Factors Affecting Code Switching: A Case

Study of an Urban Family in Petaling Jaya

Kuang Ching Hei

Fakulti Bahasa dan Linguistik
Universiti Malaya

Introduction

The multi linguistic and multi racial environment of a country like Malaysia is
not only rich in cultures, traditions and food, but also in the varieties of lan­
guages (including dialects) used among speakers of the country. This phenom­
enon of using a variety of languages (including dialects) to perform speech
functions has been identified by studies as code swilching although such stud­
ies do not mention dialects. A phenomenon most commonly found among bi­
lingual or multilingual societies, code switching has become an important
issue in the studies of language and language use among people, communities
and societies. Described as being the "most creative aspect of bilingual speech"
(Hoffman 1991), it has also been seen as a mark of 'linguistic decay" and "a
sign of laziness" (ibid.)
78 JURNAL BAHASA MODEN

Hoffman's argument was based on the interpretation that code switching

is a result of the inability of bilingual speakers to carry on a conversation be­
cause of their inability to acquire the two separate languages at the same time
properly or the bilingual's inability to keep these two languages distinctly apart
from each other. Here code switching is seen as occurring when an imminent
monolingual conversation breakdown is quickly repaired or bridged through
the use of inserted words, phrases, or even sentences of another language (in
my opinion dialects too) within that conversation. As this type of definition is
inappropriate for this article, I shall discuss code switching as a natural pro­
cess of interaction between two or more speakers who have acquired the abil­
ity to speak in more than one language (including dialects) throughout any
type of conversation.

The aim of this article is to examine why members of an urban family

code switch among themselves. It also hopes to identify some of the factors
that may lead to code switching and also to ascertain whether there is a certain
amount of language consciousness on the part of the participants to fulfil cer­
tain purposes/functions and, if so, why?

Theoretical framework

The generalised notion of code switching is that it involves the "alternate use
of two languages or linguistic varieties within the same utterance or during the
same conversation" (Hoffman, 1991). Yau (1997) expands on it a little more
to include "the'use of more than one language in a single communicative ex­
change" Code switching has been claimed by sociologists to be a product of
bilingualism - an ability to speak two languages at the same time, a natural
process in the refining of one's mastery.of a certain language, a normal strat­
egy employed to perform various functions. Since there are various definitions
of the term, I will call upon my own perception of code switching which sees
it as a process of interaction between two or more speakers who have each
acquired the ability to speak in more than one language, including dialects,
throughout any type of conversation.

Seen as a normative way of speaking (Yau, 1997) in most multi ethnic

communities, code switching has been identified by various studies to com­
prise several types. Among these are code switching at the word level (see
Oskar, 1974; Mkilfli,1978; Grosjean, 1982; Aguirre, 1985; Hoffman, 1991),
code switching at the phrase level, code switching at the sentential level as
 FACTORS AFFECTING CODE SWITCHING 79

well as code switching in tags or exclamations. Other theories have also men­
tioned the employment of code switching in chunks, an area which has not
been duly researched into. Mclaughlin, 1984 (in Hoffman 1991) distinguishes
between code switching and code mixing by saying that code mixing occurs
wilhin Ihe senlential level and usually involves lexical ilems. On the other
hand, code switching is the process of language changes occurring "across
phrases or boundaries" Switches within a sentence are termed intrasententiLll
while switches between senlences are classified as intersententiLll. Where
swilches involve items such as tags or exclamalions, the term used is "em­
blematic switching" (Poplack, 1980 in Hoffman, 1991).

Functions of code switching

Chen (1996) in her studies of Chinese/English code swilching among speakers

in a teachers' college in Taiwan identified five functions of code switching and
Ihey are:

I the expressive function,

2. the directivefunction;
3. the meta linguistic function;
4. the poetic function; and
5. the referentiLll function.

Others have identified code switching as a necessary vehicle to convey

power, solidarity, secrecy, inrimacy, emotions, glory, status, ideology, neutral­
ity, religion, kinship, and many more (from discussions "On a Sociolinguistic
Profile of Surao Khiao" and "The Linguistic Setting in Sierram" in the
Language and Power seminar under the supervision of James Collins, June!
July 1997, Universili Kebangsaan Malaysia).

