Douglas Sedgewick 2023 Experiences of Interpersonal Victimization and Abuse Among Autistic People
Douglas Sedgewick 2023 Experiences of Interpersonal Victimization and Abuse Among Autistic People
Douglas Sedgewick 2023 Experiences of Interpersonal Victimization and Abuse Among Autistic People
research-article2023
AUT0010.1177/13623613231205630AutismDouglas and Sedgewick
Original Article
Autism
Abstract
Intimate partner violence and sexual assault are under-researched experiences in autistic people’s lives. Recent research,
however, has shown that autistic people are more likely to have been victimized than non-autistic people. This research,
therefore, sought to explore the firsthand accounts of a range of autistic people about intimate partner violence and
sexual assault. Twenty-four autistic adults with lived experience (6 male, 15 female, 3 non-binary) aged 25–61 years took
part in semi-structured interviews online. They were asked about their experiences of intimate partner violence and
sexual assault, whether and how they felt being autistic interacted with those experiences, and what recommendations
they would have for improving education in the future. Almost all participants had repeated experiences of intimate
partner violence and sexual assault, regardless of gender, and there were clear similarities in their stories. Six themes
with subthemes were identified. These were ‘experiences of abuse’, ‘autism used against you’, ‘poor family models’, ‘impact
of/on friendships’, ‘handling trauma’, and ‘recommendations for future practice’. Autistic people experience many of the same
patterns of abuse as non-autistic people do, but there are unique autism-related vulnerabilities and outcomes. We found
that there were a variety of responses to these experiences, and call for greater understanding so that autistic victims
can be better supported.
Lay abstract
What do we already know?
Autistic people are more likely to have negative life experiences than non-autistic people, from bullying and ostracization,
to being victims of crime, to unemployment and homelessness. This includes being victims of intimate partner violence,
sexual assault and domestic abuse. Quantitative work has suggested that as many as 90% of autistic people experience
these forms of abuse in some form during their lives, but there is little work asking them to talk about harmful relationships
in their own words.
What does this article add?
This article reports on interviews with 24 autistic adults about their experiences of being victims of intimate partner
violence, sexual assault and/or domestic abuse. Some of the themes which came from these interviews are shared with
non-autistic victims, but others appeared unique to autistic people. One of these was evidence for unique autism-related
vulnerabilities, as well as the impact the abuse had on their relationships long term. Participants also talked about how
the sex and relationship education they had received had inadequately prepared them for adult relationships, and how
this had contributed to their struggle to recognize and react to abusive behaviour.
Implications for practice, research and policy
Policies around intimate partner violence and sexual assault need to be updated to account for the different ways in
which neurodivergent people (people whose brains process information differently from the majority) may discuss their
experiences, rather than looking for ‘standard narratives’ as an indicator of a need for support. Relationship and sex
education should be tailored for autistic young people to help them recognize abusive behaviours, and include how to
respond to these safely. We recommend that future research tries to focus specifically on the abuse experiences of
autistic men, non-binary and trans people, who have been under-represented in studies to date. In addition, much less is
known about the abuse experiences of autistic people of colour or autistic people with intellectual disabilities, who also
need to be actively included in these discussions.
Keywords
autism, intimate partner violence, relationships, sexual assault
them less able to recognize when something was unusual All but one participant reported having formal autism
(even if they knew that they personally did not like what diagnoses, from a range of practitioners, with one person
was happening), to communicate their lack of consent or being self-identified (Mean age at diagnosis = 31.83,
desire to leave a situation, or to see the hidden messages in SD = 15.22, range: 8–59). All participants completed the
other people’s behaviours. Combined with having fewer Autism Quotient – 10 item version (AQ-10; Allison et al.,
friends they could talk to about their experiences and check 2012) to enable description of autism symptomatology in
whether the treatment from the abuser was normal, they a brief manner. Only one non-binary participant scored
often ended up staying in abusive relationships longer than below the recommended cut-off point, but was retained in
they felt they should have, because they lacked the social the sample due to recognized biases in the ability of the
support to recognize domestic violence and then to end the AQ-10 to identify autistic non-males (Mean score = 8.17,
relationship – a crucial factor in leaving safely. SD = 3.15, range: 4–10). Twenty-one participants reported
Participants in these studies especially emphasized how additional physical and mental health diagnoses, with
difficult it was for them to recognize that what had hap- anxiety (n = 11), PTSD (n = 4) and depression (n = 7) being
pened was wrong, and that trying to find ways to socialize the most common. Sixteen participants reported having
safely with a background model of relationships as hurtful more than one additional physical and mental health diag-
was exhausting, difficult and could lead to overwhelm and nosis, and one participant reported co-occurring ADHD.
