, “many of the traditional Yoruba believe that knowledgeable people
can use invocation and incantations to change the nature of things like mood, feelings
of people and different elements” (p. 37). The same is true of the Ogu.
In those days and even in today’s world, the power of the spoken word is still very
potent in those areas that Ologundudu refers to in Yoruba culture. Deep words, as
those combined in proverbs, are also used in Ọfò, that is incantation, or in ògèdè—
mystical language, magical invocation of Olodumare and His ministers (deities/lesser
gods) especially before worship. The uses of words in such contexts as these above
require specific education and training. Semiformalized training in the use of words in
these contexts (i.e., incantations/invocations) goes with the “educational” process in
most related professions including hunters, diviners, and traditional medical practitio-
ners. Within the context of the Ogu and the Yoruba, a proverb may condense thousands
of powerful words into half a dozen suprapowerful words. In spite of the power and
place of proverbs, they do not empower individuals in an a priori way. Only education
empowers individuals to attain the purpose of life and living, which is to be Omolúàbí—
an active citizen. The epistemological powers of proverbs therefore subsist in and are
sustained by the powers that education confers. Let us now briefly examine proverbs
in indigenous African lifelong education.

Epistemological Framework
The reference to foundations of education varies along geo-contexts and even
between institutions in the same geo-zone. Jarvis (1990) makes a distinction
between America and the United Kingdom in the study of “foundation courses,”
especially in adult education. The use of educational foundations in this article is
more along the American and most African uses where educational foundations
include the philosophical, psychological, historical, and sociological approaches to
the study. The seamless nature of the content of traditional African education makes
its foundation a combination of the abstract, the philosophical, the moral, historical,
the sociological, as well as the theological. This eclectic nature of lifelong education
in traditional Africa also makes it, especially within the context of the Yoruba and
the Ogu, receptive to all genres of proverbs as important parts of its epistemological
Avoseh 243

foundations. First, indigenous lifelong education is such that it weaves a web


around all areas of human existence. This interconnectedness between education
and other areas of life puts education in everything and everything into education.
The holistic nature of the African worldview has its advantages, but it also makes
certain things very difficult to explain to the outsider of the traditional African
mindset. Whereas one can easily pick levels of education from P-12 through gradu-
ate education in the Western educational system, doing so within indigenous educa-
tion is almost impossible. In spite of the complexity, traditional African education
has very clear objectives. These objectives may vary from community to commu-
nity in terms of certain specifics, but they connect to the universal traditional objec-
tive of building an active citizen. The criteria for becoming an active citizen are
synonymous with those of education. Avoseh (2001) noted that it is “difficult to
draw a line between the contents of lifelong learning and criteria of active citizen-
ship” because “both run through the life of every citizen, sometimes extending
beyond birth and death” (p. 482). Both sets of criteria for lifelong learning and
active citizenship however neatly converge in the absolute objective of traditional
education, which for the Ogu and the Yoruba is being Medagbe or an Omolúàbí,
respectively. Ọmọlúàbí is an individual of model character, one who balances
knowledge and vocation and who reinvests the dividends of education in the com-
munity. The process of educating an Omolúàbí is complex and employs blended
content and process within the one-size fits all “classroom” represented by the
entire community—from the individual mat room through the market place to the
farm of every community. Proverbs are part of the mix content and process that fol-
low every student everywhere. Proverbs and the words that constitute them flow
from what Freire and Macedo (1987) refer to as flowing from the people’s “reading
of the world.” These words are words of “experts” from a continuum that stretches
from the ancestors to elders in the community. They are, to borrow from Freire and
Macedo (1987), “the people’s words, pregnant with the world, words from the
people’s (ancestors’) reading of the world” (p. 35). Consequently, all genres of
proverbs are educational in all ramifications because they derive from the holistic
world that makes learning a process of living in a community as well as making
living a process of learning. This across-board application of proverbs does not
however imply that proverbs are thrown around haphazardly. Rather, there is the
central criterion of appropriateness to content and context. Hence, used appropri-
ately, even sexual proverbs that are sometimes laced with subtle obscenity are effec-
tive moral and educational “books” of orality. The following are a number of
proverbs that are used to analyze the epistemological frameworks that proverbs
provide in indigenous African education. Our analysis of proverbs as educational
foundations aligns with the analytical framework of meanings of proverbs provided
by Penfield and Duru (1988). Citing Nwoga (1975), the authors established the fact
that the analytical framework combines three levels of meaning of proverbs,
namely: the “text or literal, the generalized moral and cultural principles or the
philosophical and the meaning defined by specific interactional context or contextual
244 Adult Education Quarterly 63(3)