Every occurrence of code switching is inlaid with a certain purpose in

mind. Jassem (1994) claims that there are three main reasons for code switch­
ing to occur. The first of Ihese is based on the social premise because of the
desire of the speakers concerned to display their social status through the use
of English (seen as a language of prestige) within a conversation between two
speakers. The next reason is related to Ihe psychological premise because it is
related to the "inner workings of the self' (Iassem, 1994:113). In this instance,
interlocutors code switch "to project a higher image of Ihemselves while si­
multaneously looking down on others". Jassem demonstrates this by citing a
80 JURNAL BAHASA MODEN

conversational situation between high status and low status Bengali speakers
in Malaysia who elected to use English with non-English speaking Bengali
wives from India who had arrived to be with their husbands in Malaysia. The
last reason has to do with the socio-psychological premise where speakers
code switch "to associate and identify themselves with a higher culture, a higher
language, and a higher people, or to dissociate themselves from a lower cul­
ture, a lower language, and lower status people" (ibid.)

The above functions and reasons will be used in the analysis of the data
collected for the purpose of this study. Where functions pertaining to my analysis
cannot be explained through the terms indicated above, I shall attempt to pro­
vide my own explanation.

Methodology

All data (conversations) for the purpose of this study were recorded and tran­
scribed through a period of one week. This was to allow for a more genuine
collection of data. To counter check the analysis of the data, interviews were
also conducted with the more reliable participants, the male parent (Papa) and
the elder male offspring (SH).

Since the researcher is also a member of the family, the recording session
had to be conducted openly in order to get the younger participants accus­
tomed to the idea of hearing themselves on tape, thereby, leading to more au­
thentic interactions. This was the reason for not performing the exercise sur­
reptitiously. In other words, this open style of recording was done in order to
generate more genuine data. The open recording attempt was seen as a way of
eliminating the likelihood of the conversation being "constructed" for the pur­
pose of recording.

Background of the Family

There are four members in this Chinese-Malaysian family, and they reside in a
busy part of Petaling Jaya. The male parent, also known as Papa, is between
40-45 years of age. He is very fluent in Mandarin, Malay and English, and he
is equally fluent in the Chinese dialects of Cantonese (mother tongue), Klang!
Penang Hokk.ien, Hakka and Teochew. A lawyer by profession, the male par­
ent is animated, sociable, articulate and easy going by nature. The female par­
ent, also known as MOM, is a university lecturer aged between 35-40.
 FACTORS AFFECTING CODE SWITCHING 81

MOM is very fluent in English and Malay, equally fluent in her mother
tongue, Penang Hokkien, but has only a speaking knowledge (mesolectal vari­
ety) of Mandarin.Of the two male children, the elder one, SH, is 13 years of
age and attends the Catholic High School of Petaling Jaya where 95% of the
students speak Mandarin among themselves. SH is very fluent in Malay (a
result of six years of schooling in Sekolah Rendah Bukit Bintang) but has a
slightly lower rate of fluency in spoken English, Mandarin, Cantonese and
Penang Hokkien. The youngest participant, PH, who is almost 6 years of age
attends a kindergarten where English and Mandarin are used. He was brought
up speaking Mandarin but has been immersed in English consistently as a
result of the environment created by the parents whose usual mode of commu­
nication between themselves and SH is English.

The usual language of communication in this family is 80% English and

20% Hokkien between both parents, 80% Mandarin, 19% English and 1 %
others between PH and the male parent, while it is 80% Mandarin and 20%
English between PH and the female parent.Between PH and SH the usual
mode of communication is 99% Mandarin and 1% others.EnglishlPenang
HokkienlMandarin (in this order of frequency) is consistently used between
the female parent and SH while the male parent switches between the follow­
ing languages/dialects: MandarinlPenang HokkienlMalay/Cantonese!English
(in this order of frequency) with SH. All the participants, when gathered to­
gether, use a mixture of Mandarin, English, Penang Hokkien, and Cantonese
(in that order of frequency).The maternal grandmother who lives with the
family speaks Penang Hokkien and a mesolectal variety of Mandarin to PH
but uses only Penang Hokkien with SH and the parents.