burnout. These negative impacts of the abuse they had expe- Twenty-three participants identified as White (from the
rienced lasted well past the point of initial harm, with many United Kingdom, United States and Australia), with one
developing post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). This is person identifying as Latino (from the United States).
something we see in non-autistic victims as well (Dutton Twenty-one participants were based in the United
et al., 2006), and it is not surprising considering that autistic Kingdom, two in the United States and one in Australia.
people are generally more likely to develop PTSD (Rumball Specific information on sexuality, socioeconomic status
et al., 2020), and to suppress their trauma-related thoughts and educational attainment were not collected.
which can lead to longer lasting harm (Golan et al., 2022). Recruitment took place via advertising the study on
Indeed, the events which lead to PTSD have been shown to social media (Twitter, Facebook), and through the
differ for autistic and non-autistic people, with autistic peo- researcher’s personal networks, calling for participants
ple being much more likely to have been traumatized by a who were autistic and had lived experience of IPV/SA.
social event (Haruvi-Lamdan et al., 2020), which would They were informed that this was an interview-based study
include IPV or SA. It is worth noting, though, that autistic about their experiences, and that they had the option of
women have talked previously about having found ways to communicating via their preferred method, as well as
thrive and be successful despite the trauma they have been being offered the chance to see the planned interview
through and the impact it has on them (Webster & Garvis, questions in advance of taking part. Ethical approval was
2017), something which has not been thoroughly explored. granted by the University of Bristol School of Education’s
The current study sought to expand the body of litera- Ethics Committee, and participants provided written
ture qualitatively exploring autistic people’s experiences informed consent before taking part, along with confirma-
of IPV and SA, explicitly including autistic people of all tory verbal or written consent prior to beginning the inter-
genders. The limited work in this field to date means that view. The sample is majority non-male, which differs to
much is still to be learned and understood about how autis- the general diagnosis pattern for autism, which stands at
tic people understand, manage and recover from these 3:1 male: female (Loomes et al., 2017). While this means
kinds of trauma. Improving knowledge about these topics the sample is not necessarily representative of all autistic
in a more diverse group of autistic people can help to people, it is not unexpected because the majority of vic-
inform education and support practices. We sought to dis- tims of IPV and SA are female, and there is no reason to
cover whether there are common patterns in experiences assume that would differ for the autistic population.
across genders; the ways in which autistic people feel
being autistic impacts their experiences; and what they felt Materials
could have helped them prepare for entering romantic and
sexual relationships more safely. Demographics. Participants verbally completed a short
demographics questionnaire before the semi-structured
interview began, answering questions about their age, gen-
Methods der, ethnicity, autism diagnosis and additional diagnoses.
Participants
Autism quotient – 10 item version (AQ-10). Participants ver-
Twenty-four autistic adults (6 cisgender male, 15 cisgen- bally completed this measure (Allison et al., 2012). The
der female, 3 non-binary) participated in semi-structured questionnaire assesses levels of autistic traits and consists
interviews (Mean age = 39.15, SD = 11.82, range: 25–61). of 10 statements. Participants answered ‘Yes’ or ‘No’
4 Autism 00(0)
(adapted for simplicity) as to whether they identify with themes and as far as is possible, autonomous of the
each statement. Scores range from 0–10, with a cut-off researcher’s preconceptions. This process followed the six
score of six or above being considered to reflect poten- steps outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006). The first three
tially clinical levels of autistic traits. stages were conducted independently by the two authors:
(1) data familiarization, (2) generation of initial codes
Semi-structured interview. The interview schedule was co- from semantic content, (3) searching for themes which can
produced between the two authors, one of whom is multi- be descriptive overviews of those codes. The two authors
ply neurodivergent, including being autistic. Questions then met multiple times to proceed through the final three
covered experiences of IPV and sexual victimization; stages: (4) reviewing themes through discussion between
whether and in what way participants felt being autistic the authors, (5) agreeing on themes and subthemes, and
interacted with these experiences; the sex and relation- naming them and (6) report production. There was a high
ships education they had received; and what they thought level of agreement on the initial codes the authors identi-
could be done to improve this education. The full inter- fied, though this was not quantified, with initial differ-
view schedule can be found in Supplementary Materials. ences in how these were grouped into themes. These
independent themes were refined through discussion into
those presented in this article.