meanings” (p. 121). The advantage of using this method of analyzing proverbs as
framework in indigenous education is that it allows the combination of several
genres of proverbs and their import.
In his presentation of African sexual proverbs, Ojoade (1983) confirms the educa-
tional and moral import of even sexual proverbs. He contends that in spite of the fact
that such proverbs are perceived to be obscene, they “express valuable ethical precepts
which are fully accepted and esteemed” (p. 202). Our first example is therefore a
sexual-related proverb found in Agbaje’s (2002) work on proverbs and conflict resolu-
tion. Although he uses the proverb “Inú ni okó ẹyẹ ń ngbé—A bird’s penis resides
inside it” (p. 239) within the context of conflict resolution, its education significance
is as important. Agbaje rightly puts this proverb in the allusive bracket and explains
that it is narrated “when someone knows a secret and wants to use the knowledge to
cause confusion between people” (p. 240). Conflict resolution and peaceful coexis-
tence are integral parts of the traditional education content, especially with emphasis
on putting the collective interest over and above one’s selfish interests. Another educa-
tion aspect of a proverb as the one above is that the ability to keep secrets is imperative
at most educational levels, especially at semi-formal age-group initiations and related
education and training. Examples in this category are the orò and zangbethọ cults,
thanvotun priestly training of the Ogu, and up to the adult and higher educational lev-
els of secret cults. In all secret cults and elders councils, the ability to keep secrets is
both a criterion of graduation and a measure of education. It is possible to connect this
proverb to Knowles’ establishment of experience as the adult learner’s greatest book.
The connection is that the ability to process and pronounce experience makes it differ-
ent from mere bibliography. Processing experience implies, among other things, the
ability to recognize when “silence is golden.”
Although the ancestors have copyrights of proverbs and only they are acknowl-
edged when proverbs are used, I have taken some of the proverbs in this article from
Delano’s (1979) list of Yoruba proverbs. I use some proverbs from a published format
for ease of reference for readers who might be interested in a further review of prov-
erbs. The meaning and analysis of the proverbs as presented in this article are based on
my existential knowledge and understanding of such proverbs. My analysis of the
proverbs and the connections made to adult learning are informed by the need to pro-
vide some avenue for using them in the content and practice of adult education. The
challenges of moving ideas from a holistic worldview to a linear mindset and vice
versa make it impossible for anyone to establish any a priori prescriptive steps on how
to use proverbs for pedagogical activities. Furthermore, the contextually and flexibil-
ity essentials of proverbs negate the idea of a prescriptive use of proverbs. These facts
notwithstanding, the presentation in this article makes proverbs available as part of an
epistemological process. Proverbs are useful for any content or pedagogical activity
that includes learners as coinvestigators of knowledge who are challenged to higher
levels of critical thinking. For instance, proverbs are useful in any content or peda-
gogical activity that involves dialogue. In such a learning environment, proverbs may
be used to provide the type of distinction that Freire and Macedo (1995) draw between
Avoseh 245

dialogue as “a mere technique” (p. 379) and dialogue that leads to conscientization.
Proverbs provide the type of intellectual curiosity necessary for criticality and for
demonstration of deep understanding. The content, context, and learners will help edu-
cators blend their understanding of proverbs into curriculum and pedagogical activi-
ties as necessary. I present a couple of proverbs below and make brief connections of
their analysis to education, especially adult learning.
Alágbára má mọ èrò baba ọlẹ (p. 5). Literarily, the thoughtless powerful or strong
individual is the chief of lazy people. Beyond the surface meaning is the proverb’s
emphasis on the need to connect theory and practice, thought and action. The proverb
teaches the propriety of putting smartness into hard work and connecting knowledge
to the realities of the community. One can draw a line between this proverb and Paulo
Freire’s (2004) analysis of praxis where he emphasizes the imperative of the action
and reflection symmetry. For him “action/reflection = word = work = praxis” (p. 87).
He proceeds to affirm that human beings are built in “word, in work, in action-reflec-
tion” (p. 88). Freire continues in the next couple of pages to explain action/reflection
as an existential necessity for transformation and for problem-solving education. What
Freire explains with hundreds of words, Yoruba proverbs give the “student” in six
words. It is left to the Yoruba or any adult student to do the mental analysis of the
proverb and apply it within the specific process.
The next proverb has some link with the previous ones Alẹ tí kò ti ojú ẹni lẹ a kì
ímọ òkùnkùn rẹ rìn (Delano, 1979, p. 6). That is, if night does not fall in one’s pres-
ence, it will be difficult to walk in its darkness. Depending on the context, the proverb
could be used to warn against making hasty judgments or dabbling into issues over
which one does not have the details. Socrates’ axiom “the unexamined life is not
worth living” is also another way to render this proverb. It reminds the individual to
whom it is addressed of the need to critically analyze and understand situations before
taking action. It further stresses the need to make one’s action a clear demonstration
of understanding of the issues at stake. Applied to today’s adult learning, the proverb
reminds us of the need to understand the adult learner’s context in our program plan-
ning efforts. This proverb and related ones will especially sit well with most aspects
of the Interactive Model of Program Planning, especially “client analysis” and related
issues as espoused in Caffarella’s (2002) work on program planning. A clear under-
standing of the context of today’s adult learner is a necessary condition for develop-
ing programs that meet the needs of adult learners because adult education is
context-dependent.
Ayé l’òkun ènìyàn l’ọsà, àìmọwẹ kò le gbádùn ayé (p. 43) literally means the
world is an ocean and people in it are rivers, knowing how to swim is therefore a
necessary condition for living and enjoying life. This proverb can be a lesson plan
on several topics ranging from diversity, acknowledging difference, the need for a
broadened knowledge and outlook to life, tolerance, including the need to be tactful
in dealing with others (political correctness?). Comparing the world to an ocean and
humans to rivers puts pressure on the individual(s) to whom the proverb is addressed
to think deep and make the connections. In making such connections, the individual
246 Adult Education Quarterly 63(3)