Analysis of the data

The data collected was transcribed and further analysed based on the situa­
tions where the code switching occurred.In order to arrive at a more acurate
analysis, the participants were also asked why they had code switched when
the climate for code switching seems to become dominant in one language or
when the participants code switched between two or three languages including
dialects.
82 JURNAL BAHASA MODEN

Reasons and Functions of Code Switching

Extract I

PH. Che yang ni chi chung liang sien, woh ken ..... who ken papa
chiang ..zjJQ ter ni tung rna? (Mandarin translated : Then you go
bathe first . .. 1 told I told papa that you Ki�one you know?)
. . ..

MOM: Se mok, se mok si gilQ ? (Mandarin translated: What does gila

[Malayfor "mad"] mean?)

In this instance, it can be said that PH has not exactly code switched from
Mandarin to Malay but has rather borrowed the Malay lexical item gila for
two reasons. First of all, gila to PH is equivalent to stupid. Secondly, the word
gila is deployed as a strategy to complete what would have been a Mandarin
gap created by the word fung which means "mad" in Mandarin. However, in
gila is employed as a substitute for the Man­
the context of this conversation,
darin item so which means stupid. Fulfilling its role in this vacuum, gila ap­
pears to be a friendlier term at the time it was used since it is a borrowed item.
Also, in most traditional Chinese families, there are certain taboo words and
these include words like fung which means mad and sa which means stupid.
In this context, it would seem that the word gila has been consistently used for
more private and more intimate interactions between the two equals as be­
tween the siblings, PH and SH. It can also be explained that the word gila,
besides being a consistent linguistic tool of intimacy, also functions as a typi­
cal "borrowed" word, an entity by itself. As such it is less likely to be per­
ceived as derogatory or provocative. By its mere use, the word gila defuses the
tension that could have arisen with the original use of the Mandarin word fung
or sa both of which are not only taboo but also rude.

Extract 2:

PH: H ahf ....Woh choh wanfa meng ter rna (Mandarin translated: Yes,
1 had the dream last night.)
MOM: Oh,fa meng ah? Fa meng allrightlab, huh? Canforgivefait.
(Mandarin translated. Oh dream is it? Dream all right lah, huh?
Canfargive lah.)
 FACTORS AFFECTING CODE SWITCHING 83

At this juncture, the female parent, MOM code switched from Mandarin
10 English because she wanted to neutralise the situation in which PH had used

Ihe inopportune taboo word, gila to describe her as being stupid rather than
mad.By switching to the English response of "all right lah" and "can forgive
lah", MOM assured PH that she understood that gila was used in the "dream",
a fantasy, not a reality and therefore she was not angry with him and certainly

did not intend to punish him for using the term. This appears to verify lassem's
claim of the psychological premise which is related to the "inner workings of
the self' In the situation described above, MOM assumes the role of a person
of a higher status. She is the authority and in that capacity, she had defused the
tension which PH had psychologically accumulated through the account of his
"dream". However, in her attempt to exercise that authority, MOM did not
regard the role of PH as that of someone of a lower status, to be "looked down"
on.Instead, she identified PH as the "weaker" party that needed to be reas­
sured.Thus, the two English applications of "all right lah" and "Can forgive
lab" serve as a means of assuring PH that his status as one who is young and
forgivable is accepted. This eventually serves to reinstate him in his original
position in MOM's eyes.

Extract 3:

Papa: So, so he has to stop halfway or wenl back 10 K.L he went back 10
K.L, you know?
Hah, wenl back ro K.L. .. um.. 1 rhink he .. .. eirher push offlasr mid­
nighr or push off rhis morning.
Ah! Ah....ifyou can, you give him a callfirsr .
Adareidonkah? (Malay rranslared: Do you have a phone?)