Procedure
Data were collected between May and August 2020, during
Community involvement statement
the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic. Due to this
global context, all interviews were conducted online. From the start, this has been a co-produced project. The
Participants were offered the choice of video on (n = 20), research team are neurodiverse, with personal experience
video off (n = 1) or to communicate through typed chat of the issues covered, as well as experience in counselling
(n = 3). Non-typed interviews were audio recorded and neurodivergent survivors of abuse. Lived experience has
transcribed verbatim. Participants each received a £20 therefore informed every stage of this project, from con-
Amazon voucher as a thank-you for taking part in the study. ception and interview design, to manuscript production.
Analysis Results
Transcripts were subject to inductive thematic analysis, Six themes were identified in the data, with additional sub-
that is, without any theoretically grounded, predetermined themes. These are visualized in Figure 1. Solid arrows
Douglas and Sedgewick 5
denote connections between themes and their subthemes, autistic people in this study also aligned with the com-
dashed arrows denote connections between separate monly recognized behaviours in abusive relationships.
themes and subthemes. Please note that due to some poten- Examples such as gaslighting (psychologically manipulat-
tial participants withdrawing between registration and tak- ing someone into doubting their own recollections of
ing part in the interview, participant numbers go to 29 events or their mental health), coercion, physical, financial
although 24 people were included in the final dataset. abuse and isolation are outlined below:
In addition, participants of all genders talked about hav- I still have to be in contact with him [for the kids], he still is
ing been coerced into having sex or specific sexual activi- abusive over text message. (Participant 3, autistic woman)
ties by their partners:
Partner characteristics. There was a significant diversity
if I like, just wasn’t in the mood, she would make me feel really among the perpetrators of abuse against our participants,
guilty and say that it meant I wasn’t attracted to her, that I including family members (in childhood), teachers (also in
didn’t love her. (Participant 2, autistic non-binary person) childhood), friends or peers (at school or university),
opposite- and same-sex partners and strangers. For those
You do actually get to the point where you just think ‘Actually, who were recounting abuse at the hands of romantic part-
if I fight this, it’s going to be hell anyway, one way or the
ners, a shared pattern was that those partners were also
other’. We might as well get [it over with.] (Participant 17,
neurodivergent in some way, had mental health issues or
autistic woman)
had traumatic life histories:
Classic abuse tactics. In addition to sexual assault, which he was autistic too, and would say that what he did was my
was as often reported being committed by strangers as fault because I was triggering him, his sensory stuff, or
established partners, tactics which abusers used against the because I was being unreasonable in asking for my
6 Autism 00(0)
accommodations so he had to do these things to show me how was something which all our participants experienced.
to properly be his partner. (Participant 17, autistic woman) They talked about the fact that they felt particularly vul-
nerable to it, though, because they were autistic and were
she had her own emotional issues, she was a narcissist . . . used to being the one who ‘got things wrong’:
she came from a very controlling environment and learned it
all from her mother. (Participant 12, autistic man) I thought I was misinterpreting myself . . . they’re saying this
is enjoyable and this is fun, but I’m not liking it . . . in general
These characteristics were then seen as underlying in any kind of social situation I always got things wrong.
causes for the abusive behaviour of their partners, and so (Participant 2, autistic non-binary person)
the autistic victims spent a lot of time rationalising how
they had been treated: I grew up being told I was wrong, too sensitive, too serious,
not ladylike etc . . . for a long time I wasn’t even sure who I
he did get a diagnosis of BPD (Borderline Personality was . . . being involved with domestic violence does that too.
Disorder) . . . he was medicated for a little bit and the abuse (Participant 28, autistic woman)
stuff got better, but he got allergic to the medication, and
that’s when the final break happened ‘cause it just got really By undermining the participant’s sense of self along
bad really quick . . . got pushed into walls, pushed into with their sense of the relationship, the abusers were able
counters . . . [it was] emotional, verbal, very nasty, mean- to play on a lifetime of messages that the autistic people
mouthed. (Participant 3, autistic woman) ‘get it wrong’ to perpetuate the abuse. The other way in
which abusers often used the diagnosis to undermine autis-
I didn’t realise that people deal with these things different
tic people was in the eyes of other people – making them
than I would, I was kind of like ‘oh you’ve had a bit of crap
out to be unstable, or unreliable narrators of their experi-
growing up, you’ve gotten over it, you’re a functioning human
being’ but obviously he was deeply, deeply affected by stuff ences, for example. By doing this, the abusers created dis-
and it came out with him not being the nicest person to me. tance between the autistic victims and those who could or
(Participant 4, autistic woman) should help them, making it harder for the victim to leave.