is compelled to veer into the domain of geography or oceanography (trying to under-


stand the ocean), psychology (trying to understand human behavior), and the ability
to figure it all out to understand the message. The reference to the imperative of the
skills of swimming in relation to the ocean and rivers underline the fact that diversity
is part of human existence. The individual who ignores difference will live an unful-
filled life. The connection to diversity links up with the need for peaceful coexis-
tence in spite of individual peculiarities.
The proverb ẹni tó yá ẹgbẹfà tí kò san án, ó bẹgi dínà egbejè literally means “he/
she who borrows 1,200 (of any currency) and does not pay back when due forfeits the
opportunity to secure a 1,400 loan.” This proverb can be used to teach a lesson in sev-
eral subject areas but we use it here as a lesson in credits, mathematics, and trust. The
mathematical aspect is simple yet requires a mastery of basic multiplication skills. The
two numerals in this proverb are 1,200 (Ẹgbẹfà) and 1,400 (Egbejè). Analyzing these
numbers within the Yoruba system of numeration, is, in itself, a mini-lesson in math-
ematics. The Yoruba system of numeration combines and switches between addition,
multiplication, and subtraction. For example, Ẹgbẹfà is [igba mẹfa: 200 multiplied by
6] = 1,200. Egbejè is 200 multiplied by 7 = 1,400. The student to whom this proverb
is addressed will need to do a quick math and then decode the message, which includes
the need to be trustworthy and reliable, to be creditworthy, and, most important, the
moral obligation of fairness to one’s creditor.
The next proverb teaches the importance of dialogue and especially intellectual
humility. The Yoruba say Ọgbọn ọlọgbọn ni a nfi s.ọgbọn, ìmọràn ẹnì kan kò jọ bọrọ,
literally that “we become wiser or smarter through learning from other people. One
person’s understanding or perspective does not amount to much in terms of knowl-
edge.” Implicit in this proverb is the imperative of dialogue, especially the ability to
listen. Listening to other’s perspective connects to the need to eschew intellectual self-
sufficiency similar to the conditions that Freire (2004) established for horizontal dia-
logue in liberating education. This proverb is also invoked to stress the importance of
consensus, which was the framework of the traditional African “mango tree or village
square” democracy.
Delano also uses the proverb Bί ará ilé ẹni bá ńjẹ kòkòrò burúkú bí a kò bá tètè
sọ fun, hẹrẹhùrù rẹ kò ní jẹ kí a sùn l’óru (p. 11). In other words, when one’s neigh-
bor is eating all kinds of harmful insects, one should hasten to warn such a neighbor,
otherwise when she/he falls sick with cough or other ailments, her/his cough or
noises of agony at night will disturb one’s sleep. As an aside, it is important to note
that houses in those days were built from natural materials that did not have the
noise-proof or prison-like walls that adorn most of today’s houses. In such settings,
neighbors were real neighbors who lived close and the slightest noise from one
house easily reaches the others. This proverb provides humanistic, moral, political,
and civic foundations for education. The moral imperative is the need to be one’s
neighbor’s keeper by being interested in her/his well-being. The proverb is also
invoked to emphasize the importance of civic responsibility and commitment to
corporate interest. When a member of a group involved in a learning or community
Avoseh 247

assignment is lagging behind, the proverb reminds other members of the group that
they need to motivate the lazy member lest her/his lack of efforts hamper the group’s
success. In the age of globalization, this proverb can be invoked to justify the need
for countries, global or regional organizations to intervene in matters in other parts
of the globe. If a dictator decides to suffocate freedom and the democratic spirit in a
given country, that is, tantamount to “eating harmful” political insects, then other
countries must check such dictatorship. In the same vein, it is the entire world’s busi-
ness to intervene when demonic terrorism is breeding in any part of the world
because the damage from terrorism cuts across boundaries. Again, the extent to
which the proverbs used as examples in this article, as indeed any proverb, makes
sense and provides a theoretical framework depends on the context and the subject
matter. The ability to weave proverbs into fitting situations is a special one and
belongs to the higher order intellectual domain. Brookman-Amissah (1986) puts the
point on context and flexibility well and it is worth repeating. It is that “an essential
aspect of a proverb is its contextuality” and that there is “considerable flexibility in
the application of proverbs to situations” (p. 75).