Throughout this particular instance of a telephone conversation, Papa switched

10 Malay only once and this occurred in the middle of the conversation only,

unlike Chen's explanation on code switching which occurs "at the end of a
speech situation" (Chen 1996:227) for the purpose of performing a directive
function.Papa's deliberate attempt in code switching at this point was to in­
struct or direct the caller to pursue the matter of discussion by telephoning the
person mentioned in their discussion.This switch can also be seen as a strat­
egy to emphasise his original instruction which was "can you give him a call
first?" while simultaneously asserting his authority as the person being con­
sulted on this particular incident.Another reason why Papa code switched was
84 ruRNAL BAHASA MODEN

because of his desire to draw the attention of his listener. An instant change of
language within a conversation can appear as an "awakening" for the other
party, and in this case, the switch from English to Malay serves as an alert sign
for the other party. As a result, the intended instruction came across as clearer
and surer for both parties. This consequently, minimises any likelihood of
miscommunication. This analysis appears to support Hoffman'S (1991) obser­
vation about code switching that says that code switching may occur as a fonn
of reinforcement to what has been said earlier in a conversation.

Extract 4:

PH. Na, mommy, na kei ni liau. (Mandarin translated: Here mommy,

I've taken/or you.)
MOM' Who asked youtoqpenup�
Hmm? Mommy yu chiao ni kai rna? (Mandarin translated: Did
mommy ask you to open?)

MOM switched from Mandarin suddenly to English because she was applying
the strategy of changing to a new topic while simultaneously infonning PH
that this was an admonition. This appears to confirm the theory which states
that one code switches within a conversation in order to demonstrate one's
social standing among two unequals (Jassem, 1994; Yau. 1997; Chen. 1996).
Although both PH and MOM are not motivated by the idea of prestige and
status, this particular switch serves as a display of some form of power. This
particular instance of code switching was executed so as to assert authority
upon the person of lower status.

Extract 5:

PH. Na Ii? Chai na Ii? (Mandarin translated: Where? Where is it?)

MOM: Kang choi ni na. ...cher kerk pu yung kai. (Mandarin translated:
The one you took)ust now..... This one no need to c/ose.)
The trQusersYOU brQugh,just now?
PH Nah! (Here it is!)

With code switching happening at the sentence level. it may be said that MOM
used English as a strategy to change the topic of discussion which shifted from
 FACTORS AFFECTING CODE SWITCHING 85

the conversation about "trousers" to something, probably, an object, which PH

was trying to close with a lid. The conversation later resumed in Mandarin.

Extract 6:

MOM: Thank you. . .Thank you.

PH: Sarna-sarna (Malay translated: You are welcome.)
MOM. Sarna-sarna? Choh mok ni hwei chiang sarna-sarnatuiah? (Man­
darin translated: How come you know the tenn?)
Chai na Ii sieh lai ter,sarna-sarna (Mandarin translated: W here
did you learn itfrom?)

It has been observed that code switching that "typically occurs when the sub­
ject is quoting somebody else," (Hoffman 1991: 116) is used as a means of
providing emphasis. This same phenomenon appears to exist in the occurrence
of PH's sarna-sarna which could be explained as a recall in verbatim or in
imitation of something he had heard before. The same phrase is repeated by
MOM in her desire to seek further clarification when she asked, "Sarna-sarna?
Choh mok ni hwei chiang_sarna-sarna ter leh?" This therefore mirrors another
example of code switching as a form of quotation.

Extract 7:

PH. Ha liau (Hokkien translated: And then... )

Woh pen lai tou sze.... (Mandarin translated: I actually. .. )

Code switching from Hollien to Mandarin, in this instance, may be viewed

as a repair strategy in which the speaker had originally wanted to talk about a
different topic which was on his mind (Yau, 1996) but due to the influence of
another oncoming thought, the subject of discussion was switched, inevitably
making the former thought incomplete and thereby unsaid. Subsequently, the
latter thought dominated the conversation and it was thus resumed in another
language. This illustration demonstrates that PH was about to talk about a
different topic as indicated by the use of the Hollien, "Ha liau ....... He code
switched to Mandarin in order to hegin a new topic and thus resumed the con­
versation in the same language.
86 JURNAL BAHASA MODEN

Extract 8:

Papa: Chi Por Dickson, ah? (Mandarin translated: Go to Port Dickson?

The pronunciatioll of Por for Port was deliberate).
SH: Par Dickson.
PH. Par Dickson, Par Dicksoll, Par Dickson, Par Dickson.
Papa: Eh. the Sri Manja CQun ah..,..inside the cgnteen ahe open. and
thenah .",there is one. thisqh, ration shop.o.pen. youknow?