This is an example of classic abuse tactic of isolation, but
for our participants it often had the added factor of telling
Autism used against you other people that the victim was autistic, playing on stereo-
Just as some abusers used their own neurotype, mental types about autistic people as being ‘bad at understanding
health or life history as excuses for their behaviour, many other people/social situations’ to minimize or dismiss
found ways in which to exploit or manipulate the autistic accounts of their abuse:
victim based around being autistic.
[he] didn’t want me to see friends and family without his
Abusing through autistic traits. There was a clear pattern consent . . . he told them I was autistic and that I thought every
little argument was abusive. (Participant 14, autistic woman)
of abusers using the fact that the victim was autistic against
them in some way to make the abuse more effective – many
she made me cut off all relationships I had with female friends
of them deliberately, as many participants had their diag- . . . male friends it was more subtle . . . making it known she
noses at the time they were in these relationships. Beyond was disappointed I was going to see them, or talking about all
the ways in which being autistic could be used to identify the ways I was ‘bad at relationship’, when we did to undermine
someone as a target for abuse ( ‘I think I appeal to that me. (Participant 15, autistic man)
kind of person, because I’ve always been a bit of a loner,
not had someone to talk to, to tell’ Participant 29, autistic Misinterpreting harmful intentions. All our participants had
woman), participants specifically talked about their abusers been sexually assaulted and raped more than once, or had
deliberately triggering meltdowns, so that the abuser could been in more than one abusive relationship. Many attrib-
then present the autistic victim as the ‘unreasonable one’: uted this to not recognizing the signs of abusive behaviour,
or of malicious intent in others:
she played on my autism quite a lot . . . she would use stuff
against me, she’d like trigger me to have a meltdown . . . then as I trusted people to not do horrible things ‘cause I would never
soon as I had the meltdown she’d be like ‘see, you’re the problem, imagine that they would do those thing. (Participant 4,
I have to put up with this’. (Participant 7, autistic woman) autistic woman)
I had the meltdown and he just said I’m being really emotional, he was the last in a line of people that kind of took advantage
really crazy. (Participant 14, autistic woman) of me when I was younger . . . I didn’t really understand, you
know, what really it would look like if somebody was interested
Undermining the autistic victim. One of the classic in you . . . so technically [there] was consent, but not informed
abuse tactics mentioned above is gaslighting, and this consent. (Participant 3, autistic woman)
Douglas and Sedgewick 7
I went straight out of that situation into an abusive relationship my parents would not have passed an exam for being parents
with my ex . . . that felt better, because I was like ‘yes, well . . . my father’s idea of telling us we were bad was give us a
she’s not doing these things to me, so it must be fine’’. backhander across the face, very fond of using pain . . . we
(Participant 7, autistic woman) were abused children and we accepted that was natural, well
that’s how it happens. (Participant 12, autistic man)
Participants emphasized that this was one areas where
they felt that being autistic most strongly intersected with In the case of some participants, family members were
their experiences of victimization. This was because they their original abusers, adding another pattern to
assumed the best of other people, they struggled to believe ‘Experiences of Abuse’, from our earlier theme. This meant
people could want to do something other than what they that from an (often incredibly) early age, sexual, physical
literally said, or they felt that being autistic made them and psychological abuse was part of their lives.