Conclusion
This article has attempted to present the power of words couched in proverbs as
theoretical frameworks for lifelong learning in indigenous African education. The
article has presented a sketch of education in indigenous Africa as a process that is
coterminous with life and living in any community. The historical and theoretical
foundations of education are traced back to the ancestors who are the de facto “theo-
rists” in education. Words, especially put into proverbs, are important aspects of
every activity in the life of a family and that of a community because such activities
are almost always educational opportunities. Furthermore, the whole community
serves as a huge classroom with everyone serving as a “teacher” or “student” at dif-
ferent points and in different contexts. The process of living as learning and learning
as living emphasizes applied education that requires a combination of what Freire
(2004) calls praxis, that is, putting reflection into action and basing action on reflec-
tion. The reflection or intellectual aspect of indigenous education depends solely on
Orature. The oral nature of the process makes the ability to weave words into deep
patterns and to decode such patterns a necessary condition for criticality in the tradi-
tional lifelong learning process.
I adopt the analytic framework to present several proverbs as one aspect of the
many frameworks and uses of the power of the spoken word in indigenous African
education. Proverbs provide the historical (date back to the ancestors and their deep
observations and experience), spiritual, moral, as well as intellectual frameworks of
indigenous education. I have tried to highlight the importance of the spoken word in
education in indigenous Africa generally. One must admit that the recognition of
the use of deep words or proverbs is not an exclusive of traditional Africa because
the same is true of most indigenous peoples across the globe. I use the example of
248 Adult Education Quarterly 63(3)

the Socratic dialogue in my analysis. However, there are other examples in the early
history of adult education. The efforts of W. F. Grundtvig in Denmark at ensuring
that the Danish language was used for literacy education for Danish farmers of his
time was an example of the power of the people’s language and culture as frame-
works for education. Most of the modern and recent process models including
andragogy, pragmatism, self-directed learning, and Conscientization, and learning
theories including transformative learning and Theory of Margin, for instance, have
dialogue as the core of their process and they all acknowledge the power of the spo-
ken word. Any content or pedagogical activity that aligns with any of these models
or theories and related ones will find it appropriate to infuse proverbs without dilut-
ing content or outcome. For instance, it will be difficult to use any of the dialogic
process models, andragogy, for instance, from the Western perspective to float a
literacy or related program in most parts of rural Africa today and expect any success
without knowledge of the framework advanced in this article. Ọmọlewa, Adeola,
Adekanmbi, Avoseh, and Braimoh (1998) demonstrated the importance and success
of using the people’s theoretical framework in their use of proverbs, oral texts, and
cultural groups for a literacy program in Southwestern Nigeria. In addition, Chilisa’s
(2012) publication on indigenous research methods further supports the conclusion
of this article that the indigenous framework provides an integral new look at the
idea of theoretical framework in adult education, at least in the Africentric sense. My
conclusion supports and is supported by Chilisa’s argument that 21st-century
researchers can “draw from indigenous knowledge systems to theorize about meth-
ods and research processes” (p. 100).
It is in respect of the foregoing that proverbs, because of their depth and succinct-
ness, provide important epistemological foundations for traditional education. This
article has used some Yoruba proverbs to demonstrate that the dexterous use of prov-
erbs puts pressure on the learner’s intellectual ability to think. In trying to decode a
proverb, an individual is compelled to analyze, compare, interpret, and draw conclu-
sions. It is in this respect that a six-word proverb can carry the weight of a six-chapter
book. The other side of the foundational relevance of Yoruba and Ogu proverbs is that
they are not just suitable for indigenous lifelong learning but that they are applicable
in most of contemporary education, especially in areas related to Africentric frame-
works. It is also hoped that the central arguments of this article provide a little addition
to the existing understanding of adult learning in a globalized context.

Author’s Note
The initial ideas of this article were presented at the pre-conference of the Commission for
International Adult Education (CIAE; 30 October to 1 November) at the 60th AAACE Annual
Conference. An abridged version was published in the CIAE proceedings.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests


The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
Avoseh 249

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of
this article.

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Author Biography
Mejai B. M. Avoseh is an Associate Professor of Adult and Higher Education at The University
of South Dakota. His research interests include indigenous education, comparative and interna-
tional education, critical pedagogy, culture, empowerment and social justice issues in adult and
higher education.

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