This occurrence of switching from Mandarin to English signals a change of

topic as well as a change of interlocutors for a different subject of discussion.
From this example, it is clear that Papa was not continuing the conversation
with SH and PH. His focus had switched to something about buildings and
his attention was on to another interlocutor.

Extract 9:

Papa: Bo hoh chiai<.herpeng (Holckien translated: The food there is not

nice to eat)
MOM Ithought we ate that time....okay.
Papa: No....
SH: Gotma.
Papa: .. 110t too good lah, for me. Holckien mee, Lau sit lea Iu/cong.
(Holckien translated. Hokkien m .., frankly speaking....) ifIwere
to eat, ha, Templer lah. Other place, ha, tcht! .
SH' Where?
Papa: .. . ....... .... bah sea" chjgk. (Holckien translated: I don't feel
like eating.)

In this context, code switching from Hollien to English seems to be related

to the discussion of food whereby the identity of the food discussed is ac­
knowledged through the choice of dialect. In other words, recognition of
Hokkiel1 mee was asserted via the use of the dialect, Hollien. As the impact of
the discussion builds up, emphasis gets further asserted through strong vehe­
ment phrases in Hokkien such as "I au sit ka lu kong", a typical Hollien phrase
 FACTORS AFFECTING CODE SWITCHING 87

employed by Hollien speakers to apply emotive stress on the topic of discus­

sion. Similarly as the impact lessens, the speaker deploys a neutral language
like English to soften his emphasis as can be seen in "if I were to eat. .. " The
same momentum comes to the fore again when the speaker switches to Hollien
as in "boh seau chiak" to reassert his lack of desire in eating the much dis­
cussed uHokkien mee",

Extract 10:

Papa: Medan Selera? (Name of a food court)

MOM: Hah, Medan Selera.
Papa: Medan Selera ....
MOM. ddik. (Malay for younger brother), how are you?

The switch from Malay (Adik) to English (how are you) seems to suggest that
MOM is indicating a desire to change topic. However, while the switch to Adik
appears to be conscious, the switch to "how are you?" may be viewed as an
unconscious a!tempt by the speaker to withdraw from the world of food to the
real world of here and now, where the family members are all gathered to­
gether physically Jassem (1994) mentions the psychological effects of code
switching that is related to the "inner workings of the self'. He implies that the
effect of these "inner workings" is due to the way the speaker perceives
himself and how he perceives others and therefore he code switches with a
certain amount of awareness. However, in this analysis of psychological im­
pact working on MOM, it is believed that her code switching was due to her
intention of wanting to distance herself from the less tangible environment of
food to being in a more tangible environment of the physical presence of her
family members. In this aspect, my interpretation of the psychological make
up of a person differs from Jassem's. Where Jassem's description appears to
be conscious and voluntary, this illustration seems to suggest lack of aware­
ness as portrayed by MOM in this instance.

Conclusion

The main concern of this study has been to investigate some of the reasons
behind the code switching strategy practised among members of a family. Stud­
ies have confinned that code switching, which is prevalent in bilingual and
88 iURNAL BAHASA MODEN

multilingual societies, has been consistently employed to perform various

functions and to fulfil certain purposes. Some of the findings of the earlier
studies have been confirmed by my own study. In addition, my own investiga­
tion has also attempted to shed some light on the conscious and unconscious
effort of family members in language choice. This study has also revealed
certain patterns of code switching which appear to have specific reasons for
their occurrence.

My study has shown that code switching is used to signal a change in

topic, 10 neutralise a situation, to display power and authority, to relate a topic
to a language/dialect, to return from a "distant" environment to a "here and
now" environment, to emphasise and to reemphasie, to seek equality, to draw
attention to an instruction as well as to keep a conversation going. There have
also been studies which have suggested that code switching can be employed
as a strategy to perform functions such as to admonish, to assuage and to pacify,
to direct, to repair a conversation as well as to express emotions. The findings
of my investigation are by no means conclusive and further investigations would
indeed be needed to verify the claims that have been made.
 FAcroRS AFFECTING CODE SWITCHING 89

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