stand out as different, and therefore as a potential target:
my father used to molest me . . . I remember him doing it from
‘I did not read intentions well at all so I always felt sorry for the age of 6 or so, but I don’t remember when it started. He
him, I was like ‘oh there are all these reasons why he is being used to put his hands down inside my underwear, I used to roll
like this’ . . . he trapped me in his room, I couldn’t get out for away but he kept coming back. (Participant 2, autistic non-
the whole night. (Participant 7, autistic woman) binary person)
an old best friend when we were about 12, we’d gone to the I didn’t have that girl group that would normally be like ‘no
swimming pool together and afterwards we were in the dude, don’t get involved with that guy’ because those girl
changing rooms . . . .he threw my clothes and my swimmers groups, in my case, they weren’t around. (Participant 3,
which I’d taken off into his cubicle . . . he wanted me to do autistic woman)
everything. (Participant 2, autistic non-binary person)
This meant that our autistic participants were relatively
she had bullied me before . . . I pretended to be friends with isolated even before their abusers started to cut them off
her for an easier life. (Participant 9, autistic woman) from the few friends and connections they had. They were
therefore more reliant on their abusive partner as their
Some participants also talked about the fact that they main relationship than many non-autistic people would
deliberately mimicked certain peers or friends who they be, again making it harder to leave or challenge the
thought were socially successful, and that this led them behaviours.
into behaviours which they would not have necessarily
chosen otherwise: I used to rely all on one person, that’s one thing you shouldn’t
do . . . whoever you’re with. (Participant 22, autistic woman)
one of my only friends, basically, that I had for a long time . . .
she is the one that talked me into basically trying [sexual] Losing friends due to disclosure. Another aspect of interac-
things with the boyfriend at the time, dating older guys who tions with friends which several participants discussed
were not really appropriate. (Participant 3, autistic woman) was their friends’ reactions to being told about the abuse
the autistic person had experienced. While some had
This kind of masking was something which several par- supportive friends, or family members, many had much
ticipants had experienced. They did not always feel that more negative reactions from those around them. For
this contributed to abuse in their lives, but that they did end example, some had friends who denied that the assault or
up behaving in line with their ‘masked persona’ rather than abuse had happened, or who ended the friendship over
their authentic selves, which impacted relationships: the disclosure:
over time I became the funniest guy in the group which gave my friends . . . hadn’t believed me – like my best friend, who
me acceptance, a very false acceptance . . . I land up sleeping kept saying ‘Oh, I just think it’s the dynamic between you
with a girl that I had absolutely no emotional feelings for or two’. (Participant 17, autistic woman)
even sexual feelings for. (Participant 12, autistic man)
I tried to tell a friend, whose friend it was that [raped me], on
Both in regards to friendships and romantic relation- the first occasion, but it didn’t go well . . . I lost a friend
ships, participants talked about the impact of unmasking as because of it . . . she didn’t want to deal with it, it was better
much as the impact of masking. Often, when they were to pretend it didn’t happen, or didn’t happen how I was saying
unable to maintain their masked persona for some reason, it happened. (Participant 4, autistic woman)
or when they chose to behave in a more authentic way, this
was received negatively by those around them: Overall, the lack of social support autistic victims felt
was available to them had a significant impact on their
after I got pregnant and the hormones kicked in, I had zero ability to recognize abusive behaviour, and then to seek
spoons [energy] for anything else. I couldn’t mask anymore help with addressing that abuse. Many felt that they were
. . . he found that difficult and so things got worse. (Participant left to manage their experiences and their trauma alone,
28, autistic woman) which leads into the next theme.
after [the rape] I really struggled to keep up my mask in big
groups and social situations, especially parties like where it Handling trauma
happened . . . some of my friends kind of dropped me and All our participants recognized that the experiences they
stopped inviting me because ‘I wasn’t like before’. (Participant
had been through would generally be considered trau-
4, autistic woman)
matic. For some, this had the same kind of impact as
expected on non-autistic people, such as feeling anger or
Lack of protective friendships. For most participants, developing PTSD:
though, the main thing they focussed on was a lack of
friendships across their lives, which meant that they I was absolutely ragingly angry with everybody . . . it’s not
missed out on the protective advice or intervention their fault but it just really had an impact on our relationships.
which many non-autistic people benefit from. For exam- (Participant 18, autistic woman)
ple, they had no-one to talk to about it when they were
abused, or to check whether what they were going I had to have quite extensive therapy for PTSD. (Participant
through was normal: 20, autistic woman)
Douglas and Sedgewick 9
However, many said that they felt the events did not didn’t trust myself to know I had read the situation right.
hold an ongoing power over them, instead minimizing the (Participant 7, autistic woman)
impact or seeing it as a separate or inevitable part of life:
Long-term impact on relationships. Understandably,
I did what some [autistic] people tend to do, we compartmentalise while some participants felt that there had been minimal
it, so I just put it away for a while. (Participant 22, autistic impact from their abuse, the majority said that these
woman) experiences had significantly changed how they
approached relationships. For some, this impact was to
there’s a sort of general acceptance because it’s so horrifying, help them make better and safer relationship choices,
you’re so powerless to do anything about it, so you have to because it showed them what signs to look out for, and
accept it on some level . . . it’s almost like you’re in trauma or it’s they knew that their current relationships were healthy
over, it’s just black and white. (Participant 25, autistic woman)
because they did not have the same behaviours as previ-
ous ones:
This response appears to be trying to neutralize the
traumatic experience as part of someone’s biographical there was a couple of times when I was like ‘oh, this is a red
sense of self. Some participants put this down to their abil- flag for me’, and we’d talk it over . . . I’d be worried if she
ity to remove emotion from how they reacted or thought didn’t want to talk. (Participant 7, autistic woman)
about something, which they felt was a strength of being
autistic in these difficult situations: I’ve developed skills to identify my boundaries and the kind of
boundaries I don’t want people to cross . . . I trust him, I don’t
I approach decisions with an excruciating level of rationality think he’s going to be scheming for ways to manipulate me.
and logic . . . it’s mostly been quite helpful, I’ve taken a very (Participant 20, autistic woman)
practical view on everything. (Participant 15, autistic man)
A minority of participants, though, found their experi-
Shutting down. Most of our participants recalled that as ences had the opposite effect. Rather than giving them an
things were happening to them, their automatic response indication of what good relationships looked like, their
was to shut down, and try to shut it out, rather than to react experiences left them scared and suspicious of anyone who
aggressively or even by trying to run away: sought out a relationship with them:
I think that predisposed me to . . . I was less likely to put up I used to assume the best intentions, and now I just go ahead
resistance and more likely to blame myself. (Participant 20, and assume the worse. (Participant 3, autistic woman)
autistic woman)
I avoid people in general as much as humanly possible.
I was very, very passive . . . I’d just float along, a situation (Participant 4, autistic woman)
would happen to me. (Participant 22, autistic woman)
I see the vast majority of men as potential sexual predators,
Many attributed this to ‘passivity’ – both in terms of whereas a neurotypical person would think ‘ok, this has
things being done to them, and in terms of appearing as happened but not all men are like that’. (Participant 9, autistic
someone whom things could be done to. Because of this woman)
passivity, which was often a learned response to a lifetime
of being told that their natural responses were wrong both A minority took this to the point of extrapolating from
at home and in school, many victims were then reluctant to how they had been treated by one person to ‘all people are
report what had happened to them. Many felt that they like that really, so I might as well do what I want’, and
wouldn’t be believed, because they hadn’t said ‘no’, or becoming very cold and transactional in how they talked
thought that they had not said it ‘the right way’: about sexual partners:
I didn’t tell anyone! I just thought I’d get in trouble . . . I just I’ve found for myself many time the trade-off is sex . . . if I
didn’t think I’d be believed, to be honest. (Participant 22, sexually satisfy you . . . .you can tell me about normal life.
autistic woman) (Participant 12, autistic man)
Autistic people also explicitly talked about blaming It is not surprising that a range of different people would
themselves for what had happened based on their response, have a variety of long-term responses to repeated victimi-
or lack of response, and their perceived difficulties in zation. This variation highlights the need for better under-
interpreting social interactions: standing of these experiences among autistic people, and
support for those who have been victimized, to try to
At the time I felt like, I’d definitely done something wrong and ensure that future relationships are positive rather than
I was very worried about getting him into trouble, because I leading to further isolation.
10 Autism 00(0)
Recommendations for relationship and sex and break, if education is not supporting younger autistic
education (RSE) people to develop healthy relationships.
et al., 2019; Pfeffer, 2016). It is likely that, even though and healthy relationships they had been in, and how in
our participants were mostly verbal and did not have co- good relationships, their partners had acknowledged the
occurring intellectual disability, aspects of being autistic differences which came with their neurotype, but did not
made them stand out to perpetrators in similar ways. use these to harm or manipulate them as abusers had.
One of the novel findings of this work is the descrip- That several of our participants discussed ways in
tions of ways in which abusers deliberately ‘weaponised’ which patterns of abuse had been present in their lives
features of autism against the participants. The most com- even from childhood was an unexpected finding. Research
monly discussed were, first, playing on the victims history with non-autistic people has previously shown that chil-
of difficulty in social situations to reinforce and strengthen dren who grow up in households where domestic or sexual
gaslighting tactics – emphasizing the message that they abuse is present are more likely to be in abusive relation-
didn’t understand social interactions properly to pretend ships as adults. This appears to apply to autistic people as
that behaviours weren’t abusive. Second, by deliberately well, and may be especially important in making it hard for
triggering meltdowns (an abusive behaviour in itself), and them to identify healthy and unhealthy relationship behav-
then using that to present the autistic victim as overly emo- iours from others, because they are likely to have fewer
tional, irrational and potentially even dangerous, both to alternative models for social interactions outside the fam-
themselves and to people outside the relationship. This ily, due to their social differences and often social isola-
acted to undermine the autistic person if they did tell some- tion. As autistic children whose parents report adverse
one what was happening or try to reach out for help, childhood experiences (ACEs) are themselves more likely
because people in their lives were predisposed to think that to have ACEs (Andrzejewski et al., 2023), it is likely that a
the autistic person was an unreliable narrator of events. similar inter-generational pattern can occur around abu-
Participants described this being the case with friends, sive relationships.
church communities and even family members, and how Another important finding in this study was the variety
these relationships sometimes suffered after they had left of ways in which autistic people described responding to
their abuser because those people felt it was the victims’ having been assaulted or in abusive situations. Some were
fault in some way. While this is not unusual for autistic or very matter-of-fact about their experiences, and felt that
non-autistic survivors, but where our participants and their they had moved on by drawing clear boundaries around it.
abusers knew that they were autistic at the time of the This type of compartmentalization or minimization could
abuse (often the case in adult romantic relationships), the be seen as a parallel to the dissociation which is common
abuser had often specifically played into stereotypes about as a response to trauma – one which often interferes with
autistic people’s social capacity to convince other people healing from the experiences. It has been shown to be a
that the participant had interpreted the situation wrongly. common experience among autistic adults who have expe-
Using autistic features to harm an autistic person is rienced interpersonal trauma (such as SA or IPV) (Reuben
stigma and prejudice in action, and could be classified as a et al., 2021). That this is such a widespread response
hate crime. Experiences of aggression, and oppression, among autistic people who have been through these kinds
based on being autistic, have been explored by autistic of trauma is important for authorities and support provid-
scholars through the lens of Minority Stress Theory ers to know, as it will influence the ways in which they
(Meyer, 1995). Minority Stress Theory argues that people work with survivors.
with minority or marginalized identities experience more Other participants discussed how there had been long-
stressors in their everyday lives, and that this contributes term impacts on their romantic and sexual relationships,
to poor mental health and overall outcomes. Autistic peo- from helping identify healthy and positive behaviours in a
ple are a neurominority, being neurodivergent in a majority partner to a generalized suspicion (particularly of cisgen-
neurotypical world, and therefore can experience identity- dered men) and reluctance to engage in new partnerships.
based discrimination in the same way as minority ethnic or Our participants also talked about having developed PTSD
sexuality groups can, with similar negative impacts on in response to their experiences. PTSD is a common
their mental health (Botha & Frost, 2020). In terms of response to having been a victim of IPV (Dutton et al.,
autistic experiences of abuse, Pearson et al. (2023) explic- 2006), and it is not surprising that this was also the case in
itly placed their research within Frost’s model of social this sample. As mentioned previously, autistic people are
stigma and its consequences (Frost, 2011). Through this more likely to have PTSD than non-autistic people, espe-
lens, they argued that abuse should be seen as a form of cially around social incidents (Haruvi-Lamdan et al., 2020;
‘situational’ vulnerability rather than personal vulnerabil- Rumball et al., 2020, 2021), and this study emphasizes that
ity – that being in a situation where the other person is message. It is possible that for autistic people, who are
willing to manipulate features of your neurotype to harm often already socially marginalized, the impact of relation-
you is not something which should be seen as the victim’s ship-based abuse is more intense than for non-autistic peo-
fault. This was echoed in interviews with our participants, ple, and therefore may contribute more to the development
who talked about the differences between the unhealthy of PTSD. More work needs to be done to understand the
12 Autism 00(0)
ways in which PTSD among autistic people based on IPV likelihood of warping the interpretation. The separate initial
and SA develops and is experienced, so that more effective coding of the data also ensured independence and gave
support can be designed to help this particularly vulnerable space for discussion about where authors may have brought
group. That several participants talked about their experi- their personal views into their codes. We would argue that
ences in ways which might appear unusual to professionals the make-up of the team was a strength of this work, and
who are not knowledgeable about autism could become a ensuring the input of people with lived experience is valua-
barrier to accessing support, as has been seen in physical ble in any study in this area. It meant that the measures could
health settings (Doherty et al., 2022), and policies for be designed collaboratively and phrased in ways which
working with neurodivergent victims are needed to were likely to be the least distressing for participants, for
improve care and potential prosecution rates. example. Most importantly, it meant that participants felt
Another form of support which was lacking in the expe- they could trust that researchers would understand what
rience of our participants was adequate RSE. Many had they were talking about and were therefore more able to be
only received basic instruction in the biology and mechan- open and share the truth of their experiences – incredibly
ics of sex, with no discussion of consent or good versus valuable in qualitative research on sensitive topics.
abusive behaviours, meaning that they were, in the words
of one participant, ‘ill-equipped’, for the reality and nuance
Limitations
of adult relationships. This lack of high-quality and wide-
ranging RSE for autistic young people has been discussed As with all research, there were limitations to this project.
in previous literature, highlighting that many are not taught First, the relatively small sample size means that the find-
what are appropriate behaviours either for them to engage ings should not be over-generalized. This is not unusual for
in or to receive from others (Beddows & Brooks, 2016; qualitative work, and the representation of autistic people
Hannah & Stagg, 2016). This has been shown to be a fac- of many genders is a strength of the sample, although this
tor in vulnerability to SA and IPV for autistic people of all would ideally be more equally balanced to ensure explora-
genders in adulthood (Brown-Lavoie et al., 2014). Even tion of the abuse experiences of men and non-binary people
our younger participants had struggled to access good who are often overlooked in victimization research. Second,
RSE, despite being of an age where RSE was mandatory we recognize that the sample is highly uniform in being
during their school years, instead often finding out infor- majority White, late diagnosed and mostly using verbal
mation themselves from less reputable sources, and this communication. It is likely that autistic people of colour,
left them with potentially harmful models of what to who are multiply marginalized, will have somewhat differ-
expect in a sexual relationship. It is also worth noting that ent experiences of abusive relationships, and of seeking
none of our participants explicitly mentioned that they had formal support, which are not included in this study. Those
attended anything other than mainstream schooling, and so who are diagnosed later in life are likely to have different
autistic people in special educations settings may receive vulnerabilities and experiences than those who have an ear-
even less effective RSE, where it may be assumed that lier diagnosis, which often accompanies more obvious sup-
young people do not ‘need’ it due to stereotypes about their port needs. This is especially the case for those who may
likelihood of engagement in romantic or sexual relation- rely more on caregivers, or be less able to communicate
ships (Sedgewick, Crane, et al., 2019). While there is rela- things that have happened to them, particularly in child-
tively little work on RSE for autistic young people, studies hood. Equally, those who use non-verbal communication
consistently show that this group feel they would benefit will have different experiences and challenges around the
from more, and more tailored, RSE (Cheak-Zamora et al., topic which would be valuable to further research. We did
2019; Hannah & Stagg, 2016). Considering that all chil- not collect information about sexual orientation from all
dren and young people in the United Kingdom now have participants, although participants discussed both differ-
to receive some form of RSE as part of their compulsory ent- and same-gender experiences – future research
schooling, this seems like an obvious target for improving should do so as non-heterosexual people may be more
the information given to young people of all neurotypes likely to experience interpersonal victimization, and less
about healthy relationships. Doing so may help to prevent likely to seek support (Rothman et al., 2011; Tillewein
future instances of autistic people being victimized, and et al., 2023). It is also worth noting that it was beyond the
the accompanying long-term mental health consequences. scope of this study to evaluate the impact of co-occurring
The research team and advisors were neurodiverse with neurodivergences or mental health diagnoses on autistic
varied lived experiences of sexual victimisation (SV) and people’s experiences of victimization, something which
IPV. These personal perspectives on the issue have the future research should investigate. Finally, this study did
potential to introduce subjectivity, as with any form of not focus specifically on experiences of interacting with
‘insider research’. However, the range of experiences dis- services, which would be a crucial issue to understand in
cussed by participants did not directly match with those of more depth to create recommendations for best practice in
the study team, giving some distance and reducing the supporting autistic abuse victims.
Douglas and Sedgewick 13
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